<B SPARL0>  
<Q SC0 STA LAW ACTS0>  
<N PARLIAMENT ACTS>  
<A X>  
<C SC0>  
<O DATE 1455-1483>  
<M MEDIUM MS>  
<D CSC>  
<V PROSE>  
<T LAW>  
<G X>  
<F X>  
<W WRITTEN>  
<X X>  
<Y X>  
<H X>  
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN>  
<E X>  
<J X>  
<I FORMAL>  
<Z STAT>  
<S SAMPLE X>  
  
[^THE ACTS OF THE PARLIAMENTS OF SCOTLAND, 1124-1707, VOLS.  
I-XII. 
EDINBURGH 1814-1875. 
SAMPLE 1: PP. II,44.11 (1ST COLUMN) - 52.34 (2ND COLUMN) 
SAMPLE 2: PP. II,94.1 (2ND COLUMN) - 101.4 (2ND COLUMN) 
SAMPLE 3: PP. II,132.31 (1ST COLUMN) - 145.19 (1ST COLUMN) 
SAMPLE 4: PP. II,158.22 (2ND COLUMN) - 163.9 (2ND COLUMN)^] 
 
<S SAMPLE 1> 
<P 44.C1> 
[} (\APUD STRIVILLING. 
XIII DIE OCTOBRIS, A.D. M,CCCC,LV.\) }] 
(\Parliame~tu~ excelle~tissimj pri~cipis et dn~j nr~i 
metue~dissimj 
dn~j Jacobj Secundi dei gratia scoto~ Regis 
Illustrissimj tentu~ apud strivilling xiij=o= die me~s 
Octobr~ Anno dn~j M=mo= cccc=mo= lv=to= c~g=e=gat~ t~b~ Regnj 
statibus\) 
 
ITEM it is sene spedfull +tat thar be cost maide at +te  
est passage betuix Roxburghe and berwik and +t=t= it  
be waukyt at c~tane furd~ +te quhilk~ gif myst~ be sall  
mak taky~nis be balys birnyng & fyre In +te first a  
baill to be maide be +te waukar~ of +te furd~ quhar  
it may be sene at hvme And als at +te sa~myn waukar~  
may cu~ to hvme in p~pir persoun Ande +tar +te balys  
to be maide on +tis man~ A baile is warnyng of +t~  
cu~yng~ quhat power~ +t=t= eu~ +taj be of Twa balis togidd~ 
at anis thay ar cu~ing~ i~ deide four~ balis ilkane  
besyde v+t~ and all at anys as four~ ca~dill~ salbe  
suthfast knalege +t=t= +tai ar of gret power~ and menys  
als far as hadingtowne du~bar dalkeithe or tharby  
+tir sa~myn taky~nis to be wachyt and maide at Eggerhop 
castell fra +taj se +te fyr~ of hvme +t=t= +taj fyr  
ry~sa Ande in lik man~ at soltray ege fra +taj see  
+te fyr of Eggerhop castell ande mak takyn in lik  
man~ And than may all lothiane be warnyt ande in  
speciall +te castell of Edinburghe And +tar four~ fyr~ to  
be maide in lyke maner +t=t= +taj i~ fyf and fra strivilling  
est ande +te est p~t of louthiane and to du~bar all may  
se +tame and cu~ to +te defence of +te lande Ande +taj  
will no=t= be sleuthfull +tai self for to be warnyt of thir  
fyris +taj sall wit +t~ cu~yng o=r= tweide Ande +tan consid~ing 
+tar fer passage we sall god willing be als~ sone  
redy as thaj And all pepill drawe +t=t= ar on +te west  
half of Edinburgh +t~to And all fra Edinburghe est to 
hadingtone And all m~chand~ of burowys to p~sew  
the hoist quhar~ it pass~ And at Du~pe~d~lawe ande  
northberwyk lawe balys to be brynt for warnyng of  
+te cost syde of +te see in forme before writyn~  
<P 44.C2> 
ITEM gif ony Scott~ ma~ dois ony tresone +t=t= is to say 
warnys of +te riding of ane hoist or ony scott~ ma~ to 
do harme in Inglande or to Inglisme~ and it may be 
opinly knawyn~ apon him he sall furthwithe haif +te 
c~mon law ande be hangyt and drawyn and his gud~ 
eschet to the king 
 
ITEM gif ony p~sone or p~so~is be scland~it or suspect  
of tresone thai salbe tane and remane in firmance  
and +t~ gud~ vnd~ sikkir borowis quhill +te tyme +tai  
haif tholit ane assise quhe+t~ +tai be quyt or foule  
 
ITEM +t=t= na ma~ nor woma~ pas~ in Inglande w=t=out leif 
of +te king +te wardane or of thame +t=t= he giff~ power~  
to in +t=t= p~t i~ tym of weir vnd~ +te payne of tresone  
 
ITEM gif ony Inglisma~ cu~is in the kinrik of scotlande  
to kirk or m~cat or ony v+t~ place w=t=outyn conduct  
or assou~ance of +te king +te wardane or +tame +t=t= power~  
has he salbe lauchfull presonar to quhat p~sone that  
lik~ to tak him  
 
ITEM gif ony scott~ ma~ bring~ in +te Realme ony  
Inglisme~ or met~ +tame at ony tristys haifande na  
power +taj salbe tane and put i~ firmance +t~ gud~ takin  
and arestyt to +te tyme +t=t= +taj be punyst at +te kingis  
will ande +te wardanys  
 
ITEM +t=t= na scott~ ma~ sit apon na speciale assou~ance  
of ony Inglisma~ but leif of +te king or of +te wardane  
vnd~ +te payne of treson  
 
ITEM +t=t= na scott~ ma~ supple bervyk nor Roxburghe  
w=t= na wittaill fewell nor nan~e v+t~ supportacion vnd~  
+te payne of tresone  
 
ITEM quhe~ +te wardan rid~ or ony v+t~ chiftane and  
w=t= him gret falloschip or small +t=t= na ma~ gang away 
w=t= na man~ of gud~ quhill it be thriddyt and p~tyt  
befor +te chiftane as vse and custu~ is of +te Merchis  
vnd~ +te payne of tresone to be hangyt and drawin  
and his gud~ eschet  
 
ITEM +t=t= na ma~ reif ane v+t~ ony man~ of gud~ no+t~  
p~sonar nor v+t~is quhilk~ +taj ar in possessione of in  
Inglis erde or in scott~ vnd~ +te payne of dede  
 
ITEM gif ony ma~ raisis effray in +te hoist in willfull  
man~ withoutin caus~ he salbe accusit of tresone  
<P 45.C1> 
ITEM it is statute and ordanyt +t=t= quhair sa euir ony  
rad~ ar maide in Inglande +t=t= +tir saide statut~ be deliu~yt 
to be hed~ me~ And at +tai opinly ger +tame be  
maide knawin till all +tame +t=t= pass~ w=t= +tame +t=t= nane of 
+tame may haif esson+ge nor excusacion~ of +t~ necligens~  
 
ITEM +te king sall tak Inquisicion quhar~ he cu~is till  
ony hede burghe of +te cu~tre gif thar be ony w~=t=in +t=t=  
schyr~ sornour~ or oppressour~ of +te king~ lieg~ or  
the pur~ pepill or disobeyar~ of his l~res And +tai p~son~s  
+te king sall punys~ as effer~  
 
ITEM as tuiching the laying of garnison~is apone +te  
bordour~ It is avysit ande ordanit be o=r= sou~ane lorde  
+te king and +te thre estat~ +t=t= +tair be laid iij            #
garnison~is 
+t=t= is to say ij=c= sper~ and ij=c= bowis apon +te Est and  
midill m~chis and apon +te west m~chys to be laide j=c=  
sper~ and j=c= bowis And for +te makyn and fyndyn of  
+t~ expens~ +tar salbe furthwith~ w~tyne l~res to all +te       #
s~reff~ 
to sende in writ to o=r= sou~ane lorde +te namys of all  
and sindry lord~ baronys ande frehaldar~ alsueill  
duellande w~=t=in +te bond~ of Regaliteis as Rialte  
ande +te auale of ilke ma~is land~ rentis and possession~is 
ande +te auale of +t~ mouable gud~ alsone as +tai  
may be extentyt And +t~eft~ +te lord~ +t=t= sall sit eft~ +te  
cu~yng of +te said writtis fra +te s~ref~ sall avys~ how  
mony ilk lorde ande frehaldar sall fynde quhen and  
quhar And +taj +t=t= ar ner hande +te bordour~ ar  
ordanyt to haif gude houshaldis ande weill abeil+geit  
me~ as effer~ And to be redy at +tar principale plac~  
and to pas~ w=t= +te wardanys quhe~ and quhar +taj salbe  
chargyt  
 
[} (\APUD EDINBURGHE, 
XIX DIE OCTOBRIS, A. D. M,CCCC,LVI.\) }] 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
 
ITEM as to +te first artikyll quhar~ it spek~ of +te deliu~ance 
and decret +t=t= +te king sulde gif ane~t~ debat~  
betuix diu~se p~son~is of +te Realme of the taking of presonar~ 
in wy~nyng of tour~ and fortalicis that artikill 
is referryt to +te baronys for +te decisione +t~of p~tenis to 
thame for +taj haif experience thar~of 
<P 45.C2> 
ITEM as to +te secunde artikill tuichande +te supple of 
+te bordour~ The p~uisione of +te defence of +te Realme 
agane +te su~myr sesone &c~ The thre estat~ think~ at 
+te bordourar~ myst~is no=t= sa mekill supple as +taj dyde 
in the tyme +t=t= +tis mat~ was lade to +te king and at +taj 
may +tis +ger~ gode be lowyt defende +tame self bett~ +tan 
fern+ger for diuers~ causs~ first thai ar bett~ cornyt +tan 
+tai war fern+ger~ and +t~ innemys war cornyt Secu~ndly 
+tai haif specialte and peax at +te lest at twa bordour~ 
quhill ca~dilmes~ On +te west bordour~ +te wynt~ dois 
seyndill skaithe Ande +te clergy p~sumys +t~ may be 
specialte gottin to +tame and it be desiryt And +tai 
trow +te Inglisme~ will alsueill consent till a specialte 
fra candilmes~ till wedd~ dais as thai dide now till 
ca~dilmes~ Consid~ande als~ +t=t= +te Inglisme~ has hade +tis 
som~ bygane and traist~ to haif +tis som~ to cu~ surfet 
coist and travell ande +taj be no=t= suppleit be +te wint~ 
weir~ and be redy to +te som~ weir~ And all thing~ 
c~sid~it +tai haif had mekill mair travell and charg~ of 
weyr in +tis som~ bigane +tan o=r= bordourar~ hade 
Tharfor +taj think +te bordourar~ sulde be c~ntent at  
+tis tyme And quhe~ ony gret ourset is lik to cu~ on 
+te bordourar~ +tai think +te Inland me~ sulde be redy  
in +t~ supple 
 
ITEM it is ordanyt +t=t= all man~ of ma~ +t=t= has land~ or 
gud~ be redy horsit and geryt eft~ +te faculte of his 
landis and gud~ for +te defence of +te Realme at +te 
c~ma~dme~t of +te king~ l~res be balys or ovt hornys And 
quha sa beis no=t= he will be punyst in his p~sone and 
gud~ And at all man~ of man betuix sextj and sextene 
be redy on +t~ best wys~ to cu~ to +te bordour~ 
for +te defence of +te lande quhe~ ony witt~ing cu~is of 
+te incumming of ane gret Inglis~ hoist And at na pur~ 
man na vnbodyn be chargyt to cu~ to ony rad~ in 
Inglande And at ilk ma~ +t=t= his gud~ extend~ to xx=tj= 
m~k~ be bodyn at +te lest w=t= ane Jak w=t= slevys to +te 
hande or ellis a payr of splent~ a sellat or a prikit 
hatt a suerde and a buclar~ a bow and a schaif of 
arrowis And gif he can no=t= schut +t=t= he haif ane ax 
and a targe o+t~ of ledd~ or of fyrne burde w=t= twa 
band~ on +te bak And throu out all schyr~ +taj be 
warnyt to p~uyde for sik thing~ and to cu~ & mak +t~ 
wapinschawing~ befor +te s~ref~ bail+geis or stewart~ of 
Regaliteis on +te morn eft~ +te lawe dais eft~ +gule 
And quha +t=t= cu~is no=t= bodyne as effer~ eft~ his faltis 
to be punyst in his gud~ And sa furthe +t~ wapinschawingis 
to be maid and co~tinuyt fra xxx dais to 
xxx dais 
 
ITEM it is tho=t= spedfull +t=t= +te king mak request to 
c~tane of +te gret baronys of +te lande +t=t= ar of ony my=t= 
to mak cart~ of weir~ and in ilk cart twa gu~nys and  
ilkane of thame to haif twa chawm~ys w=t= +te remane~t 
of +te graith +t=t= effer~ +t~to and ane cu~nande ma~ to 
schut +tame And gif +taj haif na craft in +te schuting~ 
of thame as now +tai may leir or +te tym cum +t=t= will 
be nedfull to haif thame 
<P 46.C1> 
ITEM as to +te thride artikill belangande +te sending 
to france The thre estat~ think~ it sufficie~tly p~uidyt 
at +tis tyme ane~t~ the mat~ ffor thai ar c~tent of +te 
l~res and Instruccion~is +tat ar passyt 
 
ITEM as to the feird artikill belangand +te pestilence 
and gou~nance +t~of The clergy think~ +t=t= +tar sulde na 
ma~ to lande nor to burghe +t=t= hais gud~ to serf hi~ self 
ande his me~+ge be put out of his awn~ hous~ les~ +tan he 
will no=t= remane nor may no=t= be closyt w=t=in his awne 
hous~ And gif he disobeyis his ny=t=bour~ in +t=t= cais~ he 
sall be c~pellyt to pas~ out of +te towne Ande gif +t~ be 
ony pur~ folk~ +t=t= hais na gud~ to fynde +tame self or 
put fur=t= of +te towne +taj of +t=t= town~ suld fynde +tame 
and no=t= lat +tame pas~ away fra +te place quhar +taj war 
depute to remane to fyle +te cu~tre about thame And 
gif ony sik folk~ put fur=t= of ony towne walde steyle 
away +taj of +te towne +t=t= put +tame out sulde ger folow 
+tame and bring +tame agane and compell +tame to 
remane and punys~ +tame for +t~ away passing And that  
na ma~ sulde byrne ane v+t~ ma~nys hous~ bot gif it may 
be done but hind~ing~ or skathing of his ny=t=bour~ 
And at +te p~lat~ mak gen~ale p~cession~is throu out +t~ 
dyoceis twys~ in +te wolk for stanching of +te pestilence  
and grant p~done to +te preist~ +t=t= gang~ in +te said 
p~cession~is 
 
ITEM as to +te artikill belangande +te mone It is 
statute +t=t= +te ordinance of +te p~liame~t maide of befor 
ane~t~ +te inbryngyn of Bul+geon be bett~ kepit and 
punyst +tan it has bene in tym bygane And at +t~ be 
mone of v+t~ cu~treis c~yt till haif cours~ in +te Realme 
sik as +te he~ry Inglis~ noble of pais~ to be c~yt to xxij s~ 
+te salute +te ridar +te crowne +te dalphyn to xj s~ +te 
Rens~ gulding to viij s~ Ande to the entent +t=t= +te 
Demyis +t=t= ar kepit in hade sulde cu~ out and haif 
cours~ throu +te Realme and syne to remane in +te 
Realme and no=t= to be hade out of it It is tho=t= spedfull 
+t=t= +te demy be c~yt to x s~ And +te new lion to haif 
cours~ for x s~ as it hais Ande +te new xij d~ grot to be 
c~yt to xij d~ no=t=gansta~ding it was ordanyt to haif 
cours~ for viij d~ fra c~tane tyme fur=t= Ande +te vj d~ 
grot till haif cours~ as it hais And at +t~ be cu~+geit of 
ilk pvnde in small pe~nys j s~ And at +te wardane se at 
+t=t= be done to +te fy~nes of +te mat~ +t=t= is cu~+geit as he 
will ansuer~ +t~for And at +te Inglis grot and half grot 
and pe~ny haif cours~ as +tai hade of befor Ande at +te 
lord~ and Auditour~ of +te chekar~ ernystly pryis~ ande 
examyn the fynnes ba=t= of golde and silu~ +te quhilk is  
pn~t to thame apone +te chekar in a buist be +te wardane 
of +te cun+ge And at +te cu~+geour~ vnd~ the 
payne of dede no+t~ cu~+ge demy nor vthir +t=t= is c~yt till 
haif cours~ in +te lande nor +git vj d~ grotis 
 
ITEM as to +te last artikill belangande Justice +te 
clergy think~ +te artikill is weill maide of +te self and 
beseik~ o=r= sou~ane lorde to ger it be c~tinuyt and 
<P 46.C2> 
execute Ande that furthwithe +te lord~ be chargyt 
to begyne and sit in su~ cleyne place and m~istyr Justice 
and decide c~playnt~ eft~ +te teno=r= of +te act~ And +t=t= 
+taj be sworn~ in +te king~ pn~s to m~ist~ +te lawe iustly 
and ewynly And thir ar +te p~son~is chosyne 
 
   The first monethe for +te clergy 
The bischope of du~keldin +te abbot of paslay +te abbot 
of melros~ 
   ffor +te baron~is 
+Te lorde grah~me Schir pat~k of hepburn~ +te larde of 
carnbe 
   ffor +te co~missar~ of burowys 
Will+game of cranstone of Edinburghe Robert narne 
of Strevilling ande Robert m~sar of perthe 
   The secunde monethe for +te clergy 
The bischope of brechin +te abbot of Du~fermlyng~ +te 
abbot of lu~dor~ 
   ffor +te baron~is 
The lorde abernethy +te larde of Calderwod s~=r= Robert 
of levinston~e 
   ffor +te c~missar~ of burowis 
Wil+game bonar of sanct Andr~ Dauid spaldyn of 
du~dee and thomas And~sone of cowp 
   The thride monethe for +te clergy 
The bischope of m=r=ray +te abbot of halirudhous~ +te 
dene of m=r=ray +te clerk of +te Regest~ 
   ffor +te baron~ys 
The lorde lindissay of +te bir~ +te larde of murthle 
and +te constabill of du~dee 
   For the c~missar~ of burowys 
Joh~ne of mar Joh~ne of fyf of abyrdene John~e of 
heytone of hadington~e 
 
And +te lord~ think~ spedfull +t=t= +t~ lord~ begyn to syt 
on +te monu~day +te viij day of noue~ber in Edinburghe 
And all caus~ +t=t= can no=t= be rede at +tis tyme be +te 
auditour~ of complaynt~ to be c~tinuyt to +t=t= day but 
p~iudice of p~ty And fra Edinburghe to pas~ quhar +te 
auditour~ think~ maist spedfull 
 
ITEM as tuiching +te c~playnt maide be +te uniu~sale 
burowys of +te Realme +t=t= pur~ co~monys ar gretu~ly 
i~iuryt and opprest be +te king~ s~ref~ constabl~is and 
<P 47.C1> 
+t~ m~ist~is in tymis of far~ takande distress~ of +t~ gud~ 
of litill qua~tite quhilk +taj bring on +t~ hed~ or +t~ 
bakk~ or in +t~ armys in lik man~ of kerr~ sledd~ ande 
small tym~ It is sene speidfull +t=t= of sik gud~ of litill 
qua~tite or p~ce +t~ be na distress~ tane in tyme to cum 
for aulde vse and custum The s~ref sulde haif bot +te 
best ox or kow or vnriddyne hors~ quhilk~ ar stallit 
and bro=t= to sell Item of gret stall~ of m~chandice +te 
quhilk~ cu~is on hors~ bakk~ or cou~yt cramys +t=t= occupyis 
+te far~ of +te quhilk~ +taj haif vse to tak +t~ 
distres~ for the co~tinuacione of +te far~ The quhilk 
distres~ aw to be deliu~yt agane at +te court of +te fayr 
gif +te p~sone has done na defalt nor distrubling in 
+te fayr 
 
ITEM quhar~ +te constabill deput~ and his m~ist~is in 
+te tyme of +te Sessione and gen~ale consale and p~liame~t 
tak~ distress~ for constabill feis of all man~ of gud~ 
gret and small +t=t= cu~is to +te m~cat to sell baith           #

merchandice 
and vittail It is sene spedfull at +t=t= vse be 
laide done and forborn~ in tym to cum bot gif +te 
constabillis feftment beir him till it and at +t=t= be 
schawin to +te king and +te thre estat~ at +te nixt p~liame~t 
or gen~ale consale Ande at in +te meyne tyme +te 
constabill ces~ for +t~ can na lawe be fu~dyne accordande 
to +t=t= vse 
 
ITEM it is sen~e spedfull +t=t= Restrictione be maide of 
vittalys passande to berwik Roxburghe and Inglande 
vnd~ sik panys as effer~ 
 
[} (\APUD EDINBURGHE, 
VI DIE MARTII, A. D. M,CCCC,LVII.\) }] 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
 
IN PRIMIS as to +te artikill of the Sessione it is seyne 
speidfull to +te king ande +te thre estat~ +t=t= it be          #
co~tynuit 
to +te nixt p~liame~t in man~ as eft~ folowys That 
is to say +te lord~ of the Sessione sall syt thrys~ in +te 
+ger~ ilk tyme xl dais in +tir thre plac~ Edinburghe 
perthe and abyrdene +Te nowm~ of +te p~so~is +t=t= sall sit 
salbe ix haifande power and votis in +te deliu~ance of  
caus~ of ilke Estate thre and +te clerk of +te Regest~ 
+Te Sessione nowe nixt to begin & be haldin at abirdene 
+te xv day of Junij and co~tinuande xl dais The 
secunde Sessione to begyne at perthe +t~eft~ +te v day 
of october and co~tinew v+t~ xl dais +Te thride Sessione 
<P 47.C2> 
to begyn in Edinburghe +te xiij day of februare next 
+t~ eft~ and c~tinew xl dais The lord~ +t=t= ar chosyne to 
+te first Sessione in abyrdene ar +tir +Te Bischope of  
Ros~ catnes~ or m=r=ray +te abbot of der~ dene Dauid bane 
and maist~ walt~ ydyll for +te clergy +te Erle of Errole 
+te lorde gla~mys ande +te lorde forbes~ for +te baron~ys 
Jhone of fyffe Andro me~+geis and walt~ thomsone of 
Inu~nes for +te burowys +Te lord~ +t=t= sall sit in +te secunde 
Sessione in perthe +te bischope of du~keldin +te 
abbot of lu~dor~ +te archdene of sanctandr~ for +te 
clergy +te lorde gray pat~k of Rettray thomas of 
abyrcru~my of +t=t= Ilk for +te baron~is Archebald stewart 
Robert m~s~=r= & Dauid spalding for the burrowis +Te  
lord~ for +te thride Sessione i~ Edinburghe to be haldyne 
+te bischope of glasgw or galloway or ane v+t~ 
bischope +te quhilk +te king sall charge +t~to +te abbot 
of haly rudhous~ +te p~vest of linclowdane for +te 
clergy +te lorde lindissay & +te lorde halys for +te baronys 
William~e of cranstone Alex~ nap~ and Robert 
narn~e for +te burowis And at +te s~ref of +te schyr~ at 
+te lord~ sitt~ in be redy by thame for +te tyme of +t~ 
sitting till vnd~gang sik charg~ as +taj sall put till him 
togidd~ w=t= a masare to m~ist~ in his office 
 
THE causs~ +t=t= +te lord~ of +te Sessione sall knaw apone 
In +te first all spoliacione done fra +te first day of Januar~ 
+te +ger~ of o=r= lorde J=m= iiij=c= xlix +ger~~ be caus~ +t=t= 
+te act of spoliacione was maide +t=t= +ger~ And all v+t~ 
spoliacion~ +t=t= salbe done enduring +te +ger~ and termis 
of +te haldin of +te Sessione Item +te saidis lord~ 
of +te Sessione sall haif full power~ to knawe and 
decide all spoliacion~is maide fra +te day of +te  
coronacione of o=r= sou~ane lorde +te king to +te saide 
first day of Januar~ for +te space of a +ger nixt to cu~ 
The quhilk +ger~ gane and outrvn all sik spoliacion~ 
maide befor +te said first day of Januar~ salbe decydit 
and det~myt befor +te ordinar Jug~ of +te Realme 
the lord~ of +te Sessione haifande na power~ to 
knaw apone thame eft~ +t=t= +te saide +ger~ be outru~yn 
+Te quhilk~ accion~is of spoil+ge consist~ in twa man~is 
+te first is spoliacion~ of movabill gud~ no+t~ tuiching~ 
fee nor he~tage +te quhilk indifferentle salbe decidyt  
befor +te lord~ of +te Sessione +te secu~de spoliacione +t=t=   #
is 
to say done becaus~ of land~ or possessionis debatabl~e 
or grondyt apone fee and he~tage and apone sic spoliacione 
+te lord~ of +te Sessioun sall p~cede thus +t=t= is 
to say quhe~ +te p~ty spoil+geit complen+geis befor +te lord~ 
of +te Sessione on ony persoun +te lord~ sall call +te s~ref 
ande furthw=t= sall ger restor~ +te grovnde w=t=out p~iudice 
of ony p~ty tuichande +t~ fee ande he~tage Ande recognis~ 
+te land~ in +te king~ hand~ apon +te quhilk spoliacione 
is maide on to +te tyme +taj be lowsyt be +te 
king And +te king to mak Inquisicione to be tane be 
+te s~ref quha was last lauchfull possessour~ of +taj land~ 
And that inquisicioun to retoure agane to the king 
and thairefter lat thame to brogh to that last lauchfull 
possessour of thay landis And als +te saidis lord~ 
sall knawe apone all spoliacion~e of tak~ ande maling~ 
Ande alsua to knawe apone all obligacion~is contract~ 
<P 48.C1> 
and all man~ of dett~ ande v+t~ ciuile accion~is +te 
quhilk~ c~c~nys no+t~ fee nor he~tage Ande +te p~teis 
c~plen+geande to haif full fredome to folow +t~ accion~is 
befor +te saidis lord~ of +t~ ordinar Jug~ And for till 
eschew malicious~ vexacionis of ony p~ty folowande or 
defendande befor +te Sessione +te saidis lord~ sall furthwithe 
ger +te expe~s~ be payit to +te p~ty wranguis~ly 
vexit be +te modificacione of +te saide lord~ 
 
THE manere at +te caus~ salbe bro=t= befor +te lord~ of 
the Sessione is this The s~reff~ of +te schyr~ quhar~ +te 
saide lord~ sall syt salbe new warnyt to p~clame in  
ilkane of +t~ plac~ thre monethe of befor +te sessione to 
be haldin at dayis and place befoir writtin And gif 
ony persounis has ony accion~is to folow he sall warne 
+tame to pas~ to +te king~ chapell and rais~ Su~mond~ 
p~empto=r= apone xl dais And call his p~ty befor +te lord~ 
of +te Sessione +te quhilk~ sall m~ist~ thame Justice as 
effer~ Ande +tis su~mond~ to be vnd~stande apone 
accion~is done befor +te p~clamacione of +tis Sessione 
The p~ty sall ansuer~ p~empto=r=ly apon schort~ tyme 
eft~ as he beis su~monde sua +t=t= +te tyme of the Su~mond~ 
extend to xv dais And gif ony accion~e 
p~tening to +te saide lord~ knawlege be co~tinewit in 
+te tyme of +te saide Sessione in +te schyr quhar +te 
Sessione sitt~ be ony p~sonis thay person~is to be 
arestyt furthwithe w=t= a masare and Justice to be 
done +t~apone as effer~ And all vthir caus~ p~tenande  
to +te knawlege of the saide lord~ salbe vtt~ly decidyt 
and det~myt be thame but ony remeide of appellacione 
to +te king or to +te p~liame~t Ande quhat p~son~e 
+t=t= eu~ p=r=chess~ a su~mond~ apone his p~ty ande he haif 
ony prevys to leide at the rais~ than a Su~mond~ apone 
his prevys and bring thame w=t= him to +te Sessione as 
he will be s~uit 
 
ITEM as tuiching +te expens~ of +te lord~ befor w~tyne 
and +te plac~ +t=t= +taj sall syt in and +te gret gude of +te 
Realme c~sid~yt The lord~ of +te thre estat~ think~ +t=t= 
+te saidis lord~ of +te Sessione of +t~ awne benevolence 
sulde beir +t~ awne cost~ consid~ing +te schortnes~ of +te 
tyme of +t~ sitting +te q=lk= is bot xl dais and p~aue~to=r= in 
vij +geir no=t= to cu~ agane to thame And to support 
sum p~t of thair expens~ +taj sall haif +te king~ vnlawe 
of +t~ awn~ court +te quhilk salbe xl s~ vnforgiffyne to 
be devidit betuix thame and +te clerk of +te Regest~ 
be ewynly porcion~is 
 
ITEM +te saide thre Session~is endit o=r= sou~ane lorde 
and his consale sall ordane and name v+t~ lord~ to syt 
at tymis and plac~ sene speidfull to him and his saide 
consale on to +te tyme of +te nixt p~liame~t w=t= sik lyke 
power as thai hade of befor 
 
ITEM it is decretyt and ordanyt +t=t= wapinschawing~ 
be haldin be +te lord~ ande baronys spu~ale and temp~ale 
<P 48.C2> 
four tymis in +te +ger~ And at +te fut ball ande +te golf 
be vtt~ly c~yt don~e and no=t= vsyt Ande at +te bowe m~k~ 
be maide at ilk p~roch kirk a pair~ of butt~ and 
schuting be vsyt ilk su~day And +t=t= ilk ma~ schut sex 
schott~ at +te lest vnd~ +te payne to be raisit apone 
thame +t=t= cu~is no=t= at +te lest ij d~ to be giffin to +tame 
+t=t= cu~is to +te bowe m~k~ to drink And this to be vsyt 
fra pasche till alhallomes~ efter And be +te nixt mydsom~ 
to be reddy w=t= all +t~ graith w=t=out fail+ge And 
that +t~ be a bowar and a fleg~ in ilk hede towne of 
+te schyr~ And at +te towne furnys~ him of stuf and 
graithe eft~ as ned~ him +t~to +t=t= he may s~ve +te cu~tre 
w=t= And as tuichande +te futball and +te golf we ordane 
it to be punyst be +te baronys vnlawe And gif 
he tak~ no=t= the vnlaw that it be takin be +te king~ 
officiar~ Ande gif +te p~rochin be mekill +t=t= +t~ be iij or 
iiij or fyue bow m~k~ in sik plac~ as ganys +t~ for And 
that ilk ma~ w=t=in +t=t= p~rochin that is w=t=in fyfte and 
passit xij +ger~ sall vse schuting and +t=t= me~ +tat is        #
outw=t= 
and past thre scoir +geir~ sal vse v+t~ honest ga~mys as 
effer~ 
 
ITEM as to +te mone +tir ar +te lord~ +t=t= ar chosyne +t~ 
apone The bischope of murray Ros~ or catnes~ +te 
abbot of Du~fermling +te abbot of halyrudhous~ maist~ 
pat~k +gong~ +te lorde grahame +te lorde lindissay 
+te lorde ha~myltone +te larde of cranston~e John~e of 
Dalry~pill archibalde stewarde alex~ nap~ george of 
fawla and Jhon~e of fyffe And thir p~so~is to be 
chargyt be +te king~ lr~es to co~vene in +te tyme of  
+te nixt chekar in +te place quhar~ +te chekar~ is haldin 
or ony v+t~ place sene speidfull till o=r= sou~ane lorde to 
co~mone and p~uyde apon +te mat~ of +te mone for +te 
p~fet of +te Realme And in +te meyn tyme it is sene 
speidfull +t=t= +te st~kin of +te cu~+ge ces~ quhill v+t~       #
p~uisione 
be maide +t~for 
 
ITEM as ane~t +te reformacione of golde and silu~ wro=t= 
be goldsmythis ande to eschewe +te desaving done to 
+te king~ lieg~ +t~ salbe ordanyt in ilk burghe quhar~ 
goldsmy=t=~ wirk~ ane vnd~sta~dande and cu~nande man 
of gude conscience quhilk sall be dene of +te craft 
And quhe~ +te werk is bro=t= to +te goldsmy=t= and it be 
golde quhat golde +t=t= eu~ it beis bro=t= till him he sall gif 
it fur=t= agane in work na wer +tane xx granys And of 
silu~ quhat eu~ be bro=t= him he sall gif it fur=t= agane na 
wer~ 
na xj granys And +te said goldsmy=t= sall tak his werk 
or he gif it furthe and pas~ to +te dene of +te craft and 
ger him examyn +t=t= it be sa fyne as is befor w~ttyn 
And +te said dene of +te craft sall set his merk and 
takyn +t~to togidd~ w=t= +te said goldsmy=t=~ And gif faute 
be fundyne +t~in eft~wart~ +te dene forsaide and goldesmy=t=~ 
gud~ salbe in eschet to +te king and thar~ liff~ 
at +te king~ will Ande +te saide dene sall haif to his 
fee of ilk vnce wro=t= j d~ And quhar~ +t~ is na goldsmy=t= 
bot ane in a towne he sall schawe +t=t= werk taki~nit w=t= 
his awne merk to +te hede officiar~ of +te towne  
quhilkis sall haif a merk in lik man~ ordanyt +t~for 
<P 49.C1> 
and salbe set to +te saide werk And quhat goldsmy=t= 
+t=t= giff~ furth his werk v+t~wayis +tan~ is befor w~tyne 
his gud~ salbe confyskyt to +te king and his life at +te 
king~ will 
 
ITEM it is sene speidfull +t=t= lit be c~yt vp and vsyt as 
it was wont to be And +t=t= na litstar be drapar nothir  
to by clay=t= nor +git tholyt to sell vnd~ +te payne of 
eschet +tair of &c~ 
 
ITEM anent +te estat of m~chandice and restriccione 
of the multitude of sailar~ It is sene speidfull to +te 
estate of clergy and +te baronys and statute be +te  
king That thar saill na p~son~is bot habl~e and of gud 
fame and at he haif at +te lest thre serplar~ of his 
awne gud~ of ell~ c~mittyt till him or +te availl +t~of  
And at the saylar~ in m~chandice be fre men of 
burowis and Induellar~ w=t=in +te burghe 
 
ITEM ane~t~ +te habit~ of Erlis and lord~ of p~liame~t 
c~missar~ of burowis and me~ of lawe it is sene spedfull 
at thai be maid and vsit eft~ +te teno=r= of +te act maide 
+t~apone And +t=t= +te king mak a patrone of ilk habite 
and all +te laif be maide +t~eft~ 
 
ITEM ane~t~ +te reformacione of hospitalys it is sene 
spedfull +t=t= o=r= sou~ane lorde charge his chancellar~ quhilk 
of lawe aucht to vesy the hospitalys fu~dyt be +te king 
And +taj iune to him +te ordinar of ilk diocese and 
v+t~is twa p~sonys of gude conscience to vesy +te saide 
hospitalys And quhar +tai can get +te fu~dacion~ of 
thame to ger thame be kepyt And quhar na fu~dacione 
can be gottin to tak ane Inquisicione of +te cu~tre 
and refer~ to +te king to se remeide +t~for Ande this to  
be put to execucione and to be done betuix +tis and 
m~ty~mes Thir ar +te p~so~is folowande +t=t= salbe iunyt to 
+te chancellar~ +te ordinar of +te diocese of sanctandr~ 
Robert of levinstone and +te archdene of sanctandr~ 
In +te diocese of glasgw +te larde of el+gotstone and +te  
archdene of glasgw In +te diocese of du~keldin +te dene 
of du~keldin and thomas of abircru~my In +te diocese 
of brechin s~ Jhon~e of ogilby ande +te dene of brechin 
In +te diocese of abyrdene +te lorde forbes~ and +te 
abbot of der~ In +te diocese of m=r=ray +te larde of dufhous~ 
ande +te abbot of kynlos~ In +te diocese of galloway 
+te lorde maxvell and maist~ John olyu~ In +te  
diocese of Ros~ +te chancellar~ of Ros~ and william~ 
vrquhard in crumbathy Ande for +te laif of +te dioces~ 
+te chancellar~ and quha~ he will tak w=t= hi~ 
 
ITEM +t=t= sen +te Realme in ilk estate is gretu~ly puryt  
throu su~ptuos~ clething ba=t= of me~ and weme~ and in 
speciall w=t=in burowis and co~monys to landwart +te 
lord~ think~ speidfull +t=t= rest~ccione +t~of be maide in 
+tis man~ That na ma~ w=t=in burghe +t=t= levys be m~chandice 
<P 49.C2> 
bo=t= gif he be a p~sone c~stitute in dignite as auld~ma~ 
bail+ge or v+t~ gude worthi me~ +t=t= ar of +te consale 
of +te towne and thar~ wif~ weir~ clathis of silk nor 
costly scarlat~ i~ gownys nor furring~ of mertrik~ 
And at +taj mak +t~ wif~ and docht~is in lik man~ be 
abeil+geit ganeande and corespondande for thar estate 
that is to say on +t~ hed~ schort curches~ w=t= litill hud~ 
as ar vsyt in fland~is Inglande and v+t~ cu~treis And as 
to +t~ gownys +t=t= na woma~ weir mertrik~ nor letvis~ 
nor talys of vnsittande lenthe nor furryt vnd~ bot on 
+te haliday And in lik man~ w=t=out +te burowis of w+t~ 
pur ge~tillme~ and thar wif~ +t=t= ar w=t=in xl l~i of aulde 
extent And as ane~t~ +te co~monys +t=t= na lauborar~ nor 
husband~ weir on +te werk day bot gray and quhit 
and on +te haliday bot lycht blew or grene or rede and  
+t~ wif~ ry=t=sa and curches~ of +t~ awne making And 
at it excede no=t= +te p~ce of xl d~ +te Elne And at na 
woma~ cu~ to +te kirk nor m~cat w=t= hir face musalyt or 
cou~it +t=t= scho may no=t= be kende vnd~ +te payne of 
eschet of +te curche And as to +te clerk~ +t=t= nane sall 
weir gownys of scarlat nor furring of m~trik~ bo=t= gif 
he be ane p~sone c~stitute in dignite in cathedrale or 
college kirk or ellis +t=t= he may spende ij=c= m~k~ or gret 
nobl~es or doctour~ And +tis to be now p~clamyt and  
put to execucion~ be +te first day of maij vnd~ +te pane 
of eschet of +te habite +t=t= is to say of +te clerk~ be +te 
ordinar~ and +te laif be +te king~ officiar~ 
 
ITEM it is sene speidfull +t=t= Justice ayr~ be haldin 
and co~tinewyt +gerly out throu +te Realme for gude 
of +te c~movnys 
 
ITEM ane~t~ feuferme +te lord~ think~ speidfull +t=t= +te 
king begyne and gif exempill to +te laif And quhat 
prelate barone or frehaldar~ +t=t= can accorde w=t= his  
tenande apone setting of feuferme of his awin lande 
in all or in p~t o=r= sou~ane lorde sall ratify and appreif 
+te said assedacion~ Sa +t=t= gif +te tena~dry happy~nis to be 
in warde in +te king~ hand~ +te saide tenande sall remane 
w=t= his feuferme vnremovyt payande to +te king 
siklik ferme endurande +te warde as he dide to +te 
lorde sa +t=t= it be set to a competent auail w=t=out preiudice 
to +te king 
 
ITEM as to +te Regaliteis it is statute and ordanyt +t=t= 
all p~uileg~ and fredomys be kepit as +taj war fovndyt 
And gif ony lorde haifande Regalite abuse it in p~iudice 
of +te king~ lawis and brekin of +te cu~tre +t=t= +taj 
be punyst be +te king and be +te lawe as effer~ 
 
ITEM it is sene speidfull and statute +t=t= na beggar be  
tholyt to beg no+t~ within burghe nor to lande betuix 
xiiij and lxx +ger~ bot +taj be sene be +te avys~ of +te  
c~movnys of +te cu~tre +t=t= +taj may no=t= wyn +t~ leving v+t~ 
wayis And thai +t=t= sa beis fundyn haif a c~tane takyn 
to landwart of +te schiref and in burowis of +te auld~man~ 
<P 50.C1> 
ande bail+geis vnd~ +te payne of byrnyng on +te 
cheik and banysyng of +te cu~tre And +tat +tis be done 
be +te s~ref~ to landwart and be +te auld~ma~  
ande bail+geis vnd~ +te payne of byrnyng on +te 
cheik and Banysyng of +te cu~tre And +tat +tis be done 
be +te s~ref~ to landwart and be +te auld~man~ and bal+geis 
in +te burowis 
 
ITEM ane~t mett~ and mesur~ it is sene speidfull +t=t= 
sen we haif bot a king and a lawe vniu~sale throu 
out +te Realme we sulde haif bot a met and mesur~ 
gen~ale to s~ue all +te Realme That is to say ane pynt 
q=lk= was giffin be +te ordinance of +te thre estat~ s~ Jhon~e 
forester +t=t= tyme beande chavm~lane to +te burgh of 
striuelling as for standart sall remane vniu~sale throuout 
+te Realme And +te f~lot salbe maide +t~eft~ That is 
to say ilk f~lot sall co~tene xviij pynt~ of +te sa~myn 
mesur~ rovnde and elik wyde vnd~ and abvne +te 
twa burd~ c~tenande evyne o=r= in thiknes~ ane inche 
and a half ande +te breide o=r= w=t=in +te burd~ xvj inchis 
ande a half Ande +te half f~lot and pek to folowe 
+t~eftir in +te sa~myn kinde And of thir saide mesur~ +t=t= 
is to say pynt and ferlot +t~ salbe new maide iij standart~ 
ane to be sende till abyrdene ane v+t~ to perthe  
and +te thride to Edinburghe to remane and now to  
be p~clamyt +tat fra +te fest of sanct michaell nixt to 
cu~ +t~ mesur~ of pynt and f~lot haif cours~ and nane 
v+t~ Sua +t=t= in +te menetyme all man~ of p~son~is +t=t=       #
think~ 
to vse +te said mesur~ may cu~ to +te saide plac~ and 
furnys~ thame w=t= +te saide mesur~ beande brynt and 
selyt w=t= +te selys of +tai sted~ as +taj will vse and be      #
s~uit 
+t~eftir And gif ony p~son~is eft~ +te saide termis vsys 
v+t~ mesour~ than +tir and +t~ may be taynt gottin +t~of  
be dittay or v+t~ wayis +tai sall pay +te vnlawe of +te 
chavm~lane ayre doublyt And gif ony man be foundyt 
of aulde or of newe of fyrmes~ of v+t~ mesur~ +tan +tir 
abone w~tyne +t~ foundacione sall stande in effect no=t= 
ganestanding +tis statute And +te mesour~ of +t~ fu~dacion~ 
salbe p~porcionyt to +tis mesur~ +t=t= now is sua +t=t= +te 
sa~myn~ qua~tite sall remane w=t= +te giffar~ and the ressauer~ 
but p~iudice of ony of +tame 
 
ITEM ane~t~ +te co~tentacion~e of p~teis plen+geande of 
diu~se p~so~is quhilk~ has remission~is of +te king It is 
sene speidfull for ony accione +t=t= is to be c~mittyt in 
tyme to cum quhe~ su~ eu~ +t=t= +te p~ty quhame it is 
plen+geit of alleg~ till his remissione as for spul+ge of 
gud~ o+t~ be thift or reif +te p~ty allegeande till his         #
remissione 
sall fynde fou~ borowis to c~tent +te p~ty plen+geande 
w=t=in xl dais nixt folowande And gif he dois 
no=t= he sall remane i~ +te king~ presone quhill +te saide 
xl dais be ru~nyn~ And +tan his remissione to be expiryt 
and of nane avale And as of action~is c~myttit in tymis 
bigane +te p~ty plen+geande sall haif recours~ to +te lord~ 
of +te Sessione the quhilkis sall haif power~ to ger +tame 
be restoryt eft~ +te teno=r= of +te act of spoliacion~ maide 
+t~apone Or gif it ples~ +te p~ty to folow to +te ferde ayr 
eft~ +te aulde vse and custu~ And +t~eft~ gif +te p~ty be no=t= 
c~tent his remissione to be expiryt and of nane avale 
as is befor saide 
<P 50.C2> 
ITEM ane~t~ the Reformacione of chavm~lane ayr~ be 
+te quhilk~ all +te estat~ and specialy +te pur~ c~mownis 
ar fairly grevyt The lord~ in +te name of +te thre 
estat~ exhort~ o=r= sou~ane lorde +t=t= it ples~ him w=t= the 
saide consale of +te thre estat~ beande now pn~t to haif 
piete and c~sid~acion~ of +te mony and gret i~co~ue~ient~ 
+t=t= fallys vpone his pur~ lieg~ +t~ throu and of his grace 
to p~vyde suddane remeide and reformacion~ +t~of 
 
ITEM +te lord~ think~ speidfull +t=t= na frehaldar~ +t=t= 
hald~ of +te king vnd~ +te sovme of xx l~i be c~stren+geit 
to cum to p~liame~t or gen~ale consale as for pn~s bot 
gif he be a barone or ell~ spe~aly of +te king~ c~mandme~t 
be warnyt o+t~ be officiar~ or be wryte 
 
ITEM quhar~ +te king~ constabl~e deput~ and his m~ist~is 
in tyme of Sessione gen~ale consale or p~liame~t tak~ 
distress~ for constabl~e feis of all man~ of gud~ gret ande 
small +t=t= cu~is to +te m~cat to sell ba=t= m~chandice and 
vittalys It is sene speidfull at +t=t= vse be laide don~e 
and forborn~ in tym to cum bot gif +te constabl~is infeftme~t 
beire him +t~to and at +t=t= be schawin to +te 
king and +te thre estat~ at +te nixt p~liame~t or gen~ale 
consale And at in +te mentyme +te constabill~ ces~ for 
+t~ can na law be fu~dyn accordande to +t=t= vse 
 
ITEM o=r= sou~ane lorde and his thre estat~ ordanys and 
det~mys +t=t= gif ony of his officiar~ as s~ref~ mar~ bail+geis 
crownar~ s~iand~ p~vest~ of burowis and +t~ m~ist~is 
ba=t= to lande ande to burghe be fu~dyn negligent or 
fautyce in +te execucione of +tar office and it may be 
lauchfully p~vit on him or notourly kende gif +te saide 
office p~tenys to him in fee and he~tage he sall tyne 
his office and +te p~fett~ +t~of for ane +ger and a day 
ande be punyst be +te king in his person~e and gud~ 
eft~ +te qua~tite of his trespas~ And gif his office p~tenys 
no=t= to him i~ fee and he~tage he sall tyne his office for 
all +te tyme he has it and be punyst in his p~son~e eft~ 
+te qua~tite of +te trespas~ at +te king~ will 
 
ITEM it is sene speidfull to +te lord~ +t=t= w=t=in +te 
burowis throu out +te Realme na band~ nor lig~ be 
maide nor +git na commotioun nor rysing of c~mownys 
in hind~ing of +te c~mon lawe bot at +te c~mandme~t of 
thar hede officiar~ And gif ony dois in +te co~trary 
and knawlege and taynt may be gottin +t~of +tair gud~ 
+t=t= ar fu~dyn gilty +t~in to be c~fyskit to +te king and +t~ 
lif~ at +te king~ will And at na man duellande w=t=in 
burghe be fu~dyn in ma~rent nor ride nor rowt in feir 
of weir w=t= na man bot w=t= +te king or his officiar~ or 
w=t= +te lorde of +te burghe +t=t= +taj duell in or w=t= thar~ 
officiar~ vnd~ +te sa~myn pane And in lik man~ +t=t= na 
induellar~ w=t=in burghe nor landwart purches~ ony 
lordschipe in oppressione of his ny=t=bur~ in lik man~ 
vnd~ +te sa~myn~ payne 
<P 51.C1> 
ITEM ane~t maist~full men +t=t= schapis thame to occupy 
maist~fully lord~ land~ ba=t= spu~ale and temp~ale The 
lord~ think~ speidfull +t=t= the p~so~is complen+geande 
vpone sik maisterfull men sall cu~ to +te king~ s~ref or 
bail+ge and ask his grovnde to be devodyt or to ask 
+te p~ty +t=t= occupyis +te grovnde quhat resone he pretend~ 
for him And gif +te s~ref fynd~ na resone in +te 
occupacione of +te grovnde he sall devoide +te grovnde 
ba=t= of him and his gud~ and charge him in +te king~ 
name +t=t= he mak na mare distribulance to +te lorde 
nor his grovnde in tym to cu~ und~ +te payne of +te 
king~ warde And gif he dois ony thing +t~atto=r= fur=t=w=t= 
to arreist his p~soun & send him to the kingis ward 
 
ITEM the lord~ think~ speidfull +t=t= in all Justice ayr~ 
+te king~ Justice ger tak Inquisicione of sornar~ bard~ 
maist~full beggar~ or fen+geit fulys and o+t~ ba~nys~ 
+tame +te cu~tre or sende +tame to +te king~ presone 
 
ITEM ane~t plantacione of wodd~ and hegg~ and 
sawing of brovm~ +te lord~ think~ speidfull +t=t= +te 
king charge all his frehaldar~ ba=t= spu~ale and temp~ale 
+t=t= in +te makyng~ of +tair witsu~dais set +taj statute and 
ordane +t=t= all +t~ tenand~ plant wodd~ and treis mak 
hegg~ and sawe brvme eft~ +te faculteis of +t~ maling~ 
in plac~ co~ue~iente +t~for vnd~ sik payne and vnlawe as 
+te barone or lorde sall modify 
 
ITEM ane~t the sawing of quheit peys~ and benys~ it 
is sene speidfull +t=t= ilk man erande w=t= a plewche of 
viij oxin sall sawe at +te lest ilk +ger ane firlot of quheit 
half ane firlot of peys~ and xl benys vnd~ +te payne of 
x s~ to +te barone of +te lande +t=t= he duell~ in als~ oft as 
he beis fundin fautice And gif +te barone sawis no=t= +te  
said corn~ in his demanys he sall pay to +te king x s~ 
And gif +te barone beis fundin negligent in +te rasing 
of +te saide payne on his husband~ +tar salbe raisit 
on him xl s~ als~ oft as he defalt~ to +te king but 
remissione 
 
ITEM it is ordanyt and decretyt +t=t= in all Justice ayr~ 
s~ref court~ and gen~aly all court~ spu~ale and temp~ale 
all p~so~is +t=t= sall cu~ +t~to lord~ spu~ale and temp~ale 
frehaldar~ and all v+t~is +te king~ lieg~ sall cu~ in sobyr 
and quiet man~ And at na man bring w=t= him ma 
p~son~is +tan ar in his daily houshalde and familiar~ 
And fra he be cu~in intill his innys~ he and +taj sall 
lay +tar wapy~nis and harnes~ fra +tame gif thaj bring 
ony w=t= +tame and vse na wapy~nis for +t=t= tyme bot 
his knyf And gif ony ma~ be fedyt or alleg~ feide or 
dreide of ony p~ty +te s~ref sall furthwithe of ba=t= +te 
p~teis tak law borowis and forbide thame in +te king~ 
name to distrubl~e +te king~ pece vnd~ +te payne of law 
+te quhilk payne +te king sall execute w=t=out remissione 
apone +te brekar~ of +te king~ pece forsaide Ande gif 
+te s~ref be negligent +t~in he salbe punyst eft~ +te forme 
<P 51.C2> 
of +te statute maide of +te reformacion~ of faut~ and 
neglige~t officiar~ w=t=in +te Realme 
 
ITEM it is ordanyt +t=t= na ma~ mak +gard~ nor hegg~ 
of dry staik~ na Rys~ or styk~ nor +git of na hewyn 
wode bot allan~ly of lyffand wode +te quhilk may 
grow & plenyss~ 
 
ITEM ane~t~ +te keping of bird~ and wylde foulys +t=t= 
ganis to eit for +te suste~tacione of ma~ as pert~k~ pluvar~ 
wilde duk~ and sik lik fowlys it is ordanyt +t=t= na 
ma~ distroy +tar nest~ nor +tar egg~ nor +git sla wilde 
foulys in movting tyme quhe~ thai may no=t= fle And 
+t=t= all men eft~ +tair power~ distroy nest~ egg~ and bird~ 
of foylys of reif 
 
ITEM ane~t~ ruk~ crawys and v+t~ foulys of reif as 
ernys bussard~ gledd~ and myttall~ +te quhilk~ distroyis 
ba=t= cornis and wilde foulys sik as pert~k~ pluvar~ 
and v+t~is And as to +te ruk~ and crawys bigande in 
orchard~ kirk +gard~ or v+t~ plac~ it is sene speidfull +t=t= 
+tai +t=t= sik treis p~tenys to let +tame to big and distroy 
+tame w=t= all +t~ power~ and on na wys~ +t=t= +t~ bird~ fle 
away And quhar~ it is tayntit at +tai big and +te bird~ 
be flowyne and +te nest~ fundin in +te treis at beltan +te 
treis salbe forfaltit to +te king bot gif thaj be redemyt 
agane And thaj +t=t= aucht +te saide treis in v s~ of 
wnlaw to +te king And at +te saide foulis of reif be 
vtt~ly distroyit be all man~ of man be all ingyne and 
man~ of way +t=t= may be fu~dyne +t~to for +te slaucht~ of  
+tame sall caus~ gret multitude of diu~s~ kynd~ of 
wilde foulys for ma~nis suste~tacion~e 
 
ITEM ane~t~ rede fische it is ordanyt +t=t= quha sa beis 
c~uickit of slaucht~ of rede fische in tyme forbodyn be 
+te lawe +te doar and he +t=t= bidd~ it be done sall pay 
x l~i for +te vnlawe but remissione And at +te thride 
tyme ande he be c~uickit of sik trespas~ he sall by his lyf 
And gif ony ma~ be infeft of fredome to fische in forbodyn 
tyme sik p~uilege sall ces~ quhill +te nixt p~liame~t 
And gif ony dois +te co~trary he sall pay ane vnlawe 
befor +te Justice apone +te quhilk trespas~ +te Justice 
clerk sall inquyr~ at +te resaving of +te dittay as of v+t~ 
poyntt~ belangand h~ offys~ 
 
ITEM +t=t= na ma~ in smolt tyme set veschellis crelys 
wer~ or ony v+t~ ingyne to lat +te smolt~ to pas~ to 
+te see vnd~ +te payne of x l~i to +te king And at +te  
s~ref of +te lande distroy +tame +t=t= ar maide 
 
ITEM it is ordanyt for +te distruccione of wolf~ +t=t= in 
ilk cu~tre quhar ony is +te s~ref or +te bail+geis of that 
cu~tre sall gad~ +te cuntre folk thre tymis in the +ger~ 
betuix sanct m~k~ day and la~mes~ for that is +te tyme 
of +te quhelpis And quhat eu~ he be +t=t= ryss~ no=t= w=t= +te 
<P 52.C1> 
s~ref or +te bail+ge or barone w=t=in him self he sall pay 
vnforgeuin a wedd~ as is c~tenyt in +te aulde act 
maide +t~apone And he +t=t= slays ane wolf +tan or 
ony v+t~ tyme he sall haif of ilk hous~ hald~ of +t=t= 
p~rochin +t=t= +te wolf is slayne w=t=in j d~ And gif it        #
happy~nis 
ony wolf to cu~ in +te cu~tre +t=t= witting is gottyne 
+t~of +te cu~tre salbe redy and ilk houshald~ to hvnt 
+tame vnd~ +te payne forsaide And he +t=t= slays ane 
wolf sall bring +te hede to +te s~ref bail+ge or barone 
and he salbe detto=r= to +te slaar for +te sovme forsaide 
And quha eu~ he be +t=t= slays a fox and bring~ +te hede 
to +te schiref lorde barone or bail+ge he sall haif vj d~ 
 
ITEM ane~t~ +te slaar~ of har~ in snawe tyme and 
distruccione of cu~ny~gis +te thre estat~ declarys +t=t= it 
salbe a poynte of dittay 
 
ITEM quhar~ it was actit and statute of befor in +te  
p~liame~t in o=r= sou~ane lord~ tyme +t=t= last descessit +te   #
+ger 
of o=r= lorde J=m= iiij=c= xx & iiij +ger~ +tat all lesyng 
makar~ and tellar~ of +tame +te quhilk~ ingen~is discorde 
betuix +te king and his pepill quhar~ eu~ +t~ may 
be taynt gottin of +tame +taj salbe chalangyt befor 
+tame +t=t= power hais~ and tyne lyf~ and gud~ to +te  
king +tat act be +tis pn~t p~liame~t is confirmyt apprevyt 
and ordanyt to be cons~uyt and execute in tyme 
to cum 
 
ITEM quhar~ it was statute in a p~liame~t of o=r= sou~ane 
lord +t=t= last decessyt +te xxvj day of may +te +ger~ of o=r= 
lorde J=m= iiij=c= & xxiiij +ger~ +t=t= na ma~ mak mur~byrne 
eft~ +te monethe of m~che quhill all cornys be schorn~ 
vnd~ +te payne of xl s~ to be raisit to +te lorde of +te  
lande of +te byrnar~ And gif he has no=t= to pay at he be 
p~sonyt xl dais And gif +te lorde of +te lande rais~ no=t= 
<P 52.C2> 
+te payne na punys~ no=t= +te trespassouris as is befor  
saide +te Justice clerk be indictme~t sall ger sik              #
trespasso=r=~ 
as is befor said be correkit befor +te Justice and 
punyst as is befor w~tyne In +tis p~liame~t +te thre estat~ 
appreuys +tis statute and ordanys it to be kepit in 
tyme to cum 
 
ITEM +te lord~ think~ speidfull +tat our~ sou~ane lorde 
c~mande all his s~ref~ ande c~missar~ of burowis to  
cum to +te clerk of his Regestre and ger copy all +tir 
articul~ act~ and statut~ abone writtyn~ and ger 
p~clame +tame opinly throu out +tar schyr~ and burowis 
sa +tat nane of his lieg~ allege ignora~ce of +tame in tyme 
to cum And alsua +tat all +te act~ and ordinancis abone 
writtyn~ +te quhilk~ ar necessary till his baron~is and 
frehaldar~ to be schawin at +t~ witsu~dais making~ or in 
+t~ baron~e court~ ry=t= sa be takin and copyit and schawin  
to his tenand~ sa +tat no+t~ +te frehaldar nor +te tena~d~ be 
negligent nor p~t~myt +te obs~uyng~ of +te saidis decret~ 
and at +te paynis set +t~apone be sa deuly raisit +tat +te 
said~ act~ and decret~ be obs~uyt and kepit as effer~ 
 
ANDE +t~ attour~ sen~ gode of his he grace has send our~ 
sou~ane lorde sik p~gres~ and prosp~ite +tat all his rebellys 
and brekar~ of his Justice ar removit out of his 
Realme and na maist~full p~ty remanande +tat may 
caus~ ony breking in his Realme sa +tat his hienes~ be 
inclinyt i~ himself and his m~ist~is to +te quiet & c~mon~e 
p~fett of +te Realme and Justice to be kepit amang~ 
his lieg~ his thre estat~ w=t= all hu~ilite exhort~ ande 
requir~ his hienes~ to be inclynit w=t= sik diligence to +te 
execucion~e of +t~ statut~ act~ and decretis abone writtyn~ 
+t=t= god may be emplesit of him and all his lieg~ 
spu~ale and temp~ale may pray for him to gode and  
gif thankyng~ to him +tat sende +tame sik a p~nce to +t~ 
gou~no=r= and defendo=r= 
 
<S SAMPLE 2> 
<P 94.C2> 
[} (\ACTA PARLIAMENTJ JACOBJ T~CIIJ INCHOAT~ & TE~T~ APUD 
EDI~B~GH XX=MO= NOUE~BR~ A~NO LXIX=O=\) }] 
 
IN the first It Is statut and ordanit that +te fredome 
of haly kirk be obs~uit & kepit in all ymunit p~uelege 
and fredome In like wis~ as It has bene in tymes of 
maist noble princis p~decessouris & p~genitouris to Oure 
Sou~ane lorde of hail mynde quham god assoil+ge 
 
ITEM as to +te Article of schireff~ and v+t~ Jug~ ordinaris 
quhilk~ wil nocht execut thare office and mi~stir 
Justice to +te pure pepil It is statut & ordanit +t=t= +te 
partij conplen+geand in ony part of +te Realme sall 
first cum to his Juge ordinare of temp~ale landis as 
Justice schireff Stewart bail+ge barone p~vost of bail+gis 
of burowis and mak his conplant and ask admi~stracione 
of Justice And gif he gettis Justice dewly 
execut & mi~sterit to him he mon Remai~ c~tent And 
gif +te Juge ordinar~ fail+gis him and wil nocht mi~stir 
to him Justice he sal tu~ to +te king & his consail & 
tak lr~es and su~mond his partij And in like wis~ his 
Juge ordinar~ quhat eu~ he be of temp~ale la~d~ And 
gif +te Juge be fundin culpable & wald nocht mi~stir 
Justice he salbe punyst & put fra his office for c~tane 
tyme eftir +te discrecioune of Oure Sou~ane lorde & his 
consail and pay +te expens~ of +te partij conplen+geande 
And Oure Sou~ane lorde sal ger mi~stir Justice to +te said 
partij conplen+geande in +tat case And gif +te Juge 
ordinare mi~st~is him p~ciale Justice & dois him wrang 
in +te admi~stracion~ of Justice In like wis~ +te partij 
conplen+geande sal su~mond him befor~ +te king & his 
consail And gif before +tame he be fundin culpable 
or p~ciale in +te admi~stracioune of Justice be it a s~ef 
bail+ge or vthir officiare of fee he salbe put fra his 
office for thre +geris And gif he be a s~ef or ony vthir 
Juge ordinar~ for a tyme he salbe put p~petualy fra his 
office & pay +te expens~ of +te partij & his p~sone punist 
at +te king~ will / and like wis~ +te officiaris of fee And 
gif +te partij conplen+geand vpone his Juge ordinare 
be fundin be +te king & his consail in +te wrang he sal 
pay +te expens~ of +te said Juge ordinare for his vexacioune 
& his p~soune punyst at +te king~ will in like 
And gif ony persone hafe ony p~pir action~e agai~ +te 
s~ef or ony Juge ordinare It salbe leful to him to cum 
to +te king and othir su~mond his partij before +te king 
or mak ane vthir officiare i~ +tat part to mi~stir Justice 
to him And +tat Ilka Juge ordinar~ s~ef or ony v+t~is 
salbe haldin to a~suer~ for +tair deput~ as +tame self Neu~ 
+te les It salbe leful to +te king~ hienes to tak +te 
desision~ of ony actioun~e +tat cu~mis before him at his 
emplesance like as It wes wont tobe of before &c~ 
 
ITEM as tuiching +te new Inue~tion~s of selling of 
landis be chartir & sesing and takin agai~ of Reu~sion~s 
And It happin +te byare to sell agai~ +te samy~ land to 
<P 95.C1> 
ane v+t~ p~sone It is now sene expedient in +tis pn~t p~liame~t 
& according to law & c~science that +te sellare sall 
haue Recours~ to +te samyn land~ sauld be him vnd~ 
lr~e of Reu~sione to quhatsu~eu~ hand~ +te said lr~e cu~mys~ 
payand +te mone & schawand +te Reu~sione and haue 
sic p~uelege & fredome aganis +te p~sonis +tat hald~ +te 
said landis as he suld haue agai~ +te p~ncipale first byare 
And becaus~ sic Reu~sion~s may of case be tynt Oure 
Sou~ane lord sall mak +te said Reu~sionis tobe Regest~it 
in his Registir gif It be Requerit on~ +tair expens~ that 
is to say on~ ilk ane half a merk +te quhilk Registir 
sall haue +te samyn~ force as +te p~ncipale Reu~sione wer 
schawing for +te tyme 
 
ITEM as anentis obligation~s +tat salbe folowit in tyme  
cu~myn except +tame +t=t= ar dependand in +te law befor~ 
+te makin of +tis Act / It is avisit +tat +te partij to quham 
+te obligatione is maid or +tat has Int~ess~ +t~in sall folow 
+te said obliga within +te space of fourty +geris & tak 
docume~t +t~upone And gif he dois no=t= It sall p~scrife & 
be of nai~ avail +te said fourtj +ger~ beand Ro~nyng & 
vnp~sewit be +te law 
 
ITEM as tuiching the electioune of Ald~man bail+gis 
and v+t~is officiaris of burowis becaus~ of gret truble 
and c~tensione +geirly for +te chesing of +te samyn~ 
throw multitud & clamor of c~monis sympil p~sonis It 
is thocht expedient +tat nai~ officiaris na consail be 
c~tinuit eftir +te king~ lawis of burowis forthir +tan a 
+geir And at +te chesing of +te new officiaris be in +tis 
wis~ that Is to say +tat +te Aulde counsail of +te toune 
sall cheis~ +te new counsail in sic novmyr as accord~ 
to +te toune And +te new counsail & +te aulde of +te 
+geir before sall cheis~ all officiaris p~tenyng to +te toune 
as Ald~man bail+gis Dene of gild and v+t~is officiaris And 
+tat Ilka craft sall cheis~ a p~sone of +te samy~ craft that 
sall haue voce in +te said electioune of +te officiaris for 
+tat tyme in like wis~ +geir be +geir And atoure It Is 
thocht expedient +tat na capitane nor con~nstable of the 
king~ castellis quhat toune +tai evir be in sall beir 
office within +te said toune as to be Aldirman bail+ge 
Dene of gild thesaurare na nai~ vthir officiare +tat may 
be chosing be +te toune fra +te tyme of +te next chesing 
furth &c~ 
 
ITEM It Is thocht expedient that sen Oure Sou~ane 
lord has ful Jurisdictioune & fre Impire within his 
Realme +tat his hienes may mak notaris & tabellionis 
quhais Instrume~t~ sal haue ful faith in all c~tract~ 
Ciuile within +te Realme And in tyme cu~myn +t=t= na 
notaris maid nor to be maid be +te Imp~ouris Autorite 
haue faith in c~tract~ Ciuile within +te Realme les +tan 
he be examinyt be +te ordinare & app~uit be +te king~ 
hienes And +tat ful faith be gevin to +te papale notaris 
in tymes bygane & to cum In all thare Instrume~t~ 
And als +t=t= ful faith~ be gevin to all Instrument~ 
gevin of before be +te Imp~iale notaris like as +tai ar of 
<P 95.C2> 
vail And atoure +tat +te notaris tobe maid be Oure 
Sou~ane lorde be examinit before +tair ordinaris 
bischopis and haue c~tificacioune of +tame +tat +tai ar 
of faith gude fame science & lawte according for +te 
said office 
 
ITEM to eschew +te dissate & skaith +tat Oure Sou~ane 
lord~ liegiis dayly and at all tymes sustenis be +te metting 
of woln~ clath be +te selwich It Is thocht expedient 
+tat in tyme cu~myn all woln~ clatht be met be +te Rig 
and nocht be +te selwich &c~ 
 
ITEM as twiching +te Indorsing of +te king~ breuis & 
lr~es that ful faith may be gevin +t~to It is sene expedient 
in +tis pn~t p~liame~t that s~eff~ bail+geis or ony vthir 
officiar~ o+t~ of fee or in +tat part +tat executis +te said~ 
breuis & lr~es sett +tair Selis or signetis before witnes 
and p~cure gif +tai haue nai~ to all executione & Indorsing 
of +te saidis breuis & lr~es Sua +tat faith may be 
gevin +t~to And vthir ways +tair Indorsing to haue na 
faith~ &c~ 
 
ITEM becaus~ +tair Is abusione fundin in +te keping of 
faris p~liament tymes and gen~ale counsalis that +te gret 
constablis of castellis s~eff~ or bail+geis of burowis tak~ 
gret extorsion~s of +te king~ pure liegiis quhilk +tai 
call +tair dewit~ and feis +tat Is nocht aucht to +tame 
like as of Ilk laid of flesch fisch vittalis meil or malt 
or sic like burding~ of foulis on~ me~nis bakkis and 
vthir thing~ borne in me~nis hand~ to +te quhilk +tai 
haue na Resone It Is sene expedient and statute in 
+tis pn~t p~liame~t +tat all sic thing~ be forborn~ in tyme 
tocum And na sic extorsionis be takin of +te king~ 
liegiis vnd~ +te payn of punycioune of +tair personis 
at +te king~ will and to be put fra +te executione of 
+t~ office for a +geir &c~ 
 
ITEM becaus~ of +te kepin of +te haly day and devyne 
s~uice quhilk~ ar gretly brokin and nai~ly for pu~ding 
of malis & a~nualis incasting and owt casting of tennandis 
quhilkis makkis gret discensioune and caus~ 
oft ty~mes gret gad~ing~ and discordis vpone +te 
solempnit days of witsonday and martymes / for +te 
eschowing of +te quhilk It is thocht expedient in +tis 
pn~t p~liament +tat +te said pundin for malis and a~nualis 
Incasting & owt casting of tenandis be deferrit to +te 
thrid day eftir witsunday or martymes without 
p~iudice of ony p~sonis And in like wis~ +tat +tair be na 
faris haldin on~ haly days bot on~ +te morne +t~eft~ 
 
ITEM becaus~ of +te eschowing of gret slacht~is quhilk~ 
has bene Richt c~mone ymang +te king~ liegiis now 
and of late baith of fore thocht felony and of sudda~te 
And becaus~ mony personis c~mittis slachteris vpone 
forthocht felony in trast +tat +tai salbe defendit throw 
+te Immunite of haly kirk and girth / and pass~ & Remanis 
<P 96.C1> 
in Sanctuaris It Is now thocht Richt expedient  
in this pn~t p~liament for the stanching of +te said slachtir 
in tyme cu~myn quhare slachtir Is c~mittit of forthocht 
felony / and +te c~mittare of +te said felony puttis him 
in girth for saift of his p~sone / the schireff sall cum 
to +te ordinar~ in placis +t=t= Is vndir +tair Jurisdiction~e 
and in placis exe~pt to +te lorde maist~is of +te girtht 
and lat him wit +tat sic a ma~ has c~mittit sic a cryme of 
forthocht felony (\tanq~ Incediator via~ et p~ Industriam\) 
for +te quhilk +te law grantis nocht nor levis sic p~sonis 
to Jois~ +te Immunite of +te kirk And +te schireff sall 
Requere +te ordinare to lat a knawlege be takin be 
ane assis~ on~ xv days quhethir It be forthocht felony 
or nocht And gif it be fundin forthocht felony tobe 
punyst eftir +te king~ lawis And gif It be fundin suddante 
tobe Restorit agai~ to +te fredome & Immunite 
of haly kirk and girth And +t~upone to set gude sou~te to 
+te ordinar~ And that sou~te beand fundin +te said ordinare 
& maist~ of +te girth~ sall suffir +te p~sone tobe had 
to +te said knawlege And +tat +te schireff sall put in 
executione +tai Act~ of king James +te first maid vpone 
slachtir and fugitouris fra +te law quhilk~ beris in effect 
+tat quhat tyme ony s~eff be c~tifit of ony slachtir o+t~ be 
+te partij or ony vthir way he sall in c~tinent Rais~ +te 
king~ horne & his liegiis within +te bound~ of his 
office and pass~ and seik +tat p~sone and do Justice 
vpone him eftir +te lawis of +te Realme And gif he 
be fugitive and eschape owt of his s~efdome he sall 
send ane officiare to +te s~eff in quhais s~efdome he 
ent~is In And denu~ce and signify to him +tat sic a ma~ 
has done sic a trespas and felony agai~ +te king within 
+te boundis of his schire and has eschapit out of +te 
samyn and cu~myn within +te bound~ of his office 
chargeing him in +te king~ name and be +te virtu of  
this Act to Rais~ +te king~ liegiis and his horne in like 
wis~ and p~sew +tat trespassoure quhil he be ouretane 
or put him out of his schire And in like wis~ send 
his officiaris to +te next schiref in quhais schire +te said 
trespassoure ent~is In to p~sew him quhil he be our~taki~ 
or ellis put out of +te Realme And atoure that Ilka  
s~ef of +te schire quhare +te said fugitoure Is socht and 
nocht ourtane sal pass~ to +te hed burgh of his schire 
and p~clame vpone +te king~ behalf +tat sic a ma~ has 
c~mittit sic a slacht~ & felony & Is fugitive fra +te law 
and chargis all +te king~ liegiis that na man tak vpon~ 
hand to hous~ herbery Resset nor help +te said trespassoure 
be ony man~ of waye vnd~ +te pai~ of tynsail 
of life and gudis And her~upon~ +tat +te king~ dittay 
be takin in his Justice Are and to be punyst as Is 
abone writtin And gif ony s~eff be fundin culpable 
her~upon~ in +te executioune of his office +te said s~ef 
salbe punyst at +te king~ will And be Removit fra his 
office for thre +geris And gif +te s~ef be fundin diligent 
in +te executioune of his office or ony vthir p~sone +tat 
labouris for +te takin of +te said trespassoure salbe Rewardit 
& thankit +t~for be +te king as efferis &c~ 
 
ITEM to eschow +te gret herschip and distruction~s 
of +te king~ c~monis malaris and Inhabitaris lord~ 
<P 96.C2> 
landis throw +te force of +te brefe of distres that quhar~ 
ony sovmes ar optenit be virtu of +te said brefe vpon~ 
+te lord Awnare of +te ground that +te gudis and catal 
of +te pur~ me~nis In habitaris of +te ground ar takin & 
distren+geit for +te lord~ dettis quhare +te malis extendis 
nocht to +te avail of +te det It Is avisit and ordanit in 
+tis pn~t p~liame~t that fra hyne furth +te pure tenand~ 
sal nocht be distren+git for +te lordis dettis forthir +tan 
his t~mes mail extendis And gif +te sovme optenit be 
+te brefe of distres excedis +te termis mail +te officiare 
sal at +te Instance of +te partij +tat optenis +te det / gang 
to ony v+t~ gud~ p~pir of +te dettour~ and pay +te Remanent 
of his det gif he has samekle within +te schire 
And gif he has nocht samekle gudis na landis within 
+te said schire the creditour~ sal cu~ to +te king and bring 
certificatioune of +te schiref how mekle he want~ of 
+te sovme Recou~it be +te brefe of distres and may 
nocht get his p~pir gudis within +tat schire And +te 
king sal gif him his lr~es to ony v+t~ s~eff~ quhar~ +te        #
dettoure 
has ony gud~ or malis within +te Realme and 
ger +tai~ be p~cit and pay +te said credito=r= within xv days 
eftir +te forme of law And quhare +te dettoure has na 
moueble gudis bot his lande / the schireff befor~ quham 
+te said sovme Is Recou~it be +te brefe of distres sall 
ger sell +te lande to +te avail of +te det and pay +te 
credito=r= Sua that +te Inhabitantis of +te said land~ be 
nocht hurt nor grevit for +tair lordis dettis Neu~ +te les 
It salbe leful to +te p~sone +tat aucht +te lande first to 
Redeme and qwit out +te samyn agai~ within vij +geris / 
payand to +te byar +te mone +tat It was sauld fore and 
+te expens~ maid on~ +te Oure lorde for chartir sesing 
and Infeftment And +te Redempcioune and lousing 
tobe maid within vij +geris as said is or nocht And 
gif +te creditour takk~ +te termes mail be virtu of +te 
brefe of distres It sall nocht be leful to +te lorde to 
tak It agai~ And gif +tair can nocht be fundin a byar 
to +te saidis landis the s~eff of +tat schire or ony vthir 
quhar~ he has lande sall cheis~ of +te best and worthiast 
of +te schire and lest suspect to ony of +te partiis to +te 
nowmyr of xiij p~sonis and apprice +te said landis and 
assigne to his creditoure to +te avail of +te said sovme 
within vj moneth~ eftir at +te said sovme be Recou~it 
befor~ +te schireff And al~s +te Oure lorde sall Ressaue +te 
creditour~ or ony vthir byar tennande to him / +tai payande 
to +te Oure lorde a +geris mail as +te lande Is set 
for +te tyme And fail+geing +t~of that he tak +te lande 
to him self and vndirgang +te det &c~ 
 
ITEM for +te multiplicacioune of fisch salmonde grils~ 
and trowtis quhilkis ar distroyit be cowpis narow 
mass~ nettis and pri~nis set in to Reu~is that has~ cours~ 
to +te sey or set within +te flude merk of +te seye It Is 
avisit in +tis Instant p~liament +tat all sic cowpis & pri~nis 
be distroyit and put away for thre +geris And quha sa 
hald~ +tai~ vp salbe Inditit & punyst be +te king~ Justice 
in til his Justice Are as +te distroyaris of Red fisch 
eftir +te tenor~ of +te Act of slacht~ of Red fisch last 
maid of befor~ And in like wis~ all myllaris +tat slais 
Smotis with crelis or ony vthir maner of way salbe 
<P 97.C1> 
punyst be +te king~ lawis eftir +te tenor of +te forsaid 
Act last maid vpone +te Red fisch And +tat Ilka schireff 
within his schire sal distroy and cast doune +te saidis 
Instrume~t~ cowpis pri~nis narow mass~ nettis crelis or 
ony sic like &c~ 
 
ITEM It is sene expedient that +te court of p~liament 
Justice Are chawm~lane Are or sic like courtis that 
has c~tinuatioune nede nocht tobe c~tinuit fra day 
to day bot +tat +tai be of sic strinth and fors~ as +tai 
had bene c~tinuit fra day to day vnto +te tyme +tat 
+tai be dissoluit / +te p~liament be +te king +te Justice Are 
be +te Justice +te chawm~lane Are be +te chawm~lane & 
vtheris sic like courtis And that nai~ exceptionis to 
be p~ponit be ony p~sonis be admittit in +te contrare &c~ 
 
ITEM for samekle as +te sett~day and vthir vigillis ar 
nocht of law biddin haly day bot fra evin sang to 
evin sang that +t~for masonis wricht~ and vthir craftis 
men +tat ar set for lang tyme or schort for +te werk 
sall wirk on~ +te settirday and vthir festuale evi~nis 
quhil foure houris eftir none vndir pai~ of tynsail of 
his wolk~ fee / and +t=t= [{thay{] keip na ma haly days na 
Is biddi~ of halykirk of gret solempnit festis And gif 
ony dois in +te c~trar~ +tat +te ordin~ lede p~cess~ of cursing 
vpone +tame &c~ 
 
ITEM becaus~ +tat in +te last p~liame~t +tair wes a notable 
Act maid vpone +te reduction~s of hospitalis to +tair 
first fundatione and na executioune maid +t~upone 
her~tillis It is thocht expedient in +tis pn~t p~liament 
+tat +te said Act maid of before for +te Reductione of 
+te said hospitalis of +te Realme be put to executione 
and at +te thre estatis of +te Realme Requere +te king~ 
hienes & +te ordinaris to mak +te said Act be execut 
obs~uit & kepit And that maist~ Richard guthre be 
p~ncipal confessoure to +te king and gen~ale elemosinar~ 
and +tat he be stuffit be +te king~ autorite and +te 
ordinaris for Reformatione of +te samyn~ &c~ 
 
ITEM in like wis~ the statute maid vpone +te feriaris 
for brigg~ to be maid for the saifte of hors~ be put til 
executioune and +te personis punyst +t=t= has bene 
neglegent in +te kepin of +te samyn~ &c~ 
 
ITEM It Is thocht expedient +tat +te king~ Rollis and 
his Registir be put in bukis and haue sic strinth~ as +te 
Rollis had of befor~ &c~ 
 
ITEM It is statut and ordanit that +tair be na deneris 
of frans~ mail+gis cort~ mytis nor nai~ vthir cont~fetis 
of blac mone tane in payment in this Realme bot 
Oure Sou~ane lordis awne blac mone strikkin & prentit 
be his cu~+gour~ And that na man~ of p~sonis bring ony 
<P 97.C2> 
strang~ blac mone of v+t~ Realmis in +tis lande or cont~fete 
+te king~ mone vndir pai~ of deid And attoure 
+tat na ma~ i~ tyme tocum tak in payment nor offir 
for payment ony blak mone bot Oure Sou~ane lord~ 
awne cu~+ge for quha +tat +tai be fundi~ with salbe dettoure 
of +tame &c~ 
 
ITEM +te hail thre estatis has c~mittit ful power to 
thir p~sonis vnd~writtin of +te haill p~liament to auise 
c~mone and Refer agai~ to +te next p~liament or gen~ale 
consail of thir mat~is vnd~writtin &c~ 
 
In +te first to auise vppone +te Inbringing of bullion~ 
in +te Realme and of +te kepin of +te mone in +te 
Realme and to auise vpon~ +te cours~ +t=t= +te mone sal 
hafe &c~ 
 
Item of +te Reductione of +te king~ lawis Regia~ 
maiestate~ act~ statut~ & v+t~ buk~ to be put in a volu~ 
and tobe autorizit & +te laif to be distroyit 
 
Item to auise for Reformatione for mane sworne 
Athis & to set punytion~ +t~upo~ 
 
Item to auise vppone all vthir Articulis that salbe 
thocht spedful for +te honor~ of Oure Sou~ane lorde 
and +te c~mone gude of +te Realme 
 
And thir personis to c~vene togiddir in Edinburgh 
+te first monu~day of lentern~e &c~ 
 
   ffor +te p~latis 
my lorde of Ab~dene 
+te Abbot of halirudhous~ 
+te Officiale maist~ John~ ott~burn~ 
& maist~ martyne Wan~ 
 
   ffor +te baronis 
+te lorde ha~miltoune 
+te lorde lile 
maistir dauid guther~ 
& maist~ Ada~ of cokburn~ 
 
   ffor +te c~issaris of burowis 
Walt~ Stewart 
Wat +Gong 
Androu Ala~sone 
& Androw chart~is 
 
ITEM +te p~lat~ ar accord=t= for to mak +te cost~ of +tair 
iiij clerk~ & +te baron~s to mak +te cost of +t~ iiij p~son~s 
& +te c~i~ssaris for +tar~ for twa moneth &c~ 
<P 98.C1> 
IN oure souu~ai~ lord~ p~liame~t haldi~ & begu~nyn~ 
At Edinburgh~ +te tue~ty day of +te moneth~ of Noue~ber 
+te +ger~ of our~ lord a thousand four hundreth~ 
sexty & nyne +ger~ It is act and~ statute be our~ souu~ai~ 
lord~ & +te thre estat~ In +te said p~liame~t that for alsmekle 
as our hali fad~ the pape & +te sege of Rome has gra~t=t= 
a p~uilege & ane Indult p~petuale to +te p~lat~ bischopis 
of sai~tand~ to Conferme +te p~soun~s +tat salbe chosin 
or postulat be c~ue~t~ to be abbot~ or p~our~ within +te 
diocy of Sai~tand~ quhilk~ indult & p~uilege Is ry=t= 
honorabl~e in +te selue And tend~ to +te Comoun~ p~ffit 
of +te Realme And our~ souu~ane lord~ lieg~ +t=t= +t~for 
+te said Indult & p~uilege salbe obs~uit & kepit be 
our~ souu~ai~ lord~ his successour~ & lieg~ In ty~ tocu~ 
without violacioun~ or breking of +te sa~my~ And +t=t= na 
p~soun~s his liegis or subdit~ of quhatsu~eu~ stait deg=e= or 
ordour~ +tai be of to our souu~ai~ lord~ be ony man~ of 
menys or wayis In tyme tocu~ tend~ In +te co~trar~ of +te 
said Indult or p~ueleg~ / And purches~ ony Abbasys or 
p~ouryis +t=t= sall vaik withi~ +te diocy of Sai~tand~ In 
tyme cu~mi~g p~teni~g to +te c~firmacioun~ of +te said p~late 
bischop of Sai~tand~ beand~ for +te tyme bot be +te said 
Indult & p~uilege Or rais~ ony c~missioun~ aganis +te 
p~soun~s now p~movit or to be p~mouit c~fermit & tobe 
co~fermit be +te said p~late bischop of Sai~tand~ for +te 
tyme vnd~ +te pai~ of Banysing p~petuale & p~sc~pcioun~ 
of +te Realme And vnd~ all +te hiest pai~ of tresoun~ 
And cryme of oure souu~ai~ lord~ hurt maieste & his 
successour~ And In likwis~ It Is ordanit +t=t= na p~soun~s 
lieg~ to our~ said souu~ai~ lord~ purches~ ony Benefice 
without +te Realme quhilk Is of Auld vse and c~suetude 
/ & was eu~ obs~uit & vsit tobe p~sent gevi~ or conf~mit 
within +te Realme be +te patron~s or ordinar~ of 
+te diocy / or Rais~ ony Co~missioun~ +t~uppoun~ vnd~ sic 
lik pai~ and Incurri~g of +te king~ hie Indignacioun~. 
And +t=t= +te Abbasys and p~ourys withi~ the said diocij 
of sai~tand~. +t=t= Is to say +te p~oury of sai~tand~ +te 
abbasy of kelso +te abbasy of du~fermlyng +te abbasij 
of Abbirbrothok +te abbasij of hali Rud hous~ +te abbasy 
of Scone +te abbasij of lundor~ +te abbasij of Ca~busky~neth~ / 
+te abbasij of driburgh~ +te abbasij of Balmerenach~ / 
+te abbasij of Coupir / +te abbasij of Newbotle / 
+te p~oury of Coldinghame / +te p~oury of Rostinot +te 
p~oury of Portmollok / And all v+t~ p~lasijs and p~ouris 
p~teni~g to +te sege of Sai~tand~ be p~uilege ald~ c~suetud~ 
or be +te said Indult / sall haf +tis act & statut of p~liament 
with~ +te said Indult fullily Insert vnd~ our~ 
souu~ane lord~ gret Sele gif It be Requirit to p~petule 
memo=r= . of +te said c~stitucion~ Act & deliu~a~s of p~liame~t 
In +te c~s~uasion~ & keping of +te c~mon~ gud~ of our~ 
souu~ai~ lord~ Realme & lieg~ And +t=t= our~ souu~ai~ 
lord & his successour~ togidd~ w=t= +te thre estat~ of his 
Realme sall . be his auc~te Ryall defend~ +te said p~uilege 
& Indult as said Is . agai~ all & sind~ his lieg~ +t=t= 
wald~ do / or attempt In +te c~trar~ +t~of In tyme cu~mi~g 
And execut detfully +te panys of p~sc~pcion~ & treson~ 
aganis +te said~ p~son~s / attemptand i~ +te c~trar~ of +te 
said Indult In +te maist Rigourus~ wis~ / 
 
<P 98.C2> 
[} (\APUD EDINBURGH, 
VI DIE MAII, A. D. M,CCCC,LXXI.\) }] 
[^PASSAGES IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
<P 99.C1> 
IN +te first It is statut & ordanit +tat +te fredom~e and 
p~uilege of halikyrk be obs~uit & kepit without violacione 
as It has beyne obs~uit in +te tymis of our 
sou~ane lordis noble p~genitour~ of be foir~ 
 
AS to +te Articulys of france Inglande and burgu~+ge 
Because of +te tend~ alyans +tat is be twix +te king~ of  
france our Sou~ane lorde and +te duk of burgu~+ge +te 
lordis think~ expedient sa It ples~ +te king~ heenes +tat 
ane ambaxate be sende with~t Instrucc~onys & gud 
lr~es to +te kyng~ of france & +te duc of burgu~+ge and 
+te said ambaxate to labour delygently for trety & 
concorde be twix +tam for +te quhilk our sou~ane lord 
sal Report gret [^GAP IN ORIGINAL^] of god & honor and virchip 
to his heenes Considir +te tend~ alians of +tam baitht 
And +te estat~ of +te Realme to mak +te expe~s~ of +te said 
ambaxat And +te said ambaxatour~ may avise vith~t 
+tar gret visdomys a co~uenient place for +te mariage of 
my +gong~ lady our sou~ane lord~ sistir And as to +te 
tyme of +te passing~ of +tis ambaxate +te lord~ think~ 
expedient at +tai be redy to +te sey be +te first day of 
Junij As [\to\] +te nowm~ of +te p~sonis +te lord~ think~ 
c~sid~ing +te estat~ of ane bischop an~e Erle an~e lorde of 
p~liament a knycht & ane clerk ane herrald xxx p~sonis 
quhilk~ sal have til +tar expensis iij=m= cronis quhilk~ 
+te thre estat~ has grantit to pay at mydsu~m~ +tat is to 
say Ilk state J=m= cronis As to +te ansuer of +te lr~es 
because +tat +te mat~is mo~ be secret & nocht be opy~nit 
in plane / befor al +te p~lyment +te lord~ think~ expedient 
+tat +te mat~is be maid in credens & instrucco~nys 
to +te said ambaxate And +te lord~ of +te secret consal 
& v+t~is lord~ +te vil cheis~ +tarto / to have powar of +tis 
hail p~lyament to mak +te instrucco~nis co~cernyng~ +te 
mat~is of +te kyng~ of france & +te duc of burgu~+ge 
with~t power to co~moune avis~ & co~clude eftir as +tai 
fynde +te mat~is disposit 
 
ITEM anent~ +te stanchyn~ of sclachtir quhilk~ is sa 
co~mone in +te cu~tre baitht in sanctuare plac~ & 
v+t~is +te lord~ think~ expedient +tat +te act of +te last 
p~lyment maid +tar apone be kepit with~t +tis addicion~ 
+tat quhar ony sclachtir is co~mittit & +te p~ty c~mittand 
+te said sclachtir be put to +te horn~ of +te p~tij And syn 
+t~eft~ cu~ & bynde +tai~ to +te law +te s~ref sal no=t= resave 
him to +te law na gyf him dilatour~ of xl dais with~tout 
+tat he bryng~ with him sufficiande borowis +tat he 
sal c~peir p~emptur~ly +te said day til vnd~ly +te law And 
fail+geande tharof +tat +te c~mittar of +te said sclachtir be 
put to +te king~ horn at +te said day p~emptour & all 
his gud~ eschetit to +te king~ & his borowis to pay 
xx lib~ to +te king~ for +te vnlaw And fra thin furth~t to 
be demanit be +te s~ef as is co~tenit in +te actis maid of 
befor in +te last p~liament And to hawe knawlaig~ 
quhat s~ef has beyn~ necligent in +te execucion~ of +te 
last act maid apon~ sclachtir sen~ +te last p~lyament +tat 
now +tar be a day ly~myt to +te s~ef at +te plesance of 
our sou~ane lorde quhar +te s~ef sal c~peir & byid his 
<P 99.C2> 
acc~one +t~apone / And quha +tat beis fundyn~ culpable 
to be punyst eftir +te teno=r= of +te act of +te last 
p~lyment And in +te mentyme +tat +tar pas~ lr~es of +te 
king~ in al schir~ to be p~clamyt at +te heid burghis 
+tat quhar ony p~ty conplen+geis vpon sclachtir sen +te 
said tyme +tat +tai cu~ to +te king~ +te said day witht +tar 
c~plant~ & +te king~ sal mastir +tam Justice with~t out 
fauour~ 
 
ITEM as to +te article of +te gret dampnage and skaith~ 
dayli don~e to al +te Realme be clerk~ religious~ & 
secularis quhilk~ purches~ abbasyis & v+t~ benefice at +te 
court of Rome quhilk~ was neu~ +tar at of befor 
And purchesis be menis offic~ of collectory & tak~ 
apon +tam to ras~ hevy & gret taxac~onis of p~lat~ 
& clerk~ & mak~ informacion~ of +te availe of +te 
bn~ficis in +te court of Rome mar +ta~ vse & custu~ was of 
befor or +tat eu~ was done i~ ony kyng~ tyme by gane 
And for to p~vyde remeide of +te makyn of vnyownys 
of bn~ficis in +te court of Rome mar +ta~ vse & custu~ was of 
befor or +tat eu~ was done i~ ony kyng~ tyme by gane 
And for to p~vyde remeide of +te makyn of vnyownys 
of bn~ficis p~teni~g to abbays or v+t~ anext & vnit to 
bischoprik~ or v+t~is in herchip & distruccione of 
religious~ plac~ & agayn~ +te co~mone gud of +te Realme 
+te quhilk thing~ caus~ vnestimable dampnage & 
skaith~t considering +te in nowm~able riches +tat Is had 
out of +te Realme +tar throw The lord~ think~ expedient 
+tat na sic abbasyis na v+t~ benifice quhilk~ was 
neu~ at +te court of Rome of befor be purchasit be na 
secular na religiose p~son~s bot at +te said plac~ haf fre 
eleccion~ of +te samyn~ as vse & custum has~ beyn~ in +te 
said plac~ And at nane of our sou~ane lordis leig~ 
spu~ale nor temp~al tak apon~ +ta~ to be collectour~ to 
+te seige of Rome of na hiear nor gretar taxatioun~ of 
bischoprik~ abbassyis p~ories p~uest~is na w+t~ bn~fic~ +t=t= 
aw taxatioun~ bot as +te vse & custum of ald taxac~onis 
has~ beyne of befor as is contenit in +te p~ui~cialis buk 
or +te ald taxacione of bagemon~de And atour +tat +tar 
be na vnyownys nor annexacionis maid in +te tyme 
cu~myn~g to bischoprik~ abbasyis nor p~oure~ of ony 
benifice nor +tat na vnyownis nor a~nexac~onis maid 
now of +te lat sen~ our sou~ane lorde tuk +te crowne be 
of strenth valew nor effec nor be sufferit with~tin +te 
Realme bot at +te said bn~fice +tat war vnyit be put 
agayne to +te first fu~dacione to +te place +tat +tai war 
takyn fra and at sic reule & gou~nance as +tai war att 
of befor +te tym of +te vnyowne And +te said vnyovnis 
to be Reput of na force strentht nor effec in tym 
cu~myn~ And gif ony p~son~s our sou~ane lord~ leig~ 
spu~ale or temp~al wald attempt or has attempit in +te 
contrare of +tir poi~t~ abowne writtyn~ salbe demanit 
as tratour~ to our sou~ane lorde & his successour~ & 
neu~ to bruk benefice nor vse worschip with~tin +te 
realme Neu~ +te les~ It salbe leful to lord~ and baronys 
to purches~ a~nexacion~s & vnyovnis of ony bn~fice +tat 
+tai can purches~ ou+t~ +tar awn~ patronage or v+t~is to be 
vnyit to secular collegis fon~dit or to be fundit 
 
ITEM as to +te Article +tat gif It happy~nis our auld 
enimys to invaide +te Realme +tat it war expedient to 
<P 100.C1> 
gar certan~ cart~ of weir be maide be prelat~ baron~s 
eftir +te faculte & power of +te person~s for +te defens 
of +te Realme The lord~ think~ expedient +tat +te 
said cartis of weir be maid be +te said person~s as for 
+tis tym~e 
 
ITEM it is thocht expedient +tat na m~chand~ bryng~ 
sper~ in +tis Realme out of ony v+t~ cu~t=e= bot gif +tai 
conten sex el~n & of a clyft Na at na bowar within  
+te Realme mak ony sper~ bot gif +tai conten +te samyn~ 
lentht and quha +tat dois in +te contrare +tat +te sper~ be 
eschetit & +te p~son~s punyst at +te king~ wil Alsua +tat 
ilk +gema~ +tat ca~ no=t= deil witht +te bow +tat he haf a 
gud ax & a targe of leddyr to resist +te schot of ingland 
quhilk is na cost bot +te valew of a hide And 
+tat ilk s~ef stewart bail+ge & v+t~ officiar~ mak              #
wapy~schawing 
within +te bond~ of +tar office eftir +te tenor 
of +te act of p~liament Swa +tat in defawt of +te said 
wapinschawyn~ our Sou~ane lord~ leig~ be nocht destitut 
of harnes quhe~ +tai haf neid / and at futbal  
& golf be abusit in tym cu~myng~ & +te butt~ maid vp 
& schuting vsit eftir +te tenor of +te act of p~lyament 
 
ITEM it is statut & ordanit in +tis pn~t p~lyament +tat 
c~sid~ing~ +te gret pow~te of +te Realme +te gret expens~ 
& cost mad apon~ +te brynging~ of silk~ in +te Realme 
+tat +t~for~ na ma~ sal weir silk~ in tyme cu~myng~ in gown~ 
doublate & clok~ except knycht~ me~strallis & herrald~ 
without +tat +te werar of +te samy~ may spend a hwndreth~t 
pund~ wortht of land~ rent vnd~ +te payn~ of 
am~ciament to +te king~ of x lib~ als~ oft as +tai ar fundyn~ 
& eschetin of +te samyn~ to be gevyn~ to +te herrald~ 
or menstrallis except +te clathis +tat ar mad befor +tis 
p~lyament And at +te s~ef of ilk schir aldirma~ & bail+geis 
of burrowis tak inquisicione +tar of & send it to +te 
king~ And at me~nis wiff~ within a hwndreth pwnde 
wer~ na silk~ in lynyng~ bot alan~ly in colar & slevis 
vnd~ +te samyn payn~ 
 
ITEM as twechin +te mat~ of +te mone sen~ +te mat~ is gret 
& twechis +te hail body of +te Realm~ in gret nernes 
And +te lord~ heir pn~t can no=t= hastely be avisit to 
tak a final det~minac~on +tar of It is statut & ordanit +tat 
+te mone have course as it dois now vnto +te co~tinuacion~  
of +tis p~lyament And +te lord~ +tat sal have +te 
powar in al v+t~ mat~is for +te comon~ gude of +te Realme 
at +tat tym to avise determy~ & conclude apon~ +te said 
mater of the mone +t=t= now ry~nis And in lik wis~ gif it 
be sen spedful to mak Innouacion~ of ony new mone 
ow+t~ gold or silu~ +te said lord~ sal have power to avis~ 
& co~clude +t~apon~ And as ane~t~ +te new allayt grot of 
vij d~ It is ordanit be our sou~ane lorde +tat fra hin 
furth~t It sall have cours~ for vj d~ & +te half grot of +te  
samy~ for iij d~ & +te con+geing~ & +te cours~ +tar of to be 
co~tynuit quhill +te co~tinuacion~ of +te next p~lyament 
<P 100.C2> 
ITEM for +te eschewyn of maneswering of fals~ Inquest~ 
& assis~ in gret hurtyn of our sou~ane lord~ leig~ 
And specialy be +te inquest~ in +tar heretage It is 
statut & ordanit +tat in tym cu~myn~ quhar a p~ty find~ 
him grevit be ony assis~ or i~quest~ be p~cial malice 
or ignorance of +te assis~ or +te inquest saffand & excepand 
+te assis~ of breves pledabile quhilk +tis statute 
sal no=t= extend apon~ It salbe leful to +te said p~tij 
grevit to cu~ to our sou~ane lorde and his consal & tak 
a su~mond~ of +te said inquest to compeir befor +tai~ at 
certane day & place p~empturly & +tar p~duce his 
evident~ of Ignorance or falset of +te said inquest 
And gif it hapnis him to preiff +te said falset +te p~tij 
grevit salbe reducit to +te c~dicione +tat he was in of 
befor or +te said inquest or assis~ p~cedit & +te det~minacione 
of +te said assis~ or inquest to be of na vaile 
And +te said p~son~s of +te assis~ or Inquest to be punyst 
eftir +te forme of +te king~ lawis in +te first buk of 
his maieste (\contra teme~ Jurantes sup~ assisam\) And 
giff +te said p~tij plen+geand be fundyn~ in +te wrang~ 
he sal pay ane vnlaw of x lib~ to +te king~ & mak al 
+te expens~ of +te p~son~s +tat ar su~monyt 
 
ITEM +te lord~ think~ expedient for +te comone gud 
of +te Realme & +te gret encres~ of riches to be bro=t= 
within +te Realme of v+t~ cuntreis +tat c~tai~ lord~ spu~ale 
& temp~ale & burowis ger mak or get Schippis buschis 
& v+t~ gret pynk bot~ with~t nett~ & al abil+geme~t~ 
gani~g +tarfor for fysching~ And +tat +te execucione of 
+tis mater & +te forme & +te nowm~ of +te samyn~ be had 
at +te continuacione of +tis p~liament 
 
ITEM it is statut & ordanit +tat quhar ony p~tijs folowis 
ony acc~one befor +te lord~ of consail in tym to cum 
+tat +te p~tij +tat beis fundyn in the wrang~ & at +te sentence 
is gevyn~ agayn~ sal pay ane vnlaw of xl s~ to 
+te lordis to be disponit be +te chancelar & +te expens~ 
of +te p~tij +tat wy~nis +te cause be +te modificacione of 
+te lordis 
 
ALSUA It is avisit at +tis pn~t p~liament be continuyt 
to +te secunde day of August nixt to cum At +te 
quhilk day +tir lord~ vnd~vrytin +tat is to say for +te 
prelat~ +te bischopis of glasgw dunkelden~ & abirden~ 
+te abbot~ of halirudhouse newbotil & lindor~ +te 
archiden~ of glasgu & +te officiale of lothiane ffor +te 
baron~s my lorde of Albany +te Erlis of huntle Craufurde 
Ergile menteth m~chale & erole +te lord~ ha~milton~e 
Erskyn~ lile kilmawr~ lyndissay Oliphant gla~mys 
setone forbas & borthwik for +te burrowis Schir 
Alex~ Naper of marcha~stone kny=t= & Waltir +gong~ for 
Edinburgh . Andro chart~is for p~th~ Andro Alanesone 
for aberdene mathow forstar for streveling~ James 
ogilby for dunde Archibald hepburn~ for hadintone 
Wil+game bonar for sanct Androwis & Alexander 
foulys for lithqw And +te maist parte of +tame & al 
v+t~ lord~ p~lat~ baron~s & c~missar~ +tat ples~ +tame to 
<P 101.C1> 
cal to +tam sal have +te ful power & strentht of +te hale 
thre estat~ of +tis Realme beand gad~it in +tis pn~t 
p~liament to avis~ determy~ tret & conclude eftir as +tai 
fynde in +tar wysdomys +te mat~is disposit apon~ al 
mat~is c~c~ni~g +te weilfair of our sou~ane lorde +tat ar 
now opy~nit in +tis pn~t p~liament & vnendit & v+t~ir 
mater~ +tat sal occur for +te tyme for +te weilfair of 
our sou~ane lorde & +te co~mone gud of +te Realme 
[^AN ENTRY IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
 
<S SAMPLE 3> 
<P 132.C1> 
[} (\APUD EDINBURGH, 
II DIE APRILIS, A. D. M,CCCC,LXXXI.\) }] 
[^PASSAGES IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
<P 132.C2> 
In pn~s of our~ sou~ane lord Archibald~ erl~e of Anguse 
tuke w=t= +te office of wardanery of +te est m~chis / and 
was sworn~e +t~to In pn~s of +te thre Estait~ / And Alane 
lord Cathkert tuke with~ +te office of wardanery of 
+te west m~chis and sworne +t~to in like wise / And oure 
Sou~ane lord ordanit +tar~ c~mission~s to be made In 
dew forme enduring his wil +t~uppone 
 
   HERE folowis the statut~ made and appruvit 
be our~ sou~ane Lord~ & his thre estait~ In +te 
p~liame~t foresaide 
 
IN +te first It is statute & ordanit that all our~ Sou~ane 
lord~ lieg~ baith to burgh~ and~ to land~ spu~ale lord~ 
land~ & temp~ale be warnyt & chargit to be Redy to 
cu~ to our~ Sou~ane lord~ bodin in +tar~ best wise with~ 
bowis sper~ axis & v+t~ abil+geme~t~ of were quhat tyme 
+t=t= thai be chargit on~ aucht dayis warnyng or son~ 
gife nede be and w=t= vittale to endur~ & lest for xx=tj= 
dayis eft~ +tai cu~ to +te king vnd~ +te pane of law 
 
ITEM It is ordanit +tat thar~ be na sper~ made in 
tyme tocu~ nor sald~ +t=t= Is schortar~ +ta~ five elne & a half 
or v elne at +te leist before +te bur / & of gretnes according 
+t~to vnd~ +te pane of eschete of al his gud~ +t=t= 
mak~ & sell~ +tai~ Alsa It is ordanit +t=t= al p~son~s +t=t=    #
wil 
wer~ Jakk~ for +te defence of +tar~ body / +t=t= +tai ger 
make +tare Jakk~ syde to +te knee +tai +t=t= wa~t~ leg 
harnes / and +tai +t=t= has leg harnes +t=t= thar~ Jakk~ be 
made sa lang as to covir +te ovir p~te of +tar~ leg harnes 
 
ITEM +t=t= eu~y aixma~ +t=t= has now+t~ spere nor bow sal 
hafe a targe of tree or led~ eft~ +te fassoun~ of +te  
example +t=t= salbe send to Ilk s~ef 
 
ITEM It is statute & ordanit +t=t= na p~son~s cu~mand~ to 
our~ sou~ane lord~ Oist waiste or distroye medow or  
Cornys / or spul+ge ony man~ of gud~ i~ +tar~ cu~myng or 
ganging w=t=in +te Realme of Scotland~ vnd~ +te pane of 
punysing of +tar~ p~son~s as brekar~ of our~ sou~ane lord~ 
p~clamacioun~ of his Oist / & Refounding of +te skaith~ 
+t=t= thai do And +t=t= Ilk lord~ & p~sone salbe Responsale 
& a~suere for +te p~son~s +t=t= ar vnd~ +tar~ leding / & deliu~ 
+te p~son~s +t=t= dois +te skaith~ to +te king or his           #
lieute~nant~ 
or wardanis / or ell~ Refounde +te skaith~ +t=t= Is done 
+tai~self 
<P 133.C1> 
ITEM It is statute & ordanit +tat +te Act~ and statut~ 
made of before ane~t +te wapi~schawin and abil+geme~t 
for were to be made be al p~son~s Salbe put to dew 
execucioun~ eft~ +te forme c~tenit i~ +te saide Act~ / & 
+t=t= the panys c~tenit in +te sa~my~ be scharply Raisit but 
fauour~ of +te brekar~ +t~of 
 
ITEM oure Sou~ane lord has ordanit to ger purway 
and stuff his castell~ of dunbar & lochmabane with 
vittale and artil+gery / and quhar~ +tai ar fail+geit In 
ony p~te / to ger +tame be haistely Rep~alit and fortifijt 
And als his hienes c~ma~d~ & charg~ al +te lord~ of +te 
Realme baith spu~ale and temp~ale that has castell~ ner~ 
+te bordour~ or on~ +te sey coist sic as sancta~dros abirdene 
Temptallone halys du~glas~ hume Edringtoune 
& spea~ly +te hermetage +t=t= Is in maste dangere / and sic 
v+t~ castell~ and strenthis as may be kepit & defendit 
fra our~ Ennemyis of Ingland~ / +t=t= Ilk lord stuff his avn~ 
hous~ & strenth~ w=t= me~ vittale and artil+gery / & to 
amend & Reparale +tame quhar~ It myst~is sa +t=t= thai 
may be kepit & defendit as saide Is 
 
ITEM It is statut and ordanit be +te king & his thre 
estat~ anent the p~uilege of +te croun~ vsit and obs~uit 
in all tymes bigane / tueching +te pn~tac~ons of bn~fic~ 
+te tyme of +te vacac~oun of +te sege of bischoppis +tat 
o=r= sou~ane lord~ & his successo=r=~ sal in ty~ tocu~ +te tyme 
of +te vacac~oun of seg~ haue power~ to pn~t to bn~fic~ 
all tymes quhil +te bischop & prelat mak his bullis of 
prouisioun~ to be schewin to +te king~ hienes & his 
chapto=r= And~ in case +t=t= oure sou~a~ lord~ of his spa~le 
grace & fauo=r=~ admytt Ony prelait to his temp~alite 
befor +te schewi~ of his bullis / as said Is / +t=t= sic        #
admissioun~ 
salbe na preiudice / nor sca=t= to his hienes anent 
his said p~uilege / & Richt of patronage / 
 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
 
Ane~t the Complaynte made to +te thre Estait~ of our~ 
sou~ane lord~ p~liame~t be Alex=r= the sone and ayre of 
vmquhile c~stiane Joffrason~e patrik Cant Johne of 
<P 133.C2> 
douglace hary Nap~ and henry Cant / twiching a decrete 
& deliu~ance gevin be +te Auditour~ of Caus~ and 
c~playnt~ in oure sou~ane lord~ p~liame~t haldin at Edi~burgh~ 
+te xx=tj= day of marche the +ger~ of god &c~ 
lxxviij +ger~ / betuix s~=r= matho Joffrasone chaplane 
ayr~ of vmquhile Johne Joffrasone his grants~=r= aganis 
+te saide pat~k Cant & vmquhile the saide c~stiane / 
ane~t +te clame of a land~ & teneme~t liand in +te saide 
burgh~ on~ +te north syde +te strete of +te sa~my~ betuix 
+te land~ of Nicoll spedy & Johne patonsone clamyt 
be +te saide s~=r= matho & vmquhile +te saide c~stiane & 
v+t~ diu~s~ p~son~s The lord~ abone w~tin chosin be +te 
hale thre estat~ to declare +te saide mat~ ane~t +te gevin 
of +te saide decrete Decret~ & deliu~is +t=t= becaus +te said~ 
Auditour~ ordanit i~ +tar~ deliu~ance +t=t= +te grund Richt 
of +te saide teneme~t & +te decisioun~ +t~uppone suld be 
put to a grete assise but c~se~t of +te p~tijs It nocht being 
p~cedit ordour~ly +t~to be +te king~ lawis / & v+t~ p~tijs 
having ent~ess~ +t~in no=t= being callit / her~fore +te said~ 
lord~ decret~ & deliu~is / +t=t= +te saide decrete Is of nane 
avale force nor effect to +te Recou~ of +te saide land~ 
And dec~nys & declar~ +te deliu~ance of +te saide assise 
& all +t=t= Is folowit +t~uppon~e to be of na strenth force 
nor effect i~ tyme tocu~ Bot alut~ly Cassate & adnullate  
as saide Is 
 
[} (\XIJ=O= AP~LIS SEDERU~T DN~J ANTEDC~J\) }] 
 
The accioun~ and Caus~ movit be Jonet hume the 
spous of James of Douglace / aganis Elizabeth nesbit 
alex=r= chernside & patrik hume Ane~t +te halding of a 
Court of purprusioun~ apon~ +te land~ of Rathburne 
wra~gwisly haldin without powere / and +te wrangwis~ 
calling of +te saide Jonete to +te saide Court as was 
allegit / Is c~tinewit be +te lord~ Auditour~ of +te p~liame~t 
to +te thrid day of +te c~tia~cioun~ of +tis p~liame~t +t=t= 
salbe next haldi~ w=t= c~tia~cioun~ of dayis And attoure +te 
lord~ has ordanit +t~ p~son~s vnd~w~tin +t=t= Is to say / +te 
bischop of glasgw / the bischop of du~keldin / the bischop 
of abirdene / the erl~e of ergile / +te erl~e m~schell 
the lord lile / +te secretar~ / +te clerc of Regist~ / mast~ 
Wil+gai~ elphinstoun~ +te larde of stobhall Johne +te Ross~ 
mast~ Richard~ lawsone / alex=r= scot & alex=r= fowlis / to 
c~vene togidd~ / and avise apon~ +te lawis +t=t= Is made 
apon~ p~prusioun~ / & mak int~p~tacioun~ +t~of / and declar~ 
quhat lord~ or p~son~s be +te vnd~standi~ of +te saide 
lawis has powere to hald~ Court~ of p~prusioun~ And 
quhar~ +te law +t=t= Is made / Is vncler~ & mysty +t=t= the 
said~ p~son~s devise +te Reformacioun~ +t~of / & Refer 
agane to +te hale body of +te p~liame~t +tar~ c~sale & avise / 
And as salbe statute & ordanit +ta~ be +te body of +te 
p~liame~t / to be kepit & haldin as for law baith~ i~ +tis 
mat~ & v+t~ sic like i~ tyme tocu~ And i~ +te mene tyme 
quhil +te saide day +t=t= +te saide Jonet hume & his spous 
sal broike & Joise +te possessioun~ of +te saide land~ 
vndistrublit / & but p~iudice of +te saide alex=r= chernside 
& Elizabe=t= his spous or of pat~k hume / ane~t +tare 
Clame & Richt 
<P 134.C1> 
[} (\EOD~ DIE\) }] 
 
The lord~ c~tinewis the takin of +te deposicioun~ &             #
declaracioun~ 
of +te abbote of kelsow / In +te accioun~ betuix 
thomas diksone and~ Roger~ diksone twiching +te 
freithing of Roger of selby i~glis~ma~ to +te secund~ day 
of maij next tocu~ w=t= c~tia~cioun~ of dayis in +te sa~my~ 
forme as It now Is / & baith~ +te p~tijs ar p~sonaly su~mond~ 
(\ap=d= act~\) / & +te abbote of kelsow Is warnyt & chargit 
p~sonaly to c~pere +te saide day to make his aith~ &            #
declaracioun~ 
eft~ +te forme of +te Act gevi~ her~uppone of 
before / to +te quhilk +te abbote has gra~tit to cum / 
 
[} (\DIE P~DC~O POST MEREDIEM\) }] 
 
The Accioun~ and caus~ p~sewit be pat~k lord halys 
agane pat~k of knoll~ for +te wrangwis~ w=t=halding of 
+te malis of +te land~ of monynett~ / And~ als +te accioun~ 
p~sewit be +te saide pat~k of knoll~ agane dauid ledebetar~ 
& Johne m~tine for +te taki~ of dowble male fra 
him of +te saide land~ / ane of +te behalf of +te lord~ 
halys / & ane v+t~ on~ +te behalf of Eline hume +te Spous 
of alex=r= Erskin / Is c~tinewit be +te lord~ of p~liame~t to 
+te xviij day of Junij next tocu~ w=t= c~tia~cioun~ of dayis 
And i~ +te mene tyme ordanis +te saide pat~k of knoll~ 
to Remai~ w=t= +te occupacioun~ of +te saide land~ & kepe 
+te malis i~ his hand~ but p~iudice of p~tij And becaus 
+te su~mond~ Raisit be +te saide Eline & hir spous was  
made to +te p~liame~t & +tar~ Is no=t= p~son~s i~ sufficie~t    #
novm~ 
having powere of +te p~liame~t to det~myn~ & deliu~ apon~ 
+t=t= accioun~ / the lord~ ordanis +t=t= new su~mond~ be 
gevin to +tai~ to +te saide day And als +te lord~ assignis 
to +te saide pat~k knoll~ +te saide day to prefe how 
mekl~e gud~ Is taki~ fra him be ow+t~ of +te saide p~tijs 
or +tar~ officiar~ / & he take lr~ez to su~mond~ his witnes 
 
The lordis decretis and deliu~is +tat dauid sinclar~ sal 
Restor~ & deliu~ agai~ to Edwarde sinclare the brovne  
hors~ +t=t= he tuke fra +te saide Edwarde Becaus It is 
p~vit +t=t= +te saide hors~ was dik of Rowlis / & +t=t= +te     #
saide 
Edwarde had him fra thomas of Cochrane be c~posicioun~ 
made betuix +tame And +t=t= lr~ez be w~tin to 
distre~+ge +te saide dauid for +te Restorance of +te saide 
hors~ or +te p~ce of him als gude as he was quhe~ he 
was tane And +te maist~ of halys +t=t= bocht +te eschete 
of dik of Rowlis to hafe his accioun~ agane +te saide 
thomas Cochrane i~ sa fer as law will 
 
[^PASSAGES IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
<P 134.C2> 
The lordis abone w~tin has for +te plesance of +te king~ 
hienes c~se~tit as for +tai~ self +t=t= a c~t~bucioun~ of       #
vij=m= m~k~ 
be Raisit be +te hale thre estait~ & to be gad~it to +te 
vittaling of +te tovne of berwic for xl dayis / And +tis 
no=t= to be tane bot of beneficit me~ la~dit me~ & burgess~ 
In sic man~ as c~t~bucioun~ & taxt has bene payit of before 
/ & to be devidit on~ +tis wise +t=t= Is to say ii=m= viij=c= 
m~k~ of +te clergy / als~mekl~e of +te baron~s / except +te 
la~dit me~ +t=t= pass~ i~ +tar~ avn~ p~son~s to berwic / & of   #
+te 
borowis j=m= iiij=c= m~k~ And~ als +te c~i~ssar~ of burowis 
except montrose gra~tit of before to +te vphald~ of 
berwic / & to help w=t= +tar~ gud~ +t~to / 
 
Ane~t +te Accioun~ and debate betuix Arthure of forbes 
on~ +te ta p~te / & Johne of Wemys on~ +te to+t~ p~te / 
twiching +te possessioun~ of +te land~ & place of Rerase 
Is c~tinewit be +te lord~ chosin be +te p~liame~t to +te 
xx=tj= day of Junij next tocu~ w=t= c~tia~cioun~ of dayis / to 
be declarit be +te p~liame~t quhai suld be Juge i~ +te saide 
mat~ betuix +t~ p~tijs / and als to declare quhilk of +tai~ 
salbe foloware & quhilk defendar~ / & ordanis +te said~ 
p~tijs to bring sic evide~t~ & docume~t~ to +te saide day 
as +tai wil vse for +te aski~ to borgh~ of +te saide la~d~ & 
place / And i~ +te mene tyme / +t=t= oure sou~ane lord~         #
Recognise 
+te said~ land~ & place of Rerase in his hand~ / 
for staynchi~ of debate betuix +te saide p~tijs / Nocht 
latti~ +tai~ to borgh~ to now+t~ of +tame quhil +te saide 
day / & baith~ +te p~tijs for~saide ar su~mond~ (\ap=d= act~\) 
 
The quhilk day the c~missar~ foresaide / of spea~le c~mand~ 
of oure Sou~ane lord~ chargit Johne of m~ray of tuchada~ 
c~stable depute / to call Alex=r= duc of albany erl~e 
of marche &c~ Andro hume Andro Jakson~e dauid 
chernside John~e trottare alex=r= trottare / vmfray alaneschaw 
/ Wil+gai~ ler~month~ Wil+game hume pat~k diksone 
Wil+game dikson~e dauid Jacson~e thomas diksone / 
george Wynrahame Johne Wy~rahame Ryn+geane 
Wra~ghame James Wranghame dik ethinton~s sone 
Johne the haye Wil+game Sandirssone & vmfray sandirssone 
To c~pere the saide day in our~ sou~ane Lord~ 
p~liame~t to a~suere to his hienes apon~ the crymys 
<P 135.C1> 
poynt~ of tresson~ & v+t~ offens~ c~tenit in the lr~ez of 
su~mond~ and p~ces~ led apon~ thame withi~ w~tin c~tinewit  
to +te saide daye The saide Alex=r= duc of albany 
erl~e of marche &c~ & +te Remane~t of the p~son~s abone 
exp~myt oft tymes callit & no=t= c~perit lauchfull tyme of 
day byddin The said~ c~missar~ / be +te autorite of +tare 
c~missioun~ & of spea~le c~mand~ of oure saide sou~ane 
lord~ c~tinewit the saide su~mond~ & proces~ made & 
led apon~ +te saide p~son~s to giddir with~ +tis pn~t           #
p~liame~t / 
and als all su~mond~ & accion~s depending +t~uppon~e to 
+te Secund day of maij next tocu~ w=t= c~tia~cioun~ of 
dayis In all form~e strenth~ & effect as effer~ and as It 
is +tis day 
 
[} (\II DIE MAII, A. D. M,CCCC,LXXXI.\) }] 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
 
The quhilk day the saide c~missaris chargit Johne of 
murray of Tuchadam c~stabl~e depute / to call Alex=r=  
duc of albany erl~e of march~e &c~ Andro hume Andro 
Jaksone dauid cherneside Johne trottare alex=r= 
trottare / vmfray alaneschaw / Wil+game ler~month~ / 
Wil+game hum~e pat~k diksone Wil+game diksone 
dauid Jaksone / thomas dikson~e george Wynrahame 
Johne Wynrahame Ryn+geane Wranghame James 
Wranghame dik ethinton~s sone Johne the haye Wil+game 
Sandirssone and vmfray Sandirsson~e To Comper~ 
the saide day in oure Sou~ane lord~ p~liame~t to a~suer~ 
to his hienes apon~ the crymys point~ of tressone & 
v+t~ offens~ c~te~it i~ +te lr~ez of su~mond~ & p~ces~ led      #
apon~ 
+tai~ withi~ w~tin c~tinewit to +te saide day The saide 
alex=r= duc of albany erl~e of march~e &c~ & +te Remane~t 
of the p~son~s abone exp~myt oft tymes callit & no=t= 
c~perit lauchfull tyme of day biddin The said~ c~i~ssar~ 
be +te autorite of +tare c~i~ssioun~ & of spea~le c~mand~ of 
our~ sou~ane lord~ for~saide c~tinewit +te saide su~mond~ 
& proces~ made & led apone +te saide p~son~s Togidd~ w=t= 
+te saide p~liame~t / and als all Su~mond~ & accion~s depe~ding 
+t~uppone vnto +te xviij day of Junij next tocu~ 
w=t= c~tia~cion~ of dayis In all forme strenth~ & effect as 
effer~ & as It was +te saide secund~ day of maij 
 
[} (\XVIII DIE JUNII, A. D. M,CCCC,LXXXI.\) }] 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
<P 135.C2> 
The quhilk day the saide c~missaris chargit Johne of  
murray of tuchada~ c~stable depute / to call Alex=r= duc 
of albany erl~e of marche &c~ Andro hume Andro 
jaksone dauid chernside Johne trottare alex=r= trottar~ 
vmfray alaneschaw Wil+gai~ ler~month~ / Wil+gai~ hume / 
pat~k diksone / Wil+gai~ diksone / dauid Jaksone Thomas 
diksone / george Wynrahai~ Johne Wynrahai~ / 
Ryn+geane Wra~ghai~ James Wranghame dik ethinton~s  
sone Johne the haye / Wil+gai~ sand~ssone & vmfra 
sandirssone To c~per~ the saide day i~ our~ sou~ane lord~ 
p~liame~t to a~suer~ to his hienes apon~ the c~mys point~ 
of tressoun & v+t~ offens~ c~te~it i~ +te lr~ez of su~mond~ & 
p~ces~ led apon~ +tai~ w=t=inwriti~ c~tinewit to +te saide day 
The saide alex=r= duc of albany erl~e of march~ &c~ & +te 
Remane~t of +te p~son~s abone exp~myt oft tymes callit 
& no=t= c~perit lauchful tyme of day biddi~ The saide 
c~i~ssar~ be +te autoritee of +tar~ c~i~ssioun~ & of spea~le    #
c~mand~ 
of our~ saide sou~ane lord~ c~tinewit +te saide su~mound~ 
& p~ces~ made & led apone +te saide p~son~s Togidd~ with~ 
+te saide p~liame~t and all Causis su~mond~ & querell~ als~wele 
+tai +t=t= depe~d~ apon~ +te p~liame~t as v+t~is to +te first 
day of octob~ next tocu~ with~ c~tia~cioun~ of dayis In all 
forme strenth~ & effect as effer~ & as It was +te saide 
xviij day of Junij 
 
[} (\I DIE OCTOBRIS, A. D. M,CCCC,LXXXI.\) }] 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
 
The quhilk day the saide c~missaris chargit Andro 
Wardelaw c~stabl~e depute i~ +t=t= p~te to call Alex=r= duke 
of Albany erl~e of march &c~ Andro hum~e Andro 
Jaksone dauid cherneside Johne trottar~ alex=r= trottar~ 
vmfray alaneschaw Wil+gai~ ler~month~ Wil+gai~ hume / 
pat~k diksone Wil+gai~ diksone dauid Jaksone Thomas 
diksone george Wynrahame / Johne Wy~rahai~ / Ryn+geai~ 
Wranghame James Wranghai~ dik ethinton~s sone 
John~e the haye Wil+gai~ sandirsson~e & vmfray sandirsson~e / 
To c~pere +te saide day in our~ sou~ane lord~ p~liame~t 
to a~suere to his hienes apon~ the c~mys point~ of 
tressoun~ & v+t~ offens~ c~te~it i~ +te lr~es of su~mond~ &     #
p~ces~ 
led apon~ +tai~ w=t=inw~tin c~tinewit to +te saide day The 
saide Alex=r= duke of albany erl~e of march~ &c~ +te 
Remane~t of +te p~son~s abone exp~myt oft tymes callit 
& no=t= c~perit lauchful tyme of day biddin The said~ 
c~missar~ be +te autoritee of +tar~ c~missioun~ & of spea~le 
c~mand of our~ saide sou~ane lord~ c~tinewit +te saide 
su~mond~ & p~ces~ made & led apon~ +te saide p~son~s Togidd~ 
with~ +te saide p~liame~t & al Causis su~mond~ & 
querell~ als~wele +tai +t=t= depe~d~ apon~ +te saide p~liame~t 
as v+t~is / Except +te mat~is c~c~nyng spea~ly our~ sade 
sou~ai~ lord~ vnto +te v . day of Noue~ber next tocu~ w=t= 
c~tia~cioun~ of dayis In all forme strenth~ & effect as 
effer~ & as It was +te saide first day of October 
<P 136.C1> 
[} (\V DIE NOVEMBRIS, A. D. M,CCCC,LXXXI.\) }] 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
 
The quhilk day the saide c~missaris chargit Johne +te 
Bruse of Erth c~stable depute in +t=t= p~te / to call Alex=r= 
duke of albany erl~e of marche &c~ Andro hum~e 
Andro Jaksone dauid chernside Johne trottar~ alex=r= 
trottare vmfray alaneschaw Wil+game ler~month~ Wil+game 
hume pat~k diksone Wil+game diksone dauid 
Jaksone Thomas diksone / george Wynrahame Johne 
Wy~rahame Ryn+geane Wranghame James Wranghame 
dik ethinton~s sone Johne +te haye Wil+gai~ sandirssone 
& vmfray sandirssone To c~pere the saide day 
in our~ sou~ai~ Lord~ p~liame~t to a~suere to his hienes 
apon~ +te c~mys point~ / of tressoun~ and v+t~ offens~ c~te~it 
in +te lr~ez of su~mond~ & p~ces~ led apon~ +tai~ w=t=inw~tin 
c~tinewit to +te saide day The saide Alex=r= duke of 
albany erl~e of marche &c~ & +te Remane~t of +te p~son~s 
abone exp~myt oft tymes callit & no=t= c~perit lauchfull 
ty.. of day biddin The said~ c~missar~ be +te autoritee 
of +tar~ c~i~ssioun~ & of spe .... c~mand~ of our~ saide        #
sou~ane 
lord~ c~tinewit +te said su~mond~ & p~ces~ made ... led 
apon~ +te saide p~son~s Togidd~ w=t= +te saide p~liame~t / & 
al caus~ su~mond~ & querell~ als~wele +tai +t=t= depend~ 
apon~ +te saide p~liame~t as v+t~is Except +te mat~is c~c~nyng 
spea~ly o=r= saide Sou~ane lord~ vnto +te ferd day of februar~ 
next tocu~ w=t= c~tia~cioun~ of dayis In al forme 
strenth~ & effect as effer~ & as It was +te saide . v . day 
of Noue~ber 
 
[} (\IV DIE FEBRUARII, A. D. M,CCCC,LXXXI.\) }] 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
 
The quhilk day the saide c~missaris chargit Alex=r= 
lesly . of Wardr~ c~stable depute in +t=t= that p~te / to call 
Alex=r= Duk of albany erl~e of march~ &c~ Andro hume 
Andro Jaksone dauid chernside Johne trottar~ alex=r= 
trottar~ vmfray alaneschaw Wil+game Lermonth~ Wil+gai~ 
hume pat~k diksone Wil+game diksone Dauid Jaksone 
thomas diksone george Wyrahame Johne Wynrahame 
Ryn+geane Wranghai~ James Wranghame dik 
ethinton~s sone Johne +te hay / Wil+gai~ sandirssone and 
vmfray sandirssone To c~pere +te saide day i~ our~ sou~ane 
<P 136.C2> 
lord~ p~liame~t to a~suer~ to his hienes apon~ +te c~mys 
point~ of tressoun~ & v+t~ offens~ c~tenit i~ +te lr~ez of      #
su~mond~ 
& p~ces~ led apon~ +tai~ w=t=inw~tin c~tinewit to +te 
saide day The saide alex=r= Duk of albany erl~e of 
march &c~ & +te Remane~t of +te p~son~s abone exp~mit 
oft tymes callit & no=t= c~perit lauch~ful tyme of day 
biddi~ The said~ c~missar~ be +te autorite of +tar~ c~i~ssioun~ 
& of spea~le c~mand of our~ saide sou~ane lord~ c~tinewit 
+te said~ su~mond~ & p~ces~ made & led apon~ +te 
saide p~son~s Togidd~ with~ +te saide p~liame~t & al caus~ 
su~mond~ & querell~ +t=t= depend~ +t~apon~ vnto +te xj day 
of mar .. next tocu~ with~ c~tia~cioun~ of dayis In all 
forme strenth~ & effect as effer~ & as It was +te saide 
ferd day of februar~ 
 
[} (\APUD EDINBURGH, 
XVIII DIE MARCII, A. D. M,CCCC,LXXXI.\) }] 
 
[^PASSAGES IN LATIN AND LISTS OF NAMES OMITTED.^] 
 
<P 138.C1> 
OURE souerane lord the king in this pn~t p~liame~t In 
pn~s of his thre estait~ Declar~ Ane~t +te takin & Intrometting 
had of before of +te Castel of Edi~burgh be 
his vncl~is Johne erle of Athole & James erle of buchane / 
in our~ sou~ane lord~ tend~ age / was taki~ & 
done of the c~mand of his hienes gevin to +tai~ +t~apon~ 
The quhilk~ his vncl~is alsa deliu~it fra +tai~ +te sa~my~ 
castell than incontine~t at his c~mandme~t And this our~ 
sou~ane lord foresaide declarit of before And now at 
his p~fite age i~ this p~liame~t declar~ +te sa~my~ and +t=t=   #
his 
saide vncl~is and the p~son~s being w=t= +tai~ for +te tyme 
has no=t= Inru~ny~ ony c~mez~ blame nor offence in +t=t= 
mat~ agane his hienes / bot +t=t= in tyme tocu~ the saide 
Johne & James his vncl~is and the said~ p~son~s being 
with +tai~ / & +tar~ aer~ salbe qwite of al dangere & p~ell 
i~ tyme tocu~ / i~ +tar~ lyf~ land~ & gud~ ane~t +te saide      #
accioun~ / 
And neu~ to be folowit accusit nor chala~git +t~of 
be our~ saide sou~ane lord nor his successour~ i~ tyme tocu~ / 
And +t~fore orda~is / a lr~e of declaracioun~ vnd~ his 
grete Sele in +te best forme to be made her~apoun~ / and 
vnd~ the Selis of diu~s~ p~lat~ baron~s & c~i~ssar~ of burowis 
of +tis p~liame~t now gad~it for +te mar~ sikk~ & 
evide~t witnessing her~apon~ And +t=t= a p~cept be direct 
vnd~ +te p~ue Sele i~ +te saide mat~ in dew forme as effer~ 
 
[^PASSAGES IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
<P 138.C2> 
OURE souerane lord the king and the thre Estaitis 
of his Realme being gaderit and assemblit in this pn~t 
parliament has vndirstandin and knawis wele / that 
this i~sta~t were Is movit apon~ oure souerane lord and 
his Realme / agane the will mynde & entencioun~ of 
his hienes / quhilk send his writing with a herald & 
persewant / offerand to haue made for his parte / a 
Redress~ of all atte~ptat~ done agane the trewis / that  
stude for the tyme / Sa that simylabl~e & sic like / 
micht haue bene had / And thareftir the said~ herald 
& persewant being lang haldin and taryit in Ingland / 
be the Revare Edward calland him king of Ingland / 
thai war send agane but ansuere / ow+t~ in wourd or 
writ / In Lichtlying of oure souerane lord / and of the 
saide Ressonabl~e desiris / quhilk was alan~ly to haue 
had pece / and to haue kepit his trewis / as apperit 
wele eftir the hame cu~myn~ of the said~ herald and 
persewant / quhen +tar~ was ane hoist of the hale grete 
powere of Scotland gaderit / to haue past for the resistence 
& Invasioun~ of oure ennemyis of Ingland / 
Oure souerane Lord at the Requeist and monycion~s 
of oure haly faid~ the papis bullis / schewi~ to him in the 
tyme / Skalit his grete hoist / In hope and traist +t=t= his 
ennemyis suld haue bene in like wise obedient / to 
oure haly faidir / vndir the quhilk traist / and be 
skaling of +te powere foresaide / thare was incontine~t 
grete byrnyng~ hereschip and distructioun~ done 
apon~ oure saide souerai~ Lord~ his Realme & Liegis 
And nochtwithstanding all this / his hie maiestee / +git 
desiris and wald haue pece / Sa that It micht be had 
according to the woureschip and honoure of his 
hienes / and his Realme / be +te sicht of his saide thre 
estait~ / as his excellence has now offerit the sammyn~ 
 
AND becaus It is verraly traistit and supponit / that  
the saide Revare Edwarde / throu birnand averice / 
and for fals Reif and conqueist / Nocht dredand god / 
nor the effusioun~ of c~stin blude / nor havand respect 
or Remembrance / that he was oblist and sworne to 
haue kepit the trewis foresaide / Bot postponand the 
band of his lawtee & honoure / that he suld haue 
had / Is alut~ly set to c~tinew in this were / that he 
has movit and begu~nyn~ / and be all his powere tendis 
and schapis / to Invaid & distroye / and in sa fer as he 
may to conquest this Realme The thre estait~ foresaide 
has tharefore hertfully of +tare avn~ free will~ / 
grantit & promittit to oure saide souerane lord / to 
Remane & abide / at the co~mand of his hienes / with 
thare person~s and all +tar~ substa~ce of Landis & gudis / 
<P 139.C1> 
In the defence of his maste noble persoun~ / his successioun~ 
Realme & lieg~ / as thai and thare forbearis / 
has of all tymes done of before 
 
OURE souerane lord now knawand and vndirstandand 
wele / the grete affectioun~ & hertfull lufe / but 
dissimilacioun~ / that his prelat~ lord~ baron~s / and 
all v+t~is his liegis spu~ale and temp~ale / has to his p~son~ / 
He has now schewin and declarit his mynde opinly / 
that his maiestee sall with help of god / and with 
gude and trew c~sale of his p~latis lordis & wise discrete 
person~s / ger Justice be evinly mi~sterit / to all his 
lieg~ / and apply him / to the puttin of gude Reull 
in all partis of his Realme / to +te co~mon~ proffit and 
gude thareof / quharethrou all his trew liegis / sal haue 
caus~ / to be of gude c~fort / & take c~solacioun~ & 
curage / to the grete disconfort & c~founding of his 
ennemyis & of all fals tratour~ and vntrew hertis 
 
AND for the Resisting and aganestanding of the saide 
Revare Edwarde / quhilk schapis to Invaid this 
Realme with~ grete armey and powere / baith be sey 
and Land / It is avisit & sene proffitabl~e / be oure 
souerane lord and the thre estait~ / +tat all delige~ce 
lauboure & solicitacioun~ possible be had / to get knaulage  
& vndirsta~ding / of the c~sale and disposicioun~ of 
+te said Revare Edward~ of Ingland And quhat tyme 
he schaipis to Invaid +tis Realme ow+t~ in propir persoun~ / 
or be his wardanis And in the mene that lr~es 
be w~tin / to all s~effis / chargeing all oure souerane 
lordis Lieg~ / to be redy with~ certane dayis vittalis / 
to cu~ wele abil+geit for were / to his hienes in all possibl~e 
haist eftir as thai salbe chargit / And to caus~ 
wapi~schawing~ to be haldin eu~y xv dayis And boundis 
to be ly~mit apon~ the sey coist / eu~y vj myle of Lenth / 
and a myle of breid / and capitanis to be ly~mit eu~y 
vj myle / to gadir the cu~tre / and to awayte thar~uppoun~ / 
quhen +tare is na grete hoisti~g~ be land 
And than all person~s in generall / to cu~ thareto / And 
that al p~son~s within thai bound~ / geif It sall happin 
oure ennemyis to Invaid the realme be sey in thai 
partis to be redy for the Resisting & Inpugnacioun~ 
of +tame / Sa that geif the saide Revare Edward happi~nis 
to cum in propir persoun~ / to be Resistit be oure 
sou~ane lord in prop~ persoun~ / and with~ +te hale body 
of the Realme / to leyf and dee with his hienes / in 
his defence / And geif +te saide Revare sendis wardanis / 
thai to be Resistit be wardanis & lieute~nand~ 
stuffit with sufficient powere / according for the tyme 
 
AND becaus the Currouris has bene and ar sleuthfull / 
in the pn~tacioun~ & gevin of oure souerane lordis lr~es / 
to the lordis and s~effis quham to thai ar direkit / his 
hienes has ordanit / that incontine~t eftir that lr~ez be 
w~tin / ow+t~ vnd~ p~ue Sele or signete / that thare salbe 
ly~mit a sufficient persoun~ of his thesaurary / to Ressave  
thame stuffit with money to mak / the expensis / 
<P 139.C2> 
of the person~s . beraris of the saide lr~es / quhilk~ salbe 
autentik person~s / and wele horsit me~ / to warne his 
lieg~ in the ferrest partis of the Realme / before v+t~is 
+t=t= ar nerrare 
 
ITEM as twiching the Resisting and staynching of 
the tresoun~ of the trato=r= James of Dowglace quhilk 
is now cu~myng to the bordour~ / It is gra~tit & ordanit 
be oure sou~ane lord and the thre estait~ for the 
caus~ abone exp~mit That gen~ale proclamacioun~ be 
made / that quhatsu~euir persoun~ or p~son~s that wil sla 
or bring / +te saide James persoun~ / to his hienes sal 
haue tharefore / and be infeft heretably in j=c= m~k~ 
worth of land / and als haue J~ m~k~ of money of the 
Realme / and sal +t~eftir stand in lufe & tend~nes to 
his gude grace in all tyme cu~myng And for the slaying 
takin or bringin to his hienes / of ony tratour~ 
being w=t= him / cu~my~ of gentill blude / thare salbe 
payit xx l~i And for a +gema~ ma~ x l~i And quhatsu~euir 
p~son~s / that now assistis to +te saide tratour~ Douglace / 
that will w~in xxiiij dais / cu~ to our~ souerane Lord / 
and byde at the faith and Lawtee of his hienes / sal 
haue full re~issioun~ and forgeifnes / of all tressoun~ and 
vthir trespass~ / c~mittit be +tai~ of tyme bigane And 
quhai +t=t= will nocht cu~ / within the tyme abone exp~myt / 
sal neu~ be Ressavit to fauour~ nor grace And 
als to proclame +t=t= gen~al Respitt and Remissioun~ salbe 
gevin to all bordourar~ & v+t~ person~s / of +te Realme / 
that has c~mittit ony tressoun~ or trespass~ in tyme bigane / 
Except +te person~s that plesis his hienes to except 
That is to say the tratour~ James of Douglace / alex~r 
Jarding s~=r= Richard holland~ and maist~ pat~k haliburtoun~ 
preist~ / and vthir sic like tratour~ that ar sworne 
Inglis~me~ and Remanys in Ingland 
 
ALSA the thre estait~ / now c~siderand and vndirstandand / 
the honorable and Curageous opinioun~ / 
of oure sou~ane Lord / In the halding vp of the tovn~ 
of berwik / and the grete cost and expens~ that his 
hienes has made / in the fortifying strenthing & biggin / 
of the wallis of +te sa~my~ / & Rep~acioun~ of the 
castell / and stuffing +tareof / be artil+gery / And als 
the grete charge & coist / +tat his maiestee has now 
takin apon~ him / to hald & lay on~ his avn~ expe~s~ 
garnysoun~ of v=c= me~ of were / in the saide tovn~ / 
for the keping & defens +t~of / to +te grete hono=r= & 
proffit of +te Realme / and harme & skaith~ to oure 
ennemyis / The saide estait~ of +tar avn~ free will / has 
gra~tit to oure souerane Lord~ / to send & wage on~ 
+tar~ expens~ vj=c= me~ of were / to be layd in garnysoun~ 
in plac~ vndirwriti~ on~ the bordouris / for 
the defence of the sa~myn~ / & Resisting of oure saide 
ennemyis / And the sovme that salbe payit to +tare 
wag~ / salbe devidit & gevin be the thre estait~ / 
eftir the forme of +te ald vse and c~suetude of divisioun~ 
made of befor~ / +tat Is to say xij=xx= of me~ of were to 
be furnyst be the clergy / xij=xx= be the baron~s / vj=xx= be 
the burowis / and to entir in the plac~ vnd~w~tin that 
<P 140.C1> 
is to say the garnysoun~ on the bordour~ the first day 
of the moneth of maij / and fra thine furth~ to Remane 
to +te c~pleting of thre monethis And the 
garnysoun~ for~said~ to ent~ in berwic / the first day of 
Junij / and fra thine furth~ to Remai~ for thre monethis / 
 
ITEM It is ordanit / that +te saide me~ of Were / salbe 
Layd in the plac~ eft~ folowi~g / that is to say in berwic / 
v=c= as saide is / of +te quhilk~ / thare salbe eu~ ij=c= 
Redy to vsch~ at +te c~mand of the wardane of +te est 
m~chis / & his lieute~nand~ / & obey to +tai~ and ride als~ 
oft as thai salbe chargit / Item to be layd in blacat~ / 
xx me~ / and in Wed~burn~ xx . and in hum~e / lx / 
Item on the myddil m~chis In cesfurde lx / In Jedworth 
lx . In ormystoun~ xx . In egar~stoun~ xx . In 
coklaw xx . In dolphi~stoun~ xx . Item in +te Ermtage 
j=c= me~ quhilk salbe Redy to support baith +te myddil 
and the West bordour~ in tyme of nede / and as +tai 
salbe warnit & chargit / Item on~ the west bordour~ / 
In lochmabane j=c= me~ / In castelmylk xl me~ In Annand 
xl me~ / In bellis tour~ xx me~ / 
 
ITEM of the j=c= me~ of were / that sal ly in blacat~ 
Wed~burn~ & hum~e / James of borthwik sone to +te 
lord borthwik / to be Capitane / and he to cheis~ +te 
saide j=c= me~ sic as he wil ansuer~ for to +te king~ hienes 
And in like wise he to cheis~ & depute twa gentilme~ 
to be capitanys vnd~ him ane to Remane in blacat~ / 
and ane in Wed~burn~ / & him self to Remai~ i~ hum~e 
Item of +te myddil m~ch / In cesfurde ormystoun~ & 
egar~stoun~ the larde of edmo~stoun~ to be capitane / and 
to cheis~ +te j=c= me~ as saide is & to cheis~ and depute 
twa Capitanys vnd~ him / and hi~ self to remai~ in ane 
of +te saide thre plac~ / and the to+t~ twa capitanys in 
+te to+t~ twa plac~ Item of +te j=c= me~ in Jedworth Coklaw 
& dolphi~stoun~ +te larde of Cra~stoun~ to be Capitane / 
and cheis~ +te j=c= me~ and twa capitanys vnd~ him 
as saide Is Item to be Capitane of +te j=c= men in the 
ermtage the larde of La~myntoun~ / and he to cheis~ 
+tai~ as saide is Item to be Capitai~ in lochmabane of +te 
j=c= me~ & to cheis~ +tai~ as saide is / +te larde of           #
Closebern~ 
Item of +te j=c= me~ & to cheis~ +tai~ and twa Capitanys as 
saide is for castelmylk a~nand & bellis tour~ the larde 
of amysfeild / and he to Remane in ane of the thre 
plac~ / and his twa Deput~ in the to+t~ twa plac~ 
 
ITEM the principale Capitanys foresaide / sal Ressave 
the hale waig~ for +tame self and the capitanys vndir 
+tame / and for al the p~son~s c~mittit to +tare gov~nance 
as said is And thareftir pay ilk ma~ as thai wil ansuer~ 
to the king~ hienes / and ilk p~sone foresaide to haue 
for his wage on~ the day Ilk spere / ij s~ vj d~ [{and ilk 
bow . ij . s~ And that the tane half of the said wageouris 
salbe speiris / and the tother half bowis .{] ... 
<P 140.C2> 
ITEM Our Souerane Lord hes ordanit the Lord 
Dernly to be wardane on the west Bordouris / and 
co~mandis and chargeis / that all his liegis answer and 
obey to him / and his Lieutennentis in the said office 
in tyme tocum . 
 
ITEM Attour for the defence and supplie of our 
Souerane Lordis liegis / that remanis on the Bordouris 
and punitioun of the vntrew persounis / quhilkis 
fauouris and suppleis the fals and tressonabill opinioun 
of the tratour James of Dowglas / our Souerane 
Lordis hienes hes committit full and haill power to 
all his wardanis to exerce thair officis on all sic persounis 
within thair boundis without ony exceptioun . 
and hes reuokit all exceptiounis grantit to ony persounis 
of befoir except allanerly sa mony persounis / 
as remanis within the Towne and Castell of Berwyk . 
And gif ony exceptioun be desyrit / thair salbe nane 
grantit without a speciall and ressonabill cause vnderstandin 
and declarit be the Lordis of counsall befoir 
the geuing thairof . 
 
ALSUA It is auisit / ordanit / and concludit be our 
Souerane Lord and his thre Estatis / that ane honorabill 
Ambaxat be send fra our Souerane Lordis hienes 
& fra the Estatis of the Realme to the King of France 
and to the Parliament of Paris / desyrand the King of 
France / as his brother and confederat to help and 
supplie his hienes and his Realme now in his weiris 
mouit be thair commoun Inimie of Ingland aganis 
thame / lyke as our Souerane Lord hes euer and will 
be reddy to his brotherheid / quhen he salbe requyrit / 
making mentioun alswa / that he hes diuers tymes 
writtin to the King of France thairupone / and gottin 
nane answer . 
 
MEMORAND~ +te sext day of m~che +te +geir of god 
J=m= iiij=c= lxxxj +geir~ Robert Dan+gelstoun was persewit 
be ane woma~ callit Glen befoir +te lordis of counsale 
And scho wald~ haue cu~in aganis hir aith +t=t= scho maid 
in Jugement befoir +te officiall of glasgw And +tair 
was schawin ane Instrument vnder +te seill of +te said 
officiale +tat scho consentit to +te alienation~ of sic landis 
and swoir that scho suld~ neu~ cu~ in +te contrair heirof 
And wald haue had +te said~ landis allegeand +tat It 
was hir co~iunctfeftment and maid reuocatioun eftir 
hir husband~ deceis~ sayand +tat he compellit hir +t~to 
The actioun~ was deliu~it aganis +tis woman 
 
ITEM our sou~ane lord and his thre estatis hes In +tis 
pn~t parliament apprevit / ratifyit / and confermyt all +te 
actis & statutis of parliament maid of befoir / tuicheing 
+te obs~uatioun & keiping of +te Indult and p~uilege 
grantit be o=r= haly fader +te paip to the Archibischop 
and sege of Sanctandr~ anent +te co~firmatiou~ of electioun~  
of abbotis electis and postulatis The quhilk~ 
<P 141.C1> 
actis and panis contenit in +tame salbe alswele extendit 
upoun~ +te brekaris of +tame +t=t= assistis or gevis help 
supple fynance or supportatioun~ +t~to as on~ +te principall 
And als with extentiou~ of +te sami~ actis till all v+t~ 
placis of +te realme w=t=in +t~ diocyis +t=t= hes bene in vse 
consuetude or possessioun~ of confirmatioun~ of electionis 
postulationis of abbacyis p~oryis or p~lacyis of 
tymes bigane in +t~ diocyis And in likewis~ +tat all v+t~ 
p~uilegeis and Indultis grantit be o=r= haly faderis +te 
papis of befoir to oure sou~ane lord and his progenito=r=~ 
to +te proffet and availl of +tair successo=r=~ or pepill 
be Inlikewis~ obs~uit & kepit in all punctis and articl~is 
contenit in +te sami~ Insafer as salbe sene proffitabl~e to 
+te gude publict of +te realme And spea~lie be papis 
Celestyn~ and Innocent~ to kingis of gude mynde 
William~e and Alex~r his progenito=r=~ And +t=t= lr~es be 
writtin to o=r= haly fader +te paip heirupoun~ And +tis 
tobe extendit be +te caus~ as is c~tenit in +te act of          #
p~liame~t 
maid +t~upoun~ of befoir 
 
ITEM It is statute and ordanit be +te king and his 
thre estatis anent +te p~uilege of +te croun~ vsit and obs~uit 
in all tymes bigane anent +te pn~tacioun~ of bn~fices 
in the tyme of the vacacioun~ of +te segis of bischopis 
that o=r= sou~ane lord and his successo=r=~ sall in tyme 
tocum +te tyme of +te vacacioun of +te sege haue pouer 
to pn~t to bn~fices all tymes quhil +te p~late and bischope 
mak his bullis of prouisioun~ be schawin to +te king~ 
hienes and his chepto=r= And in caise +tat o=r= sou~ane lord 
of his spea~le grace and fauouris admitt ony p~late to 
his temporalitie befoir +te schawing of his bullis as 
said is that sic admissioun salbe na p~iudice nor skaith 
till his hienes ane~t his said p~uilege and rycht of  
presentacioun 
 
ITEM It is statute and ordanit that the act of Parliament 
maid of befoir for punitioun of the persounis 
that laubouris and dois ony thing contrare to the 
said priuilege salbe extendit alsweill vpone thame / 
that takis officis of procuratioun on thame or supportis 
or suppleis thay persounis with money and 
fynance to be punist as the principall doaris And 
attour gif ony person~ or persounis in tyme tocum 
rasis or purchessis ony commissioun of the sege of 
Rome to be prouydit of ony benefice that beis 
fundin vacand the sege of the Bischop vacand for 
the tyme the persounis that rasis purchessis or vsis 
sic co~missiounis salbe repute and haldin as brekaris 
and violatours of our Souerane Lordis priuilegis / and 
transgressouris agane the act of Parliament and incur 
the panis contenit in the samin 
 
ITEM oure sou~ane lord of his spea~le grace and his 
thre estatis hes ordanit and commandit +t=t= in tyme 
tocu~ all freind~ strangear~ and alienaris of v+t~ cu~treis 
+t=t= cu~is heir with~ m~chandice and vittalis to +te           #
supportatioun 
of +te realme salbe fauorablie tretit and cheresit 
<P 141.C2> 
in tyme cu~ming to +te Intent and effect to cause thame 
tocum w=t=in +te realme considering +t=t= +te m~chand~ of 
+tis realme ar throw weir~ stoppit to exerce and vse 
+te cours~ of m~chandice and specially to gar vittalis be 
bro=t= in sen~ +t~ is now skantnes +t~of 
 
[} (\XXIII DIE MARCII\) }] 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN AND A LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] 
 
Anent the halding of a Court of purprusioun~ apon~ 
the land~ of Rathburn~ be Elizabeth nesbit alex=r= 
chernside and pat~k hum~e +tar~ bail+ge on~ the ta p~te / 
agai~ Jonete hum~e the spous of James of dowglace on~ 
the to+t~ p~te / for +te wra~gwis~ calling of +te saide Jonete 
to +te saide court of p=r=prusioun~ as was allegit & c~tinewit 
to +te p~liame~t // The lord~ auditour~ foresaide 
chosi~ be the thre estait~ al i~ a voce Int~pret~ and declaris 
that na vassall nor subvassall na v+t~ te~nand~ vnd~ 
the barone / has power~ nor Jurisdiccioun~ to hald~ a 
Court or knaw on~ +te questioun~ of p=r=prusioun~ and 
tharefore dec~nys & deliu~is that +te saide court of  
p=r=prusioun~ halding be +te saide Elizabeth~ alex=r= and 
pat~k twiching +te saide land~ of Rathburn~ / Is of nane 
avale force strenth nor effect in Iugeme~t nor vtouth 
i~ tyme tocu~ / 
<P 142.C1> 
[} (\APUD EDINBURGH, 
II DIE DECEMBRIS, A. D. M,CCCC,LXXXII.\) }] 
[^PASSAGES IN LATIN AND LISTS OF NAMES OMITTED^] 
<P 143.C1> 
[^PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
Befor~ the hale lord~ of the thre estat~ gad~it in the 
tolbuth of Edi~burgh~ p~sonaly Comperit Wil+gai~ lord~ 
sinclar~ foloware on~ the ta p~te & s~=r= Wil+gai~ of borthwik 
sone & apperand ayr~ to Wil+gai~ lord~ borthwik & alex=r= 
hepburne s~ef of Edi~burgh~ with c~tane v+t~ p~son~s 
quhilk~ past of befor~ on +te s~ving of a breif of our~ 
sou~ane lord~ chapel p=r=chest on~ +te said Wil+gai~ of 
fatuitee be +te said s~=r= Wil+gai~ of borthwik defendour~ 
on the to+t~ p~te Baith~ the said~ p~tijs beand pn~t & +tar~ 
Reson~s & allegacion~s at lenth~ sene herd & vnd~standi~ 
The hale body of +te p~liame~t be a se~seme~t decretit & 
deliu~it +t=t= the said breif p=r=chest apon~ the said Wil+gai~ 
lord~ si~clar~ was owt of +te dew forme of our~ sou~ane 
lord~ chapell / & als +t=t= It is no=t= formaly execute be 
+te said s~ef And atto=r= +t=t= the p~son~s +t=t= past apon~    #
+te 
s~ving of +te sa~my~ errit i~ +tar~ deliu~ance & Retouri~g 
And +tfor~ dec~nis the Retour~ / +te office of Curatry 
c~mittit to +te said s~=r= Wil+gai~ of borthwik / & +te         #
int~dictioun~ 
put apo~ +te said Wil+gai~ lord~ si~clar~ & al v+t~ 
thi~g +t=t= folowit apo~ +te said breif / to be of nane avale 
force nor effect in Jugeme~t nor vtouth~ i~ tyme tocu~ 
 
[^PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
 
It Is ordanit avisit and Concludit be oure souerane 
lord and his thre estaitis being assemblit in this pn~t 
parliame~t that pece be takin with Ingland gif It can 
be had with hono=r= but inco~uenie~t / and that the 
Aliance and mariage appointit of before be obs~uit & 
kepit in al point~ for the parte of oure sou~ane lord 
gife the king of Ingland wil do the sa~myn~ for his 
parte And for to get sikkir certificacioun~ and knaulage 
of the king of ingland~ mynde and intencioun~ 
in the p~miss~ / that thare be a king of armys or a 
herald of wisdome and knaulage send with autentik 
w~ting fra the king~ hienes my lord of albany and 
the hale estait~ of the Realme be autoritee of p~liame~t / 
and with~ Instruccion~s The quhilk~ writing & 
instruccion~s / sal c~tene and bere in effect That the  
trewis takin and c~fermit of before / betuix baith the 
king~ be thare grete selis / ar violate & hurt / be 
<P 143.C2> 
diu~s~ grete attemptatis c~mittit & done be the partij 
of Ingland / co~trar~ the mynde wil & entencioun~ of 
oure souerane lord and the estait~ of his Realme / 
Considering +t=t= his hienes at al tymes desirit the            #
obs~uacioun~ 
of the trewis / and for his parte / to haue 
made reformacioun~ of all attemptat~ done agane the 
sa~my~ / Sa +t=t= he micht haue had sic like / and +t~apone 
the last +gere send his herald~ to +te king of Ingland 
with aute~tik w~ting And that +git in tyme tocum / 
oure saide souerane lord~ and his hale estait~ Desiris 
and wald haue pece obs~uit / & Reformacioun~ of atte~ptat~ 
made And for his parte wil send his grete 
co~missionar~ tharefore ow+t~ in Ingland vnd~ c~duct or 
grant c~duct to c~i~ssionar~ of Ingland to cu~ in +tis land / 
Sa +t=t= +te king of Ingland wil assent +t~to Y And in like 
wise that oure souerane lord~ & +te estait~ of his 
Realme desiris that +te aliance & mariage appointit of 
before betuix oure lord the p~nce & +te docht~ of +te 
king of Ingland be fulfillit in al poyntis Praying 
tharefore the king of Ingland that he wil geif his 
c~sent / & apply him to +te pece to be had betuix +te 
Realmes / and fulfilling of +te saide aliance / for +te 
plesur~ of god and c~mon~ wele of baith +te Realmes / 
and +t=t= he wil send his mynde & ente~tioun~ in w~t aute~tik  
+t~apone / And geif sa be +t=t= +te king of Ingland 
wil no=t= apply him to +te pece / bot c~tinew in his wer~ / 
Oure sou~ane lord~ tak~ witnes of god / +t=t= it is aga~is 
his will / & +t=t= he sal no=t= be +te caus~ nor occasioun~ of 
effusioun~ of c~sti~ blude / bot i~ his Ry=t=wis querel & 
defens And sal god willing defend his Realme in 
hono=r= & fredome as his noble p~ge~itour~ has done in 
tymes bigane 
 
SECUNDLY that sen~ the bordouris ar daily Inuadit 
and oure sou~ane lordis Liegis gretely oppressit and 
oureset be +te partij of Ingland And sen~ It accord~ 
nocht to +te honour~ of his hienes to put his nobl~e 
persone daily to danger~ That +t~fore and It ples~ gude 
grace to speke to his bru+t~ the duke of albany to tak 
apon~ him to be lieute~nent gen~ale of +te Realme / and 
to defend the bordouris / and Resist his ennemyis 
baith of Ingland & vtheris in al tymes of nede And 
to avise how he salbe supportit to bere the grete 
charge & cost~ of the saide office &c~ according to +te 
king~ wour~schip 
 
ITEM It is avisit and concludit that oure souerane 
lord~ inco~tine~t dispone him and all his liegis with all 
his extreme powere for were of ingland and for the 
defence of his Realme baith be sey & land / and als 
for Inuasioun~ of his ennemyis And that but delay he 
caus~ lr~es of oppi~ p~clamacioun~ vnd~ his p~ue Sele to 
be send to all s~effis and vthir officiar~ in al p~tis of his 
Realme Chargeing al his liegis to dispone +tai~ & mak 
+tai~ Redy as said is for were / and purvay +tame of  
hors harnes & v+t~ abil+geme~t nedefull & of victalis Sa 
+tat +tai be redy at al tymes to cu~ to o=r= saide Sou~ane 
lord~ & his lieute~nent gen~ale in al possible haist eft~ +tai 
be warnit & chargit +t~to / for defens of +te Realme 
<P 144.C1> 
Resisting & i~pug~yng of his ennemyis And +t=t= ilk s~ef 
and officiar~ withi~ +te bound~ of his office tak               #
wapi~schewing~ 
eftir +te forme of the act of p~liame~t maide 
of before / and Rase +te vnlawis and punys~ the faltouris 
eftir +te forme of +te sa~my~ act~ but ony fauour~ 
 
ALSA Becaus It is oppin and ma~ifest / that the bordouris 
ar wastit & distroyit / and in like wise a grete 
parte Inwarde in the land be tressoun~ and thyft It is 
ordanit that the wardanis on~ al +te m~chis ger set and 
hald~ wardane court~ als~ oft as thai may of +te Law 
and punys~ trespassouris baith tratouris and theyf~ 
with~ all Rigoure but fauouris according to Justice / 
And in like wise that s~effis provestis and bail+geis of 
burowis and vthir officiaris baith to burgh & to land 
execute & mi~ster thare offic~ / and do Justice to all 
oure souerane lord~ liegis in Ciuile accion~s and +t=t= thai 
punys~ c~mi~ale accion~s as thyft slaucht~ and spule+ge in 
safer as p~tenis to +tare Jurisdiccioun~ & office eftir +te 
forme of the king~ lawis & of the act~ & statut~ of 
p~liame~t made +t~apon~ as thai will ansuer~ to o=r= sou~ane 
lord~ / and vndir the pane of punysing of +tame baith 
in thare p~son~s gud~ & offic~ eftir +te forme of the 
said~ act~ and statutis 
 
ALSA It is statute and ordanit that in al tymes to 
cu~ / the wardanis Courtis be of c~tia~cioun~ that is to 
say / that the wardanis sal haue powere to hald +tar~ 
courtis / and end +tai~ the first day / or c~tinew +tame as 
plesis +tame for thre dayis or within / 
 
ALSA It is statute and ordanit that in tyme tocu~ for 
the hono=r= of oure sou~ane lord~ / nane of his liegis 
breik his sauf conduct nor his wardanis within the 
boundis of thare offic~ vndir the pane of Dede 
 
ALSA that in tyme tocum nane of oure sou~ane lord~ 
liegis bring Corrupt or mixt wyne within the 
Realme / And gif ony sic happi~nis to be send hai~ / 
that na ma~ sell nor tap It / fra it be declarit be the 
bail+geis and gustaris of wyne that it is mixt or Corrupt / 
Bot send it agane furth of +te Realme vndir 
+te pane of dede And that na persoun~ within the 
Realme tak apo~ hand~ in tyme tocu~ to mix wyne or 
beir~ vnd~ +te pane of dede as saide is 
 
ALSA It is statute and ordanit that the act~ and statut~ 
made of before ane~t +te halding of money within 
the Realme / be put to execucioun~ and the panys 
Raisit but fauouris And +t=t= gude and trew serchouris 
be set at al portis eftir the forme of the actis and 
statutis made of before 
 
ALSA It is statute and ordanit that the Actis of p~liame~t 
made of before ane~t the purchesing of pension~s 
furth of benefic~ secular~ or Religious be put to execucioun~ 
And that na ma~ vse ony process~ of ony pensioun~ 
<P 144.C2> 
impetrate c~trare the saide actis vnd~ +te panys 
c~tenit in +te sa~my~ act~ that is to say Rebellioun~ & 
prosc~pcioun~ of the Realme 
 
AND attoure for the co~mone proffit of the hale 
Realme / and to caus~ strangearis of vthir Realmes to 
cu~ within the sa~myn~ with victalis and nedefull~ 
m~chandise to +te supportacioun~ of +te king~ liegis / It 
is statute & ordanit that in tyme tocum al strangear~ 
be tretit honorabl~y with~ all fauouris quhare eu~ +tai 
cu~ to ony port of +te Realme And that nane of o=r= 
sou~ane lord~ officiaris nor v+t~is his liegis distrubl~e +tai~ 
nor put +tai~ self schippis nor gudis vndir arreist / bot 
+t=t= +tai haue ful lib~tee & fredome / to dispone apon~ 
+tar~ avn~ gudis / and sel +tai~ to fre men~ / without          #
co~pulsioun~ 
or violence And that na price be set apon~ +tar~ 
gud~ bot be bying & selling with +tar~ avn~ c~sent and 
that na new Custumes Impo~icion~s nor exaccion~s be 
Raisit nor takin of +tame / bot eftir +te ald~ vse and 
c~suetude And quhare ony victalis or m~chandise cu~mys / 
ganyng for o=r= sou~ane lord~ / +tat his comptrollar~ 
or Ressauo=r= / eftir +t=t= the p~ce be made w=t= +te           #
stra~gearis / 
sal haue samekle of +te first & best as Is nedeful 
to oure sou~ane lordis propir vse / for +te quhilk +tai 
sal mak tha~kfull payme~t but delay/ that in defalt 
+tareof / the strangear~ be no=t= taryit And +t=t= in tyme 
tocu~ na p~sone vnd~ colo=r= of bying to oure sou~ane 
lord~ vse tak or Ressave mar~ gudis fra strangear~ / 
to Regrate and sel agane / vnd~ +te pane of ba~nysing 
the Realme & tinsale & eschete of +tar~ movabl~e gudis / 
And mar~ oure +t=t= strangear~ now being within +te 
Realme +t=t= ar playntuous of ony gudis takin fra +tame / 
or Iniuris done to +tai~ / sal haue inco~tine~t payme~t 
made to +tai~ / & Reformacioun~ accordi~g to Justice 
And in like wise gife ony strangearis +t=t= are now absent 
cu~mys her~eft~ to comple~+ge / +t=t= +tai sal haue             #
Reformacioun~ 
and Justice of ony p~son~s within the 
Realme but delay Sa +t=t= throw mi~stracioun~ of Justice 
& fauorable treting of al strangear~ / +tai sal haue 
occasioun~ to cu~ and Repar~ in the Land in tyme tocu~ 
to +te grete vtilite of +te hale Realme 
 
THE thre estaitis has ordanit to w~te to +te king of 
france and to +te p~liame~t of paris~ vnd~ the Chancellaris 
sele procurit for +tame all in +te hale p~liame~t 
schewing +te Complaynt made be diu~s~ m~chandis of 
this Realme / +t=t= +tare gudis ar arrestit and haldin fra 
+tai~ i~ france be c~mand of +te king as is allegit / but caus~ 
or forme of Justice And +t=t= +tai ar no=t= demanyt as 
freyndis / bot +tare gudis maist~fully Reft & haldi~ fra 
+tai~ c~trare to +te aliance & band betuix +te Realmes And 
+t=t= m~cha~d~ & v+t~is of +te Realme / has bene sekand Justice 
at +te king of france & at his c~sale / & cowth get 
nane / of +te quhilk +tai m~vale gretely Considering +t=t= 
thare was neu~ sic like breik of before Exhorting & 
prayi~g +tame +tarefore of Remede Sa +t=t= we haue caus~ 
to trete +tai~ as oure freyndis i~ tyme tocu~ like as has  
bene done i~ tymes bigane And gife +tar~ be ony franch 
<P 145.C1> 
ma~ +t=t= Complenis / +t=t= +tai wil cu~ to schew +tar~         #
complaynt / 
& +tai sal haue Justice And als to expone +t=t= 
franchme~ quhe~ +tai cu~ here desiris to haue galyais & 
c~duct~ or +tai cu~ on~ land inco~trar~ to +te aliance & 
freyndschip made of before ffor +te quhilk~ the thre 
estait~ has chosin Walter bertram~e and ordanis him 
to pas to +te king of france & to +te p~liame~t of paris~ 
with +t~ lr~es / and with~ Credence in al +t~ mat~is            #
foresaide / 
and ansuer~ to be gevin to him / to be brocht 
agane to +te thre estait~ 
 
ALSA oure souerane lord and the thre estaitis has 
c~tinewit this p~liame~t to +te first Day of March next 
tocu~ with c~tia~cioun~ of dayis And ordanit +t=t= al p~latis 
lord~ and grete baron~s and all c~i~ssaris of burowis / 
Compere agane +te saide day p~sonaly / Lattand +tame 
wit that na p~curatouris salbe admittit for ony ma~ +t=t= 
is of j=c= l~i of life late or abone And as for +tai~ +t=t= ar 
within j=c= l~i / the p~liame~t gra~t~ +tai~ leif / to Remane 
away as for +tis tyme 
 
<S SAMPLE 4> 
<P 158.C2> 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
 
THE QUHILK day in p~lme~t sittand~ o=r= sou~ane lord 
the king his thre estat~ being assemblit & gad~it William~ 
Cumy~ masar s~ef in +tat p~t pn~t a lr~ of Su~mond~ 
vnd~ the quhit walx & +te testimoniale of +te grete sele 
of +te quhilk the teno=r= folowis 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
<P 159.C1> 
Execut be the said masar~ hand w~te & testimoniale 
vnd~ his sele togidd~ w=t= +te Indorsing of 
Alex=r= hepburn~ of quhitsum s~ef of Edinburgh~ pn~t & 
Red in Jugeme~t as eft~ folowis THE XI day of +te 
moneth~ of +te moneth~ of decembre the +gere of our 
lord a thousand~ four hundreth~ four skore & thre +ger~ 
And of the Regnne of our~ Souu~a~ lord king James 
the thrid~ the xxiiij +gere / I Williame Cumy~ masar 
& s~ef in +t=t= p~t be oure Souu~ane lord spa~ly c~stitut be 
his lr~ez direct to me / past w=t= +te samy~ / & +t~ Witnes 
Symon sp~do=r= messingere / Thomas Scot Johne Cowy 
with~ v+t~ diu~s~ to +te m~ket cors~ of Aberdene / And in 
likewis~ the xviij day of +te samy~ moneth~ and +gere 
forsaid~ I past w=t= the said lr~ez and +t~ witnes Tho=s= Scot 
Johne fres~ & Johne Cowy patric prat ane of +te baillies 
of banf patric blith~ & patric duncansoun~ burges 
of +te samy~ to +te m~ket cors~ of banf And the xx day 
of +te said moneth~ & +gher~ I past w=t= +te said lr~ez & +t~ 
witnes Symon sp~do=r= Thomas Scot Johne fres~ & 
Johne of Cowy with~ v+t~ diu~s~ to +te m~ket cors of 
elgin The xxij day of +te said moneth~ & +gher~ I past 
with~ +te said lr~ez & +t~ witnes Thomas Scot Johne 
fresar Johne Cowy Archbald broun~ & Johne terres 
w=t= v+t~ diu~s~ to +te m~ket cors of fores The xxiij day 
of +te moneth~ & +ger~ forsaid~ I past w=t= +te said lr~ez & +t~ 
witnes Thomas Scot Johne fres~ Johnne Cowy William~ 
Caldor & Alane thomsoun~ burges of narne / 
w=t= v+t~ diu~s~ to +te m~ket cors of narne / And +te samy~ 
xxiij day I past w=t= +te said lr~ez & +t~ witnes Thomas 
scot Johne fres~ Johne Cowy Alex=r= flemi~g Alex=r= Rede / 
& Johnne pat~soun~ burges of Inu~nes to +te m~kat cors~ 
of +te samy~ And becaus~ I cowth no=t= get c~tane verificac~oun 
<P 159.C2> 
nor knaulage quhar to fynd nor app~hend 
p~sonaly William~ lord crechtoun~ / I past to all +te 
borowis forene~myt and at +te m~ket cors~ of +te samy~ 
at dais & befor Witnes abone exp~mit I su~mond 
p~emptourly be opin proclamc~oun the samy~ Willia~ 
lord crechtoun And mar~ atto=r= the pe~ult day of +te 
moneth~ & +gere forsaid~ I past w=t= +te said lr~ez & +t~       #
witnes 
Thomas Scot Johne fres~ Johne Cowy Willia~ John~soun~ 
ane of +te baillies of thane Thomas Rede a 
bailze of cromaty Mawnis vans burges of Inu~nes & 
Alex=r= su+t~land~ bru+t~ & famuliar s~uit=r= to +te said lord 
c~chto~ to +te tovnn of thane in Ross~ within the s~efdome 
of Inu~nes forsaid~ quhar~ the samy~ lord crechtoun~ 
had his duelling / as I was informyt in the vicar~ 
hous~ of thane / And at all +te m~ket cors~ of +te borowis 
befor ne~myt & vicar~ hous~ in thane als forsaid~ I 
Su~mond~ lauchfully & p~empto=r=ly in the name & autorite 
of our sou~a~ lord the king the said William~ lord 
crechtoun~ To compere p~sonaly befor o=r= forne~myt 
Souu~a~ lord in his nixt p~liame~t to be haldin At Edinburgh~ 
on thur~da the xix day of +te moneth~ of februar 
nixt tocu~ And +t~ to a~suer to his hienes in his 
said p~liame~t for the tresonable art p~t consale & 
assistence don~ & gevin to Alex=r= vmquhil duc of Albany 
in the tressonable missioun~ & sending of James 
of liddale vmquhil of halk~stoun~ knicht in Ingland~ 
w=t= tressonable writ~ mi~met~ & Instrucc~ons to +te            #
tressonable 
c~federac~oun w=t= inglismen~ in the said Alexr~is 
tressonable opinion~ aganis our Souu~a~ lord~ hienes & 
Realme And for the tressonable counsale & assistence 
done & gevin to +te said alex=r= in the tressonable Ressaui~g 
halding & deliu~ing of a pursewant of +te king 
of ingland~ callit blewmantle with~ tressonable writ~ & 
Instrucc~ons to +te i~imyis of Ingland~ And for +te tressonable 
art p~t & counsale gevin to +te said Alex=r= in 
his tressonable ganging & away passing in Ingland~ 
w=t=out licence of o=r= said souu~a~ lord to +te tressonable 
Inbringing of +te said i~ymyis of ingland~ for +te tressonable  
destrucc~oun of o=r= said sou~a~ lord~ p~son~ & Realme 
And for +te tressonable sending of diu~s~ lr~ez in Ingland~ 
to +te said alex=r= be ane thomas dicsoun~ chaipla~ 
sen~ the forfatur~ of +te said Alex=r= And for +te tressonable  
fortifiyng & stuffing of +te castell of crechtoun~ 
and for +te tressonable counsale & assistance gevi~ to +te 
p~sonis being in the said castell tressonably w=t=haldand 
the samy~ castell aganis the c~mandme~t of our Souu~a~ 
lord to +tai~ direct / be +te said William~ lord crechtoun~ 
tressonably done / eft~ our souu~a~ lord~ grace grauntit 
& gevin to +te said Willia~ lord crechtoun~ apon~ the 
mony & diu~s~ tressonable acc~ons & Rebellion~s aganis 
o=r= souu~a~ lord~ & his Realme be him tresonably c~myttit 
& done / & for +te said~ tresonable trespassez & c~mez~ 
at day & place ly~myt to vnd~ly +te law And in al +te 
abone w~tin execuc~oun I made Inti~ac~oun that quhe+t~ 
the said lord crechtoun~ comp~it or nocht at day & 
place to him ly~myt w=t= c~tia~c~oun of dais Our Sou~a~ 
lord neu~ +te les Justice passand~ befor~ wald p~cede / 
And als of our souu~ane lord~ lr~ez to me direct in +tis 
mat~ as said Is / I gaif the copy to +te forsaid~ Alex=r= 
Su+t~land~ quhilk Requirit me +t~of on the behalf of +te 
<P 160.C1> 
said lord~ crechtoun~ at thane +te pe~ult day of dece~ber 
abone writti~ In witnes hereof to this my lett~ of execuc~oun~ 
& Record~ w~tin w=t= my avne hand~ I haue 
affixt my Sele / 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
THE XJ DAY of decembre I Alex=r= hepburn~ 
of quhitsum s~ef of Edinburgh~ at +te biddin & c~mand 
of +t~ o=r= sou~a~ lord~ lr~ez becaus~ I couth~ no=t= app~hend~ 
Willia~ lord crechtoun~ p~sonally I past w=t= +te said lr~ez 
& +t~ witnes vnd~w~tin to +te castell of crechtoun~ / & +t~ 
I su~mond~ the said William~ lord crechtoun~ to Comper~ 
p~sonali in o=r= Souu~a~ lord~ Parlme~t nixt to be haldin 
at Edinburgh~ apon~ thur~da +te xix day of februar~  
nixt tocu~ with~ c~tia~c~oun of dais & +t~ to ansuer~ to o=r= 
souu~a~ lord in his said p~lme~t for his tressonable art 
<P 160.C2> 
p~t counsale and assistence gevin to Alex=r= su~ty~ Duc of 
Albany in his tressonable sending of s~=r= James of liddale 
vmquhil of halk~stoun~ knicht in Ingland~ w=t= tressonable 
w~ting~ mynyme~t~ & Instrucc~ons to +te tressonable 
c~federac~oun of inglisme~ in the said Alex~ris tressonable 
opi~on aganis o=r= said sou~a~ lord & his Realme 
And for the tressonable consale & assistence gevin to 
+te said alex=r= in the tressonable Ressaui~g haldi~g &         #
deliu~ing /  
of a pursewant of +te king of ingland~ callit 
blewmantle w=t= tressonable w~ting~ & Instrucc~ons to o=r= 
said sou~a~ lord~ Inymyis of ingland And for the tressonable 
art p~t & consale gevin to +te said Alex=r= in his 
tressonable passing in Ingland~ without leif of our~ 
Souu~a~ lord~ to +te tressonable Inbringing of inglisme~ / 
in to his tressonable opinioun~ for the tressonable             #
destrucc~oun 
of o=r= sou~a~ lord~ p~soun~ & Realme And for 
+te tressonable sending of diu~s~ & mony lr~ez to +te said 
Alex=r= he beand~ in Ingland~ be a chaipla~ callit s~=r= thomas 
dicsoun~ eft~ +te forfatur~ of +te said alex=r= And for 
+te tressonable stuffing w=t= men~ & wittale / of +te castell 
of crechtoun~ and for the tressonable consale & assistence 
gevin to +te p~sonis being in the said castel of 
crechtoun~ in the tressonable halding of the said castell 
aganis o=r= said lord~ w~ting~ & act~ of p~lme~t eft~ o=r= 
souu~a~ lord~ grace / to +te said lord crechtoun~ gevin & 
gra~tit eft~ +te mony & diu~s~ c~mez~ Rebellionis & trespassez~ 
c~trar~ o=r= souu~a lord & his Realme be him c~myttit 
and done & +t~ to vnd~ly +te law for +te samy~ Makin 
Inti~ac~oun to +te said Willia~ that quhe+t~ he comper~ or 
no=t= / the said day & place w=t= c~tia~c~oun of dais our 
Souu~a~ lord wald p~cede eft~ +te forme of Justice / 
And +tis I did befor~ +t~ witnes / & for +te mare witnessing 
I haue set to my sele / gawa~ of crechtoun~ george 
of crechtoun~ James of cokburn~ george Sinclar~ And~ 
archbald~ Johne of stermonth~ & Willia~ Johnnsoun~ 
s~iand~ w=t= v+t~ diu~s~ And atto=r= apon~ the vij da of        #
decembre 
 / I past to +te m~kat cors of edinburgh~ & +t~ I su~mond~ 
be opin proclamac~oun Willia~ lord crechtoun~ 
becaus~ I couth~ no=t= app~hend~ himself to comp~ p~sonaly 
in o=r= said souu~a~ lord~ p~lme~t day & place abone w~tin 
to a~suer~ to his hienes apoun~ all point~ and articl~is 
abonexp~myt / & +tis I did befor +t~ witnes / Alex=r= 
thomsoun~ ad~ archbald~ Johne of Carnis William~ 
Johnsoun~ pat~k wald~stoun~ s~iand~ pet~ of m~ch~ & James 
+gung public notar~ & for +te mar witnessing to +tis my~ 
execuc~oun I haue set to my sele THE QUHILK citac~oun 
of su~mond~ & execuc~oun being Red & lauchfully 
provit be diu~s~ notable and famous witnes / 
lauchfull ty~ of day biddin the ordre of process~ of 
c~tia~c~on of the said sumond~ at lenth~ sene herd~ & 
vnd~stand~ procedit lauchfully to +tis day / the said 
William~ lord~ crechtoun~ oftymes callit & no=t= comperit 
In the name & behalf of o=r= Souu~a~ lord the king 
Johnne the Ross~ of montgrena~ as aduocat to his 
hienes / askit & Requirit in his name & autorite and of 
his spa~le c~mand~ at +te lord~ baron~s & c~miss~is of borowis 
 / +t~ ward~ & sensime~t p~lme~t / gif the said William~ 
lord crechtoun~ had c~myttit & done tressoun~ to 
our souu~a~ lord & his Realme in the punct~ and 
articl~is abone w~tin The quhilk~ lord~ & estat~ being 
<P 161.C1> 
deligently & Riply avisit awardit faund~ & deliu~it that 
+te said William~ lord crechtoun~ / had c~m=t=tit & done / 
oppin & manifest tressoun~ agane our souu~a~ lord & his 
Realme in all punct~ and articl~is forsaid~ and +t~eft~ 
It was gevin for dome / be +te movth~ of Johne dempst~ 
dempst~ of p~lme~t in man~ & forme as eft~ folowis 
 
THIS COURT of P~lime~t schewis for law and I gif for 
dome / that forsamekle / as It is fundin be sensime~t 
of p~lme~t / that William~ lord crechtoun~ has c~mittit & 
done / tressoun~ agai~ o=r= souu~a~ lord~ and his Realme / 
in the tresson~s and c~mez forsaid~ c~tenit in the su~mond~ . 
for the quhilk~ / he has forfatit to our souu~a~ 
lord his lif his land~ his gud~ offic~ and al v+t~ his          #
possession~s 
quhatsu~eu~ he had of o=r= souu~a~ lord w=t=in the 
Realme of scotland~ eu~mar~ to Remai~ w=t= o=r= souu~a~ lord 
his air~ & successo=r=~ as prop~te for his tressoun~ & offence 
and that I gif for dome / 
 
THE QUHILK Day in p~lme~t sittand our Souu~a~ lord 
the king his thre estat~ beand~ assemblit & gad~it 
Thomas simsoun~ s~ef of fif pn~t a lr~ of su~mond~ vnd~ 
the quhit walx & testimoniale of +te grete sele of +te 
quhilk the tenour folowis 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
<P 161.C2> 
Execut & Indorsit be +te said s~eff~ deput~ that 
Is to say Alane dempst~ & paule of kinloch~ as eft~ 
folowis THE XV day of decembre +te +gere of o=r= lord~ 
J=m= iiij=c= lxxxiij +ger~ I Alane dempst~ s~eff deput of fif 
spa~ly constitut in +tis p~t past at +te bidding & c~mand 
of +t~ o=r= souu~a~ lord~ lr~ez to +te land~ of lochgelly 
within +te said s~efdome / And becaus~ I couth~ no=t= 
app~hend Johne of liddale p~sonaly +t~ / vpoun~ +te ground~ 
& ful+ge of +te samy~ land~ / I su~mond the said Johne 
of liddale eldest sonn~ to su~tyme s~=r= James of liddale 
of halk~stoun~ knicht to c~pere p~sonaly in o=r= Souu~a~ 
lord~ p~lime~t nixt to be haldin At Edinburgh~ on 
thur~da +te xix da of februar~ nixt tocum w=t= c~tia~c~oun 
of dais / and +t~to ansuer to our forsaid~ Souu~a~ lord~ in 
+tis said p~lme~t / for the tressonable art p~t counsale & 
assistence / gevin to Alex=r= vmquhil duc of Albany in 
the tressonable sending of s~=r= James of liddale / in ingland~ 
w=t= tressonable w~t~ mi~me~t~ & Instrucc~ons to +te 
tressonable confederac~oun w=t= inglis me~ in the said 
Alex~ris tressonable opinion~ And for +te tressonable 
c~sale / & assistence gevin to +te said Alex=r= in the          #
tressonable 
Ressaui~g & deliu~ing of a p~sewaunt of +te king 
of ingland~ callit blewmantle / with~ tressonable w~t~ 
mi~me~t~ & Instrucc~ons And for +te tressonable art p~t consale 
& assistence gevin to +te said Alex=r= in his tressonable 
passing in Ingland~ without leif of o=r= souu~a~ lord~ to +te 
tressonable Inbringing of Inglis~me~ / to +te tressonable 
distrucc~oun of our souu~a~ lord~ p~soun~ & Realme And 
als vpoun~ the tressonable stuffing / of +te hous of            #
halkerstoun~ 
w=t= me~ vittale & artil+ger~ And for +te tressonable / 
art p~t c~sale & assistence gevin to +te p~sonis being in 
the said hous~ haldand the samy~ tressonably aganis o=r= 
Souu~a~ lord~ ma~dme~t~ & charg~ vnd~ his p~ue Sele / 
to +tai~ direct for +te deliu~ing of +te samy~ / with           #
Inti~ac~oun 
to +te said Johne that quhe+t~ he compere or no=t= 
the said day & place / our said souu~a~ lord wald~ p~cede 
in +te said caus~ eft~ +te forme of law And +tis I did 
befor +t~ witnes dauid Stanehous Johne Cole+gear Willia~ 
Cole+gear Ala~ mylesoun~ Willia~ boisuile with v+t~ diu~s~ 
w=t= my Signet / I PAULE of kinloch~ s~ef deput of fiff 
apoun~ the ferd~ day of dece~ber +te +ger~ of o=r= lord~        #
forsaid~ / 
becaus~ I couth~ no=t= get +te pn~s of Johnne of liddale 
eldast sonn~ to s~=r= James of liddale kny=t= / I su~mond 
+te said~ Johne be opin proclamac~oun at +te m~ket cors 
of Cowp~ in fiff to comper~ p~sonaly in o=r= souu~a~ lord~ 
p~lme~t nixt to be haldin at Edinburgh~ on thur~day 
the xix day of februar w=t= c~tia~c~oun of dais And +t~ to 
ansuer to o=r= forsaid~ souu~a~ lord apoun~ all point~ 
& Articlis abonexp~myt And apon~ Ilk ane of thai~ 
<P 162.C1> 
spa~ly eft~ +te forme / of +t~ o=r= sou~a~ lord~ sumond~ w=t= 
Inti~ac~oun to +te said~ Johnne as effer~ And~ +tis I did befor 
+t~ witnes / Johne lindissay symon~ greg Alane 
dempst~ Willia~ cowp~ Johne Rede / Nichol m~ra / & 
dauid Wricht public notar THE QUHILK citac~oun 
of su~mo~d~ and execuc~oun being Red~ & lauchfully 
provit in Jugeme~t be diu~s~ notable and famous witnes / 
the said Johne of liddale oftymez~ callit and no=t= 
comp~it lauchfull tyme of day biddin the ordo=r= process 
of c~tia~c~oun of +te said su~mond~ at lenth~ sene herd 
& vnd~stand~ p~cedit lauchfully to +tis said day In the 
name & behalf of o=r= sou~a~ lord~ the king / Johne the 
Ross~ of montgrena~ as aduocat to his hienes / askit & 
Requirit in his name / and autorite / and of his spa~le 
c~mand~ at +te lord~ baron~s and c~missar~ of borowis +t~ 
ward~ & sensime~t of p~lme~t / gif +te said Johne of liddale  
had c~myttit & done tresoun~ to o=r= souu~a~ lord & 
his Realme in the point~ and articlis abone w~tin 
The quhilk~ lord~ & estat~ beand Diligently & Ripely 
avisit / awardit fand~ & deliu~it that the said Johnne of 
liddale had c~mittit & done oppin & ma~ifest tressoun~ 
agai~ o=r= souu~a~ lord the king & his Realme / in all 
point~ and articl~is forsaid~ And +t~eft~ It was gevin for 
dome / be +te mouth~ of Johne Dempst~ / dempst~ of 
p~lime~t in man~ & forme as eft~ folowis 
 
THIS COURT of p~lime~t schewis for law and I gif 
for dome / that forsamekle / as It is fundin be sensime~t 
of p~lme~t that Johne of liddale eldest sonn~ to s~=r= James 
of liddale vmquhilk of halk~stoun~ knicht / had c~mittit 
& done tresoun~ agane o=r= souu~a~ lord & his Realme 
in the tressonis & c~mys forsaid~ . c~tenit in the su~mond~ 
for the quhilk he has forfaltit to our Souu~a~ lord his 
lif his land~ his gud~ offic~ and all v+t~ possession~s 
quhatsu~eu~ he had of our Souu~a~ lord within +te 
Realme of scotland~ / eu~mar to Remane w=t= our said 
souu~a~ lord his air~ & successo=r=~ as prop~te for his         #
tressoun~ 
& offence / And +t=t= I gif for dome / 
 
THE QUHILK day in p~lme~t sittand~ our Souu~a~ lord 
the king his thre estat~ being assemblit & gad~it Oliu~ 
of laud~ of +tat Ilk s~ef deput to ane Noble lord~ patric 
lord halis s~ef of Berwic pn~t a lr~ of su~mond~ vnd~ 
the quhite walx and testimoniale of +te grete sele / of 
+te quhilk +te tenno=r= folowis 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
<P 162.C2> 
Execut & Indorsit be +te said s~ef 
deput as eft~ folowis / THE TUENTI day of decembre / 
+te +ger~ of god J=m= iiij=c= lxxxiij +ger~ I Oliu~ of laud~ of #
+t=t= 
ilk s~ef deput to ane Noble lord patric lord halis s~ef of 
berwic at +te c~mand~ of o=r= souu~a~ lord~ lr~ez of su~mond~ 
direct to me as deput forsaid~ past to the land~ of 
Smaleha~ & chennis of +te samy~ p~teni~g to dauid purves / 
& becaus~ I couth~ nocht app~hend~ the said dauid~ 
p~sonaly / I past to +te m~ket croce of laud~ +te samy~ 
day / & at +te said land~ & m~ket croce / be opin p~clamac~oun 
as be aperance / It micht cu~ to +te knaulage 
of +te said dauid~ / I su~mond~ lauchfully and p~emptourly 
+te said dauid to compere p~sonaly befor o=r= 
Souu~ane lord in his nixt p~lme~t to be haldin at Edinburgh~ 
in the tolbuth~ of +te samy~ on thur~da the xix 
day of +te moneth~ of februar nixt tocu~ w=t= c~ti~ac~oun of 
dais to ansuer to o=r= souu~a~ lord in his said p~lment for 
his tressonable art p~t consale & assistence gevin & 
schawin to Alex=r= vmquhile duc of Albany in his tressonable 
stuffing and fortifiying / of +te castell of dunbar / 
and for +te tressonable gevin of +te said castell to our 
Souu~ane lord~ Inymyis of ingland~ And for his tressonable 
passing & gangin in Ingland~ with the said 
Alex=r= In his tressonable opinioun~ to +te tressonable 
Inbringin of inglisme~ to +te tressonable distrucc~oun of 
o=r= souu~a~ lord~ p~soun~ & Realme / & +t~upoun~ to vnd~ly 
his lawis w=t= al point~ and articl~is c~tenit in +te su~mond~ 
forsaid~ And I made Inti~ac~oun to +te said dauid~ that 
quhe+t~ he comperit or no=t= / our~ Souu~a~ lord wald~ 
p~cede in the forsaid~ thing~ insafer as he my=t= of Justice / 
And +tis I did befor +t~ witnes / Thomas tait 
Alex=r= Jardin george bowo Johne crak george of laud~ 
s~=r= Willia~ bowe / chaipla~ . & s~=r= James thin notar~       #
public 
And for +te mar~ witnessing to +tis my Record~ execuc~oun 
& Indorsing I haue affixt to my sele / at day 
& place forsaid~ . 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
<P 163.C1> 
THE QUHILK 
Citac~oun of su~mond~ & execuc~oun being Red & 
lauchfully p~vit in Jugeme~t / be diu~s~ Notable and 
famous witnes / The said dauid~ oftymes callit & no=t= 
comp~it / lauchfull ty~ of day biddin / The ordo=r= p~cess~ 
of c~tia~c~oun of +te said su~mond~ at lenth sene herd~ & 
vnd~stand~ p~cedit lauchfully to +tis said day / In the 
name & behalf of o=r= Souu~a~ lord~ Johne +te Ros of 
montgrena~ as aduocat to his hienes / askit & Requirit 
in his name & autorite / & of his spa~le c~mand~ at +te 
lord~ baron~s & c~missar~ of borowis / +t~ ward~ & sensime~t 
of p~lme~t / gif the said dauid~ had c~myttit & done 
tresoun~ to o=r= sou~a~ lord & his Realme / in the point~ 
and articlis abone w~tin The quhilk~ lord~ & estat~ 
beand~ diligently & Ripely avisit awardit fand~ & deliu~it / 
that the said dauid~ had c~mittit & done / opin 
& manifest tresoun~ agai~ o=r= Souu~a~ lord~ & his Realme / 
in all point~ and articlis forsaid~ And +t~eft~ It was 
gevi~ for dome / be +te movth~ of Johne dempst~ 
dempst~ of p~lme~t in man~ & forme as eft~ folowis 
 
THIS COURT of p~lme~t schewis for law & I gif for 
dome / that forsamekle / as It is fundin be sensime~t 
<P 163.C2> 
of p~lme~t that dauid purves had c~myttit & done tresoun~ 
agai~ o=r= Souu~a~ lord & his Realme in the tresonis 
& c~mys forsaid c~tenit in the su~mond~ for the quhilk 
he has forfatit to o=r= sou~a~ lord his lif his land~ his 
gud~ offic~ & al v+t~ his possessionis quhatsu~eu~ he had 
of o=r= Sou~a~ lord within the Realme of scotland 
eu~mare to Remai~ with o=r= Souu~ane lord his air~ & 
successo=r=~ as prop~te / for his tressoun~ and offence / 
And that I gif for dome / 
 
 
 
<B SREC0A>  
<Q SC0 STA REC PEEBLES0>  
<N PEEBLES RECORDS>  
<A X>  
<C SC0>  
<O DATE 1456-1497>  
<M MEDIUM MS>  
<D CSC>  
<V PROSE>  
<T LOCAL RECORD>  
<G X>  
<F X>  
<W WRITTEN>  
<X X>  
<Y X>  
<H X>  
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN>  
<E X>  
<J X>  
<I FORMAL>  
<Z STAT>  
<S SAMPLE X>  
  
[^CHARTERS AND DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE BURGH OF PEEBLES,  
WITH EXTRACTS FROM THE RECORDS OF THE BURGH, 1165-1710.    
ED. W. CHAMBERS. SCOTTISH BURGH RECORDS SOCIETY.  
EDINBURGH 1872.  
  
SAMPLE 1: PP. 112.29-122.30  
SAMPLE 2: PP. 161.26-173.27  
SAMPLE 3: PP. 190.4-197.17^]  
  
  
<S SAMPLE 1>  
<P 112>  
[}9 NOVEMBER 1456.}]  
   It is to ramember, the Tysday the ix day of the monath       #
Nowember 
the yeir of God m cccc l and vj yer, that Masster Wilyam of     #
Lauadyr com  
<P 113>  
befor the balyeis in the Tolboth and askyt a qwest to be serwit #
qwath  
anwallis the lard of Cauerhil had within yowr burgh of Peblis   #
has he that
was lachful atornay for the thre women that is hys arris; and   #
than the  
balyeis chessit the qwest, and than the qwest ryply awisit      #
serwit al that he  
askyt; and than the balyeys and the qwest yhed fwrth and gayf   #
hym 
sessyng has he that was lachful atornay for the arris:  In the  # 
fryst, of  
thre rud land that John Gybson haldys, than Wil Mouat beand     #
balye gayf  
grwnd sessyng with a penne of half a stan wax of that land;     #
alssua the  
sayd balye gayf grwnd sessyng with a penne of a sartan of land  #
that Sym  
Loch hald for half a stan of wax; and than the sayd balye gayf  #
grwnd
sessyng with a penne of four sellyn anwal of Mechal Forest land #
liand on
the South Rau nex awest half Sym Loch land; and than the balye  #
gayf
grund sessyng with a penne of xx=ti= penneys of annual [\of\]   #
Dic Smyth  
land; and than the sayd balye gayf grund sessyng with a penne   #
of four
sellyn of anwal of his awyn land; alsswa the said balye gayf    #
sessyng with
a penne of a pond of connryng of Wil Bully land awest half the  #
Cors and
on the North Rau som tym was callet the Lwkyn Bothys. Thir      #
beand  
witnes, the hal qwest with mony other, Rob Lillay, Wil Peblys,  #
Thom
Dikyson, Thom Loch, Wil Balcaske, Thom Jamson, Thom Dawson.  

[}15 NOVEMBER 1456.}]  
   The curt of the burgch of Peblis haldyng the Mononday,....  
   Item, that ilk day was mayd burges Thom Fyldar, and sal pay  #
for his
fredome x s. at thwa termis, that is to say Beltain the ta half #
and Bartylmes
the tothir half; plegis Gorg Wilyamson for scottyng lottyng     #
wakyng and
wardyn, and for his borrou mall paing the said Gorg drauys his  #
land in
plegis qwil he get an. 
   Item, that ilk day was mayd burges Rob Bruys be the sem      #
condyssion;
Sym Conno plegis for scottyng and lottyng wakyn and wardyn and  #
his 
borou mal drauis his land in borch qwyl he hayf an of hys awn.
   Item, that ilk day was mayd burges Eby Scot and sal pay for  #
hir fredome
x s. at the samyng dayis and hir land scho drauis plegis.
   Item, that ilk day the sayd Eby Scot mayd in plan curt ar    #
tyl maister
Alisandrir Crassant wecar Ennarlethan. Witnes the hal curt. 
<P 114> 
   Item, that ilk day was mayd burges John Lyllay yongar and    #
Rob Cady
hys mayth; and of the burges sylueris at the balyeis wil ilk an #
of tham x s.;
plegis John Lillay and Thom Dekyson; and the sayd Rob Cady      #
drauys hys     
land borch for tham bath scottyng lottyng waking and wardyng    #
and for the
borou mallis payin. 

[}26 NOVEMBER 1456.}] 
   It is to ramember, the Fryday the xx=ti= day and vj of the   #
monath Nowember
the yer of God m cccc l and vj yer, that Wil Mouat balye in     #
that tym has
geyfyng sessyng with erd and stan to Dic Gybsoun of hys land    #
liand in the
Cors Gat and on the North Rau bethwen the land of Jame Thomsoun #
on 
the est part on the ta part and the land of Wil of the Ost on   #
the west part on 
the tothir part; and than incontenent the sayd Dic Gybsoun and  #
Jonet hys wyf
an has bath and bath has an has ressyngit with erd and stan the #
for both in
the sayd balye hand, and that for both sall hald als wyd don on #
of that land
has is the gayl of Jame Thomson land liand next auest half it;  #
and than
incontinent the sayd balye gayf sessyng with erd and stan to    #
Paton Temppyl 
and tyl hys arris of that forsayd both with all condissioun     #
mayd bethwen
the sayd Paton and Dyc Gybson, safand ilk manis rycht. Thir     #
beand witnes:
Wil Mouat balye in that tym, Sir Thomas Hardkeys notar, John    #
Lillay,
Wyl Peblys, John Clark, Gorg Wilyamson, Sym Conno, Rob Percle,  #
John
Naper seriand in that tym, John Donald bourou clark in that     #
tym, with 
mony outhir. 

[}29 NOVEMBER 1456.}] 
   The curt of the burgh of Peblys haldyng the Mononday,.... 
   Item, that ilk day aperit in curt Rob Percle to folou a      #
borch that he 
fand on Wil Geddes, the sayd Wil arestit com borch for hym      #
self, than the 
said Wil callit thrys and perit noch, than John Naper seriand   #
provit his
tachment, than Rob of Percle askyt hou thai suld depart has     #
that day;
the parti ramofit, the curt awisit, John Wilson dempstar wardit #
Wil Geddes
in a defaut for faut of perans of hym self to the chalang of    #
Rob Percle;
than the balye chardit John Naper seriand tak witnes with hym   #
and ga to
Wil Geddes and tak a dysstres and latit hym to borch and warn   #
hym til
enter til the next curt has the secwnt curt to the chalang of   #
Rob Percle;
and this the fryst curt. 

<P 115> 
[}8 DECEMBER 1456.}] 
   It is to ramember, the Wednys the viij day of the monath     #
Dissember the
yer of God m cccc l and vj, Andro Melnar has tan the meln of    #
Peblis has he
had it befor fra this day qwyl Qwyssonday com a twelmonath; and #
the
sayd balyeis and al the commounis has strekyn hym don v nobelis #
becaus he 
layd don viij pond be for hand in thar mestour; and gyf it      #
falyeis of the
sayd Andro that he de in the mene tym, has God forbid he do,    #
hys arris
sal jos tyl the sem termmis. Witnes the hayl comownyte. 

[}13 DECEMBER 1456.}] 
   The curt of the burgh Peblys haldyng the Mononday,.... 
   Item, that ilk day the balye John Dekyson enteris Sym Bron   #
to be his
man in plan curt to be lel and treu to the fredom qwyl he and   #
his master
can acord. 
   That ilk day comperit [\in\] curt Adam Cruksank to folou a   #
borch that he
fand on John Hau for the qwylk John Hau com borch for hym self  #
tyl entter
to the next curt, the sayd John callit thrys and noch entterit, #
than the seriand 
John Naper provit his thachment than Thom Dekyson spekar for    #
Adam
Cruksank askyt hou thai suld depart has that day; the parti     #
ramofit, the
curt awysit, Pat Kellou dempstar wardit John Hau in amersament; #
than
the balye Wil Mouat chardit John Naper seriand tak witnes with  #
hym and
ga to John Hau and a dysstres and latit hym to borch and warn   #
hym tyl
enter to the next curt has the secwnd; and this the fryst curt. 
   Item, that ilk day comperit in curt Dic Wilson to folou a    #
borch that he
fand of Jok Acchen for the qwylk the sayd John com borch for    #
hym self
til enter at the next curt, the sayd John callit thrys, than    #
the seriand John
Naper provit hys thachment, than Dic Wilson askyt hou thai suld #
depart
has that day; the parti ramofit, the [\curt\] awysit, Pat Kello #
dempstar
wardit Jok Acchen in a defaut for faut of perrans of hym self   #
to the challang
of Dic Wilson; than the balye Wil Mouat chardit John Naper      #
seriand to
ga to Jok Acchen and tak a disstres and latit hym to borch and  #
warn hym
tyl enter hym at the next curt has the secwynd curt; and this   #
the fryst 
curt. 
   Item, that ilk day frer John Jamson com to the curt with a   #
leter a raqwest
fra the menyster of Fayl to the balyeis and the comonyte that   #
thai wald 
<P 116> 
for fawir of hym ressayf the sayd frer John of his gud berryng  #
to the plas
and to geyf hym a sufiand lewyn and the layf be sponyt on the   #
plas qwar
mast ned is, and than the balyeis and the commonis wel awysit   #
gert the
sayd frer John Jamson swer be his presthed that he swld noch    #
geyf na
bud to na man of the Cors Kyrk gud, bot tyl hym self takand     #
that may be
hys leyfyn essely and the laf to be dissponyt qwar mast ned ys  #
qweder on
the kyrk or on the rellyk, and this is the sayd frer John       #
oblyst to do in
plan curt at the consal of the ton. 
   Item, that ilk day Sir Ion Loch com in curt and planyheit to #
the balyeis
that he cwt noch get hys Martemes mayl of Sant Mechallis land,  #
than the
balye Wil Mouat chardit Dic Cant and Thom Jamson has thai that  #
was
mayd balye of that land to bryng in the Martymes mayl; and fra  #
thin
furth the said chaplan Sir Ion Loch sal be balye tyl hym self   #
to gaddir the
mallis of that land and the said Sir Ion sal hald vp that land  #
with awys of
the consal of the ton at [\thair\] cedens has he may do by hys  #
awn leyfyng. 
Witnes the hayl curt. 
 
[}17 JANUARY 1456.}] 
   The hed curt of the burgch of Peblis haldyng the Mononday,.. #
..
   Item, that ilk day was mayd seriandis John the Wach and John #
Henrison.
   Item, that ilk day was maid burgis Thom Harloubank and sal   #
pay for
his fredom xx=ti= s. and tha xx s. Mechal Forest has tan to for #
hym and John
Dekyson, Brochton, and Tom Dekyson is borch for scottyng lottyn #
wakyn
wardyng and borou mallis payn, and Thom Dekyson drauys his land #
liand
in the North Gat that was Sten Wssar land for the sayd Thom. 
   Item, that ilk day the balyhe Wil Mouat gayf sessyng with    #
erd and stan
to Willi Bothwyl of a land was his faderis liand in the burgh   #
Peblis and on
the North Rau bethwen the land of Sant Mechal on the west part  #
on the ta
part and the land John Blek on the est part on the tother part; #
and than
incontenent the sayd Willi Bothwil ressyngit with erd and stan  #
that said
land fra hym and hys arris in the said balyhe hand with al      #
profyt that to
that land pertennis, and than the sayd balyhe gayf grund        #
sessyng with erd
and stan and jwnt fefment to Thome Dekyson and to Jonet hys wyf #
and to
the arris comand of tham and to the langar lewir of tham thwa,  #
falland of
<P 117> 
tham and thar arris comand agan to the sayd Willi of Bothwel    #
and hys
arris. Witnes the hayl curt. 
 
[}18 JANUARY 1456.}] 
   It is to ramember, the Tysday the xviij day of the monath    #
Januar the
yer of God m cccc l and vj, that Mechal Forest has ressyngit    #
with erd and 
stan a sartan of his land liand on the South Rau anenttis the   #
cors, that is to
say vp fra the hos that Roben Johnson begit to the He Gat, fra  #
hym and hys
arris, liand bethwen the land John Hau on the west part on the  #
ta part and
the land of Gyb Darlyn on the est part on the tother part, in   #
Wyl Mouat
hand than beand balyhe, and than the sayd balyhe gayf grund     #
sessyng with
erd and stan of that sartan land and junt fefment with half the #
yard fra
the kel don to Sym Conno and Besse hys wif and to the langar    #
leuar of
tham thwa and to thar arris lachful, safand ilk manis rych; the #
throgat sal
serf tham bath vp throu and don throu. Thir witnes, the balyhe  #
Wil
Mouat, John Lillay, Thom Dekyson, Gorg Wylyamson, John Yong,    #
John
Haw, John Henrison, seriand in that tym. Alsswa the sayd Sym    #
and hys
arris sall pay in the yeir yeyrly to be payit a mark of anwal   #
to the sayd
Mechal and his arris at thwa wswel termys in the yer, that is   #
to say at
Qwyssonday next to com half a mark and at Martemes next after   #
another
half mark, and the sayd Sym is oblyst for hym and his arris     #
thai sal nother
alli sel na wedset that land to na man bot it be to the said    #
Mechal or his
arris. The witnes befor in this samyn writtyn. 
 
[}30 JANUARY 1456.}] 
   The curt of the burgch of Peblis haldyng the Mononday, .... 
   Item, that day was mayd burgis John Smyth and Willi Bongus   #
thai for 
x s. to pay at the balye wil. 
   Item, that ilk day the balyeis has racwnnis the wast land in #
the North
Gat for faut of the Kyngis burroumallis and for faut of the     #
mallis thai war
set for. Witnes the hal curt. 
 
[}14 FEBRUARY 1456.}] 
   The curt of the burgch of Peblis haldyng the Mononday, .... 
<P 118> 
   Item, that ilk day was mayd burges John Pottar and sal pay   #
for his
fredom xx=ti= s., and x s. of that sal be pait be Bertylmes     #
next to com and x s. 
at Qwyssonday next efter comand; Gorg Wilyamson plegis for      #
scottyng and 
al othir thyngis. 
    Item, that ilk day Wil Bullou stud vp in the curt and       #
clamyt Wil
Peblys of a sartan som of gold and siluer the qwylk he had      #
geyfyng hym
beyond the se to kyp, and than the said Wil Peblis denyit that  #
he auch
noyther tyl hym gold na siluer. Than Wil Bullou bad hym qwyt    #
hym.
Than the balyeis chardit hym to tak a nechbur on ilk hand       #
onsuspekit
and swer the gret ath; and than the said Wilyam Peblys swer the #
gret ath
be hys wittyng he auch hym nother gold na siluer, and than the  #
thwa lel
men swer the gret ath that ath was gud and lel be thair         #
wittyng. Witness
the hayl curt. 
 
[}28 FEBRUARY 1456.}] 
 
   The curt of the burgch of Peblis haldyng the Mononday, .... 
   Item, that ilk day Pato Temppyl entteris James Thomson hys   #
man in plan
curt to be lel and treu to the fredoum qwyl he and hys mastter  #
can 
concord. 
   Item, that ilk day was mayd burges Willi Patonson and sal    #
pay for his
fredom v and xx s., and x s. to pay within xiiij dayis; plegis  #
Mechal Forest
for al scottyng lottyng and al other borou mallis qwil the said #
Wyl get a
land of his an. 

[}28 MARCH 1457.}] 
    It is to ramember, the Tysday the xx=ti= day and viij of    #
the monath March
the yer of God m cccc l and vij yer, that the wyf was Wyl       #
Mowatis and
John hyr son that is ar tyl hys fader Wil Mowat, that the said  #
Jonet and
hir son John Mowat ys acordit of his arscapat, and the said     #
Jonet than
incontinent deliuerit the arscap tyl John hir schon, and than   #
the said John
sald it agan tyl hys moder qwyl scho leyfis that scho nother    #
sel na aly that
arscap qwyl scho lefys bot geyf it stand hir and hym of gret    #
nessisite, and the
sayd Jonot sal geyf hym for the arscap xl s. and a yerris       #
fyndyng, and geyf it
hapnys the sayd Jonot to byg thar land that John sal suple      #
tharto has he
<P 119> 
is essposit; alsswa the sayd Wil Mowat mayd his wyf in his      #
testment lachful
towtor tyl hys ar the qwylk is wretyng in his testment with the #
paryst
prestis hand; thir beand witnes, John Lillay, laird of          #
Corscwnnyfeld, Thom
Dekyson, John Lyllay yongar, James Gybson, John Stauher         #
lorimar, John
Smyth, John Donald borou clark in that tym, with ma other. 
 
[}13 APRIL 1457.}] 
   The curt of the burgch [\of\] Peblys haldyng the Mononday .  #
....
   Item, that ilk day the balyeis has deliueryt the archap that #
was Wil
Mouatis was delyuerit til his auwys, in the frest a brof        #
caudron, a pot, thre
qwarttis, a spet and lantter, a peudar chader, a dis, and a     #
daplar and a sassar,
a bassyn and a lauar, a qwart and a pent and a chapyn, the burd #
and the
trast, the perlyn of the hal, alssua a met amri and wessal      #
ammari, and of thir
thyngys and a surd, a grap, a fader bed, a cruk, a chak,        #
a chyar, a gon and a
hud and a bonat scarlat, a sillar belt, a sillar spon, a        #
gilrdil and a bakbrid,
a mortar, a cwch bed hal has it standis, a sadyl and a bridyl,  #
the irntanis,
xiiij pessis tember, a sper, a maskyn tub with the laf that     #
langis it, alssua the
gud wif sal mannor thir thyngys qwil scho lefis. 
 
[}26 APRIL 1457.}] 
   The hed curt of the burch of Peblis haldyng the Tysday, .... 
   Item, that ilk day the custwm was set to Thom Dawison and    #
Dobi Spendluf
to xiij mark and a half, ilk an athir borch and Thom Dekyson    #
borch for 
tham bath. 
   Item, that ilk day John Gofan has racunnyst with erd and     #
stan a land
the qwylk was John Lauson liand at the est end of the ton for   #
faut of his
anewel that is to say xij s. be the yir.  Witnes Allan Smyth    #
and John Arcones
and this the ferst curt. 
 
[}18 JULY 1457.}] 
   The curt of the Burgch of Peblys halding the Mononday, ....
<P 120> 
   Item, that ilk day was mayd burges James Yong and sal pay    #
for hys
fredom x s., v at Mechalmes and v at Kaludelmes, plegis hym     #
self.
 
[}25 AUGUST 1457.}] 
   It is to ramember, the Thrusday the xx=ti= day and 5 of the  #
monath
August the yeir of God m cccc l and vij, that Marion of Sellar  #
the wif [\of\]
James Loch has ressyngit with a penne xvj sellyn of anwel that  #
scho had of
Wil Bulliis land throu hir husband in John Dekyson hand than    #
beand 
balye in that tym, and than the said Marion sour it was with    #
hir wil and
noch thret be husband na other, na scho swld noch clam thar to  #
in tym to
com; and than the balye chardit John the Wach seriand to geyf   #
sessyng
with a penne to Sym Loch and his arris of that xvj s of anwel,  #
safand ilk
manis rych, the sayd Sym na his arris sal noch jos na anwel qwl #
Wil Bulli
termmis lesstis. Thir witnes, .... 
 
[}28 AUGUST 1457.}] 
   It is to ramember, the Sonday the xx day and viij of the     #
monath 
August the yer [\of\] God m cccc l and vij yer, that Thom       #
Dekyson has set 
half a qwartar of the Kyngis land to Jonet the wyf was of Wil   #
Thomson for
the tremys iiij yer for xx s. of mayl yerly to be pait, and the #
said Thom
Dekson arris or assyngnay sal warrand the sayd Jonot in hir tak #
hir arris or
assyngnay qwyl the termmis of four yeir lesstys, hyr enttra     #
beand at Qwyssonday
bi pasit; thir beand witnes, .... 
 
[}15TH SEPTEMBER 1457.}] 
   It is to ramember, the Thrusday the xv day of September the  #
yeir of
God m cccc l and vij, that Allan Smyth has drauyng hys land and #
al his gud
to be achet to the balyeis and the comonite of the ton to do    #
the profit with
it of the ton, that is to say the commoun ordenans that he sal  #
hald hym
within his an safand that he sal tak watter ilk day vt; witnes  #
and borch
is Dic Smyth and Thom Yong be the samyng condission, that is to #
say thar
land and thar gudis. 
   Alssua, that ilk day, John Smayl has mayd the samen          #
condission that he
sal kyp the samyng ordenans befor wretyng and be the samyng     #
cwndission. 
<P 121> 
Thom Dekyson and Gorg Wilyamson is borch be the sammyng         #
condission,
and the said John Smayl sal haif his thwa ky milkyt at his      #
hedyard, and
that he sal fech hym watter at his hedyard. 
   Alssua, that ilk dai John Wssar has mayd the samyn           #
condission to kyp
ordenans befor wryttyng, and has fendyng his land and his gud   #
to borch,
and John the Wach and Andro Folcart has fendyng thar land rych  #
swa be
the samyng condission. 
   Alswa, that ilk dai John Sellar be the samyng condission has #
drayng his
land and his gud and he brek the ordynans befor mayd, borc for  #
hym John
Smyth his mayth be the samyn condission. 

[}3d OCTOBER 1457.}] 
   The hed curt of the burgch of Peblys haldyn the Mononday, .. #
..
   Thir was chossyng to qwest: - in the frest, Thom Loch elder, #
John
Gibson, John Clark, John Qwych, Andro Melnar, Gorg Dawison, Rob #
Jamson,
John Wilson, John Wodhal, Thom Fosstar, Rob Fosstar, Mecal      #
Harwi,
Thom Necolson, Thom Jamson, Andro Robenson. 
   That ilk day was chossyng balyheis: - John Dekyson and Wil   #
Bully
   Prissar fles: - Rob Morray, John Ancornes, John Stanhus, Rob #
Forstar.
   Tastar al: - John Leth, Wil Patonson, Casse Weyr, Jame Yong; #
and for
Casse, John Naper. 
   Item, that ilk day was maid burges Willi Mader and sal pay   #
for his fredom  
x s.; plegis John Mador for scottyng and al other thyngis. 
   Item, that ilk day the balyheis and the hal comonyte has     #
grantit thwa
mark that langit Sant Jamys autar to Sir Jon Heltson to swpple  #
our Lady
seruys, and the said Ser Jon sal mak serwis for the sal that    #
left tha thwa
mark to be don at that autar; Witnes the hal curt. 
 
[}17 OCTOBER 1457.}] 
   The curt of the burgch of Peblis haldyn the Mononday, .... 
Thir ar the gud men of the qwest: - [^A LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] 
<P 122> 
   Item, that ilk day the qwest with the consent of the curt    #
has grantit til
Sir Adam Fosstar his serwis has he had it befor til his term of #
Qwissonday;
and fra Qwissonday fwrth the sayd Sir Adam sal haf the Common   #
Strwder
for x yer til es the Rud serwis with, and the sayd Sir Adam sal #
mak dalye
serwis at the Rud ater in the hie kyrk of Peblis fra Qwissonday #
forth, his
entra beand now as the hal curt assent. 
   Item, that ilk day the qwest fand John Bechat the son of Wil #
Bechat
lachful ar til his em Wat Bechat of the land and anwal rentis   #
liand within
the burgh of Peblis, and than incontinent qwen the curt was don #
the balyeis
yhed and gayf sessyng to the said John of a land liand in the   #
said burgch
and on the North Rau bethwen the land of the Wach on the vest   #
part on
the ta part and the land of Wil Bulli on the est part on the    #
tother part,
and than Jon Dekyson balye gert John Henrison seriand geyf      #
sessyng 
with erd and stan to the said John of that land, .... 
   Item, that ilk dai Thom Dekyson eldar has ressyngit his land #
liand on
the west sid Peblis Watter and the South Rau bethwen the land   #
was Sir
Jon Blaicis on the west part on the ta part and the land of     #
John Blaklok
on the est part on the tother part in Wil Bulli hand than beand #
balye in
that tym; this ressyng the said Thom Dekyson mayd with this     #
condission
geyf that John Thomson com with the som that he gaif hym for    #
that land
that he wald pruf was his an leil won gud and to pay the cost   #
geyf ony be
mayd on it the land sal be his an, for this the said Thom said  #
it was his
condission, and than the balye gert John the Wach seriand geyf  #
grund
sessyng with erd and stan to Reche Dekyson the son of the said  #
Thom
Dekyson and tyl Reche arris, and the said Reche Dekyson jossand 
that tenement sal geyf his brother Adam Dekyson v nobyllis;     #
thir beand
witnes, .... 
 
<S SAMPLE 2> 
<P 161> 
[}30 APRIL 1470.}] 
   The quhylk day, has tan the custum for a yer Gylbart         #
Wylyamson, and sal
pay for the sayd custum xviij markis and viij s. Borch and      #
detturis for the
sayd som paying, and oblyst be thair handis tham self and thair #
gudis,
George Dawysoun for the tan half and Sanderis Lokart for the    #
tother half,
at days and termys has hus and wont was of payment makyn. 
<P 162> 
[}14 MAY 1470.}]
   Item, that ilk day was gewyn the fredom to Besse Wodman be   #
the request
of frer John Blenk master of the Croyskyrk. 
   Item, that ilk day was mad burges John Lawsoun, and sal pay  #
for hys
fredom x s. to the bryg wark of Twed; for scotyn lottyn wakyn   #
and wardyn
and the kyngis ferm paying, his awin land. 
 
[}19 MAY 1470.}] 
    It is to remember, the Setterday the xix day of the moneth  #
of May the
yer of God m=o= cccc=o= sexti and x=o= yeris, us, balyais in    #
the tym Thomas Dekysoun
and Wilyam Dekysoun, and the nychtburis of the burchg of        #
Peblis, with consent 
and assent of the sayd nychtburis, we haf set and to ferm       #
lattyn, and be
this our present wryt in our common buk settis and to ferm      #
lattis, tyl our
luffit burgessis Wilyam Smayl and John Morchowsoun, all and     #
hall our landis
with the pertinentis of Dallethow fra the gat don, for all the  #
termys of
nynten yeris nest and togydder folowand the dat of this present #
wryt, for
viij s. and iiij d. of mal of vsual mone of Scotland to our     #
common prophet
and tyl our common purss, for to be payit at twa vsual termys   #
of the yer 
be evyn portionis, that is to say iiij s. and ij d. at          #
Wytsonday in summyr
and iiij s. and ij d. at Mertymes in wynttyr, and sa furth      #
terme be terme in
yer and yeris quhyll the sayd xix yeris be out ron and gan; and #
the sayd
Wilyam and John sal pay and gyf in hand of thair forsayd termys #
of xix
yeris fyf yeris mallis beforhand to the town, and quhen tha fyf #
yeris be
fullely and contynualy by passyt than the saydis Wilyam and     #
John sal enter
and pay be evyn portyonis of termys has is befor nemyt on to    #
thair termys
be fulfyllit of the forsayd xix yeris .... 
 
[}27 MAY 1470.}] 
   The quhylk day, be the balyais and the nychtburis, was mad   #
burges Sym
Patonson, and sal mak for his fredom the dyk of the Wenlaw fra  #
the tentour
ryk doun to the est nowk. 
 
[}5 JUNE 1470.}] 
   Item, on the fyft day of the moneth of Junii the yer abown   #
wrytin, was
<P 163> 
mad burgessis Wylyam of Stanus and John of Kenpon yonger, and   #
sal 
mak for thair fredom the dyk of the Wenlaw abon the gat fra the #
nowk
aboun Dawletho to the yet. 
   Item, the day abone wrytin, was mad burges Wyl Carvour that  #
has spousyt
Thomas Madour dochter, and sal pay for his fredom x s. and v s. #
payit in
treis to the yettis of the Wenlaw and in his warkmanschep other #
v s. 
awand; plegis George Dawysoun and his land. 
 
[}19 MAY 1470.}] 
   Us, balyais in the tym, Thomas Dekyson and Wilyam Dekyson,   #
with
consent and assent of the nychburis, we haf set and to ferm     #
lattyn, and be
this our present wryt in our common buk settis and to ferm      #
lattis, to our luffit
burgessis Wilyam Smayl, Sanderis Lokart, Thomas Haw, Thomas     #
Jamson
and Adam of Newby the Common Strowder fra the gat done, for all #
the
termys of xix yeris nest and to gydder folowand the dat of this #
present
wryt, for xxx s. of mal of vsual mone of Scotland to our common #
prophet and
tyll our common purs; .... and the sayd Wilyam Sanderis,        #
Thomas,
Thomas, and Adam sal pay and gyf in hand of formal of thir      #
forsayd termys of
xix yeris fyf yeris mal befor hand to the town to the bryg wark #
of Twed ..... 
 
[}23 JULY 1470.}] 
   The quhilk day, John Clatter com in court and askyt for the  #
luf of God
at the balyais lawborowis of Mechel of Forest and his party,    #
and than the
balyais askyt at the sayd John gyf he doutyt his skath, and     #
than the sayd
John suor apon a buk the gret ayth that he doutyt his skath,    #
and than the
balyais chargyt John of Wodhaw seriand to tak lawborous of the  #
sayd
Mechel and his party, and than the said Mechel com law borch    #
for hym self
and al that he mycht let, but fraud or gyl, his hand and his    #
gudis, that
the sayd John Skatter suld be skathlas of hym and thai that he  #
mycht
let, vnder payn of law. Wytnes: George of Elphynstoun, George   #
Dawysoun,
and all the curt. 
 
[}15 OCTOBER 1470.}] 
   Item, that day the quest ordanyt and statut that na swyn     #
suld be haldyn
<P 164> 
out band na fund in na manys skath, vnder payn of slachter      #
quareuir thai
may be ourtan. 
   Item, rych sua of ges. 
 
[}AFTER MICHAELMAS 1470.}] 
   The last chossyng dowssan efter Mechelmes the yer lx=o=      #
x=o= :
[^A LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] 
 
[}26 DECEMBER 1470.}] 
   It is to remember, on Sant Stevynisday in Yole, the xxvj day #
of the
moneth of December the yer of our Lord m=o= cccc=o= lx=o= and   #
x=o= yeris, a discret
man Sir Rychart Purdy, vicar of Pedynan and dene of the         #
cristianite of
Peblis, has resingnet and gaf stat and reale possession, with   #
buk and chalys,
at the altere of Sant Lowrans in the parysch kyrk of Peblis,    #
tyll hys cusyng
Sir Wilyam Smayl chapellan, of all and syndry anvell rentis     #
with the pertinentis
pertenand to the chapellanry of the forsayd altere feft and     #
fundyt 
be the forsayd Sir Rychert, for all the termys of the lyfe of   #
the forsayd Sir
Wilyam, the letter sele of ful and playn and fre gyft of the    #
sayd Sir Rychert
thairapon thair beand schawin, befor thir wytnes: Thomas        #
Dekysoun, Wylyam 
Dekyson, balyais in the tym, John Madour of Langtown, John      #
Dekysoun of
the Smethfeld, Richart Dekysoun parisch clerk, George Dawysoun, #
Wilyam
Smayl, Sanderis Lokart, Thom Haw, Mechel of Forest, Law Cady,   #
Richart
Cant and Robert Smayl, with other diuers and mony of the        #
parischynaris of 
Peblis thair beand. 
 
[}14 JANUARY 1470.}] 
   Item, that ilk day the gud men of the quest statut and       #
ordanyt that
quhatsumeuir thai war that barganyt and facht, in gret skath    #
aperand and
strowbelans of the town, quhat partis thai be, thai sal be had  #
to the tolbuth,
but ony requestis of ony men, and thar to raman quhil it be     #
knawyn quhilk
party is in the faut, and quha that is fundyn in the faut sal   #
pay, but ony
<P 165> 
fawyr, to the caussay beyond Peblis Water, x s.; and that sal   #
be gewyn and 
payt or thai com out of the tolbuth gyf thai be of power, but   #
ony plegis;
and gyf thai be nocht in power that is fundyn in the faut of    #
the bargan to 
pay the sayd x s. thai sal sit in the stokkis viij dayis, and   #
syn furthwith for 
to be banyst the town for yer and day: And this ac for to be    #
kepyt but 
ony requestis. 
 
[}26 FEBRUARY 1470.}] 
   Item, that ilk day was mad burges Cudbart Glassyng, and hys  #
fredom
gewyn quhyt, (\pro Deo\) , tyll his wyf with all consent of the #
hal court.
   Item, that ilk day in the court befor wrytyn, the Monunday   #
the xxvj day
of the moneth of Fabruarii the yer of God m=o= cccc=o= sexti    #
and x yeris, George
of Elphynston forspekar for Thomas Yong mad request to the      #
balyais and
the nychtburis that thai wald gyf to the sayd Thomas Yong and   #
his ayris a
housted of xviij fut of lenth and xv of bred at the est sid of  #
Twed bryge at
the Hydderland skarch, he and his ayris gewand yerly vj lad of  #
stannys to
the brig as anvel rent; and than incontinent ilke man be his    #
awin wos consentyt
and grantyt thairto, bath balyais and nychburis, and furthwith  #
quhen
the court skallit and the balyais rass Wilyam Dekyson balya     #
passyt to the
sayd Thomas Yong thair common seriand and gaf to hym and tyl    #
his ayris
heritabil stat and sessyng of the sayd land with al fredomes    #
for euirmar, the
sayd land payand yerly vj laid of stanys. Thir wytnes: George   #
of Elphynstoun, ....
 
[}20 MAY 1471.}] 
   Item, that ilk day, as tane the custum, at the balyais and   #
the nychburis,
John of Rowcastell, for tene pondis of vsual moneth of Scotland #
to pay at
twa termys, that is to say at Mertymes and Wytsonday and at al  #
other termys
gyf the town nedis; plegis hym self his hand and his gudis. And #
attour the
balyais and the nychburis as statut and ordanyt in playn court  #
at the sayd
John of Rowcastel, and all other that takis the custum to cum,  #
sall outred
and pay all termys befor the takyn of the sayd custum or it be  #
set other
tyl hym or ony other agayn; and gyf it fayllis at days and      #
termys of payment
makyn for the sayd custum, quhatsumeuir thai be, thai sall be   #
put in
<P 166>
the tolbuth and thar to reman quhill the latter peny be outred  #
and payt,
but ony fawur, and neuir to set thaim the custum agayn. 
   The forsayd x lib. of custum payt be the sayd John of        #
Rowcastel to 
master Wylyam of Twede, in fulfyllyng of payment of the stand   #
westment of
the He Kyrk, be the balyais chargis and the nychburis. 
 
[}30 SEPTEMBER 1471.}] 
   Item, that ilk day was mad al tastaris: [^A LIST OF NAMES    #
OMITTED^]
   Item, that ilk day was mad flesch pryssaris: [^A LIST OF     #
NAMES OMITTED^]
   The quhilk day is chossyng the doussan be the lection of     #
court:
[^A LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]
   The delyuerans and statutis of the quest: 
   Item, the sayd quest fand quhet at x s. and thairby, and the #
pass to be
gewyn thairby. 
   Item, malt at ix and viij s. and thairby, and the all to be  #
sald for x d.
the galon the best, and viij d., and better chep, gyf it be     #
pryssyt be the all
tastaris. And quhat scho that keppis nocht prys and brekis it   #
efter prys
and pryssyng sal pay viij s. 
   Item, quhet, malt and mell that cummes to the markat on the  #
Setterday
to be sald, bot it sal byd xij houris; and at na furlottis na   #
other met wechel
gang quhill the samyn hour, vnder the payn of viij s. 
   Item, it is statut that thar sal nother fysch, flesch,       #
butter, chess, frout,
salt, na yyt nane other gudis that cummes in the merkat to be   #
sald, bot it
sal be present to the cors, thair to be sald; and that na man   #
tak apon hand
to hous sic lyk gudis in pregytis and skathyng of the burgh,    #
vnder payn of
<P 167> 
viij s. And that na man nor woman tak apon hand nother in the   #
burchg,
na yyt cumand to the burchg thair forsayd gudis to by, to       #
ragrat agayn
quhil the town be seruit, vnder the payn of viij s. and the gud #
chet; and
gyf ony sic gudis cummes vnder nycht to be sald it sal be       #
present on the
morn to the merkat cors hal vnvemyt quhill the nychtburis of    #
the town haf
coft at thai wyll, and at nother man nor woman by innowth hous  #
na oututhous
na yyt at the cors to ragrat agayn quhill the nychburis be      #
plessyt,
vnder the payn of viij s. and that at sa is coft to be chet. 
   Item, that na mydyngis ly apon the gat langer than viij      #
days, vnder payn
of viij s. 
   Item, that na swyn be fundyn on the gat bot houssyt and      #
bandyt and
kepyt fra thair nychburis skayth, vnder the payn of viij s. 
   Item, that ilk man kep nychburhed in yardyn, princepaly      #
forfrunt and
hedyard, vnder payn viij s. 
   Item, it is statut that quhat women at flytis, fechtis,      #
skanderis ony gud
menys wyffis dochterris within the burch, thai sal be led to    #
the four yetis of
the town with the seriandis, hyngand on thar schowder ij stanys #
in a irne  
chenya or in a wedy. 
 
[}20 OCTOBER 1471.}] 
   It is to remember that apon the Monunday, the xx day of the  #
moneth of
October the yer of God m=o= cccc=o= lx=o= and xj yeris, the     #
quhilk day in the tolbuth
efter thar cont makyn of the town, the balyais and the          #
nychburis has
chossyng twa kyrk masteris, and sa furth at the hed court quhen #
the balyais
is chossyn twa kyrk masteris to be chossyn. 
 
[}20 APRIL 1472.}] 
   The quhilk day, was mad burges John Necoll, and hys fredom   #
gewyn to
John Morchowson abbot of vnrest in that tym; and for scotyn and #
lottyn
wakyn and wardyng and for the kyngis ferm, plegis the said John #
Morchowsonis  
land. 
 
[}1 JUNE 1472.}] 
   The court of the burchg of Peblis, haldyn be the balyais.    #
....
<P 168> 
   The quhilk day, has tan the Wenlaw to kep, at the balyais    #
and the court,
Gylbert Wylyam, James Davyson, John of Wodhaw and Thomas of     #
Loch,
and thai sal haf to thair fee xx s. of the common purs and v s. #
of the nest mad
burges eftir thair entra, and thai sal haf of ilk nychtburis    #
and induellaris
that occupyis the sayd hill i d.; and thai sal kep the sayd     #
hill quhill
Mechelmes nest to cum fra all bestis and gudis bot hors and     #
calwys and
vphald the dykyng of the sayd hill to the sayd tym, sawuand     #
hedromys of
croftis, fra the Wedynisday at evyn efter this wryt, and euir   #
ilke man or
woman at has part of the sayd dykyng sal mak it suficiand be    #
the sayd
nych, and quhar it is otherwys thar sal be tan of thaim vj d.   #
to mend it,
and at na husche na entre be nocht to the sayd hyll bot at      #
yetis; and 
quhatsumeuir thai that may be ourtane apon thaim that brekis    #
the sayd
dykyng thai sall be tan, but ony request, and put in the stokis #
xxiiij howris
and mynd the skath agayn, and gyf thai be thrys takyn tharwith  #
thai sal
be banyst the town yer and day and gewyn has rabellowris to the #
kyngis
justis; and thir four personis sal kep and huphald the sayd     #
dikyng of the
sayd hyll vnder the tensal of thair fee. 
 
[}15, 17, 18 JUNE 1472.}] 
   The quhilk day, in court, the nychburis gaf thair lection    #
and decretyt to
kep Kadmowr to kow and kapyll, and the sayd hyll to be somyt,   #
and 
principaly the ester hill fra Russelsqham est and fra the march #
dyk est with
Cadmowr wod to kow and kapyl, and the wester hill to chep; and  #
at na
gudis sal gang apon the sayd Kadmowris bot burges gudis and     #
wedos gudis
that ar induellaris; and on the nest Wedynisday euir ilke man   #
to gang
about the sayd Kadmowr to se thair marchys and to provyd for    #
the gouernans 
of the sayd hillis. And apon the sayd Wedynisday, cumand fra    #
the
sayd hill, the nychburis chessyt xxiiij personis to mak         #
gouernans and
statutis and to som the sayd hill, the sayd personis be the     #
mast part apon
the morn present in the tolbuth befor the balyais, and thar     #
thai ordanyt
and decretit and somyt the sayd hil, ilke burges and ilk wedo   #
that induellis
sal haf four somes, and that nane sal occupy na put ma somes    #
than four,
and quhatsumeuir thai be at has ma somes tak at his nychtbur    #
that as
nan to occupy with, and quha that kepes nocht this sal pay v    #
s.; and at na
som sall be set bot to fremen and induellaris, vnder the samyn  #
payn; and
<P 169> 
at ilk som sal be xij d. as for this yer to Beltan; item, of    #
ilk som to be tan
j d. to gyf to the personis at is chossyn to kep the sayd       #
hillis fra all gudis
bot burges and wedos gudis and at nan other vnfremenis gudis    #
gang apon
the sayd [\hillis\] . Item, thai ordanit that kow and kapyll    #
and all other nolt of
burges or wedos sal gang as is forsayd in Russalsqham abon      #
Kadmowr wod
and fra the march dik est with al the laf of the ester hyl; and #
at na schep
gang bot on the wester hyll, vnder the pan of v s., bot mylk    #
schep, with
fawir, to be mylkyt for a quhill. And attour incontinent for to #
provyd for
the fulfyllyng, and thir statutis to be gouernyt and kepyt as   #
is forsayd, was
chossyn the sayd personis: [^A LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] 
 
[}17 AUGUST 1472.}] 
   The quhilk day, the balyais John Dekyson, and Wylyam Smayl,  #
with thaim
a certan of nychtburis, has mad burges John Godisbarn, and he   #
has payt for
his fredome in the price of a kyst, x s. 

[}5 OCTOBER 1472.}] 
   The hed court efter Mechellmes haldyn be the balyais that    #
day chossyn,
Thomas Dekyson and John Madour, on the Monunday, ... 
   Flesch pryssaris: [^A LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] 
   Al tastaris: [^A LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] 

[}14 JULY 1473.}] 
   The quhilk day, the balyeis and the nychtburis in the        #
tolbuth as mad
burges Alexander of Horsbruk of that ilk, and sall pay for hys  #
fredom x s.;
plegis hymself and for al other chargis. 
 
[}5 NOVEMBER 1473.}] 
   The quhilk day, in the tolbuth at the cont, the balyeis,     #
John Dekyson and
Wilyam Dekyson, and the awditouris of nychtburis thair present, #
has
constitut and ordanit that thair sall na stallanch siluer in    #
tym to cum be
inlowit in na manis burges siluer that sal be maid fra thin     #
furth, and that
ilke burges that is maid in tym to cum sall pay his burges      #
siluer within
viij days or ellis he sall nocht be maid. 
<P 170> 
 
[}15 NOVEMBER 1473.}] 
   The quhilk day, was maid burges Wyll Patonson, and his       #
fredom gewyn fre
for the mariag of his wyf. 
 
[}29 JANUARY 1473.}] 
   The quhilk day, maister Gylbert Reryk arsdane of Glaschu,    #
with ane inlok
keye, has resingnet delyuerit and gewyn possession of the loft  #
with the
pertinentis of the west hous within the place of the landis of  #
the osspytall
lyand in the west end of the burchg of Peblis on the Northt Raw #
to Schyr
Wilyam of Fyllop, fre but ony anvell or male paying for all the #
days of hys
lyff, with fre wsche and entre; and gyf the sayd Schyr Wylyam   #
wyll byge a
hous in the west syde of the landis of the said osspytall he    #
sall haf guid wesse
thairto, and quhat hous that he byggis he sall joys and occupy  #
it quhill he
lewys, and eftir hys desses cumand to the prophet of the sayde  #
osspytall.
And than attour furthwith incontinent the sayd Schyr Wilyam of  #
Fyllop
passyt to his lande lyand and beande within the landis of the   #
saide
osspytall, and thair apon that lande the [\said\] Sir Wylyam    #
tak vp erde and
stan and semply and purly gafe vp and resingnet fra hym and his #
ayris the
sayd land with the pertinentis for euirmare in Wylyam Dekysonis #
hand
balye in that tym, and than incontinent the said balye lade     #
that erd and
stan in the handis in the forsaid master Gylbert Reryk arsdane  #
of Glaschu
procuratoure to Sant Lenarde, and in the nam of pur folk for    #
the suple and
help of thaim in the sayd osspytall, herrietable stat           #
possession and sessyng of
the sayd land with the pertinentis, with all fredomes           #
commoditeis and
esiementis to the sayd land pertenand, the sayd land payand     #
yerly at twa
termys tyll our Lady seruis of the Chapell ij s. of anvell,     #
ande to the sayd Sir
Wylyam of Fyllop hys ayris or tyll hys assigneis v s. of anvel  #
be yer, at twa
vsual termys to pay of the forsaid land. Befor thir wytnes,     #
master Wylyam
of Twede dene of the cristianite of Peblis, Sir Donkon of Durem #
prest of
Glaschu, John Mador, Sir Wilyam Smayl, Sir John of Loch, Sir    #
Lowrans
Jonson sculmaster, Thom of Stanus, Cudbert Mulykyn, and Thom    #
Yong clerk,
with mony other in the tym. 
 
[}12 FEBRUARY 1473.}]
   The quhilk day, Wylyam of Peblis burges of that ilk, with    #
erde and stan,
has gevyn vpe and semply and purely resingnet fra hym and hys   #
ayris for
<P 171>
euirmar hys forland, vnder and abon, with half wau on the       #
southt side,
lyand on the Conzhe nest the Northgat, and betwix the lafe of   #
the said
Wilyamis land on the southt sid of the ta parte and the Norgat  #
of the north
sid on the tother parte, for his saul, his wyffis saull, his    #
barnis and
princepally for all the saullis at the sayd Wylyam has had ony  #
gudis
wrangwysly of ony mannis, be bying or sellyng or ony            #
enterchangyng, and
for all cristyn saullis, in John Dekysonis hand balye in that   #
tym of the
sayd burchg; and than incontinent the sayd balye layd that erd  #
and stan
in the handis of maister Gylbert Reryk, procuratour constitut   #
and made for
Sant Lenardis Osspytall lyande in the west end of the burchg of #
Peblis, and in
the nam of pur folkis for thair suple and help that is ordanyt  #
to be in the
said osspytall and in na nother place, herrietable stat         #
possession and sessyng
of the forsayd land, with all fredomes commoditeis and          #
esiementis to the
said forland pertenand for euirmar. Befor thir witness: ....    #
The sayd
land payand yerly tyl our Lady seruis of the Chapell xx d., at  #
twa vsual
termys in the yer, of anvell.

[}18 APRIL 1474.}]
   The quhilk day, in court, the nychtburis has ordanyt made    #
and decretyt
that thair Commone of Cadmour sall be kepyt to kow and kapyll   #
and nolt,
and all schep to be put away of the sayd common fra viij days   #
furth eftir
Beltane, vnder the payn [\BLANK\] bath of burchg and land       #
borderaris and
other, and at the balyeis ger this be kepyt.

[}18 JULY 1474.}]
   The quhilk day, John Scot, Alyson his wyf, coniuncly and     #
seueraly, with
a penny, has resingnet fra thaim and thair ayris for euirmar    #
xij d. of anvell
be yer to the Haly Crois of hys land lyand in the Brygat on the #
North Raw
betwix the landis of John Morchowsonis on the west sid of the   #
ta parte and
the land of Meryon Fressallis on the est sid of the tother      #
parte, in John
Dekysonis hand balye in that tym, and than incontinent the      #
sayde balye layd
that penny in the hand of frer Alexander Burgan assingnay to    #
the Haly Crois
and kepar to that haly place in that tym, and gaf to hym in     #
name of the
Haly Crois and to that haly place herrietabill stat possession  #
and sessyng of
the sayd xij d. of anvel be yer of the said land for euirmar,   #
for the grace of
<P 172>
Almychty God and the Hayly Crois that the sayd John Scottis     #
houss was
kepyt fra byrnyng with felon fyr fra the tym furth that the     #
haly crois was
schawyng; thir beand wytnes, John Haw, ...

[}3 OCTOBER 1474.}]
   The hed court efter Mechelmes, of the burchg of Peblis,      #
haldyn be the
balyeis chossyn that day, Thomas Dekyson and John Madour, apon  #
the Monunday, ....
   The quhilk day, was made flesch pryssaris; [^A LIST OF NAMES #
OMITTED^]
   The quhilk day was mad all taystaris; Will Patonson and for  #
hym Adam
Wilson, John Patonson and for hym Thomas Smyth, Gilbert Sculp   #
and for
hym John Wodhaw, and Pat Patonson.
   The quhilk day was chossyng the dousan:  [^A LIST OF NAMES   #
OMITTED^]
   The quhilk day, comperyt in court George Elphynston,         #
forspekar for
Sir Williame Gybson, and askyt at the balyeis and the court to  #
ger
Thomas Yong clerk wryt in the common buk the lection and the    #
gyft that
thai had gewyn in court of befor to the sayd Sir Williame of    #
the Rud seruis,
and than the balyeis charge the said clerk to ac it as efter    #
folowis: It is to
remember that the nychtburis, with hall consent and lection,    #
has grantyt
and gewyn the Rud seruis in Sant Andros kyrk to the sayd Sir    #
William for
all the dayis of hys lyfe, he dowande ande makand sic dew       #
seruis bath at
awlter and in quere als fer as it is or may be in tym to cum of #
waill the
prophet of the said seruis.

[}8 MAY 1475.}]
   The quhilk day, comperyt in court Schyr Lowrans Johnson,     #
sculmaster in
that tym of the sayde burchg, and mekly besocht the balyeis and #
the nychtburis
that thai walde wochsawf to grant and gyf to hym a seruis in    #
Haly
<P 173>
Kyrk that wakis ande fallis in thair gewyn accepande the        #
chapell, for the
quhilkis he to be beisse of techyn kenyng of the chylder in hys #
scoule quhen
tym is; and than furthwith the nychtburis serste about as       #
grantyt constitut
ordanyt and gewyn thair consent and hall lection to the sayd    #
Sir Lowrans,
chepellan, to haf the fyrst seruis that wakis and fallis in     #
thair gewyn and
scoule, he beand beisse of techyn and kenyng apon the childer   #
in his scoul
lat and ayr quhen tym is; and attour quhat tym it hapynis the   #
sayde Sir
Lowrans, chapellan, to be present and put in the sayd seruis of #
chapellanry
he sall mak prescentation and kep the quheyr in Sant Androis    #
Kyrk with hys
surples haly days and solempdays bath at mes and evynsang for   #
the sayd
seruis and scoul joysyng for techyn and kenyng of childer; and  #
to thir
appoyntmentis and condecionis to kep and fulfyl, God wyland,    #
the said Sir
Lawrans chapellan sall fulfyll and kep. Wytnes the hall court.
   Item, that ilk day comperyt in court Sir Thomas of Stanus,   #
chapellan, ande
mekly besocht the balyeis and the nychtburis, sene thai hade    #
grantyt the
gyft of the fyrst seruis of chapellanry to Sir Lowrans Johnston #
chapellan,
that thai wald wochsawfe the nest seruis thairefter folowande   #
to grant and
gyf to hym that wakis and fallis in thair gewyn, for his gud    #
seruis makand
and to mak in tym to com in thair quheyr of Sant Andros kyrk,   #
consederande
he is a nychtburis son and a sangster; and than furthwith       #
incontinent the
nychtburis was all serste about in court and euir ilke man      #
grantyt ande gafe
thair consent ande hall lection to the sayd Sir Thomas of       #
Stanus, chapellan,
to haf the seruis that nest fallis efter the gyft of the sayd   #
Sir Lowrans that
wakis and fallis in thair gewyn in haly kyrk; ande the sayd Sir #
Thomas
makande and doande siclik dew seruis as the sayd chepellanry of #
seruis
ansueris to do, and in the quheyr with his surples at mes and   #
evynsang to
kep as efferis for the sayd seruis of chapellanry. Wynes the    #
hall court.

<S SAMPLE 3>
<P 190>
[}5 JUNE 1482.}]
   The qwhylk day, Jhon Dickeson and Wylyam Dickeson, balyeis   #
in the
burgh of Peblis in that tym, with Thomas of Loch and Pat        #
Henrison seriandis,
with the consall and hayll communite of the said burgh in the   #
tolbuth gadderit,
as granttit and geffyn, for thaim and thar successouris, the    #
seruice of the
Rud alter in Sant Androis Kyrk of the said burgh in the Rud     #
loft, with hayll
and fre alection of the hayll cowrt withowttyn ony obstakyll or #
demand, ilkaman
be hys awn woce and nocht ane ganstandand, to Sir Laurence      #
Jhonson,
sculmaster, for all the dayis of hys lyf. And the said consall  #
and communite
as granttyt and geffyn to the said Sir Laurence,ilk man be his  #
awn
voce, the sculmasterschip of the grammar scull with all         #
profyttis of the said
scull for all the dayis of his lyf. And that ilk day the said   #
balyeis passit to
the said kyrk, and at the said Rud alter the said Jhon Dickyson #
gaf to the
said Sir Laurence Jhonson reall actuall and corporall           #
possession, by deliuerans
of buk, chalis, and westment and wther anormenttis of the said  #
allter, with
all profittis, annuell renttis, landis and possessionis that    #
langis to the said
seruice and alterage; and the said Sir Laurence sall mak dew    #
seruice in
the quer as efferis and kep his alter qwhen he is dissposit.    #
And thir thingis
beforsaid, batht gift and possession, was granttyt geffyn frely #
as is befor wirtyn,
day yeir and place befor wirtyn, and befor thir witnes: [^A     #
LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] , with wthir 
diuers.

<P 191>
[}8 JULY 1482.}]
   The qwhylk day, we Jhon Dickeson and Wylyam Dickeson,        #
balyeis in the
burgh of Peblis in the tym, with the consent and assent of the  #
consall and
communite of the said burgh, we haf set to fewferm to Sir       #
Gylbert Jamson
chaplan and to Jhon Jamson his brother our Walk Myln standand   #
on the
south sid of the said burcgh at the est end of Twed Grene, for  #
all the termis
and dayis of thair lyffis, and to the langar leffar of tham     #
twa, for thre markis
of annuall yeirly to be payit to the seruice of Sant Jhonis     #
alter in the paroche
kyrk of Sant Andro at twa termis in the yeir, that is to say,   #
Witsonday and
Mertynmes be ewyn portionis as efferis; the qwhylk set of our   #
forsaid Walk
Myln, with profittis that langis thairto, we forsaid balyeis    #
consall and communite
and our successouris to the forsaid Sir Gylbert Jamson and Jhon 
Jamson his brother sall warand mantein and defend. ..... And    #
gif it
happynnis that the sayd myln be owr set with fludis or spattis  #
that the dam
brek owt, or to be owr cassyn with sand, than the balyeis and   #
the communite
sall help the said Sir Gylbert and Jhon and caus the            #
nychtbouris to
help thaim to cast or to mend the dam agan qwhen it neidis. And #
this was
don day yeir and place abon wirtyn, befor thir witnes, the said #
balye. ....

[}13 OCTOBER 1482.}]
   The qwhylk day, Patrik Dickeson and Gylbert Wilyamson,       #
balyeis in
the burgh of Peblis that tym, in the tolbuth of the said burgh  #
with the
consall and hayll communite at thar court gaderit, with a hayll #
alection and
be award of the said court, as set the common kylle in fewferme #
to Jhon
Rychartson burges of the said burgh; and qwhen the court was    #
don the
said balyeis passit to the said kylle on the north sid Peblis   #
Water, with
certan nychtbouris, and thar Gylbert Wylyamson balye forsaid,   #
be the
deliuerans of erd and stan, gaf to the said Jhon Rychartson and #
tyll his
ayris herytable stat sesing and possession of the said kylle    #
with all profittis
tharof. The said Jhon Rychartson, and his ayris sall pay yeirly #
of annuall
for the said kylle thre schilling of vsuall mone to the         #
tresurar and to the
common purs of the said burgh: and the said Jhon Rychartson and #
his
successouris sall wphald the said kylle sufficiand in wall      #
rybbis and in ruf,
and mak dew seruice and sufficiand to serwe the nychtbouris of  #
the said
<P 192>
burgh in the drying of thar cornes, kepand euir ilkman his      #
rowme as efferis
sic lyk vs and wont as was keppit at the said kylle of befor,   #
that is to say
the drystar sall haf for ilk kyllfull tyll his seruice vj d.    #
and his dynar with
thy he mad gud seruice; and alswa the said Jhon for hym and his 
successouris was oblist to keip euere man his rowm at the said  #
kylle as
efferis and to defraud na personis in his defaut, but all       #
nychtbouris and
indwellaris of the said burgh to be obseruit and keipit ilk man #
in his rowm.
Befor thir witnes Patrik Dickeson, ......

[}16 MAY 1484.}]
   One the xvij day of Maij, the yher of God j=m= iiij=c=       #
lxxxiiij, be Patrik Dikkisone
ande Gilbert Uilyamsone balyais of Peblis, with sufficiant      #
nowmer of
nychtbouris to the vaill of xxxvj or may, within the toyboyth   #
gaderit, was
maid burges Thomas Bychat of the Chapelhill, na man thair       #
present contrar
hyme; and for his burges siluer he sall mak a but at the north  #
end of the
tone at the Lang Aker, and als gud as the gud toune makis the   #
tother but;
and suorne to the toune as efferis. Broch for his dewtis his    #
hand and his
land. Befor thir witness, ...

[}16 JANUARY 1485.}]
   The xvj day of the moneth of Januar the yeir of God j=m=     #
iiij=c= lxxxv
yeris, befor Johne Dikeson and Johne Mador balyais of the burgh #
of
Peblis that tym, within the tolboyth of that ilk one the hed    #
curt day in
iugment sittand, nixt efter Youill, with an sufficiand nowmer   #
of the best
and the worthiest of the said burgh, comperit Robart Mylnar and #
mekly
besocht the saidis balyeis and communite tyll set tyll hym thar #
twa corne
myllis for thre yeris to cum and he suld pay yerly to thaim     #
thairfor fyfty
merkis, and thairvpone he askit award of the curt, the said     #
Robart ramowit,
the curt awisit and wardit, the said Robart agan callit, thair  #
opinly euere
man be his awn vox nan constrenyait bot frely consentit and     #
grantit the
forsaidis twa corne millis with the pertinens to the said       #
Robart Millar,
payand thairfor yerly as vs is fifty merkis of gud and vsuall   #
mone of Scotland
of the saidis thre yeris, swa that William Alan wald gyf vp his #
takis
and assedation the qwhilkis he haffis of the forsaidis twa      #
corne millis and
swa that he war plesit and assithit of all actions and          #
quarellis twichand
<P 193>
hym the said William anentis the saidis millis; and one this    #
wis the
saidis balyais and communite haf set the twa saidis corne       #
myllis to the said
Robart Myllar as is abone expremit. Witnes the hayll cvrt.

[}3 APRIL 1486.}]
   The thrid day of Aprill the yher of j=m= iiij=c= lxxxvj      #
yeris, in the heid curt
efter Pas was maid burges, with the haill consent and assent of #
the communite,
Thomas of Rekoson, and William Bellis land plegis for hym; and  #
his deuitis to
the guid toune, his burgis siluer, Mertyn of Baucaskey and the  #
said William
Bell sall haf, and tak ane another burgis at thay ples till haf #
maid, and
thairfor thai sall big a gud sufficiand but at the north end of #
the ton one
the Venlaw syde betuix this and Trinite Sonday nixt to cum.     #
Witnes the
haill court.

[}8 MAY 1488.}]
   Thir ar the burgens maid be the balyais and the communite of #
Peblis in
the tym, within the Tolboith, in the curt, etc.: 
   Item, John the Vaich for ane hundreth laidis of stanys to be #
laid at the
brig end of Twed.
   Item, Adam Smeith for twa treis gevin to the brig at the     #
tolboith ende,
and sal pay v s. at the wil of the toun; plege for his dewiteis #
his awne land.
   Item, John Cant and Symon Forstar for ilk ane of tham        #
iiij=xx= of ladis of
stannys to the byggin of the Newark at the est end of Peblis.
   Item, Wilyam of Twedy for ane chawder of lym to the stepil   #
byggin.
   Item, Adam Fyldar for viij s. worth of yrne wark to the said #
stepil.
   Item, Dauid Lowgh for fyf schillingis worth of wark to the   #
said stepil
byggin.

[}3 OCTOBER 1491.}]
   Item, that ilk day was maid burgen William of Twedy for ane  #
chawder of
lym to the stepil byggin.

[}10 MAY 1492.}]
   In the tolboith of Peblis, befor Mertin of Balcasky and      #
Patrik Dikeson,
balyais of Peblis in that tym, with consent of the communite    #
was maide
burgen Patrik Govane for ane hundreth laidis of stannis pait to #
the stepil
byggin.

<P 194>
[}12 NOVEMBER 1492.}]
   In the tolboith befor Patrik Dikesoun and William Patersoun, #
balyais of
Peblis in the curt sittand, with consent of the communite, was  #
maid burges
Robert Millar yonger, and sal pay thairfor to the byggin of the #
stepil at the
Chapel gayl a chawder of lym.
   The said day, Sir Thomas Gibson has gevin his compt of all   #
sowmes of
mone takyn be hym to the stepil bygin, the quhilk day restis    #
awin to the
said Sir Thomas of the kirk guddis viij li. and sex s.
   Thomas Yong and Symon Louwgh grantit tham to be fowely pait  #
be the
town for fourty futtis of the stepil byggin and for all other   #
fre wark pertening
thairto ony way.
   William Madour, the said day, grantit hym fowely pait be the #
town for
all stanys winning and ledding of termes bygane to the said     #
stepil, and als he
grantit hym to haif rasaiffit fra Doutho Doby half a mark for   #
saide leding.
   Item, pait to Thomas Boyl be Sir Thomas Gibson for the wark  #
pertening
to the stepil xxv s.

[}19 FEBRUARY 1492.}]
   In the tolboith of Peblis befor Patrik Dikesoun, balyie in   #
that tym, was
maid burges Mergret of Lyntoun for a mark of siluer pait to     #
Symoun Lowgh,
masoun, for the makyn of the benkis of the tolboith.

[}16 APRIL 1493.}]
   Befor Patrik Dikeson and William Paterson, balyais of Peblis #
in that
tym, in the tolboith in the curt in iugment sittand, was maid   #
burges John of
Nesbet, and his burges siluer gevyn to Thomas Boyle for his     #
drink siluer to
the Newark at the est end of Peblis.

[}7 APRIL 1494.}]
   In the tolboith of Peblis in the heid curt, befor Robert     #
Dikeson and
William Bel, balyais of Peblis in that tym, with consent of the #
communite,
was maid burgen John Drawar for ten s. pait to Patrik Lawson    #
for the
thekyn of the stepil at the west end of Peblis.

<P 195>
[}6 OCTOBER 1494.}]
    In to the heid curt in the tolboith of Peblis, befor Mertin #
of Balcasky
and Patrik Dikesoun, with consent of the communite, was maid    #
burgen
Thomas Groseyr for x s. gevyn to the apperyling of the rud in   #
the He Kirk.

[}14 NOVEMBER 1494.}]
   The quhilk day, restis awing to Gilbert Williamsoun of lent  #
siluer to
the town, fyf pundis fyf schillingis and a penny.
   Item, the said day Gilbert Williamson was maid pursmaster    #
for a yer to
tak rasaif and to mak soir compt and raknyn of all commoun      #
guddis pertening
to the town.
   The quhilk day, all prestis feis annuellis and dewiteis      #
awing be the town
of termes bygane at all completly pait and alowit to prestis    #
and to Patrik
Elphinston; and the first of the saidis common guddis at the    #
said Gilbert
sal rasaif and tak vp sal be the ten li. of the Candelmes terme #
nixt to cum
of the twa corne millis.
   Item, the said day restis awing to Thomas Boyle sevynten     #
shillingis of
the twelf pundis that war presentit to hym to complet all the   #
treyn wark
pertening to the stepil inwith and outwith as efferis.
   Item, the burromalis ar assignit to Sir Thomas of Crawfurde  #
for his clerk
fe and to Sir Patrik of Stanhows for his fe for the keping of   #
the knok.
   The volt of the Newark nixt Sir Thomas of Crawfurdis landis  #
set to
Wilyame Fyldar til Witsonday nixt tocum for sevyn schillingis.  #
Item, the
vmast loft of the said Newark is set to Georg Dauidson til      #
Witsonday
for sex schillingis and aucht penys to pay at Witsonday nixt to #
cum. Item,
the loft and the south volt of the Newark ar set to Archibald   #
Parkley
til Witsonday nixt for ten schillingis of mayl.

[}17 NOVEMBER 1494.}]
   Patrik Dikeson and Martin of Balcasky, balyais of Peblis,    #
with the consent
of the communite, has conducit Thomas Boyle completly to werk   #
and mak
all the treyn and irne wark at is vnmaid within the stepyl of   #
the Chapell
gauil of Peblis, that is to say durris, wyndos, plantearis,     #
loftis, clausuris, all
lokkis, snekis, and al the irne wark and treyn wark nedful and  #
behufful
pertening to the said stipil, at the town sal charge hym to     #
mak, and al of
his awne expens, and he sal mak the ruf of the turngreys        #
completly al to the
<P 196>
thekyn, and the saidis balyais and communite sal pay to the     #
said Thomas
tharfor sex pundis of mone, and the said Thomas sal compleyt    #
all the said
wark betuix this day and the fest of the purification of our    #
Lady nixt to cum,
and of the saidis sex li. sal raman vnpait to the said Thomas   #
fourty schillingis
one to the tym at all the said wark be completit in all thingis #
as said is.

[}16 MAY 1495.}]
   Befor Patrik Dikesoun and Mertin of Balcasky, balyais of     #
Peblis that
tym, in the tolboith, with a parte of the nychtburris thar      #
beand present, wes
maid burgen George Farnle for a chawder of lym to the mendyn of #
Peblis brig.

[}25 MAY 1495.}]
   Befor Mertin of Balcasky and Patrik Dikeson, balyais of the  #
burgh of
Peblis in that tym, in to the tolboith in the curt in to        #
jugement sittand, with
consent of the communite of Peblis thar being present, was maid #
burgen of the
said burgh of Peblis Dauid Lawry, and his burgen siluer gevyn   #
to Dauid
Tait of the Pyrne; and thairfor the said Dauide promittit to    #
help the town
to the ledyn of ane tre and bringing of the sammyn with his     #
oxvne to the
tovne gyf he be chargit thairwith.

[}28 APRIL 1496.}]
   In the tolboith of Peblis befor Patrik Dikeson and Mertin of #
Balcasky,
balyais of Peblis in that tym, with consent of the communite    #
thar present,
was maid burgen Oswald Ackyn for ten schillingis to be pait to  #
the communite
of Peblis at the nixt fest of the inuention of the Haly Crois   #
callit
Bellamtym.
   Item, the said day was maid burgen Andro Patrikson for ten   #
schillingis
gevyn to the glasyn of the west wyndo of the stepil at the      #
Chapell gawil;
plege for the saidis Androis dewiteis Patrik Patriksonis berne  #
at the Chapel
gawil at the est end of the Castelhil.

[}16 JANUARY 1496.}]
   In to the heid court befor Patrik Dikeson and Andro Gibson,  #
balyais of
Peblis in that tym, in the tolboith of that ilk, with consent   #
of the communite
of the burgh of Peblis thar present, was maid burgen Robert     #
Mathoson for
<P 197>
ten schillingis pait to Sir Andro Tait to get hym ane surples   #
to cum into
the queir of Sanct Androis Kirk of [\Peblis\] and help to syng  #
mes and ewinsang.

[}2 MARCH 1496.}]
   Befor Patrik Dikesoun and Andro Gibsoun, balyais .... was    #
maid
burgen George of Mvrra for ten schillingis pait for ole to the  #
knok.

[}15 APRIL 1497.}]
   In the tolboith of Peblis befor Andro Gibson, ane of the     #
balyais of
Peblis in that tym, with consent of ane parte of the communite  #
thar present
in the tym, was maid burgen William Gray, and for his burgen    #
siluer ar
bundin Robert Dikeson in the Northgait and Mertin Balcasky to   #
mak ane
but within xx=ti= dais nixt to cum.
   In the heid court, haldin be Patrik Dikeson and Andro Gibson #
balyais
of Peblis in that tym, with consent of the communite thar       #
present, was maid
burgen Thomas Pont, for ane hundreth laidis of stanis to be     #
laid at Twed
brige betuix this day and Lammes nixt to cum.
   The said day, was maid burgen Patrik Clerk, talyor, for xij  #
s. gevin to
David Lough for the makyn of the Venlaw dyk.
 
 



<B SREC0B>
<Q SC0 STA REC ABERD0>
<N ABERDEEN RECORDS>
<A X>
<C SC0>
<O DATE 1450-1489>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D NSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LOCAL RECORD>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X X>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN>
<E X>
<J X>
<I FORMAL>
<Z STAT>
<S SAMPLE X>


[^EXTRACTS FROM THE COUNCIL REGISTER OF THE BURGH OF ABERDEEN,
1398-1570. VOL. I.
SPALDING CLUB, 12. ABERDEEN 1844.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 18.20-24.23
SAMPLE 2: PP. 26.1-28.3
SAMPLE 3: PP. 30.24-37.10^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 18>
[}19TH FEBRUARY, 1450.}]

   The assise hes ordanit that John Traile to fulfill the       #
condicion made in
his obligacion, and yherly to pay xl s. quhill he bryng hame    #
the blew stane
til his fadre, and that to be raiset be the sight and ordinance #
of his modre,
and of Schir Adam, and Thomas his brother, til syng for his     #
fadre saule
at Sancte Duthawis altar. And, of the three yheris bigane give  #
it be not
paiit, we ordane him to pay it at the sight of the personnes    #
befor written
(\plegio\) , Roberto Gillespy ; (\et dictus Johannes obligauit  #
terram quam
habet
de patre suo ad seruandum dictum Robertum indempnem in          #
presentia curie\) 

[}15TH APRIL, 1450.}]
   The quhilk assise hes ordanyt and determinyt that John Gray  #
sall pay
for him and for his falow, Patrik of Fife, to the Erle of       #
Orkynnay, of his
pensioune of the yher that they warr in office, for the freyng  #
of the toune
xi lib. xvi s. x d. And swa remanys of the sammyn pensioune, xi #
lib.
ix s. x d., the quhilk soume the sammyn assise has ordanit      #
Williame
<P 19>
Scherar, quhilk was alderman for the tyme, to pay and assith to #
the said
Lord Orkynnay, in full payment of the said pensioune, vnto the  #
tyme that
the said Williame Scherar mak his acompt.

[}2D NOVEMBER, 1450.}]
   The (\secundi\) dai of Nouembre, the yher forsaid, Duncane   #
of Clat, dene
of gilde, presente in the courte the Eucariste of siluer quhilk #
Theman goldsmyth
had in making. To the making of the quhilk Eucariste the        #
forsaid
Duncane deliuerit iiij=xx= iij vnce of siluer, and he paiit in  #
part of the makyng
iiij lib. And he has ressauit agayne in werk liiij vnce, the    #
quhilk he present 
in the courte. And swa remanys in Themannis handis xxix vnce,   #
for
the quhilk Maister John of Cadiow is becummyn, and becummys     #
dettour
be this writ, writtin with his propre hand.

[}13TH SEPTEMBER, 1451.}]
(\Nomina Assise.\)
   Johannes de Marr, Duncanus Clat, Johannes Gray, Johannes     #
Voket,
Johannes Howison, Johannes Scrogis, pater Willelmus Rolland,    #
Ricardus
Kintor, Thomas Kintor, Willelmus Meignes, Andreu Pantar, John   #
Stephinson,
et Johannes Tulydef. The quhilk assise ripely avisit, and the   #
witnesmen
examynit and herd in the cause movit betuex John Ghesinot and   #
his felowschip
maister of a schip of werr of the toune of Deipe, on that a     #
partie, and Hans
Lubic, maistre of a schipe of Trailesond, and his merchandes    #
and schipmen,
almaynes, twcheyng the taking of thair sammyn schyp, on that    #
othir
partie, deliueris in this maner vnderwrittin, that is to say,   #
because the said
mater belangis in a part to our souerane lord the king, and     #
thai haue
mater belangis in a part to our souerane lord the king, and     #
thai haue
herd seildom or neuer sic matteres declarit, the samyn assise   #
remittis
the decision and finale determinacion of the said cause to our  #
said souerone
lord and his counsaile, be thaim to be decidit and endit. And   #
in
the menetyme, thai ordane that the admiral deputis sall         #
intermet with,
and keip the forsaid Duche mennys schip, gudes, and fracht in   #
souertee,
to the avale and profite of thaim to quhom thai sall be jugeit  #
be our said
souerone lord and his counsaile.

[}21ST APRILE, 1452.}]
   The xxi dai of Aprile, the yher of Grace j=m= iiij=c= fiftee #
and twa, the
maste parte of the hale communitee of this burgh deliuerit and  #
consentit
all with ane assent, that, because of perile apperand, the      #
toune salbe
<P 20>
stryngthnit and fortifiit with walles and strynthes in all      #
gudeli haste;
and, because this may noght be devisit and done with mony       #
persounes,
the aldermane sall chese certane weel set persounes to passe    #
with him
aboute the toune, and devise quhat maner of strynthning sal be  #
made,
and in quhat places, and how the coste salbe tane and made. And #
quhatsumeuer
thing the forsaides persounes devises, ordanis, and does, ther
sal naman contrar agayne call na agaynstand, vndir pane that    #
thai
sall demaryt as brekaris of commoune ordinance without          #
remyssioune,
and the alderman, in presence of the sammyn communitee, hes     #
chosin to
pass with him thir persounes vndirwrittin, that is to say, the  #
dene of
the gilde Duncane of Clat, John Scrogs the son, Richard Kyntor,
John Howison, and Wat Giffard, with otheris werkman, quhilkis   #
plesis
thaim to haue with thaim.

[}22D MAY, 1453.}]
The samyn day has grauntyt the said alderman and consaile to    #
Johne
Crukshanke, the seruice of the kepyng of the orlage for this    #
yer, and
til hafe til his fee for ye seruice of it xl s., and has sworne #
the gret athe
to do his diligent besynes to ye keping of it.

[}5TH OCTOBER, 1453.}]
   Item, it was avisit, statute, and ordanit be the said        #
counsaile, for the
vphaldyng and eikyng of Godis seruice to be done in the         #
paroche kirk
of this burgh, that al and sindri chaplanys, the quhilkis has   #
feft altaris,
or that ar feit be worthi men of the toune, sal cum daili and   #
do divyne
service, that is to say, matynys, hiemesse, and evinsang, and   #
give ony of
thaim absentis him fra three of the said howris continualli,    #
thai salbe excludit
and expellit that thai sal noght syng messes within the said    #
kirk for a yher, bot giue thai haue sufficient excusation,      #
quhilkis be sene resonable
to the alderman and to the correctour of the queir, and the     #
feft
chaplanys that beis absent as said is, sal tyne atour thair     #
chaplanijs: and
the alderman sall dispone thairapon be avise of the commoune    #
counsaile.

[}20TH JULY, 1456.}]
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 21>
   Memorandum, that at the giffin of the chapilnary of Saynt    #
Nichallis
altar to Sir Henry Hervy, Mayster Duncane Scherar and Androw    #
Scherar
comperit personaly befor the alderman and consale, and declaryt #
to thaim
that they hade made a promyse and graunt to the saide Maister   #
Duncane
of the erast chapilnary, that vakit at was at thar gift, he     #
sulde hafe it, and
besoucht thiar maister schippis, that sen that chapelnary of    #
Saynt Nichallis
altar was than vakande, that thai wald keip thair promyse and   #
graunt til
hym thairof. And tharefter the alderman and consale             #
considerande that thai
micht nocht gudely forga the seruice of the said Sir Henry fra  #
the seruice of
the queir, avisitly made instans to the said Mayster Duncane,   #
and Androw,
at thai walde at that tym supercede and thole thaim to gif the  #
said chapilnary
to the said Schir Henry, because thai mycht nocht guidly forga  #
him
fra the seruice of the queir; and thai sulde hafe the erast     #
chapilnary that
vakyt at war at thair gyft, gif it lykit the saide Maister      #
Duncane himself
til hafe it, or gif it pleysit the saide Mayster Duncane and    #
Androw til 
gif it til ony vthiris of thair frendis that ar gaynnande and   #
sufficiande
thair for.
<P 22>
[}2d December, 1459.}]
   The samyn dai it was appoynttit and fullely accordit,        #
betuex the alderman
and the commoune consaile of this burgh on that a pairt, and
Maister John of Levington, vicar of Inuerugy, on that other     #
pairt, anes
the biggyne of the brigg on the vater of Dee in maner and form  #
as efter
folowis, that is to say, at the said Maister John has tane on   #
hande to be
maister and gouernour of the said work, be the sicht and avise  #
of the
alderman and consail; to the quhilk work the forsaid alderman   #
and consaile
sal gif yherly, for the termes of ten yheris, xx lib of their   #
commoune purse.

[}22D DECEMBER, 1461.}]
   The xxii day of December, the yher of oure Lorde a thousand  #
four
hundreth sexte and ane, it is ordanit and concludit be the hale #
common
consale, and be avise, consent, and ordinance of the maste      #
parte of the
comownis of this burgh, Alexander of Chamowr that day beand     #
forspekar
for the comownis and merchandis thar beand present, that ony
man, quhat euer he be, of state heyar or lawer, duelland within #
this
burch, at pais nocht his male, or at withhaldis in his handis   #
vnpait fra a
terme til ane vthir his male or ony vthir siluer, othir of tax  #
or revenowis,
quharthroch it may ryn to hendryng or preiudice to the toune;   #
at that
man, of quhatsumeur degree he be, sal not hafe tax of wateris   #
nor of
land, na yet sal be chosin in tyme to cum to beir ony offices   #
within this 
burch, quhill the time at he freith hym selff, and kepe the     #
toun vnscathit
anentis the king and all other men of all dettis and chargis    #
acht be hym.

[}13TH JANUARIE, 1462.}]
   Be it made kend till all men be their present lettres, ws    #
alderman, bailheis,
consale, and communitie of the burgh of Aberdene, to be oblist  #
til a noble
and michtie lord, Alexander Erle of Huntlie, and Lorde of       #
Baidenach, in
manere and fourme as efter folowis: This is to say, forsamekle  #
as the
forsaid lorde is oblist till ws in mantenance and supplie, to   #
keipe ws in
oure fredomes, and infeftmentis for certaine termes, as in the  #
foirsaid lordis
letteris at lynth made til ws thairapon mar fullely is          #
contenit, that we sal
be lele and trew to the forsaid lorde erle, in counsale gif he  #
askis ws efter
oure wittis and knaulage, and kepe his counsale gif he chargis  #
ws, and
atour quhen it sall pleise the forsaid lorde to cum to oure     #
saide burgh
with few persons or mony, and to remain or pas quhen him likis, #
we sal
at all oure gudely powere conserue and kepe him and his company #
within
<P 23>
oure said burgh, to tak sic part with him in his defens as we   #
wald do for
the defens of oure awyn persons, kepand our allegeans til oure  #
souerane
lorde the king, and the fredomes of oure said burgh. Thir oure  #
letteres
til enduir for al the termes of ten yeres fra the day and date  #
of ye making
of thaim. In witnes of the quhilk thing, oure secrete sele to   #
thir oure
letteris is affixt, at oure burgh of Aberdene forsaid, the      #
xx=ti= day of Januare,
the yere of God j=m= cccc sexte and twa.

   The xx=ti= day of Januarie, the yere sexte and twa, thir     #
persons, vndirwrittin,
ane assise chosyn be the greate aith till decyde efter thaire
knawlage, the actioune betuix ane worthy knycht, Schir Walter   #
Stewart
of Strathoune on that a part, and Dauid Symson on that othir    #
part,
that is to say, Alexander of Chamour, Johne of Mar, Johne of    #
Scrogs, 
Johne Wodd, Johne Woket, Andrew Rede of Petfothell, Gilbert the
Waus, Johne Matheson, Thom. of Fife, Thom. Guelp, Johne         #
Litstar,
the said persons ordanis at Dauy Simpson sal bryng hame to the  #
said
Schir Walter, knycht, ane dispensatioune be Pasch cum a yere,   #
next efter
folowand the date of this write, and failyeand thereof, the     #
forsaid Dauy sal
content and pay to the forsaid Schir Walter xxv pundis          #
Scottis, but fraude
or gile, efter as in ane obligacioun maid therapon be the said  #
Dauy to the
said Schir Walter mar fullely is contenit.

[}12TH JULY, 1463.}]
   The xii day of the moneth of July, the yer of God lxiij      #
yeris, it was
fundin and opinly knawine be the altherman and the balzeis      #
syttande in
jugement, that Henry of Culan, son and air of umquhile          #
Alexander of
Culan, burges of Aberdon, of lachfull aige, out of tutoury, and #
has chosine
til his curatis to gowerne him, Androw of Lesly and Thome of    #
Culan, his
cosingis, to gowerne him and his gudis, and at the stok of his  #
gudis be
furthe cummande til his profitis and quha to it may affer, and  #
to fynd the
childe of the brok of his gudis to the vsche of fyue yeris,     #
the saide v yeris
beande runyn, the gudis belangande to the saide Henry to be     #
deliueryt til
him or to thaim that it may affer to of law, befor the          #
altherman and the
bailyeis forsaide be his saide curatis but ony stopping.
   And thir ar the gudis and sommys that the saide curatis has  #
ressauyt
of the saide Henry of Culanis fra Wat. Moryson: fyrst, a gold   #
signet,
price iij lib.; item, iij siluer spunys, price xv s.; item, of  #
siluer, v lib.,
v s. vii d.; item, for a belt, viij s; item, for a sake and a   #
gowne of blowe
<P 24>
pryce xxxv s.; item, a countir and a schryne, price xx s., for  #
the quhilkis
sommys and gudis the saide curatis and the childe has           #
dischargit the
saide Wat Moryson in presens of the said altherman and          #
bailzeis, and
thair attour the said curatis has fundin Jamys Craike souertie  #
to the said
altherman and bailzeis that the stok of thir fornemmyt gudis    #
sal be furtht
cumande for the profite of the saide Henry, or to quhom to it   #
may affer of
law, the saide fyve yeris beande runnyn, and thairto the saide  #
Jamys is
oblist, be the faith of his body, befor thir witnes, Norman of  #
Lesly, Duncane
Alone, Thome of Culane, Duncane of Straloch, with vthyr sindry.

[}14TH JULY, 1463.}]
   The xiiij day of Julij, the yer lxiii, it is ordanyit be     #
the altherman
and the consaile that Dauy Patrikson, burges of the saide       #
burgh, for
the rebellione done be him to the altherman, fyrst, that he     #
sall ramayne
in the tolbuth on to the morne, at the wil of the altherman and #
the 
consaile; and thar efter, on the Sonday next to cum, the saide  #
Dauy sall
cum bar fute, with his gowne louse, and a candill of a punde of #
wax in
his hande, to Saint Nicholace kirk in the tyme of the hee       #
messe, and
offir that candill thar to the altar, and aske the altherman    #
and his consaile
forgifnes, for the luf of God, and neuer to do sic thyng again; #
and
syne thar efter the said Dauy, fra that day furth, sal gyf      #
oukly for the
hale yeir, a pynt of wyne to the kirke for his said rebellione, #
and to the
fulfilling of this, the saide Dauy is oblist and sworne, be the #
fath of his
body, in presens of the altherman and his consale.

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 26>

[}20TH DECEMBER, 1463.}]
   The said day, anent the debate movit betuix Theman,          #
goldsmycht, on that
a part, and Thomas Reburne, goldsmycht, on that vthir part, of  #
ane ferthing
of ane Inglis Nobill, changit be the saide Theman to the saide  #
Thomas
for the valou of quhite siluer. The quhilk ferthing the said    #
Theman
assayit tharefter to wirk, and fande it nocht sufficyande       #
golde, and askyt
the saide Thomas to pay him his siluer that he gaf him, and to  #
tak his
ferthing agyn. The quhilk the saide Thomas reffoysit to do,     #
because that
the ferthing was brokin be the saide Theman, and nocht in the   #
ply he
gaf it him. Vpon the quhilk debate, with consent of bathe the   #
parteis
forsaide, thair was chosin ane assise of worthi men to decyde   #
and ende the
saide debate: that is to say, John of Fyfe, Robert Blindesele,  #
Robert
Wormet, William Vokate, John Litstar, Thome Quelp, and Adam of
Crafuirde, with vthyr man. The forsaide parteis, be the         #
treuthis of thair
bodiis, til vnderly and fulfill oblist thair deliuerance and    #
sentens of the
saide debaitis. The quhilk assise, wele and ryply avysit, has   #
delyuerit,
and for sentens furth giffin, that Theman, goldsmycht, sal      #
sustene na scathe
for the brekine of the saide ferthing, bot deliuer it agayn to  #
the saide
Thomas Ryburne, and he to content Theman of v s. vi d. agayn,   #
that
he gaf him for it, sen it was nocht lachfull nor sufficiande to #
pass for payment
na werk, and the forsaide Thomas til sok til his warande gif he #
hafe
ony til vpricht him.
[^A LETTER AND AN ENTRY IN LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 27>
[}2D DECEMBER, 1467.}]
   It is ordanyt be the alderman, bailzeis, and hale consale,   #
anent the
debatis and strublance betuix Willam Vokat and Thomas Quelp,    #
that the
said Thomas sal fyrst syt done on his kne and tak the nakit     #
knyff that he
hurt the said William with in his hande, and opynly knaw that   #
he has
offendit til him, and deliuer him the said knyf, to do with it  #
that he will.
And, in name of xx lib. to be payit at the saide alderman and   #
consallis will,
and to pray the saide Willam, for the luf of God, til hartfully #
forgif hym;
and thairefter to pray the alderman and the consale that thai   #
wald pray
the saide Willam to forgif hym, and that the saide Thomas sall  #
be stedable
to the saide Willam in all thingis that he has ado, and to do   #
him alsmekle 

worschip as he has done him lake at al his power. Alsua, the    #
saide
Thomas sall content and pay to the alderman, quhen he askis it, #
xl s., the
quhilk sal be giffin to the chaplanis of the haly bludis messe; #
and thair
attour, because the strublans was done til a brothir of the     #
gilde, sall content
and pay a pip of wyne til amendis quhat tym that the aldermen   #
and consale
chargis hym therwith. And quhilk of thir that forfaltis till    #
vtheris for this
cause in tym to cum, sall content and pay to Saynt Nicholace    #
werk xx lib. to
be raysit at the alderman and consalis ordinans, on forgiffin.  #
And to the 
<P 28>
keping of the forsaide ordinans, the forsaide parteis ar sworn  #
be the gret
ath, in presens of the alderman and the hale consale, but       #
reuocacione in
tym to cum.

<S SAMPLE 3>
<P 30>

[}27TH FEBRUARY, 1471.}]
   The penult dai of Februar, the yer of God lxxi, because that #
the
office of belmanschip of this burgh was vacand, the alderman    #
gerd Johne
Sclater pas with the bel throu the towne, to charge the         #
comunite to cum to
the tolbuthe, for the chesing of a belman that war maist habit  #
and proffitable
for the toune. And with the consent of the alderman, balzeis,   #
consail, and
comunite of the toune that war present in the tyme efter the    #
passing of the
bel, Androw Murray, masowne, com in presence of thaim al and    #
profferit
to gif for that office of belmanschip, for his tyme, yerly, to  #
the common proffite of the toune, fyve markis, and to do all    # 
vthir deuiteis and service
to the toune that ony vthir belman did of before; the alderman  #
in the tyme
<P 31>
inquirand gif ony vthir man wald gif mare, and fand na man that #
wald gif
samekil. And furthwith, that beand done, the alderman, in the   #
name of the
toune and of the communite, deliuerit til the said Andro the    #
bel, and chesit
him for all the daies of his life common belman, with consent   #
of the balyeis,
consale, and communite, beand present for the tyme, as saidis.  #
Heratour,
the said Andro is oblist to byde and to remayn at Sanct         #
Nicholace wark,
and al vthir common warkis, for his tyme, for siclike fee as    #
he may half in
vthir places.

[}8TH JANUARY, 1472.}]
   The aucht day of ye moneth of Januar, ye yeire of God m=mo=  #
iiij=mo=
sevintie and twa yeris, Androu Scherar, alderman of ye burgh of # 
Aberden
in that tyme, with consent and assent of ye hail common consel, #
being
thar present in ye tolbuthe, has grauntit and promittit to      #
Schir Androu,
ye son of quhilum Thomas Andreson, burges of Aberden, chaplan   #
of ye
Rude altar, in ye parisch kirk of ye said burgh, that for his   #
continuacioune
of diuine seruice, to be done and made be him in tym to cum, in #
Sanct
Nicholes kirk, efter as ye tym askis at his gude diligence and  #
power; that ye
said Schir Androu sal hafe yerlie for his fie ten merkis of ye  #
vsuale
money of Scotland, of ye common gudis of ye forsaid burgh,      #
togiddre with all annualis proffitis and dewiteis pertening to  #
ye fornemmit rude altar,
quhilk soume and pencioun of x merkis yerlie, togiddre with ye  #
Rude altar,
ye forsaid Schir Andro sal hafe and joise for all ye time of    #
his life, he
makand busy and gude service tharfor, as forsaid is.

   Ye same day, ye alderman and consel has promittit and        #
gravntit til
Schir Henry Hervy, chaplane of Sanct Michalis altar, for his    #
gude service
and continuauioune tharof to be done be him in tyme to cum in   #
Sanct
Nicholes kirk in diuine service, that he sal hafe for al ye     #
daiis of his
life yerlie of ye common purse, and of the common gude of ye    #
said burgh
sex pundis, threttene schillingis, and foure pennys of ye       #
vsuale payment
of Scotland, togidder with all proffitis and dewiteis pertening #
til ye forsaid
altar of Sanct Michael.

[}30TH JANUARY, 1474.}]
   The same day, because thare was na dene of gilde chosin on   #
the
Friday next efter that the alderman was chosin, and that the    #
tyme of his
<P 32>
chesing was sa lang byrunnyn, it is ordanit, deliuerit, and     #
concludit be
the haill consel present in the tyme, of the quhilkis the names #
efter followis,
that thare sal na dene of gilde be chosin for this yere bot the #
alderman,
quhilk has had the vse of that office, and intrometting of it   #
hiddertilles, 
sen he was chosin alderman, and he to mak compt therof at the
ische of his aldermanschip as efferis.  Thir ar the persons     #
that war present
in the tyme, and consentit thairto, na man gainsayand of thaim, #
[^A LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] .

[}3D NOVEMBER, 1474.}]
   The thrid of Nouembre, the yer lxxiiij, it is appointit, and #
fullely
accordit betuix Dauid Menzes elder, on the ta part, and Schir   #
Andro
Wricht, maister of the kirk wark of Aberden, on that vther      #
part, in maner
and fourme as efter folowis: that is to say, that the said      #
Dauid has sawlde to
the said Schir Andro, in the name of Sanct Nicholace, thre      #
futhir of lede,
ilke futhir contenand sex score of stanys, to be deliuerit, God #
willand, gif
wynde and wethir will serve, betuix this and Pasch next to cum  #
apon the
key of Aberden; but ony exceptioune, cauillacioune, fraude, or  #
gile, for
the quhilkis, the said maister of wark sal pay to the said      #
Dauid, or his deputis
or factouris, deliueraris of the said lede, fourty-sex pundis   #
and ten
schillingis of vsuale money of Scotland for the hail thre       #
futhiris, at the said
day of the deliurence of the lede. And gif it sal happyn the    #
said Dauid to
failye in his defaute of the deliuerence of the said lede, at   #
day and place forsaid,
as God forbede, than the said Dauid sal pay daly to the said    #
maister of
wark xij d. efter the principale day of the deliuerence of the  #
said lede be 
passit; and in sic likewise gif the said maister of wark        # 
failyeis in payment
of the said soume for the saide lede, be the said day of the    #
deliuerence, or
within viij daies therefter at the ferrest, than the said       #
maister of wark sal
pay to the said Dauid, or his deputis, deliueraris of the saide #
lede, xii d.
daily til his expensis, and nocht to be allowit in the          #
principale somme. Of the quhilk lede, the said Dauid gravntis   #
him content, and pait of aucht
pundis in part of payment of the said principale somme. And     #
thir condiciones
lely to be kepit, athir of the parties til vther has gefin gude #
faith before
thir witnes, Alexander of Chavmer, alderman, Alex. Menzes,      #
Richard
<P 33>
of Kyntor, David Colison, Dauid Symson, Gilbert of Chadmer,     #
Patrik
Badenach, Edmond Lowson, and vtheris mony and diuerse.

[}2D MAY, 1475.}]
   The second day of May, the yer of our Lorde m=o= iiij=c=     #
lxxv yeris, it was
ordanit, endit, and concludit be the alderman, and certane      #
persons of counsale,
of the quhilkis the names efter followis, that the offerand and #
all 
vther offerantis to cum, that fallis vpon the Rude altar, and   #
the chaplan of
the Browne croice altar, quhat evir thai be for the tyme, and   #
that neyther
of the chaplanis of the Rude altar or of the Browne croice sall #
haue singulare
proffite til ony of thaim, bot that all gudis that ar offerit   #
in the tyme
sal be diuidit evinlie and rychtwisly ymangis thaim. Thir ar    #
the names 
of the consel that war present in the tyme: [^A LIST OF NAMES   #
OMITTED^]
Apon the quhilk deliuerence and decrete, Schir Andro, the son   #
of quhilum
Thomas Anderson, chaplan of the Rude altar, tuke in the tyme of #
the deliuerence
fra Schir Robert Leis, public notar, ane instrument in the      #
vestry
of the parisch kirk of Aberdene, befor the persons forsaid, or  #
the maist
pairt of thaim, and that this decrete and deliuerence soulde    #
nocht be reuokit nor gaincallit for the tyme of the saidis      #
chaplanis, viz., of Schir 
Alex. Club, chaplan of the browne croice altar, and of Schir    #
Andro,
chaplan of the Rude altar, no nor efter thare tyme, bot         #
perpetually til
indure, &c.

[^A ROYAL LETTER OMITTED^]

<P 34>
[}17TH SEPTEMBER, 1475.}]
   Item, Alexander of Chavmer, than alderman, and the consel    #
has ordanit
and assignit, at the request and instans of Schir Henry Hervy,  #
that
his said pensioune of this toun salbe pait til him yerly of ye  #
Justice Myln,
&c. (\Act xxvij die Septembris anno, lxxv.\)

[^A ROYAL LETTER OMITTED^]

<P 35>
[}14TH APRIL, 1477}]
   The same dai, the alderman proponit to the hale consale, and #
communite
belanging the biging of the qveyr, schawand the thankis and     #
kyndnis that
my lord of Aberden has profferit, for the quhilkis the          #
alderman, consale and
communitee forsaidis hes grantit to the biging of the qveyr al  #
feis of alderman,
balyeis, dene of gilde, abbot, and priour of this burgh, with   #
the common
gude, and al vtheris proffitis that may be gottin for sevyn     #
yeris to cum,
and mare gif it nedis, be the sight of thir personis vnder      #
writin: that is to
say, Andro Scherar, alderman, Alexander of Chavmer, Alexander   #
Meignes,
Johne of Mar, Johns of Knollis, Dauid Colison, Thomas of Fife,  #
Alexander
Rede, and Alexander Howison, quhilkis personis sal haue ful     #
commissione
vnder the commoune seil of the said burgh.

[}15TH SEPTEMBER, 1477.}]
   Item, the same day, it is ordanit and decretit be the        #
alderman and consale,
for the wphalding of diuine seruise, daily to be made in the    #
qweyr and
kirk of Aberden, that Wilyam Yong, ane of the clerkis, sal haue #
the quarter
of the Galowgate til his fee for this instant, and Richard Boyl #
the quarter of 
the Castelgate, and quhilk of the said quarteris is better than #
vther to be
made elike to thaim be the sycht of the alderman and consale,   #
and Adam
Strath til haue the Schipraw, with the Grene, and Andro Ettale, #
the ferd
clerc, sal hafe the Gaistraw, with the Sculehil.

[}18TH SEPTEMBER, 1477.}]
   The same dai thir personis of the consale vnderwritin, and   #
vthir pairt of
the gilde of thes burgh: that is to say, Johne of Marr, Robert  #
of Culan, [^A LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]
<P 36>
has consentit and ordanit that Alexander of Chavmyr,
alderman, be continevit vpper and principale maister of wark of #
the biging
of Sanct Nicholace qveyr for twa yeris to cum; and that Schir   #
Andro
Wricht, or ony vther that ressavis ye siluer, procurit, and     #
pertening to the
said wark, sal mak compt thairof to the said Alexander of       #
Chavmer, and he
to be responsale and dettour thairfor to the toune.

[}7TH OCTOBER, 1477.}]
   The vii day of October, yer of God m=o= iiij=c= lxxvii,      #
Alexander of
Chawmer, alderman, with consent and deliuerence of the hail     #
consale, na
man ganestandand, has gevin and grantit to the beging of the    #
qweyr, ay
and quhil it be fullely bigit and complete, that thare sal be   #
takyn of the
wattir of Done fourty and aucht pundis yerly, and of the wattir #
of Crvis
yerly twelf pundis. Alsua, yerly, of the procuracione of Sanct  #
Nicolace
kirk, twenty pundis, quhil the forsaid qveyr be fullely bigit   #
and complete
as said is. And this is grantit and deliuerit with consent of   #
the hail
comunite.

[}10TH OCTOBER 1477.}]
   Item, that the alderman, and a certaine of the consale with  #
him, pass
through the toune to see the venalis that are closit, and that  #
thai ger thaim
be red and oppinnyt as thai think expedient and spedeful.

[}10TH JANUARY, 1479.}]
   The samyn dai, Schir Walter Yung, chaplan, is oblist, be the #
faith of
his body, til the alderman and consale before writin, that      #
alslang as he
gettis ten markis of gude payment yerly, and fyve dais met in   #
the oulk, he
sal remain and mak sic service in the kirk as he can or may do  #
at his gudely
power, and alslang as it likis the toune til hald him. And gif  #
he failyeis
in ony service making, he sal be correkit be the sicht of the   #
alderman,
balleis, and counsale of this burgh, &c.

[}7TH JUNE, 1479.}]
   The samyn dai, the aldirman and the consal, at the instance  #
of our soueran
<P 37>
lordis lettres, my Lord of Aberdenis lettres, and of Maister    #
Alexander
Ingliss, chansler of Aberdenis lettres of request, has grantit  #
and promittit
til Maister Thomas Strathachin, maister of the grammar scules   #
of Abirdene,
that he sal hafe yerly, of the common gude of this toune, fyve  #
pundis
of the vsual payment of Scotland, ay and quhil he be promovit   #
til a service
within the kirk of Sanct Nicholess of Abirdene. And that the    #
alderman 
that sal be for the tyme sal ger him be content and payit       #
therof yerly, the
sade maistre makand diligent and gude service for the           #
informacion and
instructioun of the barnyis at this gudely power. Writin the    #
vii day of June
the yer forssaid.



<B SEDUC0A>
<Q SC0 IR EDUC DEYNG>
<N CRAFT OF DEYNG>
<A X>
<C SC0>
<O DATE 1450>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T EDUC TREAT>
<G TRANSL>
<F LATIN>
<W WRITTEN>
<X X>
<Y X>
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<E X>
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<Z INSTR REL>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^RATIS RAVING AND OTHER EARLY SCOTS POEMS ON MORALS.
WITH AN APPENDIX OF THE OTHER PIECES FROM CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY MS. KK.1.5, NO. 6: THE CRAFT OF DEYNG. ED. R. GIRVAN.
SCOTTISH TEXT SOCIETY, THIRD SERIES, 11.
EDINBURGH 1939.
PP. 166.1-174.278^]

<P 166>
[}1. THE CRAFT OF DEYNG.}]

   Sen the passage of this vrechit warlde, the quhilk is
callit dede, semys harde, perelus ande rycht horrebile
to mony men alanerly For the wnknawlage at thai
have thare-of, thar-fore this lytill trety, the quhilk
is callyt the craft of deyng, is to be notyde & scharply
consediryt to thaim that ar put in the fechinge of
dede; For to +taim ande to al vthire folk It may awaill rycht
mekile till have a gude ende, the quhilk makis al werk perfyte,
as the ewill end wndois al gud werk before wrocht./ The fyrst
chepture of this trety begynnys of the commendacioun~e of
dede; Fore ded as haly wryt sais, is mar preciouxe and
worthy, is maist terrebile of al thing that may Thocht,
Ande in-samekile as the saull Is mare precious & worthy than~
the body, in-samekile is the ded of It mare perulus and         #
doutabile
to be tholyt. Ande the ded of Synfull man but sufficiant
Repentans is euir ill, as the dede of gude men, how soding
or terreble at euir It be, is gude & precious before gode. /    #
For
the dede of gude men is nocht ellis bot the pasing of person~is
Retwrnynge fra banasynge, offputyng of a full hevy byrdinge,
end of all seknes, eschevyng of perellys, the term~e of all     #
Ill,
the brekinge of all bandys, the payment of naturell det, the
agan~-cumynge to the kynde lande ande the entering to           #
perpetuall
<P 167>
Ioy and welfare. And tharfor the day of ded o neide
men is bettir than the day of thar byrthe; And sa thai that
ar all weill schrewyne and deis in the faithe ande sacramentis
of haly kyrk, how wyolently at euir thai dee, thai Suld nocht
dreid thare ded. Fore he that valde weill de, suld glaidly
dee, and conferm~e his wyll to the wyll of gode; for sen~ vs
behwys all de o neid, and we wat no+tir the tyme nor the sted,
we suld resaue It glaidly that god and nature has ordanyt,
& gruche nocht thar-wyth sen It may nocht be eschewyt;
For god at ordanyt ded, ordanyt It fore the best, ande he is
mare besy fore our gud than we our self can ore may be, sen
we ar his creaturys and handewerkis. and tharfore al men
that wald weill de, suld leir to de, the quhilk is nocht ellys
bot to have hart and thocht euir to god, and ay be reddy to
resaue the ded but ony murmwr, as he that baide the cumyne
of his frend; & this is the craft that al kynd of man suld
be besye to study in, that is to say, to have his lyf, how
velthye or pure that It be, takyne In paciens that gode Sendis.
thai that are in the artykle of ded has v+tir temptacion~s be   #
the
deuill and mar merualus than euir +tai had in thare lyfe.
Fyrst, the deuil tempis a man in his deing in the faith of haly
kyrk, For but faythe may na man be saufe; And It is the
grunde of al gud deid. +tar-for +te deuill assais gif he can    #
gare
ony man vare in the treuth, as to put to hym~e that he wald
neuir dee For synaris na be born~e of the virgyne mary, &
safurth of the new testament; And +tarfore ilk temporall man
suld trow as haly wryt sais and namly that his curat techis
hyme, ande have his hart fermly Set +taron~e. Ande he that is
in the artykle houre of dede suld have a man to rahers~ to
hym~e the poyntis of +te treuthe, in syk langage +tat he mycht
wndirstand, Rycht oft fore It gret comfort to hyme and the
deuil may nocht heire It. alsua +tai suld rahers~ to hym~e the
gret faith and paciens of marterys ande vthire haly men, how
wychtly +tai sustenyt al tormentis and passionys don~e to
thaim for the faith of haly kyrke, and our-come thar ennemys
<P 168>
by paciens and ferme faith, as men may Reid in thar storeis.
For he that is ferme in the faithe optenis thar-throw al that   #
is
profytabile to the saull and lyf baith; and It is to wyt, quhat
temtacioun~e at euir the deuill putis to man sal nocht noy
hyme bot gyf he wylfully consent thar-to, and at he be in his
rycht mynd. For in the hour of ded the deuill wyll cast mony
wrenkis of falsait the quhilk Suld nocht be trowyt, for he is   #
our
auld ennemye and fa+tir of leisingis. The threuth is fundyt
apon~e this, that god wichsaif to tak mankynd to Radem~ the
trespas that adam and Eue commytyt in paradice, quhar-throw
al mankynde was smitit, & nan~ was worthy of his ofspryng to
pay that ranson~e for the oreginall syne at thai ware fylyt     #
with,
for god herys na synaris; and tharfor god throw his mekyll
mersy Send his anerly sone to be incarnat, sen nan was worthy
+tarto bot he, for he was no synar; and heir-vpon~e is fowndit
al the faithe, the quhilk was confermit be sancte Iohn~e the
baptyst and mony o+tir prophetis or cryst was born~e mony a
hunder +gher. / the to+tir temptacioune that the deuill tempis
a man with, Is dispare of godis mekille mersye; for quhen
the deuill fyndis a man wexit and torment with seknes, he
bryngis to his mynd +te ded that He Is lyk to cum to, and
the synis that he has don~e, wnconfessyt of or Rapentyt, and
na penans na condigne satisfaccion~e maid for +taim, and
puttis hym~e In dyspare of mercy, and thus he ekys sorow
vpon~e sorow to confound hyme. And as haly scripture sais,
ilke man sal Se in the hour of ded cryst as he was crucefyd
on~e the cors, in consolacioune to gud men, and in confusioune
and schame to Ill men at thai ar nocht worthy to have thaim
to thare bru+tir, rademar & helpare; and this is a perelus
temptacion~e. Neuir-the-les~, +tocht a man had don~e als
mony syn~is as thare is dropis in the sey, or al the syn~is in 
the warlde hyme alan~e, and he had neuir be~n schrewyn~e
befor till the houre of ded, sa at thare-of he mycht haf        #
suffissand
contriscion~e, he war sauf; fore godis mercy is abwn~e al his
werkis, and he may nocht deny mercy treuly askyt. bot It
is the sykirest to manis saluacion~e to be schrewyn~e and do
<P 169>
worthy pennans tyll he Is in prosperyte; and +tocht a man
mycht nocht have space to ask mercy, tharfor suld he nocht
dyspare, fore that ware mar ekyne of sorow to hym~e. and
this is an~e generall prouerb, that syne noyis nocht that is
sufficiandly for-thocht; and the pocy of the cros~ schawis the
mercy of Crist, for he hange +tarone, Inclynand the hed to the
heryng, the mouth to +te kysing, the armys to the embraising,
the handis to the gevyn~, and al his body to the Rademyng of
Synaris; and sua suld na man be dysparyt of godis mercy,
For in ensampill thare-of he gaif to the maist synare maist
mercy and grace, as to Petyr at denyd hyme, to Paul at persewyt
hym~e, to matho the okyrar, to magdalyne the synare,  
till dauid the murthorsar and adultrare, to +t=e= theif that    #
hang
besyd hym~e one the cros, and to mony vthir that war lange
to rahers~. The temptacion~e is in-paciens or vntholmudnes,
the quhilk is nocht to luf god abwn~e al thinge, & to thank     #
hym~e
of al his sayndis and gyftis, at ar al fore the best and thai
war weill knawing. thai that trawalys in the artykle of ded
bot gyf +tai be cumyne to the natural cours of eilde (the       #
quhilk
few cumys to, For ma deis of exces and mysgouernans in youthed
than is slane in-to batell), thir men for the strenthe at thai
have of complexioun~e, or laith to de, and sa thai thole in     #
thar
seknes meruolus dolur and infirmyte, the quhilk thai tak nocht
in paciens for the luf of god, as he dyd for +taim quhen he     #
sufferyt
ded, for he opnyt na mare his mouth na the lam~ dois quhen
his throt is wndyr the knyf. and sua mony of thir men gangis
rammys~, vthir-sum murmwrys and thinkis that payne
vrangwys and gruchis, and swa thai obey nocht with gud hart
to the ordynans and rychtwys~ Iugment of god, and +tat Is a
takyne at thai luf hym~e nocht na deis nocht in cheryte. and
tharfor It is nedfull to al men in the tyme of that dyses~, to
think and to knaw that his synis aw to have mar pwnyscion~e
than he may tholl, for al the payne that euir we tholl, Is
rychtwysnes, and +t=e= gud at we gete is of grace; and thar-for
<P 170>
a verray penytent man thinkis al his seknes lytill in           #
compareson~e
one-to the luf at god schawyt till ws, and to the
Redempcion~e of our trespas. Ande Sen the seknes at we have
her is gevyne ws in part of our purgatory, it suld be blythly
resauit, and als al the tribulacion~ and sorow at we may tholl
here Is nocht worthy to be maid compareson~e to the Ioy of
hevyne, that in the paciens thar-of we may wyne. For
swetnes is +te bettir knawing, at swetnes has ben befor         #
taistyt.
And sua the sek suld say in the payne at he tholys, now
byrne, now schere, now thrist, now sla, that before god may 
alleg the pacyens +tarof fore the luf of hyme and have eternall
Ioy +tarfore; For god sendys to +taim that he louis warldly
payne +tan sum passis, for hevynly Ioy at euir lestis. And
thus a man suld with al his hart conform~e hym~e to haf         #
paciens,
thankand god without murmur of that payne, and sa to wyne
hyme-self for euir. the temptacion~e at man tholys in the
hour of ded Is pryd; for quhen the deuill seis that he may
nocht dysess a man in +te faith of the kirk na disperacion~e of
godis mercy, na [\THE WORD na ADDED IN LATER HAND\] be          #
inpaciens of his seknes, than tempis he
hym~e, sayand thus, +tou art nocht as vthir men are, +tow art
strenthy in thi face, & in the hop of the mercy of god +tow art
wycht and tholmud in-to seknes, and +tow has done mony
gud deid, and +tarfore +tow nedys na mercy bot al the thank
+tar-of. this presumpcion~e is Rycht perelus and a fell         #
temptacion~e,
and for-thy a man suld think that all his euill dedis
cumys of hym~e-Self, and all his gud dedys cumys of grace and
the gyft of god (& sykirly, ay +te bettyr man, ay +t=e= mar
lawly); and quhen the ymagynacion~e of a manis gud dedis
cumis by the temptacion~e of the deuill, he suld brynge to his
mynd his Ill dedis, at thai ma law hym~e and bryng hyme to
knaw his fragelyte, and to ask mercy and nocht to pryd hyme
<P 171>
In his gud dedis. for to have pryd of his gud dedis is a        #
temptacion~e
callyt presumcion~e, and dreid of the mercy of god
Is For Ill dedis Is ane-vthir temptacioune callyt dyspar,
and he that can weill eschef thir twa in the hour of ded,
ourcumys the deuil for euir. the fyft temptacioune that the
deuill tempys a man in, Is in his warldly gudis. he thinkis
dyses~ to leif his gret Riches, mowable and wnmouable, his
wyf and barnis and sik o+tir plesans; and sykir It is, quha
takis hyme sorow or dyses in the levyng of thir cardenall
delytis, that he is nocht sykyre in the faith. / For and he de  #
as
he Suld de, he suld think that he Suld pas to mare Ioy na
fore to leif sic transytorie warldis gudis, the quhilk are lent
hyme bot For a tyme plesand to god to tholl, or as ane          #
Instrument
to vyne hyme-self to hevyne, as ane hamyr is ane instrument 
to mak a knyf wyth. bot the deuill tempis men sua in
thar vardly gudis, that wylfully +tai ga to the deuill fore
thaim, and quhen thai wat at thai mone dee, thai wyll nocht
glaidly part with +taim na thol the ordynans of god +tarof at
thar powar, na +ghit +tar dettis to be payt, bot erar desyre at
thar barnis and thar wyvys be possessyt of +taim, quhe+tir
+tai be cumyne falsly or Rychtwysly, thinkand thar ryches
nocht able to be dysponyt fore +tar saulys, or to mak           #
Satisfaccioune
with thaim gyf +tai ware vrangwysly vonyng, trowand
at god has na cur of thi barnis, to grant thaim riches, bot gif
at thai dyspon~e al vpon~e thaim. and sic folkis suld erar be
callyt bestis vnracon~able than man rasonable: for bestis
knawis na-thing bot erde and warldly thingis by the resone
of the erde at thai ar maid off; Men suld knaw +t=e= hewyn~e by
Reson~e of the saull that come and was maid thar by go
amang the angellis. and thus he that vald weill ourcum this
temptacion~e, suld thank god of his grace at lent hym~e thir
warldly gudis to help hym~e with anerly to his end, thankand
hyme thar-of and gyfand thaim to hyme gladly agan~e till his
fre disposision~e; for no+tir wyf nore barnis na o+tir riches   #
ar
<P 172>
lang gevyne. And thus nocht-aganestandand, testament or
o+tir disposicion~e at the law lewys, may be maid; bot man aw
to part with thir gudis glaidly by the ordynance of god, as is
befor said. and thus he that suld de, suld gladly de, thinkand
fore the bettir to lef the were, and than the ded, pacyently
tholyt, makis satisfaccioune nocht al-anerly of the vaneall
synys, bot als, quhen It is desyryt fore +t=e= luf of god and   #
to be
with hyme, for mony dedly synis. bot the deuil tempis ofttymis
mony men sa in thar temporall gudis, at quhen thai ar
in the hour of ded thai will nocht here spek at thai suld de;
the quhilk is our-crewell to cristin men to be tholyt. / And It
is to vndirstand at in thir temptacion~s the deuill may         #
stren+ge
na man na +ghit our-cum hyme, bot gyf It be his fre consent
and be in his rycht mynde; And tharfor we suld thank god
at tholys ws nocht to be tempyt For+tir than we ma aganestand.
And we resist his temptacion~s we sal have +tarfor gret
reward in hevyne. and swa temptacion~e Is rycht prophetable
tyll ws, for pur-borne men cumys nocht to honore slepand
bot erar by gret trawell and dyses; and al man is bor~n of the
hewyn~e, banist +tarof in pouerte fore his synis, redemyt       #
thar-to
agan~e by the faith and the passion~e of cryst, he vynand the
meryt +tarof by gud dedis and trew lawbor, or ellis to remayn~e
in that banasing fore euir in hell. eftir the dear be informyt
of thir temptacion~s at will be put to hyme, he suld be         #
demandyt,
Fyrst, gyf he be blyth at he deis in the faith of crist
and of haly kirk, and syne gyf he grantis at he has nocht
leuit rychtwysly as he aucht to do, and gyf he forthinkis his
mysdedis, and gif he has wyll to mend thaim at his poware.
Syne suld he ask at hym gyf he trowis that crist, godis son~e
our lord, deit for hym and al synaris, and gif he thankis
hym thar-of with al his hart, And gyf he trowis ony o+tirways
than be the faith of hym and ded to be sauf. than
byd hyme be stark and sykir in that faith, and have hop of
nan vthir thinge for temptacioun~e of the deuill; and gif thi
synis be laid befor the by the angell, gud or Ill, say than,    #
the
passion~e of crist I put be-tuex me and my synis, & betuex me
and the eternall ded, the ded of crist. And alsua he suld be
<P 173>
examynit in the articllis of the treuth, that is to say, gyf he
trowis in the fa+tir and in the sone and the haly gaist, and
an~e anerly god, makar of hevyne and erde, and in our lord
Ihesu crist, anerly son~e to god by natur, at our lady mary,
euir vyrgyne, consauit by +te werkis of the haly gaist but seid
of man, the quhilk tholyt ded one the cors~ for ws synaris,
and was grawyne and discendyt to hell to radem our elderis
at had hop of his cumyne, the quhilk rais~ one the thrid day
fra ded to lyf on~e his awn~e mycht, and assendyt to hevyn~e &
sytis on~e his fadiris rycht hand, and fra thyne in the samyn~e
wys~ as he passyt, is to cum aga~n one domys-day to Iug all
man-kynd. Als he Suld trow in the haly gaist, & in the
bydingis of haly kirk and the sacramentis +tarof, as baptem,
confirmacion~e, the haly sacrament of the altar, in the quhilk
wndyr the form~e of bred and wyne is contenyt the haly body
of our lord Ihesu crist, the sacrament of penans and schrift,
the ordour of presthed & matromo+ge, and of the last anoynting.
he Suld trow Alsua in the resurreccion~e of al men, that is
to say, in the sam body and saull as now is, sal met to-gyddyr
and tholl perpetuall Ioy or payne. he suld nocht anerly trow
in thir xii arteclis bot als in the haly wryt, and haf his hart
rady to do thar-to as his curat chargis hym~e, and he sal       #
forsak
al heresys~ ande wichcraftis forbyding be haly kyrk. als +te
sek man suld ask mercy with al his hart of the synis don~e      #
agan~e
+te lufe, gudnes and mycht of god, and erar for the luf of god
than for dreid of ony payne. he suld pray mekil til god to
gif hym~e grace till haf knawleg of the synis that he has~      #
for+get,
to that end that he may the bettir mak amendis +tarof; alsua
he suld sykirly think that in cas~ he mend of that seknes, that
he sal neuir wylfully syne in thai synis na in an vthir dedly,
For in the thocht at the saull passys fra the body, is tan For
euir, and thar-eftir ched or rewardyt ay lestandly, as the      #
angell
was in the begynyng. he suld als for-gyf al kynd of man of
all accion~e hartfully, and ask forgyvnes of god and man~, For
<P 174>
as he forgewys, he sall be forgewyne. als he suld mak           #
satisfaccion~e
of al he has tan~e wrangwysly or at he aw; efter his
poware suld he sell all his gudys, mouabile & wnmouabile,
and he may haf laisare thar-to. And quhat-euir he be that
treuly kepys this informacion~e but fen+geing, he beis sauit.
At-our thire thingis, ilk man in the houre of ded suld do eftir
his poware as cryst dyd on~e the cros: fyrst he prayd, and swa
suld we; syne criyd eftir help, and sua suld we, with the hart
gyf we mycht nocht with the mouth; and syn~e he +gauld his
saull to his fa+tir, and sua suld we, gladly gyfand hym~e,      #
sayand
thris gyf he mycht, & gyf he mycht nocht, sum vthir fore
hyme, (\In manus tuas, domine, commendo spiritum meum,
domine, deus veritatis.\) and he suld resaue thankfully the     #
pane
of ded in satisfaccion~e of all his mysdedis, as god grant ws   #
al
to do for his mekill mercy. Amen. 



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<S SAMPLE X>

[^THE PROSE WORKS OF SIR GILBERT HAY. VOLUME III. THE BUKE OF 
THE ORDRE OF KNYCHTHEDE AND THE BUKE OF THE GOUERNAUNCE OF 
PRINCIS. ED. BY JONATHAN A. GLENN. SCOTTISH TEXT SOCIETY, 
FOURTH SERIES, 21. EDINBURGH 1993.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 13.1-39.23
SAMPLE 2: PP. 73.1-115.98^]

[^THE OCCASIONAL EQUAL SIGNS FOUND IN THE MANUSCRIPT AND 
EDITION ARE RENDERED AS HYPHENS.^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 13>
[N]ow sen the doctour' has declarit jn sum part the poyntis
of the ordre with the proprieteis and condiciouns - Now lykis
jt him to speke of the office yat folowis the said ordre / that
is
to say - to quhat purpos' jt was ordanyt /- to quhat fyne / and
quhat entencioun /. And how gif knychtis vs' nocht thair'
office / thai ar' contrarious' to thair' ordre / and to the
begynnyng of thair' awin making /. ffor the quhilk caus' he is
nocht veray knycht jn dede /. suppos' he bere the name /- ffor
sik knychtis ar' mare villaynis - na is outhir smythe wrycht
or masoun - yat dois thair' craft / as thai ar techit / And
thar'for' to schaw the poyntis of the ordre - js grete meryt to
thame yat wate jt nocht /. the quhilkis he declaris here
efter'wart / And first and formast knychthede was ordanyt to
manetene and defend halykirk and the faith . for the quhilk god
the fader' of hevyn . send his sone jn this warld to tak jn him
<P 14>
oure humanitee fleschly jnumbrit / and jncarnate jn the
glorious' virgyne mary his suete moder' be the joyfull message
brocht till hir be the angel Gabriel -/ And syne for oure sakis
and to synde vs of the origynale syn /- and to geve vs eternale
lyf / tuke dede and passioun here with grete dispising
vilaynous' /- to geve us ensample and jnformacioun how we
suld reule oure lyfing here /- quhilk ordanyt all writtis for   #
oure
teching / and doctrine /. And all his werkis and dedis here /   #
he
did for oure [\90r\] ensample and enformyng to multiply his
faith /- And thus / rycht as he has chosin to growe and
manetene his fayth / the worthi and wys' clerkis to hald scolis
and jlkane to teche othir' be the haly wryttis of prophecies    #
and
of lawis agaynis the jnymyes of the faith /- Rycht sa . the hye
glorious' god chesit knychtis tobe his campiouns /. sa yat the
vnworthy mystrowaris and rebellouris agaynis his faith /
mycht be throu thame chastisit / be force of armes to vencus'
and our' cum his jnymyes /. the quhilkis euery day fors' thame
at thair' powar' to put doune the fayth of haly kirk And thir
knychtis yat thus occupyis thame jn the defens' of his rychtis
ar callit his kynchtis of honour' jn this warld / and jn the
tothir /
yat defendis the haly kirk / and the cristyn faith /. quhilk is
oure saule hele and saluacioun / And thar'fore knychtis yat
has faith and baptesme jn him . and vsis nocht the vertues and
propreteis of the faith / ar' contrarious' till otheris yat     #
kepis
the
faith evyn as a man yat god has gevyn till - resoun - and
discrecion / And he dois evyn the contrary / Thus he yat has
faith . and kepis jt nocht /- js contrarious' till him self     #
ffor he
wald be sauf / and gais nocht the hye gate till his saluacioune
fforquhy / his will discordis with his witt / and ledis jt the  #
way
of mystreuth yat is agayne his saluacioun /- and ledis him to
the way of eternale dampnacioun / And syk men takis the
office and ordre / mare tobe prisit & honourit jn this warld ./
na for ony prouffit yat thai think to do to god . na to thair'
prince yat gave thame the office /- Bot the maist noble
officis and ordres jn this erde ar' office of clerkis and of
knychtis / And the best lufe jn this erde js ay betuix thame /
And thar'fore rycht as clergy was nocht ordanyt tobe agayn
the ordre of knychthede / bot to honour' jt / and thame yat
worthily beris jt / sa sulde knychtis / nocht be agaynis the    #
haly
ordre and office of clergy to manetene worschip and defend
<P 15>
jt / agaynis the rebellouris and euill willaris of the kirk /   #
yat
ar'
callit sonis of jniquitee / as thai ar oblist jn taking of the
said
ordre of knychthede /. ffor a man is nocht anerly oblist to
lufe his ordre / bot he is oblist with that / to lufe thame yat #
be
othir ordres vnder' his awin lord for / to lufe his ordre and
nocht to lufe the caus' yat his ordre is ordanyt for /- ffor    #
syk
lufe is nocht order'lyke / ffor god has ordanyt nane ordre
vnder' him . tobe contrair' till ane othir And as to that /     #
thare
is ordres of religious' yat few of thame lufis ane othir and    #
+git
lufis wele thair' awin ordre /. bot that is nocht the rycht     #
ordre
of lufe & charitee / yat suld be jn religious' /- And rycht sa  #
a
knycht suld nocht samekle lufe his awin ordre / yat he
myslufe other' ordres / ffor that war' agaynis god . and gude
faith ffor the ordre of knychthede is sa hye /. yat quhen a
king makis a knycht /- he sulde mak him lord and gouernour'
of grete landis and contreis efter' his worthines And all
knychtis suld think yat thare is a lord and syre abone all
knychtis / ffor the honour' of quham thai ar' all maid
knychtis /- for to do his will and serue him fyrst / and syne
thair' temporale lordis / (^jtem^) the Emperour' aw tobe knycht #
jn
signifiaunce yat he is lord and syre of all knychtis jn
temporailitee / And be caus' - yat the Emperour' may nocht
mak na gouerne all knychtis /- thare was ordanyt kingis tobe
subordinate personis / next efter' Emperouris to gouerne
realmes and contreis /- the quhilkis suld alssua be knychtis .
sa yat thai may mak knychtis /- ffor na man may mak
knychtis bot he be knycht before /. sauffand [\90v\] the        #
pape /.
Alssua all kingis suld haue vnder' thame dukkis and princis /
Erllis & vicountes / and vauvassouris & barouns / and vnder'
the barouns knychtis of a schelde / the quhilkis suld gouerne
thame be the ordynance of the barouns yat ar' jn the hyar'
degree of knychthede before namyt /. And that gerris he
multiply knychtis jn takenyng yat na king / bot he may na can
gouerne all the generalitee of knychtis jn erde /. ffor thare   #
is
nouthir Emperoure na king yat can na may jn his regne
gouerne all his subditis but help of his knychtis - bot the     #
king
of glore can wele allane / but othir power' na of his awin      #
vertu
and maiestee / can & may gouerne and reugle all this erde /
and all the hevin at his awin plesaunce the quhilk is ane       #
anerly
god allane jn Trinitee and vnitee / And thar'for' wald he
<P 16>
nocht / yat ony knycht allane mycht mak a knycht yat suld
gouerne all the knychtis of this warld bot he allane / And
thar'fore ordanyt he jn this warld mony of knychtis tobe / yat
his magestee may the better be knawin / And yat kingis and
princis suld mak officeris vnder' thame of knychtis / And
forthy dois a king or a prince grete wrang to the order' of
knychthede / quhen he makis othir schireffis baillies or
prouostis of othir lawlyar' men na knychtis /- ffor than ar'
kingis ande princis caus' of the abusioun of the ordre of
knychthede /- quhilk was ordanyt for sik caus' /- ffor that
ordre was ordanyt tobe substitute till princis ande kingis apon
the gouernement of the peple /. as maist worthy and maist
honorable for sik gouernaunce of small peple / And abone
thame dukis Erllis and barouns /- And abune thai / kingis and
princis /. And abone princis & kingis allanerly Emperouris
and papis /. And thus suld the warld be gouernyt be commoun
reugle of gouernaunce /. saufand kingis yat ar priuilegit or
prescribit jn thaire power' jmperiale /- And thus knychthede
is the hyest temporale ordre yat is jn the warld /- Bot nocht
the hiest office /- ffor kingis and Emperouris is nocht ordre
bot jt is office / Be the quhilk office thai precell abone all
othir
officis of temporalitee /. as dukis countes marquis vauvasour'
baroun and knychtis And suppos' of all officis of
honourabilitee the knychtis office be the lawast office of 
dignitee vnder' jmperiale or ryale magestee /. Neuertheless the
ordre is hyest and maist honorable /. ffor quhy / yat all
Emperouris and kingis aw to bere that ordre / or ellis thair'
dignitee is nocht perfyte /- ffor ellis may thai mak na
knychtis - And be honorabilitee of the order' of knychthede /-
grete honour' js ordanyt be the lawis to do to knychtis - And
be nobless' of honour yat is put till him /- he suld haue
nobless' of vertues and worthyness' jn his curage /. Be the
quhilk nobless' of curage / he suld be less' jnclynit till all
wikkitness' and all vicis of barat and trechery / and othir
villain condiciouns / na ony othir persone /- The office alssua
of knychthede aw to defend his naturale lord /. and manetene
him - ffor a king is bot a man allane but his men / And but
thame thare may na king gouerne . na deffend his peple /. na
+git nane othir lord . ffor thai ar' bot synglere personis /    #
And
thus gif ony man be agaynis the magestee or othir lordis of the
<P 17>
temporalitee / the knychtis suld help him . to defend and
manetene his rychtis /- Bot commonly ane euill wikkit knycht
takis party contrair' with a kingis subditis agayne him self /.
ffor he wald haue his lord put doune / yat he mycht haue sum
part of the lordschip /- [\91r\] Bot than wirkis he agayne his
awin ordre / and office yat he is ordanyt for' that is ane the
faith of jhesu Crist /- ane othir his naturale lord / the thrid
the
peple jn thair' richtis / ffor the knychtis ar adettit to       #
manetene
and defend justice // ffor rycht as a juge has powar' be his
office / to juge / and geue a sentence /- rycht sa has he       #
power'
to kepe his jugementis fra fors / and fra wrang and violence jn
excercisioun . and jn execucioun of his jugement and sentence .
And be caus' yat till jugement of caus' pertenis wele
wis'dome and discrecioun of clergy . to knaw the lawis . jt is  #
a
noble thing / quhen knychthede and clergy js assemblit
togeder' /. sa yat knychtis war' clerkis & wele letterit men /-
sa yat thai war' the mare sufficiand tobe jugis be the knaulage
of science of lawis / ffor than war' thare na man mare
worthy - na hable to be a juge na a knycht clerk /. ffor but
science of clergy . to knaw the lawis /. thare is na man worthy
to bere office of justice // knychtis suld be wele ryddin - and
in +gouthede lere tobe well ryddin /. on destrellis and
courseris / till haunte justis and tournaymentis /- to hald     #
table
round /. to hunt / and hauk at hert and hynde /- daa - and
raa - bere and baare loup & lyoun . and all sik honourable
plesauncis / And sa mayntenand the office and the ordre of
knychthede worthily And as all thir propri[{e{]teis beforesaid
pertenis till a knycht as to the habilnes of his corps /- Rycht
sa is thare othir proprieteis pertenand to the saule /. As
justice force . prudence /. and temperaunce / Charitee - and
veritee / lautee & humilitee faith - esperaunce - subtilitee /.
agilitee /- and with all othir vertues touchand to wis'dome
appertenis till him . as to the saule /- And forthy - quhen a
knycht has all strenthis and habiliteis yat appertenis to the
corps -/ and has nocht thame yat appertenis to the saule /. he
is nocht verray knycht /- bot is contrarious' to the ordre and
jnymy of knychthede /. ffor than jt war' lyke yat knychthede
war' contrarious' to the saule behufe /. the quhilk is fals' /-
ffor the principale caus' of the ordre is to the manetenaunce   #
of
the cristyn faith /. and of all vertues / and jnymy to vicis    #
(^jtem^)
<P 18>
office of knychtis is - to manetene and gouerne landis and
policy / and to defend thame /. ffor the raddour' and the drede
yat the peple has of the knychtis thai byde apon thair' craftis
and labouragis /- and grathis lyfing for the lordis /- for doubt
tobe vndone destroyit / & desertit / And thus ar' the kingis
dred for the knychtis / And thare sais the doctour' / yat a     #
fals'
knycht yat will nocht help to defend his king and his lord
naturale /. js lyke faith but gude charitable werkis / or
knychthede tume and jdill but office // or heretike agaynis the
faith /- And thus a fals' knycht - yat is vntrewe yat dois      #
nocht
the bidding of his prince . and is contrarious' till his        #
biddingis
and opyniouns / dois grete wrang to the knychtis yat fechtis to
the dede for justice / and for the faith / and for his prince   #
and
his naturale lord / And is worthy tobe punyst vtterly /- ffor
thare is na ordre na office yat is maid . bot jt may be
vnmaid /- or ellis goddis mycht war' bot small - And than sen
the ordre of knychthede was ordanyt be god almichty and
gouernyt and manetenyt be thame yat beris the said ordre /- gif
thai yat suld gouerne the said ordre / and manetene jt /-
mysgouernys jt /. and dois the contraire /- The ordre is lytill
behaldyn to thame /. ffor thai vndo the ordre [\91v\] And thus
the wikkit king vndois nocht anerly the order' of knychthede jn
him self / bot alssua he vndois it jn his knychtis - quhen he
gerris thame do agaynis the ordre / outhir be euill ensample    #
yat
he gevis thame / doand thingis yat ar agaynis the said ordre /
or be flatery yat thai mak to thair' wikkit maister' - and      #
fals'
suggestioun to ger' thame be lufit of him / knawand yat he is
euill sett and will redily trow euill talis /. And all thus gif #
jt be
euill done / to gerr' a knycht be misgouernyt / and mysfarne
throu euill gouernaunce / jt is mekle wer' done to misgouerne
mony knychtis As thir wikkit princis dois / yat all the charge
of the misgouernaunce of all the knychtis of his realme is be
his default and negligence /- or yat thai be sa wikkit jn thame
self / yat thai geve him vnworthy counsale / to do apon his
subiectis extorsiouns be wikkitness' of tyrannye or of barate   #
or
trechery tresone to thair' naturale lordis or vnleautee till    #
his
subditis be force of thair' wikkit curage / And than is syk a
prince mekle to pris' and to love / yat knawis syk trychouris
and trompouris /- and vnworthy traytouris yat beris waste
name of knychthede yat wald counsale him and tyce him to
<P 19>
forffet and vndo the worthy . and noble ordre of knychthede
yat he has sa honourably tane / and worthily hidertillis has
manetenyt mekle honour' and worschip is jn his curage of the
prince yat sa dois /- Ande mekle suld be lufit with thame yat
beris the ordre worthily /. quhen he takis sik vengeaunce of    #
the
jnymyes of the ordre / yat throu thair' wikkit counsale wald
corrumpe his noble curage (^jtem^) the ordre of knychthede      #
standis
jn the corage / and nocht jn the corssage /- ffor ellis war'    #
the
ordre litill worth / fforquhy /. a lytill persone may quhilum
throu habilitee of corps our' cum a mekle and tak him . and
enprisoun him /- Bot a thousand men suppos' thai be neuer sa
stark may nocht our' cum na vencus' a gude knychtis curage /
And thus is the ordre of knychthede mare worthily jn the
curage na jn the corssage ffor ellis war nocht yat // the
knychthede accordit better to the body - na to the saule And
be that / the vnworthy cowartis knychtis . yat fleis jn         #
bataillis
fra thair' lordis ar nocht worthy tobe callit knychtis /- na to
bere the honour yat to worthy knychtis efferis /- ffor thai
drede mare the distroublaunce and males' of thair' corssage na
the honoure and worschip of thair' curage yat appertenis to the
ordre of knychthede of rycht /- And thus nobless' of curage is
better pertenand to knychtis na is force of corssage / Or ellis
suerenes and cowardis' jn mannis persone suld be of the
proprieteis of the ordre /- And hardynes and largess' suld be
contrarious' till jt / And that war' mekle vnresoun / Bot be    #
all
gude way of order' / quhen a gude knycht is our sett with our'
grete powar' / and lesse has of help and of falouschip to       #
supple
him . jn sa mekle suld he haue mare hye curage and mare force
of spirit / to our' cum all his aduersaris And gif he be our'
thrawin / till manetene the poyntis - and proprieteis of the
worthy ordre of knychthede /- Than has he optenyt the
honour' and the los' of the worschipfull reward and meryt of
justice / yat deis for the defens' of the rycht / and
manetenaunce of the worschipfull and meritable poyntis of the
ordre / as he yat deis for lufe and leautee / and honour' of    #
the
noble ordre yat he was ordanyt to /. ffor the wis' man sais /
yat knychthede and hardynesse may neuer langsumly duell
togider' but wis'dome and discrecioun -/ ffor [\92r\] quhare
na wis'dome na discrecioun restis / how suld thare be knaulage
of honoure /. Na how suld that persone discerne betuix
<P 20>
honorable and dishonorable act of vndertaking of worschip /
quhare wis'dome is away /- ffor wisedome will neuermare
mak fault till his honour' / And forthy is jt signifyit till    #
all
knychtis of honour' / yat a knycht may neuer be hardy / na
haue the vertues yat to knychthede suld pertene / bot he haue
wis'dome jn him /. Na thare is na man yat may sa mekle
honour' do till his ordre of knychthede / As to stand to the
vtterest with stark curage for the rycht fermely /. and neuer
consent to leve his lord . na his rychtwis' actioun to dee
thar'fore / And treuly that mon be reuglit with witt ande
resoun . and nocht be foly na ignoraunce /- ffor quhen foly and
ignoraunce is with the order' of knychthede / wit and resoun -
knaulage and discrecioun ar flemyt tharefra /. ffor . wis'dome
resoun and discrecioun - ar the ledaris and gouernouris of
cheualrye bathe jn knycht king and Emperoure / and but
wis'dome the ordre is peruertit ffor jnpossible thing jt is /   #
yat
foly and jgnoraunce gouerne that worthy ordre And than mon
jt on nede force be gouernyt be wis'dome / And thus is jt / yat
sen the ordre is reuglit be witt / and wis'dome - Than suld all
gude knychtis pres thame tobe wys' /- and sett thar'on all
thair' hert and mynde / the quhilk makis knycht sa
curageous' /- yat he doubtis nocht the dede / jn regarde of
honoure and his rychtwis' caus' yat he may / lufe and honour'
his ordre to sauf bathe saule and honour' jn the contrair' of
foly and ignoraunce - (^jtem^) office of knychthede js / to
manetene and defend wedowis maidenis faderles and moderles
barnis and pore miserable personis and piteable /- and to help
the wayke agayne the stark / and the pure agayn the riche .     #
ffor
oft tymes sik folk ar' be mare stark na thai / pelit and
derobbit / and thair' gudis tane /- and put to destructioun and
pouertee for fault of power' and defens' /- And be caus' all
sik dedis . is wikkitnes crueltee and tyranny /- Thar'for' is   #
the
ordre of knychthede ordanyt / as jn that poynt amang the lave
to gaynstand - And gif a knycht him self be the manetenare or
doare of thir thingis ./ he is vnworthy to bere the ordre for   #
his
wikkitnes / And rycht as god has gevin to the knycht pithe
hardynes and hye curage /- Rycht sa has he gevin him pitee jn
hert to haue mercj of the pure yat gretis on him - askand help
and confourt / for traist yat thai haue jn thame of help /- And
thus suld a knycht haue gude sicht to the miserable personis /
<P 21>
gude eris to here thame and gude mynde to think on thame /
yat pitously cryis apon him for help / and confourt / And he    #
yat
has nocht thir vertues / js nocht verray knycht /. na suld      #
nocht
be comptit as ane of the order' of knychthede / Alssua and the
office of knychthede / yat sa mekle is lufit and prisit and
honourit / war' till derub / and destroy the pore folk / and    #
all
sik peceable personis / and till dissaue wedowis / yat has na
defence bot god and the office of knychthede / And till
mysgouerne jn thair' gudis and heritagis and dissaue the
faderles and moderles barnis / And all thing yat war' falsate
barate wikkitnes and trechery war' poyntis of the said office /
And the office war' alsmekle honourit for euill dedis / and
wickit lyfing / as jt is now for gude dedis /- Thare suld ma
press' to tak the said ordre / and office / na thare dois       #
now /.
ffor be caus' yat the ordre is foundit apon lautee curtaisy
liberalitee / lufe and pitee / Mony of thame yat beris the said
ordre [\92v\] jrkis thar'of jn the warld yat now is /. ffor the
office of knychthede suld have stark place jn gouernaunce /
And he suld be wele horsit / and haue power' of men to kepe
the contree / and the kingis wayis /. all pilgrymes             #
trauailouris
marchandis labouraris . and suld haue the jurisdictioun of
justice jn citeis and townis - And quhen nede war' to assemble
the folk for the prouffit of the commountee / and quhen perilis
war' apperand jn the landis - to byrn mysal housis & destroye
perilous' passagis /. ger hag woddis and byg /- and mak
reperacioun of euill biggit placis castellis and wallit         #
townis /
and fortress' /. and kepe and defend all gudely personis /.
chastis' . and punys' all misdoaris and wikkit cruell personis
ffor and the contrary of thir gude poyntis war' approprit to    #
the
ordre than all gude gouernaunce wald faile /. and na man wald
be seur' ffor the office js foundit ay on gude and prouffitable
werkis yat ar' spedefull to the commoun prouffit / and to
gaynstand all thame yat settis thame for the distrublaunce of
the pore peple / and hyndering of the commoun prouffit /- and
to put doune euill and wi[{k{]kit men /- And to fauour' nuris'
and manetene gude peple ffor rycht as the hewing ax is
ordanyt to cutt doune treis yat hynderis labouragis of landis /
and cartis and chariotis and marchandices to passe throu the
forestis /- Sa is the suerd of knychthede ordanyt to kutt away
ande destroye the wikkit vnworthy wedis & ronnis of thornis
<P 22>
of euill men yat lettis labouraris marchandis and traualouris   #
to
trauale throu the warlde quhilk is as a forest / and            #
wildernes -
quhen jt is nocht wele redde / Off the quhilk euill men . suld  #
be
wedit out / be knychtis . keparis of the lawe yat gude men
mycht lyve jn lee /- And he yat is a knycht /. and dois nocht
this /. bot dois evyn the contrary /. suld be tane be the       #
prince /
or be othir worthy faithfull and honourable knychtis / and put
till dede /. ffor quhen a knycht is a revare or a thef / or a
traytour' or a murtherar' / or a lollard . scismatike or        #
heretike
or jn syk crimys opinly knawin and approuit /. Than is he
vnworthy for to lyve /- bot tobe punyst jn example of           #
otheris /.
yat defoulis that maist noble and worthy ordre /. & abusit jt
agaynis the poyntis and the proprieteis of the order' / ffor jt
war' better to syk a knycht to +gelde him self to justice /     #
tobe
punyst with mortall punycioun /. na to lyve jn sik misordinate
lyf / for to vndo him self / and otheris mony /. quhilk lesse
euill
war' yat he war' vndone allane /- and less' charge till his
saule /. ffor gif a knycht or a lord . haue all thir forenamyt
vicis jn him / or ony part of thame /. and walde punys' otheris
and will nocht punys' him self /- that is nocht the rycht way   #
of
justice /- ffor gude justice begynnis at jt self /. and syne at
othir men /- ffor grete lak is to reproue and correct otheris   #
jn
that / yat he is foular' smyttit him self /- quhilk gif he will
nocht do /. othir knychtis suld do / for honoure of thair'      #
ordre /
till hald jt euer' jn honour and worschip - as wele efferis jt
tobe / And all knycht yat fauouris syk cruell dedis / and       #
gerris
nocht punys' thame /- thai ar foule jn the dede as the doaris   #
of
thame /. ffor syk men ar nocht verray knychtis bot feigned
beris the ordre . and dois nocht the office /- ffor rycht as a
knycht had a hurt jn ane of his handis /- that hurt is mare     #
nere
and dere / to the laue of his othir membris / na jt is to me or
ane othir man /. And erar' efferis till him . to sett remede
tharejn - And rycht sa - gif a knycht misgouernis him jn syk
kynde yat he be outhir thef / or traytour revare or murderar'   #
/.
jt appertenis mare [\93r\] till othir knychtis to sett tharejn
remede / na It dois till otheris yat ar na knychtis ffor all
knychtis ar' / and suld be as a cors ./ And thar'ffore knychtis
has mare wite of the mysgouernaunce of othir knychtis . na
ony othir man has . and mare dishonoure alssua . na men yat
ar' na knychtis /- ffor jt is thair' default /. sen the
correctioune
<P 23>
efferis to the order' / and to the office /- ffor quhy he is    #
jnymy
to the ordre / yat sa gouernys //- And than suld jt wele effere
to the ordre to punys' thair' jnymyes Quharefore / thou yat art
a knycht / and will correk otheris defaultis /. Correk thine    #
awin
faultis fyrst /. ffor a traytour' thef or revare knycht /- he   #
is
alssua thef / traytour and revare till his ordre / yat revis jt #
the
worschip and the honour' yat appertenis till jt mare na to reue
othir mennis gudis /. ffor he yat stelis or revis honour' fra   #
ony
persone / bringis him hame schame and dishonour' and euill
renoune /- quhilkis honour' passis all richess' . Quhat
difference is thare to gude vnderstanding / till a traytour yat
betraisis his awin lord naturale / or his castell or his wyf /  #
or his
douchter . or his eldest sone / or slais his counsale &         #
murderis
thame /- or sik dedis dois / jn regarde of him yat euer' was
lele & trewe jn all thir thingis / and deis for his lord jn
bataill
place /- And alssua quhen a knycht defendis ane othir' yat is
fals' and traytoure till his prince / or his naturale lord /.   #
and
will nocht thole him cum to justice / nor na punycioun tobe
done apon him /- he is wer' na he yat did the dede /- And the
ordre of knychthede is dishonourit jn his persone /- yat
manetenis / and will nocht bring to justice a fals' traytour' /
And vnworthy war' yat he had justice jn keping / Ane othir
poynt of the office of knychthede / is - to accus' traytouris -
agaynis his prince / or otheris yat jt efferis /. and till      #
appelle
thame of bataill - and feicht wyth thame /- And office of
traytour' is - to deny /. his tresone /- & hyde jt / and couer  #
jt /
quhill he may /. and eschewe all prufis thar'of / And thus ar   #
the
twa curagis wele contrarious' togidder' / yat neuer curage of
traytour' mycht our' cum ane noble curage of a trew knycht /-
bot gif jt be throw pride or surquidy - yat is callit our'
presumptuous' jn him self /- the quhilk god tholis quhilom be
punyst jn bataill place /- Bot the curage of a lele knycht -    #
yat
for a lele caus' debatis . may nocht be our' cummyn /- bot gif
jt be for sum syn agaynis the ordre of knychthede /. ffor gif a
knycht wald reve fra the small peple / the gude yat god has
gevin thame and geve jt till otheris yat he aw nocht to /. that
war' agayne the office of knychthede / to tak fra lawar' na
him self / outhir moble gudis or possessiouns and hald jt as
heretage till him /. nocht gevand / na restorand agayn /. he    #
may
be lyknyt to the wolf / yat the lord gave the schepe to kepe    #
to /.
<P 24>
as till a famulyar' faa -/ Or he may be lyknyt till a fule      #
lorde
yat left his faire wyf jn keping till a +gong traytour'         #
knycht /.
Or he yat left his stark castell and his gudis till a bitter
cuuatous knycht - vntrew knycht /- And thus is he mekle to
wyte yat gevis his castell or his wyf / or his schepe jn syk
gouernaunce / Or how ane othir suld traist his gouernance jn
him yat gouernis nocht wele him self /- ffor thir ar thingis    #
yat
men suld nocht put jn misgouernaunce of fule men - his faire
wyf / his castell / and his moble gudis /- ffor commonly syk
men yat begylis thair' lordis may neuer be refourmyt na
redressit till lautee - na till honour of knychthede (^jtem^)   #
ane
othir poynt of the office of knychthede is . to halde his
armouris clene and faire / and wele at poynt / and to se wele   #
to
the gouernaunce of his hors' / and nocht to play thame - at
playes of dice & of tables [\93v\] and othir licht playis /
quhilkis
ar nocht contenyt jn the poyntis of the ordre ffor jt is        #
forbedyn
jn the lawis to mak ony ath contrary to the ordre of knychthede
na to the office /- And he yat puttis doune the principle       #
thingis
quhare with the ordre and office is haldyn at honour and
worschip - throu lycht playes or othir wayis /- he honouris
nocht wele his ordre /. ffor knycht jn weris but hors' &        #
harnais
is lytill prisit / And sen jt is sa . yat god and man acordit   #
jn the
poyntis of the ordre of knychthede / yat na fals' aythis suld   #
be
thar'jn /. na jn thame yat gouernis the said ordre suld than
nane be /. Item lordis na knychtis suld nocht brek the ath of
mariage throu misordynate lechery /. ffor that is a poynt yat
discordis with the poyntis of the ordre /. ffor thare is thre   #
gree
of chastitee / the quhylkis all honourable personis ar'         #
behaldin
till - that is ane jn mariage / ane jn wedowhede / and ane jn
maidynhede yat is callit virginitee /. of quhilk the haly writt
biddis thame yat may nocht lyve chaste /. mary thame / and
syne kepe thair' maryage / ffor gif thai do nocht / and thai
brek mariage / that brekis thair' athe to godwart / the quhilk  #
is
agayn the ordre and office of knychthede /- ffor chastitee is
vertu /. and mysordanyt lechery js vice /. And thus sen all
vertu folowis the ordre / and all vice discordis with jt /- It
syttis wele - yat princis lordis and knychtis kepe honour jn
that poynt / And namely / nocht to forffet thair' mariage /
(^jtem^) justice and knychthede acordis togeder' . and justice  #
&
mariage bresing and othir disordinate lechery discordis with
<P 25>
justice / And thus knychthede and disordanyt lechery
discordis . as apperis be the lawis of haly kirk quhilkis       #
efferis
prelatis to correct /- And thus gif a prince or a lord or a
knycht brekis mariage /. he is mare to blame / na ony of lawar'
degree /. ffor the hyar' degree / the gretter fault and mare    #
tobe
punyst jn all excess' of vertu /. (^jtem^) ane othir poynt of
knychthede is . yat a knycht suld be meke & full of clemence /
and nocht prydy na presumptuous' /- na orguillous' - ffor oft
tymes of pryde and orguille and presumpcioun cummys jniure
and discensioun /- ffor orguille js contrary to justice /. and
jnymy to concorde /. And thar'fore thare sulde na knycht be
hautayn na feir' na prydefull . na presumptuous' /- Bot euer'
with mekenes and clemence & humilitee be symple as a may
amang peple And jn his jnymyes presence be as lyoun
rampand /. ffor quhat euer' he be / yat be full of pryde and
presumptuousnes / amang vertuous' men is repute nocht for
thai ar' contrarious' to pes & concorde / & pes & concorde are
contrarious' to justice /. And sa is pride agaynis the poyntis
of the ordre /. Ande humilitee is the rute of the stedefastnes  #
of
knychthede /- ffor schortly to say knychthede acordis till all
vertu and justice /- And all thingis yat ar contrarious' to     #
vertu
and justice / ar contrarious' to the ordre and office of
knychthede /- ffor knychthede suld defend all jniuris and
wrangis / all pilleries wrang weris and tribulaciouns and suld
hald the peple jn all justice equitee - veritee and lautee /.   #
pes.
and debonair'tee / And out sched the wikkit fra the gude peple
pesable /. quhilkis gif thai do nocht / bot dois the contrarye  #
jn
thair' gouernaunce / Thai ar' contrarious' to thair' ordre -    #
and
worthy tobe punyst / Bot thare is nane yat all knawis /. na all
may punys' /. Bot the Emperoure the quhilk ordanyt
knychthede spirituale to kepe justice ordinare [\94r\] be       #
reugle
vertuous' jn pes and concorde / & justice rigorous' . yat is    #
the
ordre of knychthede / quhilk suld on force compell euill men .
and of wikkit lyf to desist and cess' fra thair' wikkitness' /  #
and
punys' thame thar'for' And thus is thare knychtis of pes and
concorde amorous' - and be reugle of justice to mak gude
reugle and gracious' concorde and gouernaunce jn the peple .
And alssua knychtis of the justice rigorous' ordanyt - to
compelle be fors of armes - all tyrannis traytouris and all
othir mysdoaris - and cruell tormentouris of the haly
<P 26>
labouraris kirk men marchandis - and traualouris - to cess'
and desist fra thair' wikkitness' . The quhilkis knychtis suld
be full of vertues and gude lyf / to geve otheris ensample

(^HEre^) spekis the doctour' of the examinacioun of the squyer'
quhilk suld entre jn the ordre newly of knychthede /. sayand
yat he suld be first examynyt be ane alde knycht yat knewe
and lufit wele the said ordre atour' all thing next god /- ffor
thare is mony princis yat rekkis nocht quhat maner' of
condicioun na of lyf / his knychtis be /. sa yat he haue grete
nomber' of knychtis jn his company ./ Bot jt suld nocht be      #
sa /.
ffor knychthede takis na hede to multitude /- bot to nobless'   #
of
cheua[{l{]erye and of curage / And of gude thewis yat we haue
before spokyn of / And thar'fore gif he yat is examynour' lufis
better multitude / na nobless' of curage / and of vertu /. he   #
is
nocht worthy tobe examynour' of squyeris /. bot suld be
reprovit / and punyst be the prince of knychthede / of his
defoulyng of the ordre of knychthede /- And first and formast
jt suld be sperit /- gif he trowis lufis /. and doubtis god /-  #
but
quhilk poynt is na man worthy till nane ordre of nobless' -
(^jtem^) gif he dredis the defaultis to do . yat dishonouris    #
the
ordre / And thus . squier' but lufe /- and but drede to do      #
mys .
is vnworthy to the ordre /. And gif he takis jt agayn thir
proprieteis and condiciouns /- he wenis he takis honour' till
him . bot he takis dishonoure ffor a squyer' but nobless' - is
nocht worthy to sa hye honour' as to the worthy honour of
knychthede / Na +git jn the weris of his prince or otheris but
hors' armouris / and sik men ar nocht habil to wyn honour jn
armes - ffor men may nocht mare cruelly destroye the noble
order' of knychthede / na till haue ane vnworthy examynoure
of the squier' yat suld entre jn the said ordre / ffor gif he
admytt to the ordre a man of vnworthy curage / that is
destructioun of the ordre / And suld a squier' examyne him
self first / and think on the mony noble proprieteis and
condiciouns of the ordre / to think jn him self gif he war'
worthy or he put him to the examinacioun : rycht as scolaris
examynit tobe prestis or greid jn scolis / suld nocht sett      #
thame
thar'fore / bot thai fand thame worthy thar'fore / ffor dout    #
thai
war' repellit / or ellis defoulit thair' greis / Rycht sa suld
bacheler' squieris jn the examinacioun of the ordre of
<P 27>
knychthede /- ffor he suld nocht alssua ask the ordre yat he
wald efter' deffoule be his euill thewis . And alssua lordis    #
yat
ar sa jnformyt yat thai will mak sik men knychtis / thai do
agaynis the poyntis of the ordre / and chargis thair'
consciencis . ffor men knawis nocht nobless' of curage jn fair'
wordis bot jn worthy werkis . Na nocht jn fair' clething / ffor
oft tymes . vnder' a faire habyte may be a full fals' hert full #
of
barate . trechery / and traysoune [\94v\] Na he takis him nocht
be his faire harnais na his faire hors' . na othir faire
habilliamentis /. ffor oft tymes vnder' syk faire habilliament  #
ar
nocht the best men of armes / and worthiast jn vertues
Quhar'fore gif thou will wale worthyast / and maist noble
man of curage / thou seke him be thir takenis / that is for to
say justice . and temperance /. force - and prudence /.         #
ffayth .
esperaunce yat is gude hope . & cheritee . and leautee /- And
be thir takenis / thou sall knawe the nobless' of curage / be   #
the
quhilkis vertues / the noble hert defendis jt fra the jnymyes   #
of
knychthede /- quhilkis ar fals'hede trechery / traysone . thift #
&
murder and syk lyke thingis / (^jtem^) our +gong men suld nocht #
be
maid knychtis / bot gif thai had gude tutouris and curatouris .
for dout of misgouernaunce of the ordre for fault of
knaulage /- ffor quhen a childe is maid knycht . he thinkis
nocht on the poyntis of the ordre yat he sueris to kepe /. And
gif the squier' yat is ressauit be the examynouris tobe knycht
and admyttit / be a rekles man and a wikkit and of vile
condiciouns /. he dois grete wrang to the ordre yat he beris -
and till him self to /. ffor and he be vencust jn barrier' / or #
he
be cowart or full of wikkit vicis - as fleand fra bataillis /-
revand or steland /. he sall neuer haue honour' na prouffit of
his ordre /. ffor rycht as jt honouris the honourable jt
dishonouris the dishonourable / Bot of all thing / a knycht     #
suld
kepe him jn all vertu to hald the mydwart / ffor a[{s{] the
mydwart is vertu / sa is the extremitee vice /- And thus a
knycht suld be of resonable gude age / yat he knaw the
proprieteis and poyntis yat he aw till haue / yat he nouthir
excede / na be our' lache jn his dede Item jt suld be sperit at
him /. quhat is the caus' yat he takis the ordre for' /         #
quhethir
for fairnes of corssage / or for hardiness' of curage /. or for
richess' - yat he may be proudly cled / Or for pryde yat he
may tak mare state na his falowis yat now is /. Or for yat he   #
is
<P 28>
wele horsit and enarmyt / Or for tobe a myrour' jn his          #
lignie /-
yat nane is sa worthy as he tobe knycht /- Item men may mak
knychtis of pure mennis sonis and thai haue gude evin jn
frendschip of lordschip /. And with that yat thai haue the
vertues foresaid /. Bot and a knycht or a lord mak ane
vnworthy creature knycht . he puttis his honour jn dangere /
yat disprisis and dishonouris the noble ordre of knychthede /.
and makis his awin honour' mare law na jt was /. ffor the
fylth . and the wrechit vnhonestee yat he has lychtlyit the     #
said
ordre /- ffor be rycht resoun of worthyness' and nobless' of
the ordre /- thare may nocht - na suld nocht na villaine curage
cum be gude evin to the said ordre /- ffor that war' be gude
resoun vndoyng of the saide noble ordre / yat is ordanyt bot
for nobless' - and gentillesse of curage / and gude vertues as
foresaid is /. and gude thewis /. ffor hye parage and anciene
honour ar the first poyntis of the rute of knychthede / yat is
cummyn fra alde ancestry and syne worthy personis with
worschipfull condiciouns & proprieteis personalis of the
knycht him self / makis mariage betuix worschipfull vertues jn
hye parage and knychthede // quhilk aw nocht to lycht bot jn
nobless' / And thar'fore and a lord mary nocht hye parage /
and knychthede togeder' - he is contrarious' to nobless' and to
knychthede bathe /- Bot a lord may put of his power'
forssablye . agayn the noble lordis and knychtis willis - a man
jn the ordre yat is nocht worthy /. Bot he may nocht vndo yat
he has done ffor suppos' yat he haue power' to mak a
knycht /. he has na power' to vnmak him [\95r\] sa mekle Is
the vertu of knychthede / ffor na man but grete caus' . and     #
juge
with princis powar' may tak honour away quhare jt is anys
gevyn - Than be resoun - jt aucht nocht tobe yat prince nor
knycht mak na knycht of ane vnworthy persone / na of villaine
lignage /- ffor wald men vnderstand . yat alsmekle is nature
honourit / as for corporale nature . jn tree and beste as jn
man ./ Bot as for nature spirituale / man is mare honourde /-
Bot be the nobless' of the spiritualitee of the saule           #
resounable /
yat acordis with angelis of hevin /- thare is grete             #
difference /
And sen nobless' of curage suld be jn all knycht /- jt may
stand . yat a man of a new sprongyn lygnye yat be honourable
and worthy jn all gentris' /- mycht be conuenable and worthy
to the ordre sa yat the vertues condiciouns and proprieteis of
<P 29>
nobless' of curage acord yartill Bot this opynioun js vntrewe
and vnworthy - ffor and that mycht be /- jt war' mare lyke
yat the ordour' of knychthede suld better' or alswele accorde   #
to
the proprieteis corporales & personalis as spiritualis . the
quhilk is fals' . ffor knycht gaynis nocht bot for hye parage
and nobless' - with the sevin vertues before namyt be the
doctour as force / prudence . justice / and temperaunce with
faith gude hope and charitee /. with leautee - yat efferis to
knychthede / (^jtem^) the examynour' suld spere of the squieris
condiciouns and maneris and gude vertues and thewis amang
the peple /- And quhat documentis and techingis thai ar' of /-
ffor the fault of gude documentis and techingis gerris
vnworthy men be reboytit / and repellit fra the examinacioun
of the jnquisitouris /. yat thai cum nocht to that noble        #
ordre /-
ffor worthy examynouris will admytt nane - bot worthy /. ffor
grete foly war' to put jn the ordre thame yat efter'wart suld   #
be
repellit for thair' misgouernaunce /- And forthy suld the       #
knycht
yat is the jnquisitour' seke wele the poyntis of nobless' and   #
of
valour' / and of the vertuous' proprieteis / and gude thewis of
the squyer' yat suld be knycht /- and quhy - and for quhat
caus' he will tak the ordre /- and quhethir jt be for meritable
caus' till jmplye him for the haly kirk / the cristyn faith /-  #
and
for the commoun prouffit for the peace and for all peceable
personis /- Or he takis the ordre for pryde /- or couatis' /-   #
Or
for tobe honourit /- Or for vane glore /- or to wyn richess'
thareby - quhilk gif he may persaue /- yat his entencioun
cummys of ane vnworthy caus' /- admytt him neuer ffor rycht
as homycide . symony . vsure and scismatyke condicioun
repellis clerkis fra benefice and honour' and all dignitee /-   #
jn
lyke cas . suld thir faultis before namyt / repelle a squyer'   #
fra
the noble ordre of knychthede yat suld haue nane affinitee /-
bot till nobless' of corage as said js /- ffor and men wald     #
wele
knaw / and consider the grete chargis and dewiteis yat folowis
the said ordre with saule perile /- and worship oft jn were
Thay suld stand grete aw to tak that noble ordre /- mare na
tobe outhir monk or frere or othir' religious' / of the hardest
order' yat is /- ffor traistis wele /. yat grete honour' beris  #
ay
grete charge /- And gretter dises' jt is - to fall fra grete
honoure agayne /. yat anys a man has bene at / na euer' jt was
joy / tobe thareat /. Quia non est tanti gaudij /- excelsa
<P 30>
tenere /- quanti est meroris de excelso cadere /- And
thar'fore knycht suld mare dout honour' na dede /- And
schamefulnes suld mare chastis' a worthy knycht /- and geve
him a hardar' passioun - and jt suld happin him /- Na sulde
outhir hunger' or thrist / or hete or calde /- or ony dises'    #
yat he
mycht haue /- And namely grete princis and lordis sonis -
suld think grete schame to wyn ane euill name for lak of thair'
condiciouns jn thair' +gouthede // gif thai thocht euer' to cum #
to
the worthy and worschipfull ordre of nobless' yat knychthede
is callit /- ffor thai may wele traist yat the name yat thai    #
wyn
jn thair' +gong age /- remaynis with thame for euermare / And
than is jt grete auenture /- and euer' thai be worthy to
ressaue that ordre /- quhen the examynouris knawis wele
thair' condiciouns /- And thar'for' [\95v\] all syk perilis     #
suld
be
schawin to the squier' or he sett him tocum to the
examynyng /- Cheualry may nocht be vphaldyn but grete
costis and als expens' on hors' harnais mete and men . and
othir necessair' thingis yat till jt appertenis And thar'for'
thare
suld na man . suppos' he war worthy /. desyre to tak the
ordre /- bot he war' a lorde / or yat he had lord to mynister
him all his necessiteis . And halde his honour abufe jn tyme of
weris - ffor ellis jn default of hors' harnais and othir
necessiteis euill sett knychtis quhen thai waunt /. assemblis   #
syk
euill men as thame selff and gerris mony ruggaris and
revaris /- and othir wikkit men destroy the commouns and
distrouble the realme - and makis mekle wrang tobe done jn
thair' default (^jtem^) men countrefait jn thair' persone na    #
our'
grete growin men . na men our' fat /- or yat has euill
disposicioun or euill sekenes jn thair' body // ffor jt war lak #
to
the makare / to mak men knychtis yat war nocht hable till
armes and to do vailliaunce jn tyme of weris /- ffor the
nobilness' of the ordre is sa worschipfull yat jt sufferis na   #
man
yat has mahaigne na demembrit / Na othir wayis mankit jn
corssage visage na membris - be he neuer sa riche /- tobe
admyttit to the said maist noble ordre - the quhilk excludis
vttraly all ignobilitee / and vilitee Item the jnquisitour'
examynour' suld mak jnquest at the squyar' / gif euer' he did
ony grete excessiue syn /. as tresoune or scisme - sorcery or
wichecraft or grete murderis or syk lyke thingis /- the         #
quhilk /
suppos' he pris' thame lytill . may lett him to ressaue the     #
noble
<P 31>
ordre jn company tobe falowe to the worthy cheualrye /- Na
+git na vaneglorious' squyare suld be na knycht / ffor vane
glore tynis the meritis of all gude vertues - Na he suld nocht  #
be
a gabusour' na a flaitour' squyar' yat suld entre jn the said
ordre / Na +git hautane na fiere jn pride /- na orguillous'
squyer' suld nocht entre jn knychthede / Ande namely
outrageous' jn word /- and sclanderous' bakbytare sulde nocht
entre jn the ordre /- na commoun leare / Na commoun vicious'
hurdomare hasartour' / commoun tauernouris full of sleuthe /-
barganouris commouns glotouns kid & knawin for syk
dronkynsum manesuorne /- and all outrageous' commoun
vicious' men - ar nocht tobe ressauit to the ordre of
knychthede /- Bot suld be repellit be the examynouris of the
ordre /- And thus suld nane be ressauit to the ordre - bot
nobles of parage /- vertuous' honest and of worthy curage /
And jn all this suld squyer' be jnquerit / or he be knycht /

(^Here^) declaris the doctour' jn quhat fassoun and maner' suld
squyer' yat walde be knycht - ressaue the ordre of
knychthede /. And as to that / the squyer' quhen he is
examynyt / and admyttit /. he suld schriue him clene of all
synnys / and defautis / yat he may think on . yat euer' he maid
agaynis god and his magestee /. and tak his sacrament /-
sayand . jn the name of the and jn entencioun to serue the /    #
and
honour' the - my souerane lord god - and thy dere moder'
mary - and all thy haly sanctis of paradis' - j tak this day .
this worthy ordre /- And this suld be done be prince or lord jn
a grete feste /- as +gule . pasche or witsonday - or all
halowmess' /- ffor the mare honourable assemble js maid
thay dayes na jn otheris /- And than sulde the squyer' fast the
fest evin ./ and wake all that nycht jn prayeris of grace       #
asking /
And otheris als suld pray for him /. to geve him grace worthily
to ressaue and kepe / and worthily gouerne the said ordre / at
the plesaunce of god and the haly court of hevin /- And on the
day before he suld pas to the kirk jn his best array as         #
efferis /
and custum of the contree is / thare [\96r\] tobe jn prayeris   #
and
to here a preching / or a proposicioun langand the said         #
mater' /
Na he suld nouthir here na speke vicious' speche . na
trompouris na janglouris - for that is lak to the ordre / And
on the morne efter' quhen he is arayed jn habyte of knychtis
<P 32>
wede / thare mon be grathit a solempne messe with note And jn
the tyme of the offeratore . he sal cum before the altare and
offer' / And syne sall he mak ane athe to the ordre till        #
honoure
jt efter' his power' jn the honour of almychtj god prince of    #
all
cheualrye / And thare jn present place suld thare be maid a     #
fair
sermoun declarand the poyntis of the cristyn faith acordand
thame to geder with the poyntis of the ordre of knychthede /-
To the quhilkis poyntis of accordauns the squier' suld tak
gude tent / and knaw thame all . and hald thame prentit jn his
hert percure with all the vij sacramentis - the x.
commandementis - the xij articles of the treuth and to kepe
him fra the vij dedely /. to all the quhilkis poyntis of the    #
faith
to kepe and honoure and fulfill at his power' jn contynent yat
he haue tane the said ordre at the honour' and reuerence of
god /- and thare to suld mak his speciale prayeris for all the
tyme of the messe /- And fra thynefurth for all his lyfdais /.
And quhen the preching is done / than sal cum furth the
prince or lord yat suld mak him knycht /- the quhilk aw of dett
tobe knycht or he mak ony knychtis . Rycht as nane may mak
preste - bot he be preste /. Sa may nane mak knycht - bot first
he be maid knycht /. sauffand the pape /- ffor how may he
geve yat he has nocht /- ffor herbes and bestis may geve thair'
nature jlkane till othir to mak thair' nature perpetuale /- Bot
sa may nocht knychtis be maid /- bot first the makare be
possessit of his gift / and of his ordre /- ffor gif ony lord   #
wald
geve the ordre / and nocht haue jt / or vnworthily geve jt      #
othir
wayis na the ordre requeris /- he dois grete dishonour to the
ordre / And thai yat takis the said ordre of thame yat has na
power' vnworthily - thai haue na grace jn the ordre to do
wele /. na prouffit to thame na otheris . And thus is the       #
squyer'
begylit / and dissauit of his ordre / And all cheualrye
sclanderit /. And than suld the squier' hald vp his handis to   #
the
hevyn . and his eyne to the hicht / and his hert to god /-      #
syttand
on his kneis /- And thare suld the prince haue the suerd redy -
of honour gylt with golde and belt jt about his sydis - jn
takenyng of chastitee . justice - & cheritee And thare the
knycht suld outhir geve him a strake with his hand - or with a
drawin suerd jn the nek to think on the poyntis and defend his
dewiteis // And syne suld he outhir kys him jn the mouth - or
ellis kys the croce of the suerd /- and geve jt him . and ger'
<P 33>
him kis jt agayne and sa put jt jn the scalbourd /- and bid him
think on his athe / ande charge yat he has vndertane / and the
honour' yat he suld manetene / And efter' yat all this seruice
of god be done /- the new maid knycht suld ryde on ane
courser' out throu the citee / or toune - and schaw him to the
peple Sa yat thai may knaw him for a knycht defendour' of
haly kirk & commoun prouffit /. and haldar' of lawe and
justice /- and mayntenour of the peple yat quhasa has ado -
thai suld draw till him for help /. And yat he suld haue        #
[\96v\]
mare raddour and drede to do mys - or oucht yat suld be
agayne the lawe euer'mare jn tyme tocum - and to sauf the
honour' and the worschip of his noble ordre /- ffor raddour'
drede and schamefulnes . js hye grace till all personis yat has
honour to kepe /- And jn that day . suld thare be grete
festyng / justing & tournaymentis . with othir actis as lissis  #
&
behurdis /. geve grete giftis / and mak grete solempnitee jn    #
the
honoure of god and the grete feste / And yat herauldis ande
kingis of armes and menstralis war' rewardit / And than suld
the prince rewarde the new knycht with landis lordschippis or
othir worthy giftis and gouernementis - till eke his estate and
help to manetene the honoure of the ordre /- And thus suld
giftis be gevin bathe till him . and be him till otheris /.     #
ffor the
ordre requeris giftis tobe gevin jn doly placis . for honoure
and worschip of lordis of estate may nocht be kepit bot quhare
giftis ar gevin - and noble actis of honour' excersit / ffor
quhare honoure is nocht kepit / order' gais bakwart /

(^Here spekis the doctoure^) of the significacioun of the armes
of the ordre of knychthede /- Now declaris the doctour - yat
as the preste - quhilk jn the mess' sayand . has syndry habitis
and habilliamentis quhilkis jlkane has a syndry significacioun
as is acordand to thair' office and ordre And yat office of
preste and office of knycht has sa grete affinitee and          #
alliaunce
togeder' . ffor quhy . yat rycht as office of preste has        #
certane
thingis yat pertenis to the ordre /- and jlkane has a certane
significacioun /- sa has the order' of knychthede /. ffor ilke
thing pertenand till his ordre . has a certane significacioun   #
be
the quhilkis is signifyit the nobless' of the ordre of
knychthede /- And first and formast / thare is to the knycht
gevin a suerd with a crossit hilt / yat signifyis . yat rycht   #
as
<P 34>
oure lord jhesu Crist vencust jn the croce /. the jnymy of
mannis lygnage / to the quhilk he was dempt throu the syn of
Adam oure first fader' / yat rycht sa suld a knycht vencus' the
fais of the croce throu the suerd /- ffor the suerd is ordanyt  #
to
do justice with /. And thar'fore is jt maid with twa egeis - jn
takenyng yat he suld manetene and defend bathe temporalitee
and spiritualitee with the double scherand suerd /- Item to the
knycht is gevin a spere - quhilk is evin / and betakenis
rychtwis'ness' & veritee ffor - as the spere is evin - And
rycht sa suld he be bathe evynlyk and rychtwis' and manetene
and defend lautee and equitee jn contrary of fals'hede and
trecherye / And the scharp hard stelin poynt of the spere hede
betakenis yat suppos' fals'hede be neuer sa wele armit /- +git
will lautee pas throu him /- and vencus' him - And be the
pennoun on the spere end - jt schawis yat veritee hydis him
nocht /- bot schawis him to fals'hede - sayand ay - quhen jt
movis /- Lo me here veritee - yat has na drede of fals'hede na
trechery And veritee is the foundement of esperaunce yat is
gude hope /- and of all othir thingis yat ar signifyit be the
spere (^jtem^) chapellat of stele alssua js gevin to the        #
knycht - jn
takenyng of drede of schame & repruf / ffor a knycht suld be
schamefull as a maydin dredand repruf /. ffor knycht or
womman but drede of schame may nocht kepe honour'
langsumly ./ na be obedient to thair' ordre /- ffor rycht as
drede and schamefulnes gerris a persone cast doune [\97r\] the
hede / and luke to the erde / sa dois the stelin hat the knycht
cast doune his eyne / And rycht as the stelyn hat kepis the
knychtis hede quhilk is the hyast membre and maist principale
of his persone /. sa kepis drede of schame the knychtis honour'
yat is the hyast poynt of his ordre / and maist principale      #
poynt
of all . The quhilk drede of schame suld haue jn jt fyve        #
wittis /
to kepe yat throu nane of thaim suld dishonour' cum /. and yat
the nobless' of his curage suld defend thai fyve wittis yat
neuer throu thame euill na wikkitness' cum . (^jtem^)           #
haubergeoun
is gevin to the knycht . jn takenyng of castell to kepe him fra
his jnymyes . yat is evill vicis ffor rycht as a castell is     #
wallit
all about with stanis togeder' junyt to kepe knycht fra his
fais /- rycht sa is the haubert to kepe him rycht sa fra his    #
fais
yat ar vicis and defaultis till his maist noble ordre of
knychthede / the quhilk is maid of mony syndry pecis as of
<P 35>
maillis (^jtem^) leg harnais is gevin the knycht yat his leggis
and
fete war' seker to passe jn the wayes & stretis and kepe thame
yat na robbouris na thevis - na murderaris vmbesett the wayes
to reve na strouble lele marchandis na labouraris men of kirk
na pilgrimys yat passis jn the contree for the commoun
prouffit of the realme /. And jn sik keping he suld be garnyst  #
jn
his armouris and his wapnis yat he mycht do scathe and take
nane (^jtem^) thare is gevin him maisse /- that is to say .     #
pollax .
jn takenyng yat he is officer' ryale /- and yat gif ony man
disobeyis till his wand /- yat he lay that maisse on thame to
hald the kingis rychtis on fut / Alssua spuris ar' gevin him jn
signifiaunce yat rycht as spuris spedis the hors' to ryn fast /
and besy jn tyme of nede quhen his jnymyes cummys nere .
Rycht sa suld knycht jn tyme of nede be besy - quhen the king
or his contree is our'sett with lourdanis and revaris or
traytouris . or oyir wikkit misdoaris /- sa yat he slepe nocht
his tyme . bot be besy and diligent jn the commoun prouffit //
Of the suerd we haue spokyn of before jn quhat takenyng and
significacioun jt is gevin /. (^jtem^) the quhip is gevyn to    #
the
knycht jn his hand quhen he is on hors' . To that
significacioun yat he suld stand aw and be obedient till his
lord /. ffor disobeisaunce vndois the knycht and brekis his     #
ordre
yat all his ofspring will forthink /. As for the jnobedience of
Adam all his of spring was punyst (^jtem^) gorgelin is gevin    #
him
jn takenyng / yat thare suld nouthir entre na jsse throu his
gorge thing yat suld be villaine . na lak thing to the honoure
of the ordre / as tobe at bidding of his lord but               #
disobeysaunce /.
and but murmur do his lordis commandementis /- and nouthir
do na consent to tresone . orguille barate - na trechery .
vnleautee na othir vice / yat may cum throu word na thocht be
the gorge outwart /- na excess' of glutony - drunkynness' na
othir mystemperaunce throu the gorge jnwart /- And thus the
gorgelyn suld kepe the knychtis gorge /. (^jtem^) masse is      #
gevin
him . yat betakenis strenth and force of curage / the quhilk
masse is lyknyt till a fals' sterap - quhilk strykis on all     #
sydis
apon all kynde of harnais /- sa dois force of curage / jt       #
strykis
on all sydis and defendis the honour' of knychthede agayne all
vicis and enforcis uertues (^jtem^) thare is gevin to the       #
knycht his
lytill schort suerd - yat sum callis misericorde jn             #
signifyand -
yat quhen he has jmplyde his spere /- his lang suerde his polax
<P 36>
his fals' sterap /. and his falow be sa nere him - yat he may
nocht help him self with nane of thay /- Than js jt gude at
schort strakis / And jt is callit outhir [\97v\] schort suerd / #
or
misericord // ffor caus' yat a knycht suld nocht all traist jn  #
his
armoure na wapnis / bot jn his awin vertu /- and jn him yat
maid him and jn his mercj / and traist yat throu his help -
quhen all wapnis ar' faillit / yat he sall saue his honour and
bring him fra the perile of dede / and dishonoure / (^jtem^)
schelde
or targe js gevin to the knycht /- jn signifiaunce / yat as     #
office
of schelde is . tobe the targe betuix the knycht / and the
strakis /- sa suld the knycht be . betuix the prince or his     #
lorde
and the strakis // as the schelde ressauis the strakis before   #
the
knycht /. sa suld the knycht before his lorde /. kepe strakis   #
fra
him - And as schelde is couplit to the knychtis brest thare his
hert is /- sa suld the knycht be till his lord bounde jn lautee #
as
till his awin hert / and is a myd moyen betuix him and his
peple / Gloues of plate ar' gevyn to the knycht . jn takenyng
yat as thai kepe his handis fra strakis - & woundis /. and
manglyng / throu the quhilkis the body mycht be tynt /- Sa
suld he kepe his handis /. yat he geve na faith na athe - na    #
'mak
nane condicioun na obligacioun agayn his lord - ffor than war'
he vndone /. And as knycht liftis his wapnis mare seurely and
traistly yat his handis ar enarmyt / Sa suld he lift mare       #
seurely
to god almychtj yat he be enarmyt / yat his handis wirk na
misgouernaunce jn taking of wrangwis' gudis . na strykyng of
vnlefull personis na making of vnlefull condiciouns /- and
vnlefull touchingis // na put his handis jn vnlefull placis /-
The sadill yat he rydis jn . betakenis sekernes yat he be nocht 
lychtly put by his purpos' . sa kepis the sadill him /. yat he  #
be
nocht lichtly put fra his hors /- ffor quhen he war' doune
strykyn /. than war' his honour lawe /- And rycht as he is
ferme /- and seker jn his sete /. sa suld he be ferme and seker
jn his curage jn justice lautee nobless' veritee and            #
charitee //
ffor throw seuretee of a gude hardy knycht - mony gude dedis
ar' done - throu gude hardy men of armes /- and mony
cowartis ar declarit /- quhen hardy men ar' approuit /
vantouris . and vaynglorious' men - yat dar nocht be sene /
quhare the hardy and worthy knychtis apperis jn worthynes jn
bataill place /- And thare fortune enforsis hardyness' /- And
as the sadill with the grathe yat langis jt /- haldis him ferme
<P 37>
yat he movis nocht for na strake of spere of jnymy /. sa suld
fors' of curage kepe him yat he move neuer again gude faith -
na resoun /- and bow nocht with vice agayn vertu /- And as
the hors beris grete charge of the armyt knycht /- and sadill
and harnais - sa beris the knycht be vertu of his ordre grete
charge /- the quhilk he suld nocht lychtly be movit fra . And
as he is sett apon a hie sadill abone a hye coursour' /. sa     #
sulde
his courage be hye to defend the rycht /- and manetene the
poyntis of his maist hye and noble temporale ordre /. And
thar'fore is courser' gevin him or destrere to betakyn nobless'
and hicht of curage yat knycht sulde haue abone all othir
peple /. sen he has bathe maist hye and noble order' / and syne
maist noble habilliament of armoure /- and syne maist hye and
noble hors /- sa sulde he haue maist hye and noble curage
with force to pass' all otheris jn vailliaunce of armes and
honoure / And tobe sene abone all his men . and mare fer' of
sa yat men yat had nede of his help /- suld se him of fer' to
draw till him for help /- (^jtem^) his coursere or destryere    #
has
bridill gevin till him with irne bytt jn the mouth /. and       #
reynis
jn
the knychtis hand /- sa yat the knycht may refreyne the
hors /- yat he pas nocht away with him /- And that jryn bitt jn
mouth betakenis / yat he suld refren+ge his mouth fra bathe     #
evill
[\98r\] vicious' speche and euill thouchtis / And be the reynis #
is
betakenit / yat he suld hald his handis vndefoulit / or fylit 
with our' vilaynous' dedis / or yat he be our' large to geve    #
till
othir' yat he haue nede him self / and yat he be nocht sa lycht
of striking with his handis yat thare be na discrecioun jn his
dedis / and yat be thai reynis he suld be led with pure folk -
yat war' nede bestad of help . quhare thaire nedis war' to
trauaile to help thame / And yat he war nocht our' narow na
nedy yat he had lak tharethou /. nocht to spare his gude / and
spend his honour And yat he be of handis hardy to defend him
fra his fa . & doubte nathing ffor our' grete doute makis
knychtis haue la[{c{]he curage - (^jtem^) the hors' hede is
bundyn with ane hede stele of the bridill - jn that kynde yat   #
he
suld do nathing bot be ordynaunce of the knycht yat efferis     #
till
cours' of armes /. and bot be resoun / And the hede of the hors
gais before / and is bundyn to do resoune Sa suld the resoun ga
before all dede of armes and othir actis honourable yat he
dois /. And as his hede stele byndis his hede to resoun /. sa   #
dois
<P 38>
resoune the knycht / and kepis his worschip /- Alssua the
knychtis hors is enournyt with harnais before and behynd / on
his body /. sa efferis jt to knychtis tobe honourably enournyt
with honourable clething /- and alsa with vertues
honourable / And be caus' yat sum hors' ar enarmyt with sik
harneis as efferis to defend thair' corps fra harmes /. sa suld
knycht be enarmyt with richessis of temporale gudis /- or
ellis he may nocht gudely do his worschip nouthir jn pes na jn
were / And oft tymes gerris mony reueryes and wrang
wynnyngis be /. ffor clerkis sais /. (\quod propter jnopiam     #
multi
deliquerunt &c\) (^jtem^) jakkis war' ordanit to knychtis thai
tymes of +geris /- yat war' of grete solempnitee of sylk abone
all thair' harnais / yat signifyit grete trauailis yat efferis
till him
to do . ffor rycht as the jakkis ar abone the hauberkis and
ordanyt nerest bathe wynd and rayn and othir stormys / sa suld
a knycht for the peple susteyne all stormes & trauailis for
thame /. sa yat all mysterfull and peceable personis yat had
myster suld throu him haue reconfourt and refuge at nede for
the honoure of noble yat ordanyt that noble ordre /- for that
caus' tobe a protectour' and ane aduocate of all pore
miserable and peceable personis /. The quhilkis be the
nobless' and the creacioun of the ordre /- he is ordanyt to
defend manetene / and halde jn thair' richtis quhen thai haue
mister / and thai be requerit /. Quhilkis knychtis suld erar'
expone thame outhir tobe dede / or prisonare / or woundit sare
or he left thame but help yat ar' vnder' thair' cure and sauf
garde /- Be the quhilkis poyntis of the ordre / men may se /
yat knychtis be vertu of thair' ordre has a grete charge /-
quhat of justice halding /- quhat of thair' landis gouernyng
and of thair' peple mayntenyng /- and of thai peceable personis
defending / As ar kyrk men . and maidnis fra fors' and
ravisyng /- wedowis and faderles and moderles barnis fra
suppresing / labouraris marchandis and traualouris fra
distroubling and all peceable personis fra fors and wrangwis'
vexacioun . Efter' this takyn of armes to bere js gevin the
knycht jn his schelde /. or jn his cote of armes or othir       #
wayis /-
sa yat he be knawin and kend jn bataill be otheris sa yat gif   #
he
dois wele / he suld haue honoure and worschip /. And gif he
dois [\98v\] evill . he suld haue dishonour' and disworschip /
and sik as efferis till ane jnymy of the ordre of knychthede /.
<P 39>
ffor gif he be vailliaunt / and hardy jn bataill - or he be
feigned slak and cowart / & flee fra his lord jn bataill        #
(^jtem^)
baneris ar gevyn - bot that is bot to kingis and princis /      #
Erllis
dukkis - marquis vavassouris barouns and knychtis
bannerollis And thus quhen a baroun baneroll has mony
knychtis vnder' him . thai aw to diffend thair' lordis landis   #
and
his lyf and his honoure /. ffor the honour' of knychthede       #
standis
jn that / yat he be lufit lovit / prisit / honourit and doubtit
with
the prince lordis and peple of the realme /. ffor the honour'   #
of
lordis and princis standis jn the pluralitee of mony
worschipfull and honourable knychtis /- And as knychtis of
honour' ar honourde with princis lordis and peple / for
hardyness' noble curage vertu and worthyness' yat thai haue
wonnyn with thair' princis lordis & maisteris honoure jn thair'
+gouthede /. Rycht sa ar vnworthi cowartis . full of tresone
ande fals'hede / barate and trechery / and othir vicious' lyf /
suld be haldyn as dish[{on{]ourit and vnworthy tobe amang
thame yat ar honourable jn the said ordre and mare tobe
blamyt na othir lawlyar' folk / suppos' thai had done mys

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 73>
(^Here declaris^) the philosophour' / how kingis and princis    #
suld
tak thair' [\110v\] recreaciouns and deduytis / and thair'
plesauncis quhilkis ar' leffull & but repruf O maist noble
Emperour' Alexander' . jt efferis wele till a prince tobe       #
seruit
with lele seruandis / till his prince / and hamely officis of   #
his
secretis /. with the quhilkis he suld tak his recreaciouns /    #
And
thai suld be the maist traist yat mycht be foundyn - And als he
suld oft tymes here the soundis and melodious' noys' of diuers'
jnstrumentis of musyk ./ And namely quhen he war' jn grete
penseis of thouchtis and of cogitaciouns displesant / yat       #
gerris
oft tymes a prince cum our' fer' jn malancolye yat may hynder
his hele and his growth /- ffor sik melodious' soundis of musik
gerris the mankynde tak dilectacioun naturale / and gerris his
spiritis naturale rest fra all vexacioun of mynde /. And all
thouchtis rycht sa restis & euanyschis fra syk remembraunce /
<P 74>
And all the corps is the mare strenthy /- And thar'for' gyf
thou will delyte the jn syk plesaunces /- but lak thou may vs'
thame betymes as may be sene spedefull to thy discrecioun -/
Bot luke yat this be done honestly and secretly /- And quhen
thou art jn syk plesaunce / and solace /. abstene the fra grete
excess' of drinking / bot lat otheris do thair' awin            #
plesaunce /
& fen+ge the till haue maid sum excess' - yat thou may mak na
mare /- and gerr' thame trow thou drinkis /- quhen thou sall
mak bot maner' /- And sa sall thou gerr' otheris be blythe /-
and kepe thy countenaunce and thy temperaunce fra all
excess' - And than sall thou here thame jn thair' blithenes
speke / and mak collacioun of thingis yat thou may tak
vnderstanding of thair' secretis /. and thai nocht of thyne /   #
bot
do nocht this oft / bot gif jt be four' or fyve tymes jn the
+gere /- And than sulde thou haue sum of thy speciale men yat
thou traistis mekle jn . about the jn that place of thy secrete
and traist famuliaris /- The quhilkis suld report to the all    #
thing
yat is done / or said of the jn all the parties of thy realme / 
And quhen thou art amang thy barouns - do ay maist honour
to the maist wys' and worthy personis /. and ger' ordane thair'
estatis /. and hald thame thare at And ger' summound to thy
hall to mete and drynk -/ ane to day /- ane othir to morne /
and sa furth euerilkane efter' othir . and leue nane . na thou  #
do
thame honour jlkane jn thair' degreis /. and hald talking and
collacioune than with thame /- And thus sall thai lufe the /.
and thou sall knawe the condiciouns / and the wis'dome of
euerilkane be him self /- And thus sall all the lordis and      #
noblis
of thy realme - knawe the worthynes / and the wis'dome of
the /- and the largess' of thy curage yat be euer' opyn - and
redy to mak thame gude chere /. and hamely till euerilkane jn
thair' degreis / And jn all this . thou suld haue jn the
discrecioun and countenaunce and mesure And of all thir kepe
the yat thou laugh neuer our' hiely and our' oft tymes ffor jt  #
is
a thing rycht euill sittand jn a prince / or ony persone
honourable And traist wele yat mekle lauchter gerris a persone
sone seme alde - and lakkis reuerence and honouris - and
engenderis vilipensioun - and lichtlynes quhen jt excedis

(^HEre^) declaris the noble philosophour' how princis sulde mak
punycioun [\111r\] of mysdoaris efter' the cas' - and efter'    #
the
<P 75>
state of the personis / Alexander' maist hye and michty
Emperour' / thou suld wit yat all men suld honour' thair' lord
our' all otheris . and namely jn his awin propre court /. and   #
sa
suld the lord honoure his naturale men jn his court / and
consistore abone othir / sa thai be gude men And gif thai be
mysdoaris / he suld ger' punys' thame efter' thair' desertis /
and efter' the qualitee of the persone /- sa yat otheris tak
ensample to kepe thame fra syk mysdedis /. and tobe mare
dredand to brek the lawis / And wit thou Alexander' faire
sone / yat all othir wayis . suld be punyst a notable man na a
man of lawar condicioun /. ffor jt efferis wele till a lorde    #
tobe
rigorous' jn execucioun of justice and tobe discrete to         #
discerne
betuix statis of personis / and the qualitee of the dede And
betuix soueraine and subgettis -/ And thar'to spekis
Esculapius /- yat all men ar behaldyn to lufe thair' king / and
thair' prince / and to honour' him maist next god and his
sanctis /- And sais - yat the egill is lyknyt till a king / as
lorde
& soueraine amang all foulis /. and has jn sum part syndry
condiciouns efferand to princis estate Bot quhen a king fyndis
ony mysgouernaunce jn his realme or jn his houshalde / he
suld ger' jnquere gyf jt be done jn playing or disporting / or
othir wayis jn lychtly contempt / of ony persone / nocht jn
felouny / & sa suld jt be poinyst / And gif jt war' done        #
agaynis
the magestee ryale / jn fellouny and forethocht felouny / jt
sulde be punyst to the dede /- ffor quhen ony man dois
dispising / or ony villany / or ony grete excess' to the        #
prince /.
or oucht yat belangis his maiestee / jt requeris dede but       #
mercj .
gif jt be done be his awin subiectis and legies /. And as to    #
haue
knawlage of that /. Alexander' fair' sone / thou suld
vnderstand . yat jn four' maneris of wis' thou may vnderstand
gude obeysaunce of subiectis to thair' souerane // ffirst jn    #
fair'
maner' halding till him /. to pray tenderly to god for him -    #
and
to haue grete luferent till him - To mak him grete honour and
worschip /- Alexander' - fair' sone . draw to the at all thy
power' the hertis of thi subiectis - and thair' curagis / And
kepe tobe nocht jrefull - na jniurious' agaynis thame /-
thouche thai speke quhilum with the /- and othir quhilis
agaynis the /- And vnderstand wele yat peple will speke
lichtly of lytill evyn /- And thar'fore kepe the wele / yat     #
thou
mak na caus' yat suld geue thame mater' na occasioun to
<P 76>
speke agaynis the ony thing / And sa may thai say rycht
nocht - yat may greue thy magestee /- na +git nocht wirk na do
agaynis the / quhen thare is na caus' /- ffor thare is nane sa
gude helyng of counsale /- as to do nane euill - And traist
wele / Alexander' fair' sone /. yat a rype discrecioun with
gude deliberacioun - is a grete glore to the dignitee / ryale   #
or
othir dignitee / and reuerence to the lordschip and exaltacioun
of a realme And the maist hye prudence and wys'dome yat ony
prince may haue / js to put payne and study /. to fynd the
wayis to ger' his peple lufe him / & to do him reuerence / and
jn drede and raddoure /- ffor jt is callit hye prudence jn a    #
king
to ger' him haue all this - lufe drede & reuerence of his
peple /- bot anerly to delyte him jn keping of the lawe &c

(^Here^) declaris the philosophour' to quhat thing princis ar'
comperit // And to [\111v\] that he sais . yat a prince or a    #
king
may be comperit to the rayne / ffor the rayne beris the
benedictioun of god /- and callit is be the grace of god - the
benediccioun of the hevyn /. the lyf of the erde / and the      #
grouth
of all fruytis yat ar here engenderit / and create /- And nocht
gaynstandand - yat the rayne is prouffitable /- +git cummys
thare with the rayn grete thonder and fyre flaucht / and mony
othir vexaciouns of grete wateris & speratis yat tormentis
the peple / and dois mekle euill oft tymes /. drownis men -
beris away cornis & hayis and hale housis . and othir gudis .
And +git nocht than - the peple lettis nocht for that / to lofe #
&
serue god /. ffor by all this . he sendis thame rayne yat dois
gude jn the gude sesoun of the +geris . yat dois thame grete
gude / and grete prouffit // and gerris thame for+get the       #
scathis
yat thai haue had throw jt / And sa dois a king / the commoun
prouffit till all men . quhen he kepis lawis /- Bot nocht       #
than .
jt dois grete scathe to sum men yat ar punyst be justice /. &
sum slayn . sum prisounyt /- sum thair' gudis tane And +git
lettis nocht the peple forthy / to love and lufe thair' king &
drede him and honoure him -/ ffor thare wald cum nane euill
jn this warlde to naman war jt nocht foreseruit for thair'
demeritis /- And +git comperis he a king to the wyndis quhilkis
dois grete gude alway till growand thing /- ffor but jt thai
mycht nocht wax / & +git na schippis saile /. and mony othir
behufull thingis Bot +git dois jt mekle scathe as all men       #
wate /
<P 77>
drownis schippis schakis cornis - brekis stepillis and kirkis /
and brekis treis with mony othir euill thingis and +git lettis
nocht the peple to pray to god to send gude wynd /- and lovis
him of all his giftis gracis and werkis /. ffor men suld
vnderstand yat the hye disposicioun of the conduyte / and the
gouernaunce of this warlde . the quhilk is throu divine
sapience prefixt and ordanyt tobe sa wele and perfytely / yat
better may nocht be deuisit / na ymagynyt /. he has ordanyt
certane landis for certane creaturis jn certane disposicioun to
serue his creaturis /- and gouerne and manetene And rycht sa
has he ordanyt kingis and princis tobe apon the peple to
fauo[{u{]r' & nuris' sum . and othir sum to punys' /- And +git
comperis he the king to wynter' and to the somer' / ffor as
the somer' gerris all fruytis cornis and othir creaturis wax    #
and
grow to mannis behufe / and all thing with his hete nurisis -
quhill jt cum to the hicht /. sa dois the hete of somer' agayne
with the chelle calde of wynter' puttis all thai fruytis and    #
treis
and flouris all to nocht - and destroyis thame vtterly / And
thus ar' the tymes of somer' and wynter' bathe doare &
vndoare to all erdly thing yat growis vnder' the hevyn / And
rycht thus is jt of the prince yat dois and vndois kepis ane .
and slais ane othir /- dois prouffit till ane and scathe till   #
ane
othir as caus' requeris /. dois to sum plesaunce /- to sum
displesaunce / And thus gais the warlde

(^Here spekis the^) noble philosophour' of the grete pouertee   #
of
all mankynde And how grete princis and kingis - thouch thai
haue gete office and charge / +git ar' thai bot men - and
mankynde mon endure /- and how thai suld be of grete drede
to scayle and sched mannis blude / our' reklesly / O
Alexander' faire sone / and gentill Emperour' / do all thy
diligence to [\112r\] enquere and spere of the grete necessitee #
of
the poure and schamefull creaturis of mankynde yat feble ar' /
and jn grete nede / and ordane lele men yat lufis thy saule to
jnquere of thame / and speke with thame / and do thame
humanitee for the reuerence of almychty god ./ And thai gude
mercifull dedis yat thou sall ger' be done to thame sall ger'   #
the
be lufit bathe with god and with thy peple / And se yat thou
ger' thy providouris of all thy prouisiouns be ay jn all thy
countreis providit of cornis and othir prouisiouns nedefull
<P 78>
atour' all commoun cours' of otheris prouisiouns - bathe for
thy necessitee / and of thy peple / gif jt befallis be auenture
ony
derth or hunger' jn thy landis . yat bathe thou may lyve jn
honour / and help to suplee sum of thy peple /. yat thou maist
salbe behaldyn to /. And than ger' opyn thy housis of
prouisiouns of cornis and wynis and othir nedefull thingis / &
mynister help to thy peple as caus' requeris / And this thou
may do / and jt salbe comptit to the grete witt and prudence /
and grete honour' and prouffit /. & saufing bathe of mony
saulis and lyfis of thy peple / and sall teche othir be thyne
ensample to gouerne sa jn othir tymes /- And than will thay
bathe doubte the & lufe the /. sayand this lord is worthy tobe  #
a
prince /- yat seis sa ferr' before the perile / and settis
prouisioun be his prudence /- And +git fair' sone Alexander' j
requere the /. to think on all my documentis and techingis /    #
And
namely that thou be peceable & sparum of mannis blude /
ffor jt is the thing yat plesis maist to god ./ and maist       #
efferis
till a noble prince to do // for god . yat kennis the secrete
thouchtis of mannis hert will reward the thar'fore jn thy grete
nede /- ffor suppos' thou be a king / and ryall Emperour' /     #
+git
art thou bot a man - & mankynde mon folowe /. And schape
the nocht to take the office of god the makare to wrangwis'ly
vndo the mankynde yat he has maid till his awin propre
semblaunce /- ffor we rede of ane rycht noble philosophour'
callit hermogenes /- quhilk sais jn his bukis notablez /. yat
quhasa slais ane othir creature of his awin kynde and nature -
slais him self / ffor he slais the verray semblance of god yat
he is maid efter' . And than cryis all the angelis and vertues  #
of
hevin - vengeaunce of that crueltee /. sayand . syr' syr' / thy
seruand schapis tobe falowe to the /. yat but resoun will sla
thy semblaunce / yat thou has maid And than ansueris the
hevynnis on goddis behalf /- Suffre +gou till the tyme ffor
traistis wele . he yat slais salbe slayn /- ffor quhy /- the
vengeance is jn my hand /- the quhilk j sall tak /- yat all the
uertues of the hevyn the misdedis of the wikkit / quhill he
haue tane vengeaunce of thai misdoaris of quhilkis thair'
punycioun is ordanyt jn endles perpetuale payne

(^Here declaris the noble^) philosophoure how jt efferis wele   #
to
kingis and princis /. to haue and ger' rede before thame oft
<P 79>
tymes alde anciene noble stories /- the quhilkis encrescis      #
thair'
wis'dome and mendis thair' lyfis /- O noble and maist worthy
Emperour' thou suld vnderstand . yat thou sulde haue
knaulage and vnderstanding of all maner' of warldly thingis /
& hevinly jn alsfer' as to the efferis /- ffor thou has         #
provit / &
experimentit mony merualous' and euill thingis / And forthy
suld thou haue jn mynde jn thy noble [\112v\] remembraunce
the glorious' dedis of thyne ancestris and forebearis of al
ancienetee . and thou suld ger' rede jn thy presence bathe
cronykis & histories . jn the quhilkis thou sall nocht fail+ge  #
to
fynd mony notable and worthy ensamplis . of alde anciene
faderis of armes wele techit and jnstruct jn the actis of
nobless' / to geue the ensample and jnstruccioun to wis'ly
gouerne the jn mony thingis yat now ar' werefull to the /- And
traist wele thou sall fynd thare mony thingis yat sall the geue
mony gude auisementis bathe of were and of pes / of tyme
bygane yat sall mak the wysar' to eschew perilis / and gouerne
the mare wisely jn tyme tocum . And specialy j requere the /
yat thou despis' neuer lawar' persone na thy self na mare
vnlikly . na mare symple creature /. ffor thou wate nocht /-
quhen god may mak of a pore riche / and of a foule vnlikly -
quhilum full mychty to help or to hynder'

(^Here declaris^) the philosophour' how all princis kingis and
nobiles suld kepe gude faith jn all condiciouns and
appoyntmentis yat thay mak till all creaturis /- Alexander'
faire sone /- our' all the thingis yat may be jn this warlde /-
kepe wele yat thou fail+ge neuer of thy hechtis . aithis na
promessis yat thou makis of condiciouns or alliaunce /- and
brese neuer thy leautee for nane erdly thing /- ffor that may   #
be
callit woman kynde to brek lautee And thar'fore our' all        #
thing /
kepe thy condiciouns / and ligis yat thou confermes be thy
lautee /. ffor ay to fraude thare folowis foule ende - how lang
yat euer' jt byde /- na quhat gude yat be apperaunce yat euer'
cum thar'of / be tymes ffor thou knawis wele / yat be the faith
and leautee of men /. all congregaciouns of men . and vnioun
of citeis and wallit townis is manetenyt / and vphaldyn And
alsa . be athe and faith and lautee - castellis ar kepit / &    #
stark
fortressis and wallit townis /. and all regne and dominacioun -
and othir gouernaunces ar sekerit confermyt / and vndoutably
<P 80>
kepit /- ffor & fayth and leautee war' away fra men jn this
warlde /. all wald be nocht / bot turne agayn as to the
begynnyng of the warld - to that jlke state yat thai war' at    #
the
begynnyng of the warlde that is to say . to the semblaunce of
vnresonable bestis /. And thar'fore Alexander' thou worthy
and maist lele Emperour' yat thou kepe thyne aithis - & thy
sacramentis condiciouns and appointmentis - and all thyne
alliauncis /- all be thai neuer sa scathefull . na sa hynderand
na greuable And think apon that / yat heremogenes sais jn his
wryttis . yat euerilke man jn this erde has twa angelis kepand
him . ane on his rycht hand / and ane on his left hand . to     #
tell
his werkis to god almychtj / and tobe witnes agaynis him jn his
euill dede /. and with him jn his gude dede /. And be this a
poynt wele aw the man to kepe him fra vicis and dedely
synnis /. O faire sone - Alexander' - quha constreynis the /-
or compellis the to suere sa oft / as thou sueris - Bot traist
wele . yat jt is agaynis gude thewis and vertues to suere /-    #
bot
gif jt be throu grete necessitee /- And yat a man be with grete
jnstance requerit or chargit be the justiceris -/ Or yat thou   #
be
requerit be thy grete counsale / and for rycht grete caus' /-
ffor a king sulde nocht lychtly suere /. na hecht nathing / bot
yat he will halde /- ffor suering is mare propre to thir' licht
men of euill lyf / and to subiectis & bonde men yat gevis
[\113r\] na force / quhat yat thai say / na suere / suppos'     #
thay
brek thair' athe / Bot till a lele man . jt is dede /- And gif  #
thou
will wit / quhy /. the realmes of the Albanois and of the
Sacienis was destroyit / j sall tell the for quhy /. It was .   #
be
caus' . yat thai with fraude and decepcioun . maid couenantis
and bandis of thair' allyancis betuixt thame /- and othir       #
citeis
thair' nychtbouris . And thair' kingis / and princis suore      #
grete
aithis to kepe thai bandis and condiciouns /- and jn thair'     #
hertis
was feynyt / and fals' . and thocht nocht to kepe thame /. bot
maid thair' athe jn fraude and barat / and jn entent of
decepcioun to dissaue thair' nychtbouris of the next citeis /   #
and
brak thair' contractis and condiciouns /. and did evin the
contrair' / And sa at the last /- god mycht nocht suffer' thame
na langar . knawand thair' malice / And gaue power' to thair
jnymyes yat thai wald haue destroyit / till our' cum thame /-
And thar'fore Alexander' fair' sone - tak gude tent to my
<P 81>
wordis / and my techingis bathe of before / and yat j sall say
the jn tyme tocum . and lichtly nocht my sawis

(^Here declaris the^) noble philosophour' how kingis and        #
princis
suld ger' mak scolis jn thair' realmes /. and founde citeis /
and multiply clerkis & sciencis Alexander' . faire sone ./ be
souerane lord of the dede /- And suppos' thou haue tholit a
thing passe / yat is nocht for thy prow /. Repent the nocht /
quhen it may nocht be wele amendit / ffor all syk thingis ar'
condiciouns of wommen / or of man yat is of feble curage and
mutable /- And do na thing yat thou walde nocht yat all men
wist / & suppos' thay wist / thou had na dishonour - na lak of
that dede /. Be alwayis courtais and kepe wele thy tong et jn
syk gouernaunce thy realme salbe seker - and wele defendit /
and thy fais confoundit /. And leue nocht behynd / yat jn euery
grete citee of thy realme - thou ordane gude placis gaynand
for scolis /- And yat thou commytt thair' gude worthy . and
wis' clerkis tobe maisteris - And ger' commaund till all men
yat ar' of powere to send thair' barnis to the lare /. And      #
thame
yat thou seis ar habilest to prouffyte /- help & forthir thame  #
to
contynewe /. and do thame sum courtasy /- yat otheris may
tak ensample to prouffit / jn sciencis / and to cum to
perfectioun of clergy /- And ay that sall geue otheris          #
occasioun
to prouffit mare and mare /- and sa sall thy realme cum jn
honour vertu / and gude gouernaunce throw thy prouidence
and god sall +gelde jt the / and thy peple sall honoure the and
lufe the /- And gif thai wryte to the /. or makis the ony
request /- here thair' prayeris /- and wryte graciously agayne
to thame /- and ay do honoure and loving to the maist wys'
and worthy men /- and that sall encress' thair' bountee /. and
the honour and worschip doublis ay agayn to the /- And ay
halde thame yat maist worthy and wys' clerkis ar' / nerest and
derest to the /- and do ay maist for thame /- and than sall     #
thou
move thame yat ar wis' . forto extoll thy name and thy
worschip our' all contreis jn thy lyve /. And sa sall thou wyn
gude renoune / yat we spak of before / yat sall remane efter'
thy dede / And thus sall thou haue honour - bathe dede / and
quyk /- And than sall thai put thy gude dedis - jn writt / and
jn cronyclis tobe jn perpetuale remembraunce - the quhilk
salbe repute to the rycht grete wis'dome and sapience /- And
<P 82>
be this sall the honour of thyne empire be mare fairly
extollit /- And thy court salbe enlumynyt with wis'dome and
clergy euermare /- & mare /- the quhilk is the glore of thy
croune /- and thyne empire /- Quham trowis thou Alexander'
[\113v\] to haue put jn memore and wrytt / the worthy mennis
dedis / and thayr' gouernance of tyme by gane / na sall do jn
tyme tocum . and maid thar'of stories and cronycles / bot grete
clerkis & studyaris jn scolis of sciencis - yat war' wys' and
worthy men -/ the quhilkis seruit to lordis tobe jn             #
honourable /
and worthy remembraunce /- and had of thame yat war'
princis jn the tyme mony worschipfull and honourable
rewardis // As we rede of a grete lordis douchter /- quhilk was
sa techit jn science of clergy /- and namely jn naturale
philosophy / and Astronomy yat scho knew - the cours' of the
+geris . dayes monethis and sesouns /- and all thair' maneris /
and als the cours' of sternis and planetis . with the           #
proprieteis
of the signis of the +godyac / and the caus' of the schorting   #
and
le[{n{]thing of the dais and the nychtis /- with the caus' of
coniunctiouns / and the diuers' movingis of the planetis . and
the kyndis of the constellaciouns and schortness' of cerclis    #
with
the kyndis of diuers' condiciouns of jnfluencis of the hevin /-
quhilkis throu thaire jnpressiouns steris all naturale thingis  #
to
generacioun / and corrupcioun - waxing and wanyng /. ledis
conditis . and gouernis all thair' operaciouns yat vnder' the
hevyn js engenderit /. be the quhilkis scho knewe and coud
juge of thingis yat was to cum be naturale cours' of the said
coniunctiouns / and mony othir thingis / yat naturale
philosophy schew hir clerely /- And thar'fore sen jt is thus .  #
yat
a woman coude consaue sik suteltee of naturale science /-
quhilk has nocht commounly - sa rype wit / as man - Thus js
jt to presume / yat thou quhilk has sa noble a witt / may
ressaue knaulage jn the of syk thingis better na ony womman
be rycht wayis and documentis of nature / and sa tocum to
gude perfectioun of science - to gouerne thy dedis jn tyme to
cum as efferis

(^Here declaris^) the philosophour /. how lordis na princis     #
suld
nocht trowe the counsale of wommen na gouerne be thame /
bot gyf thai had first assayit / and knawin thair' counsale
gude /. na +git jn a medicinare . allane na prince suld lepyn   #
his
<P 83>
hele jn tyme of nede / O Alexander' fair' sone . kepe wele yat
thou haue na traist jn wommenis werkis /. na jn thair'          #
wordis /.
na gouerne the nocht be thair' counsaile /. And gif jt cumis
apon a nedefors' . yat thou behufis to trow ane /. trow jn hir'
yat thou has knaulage of hir lautee /. and gudelynes of
before /. ffor quhen a womman tretis thy gouernaunce /. traist
wele thy persone is jn perile /. no mare to pris' . na the lyf  #
of a
calf put jn hir keping /. Thar'fore flee as poysoun thair'
venymous' condicioun mortale / ffor thai begyn nocht newly /
tobe jnymyes to mankynde /. Bot jt is thing knawin of lang
tyme syne / and notoire till all men /. As be alde stories .    #
men
may knawe // how mony honourable and worschipfull princis
kingis & patriarchis has bene throu thame vndone /. quhat be
poysouns . quhat traysouns /. quhat othir wayis vndone /. and
thair' dais schortit / and schamyt / thair' honouris loste /.   #
and
thair' lyfis tynt / be the mekle malice . yat jn thame          #
amovis -/
quhen thai the kepe jn thair' cure /. thou art nocht wele       #
kepit /
Bot faynde with fairnes to flee before thai the fang /.

(^Here^) declaris the noble philosophour /- how kingis and
princis sulde nocht [\114r\] traist jn a medycinare anerly /    #
bot
gif thai war' ma - sayand thus /- Alexander' faire sone . of
ony wis' . kepe the / yat thou may out of the handis of a
medicinare anerly Bot gif jt befall yat thou haue nede of
medicyne / tak the be the leste ten medycinaris the best yat
may be foundyn /. and lat thame consider thyne accident of
malady ./ and lat thame nocht ga seueraly /- bot ay togeder' -
quhill thou haue done with thame /. and tak neuer medicyne of
thair' hand . bot mony of the maist sufficient acorde jn the
medicyne geving /- ffor ane him allane may sone be tretit to do
the a villany /- quhare mony may nocht / be sa lychtly tretit
bot sum of thame sulde lufe thyne honoure / and thy lyf /- and
discouer the laue And als to ches' the droggis and gader thyne
herbis - thou suld tak traist men and of gude knaulage /. and
syne ger' thame be gouernyt & temperit the worthiest of thy
medicinaris - syndry or be all togeder' to melle thame be
weicht & be mesure as efferis /- And I pray the faire sone .
think on - how the quene of jnde send the mony jowellis and
speciale presentis /- amang the quhilkis thare was send the a
maidyn rycht ferly faire /- quhilk jn hir +gouth had bene       #
nurist
<P 84>
with venym of serpent of ane eddir' / as efter'wart was
approvit / yat hir nature was fundyn as nature of edder /- And
had j nocht hapnyt tobe thare jn the tyme /- thou had bene
vndone / and we all -/ ffor fra j sawe hir /- j persauit be my
jugement yat scho was enpoysounde /- and of venym
nurist /- And namely j appersauit hir' . yat scho sett hir      #
sicht
sa hardly - sa fermely -/ and sa forsablye /. and with sa
horrible ane behalding / apon a mannis visage yat scho lukit
on /. but ony cessing of contynual staryng jn the visage of a
man - yat scho stykkit hir eyne jn a man - as scho walde
throu lukand pers' him with hir sycht / And than sone
appersauit j - yat scho walde but dout enpoysoun a man and
put him to dede / with a byting of hir mouth as was efter'wart
approuit before the clerely /- And thus had thou bene dede / &
dishonourde and all thy company destroyit / and scailit / O     #
fair'
sone Alexander' kepe with all thy besy cure thy maist noble
saule /- quhilk god has maid to the semblaunce of him and his
angelis of hevin ./ And kepe jn thy gouernance the
commandementis of him . and his lawis /. and nocht jn
dishonour /- bot jn acquisicioun of glore perpetuale /- and be
nocht of the condiciouns of vnwis' men -

(^Here declaris the^) philosophour' how kingis and princis suld
gouerne thame be a worthy / and maist wys' clerk expert jn the
art of Astronomy /. O hie Emperoure and prince debonaire /
gif jt may gudely be / yat thou may gett / a notable and expert
maister' jn Astronomy /- se yat thou nouthir ly . na rys' - na
sytt / na stand - na ete na drynk /- na ony othir kynde of      #
thing
vndertak to do - but the counsale of that wys' clerk / yat be a
prouit man - in his science /- wittand wele yat the glorious'
god has na thing maid jn nature nouthir jn vane - na voide / na
jdill - for nocht but caus' /- na resoun - and liberale will of
the makare be certane resoun /- And be this caus' - oure
maister' platoun the worthy philosophour' had verray
knaulage of all the thingis of nature . yat euer' he sawe maid
jn erde jn diuers' parties / & of all [\114v\] thair'           #
contrairis /
and als of all the sternis / And thar'fore fair' suete sone
Alexander' tak na hede to the langage of fulis /- na traist
nocht jn jgnorant mennis wordis yat sais yat na mannis witt
may haue knaulage of the sternis . na of the planetis na of the
<P 85>
disposicioun of the firmament / and yat the science of thame is
sa stark -/ yat nane may knaw jt / ffor traist wele thai wate
nocht quhat thai say - ffor traist wele the wit of the man is   #
sa
noble /- yat be his subtile engyne he may vnderstand all thing
yat way of resoun may schawe sa yat he will sett his entent /
and his ernystfull study tharetill - yat all thing yat god and
nature has maid . is till him sensible and sauourable be way of
resoun / And be caus' yat sum men sais . yat god before the
begynnyng of the warlde . had ordanyt and deuisit all thingis
as thai suld be And thar'fore thai say . jt is bot tynt         #
trauaill .
and for nocht to study jn syk materis na makis na prouffit to
mannis gouernaunce / be caus' yat all thing mon be /- as god
has ordanyt but variacioun of mutacioun or changeing And
thar'fore thai think yat of na thingis for to cum may be na
science yat may prouffit / And thus the science of Astronomy
is nocht worth na prouffitable / Bot Alexander' faire sone /
thai wate nocht quhat thai say /- ffor & jt war' sa . as thai
say / yat all thing suld be as god has said . maid and          #
deuisit /
nocht than . quhen men knawis the nature of the jnfluencis of
the hevin / and the constellaciouns of the planetis . thai may
mare lichtly eschewe the perilis and mare esily bere the        #
chargis
efter' folowand na thai kend thame nocht /. ffor and men wist
be the constellaciouns jnfluencis & disposicioun of the
planetis / yat jt suld be a calde wynter' this +gere next       #
tocum .
men wald se for wod . and eldyn /. and puruay thame of better
clething / ande mend thair' housing jn syk a wys' yat thai suld
pas that felloun winter' with less' euill and lesse dises' . na #
jt
had cummyn apon thame sudaynly vnwarnist / And rycht sa -
of ane vnkynde +gere of distress' of cornis and vittailis men
may better puruay na It war' vnknawin na vnpuruayde of
before Or +git quha wist be the cours' of nature / yat the      #
somer'
next folowand suld be sa hate - na nane mycht lyve thingis yat
war' nedefull to refresche mannis nature / or ellis all suld be #
jn
dangere of dede or of gret malady Than wald men puruay
thame of culand metis and drinkis and of calde chamberis /
and single clething /- And rycht sa of the famyne to cum - for
fault of corne or wyne / & prouisioun . men wald puruay
thame yat thai suld pas with lesse cost and scathe - and saue
mony mennis lyfis /. na jt war' vnwittyn And alssua men wald
drede thair' god /- and meke thame till him . & mende thair'
<P 86>
lyfis with confessioun contricioun - and satiffactioun - and    #
ask
mercj and grace or the cas' hapnyt /- and kepe thame jn tyme
tocum . fra syk faultis and excess' /- And traist wele fair'
Emperour' / yat god has nocht sa straytely ordanyt his
werkis - na sa fremmytly excludit his powere jnfynyte fra his
werkis / yat he may nocht direct his power' to change the first
set [\115r\] of the devis' at his awin liber' arbitrage efter'
oure
desertis / and efter' as he seis men change thayr' condiciouns
and conuersaciouns and jnclynaciouns . be orisoun jn gude
deuocioun . reuth abstinence fasting / sacrifice almous' dede
cheritee and contricioun yat we may sa fair' grace and mercj
purchas at his almychtj jnmesurit power' ande misericorde /
yat all may be changit his jre jn pitee mercj and grace / or    #
ellis
war' he nocht almychtj . and may we purchas mercj of oure
myss' bygane / and grace to kepe vs jn tyme tocum . And
thar'fore as to the knawlage of the science of Astronomy - jt   #
is
to wit / yat jt is diuidit jn thre parties

(^Here spekis the^) philosophour' of the first teching of the
diuisioun of Astronomy . sayand yat jt is diuidit jn to thre
parties - that is to say jn first / jn the roundnes . and jn    #
the
cercles motiues . and jn the posicioun of the planetis . and
situacioun - and jn diuersitee of the saignys and jn thair'
lenthis and mouementis propri[{et{]ies & commouns / And this
parte is callit the propre science of the Astronomy - The
secund party is / to knaw the maner' of the mouementis and
thair' qualiteis /. and the rysing of the signes and takenis jn #
the
firmament / and the begynnyng of the takenis and emynentis
of the proprieteis of the thingis yat ar' tobe genderit jn tyme #
to
cum before or thai be maid jn effect realy vnder' the
firmament /- yat is callit the space fra the mone dounwart /.
ffor the firmament the ferme hevynnis fra the regioun of the
mone vpwart / And this party is callit astrology that is the
science of the signes and takenis of the firmament and the
jugement / of thair' condiciouns and empressiouns and
constellaciouns meruailous' / And this is the maist worthy part
of all astronomy - and the thrid - And thus is first the        #
science
of cercles and roundellis /- the tothir of planetis sternis and
signes / The thrid the knaulage of thair' constellaciouns and
diuersiteis jnpressiouns and jugement thar'of / of the quhilkis #
j
<P 87>
sall geve the better doctrine efter'wart /- ffor now j will
occupy me to declare sum part of the arte of medicyne - or j
pas forther'lyar' to teche the to kepe thy hele /- the quhilk   #
is
the best part of all medicyne to kepe hele quhen men has jt /-
and maist precious' for the jn the gouernance of thine empire

(^Here sendis the^) noble philosophour - Arestotil . a pistle   #
till
Alexander' . how he suld atour' all thing be curious' to kepe
his hele / sayand thus ffaire sone Alexander' . for the lufe of
almychtj god - tak gude kepe to thy hele /. ffor better is hele
na all the medicyne of the warld /- And vnderstand wele yat
na man may do - na conquere rychess' wis'dome na honour -
but clere witt and vnderstanding of man - And the wit of the
man has na power' of gouernaunce / bot gyf the body be jn
hele /-/ And bodily hele may nocht be haldyn - bot throu
equalitee of complectioun / and nane equaliteis of
complexiouns may lest but temperaunce of humouris / And the
temperaunce of humouris standis jn the mannis gouernaunce /
And +git the glorious' god has ordanyt / yat quhare mannis witt
fail+geis jn the gouernaunce of his temperaunce /- sa yat his
complexioun change he has ordanyt certane / and gude
suthefast remedis with certayn poyntis & [\115v\] certane
maneris of gouernaunce to kepe the man jn hele / and till hele
him quhen he is slyddin out of his propre temperaunce of
equalitee of complexioun of quhilk he has ordanyt certane
science / the quhilk science he has maid reuelacioun of / till
oure alde anciene faderis & philosophouris . & prophetis yat
war' haly men . and lufit with god / yat has bene before oure
tymes / the quhilkis was chosyn be the diuyne sapience of the
haly gaste / and jllumynit thair' spiritis to knaw syk secretis
of god . to teche till otheris be the giftis of the sapience of
god .
And syne the philosophouris yat come efter' that / multiplyit
the said science of philosophy jn ynde - pers' and Grece .      #
first
efter' thaim the quhilk war' twa philosophouris /- yat first
fand the principles of the said science and the secretis . be   #
the
quhilkis principles /- that is to say originale reuglis of
documentis quhilkis but ony dout / men fyndis the said science
throuche and the said secretis thar' of / yat nane may be
dissauit jn //. And thus mon thou sett the to kepe thy hele     #
first
of all thing /- ffor ellis thou art caus' of thy perdicioun /-  #
and
<P 88>
nocht anerly of thine /- bot of mony otheris - And thar'fore
suld men seke science / yat may teche thame to saue thair'
lyfis / & persewe It / quhill jt be gottyn /. And thou suld
vnderstand . yat the glorious' god almychtj abone all otheris
has maist jllumynit the philosophouris & the prophetis and
gevin the philosophouris grace to knaw all sciencis of nature -
as othir tymes j tald the /. and +git sall efter' this /. ffor  #
j
think
to procede furthe in the declaracioun of syk materis efter'
thair' bukis . & documentis &c -

(^Here^) declaris the noble philosophour - how men suld kepe
thair' hele and namely princis /- ffaire sone Alexander' -
thou mon first vnderstande yat the noble anciene
philosophouris fand be naturale science / yat all man is maid
of four' elementis /- and of four' contrarious' humouris / and
has ay nede of metis and drynkis to nuris' that composte /- or
ellis he may nocht lest / And than gif he takis mare of sik
lyflade na nedefull is - till his nature he will be seke /- And
gif
he takis lesse na is nedefull alssua he will be seke /. And gif #
he
vsis bot moyenly and mesurably with temperance / yat may
suffice till his corpolence and complexioun - he will be lang
hale - ande lyve lang lyf /. And with that / he mon be mesurit
jn sleping and waking trauailing and restyng /- and othir
syndry excess' yat j sall tell the efter'wart quhilk gyf / &
quhen he excedis - he mon on nedeforce be seke of syndry
sekeness' - off the quhilkis gif jt hapnys - j sall tell the /-
the
remedis conuenable and gaynand to restore the agayne till
hele /- Bot to kepe wele hele / thou mon vs' temperance jn all
thir forenamyt thingis / or thy hele sall nocht lang lest /-    #
And
traist this tobe veray suthe /- ffor j fand neuer +git /
philosophour' yat discordit to thir conclusiouns and
sentencis - ffor all the delytable thingis yat ar' jn erde
accordand to mannis desyre / outhir richessis or honouris or
carnale delectaciouns ar all ordanyt till haue lang durabilitee #
jn
this warld . sa yat jlke creature desyris to lyve lang / And    #
than
suld thai sett thaim for the thingis yat ar of lang             #
durabilitee /-
and yat gevis occasioun till men to lyve lang / and be of grete
durabilitee /- that is the thingis yat kepis man [\116r\] lang  #
jn
hele of his corps /. the quhilkis gyf he will wele kepe / he    #
mon
renounce till his propre lusty desyris of the flesche - and     #
nocht
<P 89>
ay folow desyris or the carnale lustis and delytis /- as gyf a
man has etyn . and dronkyn sufficiandly - yat furthwith
jncontynent efter' quhen he seis otheris etand and drinkand
gude metis and drinkis . yat he ete agayn than a fill apon ane
othir / ffor traist wele . that custume is mortall - and puttis #
a
man sone of his naturale equalitee of complexioun . and gerris
him be seke /- and the oft custume thareof / is dede /- as j
herde compt of the wis' ypocras - to the quhilk ane of his
disciples said . O maister' said he /. wald thou ete and drink
better na thou dois - thou wald be starkare na thou art / and
forciare . Bot thy lytill etyng and drinking makis the sa feble #
of
corps / To quham he ansuerde agayne / sayand - yat he ete jn
entent to lyve lang /. and lyvit nocht jn entent till ete /-
sayand . yat the lang lyf is nocht ordanyt for the mete /- bot
the mete is ordanyt to hald the lyf /- bot nocht tobe a         #
glutoune
of / ffor glutony schortis the lyf /- ffor we ar nocht ordanyt  #
to
lyve lang / for the eting of gude metis and gude drinkis / bot
gude metis and drinkis ar' ordanyt to halde the lyf lang jn the
body . Bot that suld be tane be mesure but excess' /- ffor j
remember' of men of abstinence yat wald nocht [{geve{] thair'
appetite glouuttounnous' all his desyris / bot lyvit be dyete
and abstinence / And thai men war' mare lyfly / hale faire
habil - and strenthyar' / delyuer and lycht /- and of lang      #
lyf /
and gude hele & memoire - na ony othir' yat gaue thair'
flesche all the lustis and desyris yat jt couatis And thus js   #
jt
grete vertu to nocht mak excess' /- And syk men yat ar' of syk
abstinence and temperaunce / ar lang hale /- ffor nature jn
thame has laiser' till expell his superfluitee /. and purgis    #
him -
And tharefore be all medicinaris /- abstynence is callit the
maist souerane medicine yat is jn the warlde here

(^Here declaris^) the worthy philosophour' Arestotil - certane
enseignementis documentis and techingis of medicyne / the
quhilkis ar gude of conseruacioun of mannis hele /. ffair' sone
Alexander' - thou mon first vnder'stand . yat jn the science
of medicyne / thare is certane documentis yat ar gevyn for the
conseruacioun of hele principaly /- The first is /. yat a man   #
tak
metis conuenable till his complexioun and his nature / and till
his age / of the quhilkis he has bene vsit tobe nurist jn his
perfyte elde /- The secund is . yat he vs' quhilum to ressaue
<P 90>
metis and drynkis yat be of gude stark nature of degestioun /-
quhilum yat thay be of tender nature of tenderar'
degestioun /- As thus - gif a man war' of stark
complexioun - and of hate nature and complexioun /. ffor the
naturale hete yat is jn him - and the moystnes of his corps /-
the nature is mare vaporable and of better degestioun to
corrump and bray the metis and our' cum thame na jn a
persone yat is of waykar' nature or complexioun /- And than is
mare spedeful till him . metis of gude pith / and starkar
metis /- na till otheris yat ar of waykar' complexioun /. or    #
ellis
to geue him metis of wayke degestioun is than nocht
spedefull -/ And than sall men knaw be thair' grete mater' yat
cumis fra thame jn gretare quantitee na jn otheris tymes / and  #
of
otheris metis of lychtar' degestioun /- and that is for the     #
grete
hete & moystnes yat has than dominacioun jn that corps /. And
quhen his body is dry . & sclender [\116v\] and lignye / than   #
is
nedefull till him tender metis of licht and sone degestioun and
delicious' thingis / and of sutil vapoiracioun moystis - ffor
quhen a persone is of small and ligny quantitee and sclender /.
than ar' the wayis of the naturalle conduytis smallar' and of
lesse roume . na thai ar' jn otheris of mare quantitee throu    #
the
quhilk grete metis of rude degestioun suld be his dede / And
alssua ane othir way - gif he be hate and dry - he suld haue
moyst and calde metis And gif he be calde and moyst / he suld
haue hate & dry metis /. ffor ay the contrary is curit with his
contrary /- ffor gif a man be hate and dry of nature and he be
fed with hate and dry metis /- than suld he sone be at ane end
ffor he mon haue equalitee of humouris gif he will haue lestand
hele ffor mannis lyf consistis jn hate and moyst / and the
contrary is his consummacioun and dede /. that is to say calde
and dry / And thus jt efferis till a man yat wald kepe his hele
langsumly yat he haue metis conuenable till his complexioun
gaynand /- And gif a man be fat & moyste / dry metis ar gude
till him /. And gif he be lene // moyste metis ar gaynand till
him // And thus is gude till a fat man and corpolent rostit
metis /- And till a sclender man and a lene / sodyn metis ar'
gude /. And gyf he be hate of complexioun - & moyste / geve
him grete metis culand /- And gif he be calde / geve him metis
yat reconfourtis & hetis him - And sum men worthis grete &
purssyd and corpolentis yat is of our' grete excess' of etyng   #
or
<P 91>
drinking restyng yat nature expellis nocht vtterly the
superfluiteis excessiues /. and than sulde he be gouernyt with
the contrairis to put him jn his rycht proporcioun of humouris
and reforme his complexioun /- And be caus' syk mennis
stomakis ar hate & moyste /. stark metis and dryand war'
gaynand maist for thame /- ffor the stomac yat [{i{]s rycht
mekle of hete /. is comperit till a grete fyre quhilk gif a man
will halde jt wele jn -/ he mon cast jn jt mekle brynt wod /    #
and
grete quantitee thar'of /- And a stomak yat is bot of
mesurable hete / requiris bot mesurable wod . to hald the fyre
jn - And oft tymes jn lygny men and sclender ar gude
stomakis /- And jn corssy men and fat / full wayke stomakis /.
And thar'fore to knawe a gude stark stomak j sall declare the
certane documentis . and signes euidentis - that is to say he
yat has a gude stark stomak / he has a blythe hert / & lichtsum
ay And gude clere wit / & redy /- and ay wele disposit to the
mete /- gude of sycht / nocht hevy of eyne // And he yat has a
wayke calde stomak - he is of hevy chere / and hevy hertit and
sad /- & suere /- rousty jn visage jn vnkyndely parties rede /
and oft tymes gantis and wamblis / bolkis with hevy suollen
eyne /- with stynkand ry[{f{]tis /. and vnkyndely colourit /
and oft tymes has felloun passioun jn thair' wame /. and jn
thair' stomak / as gryndingis brynnyng of hert / and            #
ventositeis
with dolorous' having & euill appetite to metis /. The quhilk
wayke stomak sone fylis / ande [\117r\] growis jn jt
corrupciouns for fault of gouernaunce / and tymous' remedis
yat of jt cummys all vnthrifty maladis . as feueres flux .
perleseis perdicioun of membris quhilkis corrumpis and
destroyis mannis nature and bringis till end before tyme

(^Here^) declaris the noble philosophour' certane secrete       #
thingis
of medycine yat ar rycht spedefull . and necessaire for mannis
hele of his body /. As thus . Alexander' faire sone / Sen jt is
sa - yat the body quhare thare is corrupcioun of gude
humouris - and jnequalitee of complexiouns changit be
misgouernaunce /- the body may nocht langsumly sa endure /-
ffor the quhilkis causis for to remede syk thingis - I will put
sum certane documentis jn this buke /- yat princis and kingis
yat vnderstandis thai documentis / thai sall nocht nede to seke
to nane othir medicine / bot gouerne thaim be the teching yat j
<P 92>
sall schaw thame here /- ffor jt is nocht spedefull to schaw    #
all
the secretis of princis to medycynaris - yat may be mendit but
thame sufficiently / off quhilkis techingis j traist thou salbe
wele payit & content / quhen thou heris thame /- And the
quhilk alsa . salbe honest thing // Bot as belangand othir
jnfirmiteis yat cummys of trauailis jn were / and of bataillis
and sudane accident /- off sik thing men suld haue counsale of
medicineris as maladyes yat men may nocht gudely
vmbechew /- And thar'fore faire Emperour' quhen thou rysis
jn the mornyng /. thou suld first mak thy passyng a lytill
quhile vp and doune /- and strek and rak thy membris -
suetely and softly & evinly / And syne efter' thou suld kembe
thy hede // ffor witt thou wele / the raxing of thy membris     #
esily
with a lytill spassing / makis all thy corps jn better
disposicioun - And syne the kembing of thy hede / chacis all
the vapouris and humouris yat ar ascendit fra thy stomak to
thy hede /- and gerris thame descend jn thy body /. to the
naturale ventis and jssues quhare jt appertenis /- and lichtis
thyne eyne // and thy fyve wittis makis mare hable /- And thus
sall all thy body be mare waldin and esy to dispone the till    #
all
thyne operaciouns / And kepe wele yat thou wesch oft tymes
jn somer' thy fete and thy visage /- and thy handis with cald
water' - faire and suete /- ffor jt restren+geis the hete of    #
thy
membris agayne jn thy body /- and perfornisis the remaynand
of thy degestioune and generis gude appetite till ete /. And
syne efter' that / thou sall clethe the with gude and faire and
riche clething /- ffor that is lychtyng to thy hert and gevis   #
the
a plesaunce to behald thy persone quhen thou art jn riche array
quhilk efferis wele till a kingis estate / and the delyte of    #
thi hert
reconfourtis thy nature / and enforsis thy vertu jn jt self /   #
of thy
beautee of thy corps / and thy clething /- And syne efter'      #
that /
Alexander' / thou sall wesche thy tethe /- and syne rub thame
with a bark of a tree yat be hate & dry and of all bitter       #
gustis
and euill sauouris jn thy mouth jt sall purge the /. and rub jt
all about thy mouth withjn - and on thy chaftis [\117v\] and It
sall clere thy voce / and clenge thy teithe / and gader         #
appetite
til
ete And syne suld thou avis' prouffitable blude lattingis for   #
the
tyme and the sesoun /- and that sall do the grete gude /. ffor
bathe jt opnys the clos' termes of the passagis of humouris /-
and gevis jssu till euill vapouris jnclosit within the          #
membris /
<P 93>
and gerris the membris of a man be mare grete and mare
forssy and namely - the nek and the armes and lymmys / and
cleris the coloure jn the visage /- and mendis the sicht / and
confourtis the neris and makis folk tobe fat / and confourtis   #
the
v- wittis and the memoire and jntelligence of resoun /- and
lettis a man tobe sone beld /. And syne efter' that /- ger' mak
vnguementis efter' bathis . and anoynt thy body with precious'
vnguementis efter' the sesoun sauourous' /- and the qualiteis
of the tyme /- ffor that is bathe confortable to thy body / and
plesand to thy saule / and thy lyf / & thy saule ar fulfillit   #
of
blithnes and plesaunce be gude sauouris and odouris yat is the
mete of thy lyf / ffor gude odouris reconfortis the hert & the
body / and gerris thame reioys' /- And than rynnis the blude
throw out the corps jn the rycht vaynis - be the gaynesse / and
the blytheness' of the saule / and of the spiritis vitales yat
conduytis the lyf and haldis all jn joye /- The vertues
nutrityuis are mare vertuous' to thair' naturale operaciouns /
And than sall thou tak Electuares /- quhilkis ar ordanyt jn
bukis of medicyne tobe maid to princis / And syne sall thou
tak of Reubarbe the mountaunce of four peny weicht / to purge
the fleume of thy stomak and of thy mouth - & fortifyis the
naturale hete of thy stomak and of all thy corps & makis suete
aynde And syne pas to goddis seruice /- And efter' that /
speke with thy wis' men of counsale apon the spedefull
gouernaunce of thy dedis - as thou art custumyt and do syk
thing as efferis the to do / quhill jt be houre to dyne / And   #
or
thou ete or drink / trauaill the sum thing / outhir on fut / or #
on
hors' - till engender jn the naturale hete yat wastis euill
humouris - ventositeis and fleumes - and makis the stomak
mare hable /- and expellis superfluiteis of euill humouris to
naturale jssues - And syne ger' bring before the mony and
syndry diuers' maneris of metis /. and ete of thame yat thyne
appetite best gevis the till ete of /. and maist plesis to      #
thyne
entent /. with gude brede - sum part levaynd and wele bakyn -
And first as j haue said the of before / ete of the metis yat   #
ar
maist gaynand - and avenand for thy nature and thy
complexioun - as thyne appetite gevis the /- and excede nocht
thine appetite /- and erast the maist moiste metis formest /.
ffor thai ar' of mare lycht degestioun /- and syne the dryare /
yat is of starkare degestioun efter'wart ffor thai dryar' metis
<P 94>
consumys euill fleumys /- and superfluiteis of the first moyste
mete /- And wald thou ete first the maist dryand metis - and
syne the moystast /- than suld the stark degestioun let the
waykare of degestioun /- and is agaynis naturale way of gude
nurisching and degestioune [\118r\] ffor metis yat ar'
restren+geand ar nocht spedefull tobe etyn first / bot erar'    #
metis
laxatiues /. and all dry metis ar restrictiues / Bot gyf jt     #
befell
yat a man walde ete mony syndry metis yat war' laxatyues -
at a tyme /. than war' jt spedefull yat he suld ete sum part of
metis constictiues yat war' constren+geand - or he ete thai
metis . for the ground of the stomak js mare hate . and mare
stark and mare forcy of degestioun na the humast part of the
stomak / ffor quhy the stomak is thare mare thyk / and lyis
nerest the lyuer - quhilk haldis jn the fyre of the stomak /    #
And
+git suld thou mak a paus' betuene coursis of mete ffor jt is
rycht spedefull to byde thine appetite ay /- and nocht precede
jt / to lay a mete hastily apon ane othir' / ffor that stoppis  #
the
hete naturale / and genderis mony superfluiteis jn the stomak
yat efter'wart fadis the vertu degestiue / & hynderis the
appetite - and greuis the stomak / and dois grete euill to      #
mannis
persone ffor the remaynis lyis lang jn the law of the ground of
the stomak / and consumes the caloure degestiue / and noyis
the ground of the stomak / and genderis vnkyndely hete jn the
lyuer / quhen jt lyis lang thare /- and lettis appetite to      #
drink
sone efter' dyner' /- and engenderis full euill maladies /      #
culis
the uertu degestiue / and destroyis the vertu of naturale fude  #
of
the mete throu fading of the stomak / And gif sik cas hapnis jn
grete hete - jt war' gude to drink culand thingis efter' / as
water' gyf na better thing mycht be gottin /. to cule and
clenge the stomak / And quhen thou has gouernyt the jn
maner' . yat thou has eschewit thir perilis foresaid /- and     #
thou
haue etyn ynouche - than schape the to sytt a lytill and rest
the /- and syne efter' - space a litill - and syne efter'       #
dispone
the to slepe a lytill nere be the space of ane houre apon thy
rycht syde / And syne efter' quhen thou wakenis . turn the apon
thy kerr' syde /. and thare end thy slepe /. ffor the ker' syde #
is
kyndely caldare na the rycht /- and has myster tobe helpit
with sum chaufing / And gif jt be hapnis the till fele ony
dolour' jn thy stomak / or jn thy wame / ger' hete a lynyn
clathe . and lay thare apon /- or ellis tak ane of the maist    #
fair'
<P 95>
maidnis yat thou may get /. and hald als nere thy stomak as
thou may brace hir all hate /- And gif jt hapnis the ony hert
wamblyng - egirly tak a vomyt of water' and vynager - or
othir wayis to ger' the cast / ffor the grete quantitee of      #
metis
yat is jn thy stomak may nocht be gouernyt na our'cummyn be
the naturale hete of thy stomak / and is a grete breking of thy
complexioun and of thy corps / And thar'fore is gude the
trauaile before mete / bot our' grete trauailing efter' mete -
yat a man be full of gude metis ./ js nocht spedefull // for he
chassis the mete jn the stomak / and gerris part ascend and
part descend to the ground of the stomak and engenderis mony
maladies / And traist wele yat sleping before thy mete with a
voyde stomak makis men lene and dry - bot sleping efter'
mete with resonable spacyng efter'wart / jt fulfillis the       #
nature
[\118v\] confortis the membris and nurischis the corps and
growis / ffor quhen the persone restis and reioysis / than the
naturale hete yat is our'spred our' all the corps / drawis than
agayn to the stomak to confourt jt and help the naturale
degestioun and to grynd the metis yat ar thare jn - And syne
efter' that the naturale vertu makis him to rest / And          #
thar'fore
sais syndry of oure grete maisteris philosophouris / yat the
metis yat ar ressauit jn the stomak at evin / ar mare
prouffitable to the nurisching of mannis nature /- na the metis
yat ar tane at morne /. ffor the metis yat ar tane jn the
mornyng / has nocht sa gude help of the naturale hete as the
metis yat ar' tane at evyn . at the souper ffor quhy /- the     #
metis
yat ar etyn jn the dyner' ressauis the hete of the day jn       #
mannis
corps . quhen he is wakand and trauailand / and bathe the
membris of mannis body / and his witt is than vext and
trauailit / for quhat yat a man than heris and seis and         #
spekis .
and thingis vexis his mynde jn syk maner' with the corporale
labour' and trauaile of his membris and mony othir plesancis
and displesancis yat him befallis jn the day yat drawis the     #
hete
fra the stomak / and scailis jt our' all the body /- sa yat jt  #
is
fer' waykare jn the stomak na jt war' vnyt togeder' - jn the
stomak /- And this makis the vertu of the naturale degestioun
fer' waykar' / and feblis the mannis corps / and lettis
degestioun tobe perfyte /- And efter' souper the mannis
persone restis and reposis jn the nycht /- and the membris and
the wit ar' bathe vnvexit - and labouris nocht / na seis nocht
<P 96>
na heris - na spekis nocht /- bot restis fra all vexacioun
corporale and mentale /- And than the nychtis ar' naturaly
calde - and the hete of the bed ane othir / way conseruis and
enforsis the naturale hete and all the membris repossis and
restis jn quiete /- And than the naturale hete yat is           #
reenforssit
/
js mare vertuous' / and consumys soner the fude jn the
stomak /- and sendis jt jn pes and rest to the partis of the
body quhare jt is ordanyt tobe /. to confort & reinfors' the
membris and the spiritis vitalis . for the conseruacioun of
mannis nature / And alssua Alexander' wit thou wele / yat a
persone yat is vsit and custumyt till ete twis' on the day - &
thai change thair' custum - and ete bot anys on the day - jt    #
sall
do grete hyndering to thair' growthe /- and alteris thair'
complexioun - and dois grete Evill to the body / And rycht
sa - gif ony persone be custumyt to ete bot anys on the day -
and thai change thaire custume and ete twis' on the day thai
sall fynd grete scathe . and redy taking of sekeness // for     #
quhy
jn the first / the nature of mannis kynde leppinis to the vs' .
and the custume yat jt is wount till / and quhen jt fail+geis   #
that
custume / thare mon be a fault /. And of the tothir the stomak
yat is vsit till anys eting /. quhen jt ressauis mare na jt was
wont to /. that remaynis jn the stomak vndegest and rawe /.
ffor the stomak yat is nocht wont thar'to /. may nocht our'cum
jt / jn the tyme / and jt makis grete jndisposicioun our' all   #
the
body /- and contynuand this langsumly . mon on nede fors
engender grete [\119r\] malady - And +git alssua a persone yat
is custumyt till ete at certane houris . and he excede his      #
houre
or cum before his houre / he sall jndispone his stomak / and
turne him to grete scathe and preiudice / And thar'fore be      #
nocht
lef to change thy custumes jn etyng and drinking / sleping and
waking And gif It befallis yat thou will change or mon on
nedis change thy custum do that be ordinaunce sobirly and
mesurablye / and nocht hastily . bot lytill and lytill . quhill
thou be brocht out of that custum - quhare thou wald be / ffor
vsage is ane othir nature the quhilk is perilous' to change /-
And our' all thing / kepe the wele yat thou ete neuer quhill
thou persaue and knaw wele yat thy stomak be emptyd and
voyde of the last mete yat thou ete And that sall thou knawe be
syndry takenis /. The first / yat thou haue gude will till      #
ete /
Ane othir yat thare habound mekle humour' jn thy mouth - &
<P 97>
yat jt be thin - and lignye and suete jn thy mouth but
ry[{f{]ting
or bolking or gantyng / ffor traist wele - quhen ony persone
takis mete quhen na nede is - to the body /- or quhen he has
nane appetite naturale / or jn ane vnclene gorgit voyde
stomak / his stomak is glaymyt and claggit and the naturale
hete is mystemperit / yat jt salbe lang / or he recouer agayne
gude appetite /. and jn grete aunter na he sall fall jn malady
vncurable and he vs' that custume /. And quhen a man takis
his mete mesurablye with gude appetite /. the naturale hete is
disposit to mak gude degestioun - ffor than js jt hate as       #
fyre /
and sethis the mete wele at poynt /- and than prouffitis jt to
the nature / and haldis the corps jn fors' hele / and gude
vertu /. and that makis gude blude - and blythe hert /- and
clere witt / and fair' membris /- And alssua quhen ony persone
has gude appetite till ete /- he suld nocht delay jt / gyf he
mycht /- ffor ellis jn the tyme the stomak be the vertu
attractiue drawis till jt syndry humouris and superfluiteis of
nature le[{f{]t of the tothir degestioun - quhilkis ar'         #
vnkyndely
till jt / and vnprouffitable / and fillis the stomak of the     #
froith of
fantasy /- quhilk hynderis syne the appetite / quhilk & jt be
contynewit grevis the nature gretely - and hynderis the
growth - and rasis fumygaciouns and vapouris as reke
quhilkis jndisponis the harnis - and stroublis the mynde and
lettis man to slepe and rest / And syne jt yat men etis or      #
drinkis
efter'wart / dois thame na prouffit /

(^Here declaris^) the noble philosophour' of the four' rathis   #
of
the +gere / that is for to say - ver' somer' - August and
wynter' /- ver' estas autumpnus & yemps /- Oure entencioun
is - faire sone Alexander' - to trete schortly here of the      #
four'
sesouns of the +gere /. bathe of thair' qualiteis & quantiteis  #
and
proprieteis /. and of thair' changeing and diuersiteis / Ande
thar'fore thou sall vnderstand . yat the first of thir four'    #
tymes
begynnis quhen the sone enteris jn a signe callit the Ram . &   #
jt
begynnis the xxij day of marche / and lestis quhill the xxij    #
day
of junij the quhilk [\119v\] tyme contenys four' skore and xiij
dayes . xxij houris and a quarter of ane houre And than jn the
first entre of that takyn callit the Ram / the day & the nycht  #
is
ylyke lang jn all regiouns of the warld / And jn thai dayes the
tyme is suete and moyste /. and the ayer' is mare soft / and    #
the
<P 98>
weder commonly mare plesant / na ony othir tyme of the +gere /
And the wyndis ar mare lowin and mare dryand na jn winter' .
and hardar' / And than the wellis begynnis till habound jn
wateris and stryndis to spring /. and the flouris and leuis
begynnis to burgeoun - and fruytis to grow /- and the treis to
clethe thame with verduris and burgeouns /. and medowis
worthis grene / and our'fret with diuers' naturis of colouris   #
of
herbes and flouris and fair' fluris' of all fruyte / Treis than
schawis thair' beauteis and thair' naturale flouris and         #
fairness'
And all the erde becummys our'cled - with all maneris of
herbes flouris and fruytagis of diuers' naturis /- and all      #
bestis
and foulis takis thair' pasture of the said flouris and herbis  #
and
fruytis and +geldis agayn thair' dueteis of nature to mankynde
and all thing takis vertu force and strenthe /- and foulis      #
suetely
singis with thair' melodious' armony . yat all hertis yat saule
or lyf has ressauit / reioysis jn that tyme of fair' suete
glorious' /. and fresche anournement - yat all the erde is
enournyt with /- of beautee with gracious' bountee Annext
efter' folowand Rycht as a faire and lusty spous' yat war'
anournyt with anournementis of faire clething jn hir fresch
+gong age /- And our' all grathit with precious' jowalis vchis
and besantis /. and stately array - tobe . and appere mare
fresche - & lusty the day of hir mariage /- and mare plesand
till hir lordis sicht /- the quhilk suld mary hir' / the quhilk #
is
callit the prime temps . and is lyknit to the ayre / for caus'  #
yat
jt is hate and moiste /. And jn this tyme the blude of man
movis jt / and passis throu the condytis of the body to all the
membris /- and makis all the cors mare vertuous' . and mare
strenthy as all othir kynde of bathe foule fische & beste and
makis gude complexioune And tharefore suld men jn this tyme
of +gere . ete gude tender metis as cheknys and eggis / and sik
lycht metis of degestioun /- and nocht our'mekle quantitee /
ffor that tyme is hate and moiste /. and restorand of jt self   #
be
nature And than suld men drink gayte mylk on mornis /. and
efter' none drynk temperit drynkis with calde herbis with
vynager . as is letus' purpy . penothis & syk like And jn that
tyme is gude to trauaile / and gude to lat blude jn best of the
+gere with counsale of medicyne / Alssua jt is rycht spedefull
till
haue the wambe than / moyste and laxatiue / and than is gude
bathing ande sueting / jn tymes drynk gude maner' of drinkis
<P 99>
and vs' gude spicis nocht our'constrictiues bot laxatiues and
nutritiues / and hald the wambe ay moiste // ffor jn that
tyme / quhat euer' a man les' of his blude / or of his nature   #
or
of his laxatiues /- the vertuous' sesoun with gude nutrimentis
and gouernementis restoris naturaly all agayne

(^Here declaris the noble philosophoure^) the kynde of the
sesoun of Somer' /- that is . quhen the sonne enteris jn a      #
signe
yat callit is the crab [\120r\] ffor as the crabbe gais be
semblaunce bakwart /- Sa dois the sonne fra thynefurth -
deualis agayne bakwart jn the firmament / and jt enteris and
begynnis the xxiij day of juny /- and endis the xxiiij day of
September' And fra jt entre the dayes schortis . and the nycht
lenthis - and takis of the day his lenthing The space yat
somer' contenis - is four' score and xij dayis - xxij houris -
and a thrid part of ane houre / And than begynnis drouthis and
grete hete of sonne to regne /- and wyndis softis . and         #
temperis
than - And than is jt spedefull tobe resonable jn latis of
lufing /- ffor all nature is than mare drawand to hete and
drouthis na ony othir tyme of the +gere /- serpentis than
genderis . venym than spredis /- and that tyme js naturaly drey
and hate and clere jn the ayre / and fruytis and herbis than
fadis and menys thair' vertues . And jn that sesoun . men shuld
kepe thame fra all thing yat is hate & dryand jn eting &
drinking and othir gouernaunce // for affermes all the uertues
of corps naturale And than suld folk kepe thame yat thai ete
nocht excedandly /- ffor the natural hete of the stomak is than
waykar' na othir tymes . be caus' yat the tyme is hate - jt
drawis the hete fra the stomak and leuis jt mare wayke of vertu
degestiue /. And than suld men ete culand metis and drinkis
and moiste and nocht dryand . with culand sals' of vert jus or
vinager or sourokkis / And than is gude calf flesch or kid
flesche foulis & bere caffit / or with grotis And kepe the than
fra grete traualis yat hetis mekle and als fra baithing and     #
blude
latting bot thare be rycht grete mister

(^Here declaris the noble^) philosophour' of the thrid sesoun   #
yat
is callit Autumpne yat we call hervist / the quhilk begynnis
quhen the sonne enteris jn a signe callit the balance /. yat
begynnis the xxiiij day of September' / and lestis quhill the
xxiij day of the month of december the quhilk contenis four'
<P 100>
score & viij dais . xxiij houris & thre xv partes of an         #
houre /-
And jn that begynnyng of tyme - the nycht and the day is ylike
lang / and ay growis the nycht - and schortis the day to the    #
end
of that terme And the ayre worthis cald /. and the wind
sourar' / and cummys commounly out of the south - and the
tyme changis - & wateris wanis and wellis stryndis lessis -
and all growth gais bakwart / and all greness' away gais and
herbis and flouris and fuellis rottis and drawis till a fadand
hewe and the erde tynis his beautee / and the treis thair'
clething / and the foulis thair' singing /- and sekis till hate
landis and warmare regiouns and serpentis enteris jn thair'
cauernis /. the emotis gaderis to thair' provisiouns for
agaynis the wynter' to thair' nestis - the quhilk tyme is
comperit till ane ald wyf gangand bakwart - jn the quhilk
tyme thare haboundis jn men a thing callit colare nygre / yat
drawis to malancoly And than is spedefull till haue all gude
metis - hate and moiste ande nutrityues and confortand
nature - as foulis +gong mutouns & capouns perdrix and
phesandis calfis and kiddis - and sik gude kyndis of metis with
gude hate spicis . drynk gude alde wynis ete rasyns and figgis
with [\120v\] brede And than suld men tak gude tent yat thai    #
ete
nathing yat engenderis malancoly or grete trauailis of body .
noyand ./ and sparandly dele with paramouris . bot +git may
thai thre tymes tak mare vnscathand / na jn the hete of somer'
sesoun And than is spedefull to mak bathis and stovis / and
purge the corps and the membris naturale mesurablye with
drinkis or vomitis gif nede be /- and thou fele thy stomak
foule / and that suld be done jn the hatast houre of the day /-
ffor than sall the euill humouris be fundyn to geder - And than
ar thai maist flowand / and redyast to lous' - and to pas out
with lesse prouocacioun na othir tymes /- and ay hald the
wame esy - and that will purge all colis / And than suld men
ete all thing / yat war' gude to purge colis that is            #
malancoly /
and restreyne gude humouris /- And than suld men haue gude
warme clething and gude fyris /-

(^Here declaris the noble^) philosophour the proprieteis and
nature of the wynter' sesoun . Winter' begynnis quhen the
sonne enteris jn the signe yat men callis . Sagittarius . that  #
is
to saye . the bowman or the schutare the quhilk begynnis the
<P 101>
xxiij day of decembre / and lestis quhill the xxj day of
marche /. And than begynnis the nychtis to schort /- and the
dayes to lenth . And than is grete frostis and calde wederis /-
and the wyndis ar' scharp and snell - and sare bytand /. And
than all the leuis fallis - & the erde helis with snawis /- and
all verdure is corrupt / and all bestis and foulis drawis thame
till holis and boris & leuthing placis /- and the tyme is
myrk and blak / and the air' stroublit // and all the vertues   #
of
mannis corps & bestis worthis waykare and feblare . as ane
ald wyf bludelas but naturale hete jn hir' / is calde and dry -
nakit and trembland gray & gretand /- and all for elde
drawand to the poynt of dede /- And that tyme thouche jt be
calde - +git / js jt moyste / And than suld men ete the best    #
metis
and drinkis yat thai mycht get hate and moiste to gender gude
blude - to reconfourt nature as foulis mutoun fesandis
perdrix . curleux paouns pluuaris fat capouns kyddis conyngis
with gude bredis spicis and wynis the best . mycht be gottin
with frituris of eggis / applis and peris - figgis rasyns datis
almandis And euer' think on . to haue gude esy jssu of wame /
and blede nocht but our' grete necessitee /- na to tak our'
grete habundaunce of metis till ourset his hete of naturale
degesti[{oun{] / And than suld men haue gude fyris to hete the
ayre jn thair' habitaciouns / and nocht to halde thame our'     #
nere
the fyris And efter' bathing thou suld be annoyntit with
vnguementis ryalis as balmes or otheris the best mycht be
gottyn hate laid on /- and frottit fast And bathe the nocht jn
oure hate wateris . hatare na thine awin blude /- And than
with syk gude gouernaunce mannis nature begynnis agayn to
reuert / and all tree . herbe and beste the vertu begynnis to   #
to
cum jn the Rute / And than may men mare tak plesaunce of
naturale company of wommen - na ony othir tyme of the
+gere /- wele ete . and wele drink / and rest / and be blythe -
and mak joy - ffor than is the naturale hete vnyt jn the        #
body /.
and makis mare vertuous' degestioun na ony othir tymes /-
And than [\121r\] may a man ete fer mare na ony othir tyme of
the +gere /. ffor jn all othir tymes the hete is mare / and
scailis
the natural hete our' all the body / and leuis lesse vertu jn   #
the
stomak degestiue - ffor quhy . It may lesse degest &c
<P 102>

(^Here declaris the noble^) philosophour . quhat thingis ar     #
maist
fattand and quhat maist lenand men of kyndis of metis -
sayand thus to Alexander' Alexander' / fair' sone . jt is a
precious' thing to be of gude abstinence / and to kepe wele
dyete /. ffor quhen a man kepis dyete /- he kepis wele his
naturale hete ffor quhen naturale hete is wele temperit jn      #
man .
than is he jn gude disposicioun and at es' of his body - ffor
thou sall vnderstand - yat be twa wayis men failis and gais to
the dede /- that is to say ./ the tane is for elde / yat jn him
naturaly mon fail+ge at the last / The tothir is -. be
accidente .- yat is outhir of mysgouernaunce . of excess' -
and for mystemperit complexioun - or for bataill - or othir
misfortunis / of forfaulting yat man makis till him self jn his
gouernaunce / And alsa wit thou yat the mannis body js nurist
and fattit be thre thingis principale / that is to say - be pes
and
rest / and gude metis and drynkis - delytable & plesaunt And
as for ane the suete mylk is rycht growand . to thame yat vsis
jt / and syne to slepe efter' mete apon a soft bede /- Alssua   #
to
fele gude sauourous' gustis - and sauouris of herbis metis and
spicis efter' the sesoun -/ and to bathe jn fair' suete water'
resonablye tane /. ffor our' hate water' - and our' lang tane -
makis the corps lene and meltis the fatnes away be the hete
excessiue / And jn thai bathis suld be gude precious' herbis /
and wele sauourand jn thair' sesoun - yat is jn somer' - ros'
& othir herbes of calde nature / And jn winter' with herbis yat
ar' of hate nature And mycht a man fynd the way to mak
vomytis anys or twys' euery moneth /- jt war' full spedefull .
and namely jn the somer' tyme - but greuaunce of the
stomak /- ffor syk maner' of vomytis purgis the stomak with
less' wering na dois purgaciouns yat passis throu be art of
medicynis of all euill humouris - ffor quhilum thare haboundis
our' mony . and jn oure grete quantitee /- And quhen thai ar
lessit be vomytis softly the naturale hete has mare force and
vertu degestiue / na quhen thare is our' mekle haboundaunce
of humouris yat fillis the stomak /- yat na perfyte degestioun
may be maid /- And specialy syk vomytis suld be tane quhen
princis or lordis war' blythe - and jn gude bones efter' grete
joy . or grete victory /- or glore of disconfiture of his       #
jnymyes
or othir wayis semblable / And that suld be with folk - yat he
has maist grete fyance jn thame / And than efferis till a
<P 103>
prince /- and rycht prouffitable is - to behalde faire visagis  #
of
folk and clethe him jn fair' clething //. here faire and gude
Romaunce of ald ancestryis -/ and storyes of best and maist
worthy men / here synging and menstralsy with all
blythenes /- rede on gude bukis /- hald blythe collacioun /.
change oft fair' clething /- vs' vnguementis oft tymes /- jn
tyme conuenable / And traist wele yat this gerris a man be jn
gude ply /- and the contrary puttis all out of ply /. As thus .
lytill ete /- oft drynk - and mekle trauaill and lytill         #
resting /
and oft tobe at the sonne and the wynde - & mak oft and ferr'
voyagis on fut /- mekle thrist / mekle hunger' / mekle waking
mekle murnyng /- mekle langing /. slepe before mete . bot he
had wakit jn the nycht before / slepe on hard bedding /- jn
foule clathis - haue euill clething on his body /- and          #
vnlikly /
grete thouchtis annoyous' with drede of dede schame or
pouertee /- bathing jn euill or foule wateris /- ete salt       #
metis /
drynk our' alde drynk /- ga our' oft to chameris esis / our'    #
oft
suete / our' oft blede /- our' oft [\121v\] haunt wommen / haue
heuy hert / sad and dolorous' /- euer' thinkand and pensyf -
and euer' jncontynent raddour and dises' / And traist wele thir
thingis makis men lene / nocht than - sum ar lene of thair'
nature /- Bot ypocras gave a reugle / sayand . yat quhen a
man is rycht full - he suld nouthir gang jn bathis /- na he     #
suld
nocht tak grete trauaile na hete him nocht / na he suld nocht
haue na dale with wommen jn that tyme /. na ryn - na ryde
fast And als he forbedis to ete fische and mylk togeder' /- and
namely salmonde - ffor gif he escapis mysalry /- he sall haue
the quhite spechis callit morphea / And rycht sa sulde men
forbere wyne and mylk - for jt is stoppand .

(^Here declaris the noble^) philosophour' ane othir poynt of
medicyne till Alexander' king /- Alexander' faire sone /- we
rede how a mychtj prince assemblit a grete men+ge of
medicinaris and phisiciens /- and gert thame mak thair' studye
to compone a medicine yat he suld vs' /- and neuer haue nede
of othir quhill he lyvit And he gert assemble all the           #
medicinaris
of ynde and of pers' . and of Mede and of Grece //- And the
medicinare of grece said - yat lat a man tak his mouth full of
clene water' twys' /- he suld neuer nede othir medicyne /-
And the phisiciene of Mede said /- yat and a man wald ete a
<P 104>
mouthful of myllet / he suld neuer myster othir medicyne And
jlkane of the tothir' said thair' verdyt as thame thocht best   #
to
thame / Bot as for me . j say - yat jt semys me / yat a man yat
lyvis sobirly lyf / and efter' slepis his naturale slepe but    #
gref /.
Sa yat jn his wakenyng he be nocht paysaunt / na hevy /. na
slepy than suld he nocht dout of no malady - And suppos' he
ete jn the sesoun euery day - vij or viij besaunt weicht of
rasyns /- that is to say - ane vnce weicht of rasins of gude
rypenes . & suetenes - he suld nocht dout na maner' of wys' na
malady fleumous' yat suld hurt his memoire / na his wit suld
be werrid /- na his complexioun changit / And lat him vs'
that // he salbe seker of all maladies / commouns feueres
quartes na otheris /- And wald he ete figues with nutis jn the
mornyng with a lytill of Rue / he suld haue na dout of venym
that day /- And traist wele yat the man may nocht be with
grete payn seke ryf / yat etis gude quhete brede / & gude lycht
flesche /- and gude vnvicious' wynis - sa yat he vs' thame
sobirly /- and yat he kepe him fra our' mekle drynking and
eting /. and othir excess' /- as our' grete trauaill -/ our'    #
grete
hete / our' grete calde /- our' mekle company of wommen And
gif a man thocht yat wyne war' our' stark drynk till him - and
he wald leve jt / and drynk nomare of jt / he suld nocht leue   #
jt
at anys sudaynly /- bot he sulde leue it lytill and lytill jn   #
the
begynnyng fra stark wyne to wayke wyne /. fra wayke wyne to
wyne and water' / fra wyne and water' - till all water' or
cerueis' or othir drink yat changit nocht his complexioun
sone /. bot yat he fell nocht jn maladye for that occasioun
sudane /- O souerane king Alexander' /- study jn all maneris
yat thou may to kepe thy naturale hete jn to thy body /- ffor
quhill naturale hete and moisture is jn thy body jn temperance
evynly paissand /- the mannis persone is jn hele /- ffor
mannis hele consistis jn thir twa qualiteis And quhen thir twa
ar' flemyt or discordand /- or ane of thame excedis jn mannis
persone /- than is the complexioun changit / and all the nature
changit / & corrumpit nature jn the man - makis him till haue
repugnaunce jn his qualiteis /- the quhilkis cummys
sumquhile for accidence /- and sum quhile for batailles or
mysgouernaunce of othir thingis yat cummys be fortune / and
nocht be naturale contrarietee of complexioun
<P 105>

(^Here declaris the^) noble philosophour /. quhat kynde of      #
metis
ar maist [\122r\] expedient for the mannis persone / efter'     #
thair'
naturis and qualiteis as thus /. Alexander' faire sone / wit
thou / yat of metis thare is sum yat is sutile / and othir yat  #
is
rude / and othir yat ar' mydlinis /- the sutil metis engenderis
gude blude clere and clene & subtil as clene quhete brede /.
chekinis wele nurist and eggis of hennis /. The royde metis ar
gevin to rude men and hate of complexioun trauailand .
quhilkis efter' grete trauailis playis thame /. and slepis      #
efter'
nonis /. the mydlyns metis engenderis na superfluiteis of euill
humouris - as calf flesche mutoun geldit +gong and elder . and
syk maneris of fleschis . quhilkis quhen men rostis thame -     #
thai
ar' hate and dry /- And thar'for' suld mutoun ay be etyn hate /
and with gude spicis Bot thare is ane othir kynde of flesche .
as bef & yhow mutoun . or gayte flesche yat engenderis
malancoly . Neuertheles - thare is sum of thai bef flesche &
otheris yat quhen thai ar' of a litill stature / and corpolent  #
and
+gong / & fat / and wele nurist be a ryuer syde of tender herbe
lignye of haire and thin of hyde / syk flesche of cow or calf   #
ar
naturale & gude jn wodland vpbrocht / And rycht sa is jt of
fysche - ffor sum fische is nurist jn water' yat is myngglit
fresche & salt / ar mare helesum . na othir' yat is gouernyt jn
the grete see / or jn the lytill wateris all fresch yat ar' of
ligny
skyn - nocht slymy /. and quhite fysche of tender degestioun .
and namly jn rynnand wateris nurist /. and the grettest is ay
best of fische / And commonly the best fische has the maist
hard skyn . as is gueddis perchis - bremes lussis - rougettis
sturis and syk lyke 

(^Here spekis^) the noble philosophour' of syndry kyndis of
wateris and thair' nature / Alexander' fair' sone . that water'
is of his nature calde and moiste and gyfis na nurising till    #
man
na beste /. bot his nature is sutile / & rynnis throu the       #
condytis
of the body . and refreschis the condicioun and complexioun
of man / and culis thame yat ar' hate and temperis thair'       #
hete /.
And traist wele yat water' is prouffitable till bathe man and
beste /- herbes and treis /- And wit thou yat all wateris .
bathe salt water' and suete water' cummys out of the see /.     #
that
is to say . the salt water' is the propre element / and the
fresche water' is vpliftit fra It / be vertu of the hevin / and
<P 106>
descendis agayn jn rayn . snaw haile /- or othir moisture and
rynnis jn the erde / and genderis thir fontaynes /- of quhilkis
cummys the ryueris of fresche wateris / And wit thou wele yat
the maist licht wateris ar ay the best and maist prouffitable   #
to
mankynde /. And thai cummis maist nere citeis and townis yat
ar' rynnand wateris . cummand of rayn quhen the aire is suete
& but fumositeis clere and fyne / & fair' suete & lycht Othir
wateris ar' naturaly engendred vnder' erde within craggis &
caues jn the erde amang stanis and grauellis and full of grete
fumositeis And sum may be knawin be thair' weight and
hewe / and be thair' sauour' as bryntstane And jn sik wateris
ar' oft tymes engenderit serpentes and paddokis snakis & euill
bestis venymous' /. And alsa the slepand wateris of lowis but
rynnyng / or of dubbis of sypis fra townis . and syk like
wateris ar nocht helesum . na prouffitable / na +git the        #
wateris
yat cummys fra muris and myris and marrais /. And thar'fore
to ken gude wateris thir ar the takenis /. the gude water' js   #
jn
gude place tane /. as before j haue said /. quhite and clere /
wele [\122v\] gustit and licht / and sone will be hate and sone
cule agayne to the propre kynde / Bot euill wateris ar hevy
paysand . and euill hewit / and euill gustit / and lang to tak
hete / and quhen thai ar' hate langar haldis thair' hete / And
thai ar bitter and barkand jn the mouth /. and dryand and
suelland jn the body / & makis mekle wambe to beste or man .
yat vsis thame ./ water' of pulis and dubbis ar' hate jn
somer' / and dry and bytter . for caus' thai ryn nocht /. and   #
the
sonne strykis on thaim all the day . And thar'for' thai
engenderis euill collis yat byndis mannis body and
mystemperis jt /. oft tymes gerris the longis cleve to the      #
ribbis
of catalle & folk / and stoppis thame within . outhir jn        #
lichtis
or lyuer or melt / (^jtem^) the wateris yat cummis betuix       #
landis
rynnand takis the nature of the landis yat jt rynnis throu jn
sum party /. and ar hate and sekely be the vnkynde nature of
the terrestreyteis of thame yat thai tak of that erde / And wit
thou Alexander' yat jt is nocht spedefull to drynk water'
allane /- ffor and thou drynk jt fastand / jt slokis the        #
naturale
hete of thy stomak / And drynk thou jt apon thy mete / jt       #
gerris
the stomak throu the nature of the mete draw ane vnkyndely
hete yat hinderis the degestioun and genderis euill fleumes jn
the stomak / & destroyis the vertu of the mete jn the stomak
<P 107>
yat hynderis the nature / and spillis degestioun and jndisponis
the stomak / And gif thou will drink water' - drink jt with thy
wine And drink jt jn somer' all calde / and jn wynter' hete     #
jt /-
and put jn thy wyne and than is jt confortand - ffor hate jn
somer' softis the stomak and makis jt mare feble and hynderis
the degestioun and stroyis the appetite / and calde water' jn
wynter' slokis the naturale hete of the stomak yat suld mak
degestioun and genderis stopping jn the breste / & noyis the
longis & engenderis mony maladyes

(^Here spekis^) the noble philosophour' of the syndry kyndis of
wynis and of thair' naturis and proprieteis efter' thair'
condiciouns and placis of thair' grouth /- Alexander' fair'
sone - thou suld vnderstand yat the wyne yat growis jn
mountaynes agaynis the sonne ar' mare dryand - and of dry
nature / na the wynis yat growis jn playne landis or moystis
and vnder' vmbris of treis And thir wynis yat growis thus jn
hye landis ar' better na the tothir / ffor thai wynis expellis  #
the
superfluiteis of nature / and hetis better the stomak and all   #
the
body - na dois the tothir kynde of wyne yat is of caldar' kynde
Bot this hate wynis ar nocht gude for +gong hate men - of hate
blude . ande till men yat ar' of nature colerykis And ay the
mare yat the wyne haue of redenes . jn samekle js jt of mare
vertu till engender blude naturale And ay the mare stark It
be /. the mare vertuous' js jt to thame yat may bere jt And
than js jt callit the first blude / and the first nurisching of
nature Bot he yat our' lang drynkis /- and our' mekle takis he
hynderis his nature and stroyis his complexioun / And quhen jt
is our' suete /- jt is nocht sa degestiue and engenderis
ventositeis / Bot of all wynis the best ar' thai yat growis     #
betuix
the hye and the lawe jn mydlyn erde - that is nouthir our' hye
na our' law erde /- and yat the rasyns be jn mydlyn way of
suetenes and lattyn rype quhill all the bitternes and sour'nes
be away be the vertu of the sonne / and the humouris of the
bark / and the bitternes of the [\123r\] curnis and gude        #
colour'
js evyn betuix rycht rede and +galow . yat is claret wyne / yat #
is
mare helesum till all complexioun /. nocht our' poignand na
our' suete / bot delytable of hewe and gust / clere but the
moder' scailde chosin be the odour' colour' & sauour' ground
and nature /. And gif thou hapnis faire sone Alexander' to get
<P 108>
syk maner' of wyne / se yat thou tak sobyrly of It / efter'
thyne age / and efter' the tyme of +gere /- and the             #
disposicioun
of the sesoun / ffor syk wynis confourtis the stomak / and      #
helpis
to the naturale hete / and to the gude degestioun . and kepis   #
the
stomak fra all corrupcioun - & gydis jt better throu the wayis
of the natural condytis - and sendis jt to the membris of the
body . quhare nature has ordanyt / and conuertis the metis
soner jn substance & blude & flesche na othir wyne dois / and
gerris jt serue better to the necessiteis of the disposicioun   #
of
the harnis with a temperit hete /. and amendis the wit / and    #
the
mynde of the man . and makis a man mare wys' and seure jn
his witt / with discrecioun and resoune and blithis the hert /
and makis gude hew vermylioun . and reddis the rutis of the
toung and gerris a man speke clerely and redly /. and puttis
vane thouchtis fra a man /- makis man hardy / and gevis him
gude appetite / and mony othir prouffitable thingis dois yat
mannis witt may nocht comprehende to count yat resoun and
temperaunce accordis - And quhasa euer' drynkis wyne jn
our' mekle habundance /- thareof cummys mony maladyes .
and othir mysgouernaunces /- ffor It stoppis the wittis of      #
man .
and hynderis the knaulage / jt stroublis the harnis /. waykis
the vertues naturale corporale & spirituale and lettis the
operaciouns of the body /- and makis man tobe vnthochtfull of
his honour and proffit/ for+gettand / and hurtis and woundis    #
the
fyve wittis yat gouernis the man - and makis him all othir jn
his complexioun naturale /- and gerris him quhilum his
membris tremble /- quhilum thai engender jn him othir
maladies jncurables /- and takis fra him gude appetite /- and
makis the body wayke /. And the eyne wayke and goirry / and
jllumynis the fyre to bryn the lyuer throu the colis yat is     #
callit
blak colle /- jn latyne colera nigra /- and makis the blude     #
our'
rude / and grete and hevy /. and gerris his hert be our'set     #
with
hevy blude /- quhilk genderis jn man raddour slombering
efter' mete with fantasies & fleying jn dremys and hevynes of
malancoly of misgouernance and mistemperance of metis and
drynkis quhilkis corrumpis mannis naturale sede /- quhilkis
engenderis quhilum generacioun hable till all maladies throu
abhomynable gouernaunce of thair' stomak / bathe till
perlesyis mysalries - podagris cankeris festres / And thar'fore
sais the medicines / yat quhasa takis our' mekle of the stark
<P 109>
wyne /- he takis als mekle venym /- And sa suld all men kepe
thame to tak our'mekle wyne /- quhethir jt be gude or euill -
for all noyis the nature /- ffor venym is comperit proprely to
a spice callit Reu barbaris - the quhilk is the propre hele of
the lyuer quhen jt is brynt with blak coleris - Bot +git may    #
men
tak samekle of jt / yat thai may tak thair' dede / quhen thai
excede our' outrageously / And alssua js gude wyne / quhilk
is conseruatour of mannis lyf / and his hele comperit to venym
of serpentis and of edderis / of the quhilkis is maid the       #
triacle
of the quhilk is maid a generale medicyne to hele all maladies
of poysoun and venym - sa precious' js jt our' all medicyne
agayn poysoun and venym - Bot nocht gaynstandand yat the
serpent beris nocht all the poysoun na venym yat all men yat
ar' poysound ar' poysound throuche /- no mare dois the
wyne /- Bot quhasa our' mekle takis of the wyne / quhilk is lyf
and hele to mankynde / +git sall jt be till his nature as       #
poysoune
till vndo him &c

[\123v\] (^Here declaris the noble^) the maneris of baithis and #
of
stovis /- ffair' sone Alexander' wit thou wele - yat stoving
and bathing is as a miracle of conseruacioun of mankynde jn
this warld . quhasa dois jt at poynt / the quhilk suld be maid
and ordanyt efter' the quatertemps of the +gere /- ffor the     #
cald is
comperit to the wynter' /- and the warme and the moiste to the
prime temps yat is callit ver' and the hete to the somer' / and
the dry to the hervyst / And thar'for' thare mon be grete
consideracioun to mak wele a bathis or a stovis /- ffor men
sulde ordane four' chaumeres jlkane besyde othir be ordre /-
of the quhilkis the first suld be callde / the secound warme /
as leuke hate the thrid hate / and the ferde dry /- And quhen
the man suld stove him . he suld first entre the first chaumer
yat is calde / and syne to the tothir yat is warme /- and syne  #
to
the hate and wete / and syne to the warme and dry /- and jn
jlkane byde a quhile be ordre yat sudaynly he war' nocht our'
tane with vnkyndely hete or calde yat walde put him jn a
mystemperance perilous' / And with that he suld nocht
sudaynly passe out / bot be ordre /. ffor quhen man passis
sudaynly fra grete hete to grete caulde he may nocht fail+ge to
fall jn ane jnconuenient // And traistis wele / syk thing sulde #
be
maid jn a hate place quhare thare war' gude ayer' And yat jt
<P 110>
had a grete fournas gevand the hete jnwarde / bot ye mouth of
jt / suld be frawart the place of the stove to send the lowe    #
fra
the stove / And jt suld be lawe sett nere a water' of fresche
water' / And thare suld be fair' herbaris with herbis of        #
diuers'
naturis /. faire and vertuous'/ gaynand for bathis efter' the
sesoun of jlke bathing and stoving tyme / And efter' the
stoving and bathing / men suld sytt on fair' bynkis jn thai
herberis /. and our'strynklit with ros' wateris his face and
handis and templis /- and frottit and rubbit his fete and his
handis / and othir parties of his body / at his desyre and
appetite with a faire lynnyn towale / apon a fair' fut schete /
quhite and clene / And sa sulde he gang jn the water' - and
wesche him agayn of all thai superfluiteis / And sa pas orderly
fra chaumer to chaumer / quhill he be wele culit / of his grete
hete / and syne efter' / at the last tyme /- he suld efter' all #
his
stoving and wesching be kembyt his haire and his body
anoynt / with suete balmes - or othir vnguementis - precious'
and conuenable / gaynand for the sesoun - And ay quhill he be
wele culit at his es' /- he suld occupy him jn syk delicious'
esementis - and culand spicis - quhill he war' culit at all
es' /- And gif he war' be ony cas' our' calde /- he suld vs' a
serop calefactiff / and of ane electuare mustakit / And syne
efter' thou sulde tak a lytill licht repast / of degestable     #
mete /.
and drink of a fyne small plesand wyne / temperit with
water' / and syne pas till a fair' bed - wele grathit with
sauourous' clathis and clene / and slepe a gude fully slepe / a
gude lang quhile /- ffor sik gouernaunce restoris agayn yat
thou has tynt jn sueting /- And syne efter' that / all the
remaynand of the day thou suld conuert jn joy - and solace /
and blythnes /- and jn repos' /- ffor that day is ordanyt for a
day of blithnes and es' of bodily hele / and restoring of
nature /- and to purge the corps - and the blude fra perilis    #
yat
may fall for excess' jn tyme bygane / and misgouernaunce of
mannis persone /- Bot quhen thou art alde & waykar' of
nature /- thou suld kepe the yat thou byde nocht sa lang
tharejn . Bot tak efter' thy qualitee thy refectioun and
purgacioun /. And gyf a man be wayke ande alde / jt may
suffice him tobe tharejn - quhill he haue suett a lytill // and
syne weschin him . And gyf a man be corssy /- and
<P 111>
fleumatyk /- kepe him yat he ga nocht tharejn . efter' mete /
bot ay fastand - yat he haue nouthir etyn na dronkyn &c

[\124r\] (^Here^) spekis the noble philosophour of justice yat
efferis till a prince /- Alexander' fair' sone thou suld
vnderstand . yat the vertu of justice js the fairest vertu yat  #
is jn
a prince / and ane of the proprieteis of the hye and glorious'
almychtj god /. And thar'fore suld na realmes be gevin jn
gouernaunce to nane / bot to thame yat war' fulfillit of        #
vertues
to gouerne the peple / and namely jn to justice / And proprely
to thame yat god has stablist to the go[{uer{]naunce of the
peple / and chosyn . as he yat may and can be abone his dedis
& chargit till his gouernaunce of his puple /. yat bathe can .
may and will bathe kepe and defende and manetene his gudis -
his werkis & dedis /- and his subiectes as dois god him self jn
all cheritee lautee - justice /- and equitee /- And thar'fore   #
js a
king lyknyt to god ffor he is / as depute and mynister to       #
god //
and suld folow him - and be lyke him - & conforme him till
him jn all his dedis of justice vertu / and veritee /. ffor all
the
gouernaunce and ordinaunce of the warld - js gouernyt
manetenyt & vphaldin be justice jn perfyte ordre of equitee /
lufe / and charitee /- And alssua hevyn & erde was maid and
ordanyt throu justice /- And be justice the kingis and princis
ar' ordanyt to gouerne realmes and peple /- ffor justice our'
cummys all othir thingis /- and saues the saules and the
bodyes of all creaturis fra vice and corrupcioun /- ffor        #
justice
is the forme and the foundement yat god the glorious' has sett
to gouerne all his creaturis to drawe thame till him at the     #
last /
And thar'fore suld all princis and kingis folow his steppis /-
and sett thame to conforme thame till his condiciouns /- ffor   #
as
sais the men of ynde /- A king yat regnis jn justice equitee &
lautee is prouffitable till his peple /- ffor of him cummys
plentee and welth jn his realme - And +git thai say mare /- yat
a just king is better - na the dew of the nycht yat gerris the
fruyte and corne growe /. ffor he sauues be justice bathe the
gudis and mennis lyfis . And the dew bringis bot the tane /-
that is to say the fruytis - (^jtem^) the peple of ynde gert    #
put jn
writt / yat a king rychtwis' and just / may be comperit the wit
of man ffor as the wit of man - throu his discrecioun discernis
betuix all causis /- and jugis the rycht / Sa suld a rychtwis'
<P 112>
king /- And alssua Alexander' . thou suld vnderstand / yat
thare is twa maneris of justice /- that is . ane opyn - ane     #
othir
couert /- Iustice clere & opyn that is jt / yat apperis jn dede
and werkis lelely and justly paysit / with a gude wit and
vnderstanding / The tothir couert justice / is - jn a gude      #
jugis
mynde / and jn his hert nocht schawin out / that is veritee and
lautee / yat lurkis jn his hert / yat apperis nocht outwart to
mannis sycht /. bot quhen him lykis to schawe jt / his just &
rychtwis' wordis . And syk a prince as this yat has bathe
justice jn hert and jn dede /- resemblis and is like to the
glorious' god almychtj - And quhat prince or king yat has
nocht this souerane vertu jn dede and jn hert /. he is nocht    #
king
na prince /- bot he is contrarious' to kingis and princis /-
ffor proprietee is - to king or prince tobe just /- Or ellis he
declynis fra the proprietee of princehede /- and fra the
glorious' god - of quham he tuke that office /- And waryid is
of his peple / suppos' he wate jt nocht /. And wenand to
blyndfell god . with fals' semblande of justice /. wenand to
ger' his peple trow / yat he war' rychtwis' - nocht doand the
rycht werkis /- And +git is thare ane othir maner' of justice
betuix a man - and his creatoure god almychtj - that is
deferrit / quhill the vterest terme /. quhilk justice men suld
nocht for+gett / And thai be wys' - And thar'fore faire sone
Alexander' - do justice jn this warlde here / and thou sall     #
fynd
it before the thare jn the warlde of warldis . ffor quhen thou
kepis justice amang thy subiectis / thou dois to thy self / and
to
thy [\124v\] souerane lord god almychty /- the quhilk sall mak
jnterrogacioun of all princis dedis of justice straytelyar' na  #
of
othir mennis dedis / and salbe fer' sairar' punist of thaire
faultis

(^Here declaris the noble philosophour - how^) a man suld ken
hym self / and namely a prince /. And how he yat kennis wele
him selff kennis wele all othir thingis of the warld . As       #
thus -
Alexander' fair' sone /. gif thou will knaw all thingis /- and  #
all
science and all veritee / Thou mon first wit how noble / and
how worthy thy saule is /- and thy lyf / Sa yat thou coud
gouerne jt / and lede jt the wayis quhare jt suld passe be      #
rycht
and resoun - And to the end - quhareto jt is ordanyt / And
quhen thou sall haue knaulage of this /- thou sall lychtly
<P 113>
knawe all othir thingis yat thou lykis to witt /. And fyrst     #
thou
suld vnderstand yat the grete god makare and gouernoure of
all thingis ./ has gevin to man and woman thair' v. wittis to
gouerne thaim with // and to knaw all erdely thing -/ And thus
counsale j the / yat for the gouernaunce of thy contree /- yat
thou haue fyve souerane baillies gouernouris vnder' the /. and
fyve counsailouris seueralie deuisit jlkane besyde othir / Bot
euer' halde jn thy hert / thy secrete thingis . yat thou        #
thinkis
to
do /- and schaw jt neuer to nane of thame /- na lete nocht yat
thou wald ask counsale at thame /- Na lat thame neuer haue a
fele jn quham thou fyes the maist /- na quhais counsaile of
thame thou wald erest traist jn /- and folow to do /. ffor and
thou do that / the laue sall pris' the /- the lesse / and lufe
the /- the wer' / And als that man yat wist / yat thou wald
maist folow his counsail . suld pride him tharejn - and
perauenture rus' him thareof /- and thou suld be the mare
lychtlyit / & lesse lattyn of /- jn all thy contree /- Bot ask
thair' opyniouns and here gladly jlkane of thame be thame self
seueraly - and trete jn to thy hert / and cast all thair'
counsailis jlkane till othir' jn thy mynde /- and wey thame as
thou thinkis the caus' requeris /- with thair' jugementis and
opyniouns / And syne ches' be thyne awin wit / the best / or at
the leste the lykliest for thy prouffit // and the commoun
prouffit of thy realme /- And to that / sais the wys'
philosophour' hermogenes /- yat the counsale of him yat
gevis the counsale - the quhilk is done and put jn execucioun
is better - and his wit mare prisit / na his wit yat askis the
counsaile /- and his jugement mare commendit /- And the
caus' quhy is /- be caus' yat he ordanis his dedis efter' the
counsale yat is gevin him - and nocht be his awin witt /- And
than may all men see yat his dede hingis jn the counsail of     #
that
man /- and nocht jn him self /- And thus the conclusioun of
his jugement suld depend apon otheris na him selff quhilk war'
a lak till his honoure /- and mysprising till his witt /. And
thar'fore quhen thou askis at thy counsailouris thair'
opyniouns /- jt is loving yat thou here thame diligently - and
seueralie jlkane efter' othir' jn thy presence /. and melle     #
nocht
thair' sawis togeder' - na lat nane othir persone cum amang
thame jn the tyme /- bot anerly thame self /- And tak gude tent
with all thy diligence - quhais sawis accordis togidder' /- and
<P 114>
quhais discordis and jn quhat poyntis /- And tak that with the
jn wrytt /. and lat it degest [\125r\] jn thy mynde / And mend
It - gif thou can better to thy purpos' - And syne thou sall
assemble thame agayn quhen thou art avisit / and geve out thy
conclusioun Ande thus sall thy wit be commendit / And thou
lovit / and doubtit / And gif jt befallis yat thai all togeder' #
be
ane accorde geve the a sudayn ansuere /- than suld thou
furthwith . myslowe that ansuere /. and sett jt at nocht / be   #
gude
resouns yat thou has studyit jn that jlke mater' before or thou
put jt jn thair' questioune ffor sudayn ansuere mycht neuer be
gude /- And thus sall thai be better avisit /. and tak layser'  #
to
ansuere the mare murely and ryply ane othir tyme /- and nocht
ansuere sa hastily / And thai and all otheris sall love the     #
mare /.
and pris' thy wis'dome /- and hald the for the maist discrete /
and wis' man of all thy counsale - And thus quhen thou has
provit thame lang /- and knawin thaire counsaile gude and
trewe / bathe jn word and dede /. ger' halde thame as syk wys'
men /- and do thame honour and prouffit / Bot schaw neuer
thame thy purpos' /. na the opynioun yat to thy purpos' maist
acordis /- quhill thou mak jt knawin jn dede be execucioun /-
Bot euer' think on - diligently /- and bere with the away .
quha best contynewis jn his trew and gude counsaile
vnfeynyngly and gais the maist rycht way - And he yat tuichis
nerest the quhite / and best gais nere the merche - And be that
sall thou knawe /. quha best lufis the / & the prouffit of thy
realme . and thyne honour /: and thy gude gouernaunce / And
quhen thou has lang provit that persone /- and fyndis him euer'
traist /- than may thou mare seur'ly and traistly /. and        #
hardily
commytt thyne honour jn his cure and jn his counsail traist /-
And mare na ony of the lave yat thou fyndis nocht sa traist /
na sa rype wittit / sa hye sett for thine honoure / and sa
diligent / Bot of na prys lat thame neuer wit / quham thou
traistis maist na maist lufis . na put nocht the tane of thair'
counsailis jn commendacioun opinly /. furtherlyar' na the
tothir -/ ffor that sall rais' enuy and despyte / bot hald      #
'thame
evynly togeder' - and honoure thame at all thy gudely power' /
ffor thare is nane sa redy destructioun na freting of a kingis
honour' and the destructioun of his realme as to wyrk the
contrair' of this yat j haue said the /. And traist wele /      #
quhen
thi counsailouris has jlkane envy at othir / thy worschip is jn
<P 115>
were / and the destruccioun [^ / BEFORE cioun^] of the and thy  #
realme approchis
nere /. ffor quhen thai haue enuy jlkane apon othir / than sall
thai sett jlkane for otheris vndoyng / secretly . gif thay dar'
nocht opynly /. And than sall all the laue bot that ane or twa  #
yat
thou folowis thair' counsaile / hate the dedely /. And thus
genderis diuisioun . and efter' diuisioun desolacioun /- ffor
than sall thai fynd occasiouns of malice and of fedis / quhilk
sall strouble the and thy realme - and bring jt sone doune to
distructioun



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[^RATIS RAVING AND OTHER EARLY SCOTS POEMS ON MORALS.
WITH AN APPENDIX OF THE OTHER PIECES FROM CAMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY LIBRARY MS. KK.1.5, NO. 6: THE VERTEWIS OF 
THE MESS. ED. R. GIRVAN.
SCOTTISH TEXT SOCIETY, THIRD SERIES, 11.
EDINBURGH 1939.
PP. 192.11-194.24^]

<P 192>
[}7. THE VERTEWIS OF THE MESS.}]

Her begynnis the Vertewis of the mes~, apprewyt be the
haly wryt, baith be our lord Ihesu cristis wordis, and
vthir haly sanctis and doctouris of +te cristyne faith. And
fyrst & formest.
   Sanct paul sais that rycht as our Ihesu cryst is mar
worthi and mar precious~ than ony vthir creatur that god
maid, sa is +t=e= mes~ mar worthi and mar precious~ than~ ony
vthir oresone or sacrifice that may be said or maid in this     #
erd.
   Item, sanct barnard sais that It is mar spedfull, neidful    #
and
profitabile to the manis saul-heill to her mes~ with clen hart  #
&
gud deuocioun~e, na for to gif for +te luf of god +te price of  #
sa
mekile land as a man may ourgang quhill the mes~ is in doinge.
   Item, our lord Ihesu crist sais that quhat-sum-euir thing
+tat men~ with clen~ hart and gud deuocion~e askis at the mes~
in thar praieris, It salbe grantyt thaim or ellis bettir and    #
mar
prophitabile thing na thai ask hyme be mekill. Item, (\quicquid
orantes petitis etc\) .
   Item, sancte Ierom~e sais that till here mes~ with clen hart
and gud dewocioun~e garris the saulys that he prays for feil
na payne in purgatory quhil that mes~ is in doinge.
<P 193>
   Item, sanct ancelyne sais that to her a mes~ with clen~ hart
and gud deuocioun~e, or gar say a mes~ in a manis lyf, is mar
meritabile till his saul-heill na that his executoris or        #
frendis
gart say I=M= mess~ for hym~e eftir at he be ded.
   Item, sanct ambros~ sais that quhat-euir met or drink a
person~e tak eftir mes~ profitis hym~e mar till his heil and    #
lang
lyf, na It that he ettis befor mes~.
   Item, sancte augustine sais that for al the tyme +tat a      #
person~e
be at +te mes~ he standis in sted and eildis nocht, bot
haldis hym in the samyn +gouthed he was in quhen he com~e to
+te mes~.
   Item, the samyne sanct Augustyne sais that the tyme of +te
mes~ that a man heris lenthis his lyf sa lang mar na he suld
leif and he hard na mes~ in his lyf.
   Item, os aurij sais that quhat woman that takis hir childbed
that day that scho has hard mes~, scho sal ber hir birth
with les~ payne & dolour na scho had nocht hard mes~ that day.
   Item, sanct louk sais that quhat person~e hapnis to deces~   #
+te
day that thai here mes~, thai sal be reput and don~e with, as
langand +te dewyteis of haly kyrk, as thai had tan~e al +t=e=
sacramentis of haly kirk that day.
   Item, sancte matho sais that the tym~e that a person~e heris
mes~, thai sall fal in na dedly syne, and all waneall syn~is    #
sal
be forgewyne thaim throw the wertew of the mes~.
   Item, sancte gregore sais that fore ilke mes~ that is said
deuotly, sindry saulys ar deliuiryt and fred out of +te payne   #
of
purgatory, & mony levand men ar turnyt fra +tar ill lyf to
gud lyf for euir.
   Item, sanct augustyne sais that the gud angell that kepis    #
+te
manis saul comptis wp and wrytis al the steppis at A man
makis to the mes~, and fore ilkan~e of thaim god sal reuard
her of hyn~e.
   Item, sancte gregore sais that the day that a person~e heris
mes~ deuotly, & at the sicht of the sacrament sais his          #
paternostere,
he sal nocht that day want his levyng sufficiantly.
   Item, sancte beid sais that suppos a man her mes~ or gyf
<P 194>
almus in deidly syne, or vthir gud dedis, It profytis hym~e to
thre thingis. It kepis hyme fra misaduenturis and perellis
to cum, and garis hym~e be mare abile to rys~ out of his syn~e,
& gif he pass~ to hell, It lesys his panis thar.
   Item, sancte Augustine sais that the day that a man seis
godis body and makis his prayaris to hym~e deuotly, he sal
nocht that day tyne his sicht.
   Item, sancte Augustyne sais that the day that a man sal
here mes~ with clen hart & gud deuocioun~e, he sal nocht de of  #
a
sudane ded.
   Item, sanct augustyne sais that for +te tym~e of the mes~,
suppos~ +te ewill spreit be in a man synfull, that in the tyme
that he seis the haly sacrament +t=e= evil spret fleis out of   #
+te
man fore the tym~e of +te mes~.
   Item, os aurij sais that the mes~ is als worthi as +te self  #
ded
and pascioun~e of cryst quhen It was don~e of deid proprely.
   Item, sancte Augustine sais that in the tym~e of the mes~    #
the
hewyne opnys, the angel discendis and beris cumpany to +tat
haly sacrament.
   Item, sancte gregore Sais that the cloud Settis his besynes
to here mes~, and fail+geis nocht in hyme, he sal have the meid
as he had hard mes~ and he be one fors~ ore vthir-ways
haldin thar-fra.
[^LATIN OMITTED^]



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[^RATIS RAVING AND OTHER EARLY SCOTS POEMS ON MORALS.
WITH AN APPENDIX OF THE OTHER PIECES FROM CAMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY LIBRARY MS. KK.1.5, NO. 6: DICTA SALOMONIS.
ED. R. GIRVAN. SCOTTISH TEXT SOCIETY, THIRD SERIES, 11.
EDINBURGH 1939.
PP. 177.1-192.10^]

<P 177>
[} (\6. DICTA SALOMONIS.\) }]

Kynge Salomone sais in his buk of his contemplacion~e
and detestacion~e of this warld, that al this warld is
bot Vanite of vanites, specialy of all lawbore that
man makis to conquest riches and landis in this
warld wyth al besy cure, nocht wytand quha sal Iois~ thai
landis and gudis eftir hyme, quhilk is gret vanite. Item he
sais, a generacion~e passis, an~ o+tir cumys; the Riches        #
rottis,
the erde Remanis euirmare vnremouabile; the son~e rysis in
the est and gays to in the west, and ay cumys agan~e tyll his
awn~e place quhar he rais~, And sua serclis the erd about in
al artis anis euery day, putand spreit in all that lyf beris
throwe wertew gewyne to It of the makar of hewyne. Item,
al fludis enteris in the sey, and the seye +geldis neuir thai   #
fludis
agane in fludys, bot neuir-theles~ the son~e throw his gret
wertew drawis vp fra +te seye the fresch wattir agane, that be
the wertew of the hevyn ourstrenklys the erde and caus~
grouthe to be in erde, ande caus~ reueris~ to Ryne apone the
erde, that wyth help of spryngis of wellis in cragis and        #
montanis
to serve the pupill & vtheris levand bestis of the erde.
And schortly to say, thar is na wyt of man that can ymagyne
na dewys~ to gyf a reson~e for al thingis that god has maid in
this erde, / quharfor thai ware maid. Item he sais that manis
sicht nore his en~e may nocht be full assithit of the thingis   #
that
are in this warld, na his eris of hering. Item he sais, quhat
is It that is bot It at before was the samyne thing, and quhat
is It that was of before bot It that is now in erde, that is to
say of the samyne kynd and natur, bot nocht in singular
propire person~e. Na thar is na-thing of the nev maid that was
nocht of before in the first creation~e, na na man may say of
ony thing that now is, that this is a new thinge and fresch
naturall that neuir was befor in the warld. Item he sais, thar
<P 178>
is lytill in mynd of men that now ar, as of thingis that was
befor our days in auld elderis tymis, na sall nocht be in the
myndis of thaim that is to cum eftir ws, of thing that sal be
don~e in our days, that is to say, with tham~e that sal occupye
the warld. / Item he sais, I, the makare of this buk, in the    #
tyme
that I was king in Ierusaleme, proponit in my mynd till inquer
and leir and wysly to sek with my wyt of al thingis that was
wndir the son~e, the quhilk was the werst occupacion~e that
man in erd mycht set hym Fore, or at god gave manys sone
in erd to Ioy hyme in, ore to trauell his wyt in til occupy
and waist his wyt that god has gevyne hyme in syk wanyte.
For quhen I had al considiryt that is in this warld wndir the
sone, I fand al bot wayn~e and wanite and afflixoune of manys
mynd, but ony durable profyt. Item he sais that frawart
men and hard to coryke and that of fulys the maner is but
end Infinyte; and than I said to my-Self, lo, how I am~e maid
so hye & mychtty, and in wyt and wysdome I precellyt al
vthir princis that ware befor me in Ierusalem, and had          #
contemplacioun~e
in my mynd of mony syndry thingis in this 
warld, and with hie wisdome & contemplacioune leryt thaim
and considerit, and specialy of prudens, doctrin~e and techinge
of wysdom~e, & to fle erour and fullis; And fand that in syk
thinge is gret lawbore & afflixon~e of spreit, and at in mekile
wysdome is mekile Indignacion~e, and quha-sa ekis sciens till
hyme, ekis hyme mekile payne and sorow. Item, than said I
to my-self in my mynd, now wyll I pas and flow in all           #
welthfulnes
& delytis and oys~ al gudly thingis that in this warld
I may fynd, & in that I fand bot al wayne and vanite, and
reput blythnes & lauchinge, gret erour, and than said, Ioy,
quhy dissauis +tow me? Item, I said in my mynd and thocht
that I suld absten me fra vice, & at I suld set al my hart to
wysdome and vmbechow all erouris and foleys, quhill I saw
quhat war maist spedfule to manis son~e in erde. Item, quhen
I had al thingis considirit, I fand at this was ane of the      #
maist
<P 179>
spedfull thingis Fore manis son~e in this erd wndir the hewyne,
that euery man haf in mynd the dait of his dais and of the
schort tyme that he has here to byd, and spend It weill in
gud oys~. Item, I magrifyit my werkis makand castellis and
vall-townis, orchardis with all froyt treis of diuers~ kyndis,
erbys & plantis, I maid stankis to fisch, and wattiris to Ryne
in wodis and medewis and mak grouth to Rys~. Item, I had
in howss~ women and men seruandis, with gret famell to do
my verkis of my possession~s, with hyrdis of catell and         #
multitud
of corn~e at-our al thaim tat was befor me in ierusalem. Item,
I maid hurdis of gold and tresore, of al the michtis of princis
that was befor me in ierusalem, with al delytis and plesans
of women sangstaris and o+tir delytis that manis son~e mycht
have in erd, with Iowellis of al fynest mettallis of all        #
fasson~s,
plesand with precious stanis, & weschell thar-of to be seruit
witht, baith of wyne and dante metis, sa that I excedit in
Riches al that vare befor me in ierusalem. And +ghit for al     #
this,
wysdom~e reman~ande euir with me, and nocht-withstandinge
I gaif my hart euir withgange of al plesans that manis sone
mycht haf in this erde, & to my appetyt, na denyit neuir
nothir myne ern~e, myn~ eris na my appetyt thinge that thai
desyrit of al lustis, for that I affirmyt to be my part of al   #
my
labore, to tak plesans of my gudis that I had graithyt in this
erde. And syne quhen I wmbethocht me and turnyt my mynd
in my-self, thinkand of al my warldly werkis that my handis
had wrocht, and to al my werkis that I had suet for, and al
my michtis and warldis riches, and saw that al was bot vane
and wanite, and afflixon~e of spreit and manis mynd, and al was
bot transitore & corruptabile, and na thinge profytabile na
ferm~e and stabill to remayne wndir the hewyne. And than set I
my wyt to contemplacioune of wysdome, and to sek the defferens
betuex wisdom~e and foly and betuex erour and werite, thinkand
quhat visdom~ It war to manis sone and quhat worschip to
inquer, sek & folow till his king and creatore, and get         #
knawlege
<P 180>
of hym; and than considrit I and fand that wisdum precellis
foly als far as the lychtnes of the sone pass~ the myrknes of
the mirk nycht, lyknand the wysman to the leiche and the
ful to the mirknes, and the en~ of the tan~ euir in the hewyne
be contemplacion~e, and the en of the to+tir in the erdly       #
wrechit
& corruptabile wanite, lykand the tan to the hevyne & the
to+tir to the hell. Item, than I beheld that baith the wisman
& the full deis and +geldis the saul in lyk wys~. than thocht   #
I,
gif our ded be elyk, quhat profitis It me to set my hart and
besynes to al wisdome mar na hyme quhilk set his mynd, cur
and besynes till al foly? Item, than turnyt I my wyt to         #
contemplacion~e
of baith the tan & the to+tire, and considirit at
the gret god +geldit nocht baith elyk reuarde in the warld
eternall, suppos to manis sicht thar be na defferens of the
pasinge of the spreit out of the body, for but ony dreid the
tan gais to Ioye and the to+tir to pan~e, bot as manis dreid    #
and
his dedis her within schort proces~ of tyme & al is for+get at
was, and put out of manis mynd; quhilk is grete wane and
vanite. Item, quhen I saw that baith worthi clerkis and
wismen, fulys and wanwitty men, al passit of this warlde,
and al thinge that vndir the son~e was, rotit and vanist away,
& na-thinge remanit bot the erde alan~e, than Irkyt I of my
lyf in this warld, seand alsua the wikitnes of wykitmen and
al vthire maner of wykit werkis and wykyt folk, quhilk was
all bot vanite and afflixion~e of spreit in this lyf. Item,     #
than
tuk I in detestacion~e and abhominacioune and hatterent al
the werkis and polesy that I had gart mak wndir the sone with
grete deligens and studeous labore, that I owthir couth or
mycht study with al my mynd to gar be done, thinkand It
was na wyt, visdome na prudens till a wysman till set his
deligens & besy cure and al his hart to wais the tyme that 
god has gevyn~e hym in this warld, till occupy hym~e in syk
fal+geand and rotabile Vanite, thinkand that I suld have an~e
aire eftir me to gowern~ myne heritageis, rewmys and            #
possession~s
eftir me, nocht knawand quhe+tir he be wys~ ore full,
<P 181>
quhilk is gret vanite, etc. Ande sa hapnit It eftyr hyme that
his aire Roboame misgouernyt al that his fa+tir wan~e, and
tynt al his possession~s. thane said he till hyme-self that
hyme thocht It was na visdom~e till a wysman till leif to a     #
full
vaistour al thai gudly revmys & possession~s that he had with
sa gret pan~e & trawelle conquest and gaderit with hie lawbore
and besy cure in al his lyf, hepand euir gud, and syne to
be vaistit & distroyd. / thane tuk he in detestacione to lawbor
mar in this erde, & renunsyt al syk lawbore and besynes,        #
sayand,
quhat profetitis It a man to lawbore thus all his tyme, and
neuir to tak reste day of his lyf na neuir a Ioyous~ day        #
+tarof,
and a wanton~e vaistour ydill man sal dispon~e and waist al
thai gudis that he had syk pan~e and lawbore, nocht takand
rest in body na in spreit nycht na day? is this nocht grete
vanite and afflixoune? Item, thane said he that hyme thocht
It was the best thing thate man in erde mycht do to mak
hyme gud chere of his vynynge & lawbore that he makis
here; for that is the gyft of gode that quhill he Is here he
tak his part of his awn~e wynyng, and thar-of to mak hyme
gude chere and hald hyme weill at es quhile he is here, fore
he sal nocht ellis have fore his part of the warlde. Item he
sais, quha is in erde quhilk gave his hart syk plesans as I     #
have
don~e, and sua flowit in my delytis and al my tym~e of my
+gouthage? Item he sais, god gewys to the wysman wyt &
visdome to gouern~e hym~e weill in this warld, with haboundans
of gudis to leif weill with, and to wykyt man he gevis grete
pan~e, lawbore and gret cure of waist besynes, with gret        #
trawell
and wnrest and afflixion~e of spreit, with lytill es~ and       #
mekile
wnrest, & na hap to good hym~e with his gwde that he has
with sa sorowful wyninge, and syne levys It to thaim that
werst louit hym~e in this lyfe-dais, quhilk is a grete vanite   #
and
afflixon~e. Item he sais that al thing has a tym~e in this      #
warld,
and occupeis a space in maner of pasage; as tyme of byrth,
tym~e of ded, tyme of seting and of sawinge, tyme of scheringe
and of gaderinge, tym of vptakinge, tyme of ded, tyme of
<P 182>
lyfe, tyme of seknes, tyme of heill, tyme of bygine, tyme of
brekinge, tyme of lauchinge, tym ofe gretinge, tym~e of lepinge
and skipinge, tym~e of scalynge, tym~e of gaderinge, tyme of
imbraisinge and tyme to ly out of imbraisinge in armys, tyme
of tynsell, tyme of vynynge, tyme of keping, tym of vyninge,
tyme of deilynge, tyme of schapinge, tyme of sewinge, tym~e
of spekinge, tyme of scilens, tym~e of luf, tym of hatrent,     #
tyme
of batail+ge, tyme of pece, and of al sik warldly thingis +tar  #
is
tyme of all thinge, quhilk men suld tak kep to. / Item he sais,
he considiryt al the lawbore and besy cure that gode has
gevyne manis sone in erd, and how all thingis that gode maid
in this erd ar gud, tan~e in thar tymis. / Item he sais, that   #
of al
the thingis that is in this erd ordanit fore manis son~e, and   #
the
gret cure and besynes that thai tak to wyn~e the gud of this
erd, and he fand at +tar was na-thing in erd sa gud fore manis
son~e as to hald hyme weill at es of the gudis thate god sendis
hyme in this warld, and mak gud chere quhill he is here, and
leif weill; for that is the gift of god to manis son~e, quhill
he is here to tak Ioy and plesans of the gudis +tat he has with
his trew labore wonynge. / Item he sais thate al thingis that
god has maid ar gud and perpetuall in thare kinde and nature,
suppos thai be ay Remowand in singularite. Item he sais that
he beheld the wykytnes and iniuris that was don~e be the
Iugis and Iusticeris, sayand in his hart that the gret god suld
be the souerane Iuge abwn~e +taim & Iustyfye +taim in the       #
to+tir
warld, baith wysman and wykyt, and than sal the end of al
erdly be Iugit. / Item he sais that the gret god schawis to
man be gud reson~e that the lyf of a man and a best in this
warld is bot all an~e, and thar maner of deinge is baith bot    #
ane,
and baith bot of a lyk condiscion~e, and has na mar the man
thane the best in the warld, and all elyk wndirlyis vanite and
drawis till a law place downwart quhen thai de, to the erd.
Item he sais, quha may wyt quhethir the spreit off man gais
vpwart ore the spreit of the best gais dounwart sen baith
wnknawyng elyk pass~? and than he said that in this warld
he fand na-thinge bettir to man na to mak gud chere of the
<P 183>
gudis he wynis with his handis, and to do ay weille quhill he
is heire, Fore na mar sal he ber away with hym~e. / Item he
sais, quha ledis man to sik knawlege that he knawis the thing
that sal be in tyme to cum? and than turnyt he hym~e to the
wykit chalenginge of pwre Innocentis that be mychtty wykyt
men ar chalangit in this erd, gretand and gowland For the
mony gret inIuris don~e to +taim, ande na man to comfort
thaim na to resist to thare malice. than~e said he that he
louit mare the ded man na the levande, and +ghit mar na vthire
tham that was wnborn~e to serue the wrechit, wykit lyf in
this erd but ony comfort, and syne of the gret inwy that was
amange nychtbouris, the rich and the pwre, the glorius & mek,
quhilkis was nocht sa subtell to wyn~e the warldis gudis as
+t=e= glorius prowd man, quhilk was gret vanite. / Item he sais
+tat the full suere man plettis his handis one his brest and
ettis his pure met, sayand that bettir is ane handfull with
rest and pes~ na baith the handis full with trauell and         #
dyses~. /
Item he sais that sum men sesis neuir to labour nycht nor
day to wyne the warldis gud in gret quantite, and has no+tir
barn~e, bro+tir na sistir to leif that to, na wat nocht quha    #
sal
Ioys thai gudis eftir his dais, wonyng with trichory and
barete, and has neuir a gud day thar-of in his lyf, and         #
ofttymis
fallis in thare handis that maist hym~e haityd in this
erde, quhilk is gret vanite and nocht ellis bot afflixon~e of   #
spret
but ony vthir profyt ore meryt. Item he sais, wa is hyme that
is hym~e alan~ but a falow with hym~e, fore gif he fallis or    #
ocht
misteris, is nan~ to help hym~e, and bettir is in al placis     #
cumpagny
na to be alan~e, ande mar suet is to slep twa to-gydir
na an~e alan~e for langoure ande warmnes and gud cumpany,
and wer is to brek a dowbile raipe na a singile. / Item he      #
sais,
It is bettir a pur wys~ barn~e na an auld fule kinge quhilk     #
fore
wane-wyt may perys~ a realm~e, quhilk is gret vanite. / Item,   #
he
sais a man suld tak gud tent quhen he enteris in godis tempile,
and her weill the wordis that ar thar spokyne, and be obedient
to comandment, for do he nocht, he wyll be mekile lakit,
quhilk is gret vanite. / Item he sais that bettir is the        #
obediens
of +t=e= wysman na the offerent of the full. / Item he sais, a
<P 184>
man suld nocht be our-hasty of spech in his prayeris, for gode
in hie hevyn~e seis and knawis al his dedis, word and wyll in
erd, thus few wordis and effectuous is best fore hym~. / Item
he sais that eftir mekile besynes folowis mony dremis, and
eftir mony vordis flowis mony folis and erouris, and bydis
man kep weill gif he ocht wowis. Item he sais, men suld nocht
len~ thar mouth to kiss in hop to gar thar body syne, na nocht
wit god before the angell of the inclinacion~e of thar          #
complexion~e 
to put thar condiscion~e in misforton~e, bot euir dreid
to disples god. Item he sais that a couatous gredy vrech
may neneuir be fulfillyt of gudis in his hart, na he that
louis riches our-mekill sal neuir have gret Joy of +taim. /     #
Item
he sais, quhar mekle riches is thare mone be mony seruandis
to dispende thai gudis and gowern~e +taim, and the possessor
takis bot his lewyng thar-of, and quhat profet has he of the
remanent bot at he seis +taim with his en~e and ar callit his,
quhilk is gret vanite and afflixion~e of spreit, quhilk is an~  #
of the
werst in the erde? Item he sais that eftir gret trawall the     #
slep
is swet sa that men et nocht our-mekile, bot the oure-gret fyll
of the mychtty man lattis hyme to slep and changis his          #
complexion~e 
in were, and oft fore thocht of his riches he walkis
in wntymis; quhilk is grete vanite and afflixion~ of spreit,
an~e of the werst that is in the erd. / Item, thar is an-vthir
gret vanite that quhen a seruand that a lorde traistis in, is
richit throw falsat of his mastir lell-won~e gud; quhilk is     #
an~e
of the werst that is in the warlde, fore comonly thai gudis
profetis nocht, bot with gret syn~e ar voninge and with gret
trawaill are kepit and with grete sorow gais away with gret
dyses~ and afflixion~e of spreit, and his barnis deis           #
begaris. /
Item he sais, god gewis the gud man luk, grace and plente of
gudis, and grace to spend thaim in es and honore, and to the
wykit man he gevis mekile waste and wan~e lawbore and
grete dises~ and afflixoun~e of spreit, and neuir gud day of    #
It;
quhilk is gret vanite. / Item he sais, he is mekle behaldin to
his god that has gewyne hyme the warldis gud at will, and
syne grace to dispend It in plesans and velth in this warld
<P 185>
bute ony mysforton~e in al delitis: quhilk, and he be wnkynd,
is vorthi gret pwnission~e eftirwart. / Item he sais, he was    #
gevyne
til o+tire al haboundans of warldis gudis that thar hart        #
desyryt,
and +ghit gaif thaim neuir powar to spend a penny of that gude
in his awn~e oys~, bot ay levand thay gudis til ane o+tir       #
quhilk
louit hyme neuir in his lyf; quhilk is gret vanite and          #
afflixion~e
of spreit. / Item, an~e o+tir vanite is that god has gevyn to   #
sum
man plente of warldis gud, and has here gendrit he and his
barnis an~e hundereth barnis of lell matromon+ghe, and has lang
lyf here in this warld, and +ghit he na his sal neuir hafe a    #
profytabile
na esful day in al thar lyf. / Item, than said he, I hald
bettir the ded barn~e, that neuir was born~e quhyk in this      #
warld
na saw neuir the licht in this warld, na eh that had al that
gud and neuir a day in es +tar-of in his lyf; quhilk is gret
vanite and afflixion~e off spreit in this warld. / Item he sais #
that
al the vismanis wyt is in his mouth, and thinkis that he has
neuir yneuch of It and euir is techand and lerand, and quhat
+tan has the wysman mar na the full, ore quhat mar has the
riche na the pure in this warld, sen al gais a gait to the      #
erde?
Item he sais, It is bettir to dissir the thing +tow seis nocht,
that is the Ioy of hevyn~e, na the thing +tow seis in this      #
warld,
for the tan is bot temporale and corruptabile and the to+tir
is perpetuall. / Item he sais, quhat man is to cum in this      #
warld,
his name is now writin ande writin weill that he is a man;
for na-thing is bot at vas, na thar was na-thing bot at Is. /
Item he sais, It is nocht to a man to strif agan~e mar mastir
than hyme-self in Iugment. Item he sais, it is nocht spedfull
till a man of Sympil knawlege til inquere our far in subtyll
materis of godis preuate, bot to inquer and knaw with sobirnes
at may suffice, Fore ellis it is gret vanite. Item he sais,     #
quhat
profytis It to man till inquere of thing that pass~ his wyt     #
till
wndirstand and belangis hyme nocht to knaw? bot it is spedful
to gouerne hym~e wysly in this present pilgremage quhilk pass~
<P 186>
as a schadow daily, or quha can tel hyme quha sal succed til
hyme eftirwart, or quhat sal hapin in tyme to cum? Item
he sais, it is bettir a gud nam~e na mekil riches in this warld
or ony o+tir precious Iowellis, sen he mone pas of this varlde
and wat nocht the hour na day, and at the day of his birthe
is the begynyng of his ded. Item he sais that sen man is sykir
he mone de anis, It is gret wyt to purway weill tharfore in
tym~e and quhill he has tyme inthis varld ful of vanite. Item
he sais, It is bettir to cum to the hous~ off ernyst na to the  #
hous~
of blythnes, and to the hous~ of sadnes na to the hous~ of Ioy,
and bettir is crabing na blythnes or laiching, for the tan~e    #
for+gettis
to think on~e the end, and the to+tir thinkis on~e the vanite
of this warld; for vysmen are ay sad and fulys ay blyth, and
oft-tymis be the sad continans of a wysman fulis  are correkit
and amendyt of thar wyce. Item he sais, bettir is to be         #
correkit
with a wysman na to be flechit with a full, and the strublyn~e
of fulys crabis the visman, and garis +taim tyn~e his           #
frendschip
and fauoris of his harte; and bettir is the fliting of a frend
na +te fleching of a full. Item he sais, bettir is the end of   #
the
vreson~e na +t=e= begynyng, and mar is lowabile to god with a
mek man na a pridfull, and a pacient man na a Irfull and a
sturtand quhilk makis reddy dyscord. Item he sais, a man
suld nocht be our-hasty to pronunce his wordis in his Ire, fore
It garis a man exced radely and say thing that he wyll eftir
forthink, for Ire restis ay in the fulis brest quhill his tym~e
cum. Item he sais, men suld nocht argwe quhy the tym~e
bygan~e vas bettir na the tyme at is. Item he sais, visdom~e
is nocht profyt but riches, na riches na worth but wisdome;
for riches beris wysdom~e befor princis & defendis. Item he
sais, wysdom~e with riches makis the possessor her till have
honore and gud endinge. Item he sais that na man may fynde
faultis to correk werkis that he has maid. / Item he sais that
the gret god knawis al manis curage, and sum fore the visdome
he chess~ til hym-selfe, and vthir-sum he dispis~ and rafus~
for thar wan-wyt and foleis. Item he sais, men suld in gud
dais vs~ gud thingis and kep +taim and be-ware fore the Ill
<P 187>
day. / Item he sais that gret vanite is and afflixion~e of gud
spreitis to se the rycht gud wysman perys~ with his rycht gud
vysnes, and teranis in heill and velth lef lang. Item he sais,
a man suld nocht be our-Iust, bot he suld have pete and mell
Iustice and mercy to-giddir in Iugmentis. Item he sais, fulys
deis or half thar dais be gan~e. Item he sais that it is gud to
defend the rychtwys~ and the pur, fore god maid baith and
knabis al dedis and thocht. / Item he sais, wysdom~e is mar
strenthy na gret powere temporall of princis, and sais that few
ar sa rychtwys~ that thai do na vrang na syne to god na to
man. Item he sais, a man suld nocht len his eris tyll all at he
heris, na trow nocht lychtly all realcion~s. Item he sais, a    #
man
sulde here weill ore he ansueryt, and mak hym, quhilum, to
nocht here at he heris, and namly trow nocht al vpon~e thar
seruandis that men will say, for percas It may be for Inwy
of thaim mar na fore profyt of the lord. / Item he sais, he     #
assait
al thingis in this warld that manis mynd mycht have in knawlege
with wisdome, and said till hym~e-self, now sal I be wys~
and knaw al thingis that man may have knawlege of in
this warld, and ay +te mar that I presyt to wysdome, the
farere It fled fra me; fore thare is na wyt in this erd that
may knaw the hicht and the depnes of It, quhilk pass~ al
menis wyt in this warld bot anerly of the grete god. / Item,
I considirit the gret defferens betuex wisdome and foly,
eroure and rychtwisnes, and amang al thir I fand the woman
mar bittir na the ded, quhilk is the gyrne of the hunter to
tak the wild bestis, ande hir hart the netis of syne, and       #
handis
the fetteris of lust to hald men in hir bandis; quharfor quha
will ples god, fle fra thaim. Item, na wysmen suld behald the
bewte of women that thai be nocht tan with thar suet blenkis.
Item he sais, he socht amang men quha suld be wys~, and fand
amang a thousand bot an~ wys~, bot amang vomen he fand
neuir an in al his lyf. Item he sais that god ordanit the man
to be wys~ and rychtwys~, bot he mellis hyme of his awn~e
wyll within sa mony diuers~ materis but end, at nan may
knaw bot god quhethire ill or gud. Item he sais, salamon~e sais
<P 188>
mony vys~ wordis in his bukis, bot quhay may knaw be his
wordis quhe+tir he was vys~ or nocht, For vysdome schawis
nocht in wordis bot in dedis? Item he sais, +t=e= wisdome of a
wysman schawis by his contenans, part and hawyngys of
body and wysage, and the maist mychtty schawis thare face
quhilum. Item he sais, he that is wys~ kepis the bidinge of god
and his Iurementis. Item he sais, thar suld na man hyd fra
+te face of god lang dueland in his Ill dedis. Item he sais, a
wisman may do quhat-euir he wyll and his wordis ar full of
prudens, and quha-sa dois biding felis na Ill eftire. Item he
sais that na man may rapref the werk of god na spere quhy
dois god thus in this. Item he sais, al thing has tyme, na It
is nocht in manis poware to knaw the tyme of +te passag of
his saul out of +t=e= body, na to hald in his spreit quhen
god will at It pas, na he sall haf na powere of It in the day
of his ded, na than tholis nocht the passion~s of ded hyme to
tak rest, na sal nocht than~ the mychttis of the wykit man sauf
his lyf na profyt hym~e. / Item he sais, gret lordis ar quhilum
hafand powar our mony pupile, & mar fore thar ill na for thar
gud, and thar dampnacion~e na saluacyon~e. / Item he says,
mony men ar in haly placis louit in al thare lyf as haly men
quhilk did gud deid in thar lyf, quhilk is bot vanite. / Item   #
he
sais that god Strikis his sentens sudanly vpon~e wykyt men. /
Item he sais that nocht-withstanding god of his hie gracious
paciens tholis synaris to ly in thare syne and takis na vengans
on~e +taim lang tym~e, +ghit quhen he strikis, he strikis his   #
straik
sudanly quhen he seis thai wyll nocht amend. / Item he sais
that the dreid of god is the begynynge of wysdom~e, and quha
dredis hyme nocht, may neuir be wys~. / Item he sais, It is
nocht spedfull till a wykyt man that wyll be condampnit,
that he leif lang lyfe, for the langar he leif, the mar synis   #
and
mar payne deseruice, and the schortar the les~. / Item he sais,
It is gret vanite that al thinge that cumis in this warld, to   #
pure
and to riche, to wysman & to full, al is kepit wncertane to the
end that na man wat quhe+tir he be worthy to Ioy or to payn~e
in the warld to cum. / Item he sais that a levand dog is bettir
na a ded lyon~e. / Item he sais that loue, hatterent, Inwy and
<P 189>
syk thingis endis al in this warlde. Item he sais, et and drink
and mak gud cheir, and hald thi person~e weill at pointe and    #
thi
vestementis clen and thi consciens qwhit, and lat nocht the
anoyntment fail+ge of thi hed and thi membrs, and leid thi lyf
with thaim that the louis for the day of the vnstedfast lyf. /
Item he sais that al men suld be besy to do sum gud in thar
lyf, for thar sal neuir gud deid wnreuardyt be in this lyf, na
Ill deid wnpwnist. Item he sais, as fisch ar tan with hukis
and foulis with lym~e-wandis, sa is synaris tane be-for thare
tym~e. Item he sais that oft-tyme has ben hard that a gret
Cete has ben~ segit with a gret prince, and +ghit a pwre man
has rasit the seg thar-of but harm~e, quhilk was don~e with
prudens and wysdome; quharfore he lovis that mare na gret
mycht of princis. Item he sais that now is louit mar the
mychty man na the wysman with al his wyt. Item he sais,
the word of rich men is bettir hard in scylens na the pwr
manis word in gret audiens criyt in the rew. / Item he sais,
bettir is fewe worthi men in batall na mony com~onis, fore
multitud na victour mais. Item he sais, It is gud to be lell
and kep condiscion~s, fore seldin cumys fals man till honour.
Item he sais, It is spedful till a man to do weill till         #
hym~e-self
quhill he is her, for quhen he gais, he tynis the Ioy of this
warld as the beis, deand, tynis the suetnes of the hwny. /
Item he sais, the visdom~e of the wisman is in his rycht had
and the foly of the ful in his kere hand, and the pert fulys
wenis that na man suld be maid of bot fulys with grete men.
Item he sais, I saw fulis set one segis of honore and wysmen
set on~e lawar segis, and wnworthy men rydand one hors~ as
lordis, and worthy men gangand one fut as pagis or seruandis,
quhilkis for wisdome war worthi to be princis peris. Item he
sais, mony man makis a slak in an~-vthir manis vay and fallis
fyrst tharin. / Item he sais, a bakbytar may be lyknit till an
eddyr that stangis men or thai may get knawleg of hym~e in
hyddyllis. / Item he sais that visdome is euir in the mouth of
vismen, ay ful of grace and gudnes, and the foly of the ful
garis hyme snapyr quhen he venis to stand, and euir his deid
and his word ar in foly and glakitnes and with vthir fulys,
<P 190>
and takis nocht tent quhat folowis eftir. / Item he sais that
mekil multiplicacion~e of wordis may nocht be but syne, and
thar is oft-tymis neid & mister. Item he sais, al the fulys
lawbor is bot tynt trawell, vanite and afflexion~e of spreit    #
but
profyt; na thai can nocht hald thar continans na gang in the
way cunandly. / Item he sais, va is It to +te land, of the      #
quhilk
the king is a barn~e, the quhilkis the princis ettis tymly, and
the realm~e is blessit that has a worthy kinge, and of the      #
quhilk
the princis ettis in dew tyme and erear for the restoring and
refexon~e of his natur na for lichory. Item he sais, men suld
loue the penny, for to the penny al thinge obeis. Item he sais,
thar suld na man ban his king, na murmwre hyme in thar
collacion~s, na consent to detraccion~e of hym~e, for the       #
fowlis of
the hevyn~e beris the woice to the hiest kinge, quhilk sal gif
the sentens thar-vpon~e. / Item he sais, deill thi met to the
trawelouris and pilgremys, for +tow sal finde the froyt thar-of
mony +gere eftirwart and sal slok mekile syn~e. Item he sais,
quhen the cloud slaikis, the rane our-strenklys the erde and
garis the corn~e grow in haboundans abwn~e +t=e= erde. Item
he sais, quha dreidis al vindis and considirys the clowdis,     #
sall
neuir weill saw his corn~e. Item he sais, It is hard to a man
to knaw how the banis of barnis ar chapin in thar mo+tiris
wambe, na quhen the saul pass~ out of the body; quhare It
gais. Item he sais, quha can gif a reson~e for al thingis that
god has maid in this erd, lytill and mekile? Item he sais, It
is a suet sycht and a plesand to se the son~e in the hevyne in  #
a
fair day, and thane suld a man have mynde in his lyfe one
the mirknes that is in the law parte, ande do sua her that he
serf nocht to cum thar. Item till a +gonge man he sais at thai
suld lere vysdome, and do ay gud quhill thai ar here, and think
at the gret Iug sal do Iustice off of al dedis that manis sone
dois here. Item he sais that all men suld flem~e Ire fra thaim,
fore It lattis the wyt to determ~e trewly betuex gud and Ill,
and loue weill paciens and clennes of lyf here. / Item, he
<P 191>
bidis +gonge men kep thaim Fra wnprofitabile delytis in thar
+gouthag, fore al that is bot Vanite and lycht, transitoure
blythnes, wnwalabile, and thinke at a day of punysing sal
cum quhen al sal be pwnyst. / Item he sais at the sone, the
mon~e and the sternis sal al twrn~e agan~ quhen the dreidful    #
day
sal cum, and thane sal al thinge apere. / Item he sais that     #
thar
sal cum a tyme at the vertuous of the hie hewyne sal mofe,
and thane sal the starkest +tat was before schawaris sall be
gryndaris of grauell, thate wont wes to schaw gud metis sal
be in cauernys and mernes, lukand out at het and stinkand
durris and the rewis, and syne sal all rys~ to-gyddir at the    #
vocis
of the angellis, and sal al the dochtiris of wykitnes al worth
deife, and al that trowis in thare enchantmentis; and than
sal al that flesche bare, dreid the Iugment, quhen al men
sal enter in this hous eternall. Item he sais, thane sal thar
be mekile greting and gowlynge, and than the powdir that
man was of twrn agan~ in the fyrst form~e, and the spreit of
man sal turn~ agan in the powdyr, and gange till hyme quhar
it has seruit, eftir the Iugment; quhilk is gret vanite and
afflixon~e of spreitis to think one that day, that sal be sa    #
dreidfull
that the angellis of the hewyn~e sal bittirly gret. Item
he sais, quhen was callyt wysest of the warld, maid in his
contemplacon~s mony parabolys full of wertew, that he had
soucht be his wyt & visdome that god had gevyne hyme, and
maid of thaim syndry bukis to tech o+tiris that suld cum
eftir his days. Item he sais, the wordis of wisdome quyknys
gud mennis wyttis, and opnis thiam to consaue vysdom~e and
the vndirstandinge of the caus~ quhy thai ar said; for the
parabolys ar nocht tan be the fyrst face, bot that suld be / be
the documentis of wys~ clerkis that knawis the subtill          #
ymaginacion~e
of the sayar, gevyne to thaim fra the fa+tir of hevyne.
Item he sais, It sal nocht neid to manis wyt to sek ma bukis
for wisdome, o+tiris than thai that he has maid, for +te        #
wysdome
of thaim was gevyn hym fra the hevyne fra almychtty gode.
Item he sais, quhen men sekis +tar wysdom~e in mony bukis,
<P 192>
It stoppis his wyt and sal neuir fynde ane ende, for the farar
he sek, the les~ he sal fynde at the ende. Item he sais,        #
ourmekile
thocht, study and besynes to our-seke bukis irkis manis
wyte. Item he sais, al wysmen suld tak tent to the ende of
this buk, that is to loue and serf god our al thing, and kep
his bydinge, and kep fra Ill and do gud quhill he is here, for
at the gret Iugment al Ill sal be pwnist and gud Reuardit,
And thar sal al thys warld temporall take end. (^etc.^)
[^LATIN OMITTED.^]



<B SEDUC0E>
<Q SC0 IS EDUC NOBLENES>
<N PORTEOUS NOBLENES>
<A X>
<C SC0>
<O DATE 1490>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D NSC>
<V PROSE>
<T EDUC TREAT>
<G TRANSL>
<F FRENCH>
<W WRITTEN>
<X X>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET ROYAL/PUBLIC>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z INSTR SEC>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^THE ASLOAN MS. A MISCELLANY IN PROSE AND VERSE, VOL. I:
THE PORTEOUS OF NOBLENES. ED. W.A. CRAIGIE.
SCOTTISH TEXT SOCIETY, SECOND SERIES, 14.
EDINBURGH AND LONDON 1923.
PP. 171.9-184.23^]

<P 171>
[}HEIR' FOLLOWIS +TE WERTUIS~ OF NOBILNES~
AND PORTRATOURIS +TAIROF & CALLIT +TE
PORTUUS~ AND MATYNNIS OF +TE SAMYN~}]

   I Nobilnes~ Lady of weile willing qwene of
wisdome and princes of hie doyng / To all 
+tam +tat has will and corage of worthines~
Pece and greting to +gow be +tir' presentis I make
knawin +tat to remove and draw out +te wikit
rutis of wrang and ewill deidis That welany
or carlichnes~ has wndertakin to ground & stable
in noble hert Euery man +tat will be maid parfyte / 
say and reid contynually his matynnis &
houris on~ +tis porteus~ / I may complene sorowe &
bevale mony men that in all thingis has counterfeit 
myne estait and setting werteu at nocht
has takin my name / levyng all gud deidis according
+tairto / Misfassonit & degradit +taim self / Inclinand 
<P 172>
+tair hertis to vicious~ and ewill sayng And
ewill doyng Bot neuer+teles~ quha +tat will haf
forgifnes~ and Remit of all his trespass~ / Saye
dayly his matynnis and houris on~ +tis portuos~ 
Quha +tat Is of ane noble & gud man +te
aire and successoure / suld nocht haue +te proffet
of his landis and gudis without +te perseute and
folloving of werteu & gud deidis . ffor gif he
be nocht aire and successour to his wertuis~ and worschipe
+te gudis of ane nother' man ar vnperfytly in
him / and sa he has forfalt and tynt all loving &
honour quhen him self Is +te myrrour & example of velany
Neuer+teles~ quha +tat Is accusable of +tire
misdeidis and dampnable vycis say daly +tar' houris
and matinnis on~ +tis portuos~ . O noble man for
to wnderstand how nobillis ar maid perfyte Thar'
Is xij wertuis~ behuffull and +tat schawis werray
nobilite / herfore he +tat will be ane werray noble
stable & rute in his hert Thir' xij wertuis~ and
excers~ +taim daly sayng his matinnis and houris on~ +tis
porteus~ as followis &

[}THE FIRST WERTEU REGAND IN
ANE NOBLE MAN / IS / FAITH}]

   allmychti god quhom of cummis all nobilnes~
and quhom of al perfectioun discendis / has
maid all thing of nocht Nurisis and sustenis
all thingis be the hienes~ of his worthy & euerlesting
<P 173>
provisioun~ / Bot for to hald and stable +tis warld
in concord and vnite he has ordanit euery thing
in his proper office Sum till haf lordschipe and
otheris to lif in subiectioun~ / and seruis~ for to
kepe faith~ and lyf in to Iustice / and quhay +tat of
god has gret test & mast hie honour be haboundance 
of lordschipe or riches~ Is mast behaldin
and to him mast properlie It pertenis / To haf in him
werray hartlie luf / dreid / honour / gud devocioun~/
and schame to do ewill wyce / or velany in word
or deid / and for to kepe werray faith~ & lif in Iustice
He Is werray noble and for ane noble schewes gouernis 
and manteinis him with~out fen+geing / +tat
haldis him and levis obedient to god / dois to euery
man richt without malice wrange or Iniure and
quhay +tat v+ter ways seikis nobilnes~ dois wrang to
god and preiudice schame & reprefe to his blude
For god has made & ordanit +te condicioun~ and
nature of nobilnes~ for to kepe faith~ and lif into 
Iustice O noble man pure riche & all estait
deis and tornis to corrupcoun~ / filth~ and
meit of wormes / nobilis / common~is / and euery man
aw till god seruice & obediens / Bot +git nobilis
are exaltit and has prerogatifis for to kepe faith~
and lif in to Iustice & 

[}THE SECUNDE WERTEU HEIRE FOLLOWANDE
IS LAWTE OR TREUTH~ &}]
<P 174>
   for' treuth~ and lawte noblis~ war' first ordanit
and stablit till haue lordschipe
abone +te commoun~ peple and +tairfor' to +taim
was gevin hie honour / manrent / and s~eruice of
+tar' subiectis / Thai ar' nocht sa hie set nor ordanit
for to reif or tak be force In ony way bot +tai ar'
haldin in werray richt and resoun~ for to serf +tair
king and defend there subiectis and +te maire
+tat +tai be rewardit with honour and +te mair' dignite
+tat +tai cum to Thai suld be +te bettir condicionit
and do & manteine all ther' thingis
+te mair' avisitly in resoun~ Thar' hartis suld be
sekere and stable Thar' sayng and promys~ fermely
haldin and kepit Thai suld do na wrang no+ter
to gret nor les~ +tan +tam self for +tai suld without
warians or dreid of ony man serue +tair king &
defend +tar' subiectis and gif +tai wary & be
disordanit +tat +tar' subiectis ar' nocht defendit be +taim
or +tair king be habandonit with +taim for ony estait
+tat he has haldin on~ +taim or other' wayis / I saye
+tai ar becummyn mair' carlis and of mair' vyle
condicioun~ than be dronkart or ruffien~ +tat sellis
his land to lif in harlottry O noble man in
nobilnes~ +te richtis of lawte and treuth~ ar' contenit 
and in speciale to kepe fermely in hert thir' twa
poyntis to serve +tair king and defend +tair subiectis

[}THE THRID WERTEU IN ANE NOBLE 
IS HONOURE &}]
<P 175>
   Hhie honour' Is the tressour' of nobilnes~
his preve ritches~ and It +tat ane noble
hart suld desyre his werray kepar' and
saif conduct in all aduersiteis his comfort plesour'
and blyth~nes~ and +te werray myrrour quharin
he suld addres~ all his werkis / ffor thar' Is na
thing +tat may truble ane gud and waliant hert
+tat lufis honour / nor he shall neuer haue schame
ffor It Is +te gud +tat passis all v+ter ritches~ and
gudis. He +tat has na honour his hienes~ be he neuir
so gret hastely fallis his loving perisis and
gud name levis him / wrang garris his powere
slyde and gentilnes~ tynis his name in him for
schame welany and vncunnyng makis ane gentle
hart to deforme and change It self Thar' Is na
thing may sa fer' degraide a gud hart as to Refren+ge
honour dowtand in werteu sen~ honour Is +te gud
passing all v+ter ritches~ and gudis Quhar' honour Is
all wrangis and vnrichtis cessis / It Is +te werray way
and gyde to worthynes~ / honour Is +te ledere of gud
men to hie estait puttyng in him dantit blyth~nes~
Curtassy fair' speking treuth~ & worthynes~ / It ware
fer' better' & mair' loveable ony man to suffre without
dreid +te terrible pane of martirdome or covatis~
suld ourcum his hie honour ffor It Is +te gudis and
ritches~ +tat pass~ all v+ter gudis O noble man
hald with +te and kepe as gretest tresour Nobill
men / for nobilnes~ Is +te gud +tat passis all v+ter gud
and ritches~ &
<P 176>
[}THE WERTEU OF RESSOUN~ QUHILK IS +TE
FERDE WERTEU PERTENAND TO A NOBILL}]

   rEsoun~ / equite / and mesour' / lawte / and
richtuisnes~ makis mychti men to lest
And honeste and nurtour be werray kynde
and natur' makis ane gud hart to be mesurit
and fle ewill deidis or reprevable sayng or sweryng
and to kepe in his ritchit hert to euery man
his werray richt / Herfor' euery noble creatur' suld
eschew to do wrang scaith~ or iniure in his furth~beryng
sen~ +te charge of euery leving suld be mesurit
with richt It Is fer' better' till ony man to haf
his hert brynt with tholyng +tan kendillit with 
taking or reif ffor at +te last god +tat Is mast rychttuis
sall gif to euery man his werray richt ane
noble man of nature gif he dois or procuris to
his blude deformite or schame enarmand in
ane fals~ mirk or wrangwis~ querele for to haue
singuler' avale or profett he Is as +te mansworn~
aith~ dampnit and foriugit be Iustice +tat gevis
to euery man his werray richt O noble man lat
ws nocht mak ws to be murmurit nor be mony tungis
commonit be eschewand +te scharpe dreid of goddis
Iustice lat ws gif to euery man his werray richt

[}THE FYFTH WERTEU IS WORTH~YNES~}]

   worthines~ makis noble men to knaw +tat has
hart and corage to serf wndere hir' banere That
+tar may na man be hir' haue pryce loving renovne
or be resauit in hire large court with~out +tat he haue in
him fer' mair' gud deid +tan manere or countenance
<P 177>
therof And to haue at +te poynt of his doyng with~out
purches~ of Iust party gud gyding hardynes~
seker' purpos~ and stablit corage / with diligence secretnes~
and litill langage and in +te stoure to
dreid nathing bot god bot erar' to chese as for awantage
honest ded +tan to lif with schame Gud renovn~
Is to worthines~ tressoure ritches~ and thing in +te warld
scho haldis mast deire nor +tair sall neuer man do
wele his det / That in armes first seikis proffit
pray or gudis ffore covatis~ Is allway accustomit to
luf honour frawartly and for hir' lufyng attanys
to brek & distroye +te ordour' of gud corage / honour
allway levis him +tat Intendis to pillage and for proffet
+tat tynis him self and all his laubour. Herfore 
euidentlye It apperis +tat gredy hert followis gret
scaith~ and +tat better Is honest deid +tan to lif in
schame This lady worthines~ will resaif na s~eruice 
nor faith~ of +tam +tat be lang tyme travalis
Bot for wynnyng of gudis Bot gif +tow will
knaw hir' seruandis Thai haue nother' hasty hed
nor hand That Is +tat +tai ar' nocht outtrageous~
to answer' in cruell langage nor to tak vengeance
be strenth~. worthines~ allway Is sweit and
gentill to noble & liberall men And scho Is fers~
and felloun~ to outtragious~ cruell men and to
semple men scho makis na let truble nor stopping
I say +tat +tai persewe +tis lady worthines~ richt
swerlye and with~ gret schame and takis armys
in ane symple wassalege That takis & revis 
+te gudis and substance of pure commonis and lauboraris 
and fleis +te scharpe assaltis & danger' of +tar' 
<P 178>
Enemys~ and sa sic men suld ches~ for awantage / erare
honest deid +tan to lif in schame O noble man
+tai +tat liffis outtragiouslie deis perforce be cruell and
outtragious~ deid as ressoun~ will and god him self 
beris witnes~ herfor euery man of hie birth~ and gud
corage suld better luf and soner' cheis~ honest dede 
+tan to lif in schame &

[}THE SEXT WERTEU IN A NOBLE IS LUF &}]

   gud luf with~out bitternes~ Is a thing worthy
plesand comfortand and delitable for gud
luf may nocht faile stanche nor slokin in +te noble
blude of a man Seker' and stable / luf Is +te fredome
larges~ and haboundance of ane hie honerable
hart It Is +te bounte +tat nurisis & makis +te self faire
and plesand and +tat conquessis ane no+ter hert for
his hatrent and Inwy beris +te fyre +tat distroyis +te self
herfor he +tat has nocht luf & frende has nathing
All noble man suld wele clame & challance +tis
lady luf and conques~ & get frendis be swet seruice
his king his landis and his frendis he suld luf and
at mistere releif help and succour +tam Bot quhen
+te hert Is nocht secure and faith~full It Is bot fen+geing
full of ewill craft That discoueris and schewis his
dissait and fraude our' late and +tan he reportis +tairof
nother' to him self nor till v+teris gud honour nor proffit
for ane man hatit liffis allway in gret repref Herfor'
quha +tat has nocht luf & frende he has nathing
Ane noble may wele call him catif & his estate Is
catif and dampnable +tat in his doyngis noyis &
and grevis and makis him self to be defamit & lufis
na thing bot for luf of proffet In fortoune +tai turn~
<P 179>
to +tam the scharpe poynt / for +te fox oftymes for all his
wylis be trumpary and for litill thing Is dissauit Luf
cummis allway to him +tat lufis hir' wele and a man
hatit liffis in gret repref schame and vnprovit / He
herfor +tat has nocht luf and frend has na thing O
noble man be luf we ar' adunit to god and be
luf and frendschipe in erd all thing Is conseruit
Tharfor he +tat has nocht luf & frende has na thing

[}THE SEVYNT WERTEU IN ANE NOBLE IS CURTASY}]

   qwhay +tat will assay nobilnes~ quharto na vyle
nor vicious~ man may cum / he suld seike and
fynd +tat lady quhar' curtasy remanis quhilk ourcummis
all hire enemys be hir' gracious~ swetnes~ Scho Is
nocht Inwyous~ felloun~ nor prydefull / bot sobir' meike
Ioyus~ and plesand allwayis in word & deid Be +te
deid allway Is previt +te thing +tat Is closit in +te hert
The lyf makis +te carle to be reprevit +tat makis him
gentill for nobl~enes~ defaidis allway in +taim +tat has
ane vicious~ schamfull & foule lyf ane outtragious~
tung ane Invious~ hert and perillous hand garris all
men be hatit and in curtas~ men makis wele +tam
self and +tar' gudis be mony ways to be provyne In
+tam may nocht be couerit nor remane wikitnes~ evill
nor welany Thai haue neuer fen+geit countenance nor
dangerous~ manere bot allway lufand and gracious~ 
chere teching all men to na man dangerus~ Bot
allway rewlit mesurit and gydit in word & deid
O noble man ane hed our hasty rigour dispyte & riatus
tung / makis allway stryf / discord and ganestanding
in word and deid

[}THE VIIJ WERTEU IS DELIGENCE &}]
<P 180>
   sEn +tat werteu makis It self perfyte be
pane & travale The saull be travale Is +te
better and +te lyf mare hale The man be trawell cummis
wys~ / sekere and expert and ydilnes~ Is fule
nyce carlich~ vnprovidit nocht rekand and vnsekire
That neuer des~eruice loving pryce nor grace ane
man may wele Iuge +tat nobilnes~ tynis hire in ane
swere and dolf hert +tat travalis for na thing
ffor he livis as at nocht +tat persewis nocht deligens
quhilk waikis all wertuis~ deligence Is nychtboure
till nobl~enes~ / for scho It Is +tat gydis reulis & conducis
all his werkis and doyngis quharof nobilnes~ apperis
It Is folie and vanite to ony man of noble &
hie blude to trast or hald him self noble without +tat
he appere and schewe him noble be his wertuis~ dedis
ffor he +tat in all his deidis lufis negligence
delitand in Idilnes~ his name fallis his wertuis~
tynis and he Is liffand as ane deid man for It
Is na rek nor compt of his lyf +tat sawis nocht
deligence quhilk awalkynnis all v+ter wertuis~ Quhat
avalis or quhat Is ane man worth~ +tat musis &
lyis in slogardy +tat will haue ane soft bed ane
full wame remanynge at eis~ and pece +te tyme 
day be day and wolke be wolke and rekis nocht
nor takis na compt how all thing pas~ quhat
be wonnyng or quhat be tynt and will haue
men befor him bairhed kneland & sayng +tat he
Is ane noble quhilk Is gret merwell quhar' his
awne deidis schawis +te contrare Bot quha +tat
Is ane noble he leris quharof servis~ deligence
+tat awalkinnis all v+ter wertuis~ O noble man
<P 181>
The wyne graip rottis and deis gif It ly at +te erd
vnder' +te leif +te mischeif & fall awys~ & consulis
a man / and deligence +tat awalkis all wertuis~ In
travale makis of ane rude & vnnurist man ane
man cuning perte & weile manerit

[}THE IX WERTEU IN ANE NOBLE MAN IN CLENLYNES~}]

   the hert set in nobilnes~ and desyrand hie honour'
suld dispyse all filth~ and vnhonestye
for he disprysis his nobl~enes~ +tat takis kepe and
tent till v+ter mennis gyding and kepis nocht him
self clene / he +tan suld no+ter say nor do thing +tat
war' to discommend nor +tat micht empaire or scaith~
ane no+tire man / Nor +tat mycht menys~ his awne lose
and honour gif he avisit thocht & lukit weile to him self
+tat takis tent and kepe till all v+ter men / foule spekyng
and mekle missayng or flyting or ane vnhonest
devyse to +te man +tat Is sene and behaldyn~ be mony
men For honeste Is requyrit to kepe in saif garde +taim
+tat takis compt and kepe of othere mennis gyding
O noble man be clenlynes~ of persoun~ plesand and
fair' having +tai kepe +taim fra filth~ +tat takis kepe
to all other' men &

[}THE TENT WERTEU IN ANE NOBLE MAN IN LARGES~}]

   Larges~ in all caise Is sa curtase and awenand
+tat It plesis to It self and proffettis all v+teris
for It Is +te rent of honour quharof +te ane wynnis proffet
and +te othere merit / It proffettis +te takere and delytis
+te gevare and amendis and settis +taim baith~ in richt Thar'
Is nathing tynt +tat larges~ dispendis for he dispendis
<P 182>
all his gudis be wisdome and to larges~ allway
gudis cummis and aboundis / bot +te prothocall man
spendand without mesour and provisioun~ waistis and
distroys larges~ +tan +tat proffettis & eikis him self &
plesis and contentis all v+teris Is +te techere of all
wertuis~ in +tis warld The reward takin oblissis +te
takere and acquytis +te giffare of his bounte / Thing
+tairfor gevin Is better +tan all +te laif of gudis hid         #
reportis
bot litill thank Ioy or plesour and auarice Is warijt
and haldin abhominable be samekle +tat scho closis hire
hand & giffis to na man and It cummis ofttymis to +te
auaricius / +tat ane no+ter spendis & puttis to +te wynd +te
gudis +tat he gadderit with gret truble & pane and gif
+tair cummis to him wexacoun~ were or trubble +tair Is na man
+tat comptis or settis +tairby suppos~ It confound him / bot
larges~ gettis all tyme frendis & helpe +tat Is +te techere of
all wertu In +tis warld herfore ane fre liberale hert quharein
nobl~nes~ Inhabitis suld nocht be scars~ & haldand bot
blyth~are & mare Iocund to gif +tan to tak / ffor larges~       #
relevis
& succouris a man and scarsnes~ Interdytis nobilite / gud
dedis Is sic / +tat god will +tat It be rewardit / herefor be
larges~ +te gud departis cummis again Gud deid tynis neuer
It self in na tyme bot samekle as It dois redoundis again to
his mastere for larges~ beris +te standart vpon~ all rentis     #
+tat
Is +te techere of all wertuis~ in +tis warld O noble man +te
Riche man +tat lattis honour for expens~ / gudis fal+geis him &
all schift in him confoundis be larges~ +te hertis of men ar    #
sene
and vnderstand +tat Is +te techer' of all vertuis in +tis warld

[}THE XJ WERTEU IN A NOBLE MAN IS SOBERNES~}]

   qwhen gud desyre Intendis to ascend & cum to
hicht puttis +te thocht to cum to honour +tan suld ane
man hald & reull him sobirly & eschew distemperance
<P 183>
of wyne and heit +tat torned gud awys~ in foly / grevis         #
strenth~
dois wrang & hurtis +te nature trublis pece / movis discord
& levis all thing vnperfyte Bot quha +tat will draw sobirnes~
to him sche Is helplie of litill applesit helpe of +te wittis   #
wach~
to +te hele kepare of +te body and contynewale lynther' of +te
lyf / ffor to exces~ +tair may neuer cum gud nor proffit nor
body nor lyf Is neuer +te better / and sa It tynis all manere
continens / voce / aynd / lichtnes~ & colour / a glutone allway
has sum seknes~ or sorowe he Is hevy fat & foull / his lyf
schortis & his deid approchis Thar' Is na man +tat bevalis or
menys a man gif he drawis him nocht to sobirnes / ffor          #
sobirnes~
Is scho +tat all man plesis / helpe of +te wittis wach~e of the
hele / kepere of +te body & lynthere of +te lyf and he +tat can
nocht reule his mouth~ +tat Is vschere to +te hert how suld he
cum to knawlege to haue gyding of gret thingis / Glutony
allway levis hie honour & grathis allanerlye ded to him
self ane full wame is neuer at eis~ bot slepand for v+ter       #
thingis
he neuer thinkis dois nor dremes bot sobirnes~ giffis all
thingis in sufficience and to all thing +tat werteu Is for sche
Is help of +te wittis wach~ to +te hele kepare of +te body &
lynther' of +te lyf &

[}THE XIJ WERTEU IN ANE NOBL~E / IS PERSEUERANCE}]

   o Excellent hie / and godlie werteu mychti qwene &
lady perseuerance That makis perfyte fulfillis & endis
all thingis / for quha +tat kepis +ti faith~full & trew         #
teching /
fyndis with~out stope The way of loving / pece / & sufficence
Thow ourcummis all thing be +ti sekere constance +tat tyris
neuer to suffere Thou ourcummis wanhap +tat passis fortoun~ /
& in all placis scho giffis to +te victory / +tan be reson~ you
gettis +te crovne quhen all wertuis~ giffis to +te ourhand and  #
be
+ti gyding cummis to hie loving Thai suld wele adoure +te as
lady mastres~ & patron~ sen~ +te end makis all thing to be      #
lovit
Thow art scho +tat examynis all hartis and as +te gold chesis
out +te fynit hartis in treuth~ & lawte be +ti hvmill           #
sufferans
and quha +tat to +te assuris & deliueris him self +tow rasis    #
him
quhen he Is to fall and giffis him sustenance & com[{fort{]
<P 184>
bot +te feble hert cassyn~ in wariance spillis & tynis in
schort space all +tat It dois Inwy brekis sic folkis +tai
want werteu in defalt of faith~ tyris +tam and honour
habandonis tham +tai ar' pvnist / Lady god thank
+te for gud men has gud +tat to gud attendis
and all nobillis +tat seikis to hie worschip gif +tai
be wys~ and will awowe to serf +te / Sen~ +te end makis
all werkis to be lovit he dois na thing +tat begynnis &
endis nocht And +tat in his werkis Inclinis him to warians
Quhen +te wark Is hie worthy and loveable gif +te vndertaking
turn~ nocht to perfyte end his laubour passis as at
nocht and remanis out of Rememberans and +tat Is attoure
mesour repref & schame ffor thare a man tynis his name &
his sciens and his gudis Incontinent ar tynt & gais to nocht
Bot quha +tat with richt ordanis & avysis his doyngis and
to a perfyte end in treuth~ & lawte perfurnisis +taim his
gudis than makis +taim to be amendit & ekit and +tai +tat       #
Incontinent
& hasty +geldis +taim to fortoun~ that Is to aduersite
may furth~with disawow nobilnes~ sen~ +te end in all thingis
makis +te werk to be louit O noble man +tai ar' nobillis +tat
dispendis +tair body & gudis in treuth~ & lawte & defendis
+tar lord nocht lowsand +te richt knot of +tair faith~ sen~ +te
end makis all warkis to be louit &



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<Q SC0 IR EDUC IRLAND>
<N IRLAND MEROURE>
<A IRLAND JOHN>
<C SC0>
<O DATE 1490>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T EDUC TREAT>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y 40-60>
<H HIGH PROF>
<U NET ROYAL/PUBLIC>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z INSTR REL>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^DE IRLANDIA, JOHANNES.
THE MEROURE OF WYSSDOME, VOL. I. 
ED. CHARLES MACPHERSON.
SCOTTISH TEXT SOCIETY, SECOND SERIES, 19.
EDINBURGH AND LONDON 1926.
SAMPLE 1: PP. 5.1-16.28
SAMPLE 2: PP. 90.1-93.37
SAMPLE 3: PP. 118.1-125.36^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 5>
[} [\ (\EXORDIUM.\) \] }]

   Richt Hie and mychty prince and 
Souuerane lorde, as writtis the gret and devin philosophoure
plato: (\Tunc beate sunt res publice, cum sapientes regunt aut
reges sapiunt & omne suum studium jn sapientia atque virtute
collocant\) . This wis~ philosophoure sais that the realme and  #
pepill
are gouernit jn gret wertu and felicite, quhen the kingis,      #
princis,
and gouernouris are reulit be wis~dome, and jn the gouernyng of
+tar pepill wsis the counsale of wertuis and wise men. And      #
conformand 
to +tis sais the wyse man: (\Multitudo sapientum salus est
orbis terrarum et rex sapiens salus populi\) . And of this js   #
na
marwell, for god that is omnipotent, +tocht he be of jnfynit    #
powere
to gouerne the waurld, the hevin, the Erd, the angellis, the    #
men
and all creature and to his powere may nocht Ere in regimen     #
and 
gubernacioune, Neuirtheles~ to gif kingis, lordis, and princis
exempill hou +tai suld reule and gouerne +tar pepill committit  #
to
+tame, his hie maieste gouernis nocht be strenthe ore force,    #
bot
with his powere rewlit be wis~dome, clemens, wertu, and         #
beneuolence. 
And +tus reulis and gouernis he the waurld and his 
creaturis jn his diuinite. And richtsua, eftir the tyme of      #
grace
and his haly and blist jncarnacioune, quhen jt plesit his hie
maieste of his mercy and grace to discend jn the virginale hall
<P 6>
and chaumere of the virgin glorius for oure redempcioune, he    #
has 
gouernit his kyrk and pepil be wertu and sapiens, meknes and    #
all
maner of sueitnes~ and benignite, & sessit all manere of        #
rigoure
vsit of before, as in his gret furore and punicioune jn the     #
tyme of
noy, quhen be wattir all mankind war neire consumyt outane 
aucht persounis, And in the perdicioune of the fif citeis, of   #
the 
quhilk was sodome and gomore. Bot eftir at he was cled with
oure nature and tuk humanite of the meik and humyll lady and
virgin, his rigor of justice he has mixt with meknes~ and       #
mercy,
gevand doctrine and exampill to princis, emperouris, kingis     #
and 
gouernouris of his cristin pepil how and one quhat maner +tai 
suld gouerne +tame and the pepil committit to +tame. And of     #
this
regne of humilite jn his humanite spekis the prophet dauid,     #
king 
of jsrael, in +te secund psalme: (\Ego autem constitutus sum    #
rex ab
eo super syon, montem sanctum eius, predicans preceptum eius\)  #
 . And
eftir +tat +te fader of hevin said to his blist sone jhesus:    #
+Tou art
my blist sone, regnande with me jn glore eternall - (\dominus   #
dixit
ad me: Filius meus es tu et ego hodie genui te, hoc est,        #
eternaliter
genui te\) - he promittit to his blist sone jhesu in his        #
humanite,
+tat +te power that he had befor in his deite apone the pepill  #
he
suld gif him in oure nature and humanite, to deliuer the        #
pepill 
throu his gret merit fra the band of sathanas and dampnacioune 
eternall, and bring +tame +tat are werray cristin pepill and    #
folowis
his haly name to +te hevinly heretag abuf and to glore          #
eternall:
(\Postula a me et dabo tibi gentes hereditatem tuam &           #
possessionem
tuam terminos terre\) . 'For +tou sall gouerne my pepill,'      #
sais the
fader of hevin to his sone jhesu in humanite, 'be ressonabill   #
and
jncorruptibile justice eternaly +tat na way +tai may resist to  #
+ti
powere and dominacioune'; +tat js: (\Reges eos in virga ferrea  #
et
tanquam vas figuli confringes eos\) . And sene the blist sone   #
of 
god, jhesus, has the gouernaunce aboue lordis, princis, kingis,
and emperouris, baith in his deite and his humanite glorius,    #
for
daniell the prophet sais in +te vij chepture: (\Aspiciebam in   #
visione
noctis, et ecce in nubibus celi quasi filius hominis veniebat   #
et usque
ad antiquum dierum peruenit; et dedit ei potestatem & honorem &
regnum, & sequitur Potestas eius potestas eterna, que non       #
auferetur
<P 7>
et regnum quod non corrumpetur\) . And sanct johne sais in the 
apocalips he saw writtin (\in femore eius\) , +tat is, jn his   #
humanite:
(\Rex regnum et dominus dominancium\) . And he is king aboue    #
all
kingis and lord our all lordis. And sene thi hienes~ has +te 
gouernaunce of this pepill and regimen vndir +tis gud lord,     #
rycht
necessare and conuenient ware, at +ti excellent maieste and the
nobilis of thi realme knew the will and ordinaunce of the       #
hevinly
king jhesu, +tat js +gour souuerane, for the honour and         #
obeysaunce
of him. And +tarfor commandis and chargis +te prophet that all
kingis and princis lere, apprehend, and knaw +te haly law and   #
will
of +tar Souuerane lord jhesu: (\Et nunc reges intelligite       #
erudicionem
quj judicatis terram\) . All kingis and princis suld knaw +tat  #
+te
powere js nocht gevin to +tame to gouerne +te cristin pepil     #
eftir
+tar will and plesaunce, [bot eftir law & resson conformand to
+te law of jhesu & to his wil & plesaunce,] [\THE WORDS IN      #
SQUARE BRACKETS IN MARGIN\] and +tat +tai are nocht
supreme in regiment and gouernyng, bot has a juge Souuerane
aboue +tame, +te sone of god jhesus, +tat seis clerelie all     #
thare
thocht, wourd, werk and deid, +tat jugis be werray justice and
equite, +tat +tai of all and sindry +tar thocht wourd and deid
& gouernaunce mon ansuere to. And +tarfor sais +te prophet,
spekand to princis and kingis: (\Apprehendite disciplinam neque
jrascatur dominus et pareatis de via iusta. Cum exarserit in
breui jra eius, &c\) . Souuerane lord, the haly prophet         #
jnducis +ti
hienes~ and vthire lordis and princis to submyt +gou humylly to
jhesu and lere his law and the way of wertu, +tat eftir his     #
will and
plesaunce +ge gouerne +gou and his pepil. For and +ge be        #
neclegent,
nocht knawand his will nore his law and doctrine, he crabbis    #
and
commovis him agane +gou for +te euill gouernaunce of +goure     #
self
and his pepil, and suddanly he sall schaw +gou his crabitnes~   #
and
gret powere in +goure punicioune and jn his rigorus~ jugement.
Bot princis and lordis +tat studiis and lauboris to knaw his    #
will
and plesaunce, to lere his haly law pertenand to +tame and his
pepil, puttand +tar will, +tar plesaunce, +tar hope and         #
confidence
jn him, sall regne in this Erd with honour, and finaly for      #
+tar merit
sall cum to his haly mansioune and glore eternall - (\psalmus:
Beati omnes quj confidunt in eo\) . And, Souuerane lord, sene   #
+te
<P 8>
schynand glore and brichtnes~ of +te fadere of hevin and his 
werray substance jhesus - as sais sanct paule: (\Splendor       #
glorie et
figura substancie eius\) - has ordand kingis and princis to     #
knaw his
law and wyrk +tar eftir, obeyand to him, j raqueire +ti         #
hienes~ +tat in
+ti mynd +tou honour and dreid him, puttand all laubour and
deligence to his empleseire & seruice, and to +te regimen and
gouernyng of his pepil +tat lifis undir +ti power and           #
autorite. And
becaus~ +tis deductioune procedis of haly writ, perchaunce      #
lawde
pepil comprehendis nocht the profound verite +tarof as dois
clerkis. Tharfor in +te chepture folowand j sall schaw be       #
vthire
wayis, quhat honour and proffit js to a king ore prince to wak  #
and
geve his lauboure and study to wis~dome, sene jt is all the     #
steire
of his gouernaunce and of his realme, (\quia sapiencie obediunt
vniuersa\) . 
<P 9>
[} [\ARGUMENT AND DEDICATION.\] }]

   (\In Principio Veteris Rethorice scribit tulius orator       #
omnium 
preclarissimus,
sapientiam cum eloquencia ciuibus atque rei publice
prodesse plurimum.\) Tulius +te gret orature of rome, in +te    #
begynnyng 
of his rethoric, writis +tat Eloquens without wis~dome js richt
dangerus jn realmez and gret citeis, principaly in +te          #
gouernaunce
of +tame, bot wis~dome without Eloquens js proffitabile. And 
quhen wis~dome with eloquens are myngit & assemblit togiddir,
jt is richt proffitabile to +te gouernouris of +te haill pepil  #
of the 
realme. And, as +te haly scripture & auld storiis and           #
cornikilis
witnessis, +tat has bene verifiit sene the fyrst creacioune and
begynnyng of +te waurld, +tat euir gret powere, regne, and      #
gubernacioune
has coniunclie folowit wis~dome jn all pepile, realme, and
nacioune. For als~ lang as wis~dome in +te orient had place and
reule, +tar was gret powere and dominacioune (\Et domus         #
jmperij\) .
And +tarfor, fro the tyme of darius +tat first tuk +te realme,  #
+tar
rang in hie powere apone +te asserianis xvii kingis quhil +te   #
tyme 
of sardanapaulus, +tat was gevin to fleschly plesaunce (\adeo   #
quod
fuit effeminatus\) . And jn his tyme was translatit +tat        #
nobile realme
and hie empyre, fra tyme +tat wis~dome fal+geit jn the prince   #
+tat 
was alhaly gevin to fleschly lust and plesaunce, & eftir this   #
stud
the realme and empyre (\apud persas et medos\) , and al the     #
tyme +tat
wis~dome remanit amang +tame. And quhen wys~dome begouthe
in grece, as jn the tyme of tebez, jasone and hercules, +tan    #
begouth 
+tar nobile cheualry and worthines~, as in the lauboure of
colcos~ and +te first subuersioune of troye. And quhen wis~dome
grew mare, as jn +te tyme of Nestor, agamenone, diomeid, vlixes
and achilles, +tan was +tar gret worthines~ of cheualry and     #
deidis
<P 10>
of armes, & in +te partis of asie, as troye, frigie and vthire  #
partes, 
and +tan +te nobilite of +tat pepile and of grece, for +te      #
wictory jn
honour and worthines~, jn cheualry & nobile deidis of armez,
had gret contencioune togiddir. Quhare in +te gret nobilite of 
troy, as pryame, hector, deiphobus, paris, troylus, and mony
vthire wal+geand king and duc and knycht, in gret wertu and
honour for +tar cuntre & defence passit fra +tis mortall and
wrechit lif, and had done sone eftir and nocht jn sic honour,
and +tai had nocht defendit +tar nobile cuntre and cite. For    #
+tis
sentens was ferme jn +tare mynd: (\Omnibus quj patriam          #
auxerint,
defenderint, aut pro ea laborauerint, certus est apud Superos   #
in celis
defunctus locus, apud quem beati uno fruuntur eterno\) . And    #
the
victorie, glorie and honour fell to +te grekis for +tar gret    #
wis~dome
and nobilnes~. And eftir +tis, quhen mare and gretare was +tar
wis~dome, (\qum late dominabantur Athenienses & lacedemonie et
scripserunt leges\) , And quhen +te nobile philosophouris rang  #
in 
grece, as solone, socrates, plato, diogenes, aristotiles,       #
achines,
ysocrates, demostenes, as in the tyme of king phillip and
alexander, +tan grece beggan to aspyre to +te hie empyre and
monarche, and alexander throu his worthines~ and wys~ counsale 
of arestotil come to jt. And +tan begouthe and sone eftir
rais~ to hie powere, The gret dominacioune and empyre of        #
cartage,
throu +te gret wis~dome of +tar gouernouris to +te tyme of      #
bomulcare,
hastruball, and hanyball, +tat put jt anis to gret price and
honour. Bot as wis~dome succedit to diuers~ naciounis and 
pepil, sa dois the nobilite of cheualry and +te empyre. And 
quhen +te nobile and wis~ counsall of rome, +te senate, tuk     #
the 
gouernaunce of +te cite and land, be +tar wis~ counsall +tai    #
extendit
fyrst +tar regime and empyre oure all the landis of ytaly and   #
+te 
jlis, as cecill, sardyn, corsik, and eftirwart, be wis~         #
gouernaunce
and reule, oure spane, affric, fraunce, almane, gret bertane,   #
egipt
and the maist part of the orient: (\qum apud romanos fuerunt
viri sapientissimj vt fabij, catones, scipiones, cesares\) .    #
And +tar
wis~dome was sa gret with +tare nobile cheualry +tat +tai put 
amaist all +te Erd vndir +tar law, powere and gouernaunce, sa   #
+tat
at the glorius byrth of jhesu, +te euuangell beris witnes~      #
+tat +tai
<P 11>
had full dominacioune jn +te realme of jsraell, and in his      #
passioune
(\Exiit edictum ab augusto cesare ut discriberetur vniuersus    #
orbis\) .
And jhesus tholit passioune undir the romanis, that +tat tyme 
gouernit jerusalem, for (^poncius pilatus^) was juge. And +tis  #
js nocht 
anerly verite and treuthe of comuniteis and pepil +tat has had
reule jn +te waurld be +tar wis~dome bot alsua jt js trew of    #
princis
kingis and emperouris, (\quia sapiencia dicit: Per me reges     #
regnant
et legum conditores justa decernunt\) . We se and redis +tat    #
all 
nobile and worthi kingis and emperouris has had +tar regime
throw +tar awine wis~dome ore ellis be wis~ counsale, as dauid  #
and
salamone his sone jn +te realme of jsrael be +te hevinly        #
wis~dome
+tat god send +tame, for +tai ware wisest of all the pepil,     #
And worthi
to gouerne. And pharo gouernit jn +te realme of Egipt jn +te 
tyme of sterelite be +te wis~ counsale of joseph. The gret king
nabugodonosare reulit mekile be +te counsale of wis~ daniell,   #
& 
assuerus, be +te counsale of faire and wis~ hester, his lady    #
and
quene, and hire cusing mardocheus, gouernit his pepill jn       #
wertu.
And alexander throu the counsall of aristotiles optenit         #
triumphe
& +te monarche oure mony diuers~ pepile & nacioune; the nobile 
traiane, Emperoure of rome, full of justice, +tat sanct         #
gregore prayit
for, was discipill to plutark and reulit be his counsale; gret  #
constantyne
was gydit be the gret and haly siluester. And +te gret
emperoure charlis of fraunce was reulit be alcuyne of +tis yle  #
of
bertane, and throu his counsall studeit and knew philosophy and
+te sevin sciens and gretly occupiit him jn +te haly science    #
of 
theologie, and +tarfor he had gret victorye agane the jnnemeis  #
of
god and the faithe and foundit many nobile abbayis and the
nobile and worthi vniuersite of paris~. And schortlie, all the
nyne nobile jn armes are cummyn to +tat honour throu +tar gret 
wis~dome, at pepill, merwaland on +tare dedis, extollit +tame   #
oure
all uthire. And +ti hienes~ may tak exampil of nobile king      #
dauid,
sone to sanct margret, +tat jn his tyme foundit mony placis of
religioune and be his wertu was a meroure and exampill of wertu
to all princis befor and eftir. And +tarfor, Souuerane lord,    #
and
+ti hienes~ desyre honour and obediens of +ti pepil and         #
victorie
<P 12>
of +ti jnnemeis, serue god at all poynt, leire wis~dome and     #
reule
+ti self and +ti pepil be jt, ore ellis finaly all +ti werkis   #
will disples~
god and turne to foly. And, sene j speik samekile of wis~dome,
+ti hienes~ may spere at me quhat thing jt is and how +ti       #
+goutheid
and nobill wyt may grow and jncres~ +tarto. As to +te first,
aristoteles +te gret clerk and philosophoure jn +te secund buk  #
of
methaphesik sais +tat jt is a nobile thing and knawlage +tat    #
all 
the philosophouris has lauborit for, and euirilkane of +tame    #
gat
part of jt, bot neuir ane come to +te perfeccioune +tar of.     #
And sum 
sais +tat jt js +te gift of grace and haly and wertuus          #
liffing. Othere
sais +tat jt is obediens and complecioune of the law and        #
commandment
of god and standis jn to fulfilling and hering of gud and
wis~ counsal. Bot +te verite js that Souuerane wis~dome js a    #
gift
of the haly spreit, and ane of the hiest and maist nobile of    #
the
diuinite and hevinly thingis. And it js gottin be +te           #
jnspiracioun 
of the haly spreit, & als be +te haly scripture and science of 
theologie +tat teichis men +te gret dignite of eternall joy of 
paradice, and the way and the mene tocum to jt; bot thire
opyniounis befor Spokin tellis part of condiciounis and         #
properteis
+tat foluis jt, (\quia Sapiencia est rerum diuinarum et         #
humanarum
certa cognicio\) . Bot waurldly wis~dome js accumilacioune of 
honoris, digniteis, riches, gud fortoune and happines, and jt   #
js 
oftymes na wis~dome bot foly, (\quia Sapiencia huius mundi
stulticia est apud deum\) . And as to +te secund, wis~dome js
gottin throu gud lif & clene consciens, for +te devin sapiens
sais: (\In animam maliuolam non introibo neque jn corpore
subdito peccatis\) . And +tarfor, Souuerane lord, cleng +ti     #
conscience,
dreid god, serue him with hert and mynd, haue +ti desyre to 
get wis~dome for +te weill of +ti self and gouernaunce of thi
pepil, ask jt humylly at +te fadere of hevin, and +tou art      #
abill to 
be hard. And +ti hienes~ desirand this gyft of wis~dome suld
haue thre consideracioune. Ane, how +tou has lyfit jn tyme
passit; forthing +ti fautis and ask mercy and jndulgence at +te
fadere of hevin. Ane vthire of the tyme present, how +ti        #
hienes 
lyfis, and quhethire +ti manere of lyfing jn +ti state riall    #
plesis to
god ore nocht. For quhilis the prince js punyst for +te synnis  #
of
<P 13>
the pepil and quhilis +te pepil for +te fautis and trespassis   #
of the 
prince; we se gret trubile in this realme, hungere, mortalite,  #
rebellioune
and jnobediens. And +tarfor the gud kyrkmen suld pray
for +ti hienes~, sayand: (\Deus iudicium tuum regi da et        #
justiciam
tuam filio regis, judicare populum tuum in justicia et          #
pauperes tuos
jn judicio\) . We kyrkmen, souuerane lord, suld pray +te        #
fadere of
hevin to send +te wertu, justice and mercy to gouerne +ti       #
persoune
and +ti pepil on to +te plesaunce of his hie maieste, for +tan
baithe gret & small in +ti realme mycht lif in rest, pece and
quiet: (\Quia suscipiant montes, hoc est, magni pacem populo,   #
et colles,
hoc est, parui justiciam\) . The thrid consideracioune +tou     #
suld have 
of the tyme to cum, and fyrst of the kyrk, +tat +tou put nocht
jgnorant ore licht persounis and of euill lif jn benefice ore
digniteis, for +te kyrk js meroure and exampil to all the       #
pepil,
and be +tar wis~dome, haly lif and gud counsall +tai suld reule
and gouerne all the laif. And +tarfor +ti hienes~ suld tak      #
tent to
this document, for quhen kyrkmen and +tar prayeris are nocht
hard be jhesu, +tar lord and master, all the nobilite and pepil
fallis jn horribile synnis, as adultery, separacioune fra +tar  #
wyfis,
Reff, slauchtir and mony wtheris. And jhesus sais of the        #
kyrkmen:
(\Quj non jntrat per ostium jn ouile sed aliunde, jlle fur est  #
et
latro\) . And, for caus~ kyrkmen are nocht worthi to +te        #
benefice
nore digniteis and enteris wykitlie jn the kyrk, jt is          #
horribile to
se +tar lyf and gouernance. And be ware, Souuerane lord, that   #
thi
hienes~ faill nocht jn thire mataris now declarit jn +ti        #
realme anens
the nobile spous~ of jhesu, +te halykyrk, for +tat offendis     #
+te hie
maieste of god maist of ony thing. And eftirwert considere to   #
+te 
gouernaunce of the temporalite of thi realme; awis~ hou jt      #
suld be
gouernit, hou jt was gouernit befor +ti tyme, and how +tou come
to jt. And +ti counsalouris suld be men of wis~dome, luffand
and dredand god oure all thing, lufand the realme & +te commone
proffit of jt mare na +tar propir persoune, thare barnis, +tar  #
proffit,
+tar frendis ore autorite. Thai suld be men of justice, for to
defend the kyrk, +te pure and all the pepill, and nouthire      #
tholl
nore do oppressioune to ony persoune; +tai suld be clene of
consciens, rutit jn meiknes~ and piete, woid of all hatrent and
jnwy, for, sene +tai wse +ti autorite and gouernis the pepill   #
throu
<P 14>
+ti ordinaunce, +tou mon ansuere for +tame and thare deidis     #
befor
+te hie juge. And +tarfor considere +tat +ti office js nobile,  #
hie &
excellent and of hevy charge, and necessare is +tat oft and     #
mony 
tymez +ti propir persoune be jn counsale special jn +te gret    #
materis
of +te realme, +tat +ti hienes~ & +goutheid may lere wis~dome,
and jn +ti presens men will nocht be sa parciell as in +ti      #
absence.
Alsua +ti hienes~, j traist, thinkis to enter jn paradice in    #
propir
persoune and nocht be procuratoure. Therfor +tou suld do
oftymez +te office +tat jhesus has commyttit to +te jn propere
persoune, and lef now +goutheid and wantonnes, for god has      #
gevin
the ane nobile and excellent wit +tat +tou may weill wse jn     #
his 
seruice. And plesit +ti hienes~ +tat +tis werk be callit +te    #
meroure of 
wis~dome or A. B. C. of cristianite, for it sall contene v      #
bukis.
Jn the first sall be schawin +te hevinly wis~dome and doctrine  #
of
jhesu +te sone of god and wis~dome of the fadere, contenit jn   #
the 
(\pater noster\) , that he teichit his apostilis & discipulis   #
and +tai
haue teichit ws; jn +te quhilk js contenit all thing necessare  #
and
proffitabile for us & oure saluacioune, baithe jn this present  #
lif and
tocum. Jn the secund sal be schawin hou, eftir +te perdicioune
& tinsall of mankind, the hevinly wis~dome of the trinite       #
ordand
the reparacioune and restauracioune to be maid be the mene of   #
a 
lady and virgin, and +tat the blist sone of god suld discend jn
hire and tak humanite. Jn the thrid buk sal be schawin +te 
foundament of cristianite, +tat js, +te faithe catholic, for    #
vpone jt is
foundit all the hale Edific and bigging of haly kyrk, as jhesus
sais: (\Super hanc petram, hoc est, hanc fidem, quam tu es      #
confessus,
edificabo ecclesiam meam\) . And +tis halykyrk +te sone of god,
jhesus, jn his humanite has foundit - (\psalmus: Homo natus     #
est in 
ea et ipse fundauit eam altissimus\) . The hie and mychtty lord
Ihesus, sone of god jn humanite, has foundit this edefiis and
bigging of the haly kirk, his lady, his luf and Spous~, first   #
on thre
gret montanis, +tat is on +te faithe of +te thre persounis jn   #
diuinite
jn a substaunce, and apone xij nobile pillaris mare precius
nore gold ore precius stanis - (\psalmus: fundamenta eius jn    #
montibus 
sanctis diligit dominus, portas syon super omnia tabernacula
Jacob\) . Thire pillaris are the xij artikilis of the faithe;   #
heire +ti
<P 15>
hienes~ may persaue +te gret ardent luf that jhesus has to +te 
kyrk. And +tis knawlage that we haue of the divinite and his
werkis throu +te faithe js hevinly wis~dome, for jhesus said    #
to 
Sanct petire, spekand of the faithe: (\beatus es, symon         #
bariona, quia
caro & sanguis non reuelauit tibi, sed pater meus quj jn celis  #
est\) .
The ferd buk sall treit of the gret dignite of +te vij haly     #
sacramentis 
+tat ware alway necessare for oure saluacioune. And +te V 
buk sal schaw +ti hienes~ mony nobile doctrine, hou +tou sall 
gouerne the anens god, +ti pepil and +ti realme. And in +tis
present werk j purpos~ quhilis to introduce +te haly            #
scripture, +tat
my sawis haue mare autorite. Alsua, jn this land a[{r{] mony,   #
as j
wndirstand, +tat are nocht sekyre in the faithe of jhesus, and  #
for +tar
confusioune ore ellis conuersioune (+tat j mare desyr) j        #
introduce
+te scripture. And +tis j do for +te gret proffit of +te pepil  #
and to
conferme +tame in +te haly doctrine of jhesu. Alsua j allege    #
+te
scripture, +tat sum, +tat happin has mynd of pryd, to reprehend
and tak in euil significacioune +te thing +tat js done for +te  #
honour
of god and proffit of the pepil, seand the haly writ & the      #
haly 
science of theologie, ses~ +tat curage and be content of        #
ressoune.
And, Souuerane lord, ples~ thi hienes~ and nobile excellence to
resaue +tis werk jn gud mynd for the honour of the gret and
mychty lord jhesu and +te proffit of +ti pepil, and be sic luf  #
and
mynd as +ti chapillane and oratoure has lauborit jn jt for +ti
plesaunce. For, with help of jhesu, jt sall be worthe the       #
redene;
and on the halyday ore ilk day of lentyrne +ti hienes~ may      #
heire
a chepture of jt, for, as sais wys~ Salamone: (\Audiens sapiens
sapiencior erit et jntelligens gubernacula possidebit\) . Thy   #
fader of
gud mynd, +tat j was orature and confessoure to and tendirlie
lefit with, resauit with gud mynd and hertlie deuocioune a
buk j maid of +te concepcioune virginal of the lady moder
of jhesu, hou sche was consauit jn all clennes~ without         #
originale
syn. And +te making of this buk he desirit richt gretlie, and
sa did his pepil; bot, sene he js passit fra ws and js wndir
+te mercy of jhesu, this buk js maid for +te honour and
proffit of +ti hienes~ and of +ti pepil. Bot j desyre gretlie   #
+tat +ti
fader of gud mynde have help and suple be +te lauboure +tat j
<P 16>
haue maid in jt, and be +te deuot prayere of +tame +tat will    #
reid
jt and tak doctrine +tarof. And to emples~ +ti hienes~ j sall 
lauboure sua with the help of god that, redand and studeand     #
+tis
werk, +tou sal be richt perfit jn theologi, and jn +te haly     #
science of
the diuinite +tou sall knaw mony of the gretest and profound
questioune +tat clerkis determys of. And j sall proced be
ressoune naturall, +tat j sall caus~ +ti naturall wyt and       #
ressoune to
conforme jt to the faithe and the artikilis of it. And j pray
richt humylly +te lecture, +tat he reid +tis buk with cherite   #
and 
benyng interpretacioune, and tak heid to +te verite and         #
conclusoune 
writtin jn jt, and als to +tar probacioune, for jt +tat can 
nocht be declarit in a conclusioune +tai wil find declarit jn   #
ane 
vthire. And oftymes +te sentens of a conclusioune js schawin
and manifest jn +te probacioune of jt, for sa dois all          #
doctouris +tat 
writis bukis. And gif +tai do +tis, j traist +tai sall find na  #
faute nore
repugnaunce jn +tis werk. Alsua, and jt ples~ +ti hienes~ ore   #
+te
lecture of +tis, he may devid jt v+tir way jn sevin bukis. The  #
first
js of the (\pater noster\) . The secund of the (\Aue maria\) .  #
The thrid
of +te creid and exponicioune of jt. The ferd declaris +te      #
perfeccioune 
of mannis nature, and prufis be mony ressounis naturale
+te faithe of jhesu and artikilis of jt. The v spekis of the    #
fre
liberte of man +tat is callit (\liberum arbetrium\) And of the
presciens devin and predestinacioun jn gret profundite,         #
fol+geand
mony argumentis, at +te jnnemy jnducis in mennis mynd &
cogitacioune. The sex is of +te sacramentis, and +te vij spekis
of lawis and hou +ti hienes~ suld haue +te anens god and +ti    #
pepil,
and +tar are gevin mony doctrynis richt proffitabile to +te     #
and all
+ti pepill.

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 90>
[} [\CHEPTUR VI.\] }]

[}THIS CHEPTURE SCHAWIS THE GRET NECESSITE +TAT
WE HAD OF THE HALY JNCARNACIOUNE OF 
JHESU, AND OF HIS HELP AND SUPLE, AND 
HOW GRETLIE WE ARE OBLIST & BEHALDIN
TO HIM.}]

   And +te Thingis befor Schewin and declarit euerilk man may
wndirstand, that jn oure humanite and nature, and in
jlkane of us, are twa obligaciounis, be the quhilkis we are     #
oblist to
+te deite. The fyrst js naturale, to honour and serue god oure  #
all
thing, for considerand +te hie nobile nature and hie giftis     #
+tat god
has gevin to us, we are oblist oure all thing for +te honour    #
and
seruice of him, sene for his laude, glore, honour and seruice   #
he has
maid and ordand all kynd of creaturis. And quhen +te man was
jnobedient to god, offendand him jn +te brekin of his command,
and committand the cryme of lesit maieste agane his hienes~ and
diuinite, +tan fell he jn ane vthire obligacioune, throw +te    #
quhilk he
js oblist to restore +te honour and obediens +tat he aucht to   #
god,
and, sa fere as was jn him, he tuk fra him. And +te secund      #
obligacioune
brekis nocht the first, for jt js naturale, and +tus +te man
js oblist to luf god oure all thing, to honour him, to serue    #
him,
and to repaire and mak satisfaccioune for +te faute and         #
trespas +tat
he has maid agane his hienes~ and dignite. And +tat he may
nocht do, for he is woundit jn his natur throw the originale    #
syn,
and tynt his hie state and +te giftis of grace +tat was gevin   #
to him.
And +tis impossibilite excusis him nocht, for his self was +te  #
caus~
+tarof. Alsua, he may nocht restore nore mak satisfaccioune for
the cryme +tat he has commyttit of lesit maieste agane the      #
godheid,
<P 91>
heid, and his jnobediens, for jt js infynit +tat he aw to       #
restore and 
mak satisfaccioune for, and +tat he may nocht do; allsua, all   #
+tat
he may do, he js oblist to, be +te wertu of his first           #
obligacioune 
+tat js naturale. And, +tarfor, for +te secund obligacioune he  #
may 
nocht mak satisfaccioune, and the secund obligacioune causis    #
+tat
+te man may nocht complet nore fulfill +te fyrst. Alsua, +te    #
offence
+tat oure progenitouris committit agane god js jnfinit, for +te
gretare +tat +te persoune be of dignite +tat js offendit, +te   #
mare and
gretare js +te offence, and, for caus~ god js infynit in        #
maieste, jn
powere jn wis~dome, jn wertu and jn all gudnes~, +tarfore +te
offence and cryme committit agane him js infinit (\ex parte     #
obiecti\)
at he has offendit, and +tus +te man may noucht mak             #
satisfaccioune
for jt. Alsua, +te honour of god excedis all creature, sene
all creature js maid for his honoure and loving, and, sene he   #
js
jnfinit, his honour suld be jnfynit, for +te mare +tat +te      #
persoune be
of dignite, he suld be +te mare honorit, and +tarfor the man,   #
+tat
dishonorit god, js oblist to restore to him sa mekile as his    #
honoure
js wourthe, and +tat he may nocht do, for his honour excedis    #
all
creaturis. And +tus +te man, throw his syn and trespas~, has    #
fallin
jn sic obligacioune, +tat all the creaturis of the waurld may   #
nocht
mak satisfaccioune for him. Alsua, +te faute +tat he has        #
committit
agane +te hie maieste has oblist him to suffer jnfynit pane and
eternalle dampnacioune, for +te mare and gretare +tat +te       #
trespas~
be, +te gretar suld be +te punycioune. And +tis is richt        #
conuenient,
for ellis jn +te waurld ware nouthire ordoure, wis~dome
nor gouernaunce, bot geve gud werkis and meritis ware knawin
and rewardit, and synnis, fautis, and crymys punyst be justice.
And +tus, be werray richt law and justice, man mone thole       #
eternall
and jnfinit pane, or ellis mak satisfaccioune for his           #
trespas~; for
ellis displesaunce & jniure done to god remanit without ony
maner of justice, remeid ore correccioune. And, gif +te         #
satisfaccioune 
ware just and ressonabile, jt suld be sa mekile as js the
pane at jt deliueris fra, +tat js, eternal & infinit. And       #
ressoune
wauld, +tat +te man offerit, of his awne will and liberte, and  #
of his
awne propir pertinence, sa mekile of waloure as +te waloure of  #
the
thing quharfor he suld nocht haue offendit nore displesit god.
And, sene +te honour and dignite of god js sa grete +tat, for   #
+te
waloure ore tynsall of a thousand waurldis and all creaturis,   #
he
<P 92>
suld nocht [{haue{] offendit him, ore done oucht agane the      #
will and 
plesaunce and command of god, for to saif all creaturis; And 
sene this thing the man may nocht restore, na do, na may nocht
mak sic satisfaccioune, +tarfor jt is richt manifest +tat +te   #
stat that
we haue fallin jn js richt hevy, sene +te port of paradice js   #
closit
throu +te originale syn +tat we drew of Adam, and mony vthire 
actuall synnis +tat we haue committit and committis, and we     #
haue
tynt +te hevinly heretage of paradice, +tat we may na way       #
recouer
be oure self ore oure wertu. For, sene the satisfaccioune suld  #
be
jnfynit, all +te men and creaturis jn +te waurld and jnfynit    #
waurldis
mycht nocht mak sic satisfaccioune as js requirit for +tis      #
offence.
And +tus, sene the culpe and syn is nocht distroyit bot be +te
contrare, +tat js, meryt, and +te offence & displesaunce bot    #
throw
plesaunce +tat god takis jn +te operacioune and gud werk, and   #
+tis
+te man +tat has fautit may nocht do him self, na all the       #
creaturis
jn +te waurld for him, +tarfor he ware and js mekile behaldin   #
to 
him +tat maid +tis satisfaccioune for him, puttand away +te     #
offence
of god, and gettand forgevnes of jt, deliuerand him fra +tis    #
pane
eternal and infynit, and restorand him to +te nobile and hie    #
state
of grace, and bringand him to his auld heretage, to se +te      #
bricht
& schynand diuinite, and hevinly glore of angellis. And sene
+tis satisfaccioune mone be maid of a thing +tat js nocht sua
oblist to god be ane vthire manere ore kind of dete, for        #
ellis, +te 
man ware oblist to pay jt for +tat thing and nocht for +tis,    #
and
sene +te man js oblist be vthire way as be wertu of +te         #
beneficez
of creacioune, conseruacioune and mony vthire way to serue god
jn all that he may, jt js cleire +tat he may nocht mak          #
satisfaccioune
sufficient for +tis trespas. Alsua, +te satisfaccioune suld
be jnfynit, to deliuere fra infinit pane, and put away +te      #
offence
jnfynit. And, +tarfor, it +tat he suld offere to god, to mak    #
+tis 
concord and bring him to grace, mone be jnfynit and exced all
creature, and +tat may nocht be bot be the godheid +tat         #
excedis all
creature jnfinitlie, +tarfor he +tat mone mak +tis              #
satisfaccioune, and
maid jt be necessite, was werray god. (\Non dico de necessitate
absoluta, sed congruencie et justicie.\) And, sene nane js      #
oblist to 
mak +tis satisfaccioune bot the man, +te persoune +tat maid jt
behufit to be baithe god and man, and nocht twa persounis, ane,
<P 93>
god, and ane vthire, man, bot a persone, for, and the ta        #
persoune
had bene god and nocht man, he aucht nocht to haue maid sic
satisfaccioune, and +te man, +tat was nocht god, mycht nocht    #
haue
maid jt, and +tarfor behufit, a persoune be jn baithe +te       #
naturis.
And thus, +te persoune has jn him a thing +tat excedis all      #
creatur,
+tat is, +te deite and godheid, and, sene this persoune js god  #
and aw
nocht for his self, +tarfore he may pay and mak satisfaccioune  #
for
all vthire men, +tat may nocht mak satisfaccioune for +tare     #
self.
And +te satisfaccioune of this persoune js jnfynit, and         #
deliueris us
of +te jnfinit obligacioune and pane, and +tus alanerly jn +tis
persone, +tat js baithe god and mane, js funde +tis hie meryt
jnfinit and satisfaccioune, and +tat be doubile way. Ane, for
his persoune js jnfynit, sene he is werray god jn persoune; ane
vthire way, for god accepis +tis meryt jnfinitlie, and mekile   #
mare
has plesaunce of jt na he had displesaunce of the syn of Adam,
or +tis persoune was mekile worthiar +tan Adam ore all          #
creature,
and a thousand tymes mar obedient to +te fadere of hevin +tan
Adam was jnobedient - (\Paulus: Qui cum jn forma dei esset,     #
non 
rapinam arbitratus est se esse equalem deo patri, sed           #
semetipsum
exinaniuit formam serui accipiens, & habitu inuentus vt homo:
factus est obediens usque ad mortem\) . And +tis merit was      #
wrocht a 
thousand tymes with mare nobile circumstaunce +tan +te syn
of Adam was committed with euill circumstaunce, and be ardent
and jnenarrabile cherite - (\johannes: sic deus dilexit         #
mundum, vt
filium suum vnigenitum daret, ut omnis, quj credit jn eum, non
p[{e{]reat, sed habeat vitam eternam, et jterum paulus:         #
proprio filio
non pepercit, sed pro nobis omnibus tradidit illum\) . And      #
+tus, sene
the syn and offence of Adam was bot away jnfinit, jnsafer as jt
was agane +te jnfinit maieste of god and +te deite, and as to
+te persoune +tat committit +te syn, Adam, jt was fynyt, and    #
the
nobile merit of jhesu was jnfinit baithe anens god, +tat jt     #
was done
to, +tat tuk jnfynit plesaunce in jt, and anens the persoune    #
+tat
did jt, for he js god and jnfynit, +tarfor +tis persoune throu  #
+tis
merit ourecom & distroit all haill +te jniure, offence and      #
displesaunce
+tat the man committit agane the diete and hie maieste.
And +tis nobile persoune, jhesus, did +tis of ardent cherite    #
and fre
will, at was jnfinitlie accepit to god.

<S SAMPLE 3>
<P 118>
[} [\CHEPTUR X.\] }]

[}THIS FOLOWAND CHEPTURE SCHAWIS +TE NOBILE 
ARGUMENTIS & PERSUASIONIS OF +TE HEVINLY
LADY, DAME PES~, +TE PERSUASIOUNIS OF +TE
HALY ANGELLIS & +TAR DEUOT PRAYERE FOR
MANKIND, +TE MERCIFULL SENTENS OF THE 
HEVINLY WIS~DOME AND BLISSIT ORDINANCE
OF MERCIFULL JHESU.}]

   Vith +tis come sodanly +te schynand and bricht lady, dame
pes~, and, jnclynand befor +te hevynnis lorde and king,
hire fader, sche said: 'O prince of pes~, O wis~dome jnfynit,   #
and
reulare of all creature, jn +ti realme may na way +tis strif    #
Endure.
We knaw fader +tat all nobile citeis and realmez, all gret      #
empyris 
be strif has bene wndone. Strif and discord begouth jn +te      #
hevinly
realme aboue, bot be +tat +te jnnemeis are put jn presone       #
jnfernale
and dyrk habitacioune. Jnwy of sathane kest Adam furthe of      #
paradice;
strif has distroyit +te gret empyre of the asserianis, of       #
cartage,
of grece, and the nobile empyre of the romanis, as sais +te     #
devin
and hevinly sapience: (\Omne regnum jn se diuisum desolabitur,  #
et
domus super domum cadet, et, si sathanas jn se ipso esset       #
diuisus,
non staret regnum eius\) . Na realme may lang stand na endure   #
with
discord and diuisioune - (\salustius: Concordia praue res       #
crescunt, discordia
vero maxime delabuntur\) . And, fadere, jn +ti hevinly realme
amang my scisteris, +te hevinly wertuis, sic discensioune suld  #
nocht
be sufferit na +git na way proced. Tharfor my fadere, j         #
raqueire,
<P 119>
concord +ti dochteris jn to +ti realme; put pes~ - for without  #
pes~
and concord jn hevin may be na blithnes - amang the angellis    #
of 
paradice, amang the hevinly wertuis; exile pes~, and +tan       #
distroyit
is for euir the hevinly realme, and the eternall habitacioune
without pes~ may nocht jndure. The hevinly melody & Concord
of the speris and planetis abuf without pes~ and concord may
nocht stand; stabilite amang the elementis, without pes~ may
nocht indure, na lif in man nore beist; for +te contrariete of  #
+te
foure humoris and fyrst qualite is jn concord, and jn [\THE     #
WORD jn IN MARGIN\] armony
standis all +te wertu of musik, sueit notis and sangis. And     #
+tarfor,
hevinly fader, +tocht j, +ti dochtir pes~, haue alliance with   #
my scisteris
verite, justice and equite, +git +te part of my derrast and     #
maist
nobile scisteris, mercy and cherite, js mare plesand and        #
acceptabile
to me. And ressoune js, hevinly fadere, +tou put pes~ jn +ti
realme, and put pes~ amang +ti nobile douchteris and            #
counsalouris, 
+te hevinly wertuis; hauld concord betuix +ti godheid
and angellis, and caus~ vnite, luf and fauour betuix +te        #
hevinly
court and humane linage. And, sene mankynd may nocht mak
plane and sufficiand amendis, ffadere, necessare js +tou send   #
+ti
blist sone, +te prince of pes~, to amend the offence of         #
creature
humane, to chace discord, for he mon be werray mediatore and
pece makare betuix god and man; for, as sais +te scripture,     #
(\vnus
est mediator dei & hominum homo xristus jhesus,\) For in his    #
haly
birthe and natiuite The angellis sall sing +te haly chansoune   #
and
sang of pes~ betuix god and man, hevin and Erd & paradice:
(\Gloria jn excelsis deo et jn terra pax hominibus bone         #
voluntatis\) .
And +ge, my scisteris, dame verite and luffit scister equite,   #
j +gou
raquere, als for +gour gret honour my counsal js, +ge leve      #
debait,
and fauorabili +ge condiscend for mannis redempcioune with oure
nobill scisteris, maist hevinly ladeis, dame mercy and dame
cherite, +tat amang us all be hevinly concord, luf, pece and
cherite perpetuall, sene the ressounis and powere of oure       #
scister,
dame mercy, are sa strange +tat na way +tai may be resistit.'   #
And 
to +tis, with a consent, all hevinly wertuis brasit ilkane      #
vthire, (\quia
misericordia et veritas obuiauerunt sibi, justicia et pax       #
osculate
sunt\) . And to +tis applaudit the thre gerocheis~, and all     #
haill the
<P 120>
nyne ordouris, and humylly on kne befor the hevinly fader +te 
thre nobile staitis of his hevinly realme, for werray           #
compassioune
of man and his help, fell all to prayere and deuot orisoune,    #
+tat
he mycht be deliuerit fra +te dyrk place of pluto and +te       #
dyrk, gret
and hevy seruitute of +te auld serpent, and cum agane to his    #
auld
heretage. And the fyrst and maist nobile jerachie, counsalouris
assistant to +te diuinite, prayit on +tis manere for mankind: O
hiest lord and souuerane prince of maieste, our glore, oure     #
blis,
all oure delit and plesaunce js, +ti natur to knaw, and euir to
consider and behold +ti bricht face, +ti powere and +ti wertu.
And sene mankind js maid to +ti similitud, +tat js sa lik to    #
+ti
ymage, lord of maieste, oure prayere js, +tou schaw to him +ti
mercy and +ti grace. And, fader of mercy, of wertu, of all 
honour and worthines~, quhat honour may be to +ti hie deite, to
suffer all mankind eternaly jn sic mischaunce and hevines,      #
+tat 
was fyrst ordand for eternall blis and heretage. +Tarfor we     #
all on
kne richt humylly makis supplicacioune for mannis help and
deliueraunce and pes~, sene now js tym of mercy and of grace,
and +tat all wengeauns suld ces~; schaw, fader, to us, for +ti  #
honour,
for mankind, +ti mercy, +ti piete and +ti grace; lat nocht,     #
mychtty
lord, +tis hevinly place stand jn Ruyne na desolacioune, for    #
lak of
mercy to +ti humyll seruand and creatur. And eftir spak +te     #
haly
spiritis of +te secund jerachie, the secund state of the        #
hevinly
realme, And said: 'O hevinnis king and emperoure souuerane,
we are +ti seruandis, +ti knychttis jn all maner obedient to    #
+ti
command, desyre and plesaunce. And sene +te prince of prid,
lord of all jniquite and myrknes has drawin fra +tis nobile     #
realme
mony spiritis of gret ranoune and hie estait, And sene +ti      #
powere
and wis~dome jnfynit has ordand mankind to restor +tis hevinly
place, lorde of mycht, we pray richt humylly, +tat throu +ti    #
mercy
and grace +tou deliuer +ti humyll seruand mankind fra his       #
cruell
tyranny, fra misere and +te wgly presoune of eternal captiuite  #
and
myrknes. And, hie emperoure and lord souuerane, sene +tou art 
werray lif and prince of piete, hou lang sal +tou tholl cruell  #
deid
to haue dominacioune one +ti humyll seruand and +ti ymage,
nature humane. And sene +tou art king of blis, bynd +ti jnnemy,
<P 121>
lous~ +ti seruand, and bring him to rest and pece. And, fader   #
of
mercy, sene +tou art full of piete and of grace, And now v      #
thousand
+gere +ti realme jn gret parti standis desolate and waist, and  #
all +tis
tyme +ti humyll seruand mankind has bene for his gilt in hevy
presoune, jn gret punycioune and miserabile captiuite, Rew now
on him, And schaw +ti powere, +ti mercy, +ti grace and pete.'   #
And
eftir sone +tare fell on kne the nobile and worthi officiaris   #
of +tis 
realme celestiall and hevinly court, +te archangellis and thrid
jerochie. +Tai schew before +te hie and excellent maieste +te   #
gret
power of sathane, +te auld jnnemeis & princis of myrknes, hou   #
+tai
jn gret tyranny had lang before troublit mankind, and +git      #
wsit +tar
cruell dominacioune apon +te nobile creaturis of +te hie        #
maieste,
+tar lord souuerane: +tai schew +te gret resistaunce +tai maid  #
to 
+te haly will of the souuerane king of glore and his            #
seruandis, and
vsurpacioune +tat +tai maid apone his nobile creaturis, baithe  #
man,
best and eliment; +tarfor +tar powere be ressoune and law alway
+tai tynt. And hou wnworthi was, +tat sa vile and cruell        #
officiaris
sa lang tyme suld haue regne and dominacioune aboue sa nobile
and worthi creaturis. And sene +tat concernis gretlie +te gret 
powere and honour of +te diuinite, and now mankind is in gret
pennurite, humylit with pains, askand mercy and grace, & now js
+te tyme +tat he suld schaw his hie mercy to +tame. And +tus
concordit was all the hevinly wertuis & angellis supernale to
giddir for mannis help, his deliueraunce and gracius            #
redempcioune:
(\Misericordia et veritas obuiauerunt sibi, justicia & pax
osculate sunt\) . And on kneis before +te fader of hevin,       #
humely,
with petuus woce and werray deuocioune, prait his hie maieste   #
to
close nocht his hevinly and gracius hering fra +tare humyll     #
prayer
- (\psalmus: Noli claudere aures tuas ad preces nostras\) - na  #
for+get
nocht his awne natur and condicioune sa gretlie jnclinit to
mercy, na +git the promys~ he maid before to +te hie lady and
hevinly dochtir and of all wertu maistres, dame Mercy, for +tan
was cummyn the tyme quhen his gracius promys~ suld be fulfillit
and haue complecioune, +tat callit js the tyme of grace &
mediacioune - (\psalmus: Domine, audiui audicionem tuam, et     #
timuj,
domine, opus tuum in medio annorum viuifica illud\) . That was
<P 122>
the myd tyme of grace, quhen jhesus suld be borne, and jn
jerusalem, +te myddis of the waurld, he promittit to do +te 
werk of lyf: (\Domine, opus tuum est misericordie & gracie, in
medio annorum viuifica illud\) . For be wertu of his natiuite
and passioune he has deliuerit ws fra captiuite and euirlestand
deid, and brocht ws to glore and lif eternall, and folowis
the promys~ maid to +te hevinly lady, dame mercy - (\jn medio
annorum notum facies, cum jratus fueris misericordie            #
recordaberis\) .
For +tat hie mercy to all the waurld js notefied and
maid knawin, how +te blist sone of god be his jnfynit mercy has
tane oure nature, & deit for oure gret trespas~, and wroucht    #
oure
redempcioune - (\psalmus: Quia apud dominum misericordia &
copiosa apud eum redempcio\) . And quhen +te fader of hie       #
maieste
had hard all +tis, he considerit +te desolacioune of the        #
hevinly
realme, +te gret ressonis, contencioune and argumentis maid be
the nobile and hevinly wertuis, his luffit dochteris and        #
secretaris
of his counsale, +te lamentabile prayere of +te hevinly court   #
for +te
help of man, and +te gret compassioune +tat all creaturis had   #
of +te
gret misere and thraldom +tat mankynd lay jn. Alsua,            #
considerand
+te gret malis and tyranny of the jnnemy of mankynd, +te honour
of his deite, his hevinly court and realme, +te persuasioune    #
of his
dochtir cherite, and of his luffit child, dame pes~, +tat       #
lauborit sa
gretly jn +te concord of +te hevinly wertuis, hire scisteris,   #
he knew
his awne propir nature & condicioune, sa gretlie jnclinit to    #
mercy;
his bricht and schynand visage, his hevinly and plesand sicht,
withe gret plesaunce to behold he jnclinit to his lufit         #
dochtir,
dame mercy, behaldand all +te hevinly court, baithe wertuis,    #
his
childer and angellis. And +tan +te blist sone of god            #
omnipotent,
knawand jn all thing his faderis will and plesaunce, and +te    #
counsale
eterne of +te haly trinite, +tat ordand him to tak +tis werk on
hand, humylly befor his fader offerit him to +tis mercifull     #
werk,
to tak mannis nature for mannis redempcioune, one to +te gret
plesaunce of his fadere, and for +te luf of mankind, be ardent
cherite, jn confusioune of +te jnnemy and reparacioune of +te 
hevinly court of angellis. For quhen +te questioune was maid    #
jn +te
hevinly counsall and conscistory of the trinite, quhilk of the  #
thre
persounis in diuinite suld tak +tis werk on hand for mannis     #
help
<P 123>
and redempcioune, as sais +te writt, The secund persoune +te    #
sone 
of god said - (\psalmus: ecce ego jn capite libri scriptum est  #
de me
vt faciam voluntatem tuam deus meus voluj et legem tuam jn      #
medio
cordis mei\) . And +tan +te fader of hevin, with hevinly joy    #
and
blithnes, gave his sentens diffinitive conforme to his          #
dochtir, dame
mercy, and hire peticioune and prayere for mannis help and      #
redempcioune,
Sayand: 'J, god, creature and fadere of hevin, makis
kend to all my creaturis and to my seruandis sendis             #
salutacioune.
J wil +ge knaw, anens +te gret discensioune and discord +tat    #
lang
tyme has jndurit betuix me and my seruiture and wassale, humane
linage, +tat befor me jn my court riall of paradis~ has         #
comperit
my childer, +te hevinly wertuis, and at lenthe j haue hard all  #
+tar
strif, ressounis and argumentis, and, all thingis considerit,   #
j haue
and wil declyne to +te part of my best lufit dochtir and child,
dame mercy, and ordanis be sentens diffinitive, be +te counsal  #
of
my derrast sone and +te haly spreit jn +te counsal of +te hie   #
trinite,
+tat, for to compleit pes~ and concord betuix humane linage and
me, to mak werray obediens and satisfaccioune for +te faute and
syn of man, my blist and only naturale sone & derrest sall tak
nature humane of my lufit spous~, lady, virgin and mayde, mary.
The cyrogrof and lettir of perdicioune of humane linage, maid   #
to
+te jnnemy be auld Adam and his wif, he sall distroy and wesch
away be his gret merit and precius blude, and geve lettiris of
plane jndulgeans and grace, +tat sal be writtin richly jn       #
virgin
parchement of his haly body jn humanite, vpone +te croce, with
horribile pennis of jrne, +tat are nalis throu his handis &     #
feit, &
+te spere throu his sid, +tat sal pers~ sa gretlie, +tat +te    #
memore of
his luf and cherite sal neuir pas~ out of my mynd. And for +te 
gret obediens of him, my derrest sone and child, j sall         #
pardoune
to all humane creature. And +tis lettir of grace and pardoune
sal be writtin with richt precius liquore, +tat js, +te         #
precius blud,
of my derrast sone jhesus, for +tame that +te jnnemy of mankind
has desauit be fals jnwy, he sall wyne be perfit luf and ardent
cherite. And +tis charter and lettir of grace and of mercy sal  #
be
subscriuit be +te consent of +te haly spreit, and selit with    #
the sing
of the haly croce, +tat all the trinite sall euir vse eftir     #
+tis jn
lettiris of grace and remissioune. And +tis lettir of grace be  #
+te
<P 124>
consent of +te hale trinite js gevin jn oure gret counsale of   #
hevin
+te fyrst +gere of grace, +te day and houre of +te blist        #
incarnacioune
of jhesu my sone, +tat js god omnipotent and of maieste.' And
to +tis sentens jn all poyntis consentit +te blist sone of      #
god, and
said +tat, +tocht man be his be titill of creacioune, +git      #
+tar attoure
he suld be his be [\THE WORD be IN MARGIN\] new titill of       #
redempcioune, and for plesaunce
of the lady, dame mercy, +tat he suld mak strange battale for   #
man
and his deliueraunce, and pay sa hie ransone, +tat man on force
neid to honour & luf him oure all thing; for he suld schaw      #
fyrst
sic luf and kindnes~ to man, and de vpone +te haly croce for
mannis redempcioune. And +te takynnis of his precius woundis,
and of his glorius victory, he suld euir conserue jn his body,  #
to 
schaw +te gret luf he had to mankind, And to jnduce +te fadere  #
of
hevin euir for grace and mercy to man, quhen eftirwert he       #
committit 
ony cryme. And sene +tis blist and mercifull sone of god of
maieste, be +te natur he takis of his hevinly fadere, js of     #
infynit
mercy, Richt sua he chesit for his moder and spous~, lady and
mayde, a virgin of gret excellence and full of mercy: (\Maria
mater gratie, mater misericordie\) . And jncontinent callit his
angell gabriell, and bad him without delay pas~ to +te dochtir  #
of
sion, +te virgin callit marie, +te spous~ of haly joseph jn     #
+te cite of
nazarethe, and schaw to hire +te gret hartlie luf and           #
tendirnes he
bere to hire oure all creature, And schaw hire +te joyus        #
tichingis of
his blist jncarnacioune, hou he chesit hire for his tendir luf  #
and
paramoure, for his chaist spous~ and his blist moder. And,      #
eftir
at +te angell salust +tis hevinly lady and virgin, and gat hir  #
consent,
jncontinent +te blist sone of god of maieste discendit fra +te
hiest stage of hevin to +te Erde, fra +te hie trone of +te      #
fadere jn 
+te wame of +te virgin glorius: (\Rorate celi desuper, et       #
nubes pluant
justum, aperiatur terra, et germinet saluatorem; psalmus: A     #
summo
celo egressio eius\) . And +tan was completit +te haly mariage  #
of the
devin nature with oure humanite - (\johannis primo: verbum caro
factum est et habitauit jn nobis\) . Than was mervalus joy jn   #
hevin
amang the angellis of paradice, and pes and consideracioune     #
knyt
betuix god and angellis & mankind. And in +tat jnstant was
man maid lord of all creature, king of hevin and emperour of
<P 125>
angellis - (\apocalypsis: Jn vestimento & jn femore eius erat   #
scriptum
'Rex regum et dominus dominancium.'\) And, gif +tou desiris to  #
wyt
ore knaw, quhy +te blist sone of god tuk humanite and           #
jncarnacioune 
for our redempcioun, and nouthire +te fadere nore +te haly
spreit, j ansuere +tat all the thre persounis in diuinite       #
wrocht the
jncarnacioune; for it that a persone wyrkis vtouthe +te         #
diuinite, all 
the persounis wyrkis and dois, (\quia opera trinitatis ad       #
extra sunt
jndiuisa\) . Bot the sone alanerly, +tat js, +te secund         #
persoune, tuk
humanite, for mony causis and ressonis. Ane, for he +tat wrocht
oure redempcioune was a mediatore betuix god and us, and +te
blist sone js the myd persoune jn +te diuinite - +te fader,     #
+te fyrst
persone, the haly spreit, +te thrid, and +te sone, +te secund   #
& myd
persoune. And +tarfore jt was maist conuenient for him to be
oure mediatore. The secund caus~: Our redempcioune and          #
restitucioune
to oure honour and ald heretage of hevinly paradice js
maid be luf & cherite, and nocht be manere of dreid, of boste   #
ore
of fere. And sene the name of the fadere js a name of autorite
and dreid, and +te name of +te sone of sueitnes, meknes and     #
luf,
+tis werk was mare conuenient for +te blist sone of god.        #
Alsua, +te
persoune +tat wrocht our saluacioune was send fra +te hie       #
diuinite,
and he +tat js send mon cum fra ane vthire persoune of          #
autorite,
and +te sone discendis fra +te fadere, and the haly spreit fra  #
+tame
baithe, and +te fadere discendis fra nane, bot all fra him,     #
(\quia est
fons et origo tocius diuinitatis\) . Tharfor jt was nocht       #
conuenient
for +te fadere. The feird caus~ and ressoune js, for jn +te     #
trinite
+tat js bot a sone, and he js of equale powere to +te fadere;   #
and gif
ane of +te to+tir twa persounis had tane oure nature and        #
humanite
of +te virgin glorius, +tar had bene twa sonnis in +te          #
diuinite, and
nocht bot ane of +tame +te sone of god. And +tis had bene
occasioune of erroure, and nocht weil to be wndirstand, +tat    #
+te
sone of the virgin had been werray god, and of Elik powere to   #
+te
fadere, and he had nocht bene +te sone of god; ffor nouthire    #
+te
fadire nore +te haly spreit may be +te sone of god. Mony vthire
subtile ressounis j haue put jn +te begynnyng of the thrid buk
of the sentens, quhar j haue tretit at lenth all +tis mater of  #
the 
jncarnacioune jn paris~.



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[^FRASER, SIR WILLIAM.
THE DOUGLAS BOOK. 4 VOLS. CORRESPONDENCE (VOL. IV) EDITED
BY THE AUTHOR. EDINBURGH 1885. 
SAMPLE 1: PP. 59.21-60.22 (GEORGE MARCH)
SAMPLE 2: PP. 63.24-65.24 (JAMES DOUGLAS)^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 59>
[} [\53.\] }]
[} [\GEORGE, EARL OF MARCH, TO KING HENRY THE FOURTH, 
DUNBAR, 18TH FEBRUARY (1400).\] }]

Excellent, mychty, and noble Prynce, likis yhour realte to wit  #
that I am gretly
wrangit be the Duc of Rothesay, the quhilk spousit my douchter, #
and now, agayn
hys oblisyng to me made be hys lettre and his seal, and agaynes #
the law of halikirc,
spouses ane other wif, as it ys said, of the quhilk wrangis and #
defowle to me and
my douchter in swilk maner done, I, as ane of yhour poer kyn,   #
gif it likis yhow,
requeris yhow of help and suppowell, fore swilk honest seruice  #
as I may do efter
my power to yhour noble lordship, and to yhour lande, fore      #
tretee of the quhilk
matere will yhe dedoyn to charge the Lord the Fournivalle ore   #
the Erle of
Westmerland, at yhour likyng, to the marche, with swilk gudely  #
haste as yhow
likis, qware that I may haue spekyng with quhilk of thaim that  #
yhe will send,
<P 60>
and schew hym clerly myn intent, the quhilk I darre nocht       #
discouer to nane other
bot tyll ane of thaim, be cause of kyn and the grete lewtee     #
that I traist in thaim,
and as I suppose yhe traist in thaim on the tother part; alsa,  #
noble prince, will
yhe dedeyn to graunt and to send me yhour sauf-conduyt,         #
endurand quhill the
fest of the natiuite of Seint John the Baptist, fore a hundreth #
knichtis, and
squiers, and seruants, gudes, hors, and hernais, als wele       #
within wallit town as
withowt, ore in qwat other resonable manere that yhow likis,    #
fore trauaillyng
and dwellyng within yhour land gif I hafe myster: And,          #
excellent prince, syn
that I clayme to be of kyn tyll yhow, and it peraventour nocht  #
knawen on yhour
parte, I schew it to yhour lordschip be this my lettre, that    #
gif Dame Alice the
Bewmont was yhour graunde dame, Dame Mariory Comyne, hyrre full #
syster,
wes my graunde dame on the tother syde, sa that I am bot of the #
feirde degre
of kyn till yhow, the quhilk in alde tyme was callit neire; and #
syn I am in swilk
degre tyll yhow, I requere yhow, as be way of tendirnesse       #
thareof, and fore my
seruice in manere as I hafe before writyn, that yhe will        #
vouchesauf tyll help me
and suppowell me, tyll gete amendes of the wrangis and the      #
defowle that ys done
me, sendand tyll me gif yhow likis yhour answere of this with   #
all gudely haste;
and, noble prince, mervaile yhe nocht that I write my lettres   #
in English, fore that
ys mare clere to myne vnderstandyng than Latyne ore Fraunche.   #
Excellent,
mychty, and noble prince, the Haly Trinite hafe yhow euermare   #
in kepyng.
Writyn at my Castell of Dunbarr, the xviij day of Feuerer.
   Le Count de la Marche de Scoce.

<S SAMPLE 2>

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<P 63>
[} [\55.\] }]
[} [\JAMES OF DOUGLAS, WARDEN OF THE MARCHES, TO KING HENRY
THE FOURTH OF ENGLAND, EDINBURGH, 26TH JULY (1405).\] }]

He, excellent and rycht mychty prynce, likit to zour henes to   #
wyte me haff
resauit zour honorabile lettres to me, sende be a reuerend      #
fadir, the abbot of
Calkow, contenand that it is well knawin that trewis war tane   #
and sworne o' late
betwix the rewmys of Ingland and Scotlande, and for that yhu    #
mervalis gretly
that my men, be my wille and assent, has byrnde the toun of     #
Berwike, and in
other certayne places wythin the rewme of Inglande, in brekynge #
fully the saide
<P 64>
trewis in my defaulte and nathinge in yhouris, and als agayn    #
myn ath made in
streynthinge of the same trewis, of the qwhilke yhe desire      #
rather that amendis
war made than ony mar harme war done thairfor. Requirande me to #
do yhou to
wyte, qwhethir I will gere refourme the sayde attemptats, or    #
qwhat my full will be
to do o' that mater. Anence the qwhilkys, hee and excellent     #
prynce, qwhar yhe
say yhu mervalys gretly that my men, be my will and assent, has #
brennede the
toun of Berwik, the qwhilk is wythin Scotlande, and other       #
places in Inglande, in
brekynge fully of the sayde trewis, I vnderstand that giff      #
yhour hee Excellent
war clerly enfourmyte of the brennynge, slachtyr, and takynge   #
of prisoneris and
Scottis schippis that is done be yhour men to Scottys men       #
within the saide
trewis in diuers places of Scotlande befor the brynnynge of     #
Berwike, the qwhilk
skathis our lege Lorde the Kynge and his liegis has paciently   #
tholyte in the
kepynge of the saide trewis, and chargit me til aske, and ger   #
be askyte be my
deputs, redress tharof, the qwhilk my deputis has askyte at     #
dayis of marche, and
nane has gotyne, me think o' resoune yhe sulde erar put blame   #
and punicioun to the
doarys of the saide trespas done agayn the trewis, in swilke    #
maner and callys thaim
rather brekaris of the trew than me that has tholyte sa         #
mikylle iniure so lang and
nane amendis gottyn; bot it is like that the great attemptats   #
that yhour men dois
agayn the trewis is well concelyte fra yhour audience, for I    #
suppos, and yhe wist
it, yhe walde, of yhour he worschipe, ger it be refourmyte and  #
redressit as the
cause requiryt, for lange befor the bryninge of Berwike yhour   #
men com within our
Lorde the Kyngis awin propir lande of Arane and Ile Malasche,   #
and til his castell
of Brathwike, and brynt his chapelle and other diuerse placis   #
of that lande, and
tuke and rawnsounde the capitain of the sayde castelle, and     #
slow his sone and
heryde al that thai mycht ourtake, and alsua thai hade takyne   #
befor that tym
certayne Scottis schippis chargit with marchandis, and the      #
marchandis tharof, in
the contrer of the sayde trewis, of the qwhilkis reparacioun    #
and redress has bene
askyte befor the brennyng of Berwyke, and nane gottyne. And     #
qwhar yhe say
that Berwike that standis in Scotlande, the qwhilke toun yhe    #
call yhouris in
yhour saide lettres, and certayne landis of yhouris wythin      #
Inglande, was brende
be my men, my will and myn assent, brekand the trewis in my     #
defaute and nocht
in yhouris, and in the contrar of myn athe, tharto I answer in  #
this maner, that
qwhat tyme it like to our lege Lorde the Kynge, and to yhour    #
hee Excellent, to
ordane redress to be made be his commissaris and yhouris of     #
all attemptatis
done of aythir syde, I shall, with the help of Gode, make it    #
well kennyt that
I haff trewly kepit myn athe and trewis, as afferys to me of    #
resoun. And
<P 65>
qwhaeuer enfourmyt yhour Excellence that I hade brokyn myn      #
athe, it hade bene
fayrar for him to haffe sende me that querelle in to wyrt vndir #
his selle, and til
haff tane answere greable as afferit to him vnder my seelle     #
agayne, than sua
vntrewly in myn absence till enfourme yhour Excellence, for I   #
trayst he has saide
mar in myn absence than he dar awow in my presens, for nocht    #
displece yhour
honour, learys sulde be lytille alowit wyth ony sic             #
worschipfull kynge as yhe ar.
And qwhar yhe say in yhour sayde lettres that yhe desir rather  #
amendis of
attemptats done agayn the trewis than ony mar harme war done    #
tharfor; to that
I answer in this maner, that qwhen yhour saide lettres come to  #
me, our Lorde the
Kynge was passit in the northe partis of Scotlande, and I with  #
al gudly hast sende
yhour lettres til him, of the qwhilkis, at the makynge of thir  #
letteris, I hade nane
answer. Neuerthelatter, qwhen I hade vnderstandyne yhour        #
lettres, I gert cry in
diuerse placis the trewis to be kepit, traystand that it suld   #
be sua done on the
tother pairt; eftyr the qwhilk crye, yhour men of Inglande has  #
rydyne in Scotlande
wyth gret company, like in fere of were, and has heryde         #
Lawadyrdalle,
Tewydalle, and a part of Etryke Forest, the qwhilke, at the     #
makynge of thir
letteris, was tholyt, and nocht don tharfor. And forthi giffe   #
the trewis sall
stande, it lyes to yhour heenes to se for chastyninge of        #
trespassouris, and for
amendis of attemptats done, and that be tym and qwhat yhe       #
wochesaff of your 
heenes to do twychand thir forsayde materis, yhe walde certify  #
me be your letter,
wyth al gudly hast. Hee, almychty prynce, the Haly Gast yow     #
haff in his yhemsall 
euermar. Wyrtyn at Eddynburghe, vnder my selle, the xxvi daye   #
of Julii.
   Jamis of Douglas, Wardane of the Marche.
To ane excellent and amychty prynce, Kynge of Inglande.




<B SPARL1> 
<Q SC1 STA LAW ACTS1> 
<N PARLIAMENT ACTS> 
<A X> 
<C SC1> 
<O DATE 1525-1555> 
<M MEDIUM MS> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T LAW> 
<G X> 
<F X> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X X> 
<Y X> 
<H X> 
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I FORMAL> 
<Z STAT> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^THE ACTS OF THE PARLIAMENTS OF SCOTLAND, 1124-1707, VOLS.  
I-XII. EDINBURGH 1814-1875. 
SAMPLE 1: PP. II,291.6 (2ND COLUMN) - 308.19 (1ST COLUMN) 
SAMPLE 2: PP. II,482.16 (1ST COLUMN) - 501.22 (2ND COLUMN)^] 

<S SAMPLE 1> 
<P 291.C2> 
[} (\APUD EDINBURGH, 
VI DIE JULII, A. D. M,D,XXV.\) }] 
 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN AND A LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] 
 
<P 292.C2> 
ITEM It is diuisit and ordanit ane~t +te Sessioun~ +tat +te 
lordis ne~mit & writtin of befor~ in +te counselhous~ sall 
p~ceid apon~ +te mat~is of +te sessioun~ togidd~ w=t= remane~t 
of +te lord~ quhen +tai ar present 
 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN WITH LISTS OF NAMES OMITTED^] 
 
The erle of angus~ askit Instrm~t~ +tat +te quenis grace 
gaif In ane supplica=on~= to +te lordis makand me~tioun~ in 
a p~t +t~of / desirand~ +tat sen~ scho had +te said erle vnd~ 
su~mond~ & p~ponit +te accioun~ of diuorce betuix +tai~ / 
+tat +tai wald~ modefy c~petent expens~ for hir~ according 
to hir~ hono=r= / becaus +te said erle Intromettis w=t= 
hir lifing and placis 
 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
<P 293.C1> 
[} (\VNDECIMO JULII 
DN~O REGE PN~TE\) }] 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
 
Maist~ Jhone dauidsone In Name of James erle of 
Arane askit docume~t~ +tat +te thre Estatis of p~liame~t 
dec~nit be sentence Int~locuto=r= +tat +tai wald~ p~ceid apon~ 
+te su~=d=~ rasit be Jhone somervale aganis maist~ Adam 
ottirburn~ aduocat~ to our souerane lord James erle of 
arane hew lord som~vale and s~=r= James ha~miltoun~ for 
reducing of +te p~ces~ of forfalto=r= led aganis him 
 
Jhone som~vale askit Instru=t=~ of +te said~ Int~locuto=r= 
 
Jhone som~vale p~testit +tat sen~ +te lord som~vale was 
lauchfully su~mond~ in +tis mat~ & p~so=ly= pn~t +tat geif he 
wald no=t= p~pone & allege his defens~ quhy +te p~ces~ of 
forfalto=r= led aganis +te said Jhone / he suld no=t= be 
admittit nor herd~ In +te said~ mat~ in tyme tocu~ 
 
The said Jhone askit docume~t~ & p~testit +t=t= sen~ +t~ was 
co~p~mitt~ maid for concord~ to be had~ betuix +te erlis 
of angus~ & aran~ +t~ kyn~ & freynd~ And +t=t= +te said erle 
of arane hew lord som~vale & s~=r= James ha~milton~ gaif 
In p~testatioun~s to mak delay +t=t= +te said Jhone suld~ no=t= 
haif Justice ane~t +te reducing of +te said p~ces~ of           #
forfalto=r=
gangand~ In co~trar~ +te teno=r= of +te said co~p~mitt 
& In +t~ p~t had~ brokin +te sami~ as he allegit ho~ x~ 
 
The said maist~ Jhone p~ducit p~cu=r=~ for Ja=es= erle of 
arane & s~=r= James ha~milton~ of fy~nart gevand~ him 
power alan~lie to pn~t +t~ p~testatioun~s & to p~test eft~ +te 
forme and teno=r= of +te sami~ & na for+t~ 
 
In pn~s of +te king~ grace and thre estat~ of p~liame~t 
comp~it Maist~ Jhone dauidsone p~curato=r= for James erle 
of arane & In his name p~ducit ane p~testatioun~ subscriuit 
w=t= +te said erlis hand~ p~testand~ eft~ +te forme of 
+te sami~ & +t~upon~ ask=t= Instru=t=~ of +te q=lk= +te teno=r= #
followis
I James erle of arane lord ha~miltoun~ p~test~ sole~ptlie in 
+te face of +tis pn~t p~liame~t +tat quhat beis done In +te 
samy~ In favo=r=~ of Jhone som~vale ane~t +te su~=d=~ rasit be 
him apon~ +te retreting of his forfalto=r= & restoring of 
hi~ aga~ to +te sami~ turn~ me to na p~iudice nor scai=t= ane~t 
+te gift of his eschete bai=t= of his gud~ & land~ maid 
to me by my lord gou~no=r= and ane~t all v+t~ clame & 
ry=t= +t=t= I haue to +te sami~ for diu~s~ causis q=lk~= I sall #
schaw
& assigne resoun~s at tyme & place ganand +t~to And 
+tis my p~testa=on~= I desir~ to be put In public form~ & 
<P 293.C2> 
ask~ Instru=t=~ & docume~t~ +t~upon~ of +gow & +go=r= notar~ 
subscriuit w=t= my hand at lithqw +te vij day of Julij 
+te +ger~ of god~ J=m= v=c= and xxv +geris 
 
Comp~it hew lord som~vale & gaif In ane w~ting in  
forme of p~testa=on~= of +te q=lk= +te teno=r= followis /       #
fforsamekle
as I hew lord som~vale Is he~tablie Infeft In ane p~t of 
+te land~ In +te quhilk Jhone som~vale was possest befor 
+te forfalto=r= led apon~ him & has pait sowmes of 
money for +te sami~ / heirfor I p~test sole~ptlie In +t=t=      #
cais~
+te said~ forfalto=r= be reducit +tat I may haif my actioun~ 
& releif for +te said~ land~ And q=t=eu~ be done ane~t +te 
su~=d=~ rasit be +te said~ Jhone for retreting of +te said 
forfalto=r= be na hurt nor p~iudice to me ane~t +te said~ 
land~ In +te q=lk=~ I am he~tablie Infeft as said Is or 
v+t~wais & heirapon~ I ask instru=t=~ ho~ xj 
 
Comp~it Maist~ Jhone dauidsone p~cu=r= for Ja=es= ha~miltoun~ 
of fy~nart kny=t= and in +te nai~ of +te said~ s~=r= James 
p~ducit a w~ting In forme of p~testa=on~= subscriuit w=t= his 
hand~ p~testand~ eft~ +te forme of +te sami~ and +t~upon~ 
askit Instru=t=~ of +te q=lk= +te teno=r= followis I James      #
ha~miltoun~
of fy~nart kny=t= p~test~ sole~ptlie In +te face of +tis 
p~liame~t +tat quhat beis done In +te sami~ in favo=r=~ of 
Jhone som~vale ane~t +te su~=d=~ rasit be him for +te retreting 
of his forfalto=r= & restoring hi~ agane +te sami~ turn~ 
me to na p~iudice nor scai=t= ane~t +te gift of his eschete 
bai=t= of his gud~ & la~d~ And ane~t +te app~sing of his 
land~ maid to me befor~ +te said forfalto=r= and ane~t all 
v+t~ clame & ry=t= +t=t= I haif to +te sami~ becaus I may no=t= 
co~per in +te said p~liame~t i~ my defence at +tis tyme for 
diu~s~ causis q=lk=~ I sall schaw at tyme & place ganand~ 
And for diu~s~ v+t~is causis & resoun~s quhilk~ I sall 
assigne & allege at tyme & place ganand~ +t~to And +tis 
my p~testa=on~= I desire to be put in public forme & askit 
Instrm~t~ +t~upon~ of +g~ & +go=r= notar~ subscriuit w=t= my 
hand~ At lithqw +te vij day of Julij +te +ger~ of god~ J=m= 
v=c= and xxv +geris 
 
In pn~s of +te king~ hienes and thre estat~ of p~liame~t 
c~p~it Archibald~ erle of angus~ and offerit to find cautioun~ 
to +te quenis grace for Indempnite of hir~ p~soun~ 
& hir~ honest hous~hald~ vnd~ sic panis as +te king~ 
hienes & lord~ wald diuis~ & think expedie~t sua +tat 
hir~ grace may saiflie and surlie cu~ & gang to +tis 
toun~ of Edi~burgh~ & fra +te sami~ w=t= hir~ said houshald~ 
during +te tyme of +tis pn~t p~liame~t & thre dais +t~eft~ 
and eft~ +te forme & teno=r= of +tis writing gevin In be 
+te said erle +t~upoun~ Off +te quhilk +te teno=r= followis 
My lord~ of c~sale +tis Is +te ansuer~ +tat I archibald~ erle 
of angus~ mak~ to +te quenis grace In +te first q=r= scho 
desiris surtie of me of bodelie harme / My lord~ I traist 
It is no=t= vnknawin to all +go=r= L~ +tat I neu~ as +git did 
hir~ grace ony harme In hir~ p~soun~ nor neu~ tend~ to 
do And as I traist It has no=t= bene vse +t=t= men~ has gevin 
cautioun~ to +t~ wif~ No=t=+teles~ for +te ples~=r= of hir~     #
grace
<P 294.C1> 
& to geif hir~ occasioun~ to adheir~ to me as to hir~ husband 
for +te wele of bai=t= our~ c~science / I am c~tent to do 
all thing~ +tat Is no=t= hurt to my saule or +tat I may do 
of gud zele And according +t~to I sall bind me vnd~ 
gret sowmez~ +tat hir~ grace sall be harmeles of me and 
all +tat I may lett as +te law will +t=t= a ma~is spous be 
harmles of hir~ husband~ / and sall treit hir~ grace at my 
power~ sa lang as we ar~ vndiuorcit as law co~science & 
honestie of hir~ grace requiris And geif +go=r= L / will 
requeist or c~sell me to find v+t~ man~ of assouerance / 
quharthrow hir~ grace may tak occasioun~ no=t= to adheir~  
to me hir~ husband lik as scho Is bundin & oblist 
be +te law of god~ & halikirk my lord~ at +go=r= L / & In 
spe~ale spu~ale will pleis~ to avis~ geif +ge may geif me 
+tat c~sale And geif I may vse +te sami~ saiflie / for I am 
adu~tist be men~ of religioun~ & v+t~is of c~science +tat sic 
thing~ may no=t= be lefully gra~tit w=t=out disples~=r= of god 
and Incurring of deidlie syn~ quhilk na ma~ suld~ do 
c~sid~ing all hir~ desiris Intend~ to abstract hir~ grace 
fra me hir~ husband q=lk= as I vnd~stand~ I may na way 
do lauchfullie for & hir~ grace be wele c~salit scho suld~ 
no=t= refus~ +tis my resonable desiris 
 
ITEM It Is Statut~ and ordanit +tat +te hono=r= & fredom~ 
of halikirk and p~uilege gra~tit +t~to be obs~uit & keipit 
i~ o=r= sou~an~ lord~ tyme +tat now Is siclik and In +te 
sami~ stait as It was in our~ sou~ane lord~ maist noble 
p~decesso=r=~ tymes of gud mynde quhem god assol+ge 
 
ITEM It Is statut~ and ordanit +tat all act~ & statut~ 
maid aganis +tai~ purchessand~ benefice at +te court of 
rome c~trar~ our~ sou~ane lord~ auctoritie be obs~uit and 
kepit In tyme tocu~ eft~ +te form~ and teno=r= of +te samy~ 
 
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^] 
 
<P 294.C2>
[} (\XVIJ JULIJ A~NO &C~ V=C= XXV=TO= 
SEDERU~T DN~J ELECTI AD ARTICULOS\) }] 
 
THE lord~ of +te secret counsale dec~nis +tat howbeit 
James erle of arane has gotti~ ane respit to him his 
kyn~ & frend~ / +tat w=t= c~sent of +te said erle of arane 
hary stewart and James stewart beand w=t= +te quenis 
grace / and Wille Weir~ at was put to +te horn~ for +te 
slaucht~ of maist~ James haliburtoun~ sall no=t= be co~p~hendit 
in +te said respitt And +tat +te said respitt sall 
In na man~ of way hurt +te actioun~ of p~ty ciuilie bot 
+te said~ ciuile actioun~s to haif place at all tymes as 
accord~ of Justice 
 
ITEM as to +te artikle tuiching +te halding of Justice 
air~ The lord~ think~ expedient +tat Justice airis be 
haldin vniu~salie out throw all +te realme And to begyn~ 
at abirdene +te v day of februar~ nixt tocu~ And 
fra thyne fur=t= to forfair~ p~th~ and v+t~ p~t~ neidfull       #
be+gond~
forth~ And +t~eft~ at +te schyris on~ +tis syde +te 
wat~ quhar~ maist mist~ Is of halding of Justice airis 
And at +te Justice clerk and his deput~ pass~ and ressaue 
dittay w=t=in all schyris as accord~ 
 
Thir~ ar~ +te lord~ chosin to remane w=t= +te king~ grace 
quart~lie as eft~ followis +tat Is to say fra +tis day furth~ 
quhill allhallowmes~ nixt tocu~ The archibischop of 
glasgw and erle of angus~ and w=t= +tai~ in cumpany +te 
bischop of Orknay / +te erle of mortoun~ +te abbot of 
halirudhous~ +te lord setoun~ & +te abbot of arbro=t= 
 
The secund quart~ +tat is to say fra all hallowmes~ to 
ca~dilmes~ +te bischop of abirdene +te erle of Arane and 
w=t= +tai~ +te bischop of brechin +te erle of eglintoun~ / 
+te abbot of paslay +te lord forbes 
 
The thrid q=r=t~ +t=t= Is to say fra ca~dilmes~ to beltane +te 
archibischop of Sanctandr~ / +te erle of ergile & w=t= +tai~ 
<P 295.C1> 
+te bischop of dunkeld~ +te abbot of ca~busky~ne=t= +te 
lord erskin +te lord flemyng 
 
The ferd and Last quart~ fra beltane to la~mes~ +te 
bischop of dunblane +te erle of levinax and w=t= +tai~ +te 
bischop of cathnes +te erle of gle~carn~ +te erle of 
mo~tros~ & +te abbot of Scone 
 
ITEM +te hail lordis referris +te ex~citioun~ of +te king~ 
maist nobl~e p~soun~ to +te discrecioun~ of +te lord~ being 
w=t= him for +te tyme 
 
ITEM as to +te artikle to avise apoun~ +te ordouring of 
+te king~ houshald~ +te lord~ will c~sidir~ and ordo=r= +te 
samyn~ Inco~tine~t eft~ +tat +tai haue concludit apon~ +te 
pu~ct~ c~c~ni~g +te p~liame~t & or~ +te ending of +te chekker~ 
 
ITEM as to +te artikle tuiching +te quenis grace +te 
lord~ will p~vyde +t~for as accord~ or +te c~clusioun~ of 
+te p~liame~t 
 
ITEM +tat su~=d=~ of tresoun~ be maid aganis +te gret lord~ 
+tat war~ chargit be our~ sou~ane lord~ lr~ez to haif 
cu~in to +tis pn~t p~liament for sic vrgent necessiteis as 
occurr~ to be su~mond~ aganis +te nixt p~lia=t= for sic causs~ 
as +te ki~g~ aduocat~ sal thi~k expedie~t to libell aganis 
+tai~ &c~ 
 
ITEM ane~t +te eschewing of attemptat~ or truble to 
be maid besyde +te king~ grace +te lord~ ordanis +te 
lawis in sic caiss~ to be kepit in tyme to cu~ And +te 
lord~ being w=t= +te king~ grace for +te tyme to put +te 
sami~ to executioun~ w=t= certificatioun~ to +tai~ and +tai~ 
do no=t= +tai sall be accusit as assistaris to +tai~ co~mitt~is #
of
+te said c~mes 
 
ITEM It Is statut~ and ordanit +tat becaus me~is selis 
may of avento=r= be tint quharthrow gret hurt may be 
gen~it to +tai~ +tat aw +te sami~ and +tat me~is selis may be 
fen+geit or put to w~ting~ eft~ +t~ deceis~ In hurt and 
p~iudice of our~ sou~ane lord~ liegis That +t~for~ na faith~ 
be gevin in tyme cu~ing to ony obliga=on~= band or v+t~ 
writing vnd~ ane sele w=t=out subscriptioun~ of him +tat 
aw +te sami~ & witnes / or ellis geif +te p~ty can no=t= wryte 
w=t= +te subscriptioun~ of ane notar~ +t~to 
 
ITEM It Is statut~ and ordanit That forsamekl~e as +te 
dampnabl~e opu~+geoun~s of heresy ar~ spred in diu~s~ cu~treis 
be +te heretik luther~ and his discipillis And +tis 
real~m and lieg~ has fermelie p~sistit in +te halifaith~ sen~ 
+te sami~ was first ressauit be +tai~ and neu~ as +git admittit 
ony opu~+geoun~s co~trar~ +te c~stin faith~ bot eu~ has 
<P 295.C2> 
bene clene of all sic filth~ & vice Therefor~ +tat na man~ 
of p~soun~ strangear~ +tat hapnis to arrife w=t= +t~ schippis 
w~in ony p~t of +tis real~m bring w=t= +tai~ ony buk~ or 
werk~ of +te said lutheris his discipillis or s~uand~ desputt 
or rehers~ his heresyis or opu~+geoun~s bot geif It 
be to +te c~fusioun +t~of vnd~ +te pane of escheting of 
+t~ schippis and gud~ and putting of +t~ p~soun~s in presoun~ 
And +tat +tis act~ be publist and p~clamit out 
throw +tis realme at all port~ and burrowis of +te sami~ 
Sa +tat +tai may allege na Ignorance +t~of (And all v+t~ 
+te king~ lieg~ assistar~ to sic opu~+geon~s be pvnist in 
semeible wise And +te effect~ of +te said act~ to strik 
apon~ +tai~ &c~)


Ratifyis and apprevis +te gift and admissioun~ of +te
office of s~=r=efschip of fiffe maid be +te king~ grace w=t=
avis~ of my lord gou~no=r= for +te tyme To patrik lord
lindesay of +te byr~ Jhone lindesay of petcruvy kny=t=
his sone & apperand air~ and Jhone lindesay sone and
apperand air~ to +te said Jhone vnd~ +te p~ue sele In all
punct~ and eft~ +te forme & teno=r= of +te sami~ Off +te
dait at dunbertane +te xxx day of maij +te +ger~ of god
J=m= v=c= and xxiiij +geris and of +te king~ regne +te
xj +ger~

[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]

Ratifyis and apprevis +te chart~ of fewferme maid to
maist~ Jhone campbell thesaurar~ of our~ souerane
lord~ land~ of teling and polgavy vnd~ his gret sele
In all pu~ct~ eft~ +te form~ & teno=r= of +te sami~

Ratifyis and apprevis +te chart~ maid vnd~ +te gret
sele to Jhone striueling of +te keir~ kny=t= of +te la~d~ of
ratherne liand w=t=in +te L / of strathern~ gra~tit & gevi~ to
him i~ fewferm~ eft~ +te form~ and teno=r= of +te sami~
<P 296.C1>
[} (\XXVIJ JULIJ\) }]
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]

Comperit Jhone betoun~ of creich~ and p~testit +tat sen
he has +te keping of +te palice of falkland and +te samy~
Is rivin +te thak +t~of brokin and will tak gret skai=t=
w=t=out It be hastelie remedit / Therfor~ to caus~ +te falt~
be mendit or ellis gif him co~mand~ to do +te sami~ on~
+te king~ expen~ and mak him allowance +t~of / and geif
+tai fail+geit heirin +tat na thing be laid~ to his charge
(\ho~ q~ta p~ m~ed~\)

The lordis ordanis +tat becaus +te king~ officiaris
quhen +tai ar~ chargit be +te the=r= to do s~uice to +te
king~ grace in his erand~ alleg~ +tat +tai haif na hors~
nor +t~ wag~ no=t= sufficient quharthrow diu~s~ mat~is
c~c~ni~g +te c~moun~ wele of +te realme ar~ postponit That
+t~for~ +te said~ thesaurar~ sall haue power~ to tak +te
armys fra ony of our~ sou~ane lord~ officiaris vnd~
harrald~ / +tat refusis to pas~ sic erand~ as he lais to +t~
charge in +te king~ nai~ In tyme tocu~

[} (\PE~ULTIMO JULIJ\) }]

[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]

In pn~s of +te said~ lord~ Comperit robert bertoun~ of
ovirberntoun~ comptrollar~ & schew how +te expens~ of
+te ki~g~ houshald~ Is risin sa gret +tat his p~pirtie may
no=t= beir~ +te sami~ and daly apperis to rise gretar~ becaus
na ordo=r= Is put +t~to be +te lord~ havand auctoritie
of +te sami~ Certifying to +te lord~ forsaid~ +tat w=t=out
+tai p~uidit sum gud~ ordo=r= and reule to his houshald~
It Is no=t= possibl~e +tat his grace may be sustenit to his
hono=r= as efferis Protestand~ +t~for~ +tat sen~ he has oft and
mony tymes adu~tist +te lord~ heirof prayand +t~ L / to
avise and c~clude ane gud and hon~abl~e way heirintill
for +te king~ hono=r= That quhateu~ my=t= happin tocu~
+t~throw in tyme tocu~ suld~ no=t= be laid~ to his charge
sen~ he has done his exact~ diligence spendit his awn~
geir~ & may sustene na forrar~ / +t~upon~ askit Instru=t=~
ane or ma (\testibz dn~is vt sup~\) /
<P 296.C2>
[} (\VLTIMO JULIJ\) }]
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]

Colyne erle of Ergile for himself & In name and behalf
of all +te temporale estate of +tis realm~ beand pn~t
Protestit +tat forsamekle as +tai war~ pn~t heir~ to p~vyde
for +te defence of +te real~m & to spend +t~ lif~ & gud~
+t~upoun~ And +tat diu~s~ v+t~is of +te lord~ war~ send for
to tak +t~ part +t~intill or to avise apoun~ +te taking of 
pece vnd~ diu~s~ panis and last vnd~ +te pane of lese
maiestie and wald~ no=t= cum to assist w=t= +tai~ ane~t +te
p~miss~ That +t~for~ quhat Ruyne hapnis to +tis real~m be
+te sustentatioun~ of +te weris / +te said~ lord~ no=t= cu~and
to tak +t~ p~t to +te effect~ abone writtin It suld~ be laid
to +t~ charge no=t= comperand and +tai to be accusit +t~for~
And Inlikwise geif pece war~ takin throw +te causs~ of
necessiteis +tat +te lord~ abonewrittin wald~ no=t= cu~ to
tak +t~ p~t in defence of +te real~m nor to geif +t~ counsale
+t~in / +tat geif +te said~ pece war~ had~ be +te quhilk we
tynt o=r= freynd~ & confederat~ +tat +te charge +t~of suld~
be Imputt to +te said~ lord~ and +te sami~ laid to +t~
charge & +tai to be accusit for +te sami~

Gawyne archibischop of glasgw in nai~ of +te sp~uale
estate p~testit in maner~ abone writtin

ANENT +te artikle of pece +te lord~ all w=t= ane avise and
c~sent think~ expedient for +te gret necessiteis +tat occurr~
als~wele be Inuasioun~ of our~ Inemyis of Ingland~
as be +te diuisioun~ standand~ w=t=in +te real~m
Quharthrow apperandly ruyne and distructioun~ sall
hastely cum to +te real~m w=t=out gud ordo=r= be maid
+t~in be way of pece That +t~for pece be takin betuix
+tir tua realmes be see and be land for +te space of
thre +geris w=t= certane c~ditioun~s as sall be tho=t=          #
expedient
for gud of bai=t= +te realmes and send in artikl~is
w=t= +te c~missionar~ +t~upoun~ w=t= comprehencioun~ in spea~le
of france gif It can~ be gottin or as followis
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]
And geif It can~ no=t= be gottin to tak It w=t= gen~ale         #
c~p~hensioun~
of our~ frend~ and c~federat~ alwayis +tis
<P 297.C1>
artikle beand adionit That It sall be lefull to ws to
help fortify and supple o=r= co~federat~ +te king of france
his realm~ & lieg~ w=t= men~ schippis vittalis and all v+t~
necessar~ out w=t= +te realme

Item +te king of Ingland~ sall p~cur~ solist and caus~ +te
king of span+ge emp~o=r= to entir w=t= siclik amitie and
kyndnes w=t= ws for +te realmes of span+ge & flandr~ as
+tai war~ of befor~

ITEM +tat ane artikle be maid +tat It sall be lefull to +te
king~ lieg~ of baith~ +te realmes to travale throw v+t~is
w=t=out c~duct~

ITEM It Is statut~ and ordanit +tat It sall no=t= be lefull
to +te lord~ havand +te king~ auctoritie to vse +te sami~
bot be all +te lord~ togidd~ or +te maist p~t of +tai~ / +te
laif being req~rit +tat ar~ pn~t And in sic thing~ as sall
happin to occur~ / to c~vene and c~moun~ +t~upoun~ and w=t=
all v+t~ avisis c~clude and subscriue as accord~ & no=t=
v+t~wais

[} (\TERTIO AUG=TJ=
SEDERUNT DN~J VT IN DIE P~CEDEI~T\) }]

ITEM It Is statude and ordanit +tat becaus mony and 
diu~s~ +te king~ lieg~ of +tis realme lyis vnd~ +te horribl~e
sentence of cursing seperat~ fra +te suffrage & prayer of
+te kirk & merite of +te blude of criste / to +te da~pnacioun~
of +t~ saulis evill exemple p~rell and danger~ of
+te v+tir~ gud subditt~ of +te realm~ Therfor quhen ony
of our~ sou~ane lord~ lieg~ sustenis da~pnablie +te said
horrible sentence of cursing for +te space of xl dais
quharvpon~ capcioun~ auch~t to be gevin be +te law / +te
p~ty at quhais Instance +tai p~son~s ar~ cursit sall haif our~
sou~ane lord~ lr~ez to pvnde prise and distre~+ge +t~ gud~
movable & vnmovable for payme~t of +te sowmes for
+te quhilk~ +tai ly vnd~ +te said sentence And geif +te
said~ p~soun~s lyis vnd~ cursing be +te said~ space for no=t=
doing or fulfilling of ony act~ or deid~ In +tat cais~ +te
p~souns +t~ credito=r=~ sall haif lr~ez In +te first secund
thrid & ferd formes according to +te ordinaris lr~ez of
cursing And +tis act~ alwayis to be na p~iudice to +tai~
at lykis to tak capcioun~s (and albeit ane p~son~e may be
ondir his appellatione +tat may stop +te gevin off sic
lr~es as is abone writtin it is ordanit +tat ane appellacione
fra des~cione off appellacionis sal no=t= stop +te
gevin of sic lr~es)

ITEM It Is diuisit and ordanit +tat ane c~missioun~ be
maid vndir~ +te gret sele makand ane maist Reu~end
fadir~ in god gawyne archibischop of glasgw archibald~
erle of angus~ lord douglace wardane & lieutene~t
of +te Est & medle m~chis george abbot of halirudhous~
<P 297.C2>
Robert abbot of paslay Willia~ scott of balwery
kny=t= & Maister~ Adam ottirburn~ of auldhame aduocat~
to our~ sou~ane lord~ Co~missionar~ / gevand +tai~ or ony
four~ or thre of +tai~ power~ to meit +te co~missionaris
of Ingland for treting of pece eft~ +te teno=r= of +te          #
artikleis
maid +t~upoun~ And +te said co~missioun~ to be
extendit In +te maist ample and large forme And w=t=
power~ In +te sami~ to +te said co~missionar~ to mak and
tak redres~ of all maner~ of attemptat~ co~mittit be +te
lieg~ of a+t~ of +te realmes aganis v+t~is In tyme bigane
baith~ be see and be land~ And to meit heirapoun~ at
sic dais and plac~ as salbe tho=t= expedient

ITEM It Is statut~ and ordanit In +tis pn~t p~liame~t becaus
+te p~ces~ of Justice airis Is sa lang and p~lixt +tat
in mony +geris p~tyis +tat ar~ hurt and grevit gett~ na
Justice trespassis and c~mes passis vnpvnist / quhilk Is
occasioun~ of mony p~soun~s to co~mitt crymes traisting
na haisty pvnicioun nor correctioun~ That +t~for~ In
tyme tocu~ +te p~cess~ of Justice airis and Justice court~
be p~empto=r= at +te secund air~ or co=r=t sa +tat +te          #
fugitivis
no=t= comperand at +te secund air~ or court suld~ be and
sall be denu~cit +te king~ rebellis & put to his horn~ and
all +t~ gud~ his eschete And als becaus mony p~soun~s
Indytit to Justice airis ar~ chargeit w=t= souirtie to Justice
courtis vsis to absent +tai~ and fle / and may absent
+tai~ & fle sa +tat crovn~is can~ no=t= comp~hend~ +tai~        #
p~sonaly
to arrest +tai~ In +t=t= cais~ in all tymes tocu~ / It sall     #
suffice
+te crovnar~ tocu~ to +t~ duelli~g place of +te p~soun~s        #
Inditit
& +t~ mak +tai~ warni~g & charge +tat +tai co~peir~ In
+te Justice air~ +tan nixt to follow to a~s~=r= to sic          #
accusa=on~s=
of crimez~ as salbe i~put to +tai~ And +t~eft~ apon~
+te nixt sonday or festuale day following +te said charge
That +te crovnar~ mak opin and public Inti~acioun~ of
his warni~g charge & p~mu~icioun~ maid to +te said~
p~soun~s be +t~ names In +t~ p~roche kirk~ quhilk~ charg~
p~mu~icioun~s & Inti~acioun~s sall stand~ to +tame for          #
sufficient
arrestme~t~ / +te crovnar~ prevand +te samyn~ be his
aith~ and ane witnes as auld c~suetude Is And Inlikwise
+te king~ officiaris makand warni~g to p~vate Justice
court~ of ony p~soun~s for ony crymes no=t= des~uand~
rebellioun~ in cais~ of nonfinding of sovirtie +tat +tai
keip +te sami~ ordo=r= and p~ces~ quhilk sall be haldin and
reput for sufficient souirtie finding vnd~ +te pane of
law / +te actioun~s no=t= beand for slauchtir~ nor mutilacioun~
And ordanis +te Justice gen~ale apon~ ony maner~
of crymes c~mittit or to be c~mittit / to sett Justice
court~ p~ticular~ quhen neid Is for pvnicioun~ of p~ticular~
falt~ and crymes +t=t= occurr~ (sic as recent~ slauchter        #
mutilation~ fyr revising off woman~ depredatioun~s maisterful   #
reiffis and al o+t~ siclyk crymes at +te discretion~ of +te     #
lord~) [^WORDS IN BRACKETS IN MARGIN^] for stanching of         #
trespasso=r=~ 
and bri~ging of +te real~m to pece and quiet /
becaus at all tymes Justice airis gn~ale can~ no=t= be redy
And delay of pvnicioun~ gen~is & gevis new occasioun~
of trespass~

ITEM It Is diuisit statut~ and ordanit +tat becaus mony
evill disposit p~soun~s vsis apoun~ cruele malice & fortho=t=
fellony to lay wachis and besett gait~ quhar~ +tai
<P 298.C1>
vnd~stand men~ ar~ to ryde and pas~ w=t= evill folk~ for
+te slauchtir~ & Inuasioun~ of +te p~soun~s +tat +tai hait and
has Inemytie aganis +tai~ / That +t~for~ In tyme tocu~ It be
ane spe~ale punct of dittay sa +tat +te co~mitt~is +t~of sall
be Indytit And geif ony p~soun~s beis o=r=tane be ane
assise of setting +te gait Laying wachis for men~ to do
+tai~ scaith~ or byding men~ at +te wait to mak slauchtir
or to do bodely harme or art or p~t +t~of The co~mittaris
or doaris +t~of sall be pvnist to +te deid albeit +te
p~soun~ or p~souns +tat +tai laid waching for~ eschaip +t~
scaith~ And at +tis cryme be callit to private diet~ or
Justice courtis or at gen~ale Justice airis as pleis~ +te
Justice for stanching of sic cruell dedis

ITEM It Is statut~ and orda~t +tat +te co~mittaris of +te
crymes of fire rasing / & revesing of weme~ be put vnd~
souirtie to +te law lik as +te c~mes of slaucht~ & mutila=on~=
And In cais~ of Nonfinding souirtie to denu~ce +tai~ rebellis
lik as men~ slaaris And als becaus +te birni~g of
cornis In bern+gardis Is sa gret offence aganis +te c~moun~
wele That +t~for~ +t~ be nevir~ respitt nor remissioun~
gevin In na tyme tocu~ to ony p~soun~s at birnis cornis 
in stakkis or bernis bot +te co~mitt~is +t~of to be Justifyit
to +te deid~ or banist +te realme for euir~

The thre estatis In +tis p~nt p~liame~t ratifyis and apprevis
all gift~ dispo~itioun~s donatioun~s act~ & statut~
resignatioun~s c~firmatioun~s and v+t~is quhatsu~euir maid
& done be +te lord~ of +te secret counsale in our~ souerane
lord~ nai~ and of his auctoritie In absence of +te
quenis grace No=t=w=t=standing +te auctoritie gra~tit & gevin
to hir~ hienes in +te Last p~liame~t haldin at Edinburgh~
+te xv day of februar~ +te +ger~ of god~ J=m= v=c= & xxiiij
+geris Atto=r= +te said~ thre estatis for certane               #
c~sid~acioun~s
moving +tai~ / and for +te co~moun~ wele of +tis realm~
dec~nis & ordanis +te said aucto=te= gra~tit & gevin to +te
quenis grace in +te said p~liame~t to ceis~ in tyme tocu~
and deprivis hir~ +t~fra No=t=+teles~ at +te requeist of +te
king~ grace The lord~ Ordanis +tis act~ to stand~ o=r= for
xx dais sa +tat geif +te quenis grace cu~is In +te meyntyme
& vsis +te c~sale of +te lord~ scho to haue hir~ auctoritie
& to vse +te sami~ w=t= +te said~ lord~ And geif
scho cu~is no=t= to +te effect~ forsaid~ +tis act~ abone        #
writtin
to be of strenth~ & effect~ In all punct~

Ratifyis and apprevis +te chart~ of fewferme maid
vnd~ +te gret sele to James campbell of lawer~ & marioun~
forest~ his spous of xl m~k~ wor=t= of land~ of
lawaris of +te fourty m~k~ wor=t= of +te land of +te thre       #
lawar~
+tat Is to say lawarmor~ lawar~ manach~ & clene lawar~
w=t= +te p~tinen~ liand in dischyre & lochtay w=t=in +te        #
s~refdom~
of p~th~ In all punct~ eft~ +te form~ and teno=r= of
+te sami~ of the dait At Edinburgh~ the xvj day of
Junij +te +ger~ of god~ J=m= v=c= & xxv +ger~ & +te king~
Regne +te xij +ger~
<P 298.C2>
Anent +te Su~mond~ rasit at +te Instance of Jhone
somervale sumtyme of ca~busnethame aganis Maist~
Adam ottirburn~ of auldhame aduocat~ to our~ souerane
lord And aganis James erle of arane hew lord
som~vale & James ha~miltoun~ of fy~nart kny=t= allegit          #
donato=r=~
to o=r= said~ souerane lord and Jhone duke of
albany his tuto=r= & gou~no=r= of his realme for +te tyme
in +tat p~t of all & sindry land~ gud~ movable & vnmovable
of +te said Jhone som~valis be resoun~ of +te
dome of forfalto=r= gevin aganis +te said Jhone and Ilk
ane of +tai~ for +t~ Int~ess~ To heir~ & see +te said dome of
forfalto=r= gevin aganis +te said Jhone in +te p~liame~t
haldi~ at Edinburgh~ apon~ monu~day +te vij day of +te
moneth~ of aprile +te +ger~ of god~ J~ v=c= & xxij +geris be
+te said Jhone Duke of albany &c~ gou~no=r= of +tis
realme for +te tyme Adiugeand and dec~nand~ +te said
Jhone som~vale to haue co~mittit and Incurrit +te crymes
of Lese maiestie In diu~s~ punct~ c~tenit in +te said
dome of forfalto=r= That Is to say In art & p~t of +te
cruell & tresonable Inuasioun~ of +te p~soun~s of ane maist
Reu~end fadir~ in god James +tan archibischop of glasgw
chancelar~ and of James erle of Arane lord ha~miltoun~
tua of +te regent~ of +tis realme in absence of +te
said Jhone Duke of albany gou~no=r= +tai beand passand~
fra +t~ houss~ In +te said toun~ of Edinburgh~ to +te tolbuyth~
of +te sami~ for admi~stracioun~ of Justice apon~
monu~day +te Last day of aprile in +te +ger~ of god~ J=m=
v=c= and xx +geris Aganis quham +te said Jhone w=t= his
complicis arrayit batell apon~ +te public streit / tresonablie
w=t= wapins Inuasiue And for +te tresonable art and
part of +te expulsioun~ of +te said~ regent~ and +te laif
of +te lord~ furth~ of +te said toun~ +tai beand deput~ for
admi~stratioun~ of Justice And for +te tresonabl~e resistance
and Impedime~t making to +te said~ regent~ &
lord~ being w=t= +tai~ Sa +tat +tai my=t= no=t= do Justice to
o=r= sou~ane lord~ liegis / becaus +tai war~ be +te said Jhone
and his c~plic~ be way of armes compellit furth~ of
+te said toun~ And for +te tresonable art and p~t of +te
c~vocacioun~ of certane trato=r=~ and rebellis of +te realme
as dauid hume of Wedd~burn~ & his bre+t~ w=t= a multitude
of thevis & v+t~ Ill doaris / +te first day of maij +te
+ger~ of god~ forsaid~ arrayand batell in +te sich~t of our~
said sou~ane lord apon~ +te burrowmur~ of Edinburgh~
And for +te tresonable assistance and favo=r=~ gevin to
+te said~ dauid hume of Wedd~burn~ & his complicis
trato=r=~ & rebell~ In +te taking of +te castellis of hume
& Wed~burn~ & furnissing of +te samy~ c~trar~ +te said regent~
& our~ sou~ane lord~ aucto=te= And for +te tresonable
c~vocatioun~ of our~ sou~ane lord~ liegis passand~ be
way of batale in our~ said~ Souerane lord~ sy=t= to +te
townys of linlithqw & Striueling / No=t=w=t=standing +te
said Jhone and his complicis war~ forbiddin to do +te
sami~ be our~ sou~ane lord~ lr~ez vnd~ +te pane of tresoun~
And at his returni~g in +te tresonable arraying of batale
aganis +te said James erle of arane & i~uasioun~ of him /
as Inuasioun~ of our~ sou~ane lord~ p~soun~ he beand ane
of +te rege~t~ of +te realme & lieutene~t of +te Est m~chis
aganis Ingland~ & lothiane slayand diu~s~ of +te king~
lieg~ beand vnd~ his baner~ w=t= +te said James erle of 
arane Dec~nand +t~for +te said Jhone to haue forfaltit
<P 299.C1>
his life and all & sindry his heretag~ a~nuel rentis            #
posses~ioun~s
sup~ioriteis w=t= +t~ p~tine~t~ & offices w=t= all &
sindry his gudis movabl~e & vnmovabl~e to our~ Souerane
lord~ vse & his successo=r=~ to be assignit & p~petualie
applyit or v+t~wayis at +te will of +te said Jhone
duk of Albany p~tecto=r= and gou~no=r= of +te realm~ for +te
tyme to be disponit as In +te said dome of forfalto=r= Is
at mair~ lenth~ c~tenit / w=t= all +tat followit +t~upoun~ to   #
be
cassat~ adnullit retretit dec~nit and declarit of na
strenth~ force nor effect~ fra +te begyni~g and In tyme
tocu~ And als to heir~ & see +te said~ Jhone somervale
declarit be our~ said souerane lord~ w=t= +te counsale and
avise of +te thre Estatis of his realme to be restorit to
+te faith~ & pece of his hienes & to all and sindry his
land~ a~nuell rent~ do~inioun~s p~petuale & te~porale offices
sup~ioriteis Juris actioun~s fame hono=r= & digniteis and
to all & sindry his gud~ movable & vnmovable & In
+te sami~ stait & place +tat he was In befor~ +te geving of
+te said dome of forfalto=r= aganis him for diu~s~ reson~s
& causis c~tenit In +te said su~mond~ Our~ sou~ane lord
comperand~ in p~liame~t be Maist~ Adam ottirburn~ his
aduocat~ hew lord som~vale being p~so=ly= pn~t James erle
of arane & James ha~miltoun~ of fy~nart kny=t= lauchfully
su~=d= to +tis actioun~ oft timez~ callit and no=t= comperit
The ry=t=~ resoun~s & allegacioun~s for our~ sou~ane lord
being allegit & schewin be +te said Maist~ Adam The
forsaid~ su~=d=~ & punct~ +t~of was put to +te senseme~t &
deliberacioun~ of p~liame~t And +tai +t~w=t= being at lenth~
riplie auisit all In ane voce w=t=out variance gaif +t~         #
sentence
and decreit of p~liame~t resindand & retretand
+te dome of forfalto=r= gevin agai~ +te said Jhone somervale
At Edinburgh~ +te day & +ger~ abone w~ttin And
fand & deliu~it +tat +te sami~ was Iniustlie and wra~guislie
led~ aganis +te said Jhone / becaus eft~ +te execu=on~= of +te
su~=d=~ quhairvpon~ +te said dome was gevin / and befor~
+te geving +t~of +te said Jhone was remittit of all +te
crymes c~tenit In +te forsaid~ su~mond~ & dome / Lik as
his remissioun~ gevin to him +t~upoun~ schawin & p~ducit
i~ face of p~liame~t p~portit & bure And +t~for rescindis
ret=e=t~ cassis and adnullis +te said dome of forfaltour~ led
& gevin agane +te said Jhone somervale And dec~nis
+te sami~ of nane avale force nor effect~ w=t= all +tat         #
followit
+t~upoun~ And reponis reintegrat~ & restoris +te
said Jhone till his hono=r= heretag~ land~ rent~ possessioun~s
offices actioun~s and gud~ movable & vnmovable
siclik and in als ampl~e manere as he was befor~ +te
geving of +te said~ dome And +tat lr~ez of publicatioun~
be gevin heirapoun~ In dew forme as efferis

[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 299.C2>
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]

[}XV DIE JANUARII, A. D. M,D,XXV.}]
[^PASSAGES IN LATIN OMITTED^]

THE quhilk day In pn~s of +te king~ hienes It is diuisit
ordanit and concludit be +te said~ lord~ +tat all actis &
statut~ maid of befor~ anent the gyding of o=r= sou~ane
lord~ maist nobl~e p~son~e / his auctorite / & mat~is conc~nyng
+te weil of his Realm~ be ordourit be +te lordis
of his secrete counsale chosin in p~liame~t & to be obs~uit
& kepit in all punct~ eftir +te form & teno=r= of +te sa~myn~
vnto +te nixt parliame~t to be begu~nyn~ and haldin at
Edinburgh~ +te xij day of Junij nixt tocu~ Sua +tat in
<P 300.C1>
+te said parliame~t ordour may be put in +te p~miss~ be
+te haile thre estat~ of +te Realm~ And in +te menetyme
+tat na man attempt~ nor cu~ in c~trar~ +te said~ act~ and
statut~ ony maner~ of way vndir +te payn~e of treson~

The quhilk day the king~ grace w=t= auis~ of +te lord~
of his Secrete counsale for diu~s~ mat~is conc~ni~g +te         #
vniu~sale
weile of his Realm~ has diuisit & ordanit his
parliame~t to begyn at Edinb=r=gh~ +te xij day of Junij
nixt tocu~ & precept~ of +te chancelary to be direct~ to
su~mond~ all p~sonis +tat aw pn~s in +te parliame~t to comper~
+te said &c~ in form~ as effer~

[} (\APUD EDINBURGH,
XII DIE JUNII, A. D. M,D,XXVI.\) }]

[^PASSAGES IN LATIN AND LISTS OF NAMES OMITTED^]
<P 301.C1>
The quhilk day the king~ graice has tan~e & acceptit
in his awn hand~ all his officis to be disponit to sic
p~sonis as his graice and counsale sall think expedient
And +t~for ordanis +tat all his selis of +te said~ offic~ be
deliu~it to his graice to morn~
<P 301.C2>
[}XIIIJ=O= JUNIJ 3=A= P~LIA=TJ=}]
[^LATIN OMITTED^]

IN +te first for hono=r= of god and halikirk Our souerane
lord~ Ordanis +tat +te fredome liberteis p~uileg~ & Immunteis
of halykirk & v+t~ spu~ale p~son~s be obs~uit and
kepit in hono=r= worschip and dignitie for +te tyme of
our~ sou~ane lord~ +tat now Is lik as has bene in +te
tyme of his mast nobl~e p~genitouris of gud~ mynde
off befor~

ITEM +te thre Estatis of +te realm~ gaderit in +tis pn~t
p~liame~t seing and vnd~standing +tat our~ sou~ane lord~
Is be +te grace of god~ now cu~in to his aige of xiiij
+geris Therfor declaris and dec~nis +tat his auctoritie
riale Is in his awn~ hand~ / and to be ex~cit & vsit be
his hienes In tyme tocum out throw his realm~ liegis
and subdit~ And dec~nis all v+t~ auctoritie gevin and 
vsit in tymes bipast now to be expirit & ceis~ in tymes
cu~ing &c~

THE kingis grace vnd~standing +te lang and trew s~uice
done to his grace his grants~=r= and fader quham god
assol+ge be his auld~ and afald~ s~uand~ s~=r= Jhone quhyte
and is throw his lang s~uice broch~t in age Therfor
his grace w=t= auise and c~sent of +te thre Estatis of his
realm~ In +tis pn~t p~liame~t will +tat +te said s~=r= Jhone
stand~ in siclik s~uice in his chancelary vnd~ his selis
be him self and his s~uand~ wrytar~ to him as he has
done in all tymes bigane and na v+t~ to be admittit +t~to
during his liftyme for +te causis forsaid~

ITEM It Is statut~ and ordanit in +tis pn~t p~liame~t +tat
becaus our~ souerane lord w=t= avis~ of his derrest moder
+te quene & lord~ of his c~sale +tan being w=t= him for +te
tyme / wrait his gracius lr~ez of c~me~datioun~ of +te abbacy
of melros~ +tan vacand~ for his devote & weil
belouit orato=r= Dene Jhone maxwell abbot of dundrynan~
to be p~movit to +te said~ abbacy of melros~ And
now his hienes Is informit +tat diu~s~ evill disposit
p~soun~s be surreptioun~ has gottin his lr~ez by his knawlege
he not knawand +t~of directit to our~ said~ haly fad~
+te paip for Maist~ Andro Dury to be p~movit to +te
said abbacy of melros~ direct~ c~trar~ to +te lr~ez gevin
of befor~ to his said devote oratour~ causand~ +te papis
halynes to vnd~stand~ +te variance of +te king~ grace
and +te lord~ of his counsale direckand~ diu~s~ lr~ez c~trarius
In ane mat~ Therfor our~ sou~ane lord~ now being
at his p~fite age declaris all sic lr~ez direct~ in favo=r=~ of
+te said Maist~ Andro dury p~cedit be surreptioun~ & by
his knawlege & witting / And as apperis be +te purchessar~ 
of +te said~ lr~ez to his grac~ schame & scland~
& +te weil auisit lord~ of his counsale in sa fer~ as in
<P 302.C1>
+tai~ was ffor +te quhilk he revok~ and adnullis all sic
lr~ez in +tis pn~t p~liame~t gevin in favo=r= of +te said~      #
Maist~
Andro / & will at +tai be of nane avale force nor effect~
in tyme tocu~ / And ratifyis and apprevis +te lr~ez gevin
in favo=r=~ of his said~ devote orato=r= +te abbot of           #
dundrynan~
And +tat new lr~ez be gevin in favo=r=~ of him
geif neid be / his grace now being at his p~fite age w=t=
auctoritie of his thre estat~ of p~liame~t Becaus his
grace has of befor~ declarit his mynde in +te said
mater to +te effect~ forsaid~ / apon~ our~ said~ haly fader~
+te papis breif send~ to his grace in +tat behalf And
+t~for Inlikwise ratifyis and apprevis his said declaratioun~
+t~of in all punct~

THE king~ grace w=t= auise and~ c~sent of his thre estatis
Inlikwise ratifyis and apprevis +te lr~ez of co~mendatioun~
direct to our~ haly fader +te pape ffor Maister
donald~ campbell to be promouit to +te abbacy of
Couper in all pu~ct~ eft~ +te form~ & teno=r= of +te samy~
And +tat new lr~ez be direct~ geif neid~ beis w=t= auctoritie
of p~liame~t

[} (\XIX JUNIJ
SEDERU~T DN~J ELECTI AD ARTICULOS\) }]

In pn~s of +te said~ lord~ comperit Maist~ Alex~r kingorn~
dene of rosscheld~ ambassado=r= to ane ry=t= hie and my=t=tie
prince Cristiarn~ king of de~mark as p~curato=r= and
facto=r= for Jhone mathisone & Cleme~t androsone capitanys
& gou~no=r=~ vnd~ god~ of ane schip callit +te petir~
hull And p~ducit his lr~ez of p~curatory in form~ of
Instrume~t vnd~ +te signe & subscriptioun~ of Maist~
Jhone chepman~ togidd~ w=t= ane lettir~ of su~mond~
vnd~ our~ sou~ane lord signet rasit apon~ +te p~vest and
com~itie of abirdene & v+t~is for diu~s~ gud~ and artil+gery
being in +te said~ schip callit +te petir~ hull +te tyme scho
brak besyde abirdene And desirit +te said~ lord~ to
p~ceid~ apon~ +te said~ su~mond~

Comperit Jhone skri~geo=r= mas~=r= and askit Instrm~t~ +tat
he adu~tist +te lord~ forsaid~ how +tat +te tyme of his
being in de~mark he knawis +tat +te discharge of Orknay
and schetland~ my=t= haue bene had~ sovirly to +te
king~ grace And +tat +t~for +te lord~ suld~ now laubo=r=
for +te samyne (\hora decima\)

Anent +te Su~mond~ maid at +te Instance of Maist~
Alex~r kingorn~ ambassato=r= and s~uand~ to ane my=t=tie
p~nce Cristiarn~ king of de~mark and as p~curato=r= and
facto=r= for Cleme~t androson~ capitane & skippar of ane 
schip callit petir~ hull & Jhone mathoson~ also capitane
of +te said schip Aganis gilbert me~+geis of sindone s~=r=ef
deput~ of abirdene Thomas me~+geis his sone ald~man~
of +te said~ burgh~ of abirdene Willia~ rowane Alex~r
<P 302.C2>
ru+t~furd~ ballies of +te sami~ Maister Andro tulidaff
Andro crawfurd~ burges of +te said~ burgh~ Alex~r setoun~
of meldru~ Willia~ lyon of bahelwis~ and henry
Irwyn~ To ansuer~ at +te Instance of +te said~ Maist~ Alex~r
ffor +te wra~guis violent and maist~full spoliatioun~
away taking Intrometting and w=t=halding be +tai~ self
+t~ s~uand~ and complicis of +t~ causing co~mand and
ratihabitioun~ fra +te said~ capitane skippar~ quart~
maist~is and marynaris of +t~ said~ gret schip of +t~ ankirris
cabillis salis artil+gerie powdir~ money and v+t~ gud~
being in +te said~ schip As at mair~ lenth~ Is c~tenit in
+te su~mond~ +t~upoun~ The said~ maist~ Alex~r p~cu=r= forsaid~
beand p~sonaly pn~t And als +te said gilbert me~+geis
Thomas me~+geis his sone Willia~ rowane Alex~r
setoun~ of meldrum beand p~sonaly pn~t for +tai~ self and
as p~curato=r=~ for +te remane~t of +te p~soun~s abone writtin
And Inlikwise +te lordis being at lenth~ riplie auisit w=t= 
diu~s~ writing~ send~ to +tai~ be fredrik king of de~mark
allegiand +te said~ schip and gud~ w=t= +te artil+gerye &
mu~itioun~s being +t~in p~tenit to him and desirit              #
restitutioun~
to be maid~ to him +t~of As at mar~ lenth~ Is
c~tenit in his lr~ez +t~upoun~ The said~ lord~ ordanis lr~ez
be writtin to charge Alex~r ru+t~furd~ and Maist~ Andro
tulidaff to deliuer +te kist~ and gud~ being in +t~             #
possessioun~
or Intromettit w=t= be +tame quhilk was in +te
said~ schip callit +te petir~ hull And +tat all gud~ and
artil+gery specifyit in ane Inue~tour~ deliuerit to +te said
Maister Alex~r and all v+t~ gud~ and artil+gery +tat can~
be gotti~ knawlege of In quhais hand~ at eu~ +tai be
In till / or at can~ be won~ or recou~it w=t=in +te sey sand~
or v+t~ placis sall be put in +te hand~ of +te p~vest of
abirdene +te lard of meldru~ & Willia~ rolland~ burges
of +te said~ burgh~ be auctentik Inue~to=r= Inde~to=r=ly maid~
and befor~ witnes Quhilk sall be haldin to ansuer~ to
+te king and lord~ of counsale for +te said~ gud~ to
be deliuerit to +tai~ havand ry=t= +t~to And Continewis
+te said~ su~mond~ in +te sami~ form~ force and effect~ as
It Is now but p~iudice of ony p~ty onto +te xx day of
october~ nixt tocu~ w=t= c~tia~tioun~ of dais And +te p~tijs
abone w~ttin be +tai~ self and +t~ p~curatouris ar~ warnit
of +tis c~tinuatioun~ (\apud acta\) And +tat our Souerane
lord~ lr~ez be direct~ for wptaking & Inbringing of +te
said~ gud~ and artil+gery baith~ to burgh~ & land~ quhar~
evir +tai may be fundyn~ to +te effect~ forsaid~

[} (\XX JUNIJ\) }]
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]

THE king~ grace w=t= auise and c~sent of +te thre estatis
of his realm~ in +tis pn~t p~liame~t ratifyis apprevis and
co~fermis The charter of fewferm~ maid to his louit
familiar~ s~uitour~ Willia~ Wod~ of bony~toun~ of all &
hail +te land~ of pettintoskell liand w=t=in +te lordschip
of brechin in all pu~ct~ and artikl~is eft~ +te form~ and
<P 303.C1>
teno=r= of +te sami~ / becaus It Is vnd~stand~ to +te king~
grace and thre estatis +tat he has doublit his re~tale +t~of

In +te p~liame~t haldin At Edinburgh~ +te xx day of
+te moneth~ of Junij +te +ger~ of god J=m= v=c= and xxvj
+geris Anent +te su~=d=~ of tresoun~ rasit at +te Instance of
our~ sou~ane lord~ Aganys george lord hume To co~per~
p~sonaly in his p~liame~t to be haldin at Edinburgh~ +te
xiiij day of Junij Instant befor~ our~ said sou~ane lord~
and his Justice +te said~ day To ansuer~ to his hienes
or his Justice forsaid~ ffor +te tresonabl~e art & part of
+te Inobedience and c~temptioun~ maid & done No=t=
assistand~ p~sonaly w=t= his men~ counsale & help to
Archibald~ erle of angus~ lewtene~t and wardane of
our~ sou~ane lord~ Est and mydle m~chis fornent Ingland~
at dais of Trewis haldin be +te said~ wardane for
reformatioun~ of attemptat~ to be maid & ressauit for
mutuale obs~uatioun~ of pece & trewis laitly c~tractit
betuix our~ said~ sou~ane lord~ & his derrest vncl~e +te
king of Ingland~ / differrand~ alsua his men~ and tene~t~
c~vict~ befor~ +te wardanis & leuetene~t~ of +te said~
m~chis to bring to +te dais of trewis appu~ctit and to
deliuer +tai~ according to +te law and c~suetude of +te
bordo=r=~ And for +te tresonabl~e art & part rebellioun~
Inobedience and co~tempcioun~ maid & done to our~
said~ sou~ane lord~ no=t= c~perand~ p~sonaly bot be c~tumax
& tresonably absentand~ him w=t= his pleg~ fra +te pn~s of
our~ said~ souerane lord~ & his lord~ of c~sale differrand~
to geif his c~sale help and suple for reformatioun~ of
atte~ptat~ to be maid~ betuix +tir tua realmys                  #
No=t=w=t=standing
+tat be his faith~ & allegiance Is oblist +t~to
And als +tat he was su~mond~ be our~ said~ sou~ane lord~
lr~ez to haue co~perit +te xxvj day of februar~ last bypast
And v+t~is diu~s~ dais to +te effect~ forsaid~ vnd~ +te panis
of treson~ howbeit Indempnite of +t~ p~soun~s was p~mist
& offerit to +tame of +te said~ wardane & all v+t~is +tat +tai
wald~ allege dredo=r= of vnd~ gret panys and vnd~ +te
pane of lese maiestie And alsua for +te tresonabl~e art
and p~t of +te making~ of da~pnabl~e and waryit factioun~s
aganis our~ said~ sou~ane lord~ his auc~te and realm~ makand~
co~ue~ticulis and c~ve~tioun~s calland & p~vokand~ our~
sou~ane lord~ lieg~ to seditioun~ and w=t= his laubo=r= c~sale
& evill dissait passand~ and entrand~ in c~sale be +te
quhilk reforma=on~= of attemptat~ suld~ no=t= be maid~ be
+tai~ nor +git ressauit for +te p~ty of Ingland~ eft~ +te form~
of +te said~ c~trak and abstinence of weir~ Thinkand~
wirkand~ and lauborand~ in sa fer~ as was In +tame +tat
our~ said~ sou~ane lord~ auctoritie suld~ be scornit &
ly=t=leit als~ weil be +te lieg~ of Scotland~ as Ingland~ and
+tat +te said~ abstinence quhilk was c~tractit and c~cludit
for +te co~moun~ wele of +tis realm~ & for sauftie wele &
securitie of our sou~ane lord~ & his realm~ suld~ be brokin
violat~ or distroyit to +te scai=t= da~pnage & det~ment
& schame of our~ said~ sou~ane lord~ his realm~ & liegis
lik as at mar~ lenth~ Is c~tenit in +te said~ su~mond~ In
pn~s of +te king~ hienes and +te thre Estatis of his
realm~ sittand~ in p~liame~t The said~ george lord hume
being p~sonaly pn~t and~ accusit be our~ sou~ane lord~
aduocat~ of +te pu~ct~ and artikl~is c~tenit in +te said~
<P 303.C2>
su~mond~ quhilk he denyit And +t~eft~ +te samy~ put to
+te decisioun~ and senseme~t of p~liame~t It was fund~ and
deliuerit be +te estat~ of +te p~liame~t forsaid~ +tat +te      #
said~
georg~ lord hume was and Is clene & Innocent of all
+te punct~ and artikl~is c~tenit in +te said~ su~mond~
And +t~for our~ said~ sou~ane lord~ w=t= auise and c~sent of
his thre estatis forsaid~ in +tis pn~t p~liame~t Assol+geis +te
said~ george lord~ hume fra +te punctis c~tenit in +te said
su~mond~ and declaris him quyte +t~fra in tyme tocu~
And lr~ez to be direct~ +t~upoun~ in +te best form~

In +te p~liame~t haldin at Edinburgh~ +te xx day of +te
mone=t= of Julij +te +ger~ of god~ J=m= v=c= & xxvj +geris
Anent +te Su~=d=~ of Tresoun~ rasit at +te Instance of our
sou~ane lord~ aganis Andro ker~ of farnyhirst to co~per~
p~sonaly in his p~liame~t to be haldin at Edinburgh~ +te
xiiij day of Junij Instant befor~ our said~ sou~ane
lord~ & his Justice +te said day to ansuer~ to his hienes of
his Justice forsaid~ ffor +te tresonabl~e art and p~t of +te
Inobedience and c~temptioun~ maid & done No=t= assistand~
p~sonaly w=t= his men~ counsale and help to archibald~
erle of angus~ lewtene~t & wardane of Our~ souerane
lord~ eft and mydl~e m~chis fornent Ingland~ at dais of
trewis haldin be +te said~ wardan~ for reformatioun~ of
attemptat~ to be maid & ressauit for mutuale obs~uacioun~ 
of pece and trewis laitly c~tractit betuix our~
said sou~ane lord and his derrest vncl~e +te king of Ingland~
differrand alsua his men~ & tene~t~ c~vict~ befor~
+te wardanys & lieutene~t~ of +te said~ m~chis to bring
to +te dais of trewis appu~ctit And to deliuer +tai~ according
to +te law and c~suetude of +te bordo=r=~ And
for +te tresonabl~e art and part rebellioun~ inobedience
and co~temptioun~ maid and done to our~ said~ sou~ane
lord~ no=t= c~perand~ p~sonaly bot be co~tumax and tresonably
absentand~ him w=t= his pleg~ fra +te pn~s of our~
said~ sou~ane lord~ and his lord~ of counsale differrand~
to geif his c~sale help and suple for reformacioun~ of
attemptat~ to be maid betuix +tir tua realmys no=t=w=t=standing
+tat be his faith~ & allegiance he Is oblist +t~to
And als +tat he was su~mond~ be our~ said~ sou~ane lord~
lr~ez to haif co~perit +te xxvj day of februar~ last bipast
& v+t~ diu~s~ dais to +te effect~ forsaid~ vnd~ +te panys of
treson~ howbeit Indempnite of +t~ p~soun~s was p~mist
and offerit to +tame of +te said~ wardane and all v+t~ +tat
+tai wald~ allege dredo=r= of vnd~ gret panys & vnd~ +te
pane of leis~ maiestie And alsua for +te tresonabl~e art
and p~t of +te making of dampnabl~e & wareit factioun~s
aganis our~ said~ sou~ane lord~ his auctoritie & realm~
makand~ co~ue~ticulis and co~ue~tioun~s calland~ & provokand~
our~ souerane lord~ lieg~ to seditioun~ and w=t=
+t~ laubo=r= counsale & evill dissait passand~ and entrand~
in counsale be +te quhilk reformatioun~ of atte~ptat~
suld~ no=t= be maid~ be +tai~ nor +git ressauit for +te p~ty of
Ingland~ eft~ +te form~ of +te said~ c~tract~ and abstinence
of weir~ Thinkand~ wirkand~ & lauborand~ in safer~ as
was in hyme +tat our~ said~ sou~ane lord~ auctoritie suld~
be scornit & ly=t=lyit als wele be +te lieg~ of scotland~ as
Ingland~ and +tat +te said~ abstinence quhilk was c~tractit
and concludit for +te co~moun~ weil of +tis relm~ & for
<P 304.C1>
salftie wele and securitie of our~ sou~ane lord~ & his
realm~ suld~ be brokin violat~ or distroyit to +te scai=t=
da~pnage and det~ment and schame of our~ said~ sou~ane
lord~ his realm~ & liegis lik as at mar~ lenth~ Is c~tenit
in +te said~ su~mond~ In pn~s of +te king~ hienes and
the thre estat~ of his realm~ sittand~ in p~liame~t The
said~ Andro ker~ of farnyhirst being p~sonaly pn~t and
accusit be our~ sou~ane lord~ aduocat~ of +te punct~
and artikl~is c~tenit in +te said~ su~=d=~ quhilk he denyit
And +t~eft~ +te samy~ put to +te decisioun~ & senseme~t of 
p~liame~t It was fund~ and deliuerit be +te estatis of
p~liame~t forsaid~ +tat +te said~ Andro ker~ of farnyhirst
was & Is clene & Innoce~t of all +te punct~ and artikl~is
c~tenit in +te said~ su~=d=~ And +t~for our said~ sou~ane lord~
w=t= avise & c~sent of his thre estatis forsaid~ in +tis pn~t
p~liament Assol+geis +te said Andro fra +te punct~ c~tenit
in +te said su~=d=~ & declaris him quyte +t~fra in tyme tocu~
And lr~ez to be direct~ +t~upoun~ in +te best form~ &c~

[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]

[} (\XXJ JUNIJ
SEDERU~T DN~J ELECTI AD ARTICULOS\) }]

THIR~ ar~ +te lordis at +te kingis grace will and ordanis
to be of his counsale of +te quhilk~ he will at +tar~ be
ay watand~ on~ his grace ane certane part of +te said~
lordis as he sall co~mand~ of quhilk nomer he will at
his ples~=r= / and as his grace sall think caus~ and tyme
cheis~ ane certane to +te nomer~ of iiij v or vj as he
sall think expedient to be of his secret counsale w=t=
quham he will avis~ apoun~ diu~s~ his mat~is as +tai occur~
and as for +te expeditioun~ and subscriui~g of lr~ez
his grace will +tat nane be ansuerit at +te selis bot +tai
+tat ar~ subscriuit be him his thesaurar~ & thre co~po~itouris
chosin be his grace ane~t mat~is concernyng his
casualitie / and in mat~is c~c~ni~g his propirtie his           #
compttrollar~
and +te thre compo~ito=r=~ as said~ Is That Is
to say
<P 304.C2>
[^A LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]

Thir ar +te lord~ +tat +te king~ grace will and ordanis
to be of his secret counsale & ne~mit be himself +tat Is
to say for +te spu~ale stait The archibischop of glasgw
+te bischop of abirdene The bischop of galloway And
for +te temporale stait +te erle of angus~ +te erle of
ergile +te erle of levinax The erle of mortoun~ +te erle
of glencarn~ +te lord maxwell quhais counsale his
grace will vse for +te weil of his realm~

OUR souerane lord~ w=t= auis~ of his thre estatis in +tis
pn~t p~liame~t ratifyis and apprevis all gift~ donacioun~s
of casualities respect~ remissioun~s and all v+t~ maner~ of
act~ maid gra~tit & gevin be his hienes to quhatsu~euir~
p~soun~ or p~soun~s sen~ our~ sou~an~ lord~ age of xiiij        #
+geris/
quhilk~ was +te xj day of aprile last bipast and will at
all sic gift~ donacioun~s of casualiteis lr~ez respet~          #
remissioun~s
writing~ and suplicatioun~s to our~ haly fader~
+te paip be of strenth~ and effect~ in Jugeme~t and outw=t=
No=t=w=t=standing ane act~ of p~liame~t maid at Edinburgh~
+te xiiij day of m~che last bipast w=t= +te quhilk act~ +te
king~ hienes & estat~ of p~liame~t dispensis And will
+tat +te sami~ be of nane avale force nor effect~ in tyme
tocu~ / bot to be alutirly abrogat~ and cancellat~ fur~
of +te buk~ of p~liame~t And alsua declaris +tat na man~
of p~soun~s sall Incur~ ony maner~ of cryme pane or
disples~=r= throw breking of +te said~ act~ And geif ony
p~soun~s +tat has purchest sic donatioun~s of casualiteis
gift~ writing~ or v+t~ thing~ c~trar~ +te said~ act~ of         #
p~liame~t
Ordanis +te sami~ to be gra~tit & gevin to +tai~ of
new geif +tai pleis~
<P 305.C1>
ITEM +te lordis temporale think~ expedient +tat
su~mond~ of tresoun~ sall be rasit in dew form~ aganis
+te Erle of eglintoun~ +te lord Simpl~e Nele of mu~gu~ry
and Jhone Striueling of +te keir~ kny=t= eftir~ +te form~
of +te king~ mynde for sic crymes as Is aduocat~ pleis~
to libell aganis +tame

[} (\EOD~ DIE POST M~ED~
SEDERU~T DN~J ELECTJ AD ARTICULOS VT AN~ M~EDIEM\) }]

In pn~s of +te lordis of artikl~is Comperit James Coluile
of vchiltre comptrollar~ to our~ souerane lord~ and
at +te desire & request of +te said~ lord~ tuk apon~ him
to furnis~ the king~ hous~ hon~ably as It Is now onto
thur~day +te xxviij day of Junij Instant Sua +tat in +te
meyntyme +te lord~ of +te artikl~is and secret counsale
sall p~vyde ane sur~ way +tat all +te king~ p~pirtie w=t= v+t~
help of Casualitie to +te sowm~ of iij=m= l~i be deliu~it to
him / quhilk being p~uidit & done he sall furnis~ his
houshald~ q=ll= la~mes cu~ ane +ger~ his expens~ extending
daly to xiiij scor~ of breid~ w=t= +te p~tine~t~ +t~to or       #
w=t=in
And fail+geing heirof +te said xxviij day being past and
+te said p~uisioun~ no=t= maid~ & concludit That +te said
comptrollar~ sall no=t= be haldin to furnis~ +te king~
hous~ ony ferrar~ And als +tat he sall haf +te witsonday
malis & for+t~ payme~t for his sup~expensis vnd~ compt
to +te lord~ audito=r=~ of +te chekker~

Anent +te Supplicatioun~ gevin In befor~ +te lord~ of
artikl~is & of c~sale in +te behalf of +te burrow mast~is
scabynis and c~sale of +te toun~ of mydl~eburgh~ in Zeland~
tuichand~ +te residence and stapl~e of +te m~chand~ and
m~chandice of +tis realm~ of scotland~ to be haldin at
+te said toun~ of mydl~eburgh~ for certane +geris tocu~
c~form~ to ane c~tract allegit to be maid be +te c~missionar~
havand co~mand~ & p~curatioun~ spe~ale als wele
of our~ sou~ane lord~ w=t= avise of +te duk of albany and
lord~ of counsale / as p~curatioun~ and consent of +te
p~ncipale townis of m~chandice of +tis realm~ That Is
to say Edinburgh~ abirdene Striueling Sanctandr~
Sanct Jho~ston~ and dundee to treit w=t= +te said toun~ of
mydl~eburgh~ apoun~ +te said~ stapl~e lik as at mar~ lenth~
Is c~tenit in +te said~ suplicatioun~ The said~ burrow
maist~is and c~sale of +te toun~ of mydl~eburgh~ comperand~
be Cornelius bertelsone ane of +te burrow
maist~is of +te said~ toun~ & Maist~ James foulis And
archibald~ douglas p~vest of Edinburgh~ Thomas me~+geis
p~vest of abirdene Robert bertoun~ of ovirberntoun~
gilbert me~+geis Willia~ rolland~ w=t= diu~s~ v+t~ burgess~
of Edinburgh~ being p~sonaly pn~t The lordis of Counsale
Continewis +te said mat~ in form~ force and effect~
as It Is now onto +te xiiij day of Julij nixt tocu~ w=t=
c~tia~tioun~ of dayis And ordanis +tat +te co~missionaris
of all +te burrowis of +tis realm~ be warnit to co~per~
+te said~ day for +t~ Int~ess~ in +te mat~ forsaid~ And         #
Inlikwise
<P 305.C2>
+te said~ Cornelius bertelson~ & Maist~ James
comperand~ for +te said~ burrow maist~is as said Is
p~duce +te p~ncipale c~tract~ tuiching +te said stapl~e allegit
to be selit w=t= +te said~ selis agane +te said~ day geif
It be possibl~e at It may be had~ in +tir p~t~ at +tat tyme
Sua +tat Justice may be done & mi~strat~ in +te said
mater as efferis And lr~ez to be direct~ heirapoun~

The king~ grace w=t= auise and c~sent of +te thre estatis
of his realm~ in +tis pn~t p~liament ratifyis and apprevis
+te lr~ez of co~mendatioun~ direct~ to our~ haly fader +te
pape for p~motioun~ of george abbot of halyrudhous
to +te bischopry of dunkeld~ And Inlikwise +te lr~ez of
co~mendatioun~ direct~ to his halynes for p~motioun~ of
Maist~ Willia~ douglas p~vest of methven~ to +te abbacy
of halyrudhous in all punct~ and artikl~is eft~ +te form~
and teno=r= of +te samy~ And +tat new lr~ez be direct~
geif neid~ beis w=t= auctoritie of p~liament

The kingis grace with~ avise and c~sent of +te thre
estatis of his realm~ in +tis pn~t p~liame~t ratifyis and
apprevis now at his age of xiiij +geris The decret
gevin in p~liame~t of befor~ for~ Jhone somervale of
Cambusnethame aganis James Erle of Arane hew
lord somervale James ha~miltoun~ of fy~nert kny=t= &
v+t~is tuiching +te said~ Jhone somervalis landis quhatsu~euir~
in all punct~ and artikl~is eftir~ +te form~ and
teno=r= of +te samyne

The king~ grace w=t= avis~ of his thre Estatis Ratifyis
and apprevis +te gift and charter of fewferm~ maid to
his familiar~ s~uitour~ henry kempt of +te land~ of
dowywra pottertoun~ Robertland~ cult~wra and clerkland~
liand w=t=in +te lordschip of Stewartoun~ in all
pu~ct~ and artikl~is eft~ +te form~ and teno=r= of +te said~
charter quhilk Is co~siderit to be in agme~tacioun~ of
his rentale 

Ratifyis and apprevis +te lr~ez of co~mendatioun~ send~
to our~ haly fader +te paip for p~motioun~ of Maist~
Cristofer boyd~ to +te abbacy of dundrynan~ in all
punct~ and artikl~is eft~ +te form~ and teno=r= of +te samy~
And new lr~ez to be direct~ geif neid~ be

Ratifyis and apprevis +te chart~ of lifrent maid of
befor~ to Willia~ spitehous~ al~s dru~mond~ of +te fife
pund land~ of galtwalmo=r= v l~i land~ of fordone and
tua m~k land~ of glentarkan~ of auld~ extent for all +te
dais of his life vnd~ +te gret sele Off +te dait At Edinburgh~
+te xxiiij day of december~ +te +ger~ of god J=m=
v=c= and vj +geris and of our~ sou~ane lord~ regne
quhem god assol+ge +te xix +ger~ In all pu~ct~ and artikl~is 
eftir~ +te form~ and teno=r= of +te said~ charter

The quhilk day +te lord~ of artikl~is ordanis +tat na
lr~ez co~pulsatouris be gevin apoun~ Maist~ Jhone campbell
<P 306.C1>
thesaurar~ at +te Instance of ony p~soun~s for sealis
awing to +tai~ sa fer~ as Is no=t= allowit to him in his
compt~ quhill he get payme~t of his sup~ expensis 
Except~ +te dettis awing to m~chand~

ITEM ane~t +te artikl~e maid tuiching +te gyding of +te
king~ mast nobl~e persone It Is diuisit ordanit and
concludit +tat the lord~ to be chosin be our souerane
lord~ to be of his secret counsale or +te mast p~t of
+tame sall await apoun~ his grace And geif him counsale
anent +te giding and ordouring of his hienes in
his p~soun~ ffor +te sure c~s~uatioun~ +t~of in hele hono=r=
and prosperitie And all v+t~ thing~ conc~ni~g +te gyding
of his realm~ and co~moun~ wele of +te sami~ Quhais
counsale his grace of his humylitie has p~mist to exerce
and vse & no=t= to pas~ +t~fra

ITEM our Souerane lord~ w=t= auise and auctoritie of
+te thre Estatis of his realm~ pn~tly revokis all gift~
sealis donatioun~s and pensioun~s gevin to ony p~soun~
or p~soun~s quhatsu~euir~ of his p~pirtie sen +te deceis~ of
his mast nobl~e fader quham god assol+ge Sa +tat his
hale propirtie sall be Inbroch~t to our said~ sou~ane lord~
comptrollar~ for +te hon~abl~e furnesing of his houss~ as
accordis for +te estait royale

ITEM anent +te artikl~e tuiching +te cours~ of money
bringing hame of bul+geoun~ gold and siluir~ and +te
having furth~ of +te gold of +te mynd~ Ordanis +te act~
& statutis maid +t~upoun~ of befor~ to haue effect~ and
to be put to execucioun~ in +te scharpest form~ and
sercho=r=e to be deput +t~to as accord~ That Is to say
Archibald~ douglace p~vest of Edinburgh~ to be sercho=r=
principale at +te port of leith~ w=t= sic deput~ as he plesis
to deput vndir him to serche and seik all maner~ of
p~soun~s passand~ furth~ of +tis realme at +te said~ port / sa
+tat nane of +tame tak fur=t= money gold~ or siluir~ w=t=
+tame cu~+geit nor vncu~+geit And siclik +te said~ archibald~
to deput~ vnd~ him sercho=r=~ at every port of +te
realm~ to +tat effect~ +tat +te money may remane in +te
sami~ vncareit fur=t= of +te realm~ c~forme to +te auld~ act~
of p~liame~t maid +t~upoun~ of befor~ And +te said
sercho=r=~ to eschet and tak all sic money to be had
away And +tat ane half of +te money eschetit to be
Inbro=t= to our~ sou~ane lord~ vse And +tat v+t~ half to
remane w=t= +te sercho=r=~ for +t~ laubo=r=~

ITEM ane~t +te artikl~e maid to provyde how +te auld
act~ and statut~ maid~ aganis +tame +tat dois c~trar~ +te 
kingis p~uilege gra~tit to his predecessouris and successo=r=~
be +te sege of rome And spe~alie temporale men~
+tat ar~ c~trar~ +te said~ act~ in ly=t=lying of +te kingis
auctoritie mak~ fina~ce & furnesing to +te p~soun~s brekand~
and hurtand~ our souerane lord~ p~uilege And
quhat ordour~ sall be takin aganis scottis clerkis remanand~
in Rome +tat stand~ c~trar~ our~ said~ souerane
<P 306.C2>
lord~ preuelege It Is statute and ordanit in +tis pn~t
p~liament +tat +te act~ and statut~ maid of befor~ aganis
+tame passand c~trar~ our~ said~ souerane lord~ p~uilege
And ane~t +te ordour~ sall be takin aganis scottis clerkis
+tat stand~ in Rome aganis our~ souerane lordis
p~uilege That +te act~ and statut~ maid~ +t~upoun~ of
befor be obs~uit and kepit in tyme tocum And +tat
dittay be takin apon~ +te brekaris of ony of +te said~
act~ till vnd~ly +te law for +te sami~ +te thrid~ day of +te
nixt Justice air~ of +te schire quhar~ +te brekaris duellis
or apoun~ xv dayis warnyng befor~ our souerane lordis
Justice p~ncipale or his deputis quhen and quhar~ +tai
sall be su~mond +t~to be our said~ souerane lord~ lr~ez /
Sa +tat Justice sall extremly be done apon~ +tai passand
in c~trar~ +te p~uilege gra~tit to +te king~ hienes and
brekand~ +te act~ and~ statutis maid~ +t~upoun~ eft~ +te
form~ and~ teno=r= +t~of

ITEM anent +te artikl~e maid~ ane~t +te mariage of our
soueran~ lord and quhat diligence sall be maid +t~in It
Is tho=t= expedient be +te thre estatis in +tis pn~t p~liame~t
+tat honest ambassato=r=~ be send~ Intill france and Ingland~
as It sall pleis~ +te king~ grace to treit apon~ his
mariage according to his estate riale

ITEM anent +te artikl~e p~ponit to put sum ordour~ for
+te keping of +te auld~ act~ of p~liame~t +tat ar~ penale
Throw breking of +te quhilk~ +te realme tak~ gret
scaith~ and no~ pvnitioun~ of +te samyn~ causis +te king~
grace to want gret p~fitt~ It Is statut~ and ordanit in
+tis present p~liament +tat +te said~ act~ and statut~
penale maid of befor~ be obs~uit and kepit in tyme
tocu~ And +tat +te p~soun~s brekaris +t~of be callit be our
souerane lord~ lr~ez at p~ticular~ diet~ befor~ +te king~
grace & his c~sale To her~ +tai~ be decernit to haif Incurrit
+te panis c~tenit in said act~ And to be pvnist
+t~for eftir~ +te form~ & tenour~ of +te samy~ &c~

ITEM ane~t the artikl~e proponit forsamekle as oft
tymez~ +gong p~soun~s deis +tat may no=t= mak testame~t~
+te ordin~is vsis to geif execu=tor~= dativis to +tare gud~
quhilk~ Intromett~ +t~w=t= and w=t=drawis +te gud~ fra +te
ky~nis folk and freynd~ +tat suld~ haue +te sami~ be +te
law It Is statut~ and ordanit be +te thre Estatis in +tis
pn~t p~liame~t That quhar~ ony sic p~souns deis w=t=in age
+tat may no=t= mak +t~ testame~t~ The nerrest of +t~ kyn~
to succeid~ to +tai~ sall have +t~ gud~ w=t=out p~iudice to +te
ordin~is ane~t +te cote of +t~ testame~t~

ITEM It Is statut~ and ordanit +tat na legat~ nor legatioun~
be ressauit in +tis realm~ bot be +te avise of our~
souerane lord~ and his thre Estatis And vnd~standing
be +tai~ for +te c~moun~ wele of +te sami~ c~form~ to +te auld~
act~ of p~liame~t maid +t~upon~ of befor~

ITEM ane~t +te artikl~e maid to provyde remeid~ aganis 
+te crueltie & falsett of +tai~ +tat vnd~ traist w=t= dissait
<P 307.C1>
co~mitt~ cruell slaucht~is And aganis +tai~ +tat apon~ +te
nych~t co~mitt~ slauchtir~ birni~g of housis corn~+gard~ &
cornis And +tat slais ony of +te king~ counsale or watis
men~ in +t~ awn~ houss~ & slais +tame It Is statut~ and ordanit
be +te thre estat~ in +tis pn~t p~liame~t for eschewing
of sic crueltie in tyme tocu~ +tat na respit nor remissioun~
sall be gevin quhill our~ sou~ane lord~ age of xxv +geris
to ony maner~ of p~soun~ or p~soun~s quhatsu~euir~ +tat
vndir~ traist w=t= dissait co~mitt~ slauchtir~ Nor to +tame
+tat vpon~ +te ny=t= makis slauchtir~ birnys housis cornis
corn~ +gardis or slais ony of +te king~ c~sale or watis
men~ in +t~ awn~ houss~ & slais +tame / bot all sic p~soun~s
to be callit c~form~ to +te lawis of +te realm~ and extreme
Justice done apon~ +tame w=t= all rigour~ sa +tat in cais~
sic c~mitt~is of Crueltie my=t= be circu~ue~tioun~ optene
respet~ or remissioun~s +te sami~ geif ony beis gevin to
be of nane avale force nor effect~ in tyme tocu~

The king~ grace declaris +tat he gaif c~mand~ to +te
erlis of angus~ and levinax +te lord~ maxwell flemyng
& maist~ of kilmawris to pas~ and tak certane rebellis
beand~ i~ cu~pany w=t= +te maist~ of halis in boltoun~ And
+t~for his hienes & thre Estatis of p~liame~t declaris +tat
+te said~ lord~ nor nane beand~ in +t~ cu~pany c~mittit
ony cryme In rasing of fire or takin of +te said~ Maist~
halis / & rebellis bot be senseme~t of p~liame~t dec~nis +ta~
Innocent & [^GAP IN ORIGINAL^] and to Incur~ na accusatioun~
+t~for
in tyme tocu~

The king~ grace and thre estatis of p~liamet ordanis
respect~ be maid & gevin to +te erlis of angus~ ergile
and levinax glencarn~ lord maxwell +t~ kyn~ frend~
men~ tene~t~ & s~ua~d~ and v+t~is +t~ p~t takaris to be
namyt and spe~fyit be +tame for all maner~ of crymes /
tresoun~ in our~ sou~ane lord~ p~soun~ alanerly except
And +te said respect~ for +te space of xix +geris to endur~
Providing +tat digne satisfaction~ be maid~ to all
p~tyis complenand on +te p~souns to be namyit in +te
said respect~ And attour~ his grace will +tat +te said~
gen~all respect gra~tit be him in p~liame~t to +te said~
erlis of Angus levinax Ergile glencarn~ & lord maxwell
& +t~ frend~ be to +te dait +te xij day of Junij in +te +ger~
of god for~said~ quhilk was +te begy~ni~g of +te p~liame~t
And +te said~ respet~ to haue na place fra +tinfurth~
bot for actioun~s co~mittit befor~ +te dait +t~of Providing
Inlikwise +tat +te erle of eglinton~ +te lord simpill Nele
mu~gu~ry +te lard of keir~ nor +te p~soun~s +tat co~mittit
+te last slauchtir~ in fiff apoun~ +te lard of lochlevi~nis
s~uand~ sall on~ na wise be c~prehendit in +te said~ respect~
And +te said~ lord~ to geif In +te names of
p~soun~s +tat +tai will haif Namyt in +te said~ respect~
w~in xx dais nixt tocu~
<P 307.C2>
[} (\XX DIE JUNII\) }]
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN AND A LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]

The king~ grace w=t= auise and c~sent of +te thre Estatis
of his realm~ in +tis pn~t p~liame~t ratifyis and apprevis
+te gift of lifrent maid~ of befor~ be our souerane
lord~ at last decessit of gud mynde quhem god~ assol+ge
to his louit Marioun~ bonkill of +te land~ of anstreoch~t
clon+gark glenstokan~ & v+t~ land~ w=t=in +te lordschip of
galloway In all pu~ct~ and artikl~is eft~ +te form~ of +te
said~ gift / No=t=w=t=standing ony act~ maid~ in +te c~trar~

The king~ grace ratifyis and app~vis +te gift of pe~sioun~
of +te sowm~ of xl l~i maid~ of befor~ to Maist~ Jhone
chesholm~ of +te gret custu~is of +te burgh~ of Edinburgh~
in all pu~ct~ & artikl~is eft~ +te form~ and teno=r= of +te
said~ gift No=t=w=t=sta~ding ony act~ or reuocatioun~ maid~
in +te c~trar~

The king~ grace w=t= auise and~ c~sent of his thre Estatis
forsaid~ Ratifyis and apprevis +te gift of +te office of
directo=r= of his chancelary maid to his louit familiar~
Patrik houstoun~ of +tat Ilk w=t= all feis and dewiteis
p~teni~g +t~to In all pu~ct~ & artikl~is eft~ +te form~ and
teno=r= of the said~ gift of +te dait +te xix day of Junij
+te +ger~ of god~ J=m= v=c= and xxvj +geris

Ratifyis and apprevis +te gift maid~ of befor~ to archibald~
erl~e of angus~ of +te sowm~ of xvj=c= l~i for his gud~
s~uice maid & done apon~ +te bordo=r=~ In all pu~ct~ &
artikl~is eft~ +te form~ and teno=r= of +te said~ gift maid~
+t~upoun~
<P 308.C1>
Our sou~ane lord~ w=t= avise c~sent and auct~e of his thre
Estatis In +tis pn~t p~liame~t ratifyis apprevis and
c~fermis +te gift maid~ be his hienes of befor~ w=t= avis~
of Jhone duk of albany his tuto=r= for +te tyme to
george lord hume of all and hail +te land~ possessioun~s
takk~ steding~ gud~ movable and unmovabl~e p~teni~g
to vmq=le= Alex~r lord hume his brod~ In all pu~ct~ and
artikl~is eft~ +te teno=r= of +te said~ gift and geif neid~     #
beis
of new gevis him +te samy~ eft~ +te teno=r= of +te said~
auld~ gift and to be extendit in +te best form~

The king~ grace w=t= auise and c~sent of +te thre Estatis
of his realm~ in +tis pn~t p~liame~t has requirit & requyris
ane maist Reu~end~ fader in god~ James archibischop of
sanctandr~ co~mendito=r= of dunfermling That he ceis~
fra all p~ceding aganis our sou~ane lord~ liegis +tat has
tak~ of ony p~t of his landis be him self or his co~missar~
be v~tu of ony c~missioun~ v+t~wayis +tan c~form~ to
+te c~moun~ law and vse and c~suetude of +tis realme
And +tat lr~ez be direct~ heirapoun~ &c~

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 482.C1>
[} (\APUD EDINBURGH,
XXIX DIE MAII, A. D. M,D,LI.\) }]

[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]

THE quhilk day my Lord Gouernour with auise of
the thre Estatis of Parliament hauand respect to the
Nobill Catholick & Christin actis and statutis maid be
vmquhile our Souerane Lord king James the fyft
that last deceissit quhome God assol+gie for conseruatioun
and halding of his liegis in the trew and godlie
faith euer hiddertillis not onelie be him bot also be
his maist Nobill progenitouris inuiolablie obseruit
and keipit sen thay first ressaifit the samin and in
speciall sic statutis ordinancis and actis maid anentis
thame that wilfullie obstinatlie or arrogantlie incurris
the panis of cursing be ony maner of way and lyis
vnder that dampnabill stait lang tyme schawand
thair vngodlie lyfe to vthers the faithfull liegis of
this Realme hauand na regarde to be participant of
the merite of the blude of Christ nor of the suffrage
of halie kirk quha throw thair arrogance obstinance
and inobedience wilfullie throw colour and pretence
of deuotioun to schaw thair hie Ipocresie cummis to
the halie buird of God and ressaifis thair Sacrament
lyand vnder the said Censuris of cursing in the euill
exempill to the vthers gude trew simpill Catholick
pepill And for remedie heirof and for eschewing of
sic euill abominabill peruersit and detestabill vicis in
tymes cumming to the effect that the liegis of this
Realme may liue in trew faith in our Souerane Lady~
tyme that now is as thay haue done in hir maist
Nobil progenitouris tymis Hes statute and ordanit
that quhatsumeuer persoun or persounis ar denuncit
cursit for ony maner of cause in thair paroche kirk
<P 482.C2>
oppinlie and publiclie on ane solempnit day in tyme
of diuine seruice befoir nune befoir the parochin or
personallie quhair euer thay be befoir famous witnes
and lyis thairin obstinatlie be the space of ane +geir or
ressaifis the body of God blist and halie Sacrament
vnder the said cursing vnrecounsallit to the bosum of
halie kirk that all thair gudis mouabill throw that
deid sall fall in our Souerane Ladyis handis be ressoun
of escheit and that the samin be inbrocht to hir vse
quhair euer thay may be apprehendit to be disponit
at hir grace plesure Prouyding alwayis that thay at
quhais instance sic persounis ar denuncit cursit for
sowmis of money for fulfilling of ony deid salbe first
satifeit and payit of all sowmis or vther thingis that
thay may craif be vertew of the saidis letters of cursing
of the saidis escheit gudis and thairefter the remanent
to pertene to our Souerane Lady And that
letters be direct to mak publicatioun heirof at all
placis neidfull

THE quhilk day forsamekill as my Lord Gouernouris
grace and thre Estatis of Parliament hauand respect
to the greit heuy and abominabill cryme of treson
and lese maiestie committit be diuers and sindrie our
Souerane Ladyis liegis within this Realme and outwith
the samin for quhilkis sic tratouris hes bene callit
accusit and be the thre Estatis declairit tratouris in          #
Parliament
Notwithstanding sic tratouris swa banist and fugitiue 
without licence or tollerance of our Souerane
Lady or my Lord Gouernouris respect remissioun or
supersedere cummis and resortis agane within this
Realme and hantis and repairis amangis our Souerane
Ladyis liegis lyke as thay nor nane of thame had committit
ony offence aganis our Souerane Lady my Lord
Gouernour the Realme nor the autorite and ar resset
fortifeit and mantenit be our Souerane Ladyis liegis
thair assistaris fauouraris mantenaris and art and part
takaris with thame in thair tressonable deidis hauand 
na regaird towart our Souerane Lady my Lord Gouernour
nor the autoritie And in tymes cumming to
schaw that foule abominabill cryme of lese maiestie
and treson and for punischement of the committaris
thairof thair assistaris fauouraris mantenaris ressettaris
fortifiaris and part takaris of all sic tratouris and thair
company and to auoide the company of vthers our Souerane
Ladyis trew and faithfull subiectis It is deuisit
statute and ordanit be my Lord Gouernour and thre
Estatis of Parliament that in caice of ony sic declairit        #
tratour
or tratouris happinnis to be handillit takin apprehendit
or slane vpone suddantie or vtherwayis put to
deid than and in that caice it sal not be leiffull to the
kin freindis assistaris fortifiaris mantenaris fauouraris or
art and part takaris with sic tratouris on na wyse fra
the tyme that siclyke tratour or tratouris happinnis
to be handillit apprehendit or slane frathyne furth to
moue ony questioun pikgruge or querrell or beir ony
rancour hatrent or inuie aganis the persoun of persounis
committaris of the slauchter of siclyke persounis
tratouris nor to persew nor inuaid thame for
<P 483.C1>
bodylie harme slauchter or vtherwayis to iniure thame
in word or deid for that cause nouther for tymes bygane
nor tocum vnder the pane of treson with certificatioun
to quhatsumeuer persoun of persounis that
cummis in the contrare of the premissis that he salbe
callit and accusit vpone treson lyke as the committar
of the principall cryme salbe in lyke maner punist
co~forme to the Lawis of the Realme with all rigour

THE samin day forsamekill as it was deuisit statute
and ordanit of befoir that nane of our Souerane
Lydyis liegis sould tak vpone hand to schute with
half hag culuering or pistolate at Deir Ra wylde
beistis or wylde foulis vnder the pane of deid Notwithstanding
our Souerane Ladyis liegis daylie and
continuallie incontrare the tenour of the actis maid
thairupone incurrand the panis contenit in the samin
schutis with half hag culuering and pistolate at the
saidis wylde beistis and wylde foulis quhairthrow the
Nobill men of the Realme can get na pastyme of
halking and huntin lyke as hes bene had in tymes
bypast be ressoun that all sic wylde beistis and wylde
foulis ar exilit and banist be occasioun forsaid And
for remeid heirof It is deuisit statute and ordanit be
my Lord Gouernouris grace and thre Estatis of Parliament
+git as of befoir that nane of our Souerane
Ladyis liegis of quhatsumever degre he be of tak
vpone hand to schute at Deir Ra or vther wylde
beistis or wylde foulis with half hag culuering or
pistolate in ony tymes tocum vnder the pane of deid
and confiscatioun of all thair gudis for thair contemptioun
and quhat persoun or persounis that happinnis
to tak or apprehend ony maner of persounis cummand
incontrare this present act and statute and
bringis him to the Schiref of the Schire or his Deputis
the takar sall haue the escheit of all the persounis
gudis he apprehendis and salbe rewardit vtherwayis
as accordis for his laubouris

[} (\APUD EDINBURGH,
I DIE FEBRUARII, A. D. M,D,LI.\) }]
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]

THE quhilk day forsamekill as my Lord Gouernour
and thre Estatis of Parliament being remembrit of
the monyfald actis of Parliament and diuers vthers
actis and statutis maid in generall counsall & vtherway~
for suppressing of derth in this Realme of viuers
& wynis lyke as in the saidis actis and statutis maid
thairupone is at mair lenth contenit Nothwithstanding
<P 483.C2>
the multiplie of wynis daylie cummand within this
Realme at the eist and west seyis the prices thairof
decayis not bot the said derth remanis & the occasioun
thairof is vnderstand to consist in our Souerane
Lady~ liegis that foirstallis and byis the samin in
priuie maner & how sone the samin ar coft puttis
the samin in secreit housis and not in oppin tauernis
selland the samin vpone hiear prices nor the commoun
tauerne dois And besyde the samin sic wynis as ar
sauld in co~moun tauernis ar commounlie be all
tauernaris mixt with auld corrupt wynis and with
watter to the greit appeirand danger and seiknes of
the byaris and greit perrell of the saulis of the sellaris
And for remeid heirof and to eschew sic inconuenientis
in tyme cumming It is deuisit statute and
ordanit be my Lord Gouernour and thre Estatis of
Parliament That nane of our Souerane ladyis liegis
tak vpone hand to by ony wynis that is cummin or
sall happin to cum at the eist and northland seyis fra
this day furth of ony derrar prices nor xx . pund the
twn of Burdeous wyne and the Rochell wyne for
 . xvj . pund the twn and that nane of thame sell the
samin of ony derrar price nor . x . d~ . the pynt of Burdeous
wyne and the Rochell wyne for viij . d~ . the
pynt within the boundis foirsaidis And that na wynis
that is cum in at the west seyis or is to cu~ in be bocht
of ony derrar price nor . xvj pund the twn of Burdeous
wyne & the Rochell wyne for . xij . or . xiij
pund the twn and that nane of thame sell the samin
of ony derrar price nor . viij . d~ . the pynt of Burdeows
wyne and . vj . d~ . the pynt of Rochell wyne
vnder the pane of escheting of all the saidis wynis
that thay sall happin to by togidder with the rest of
thair gudis mouabill for thair co~te~ptioun And that
na maner of tauernaris tak vpone hand to mak ony
mixtiou~ with ony auld wynis & new wynis of this
+geir or put ony watter in the samin vnder the pane
of escheting of the punschoun +t=t= sic auld wyne or
watter salbe put into togidder with the rest of all and
sindrie the wynis being the awnaris of sic ane tauerne
and tinsall of thair fredome for euer And in lyke
maner that nane of our Souerane Ladyis liegis byaris
of sic wynis and hauaris of tauernis tak vpone hand
to huird or hyde ony sic wynis coft be thame in
thair housis and priuie placis bot that thay put the
samin in thair commoun tauernis and woltis thairof
to be sauld indifferentlie to our Souerane Ladyis
liegis vpone the pricis befoir expremit vnder the
panis foirsaidis Prouyding alwayis that the Burgh of
Sanct Johnstoun sall haue licence to sell the wynis
coft be thame . ij . d~ . of the quarte derar nor vther
Burrowis adiacent vnto thame

ITEM It is statute and ordanit that the act and ordinancis
maid vpone the prices of all wylde foulis and
tame foulis be obseruit and keipit and vpone the
byaris and sellaris thairof to be put to executioun in
all punctis efter the forme and tenour thairof and
the panis contenit in the samin to be execute vpone
<P 484.C1>
thame of the quhilk the tenour folowis The quhilk
day forsamekill as the Quenis grace my Lord Gouernour
and Lordis of secreit counsall hauand respect to
the greit and exhorbitant derth rysin in this Realme
vpone the wylde and tame foulis for putting of ordour
heirto and remedie heirof It is deuisit statute
and ordanit be the Quenis grace my Lord Gouernour
and Lordis of secreit counsall That the wylde
meit and tame meit vnder writtin be sauld in all
tymes cumming of the prices following That is to
say in the first the cran . v . s . The swan . v . s . The 
wylde guse of the greit bind . ij . s . the claik quink
and rute the price of the peice . xviij . d~ . Item the
pluwer and small mure foule price of the peice .
iiij . d~ . The blak cok and the gray hen price of the
peice . vj . d~ . the dosane or poutis . xij . d~ . Item the
quhaip . vj . d~ . Item the cuning . ij . s . vnto the Feist
of Fasterniseuin nixt tocum and fra thine furth . xij . d~ .
Item the laproun . ij . d~ . Item the wodcok . iiij . d~ .
Item the dosane of lauerokis and vthers small birdis
the price of the dosane . iiij . d~ . Item the snype and
qual+gie price of the peice . ij . d~ . Item the tame
guse . xvj . d~ . Item the capone . xij . d~ . Item the
hen and pultrie . viij . d~ . Item the chikin . iiij . d~ .
Item the gryse . xviij . d~ . And for obseruing and
keiping of this act quhatsumeuer persoun or persounis
alsweill byar as sellar that brekis the samin and
dois in the contrare heirof That all his gudis salbe
takin and eschetit to our Souerane Ladyis vse and
thair persounis punist at my Lord Gouernouris will
and plesoure

ITEM It is desyrit to be concludit in this present
Parliament quhair Scottismen vnassurit with Ingland
raid vpone Scottismen assurit with Ingland the tyme
thay war assurit and tuke thair gudis and geir
quhether gif thay assurit persounis spul+geit haue iust
actioun and place to ask restitutioun of thair gudis
and amendis for the dampnageis done to thame or
not? It is concludit decernit and declairit be the
Quenis grace my Lord Gouernour with aduise of
the thre Estatis of Parliame~t That quhair our Souerane
Ladyis chargeis & proclamatiounis or my Lord
Gouernouris priuate letters or command was direct
chargeing all and sindrie assurit persounis of this
Realme with Ingland and that sat vnder thair assurance
to discharge thame of the said assurance & leif
the opinion of Ingland and to cum to the obedience
of our Souerane Lady my Lord Gouernour and the
autoritie within ane certane terme prefixt thairto
contenit in the said letters and wald not leif the opinioun
foirsaid bot assistit to Ingland Inglismen and
thair companie That thay Scottismen assurit in maner
foirsaid sall haue na place nor actioun to persew the
persounis Scottismen vnassurit for the spoliatioun of
thair gudis or satisfactioun of ony vther dampnageis
done to thame thairefter And quhair na letters chargeis
proclamatiounis nor vthers priuate wryttingis
nor command of my Lord Gouernouris grace war
<P 484.C2>
direct chargeing sic assurit persounis to leif the opinioun
of Ingland and to cum to the obeysance of our
Souerane Lady my Lord Gouernour and the autoritie
nor na sic chargeis come to thair eiris that thay Scottisme~
assurit as said is sall haue place and actioun to
persew the persounis vnassurit that spul+geit for restitutioun
of thair gudis and amendis for the dampnage
and skaith sustenit be thame gif the spul+gearis
had na speciall command nouther in writ nor word
of my Lord Gouernour to ryde vpone sic assurit
persounis

ITEM To the resolutioun maid vpone the secund
article makand mentioun quhair men assurit or vnassurit
raid in particular pin+geounis and small companyis
of Inglismen the Scottismen being the greitest
number and inuadit the Scottisme~ vnassurit brint
thair housis spul+geit thair gudis and hereit thame
thairthrow quhether gif the persoun spul+geit and
hereit hes iust actioun to persew sic Scottismen spul+gearis
for restorance of thair gudis agane and satisfactioun
for the dampnageis done to thame or not? It
is decernit and declarit be the Quenis grace my Lord
Gouernour with auise of the thre Estatis of Parliament
foirsaid that all sic persounis spul+geit hurt or
dampnageit in maner foirsaid hes iust actioun and
place to persew the spul+gearis and to desyre restorance
of thair gudis and satisfactioun of thair dampnageis
as accordis of the law

ITEM As to the resolutioun to be tane vpone the
thrid article beirand in effect quhair ony Scottismen
assurit be Ingland and raid with the armie thairof
vpone ony Scottismen vnassurit for birning of thair
placis slauchter of thame selfis thair wyfis and barnis
and spul+geit thame of thair gudis or birning of thair
cornis downcasting of thair housis and vthers destructiounis
quhether gif it be leiffull to ony Scotisman
spul+geit in that sort with the armie of Ingland
to persew ony Scottisman being in companie with
the armie of Ingland the tyme of the spoliatioun and
destructioun foirsaid for spoliatioun of thair gudis
and satisfactioun for the dampnageis sustenit be
thame or hes iust cause and actioun to sute thairfoir
It is concludit and declairit be the Quenis grace my
Lord Gouernour and thre Estatis foirsaidis That sic
persounis vnassurit brint hereit and destroyit be Scottismen
assurit and being in companie with the armie
of Ingland and come with thame and war with
thame the tyme of the spoliatioun birning and destructioun
foirsaid hes iust actioun and cause to persew
all assurit persounis Scottismen that raid in maner
foirsaid for restitutioun and deliuerance of thair gudis
spul+geit fra thame and satisfactioun and amendis for
the dampnageis and hurtis as accordis

ITEM It is declairit in this present Parliament that
forsamekill as Archibald Erle of Anguse George
<P 485.C1>
Dowglas of Pettendreich Knycht his brother vmquhile
Archibald Dowglas of Kilspindie thair Eme
and thair part takaris was be our Souerane Lord
that last decessit banist forfaltit and declairit thairthrow
Inimeis to this Realme and thaireftir thay
remanit for saiftie of thair lyfis in the Realme of
Ingland and was with the Lieutennentis wardanis
and Capitanis of Ingland in tyme of weir and vthers
tymes inuaidand this Realme and liegis thairof be
fyre and sword & peax being tretit was comprehendit
in the samin And now thay being restorit and
thair forfaltour reducit in caice of ony of the liegis
of this Realme wald persew thame for heirschippis
slauchters skaithis or dampnageis done the tyme thay
war forfaltit and being with Ingland or vtherwayis
It is declairit that thay nor nane of thame nor thair
part takaris and complices being forfaltit with thame
ar not nor sall not be haldin to answer to ony liegis
of this Realme for na inuasioun of thame be fyre
sword slauchter heirschippis nor dampnageis done be
thame the tyme foirsaid that thay war forfaltit nor
the lieg~ foirsaidis may not nor sall not haue actioun
to persew thame for ony of the premissis And this
to remane as act of Parliament declairand the cause
foirsaid to remane as Law in tyme cumming Prouyding
that this act be not extendit to na vthers Rebellis
of tymes bygane nor tocum bot to the saidis
Erle of Anguse George Dowglas and thair vmquhile
Eme Archibald because thay war speciallie comprehendit
in the peax

ITEM Because notwithstanding the oft and frequent
prechingis in detestatioun of the greuous and abominabill
aithis sweiring execratiounis and blasphematioun
of the name of God sweirand in vane be his
precious blude body passioun & woundis Deuill
stick cummer gor roist or ryfe thame and sic vthers
vgsume aithis and execratiounis aganis the command
of God +git the samin is cum in sic ane vngodlie vse
amangis the pepill of this Realme baith of greit and
small Estatis that daylie and hourlie may be hard
amangis thame oppin blasphematioun of Godis name
and maiestie to the greit contemptioun thairof and
bringing of the Ire and wraith of God vpone the
pepill heirfoir and for eschewing of sic inconuenientis
in tymes cumming It is statute and ordanit that
quhatsumeuir persoun or persounis sweiris sic abominabill
aithis and detestabill execratiounis as is afoir
reheirsit sall incur the panis efter following als oft as
thay fail+gie respectiue That is to say ane Prelate of
Kirk Erle or Lord for euerie fault to be committit
for the space of thre monethis nixt tocum That is to
say vnto the first day of Maij exclusiue . xij . d~ .
Ane Barrone or beneficit man constitute in dignite
ecclesiastick iiij . d~ . Ane landit man frehalder wassall
fewar Burges and small beneficit men . ij . d~ . Ane
craftisman +geman a seruand man and all vthers . j . d~ .
Item the pure folkis that hes na geir to pay the
pane foirsaid to be put in the stokis or presonit for
<P 485.C2>
the space of four houris and wemen to be weyit and
considderit conforme to thair blude or estate of thair
parteis that thay ar cuplit with And this pane to be
dowblit vpone euerie committar efter the outrinning
of the saidis thre monethis for the space of vther
thre monethis thairefter That is to say fra the first
day of Maij vnto the first day of August exclusiue
and from the first day of August vnto the first day
of Nouember exclusiue the pane to be triplit that
is to say for euerie penny . iij . d~ . And fra the saide
first day of Nouember to the first day of Februar
thairefter quhilk makis the +geir co~pleit the pane to
be quadruplit that is to say for euerie penny . iiij . d~ .
effeirand to thair estate And fra the completing of
the said +geir the first fault of ane Prelate Erle or
Lord to be . iiij . s . the secund fault . viij . s . and the
thrid fault . xvj . s . and for the feird fault to be banist
or put in waird for the space of +geir and day at the
will of the Prince and siclyke of all vther estatis efter
thair qualitie foirsaid to be punischit effeirandlie And
this foirsaid pane to be applyit to the pure folkis be
thame that salbe depute collectouris thairof

ITEM It is statute and ordanit aganis all persounis
quhilkis co~tempnandlie makis perturbatioun in the
Kirk the tyme of deuine seruice and precheing of the
worde of God stopand the samin to be hard and
sene be the deuote pepill and will not desist and ceis
thairfra for na spirituall monitioun that the Kirkmen
may vse vpone thame Thairfoir quhatsumeuer persoun
makis perturbatioun or impediment in the Kirk
in maner foirsaid sall incur the panis as efter followis
That is to say for the first fault ane Prelate Erle or
Lord ten pund ane Barrone or persoun constitute in
dignitie ecclesiastik fyue pund ane wassall frehalder
Burges or small beneficit man fourtie schillingis and
vthers . xx . schillingis and pure folkis that hes na
gudis to be put in presoun for . xv . dayis to fast breid
and watter and for the secund fault the dowbling
thairof and for the thrid fault warding of thair persounis
or banissing for +geir and day and ordanis the
Dene of Gilde Kirk maisters and rewlaris to gar leische
barnis that perturbis the Kirk in maner foirsaid

ITEM That because mony persounis wittanlie knawand
thame selfis vnder the proces of cursing and
beand chargeit to remoue fra deuine seruice wilfullie
enteris thame selfis thairto and will not remoue
quhairthrow thay stop the remanent Christin pepill
fra deuine seruice and incurris the greit cursing of
the Law fra the quhilk nane may absolue bot the
Papis halines Thairfoir it is statute and ordanit that
quha sa euer beis notit and conuictit to haue remanit
in the Kirk in the tyme of deuine seruice efter that
he haue bene warnit & chargeit to remoue beand
vnder proces of cursing denuncit vpone him dewlie
outher oppinlie in his paroche Kirk or personallie to
be punist as perturbaris of the Kirk of God and to
incur the panis of the foirsaid last act
<P 486.C1>
ITEM Quhatsumeuer persoun beand vnder proces of
cursing dewlie denuncit vpone him in maner foirsaid
compellis ony Kirkman to say Messe in his presence
quhilk knawis the compellar to be vnder proces of
cursing and wald not say Messe in his presence without
he war compellit thairto The compellar for his
said contemptioun efter that he be notit and conuict
thairof to tyne all his mouabill gudis and the samin
to be applyit to our Souerane Ladyis escheit

ITEM It is statute and ordanit that quhatsumeuer
persoun maryis twa sindrie wyfis or woman maryis
twa sindrie husbandis leuand togidder vndeuorsit
lauchfullie contrare the aith and promes maid at the
solmepnizatioun and contracting of the matrimonie
and swa ar of the Law periure and infame Thairfoir
that the panis of periuring be execute vpone thame
with all rigour That is to say confiscatioun of all thair
gudis mouabill warding of thair persounis for +geir
and day and langar induring the Quenis will and as
infame persounis neuer habill to bruke office honour
dignitie nor benefice in tyme tocum

ITEM Anent persounis that ar maryit and ar oppin
manifest commoun and incorrigibill adulteraris and
will not desist and ceis thairfra for feir of ony spirituall
iurisdictioun or Censuris of halie Kirk to the
greit perrell of thair awin saulis Thairfoir it is statute
and ordanit in this present Parliament that all sic
incorrigibill adulteraris efter that the proces of halie
Kirk sa far as the samin may extend to be vsit vpone
thame for thair inobedience and contemptioun be
denuncit our Souerane Ladyis Rebellis and put to
hir horne and all thair mouabill . &c . And swa na
appellatioun interponit fra the said Censuris of halie
Kirk to suspend the horning

ITEM Anent the article proponit twiching the greit
exhorbitant derth rasit in this Realm be malt makaris
and the greit oppressioun maid be thame daylie
and continuallie vpone our Souerane Ladyis liegis
quhairthrow this Realme is not gudlie seruit lyke as
the samin hes bene in tymes bygane and for remedie
heirof and stanching of the pretendit murmure maid
be sic malt men anent the making of the prices of all
malt sauld commounlie in this Realme It is deuisit
statute and ordanit be my Lord Gouernour with
auise of the thre Estatis of Parliament That because
of the greit derth of fewall presentlie occurrand euerie
malt man sall haue of euerie boll of malt maid be him
for his laubouris and fewall . iiij . s . of ilk boll of
malt mair nor the boll of beir is commounlie sauld
to the effect that our Souerane Lady my Lord Gouernour
and liegis of this Realme may be honestlie and
substantiouslie seruit as accordis vpone the prices
foirsaidis And the said act and ordinance for the
space of ane +geir to indure
<P 486.C2>
ITEM Forsamekill as the Quenis grace my Lord
Gouernour and thre Estatis of Parliament hauand
respect to the greit and heuy oppressioun done to the
liegis of this Realme and speciallie be ferryaris of
Kinghorne Quenis Ferry and Dundie in taking of
thair fraucht fra thame and that the Quenis lieg~
notwithsta~ding the wechtie chargeis and expensis
debursit to sic ferryaris ar not seruit as appertenis to
be done and for remedie heirof in respect of the
derth of viuers dispensis with the act maid heirupone
of befoir for ane +geir It is statute and ordanit that
na maner of persoun awnar of ony boitis at the ferryis
foirsaid tak vpone hand to tak ony fraucht fra
ony of our Souerane Ladyis liegis for their portage
bot as efter followis that is to say gif ony persoun
wald haue ane boit be him self at the ferrie of Kinghorne
that he tak for his fraucht and portage . x . s .
And quhair company conuenis at the said ferrie the
hors and man to pay for thair portage . xij . d~ . and
the man or woman be him self but hors to pay for
thair portage . vj . d~ . And at the ferryis of the
Quenis ferrie and Dundie gif ane man desyris ane
boit be himself to pay for his portage . iiij . s . And
euer ilk man and hors . viij . d~ . And ilk man or
woman be thame self . iiij . d~ . vnder the pane of
deid and confiscatioun of all thair gudis with certificatioun
to thame and thay do the contrare that thay
salbe callit to particular diettis and Justice courtis
and salbe punist thairfoir with all rigour as brekaris
of the actis of Parliament

ITEM Forsamekill as the derth of scheip cuningis
and wylde meit daylie incressis & that throw the
slauchter of the +goung Lambis Lapronis and +goung
poutis of pertrik or wylde foule and to eschew sic
derth in tyme cumming It is deuisit statute and ordanit
be my Lord Gouernour with auise of the thre
Estatis of Parliament That na maner of persoun or
persounis tak vpone hand to by ony Lambis to slay
and bring to mercat to be sauld and that na Lambis
be slane be quhatsumeuer persounis except in Nobillis
and greit Barronis housis to thair meit for the space
of thre +geiris and vnder the pane of confiscatioun
of all sic persounis gud~ and punissi~g of his persoun
at my Lord Gouernouris will And that na maner
of persoun tak vpone hand to slay ony Lapronis or
+goung poutis except gentilmen and vthers Nobillis
with halkis or by the samin in mercat or vtherwayis
during the said space vnder the pane foirsaid

ITEM Forsamekill as thair hes bene diuers and sindrie
actis maid of befoir and speciallie be King James
the Fyft of gude mynde quhome God assol+gie for
stanching of beggaris Notwithstanding in default of
dew executioun of the said act the beggaris daylie
and continuallie multipleis and resortis in all placis
quhair my Lord Gouernour and vthers Nobillis
conuenis Swa that nane of thame may pas throw the
<P 487.C1>
streittis for raming and crying vpone thame contrare
the tenour of the saidis actis for eschewin of the
quhilk It is deuisit statute and ordanit be my Lord
Gouernour with auise of the thre Estatis of Parliament
that the said act maid thairupone of befoir be
put to dew executioun in all punctis efter the forme
and tenour of the samin and that letters be direct to
mak publicatioun be oppin proclamatioun at the
mercat croces of all Burrowis of this Realme chargeing
all officiaris contenit in the said act to do the
samin betuix this and the last day of Marche nixt tocum
conforme to the said act and vnder the panis
contenit in the samin of the quhilk the tenour
followis Item for refraning of the multitude of
maisterfull and strang beggaris It is ordanit that the
act maid thairupone of befoir be King James the
First appreuit and ratifeit be vthers our Souerane
Lord~ predecessour~ be obseruit & keipit and put to
scharp executiou~ in all punctis with this additioun
That na beggarris be tholit to beg in ane parochin that
ar borne in ane vther and that the heidismen of ilk
parochin mak takinnis and gif to the beggaris thairof
and thay to be sustenit within the bou~dis of that
parochin and that nane vthers be seruit with almus
within that parochin bot thay that beiris that takin
allanerlie vnder the panis co~tenit in the said act And
that the Justice Clerk mak inquisitioun and tak dictay
heirupone at euerie Justice Air and ordanis letters
to be direct to command and charge the Prouest
and Baillies of Edinburgh and al vthers Prouestis
Baillies of Burrowis Schireffis and vthers Officiaris
of the Kingis to put this act to executioun in all
punctis and that the samin be publist at all placis
neidfull swa that na man sall pretend Ignorance or
allege he knew not the samin in tyme tocum

ITEM It is statute and ordanit be my Lord Gouernour
with auise of the thre Estatis of Parliament that
the actis and statutis maid of befoir aganis fals Notaris
and witnes corruptaris and seducearis of thame
in writ temporall or spirituall courtis to be obseruit
and keipit in all punctis and ratifeis and appreuis the
samin of new with this additioun That all sic persounis
salbe punist in thair persounis and gudis with
all rigour videlicet prescriptioun banissing and dismembring
of hand or toung and vthers panis prouydit
be the dispositioun of the commoun Law baith
Canoun Ciuile and statutis of the Realme And this
act to be extendit to all maner of euidentis actis              #
obligatiounis
acquittancis or vther wryttingis quhatsumeuer
and the makaris fein+gearis vsaris seducearis
corruptaris and falsaris thairof alsweill as to fals
Instrumentis

ITEM Forsamekill as my Lord Gouernour and thre
Estatis of Parliament regardand the exhorbitant
prices that euerie craftisman within Burgh rasis
vpone our Souerane Ladyis liegis in all sic thingis as
<P 487.C2>
pertenis to thair craft swa that the prices ar dowblit
and triblit be mony of thame to the greit hurt of 
the saidis liegis quhilk is considderit to be of practick
be the Dekinnis of euerie craft and the fault thairof
is alway in the Prouest and Baillies of euerie Burgh
that ouerseis the saidis Dekinnis craftismen and correctis 
thame not conforme to the act of Parliament
Thairfoir it is statute and ordanit that all Prouestis
and Baillies of fre Burrowis with all diligence conuene 
the saidis Dekinnis and craftismen afoir thame
and thair on euerie thing pertening to craftismen to
statute and ordane ressonabill prices effeirand to thair
craft & that the samin be put in writ and producit
afoir the Lordis of the articlis in the nixt Parliament
to be haldin the thrid day of Aprill nixt tocum to be
considderit be thame gif thay be ressonabill and gif
swa be to be authorisit and gif thay be vnressonabill
to be reformit And siclyke that effeirand to the prices
of victuallis that the saidis Prouest and Baillies cause
the hostillaris to tak ane ressonabill price for ane manis
dennar and suppar that thay may hald thair awin
and the Quenis liegis be not sa greuit and hurt throw
the greit prices takin far abone all custume and vse as
hes bene in this Realme afoir thir dayis and as beis
statute heirupone in Burgh that the samin be deliuerit
to the Schiref of the Schire to gar the saidis prices be
keipit to landwart And gif ony of the saidis Dekinnis
or hostillaris obeyis not the ordinance of the saidis Prouest
and Baillies that thay depriue thame of thair officis
and priuilege and efter thay be depriuit gif thay
mell farther thair with to be callit to vnderly the Law
to particular diettis afoir the greit Justice as for            #
contempning
and breking of the actis of Parliament and to
be punist in thair persounis and gudis with all rigour

ITEM Because the act concerning Notaris maid be
the Kingis grace King James the Fyft quhome God
assol+gie hes not hiddertillis bene put to dew executioun 
Thairfoir it is thocht expedient be my Lord
Gouernour and thre Estatis of Parliament that the
said act be put to executioun in all punctis efter the
forme and tenour of the samin betuix this and the
last day of Marche nixt tocum with this additioun
following That is to say that euerie Schiref within
the boundis of his office betuix this and the said day
bring or send all Notaris temporall men and the Ordinaris
to bring or send all spirituall Notaris to the
Burgh of Edinburgh and thair present thame to the
Lordis of counsall to be examinat be thame gif thay
be habill worthie and qualifeit for the said office of
Notarie and thair to be admittit be thame thairto
suspendand fra the said last day of Marche furth all
Notaris vnto the tyme of thair admissioun foirsaid
with certificatioun to thame that vsis the office of
Notarie fra the said day furth befoir thay be admittit
in maner foirsaid That thair Instrumentis sall haue
na faith and thame selfis sall be punist as falsaris
of the Law
<P 488.C1>
ITEM It is statute and ordanit that the act maid of
befoir for slaying of Hairis in forbodin tyme be obseruit
& keipit in all punctis efter the tenour thairof

ITEM It is statute & ordanit be my Lord Gouernour
with auise of +te thre Estatis of Parliame~t +t=t= the act
maid be King James the thrid & ratifeit be our
Souerane Lord of gude mynde quhome God assol+gie
aganis thame that slayis Dais or Rais thair calfis or
kiddis be put to executioun in all punctis efter the
forme and tenour of the samin

ITEM It is statute and ordanit that the act and ordinance
maid befoir in counsall anentis the eschewing
of derth and the ordouring of euerie mannis hous in
his coursis and discheis of meit be obseruit and keipit
in all punctis efter the forme and tenour thairof and
vnder the panis contenit in the samin of the quhilk
the tenour followis The quhilk day forsamekill as
the Quenis grace my Lord Gouernour and Lordis of
secreit counsall hauand respect to the greit and exhorbitant
derth ryssin in this Realme of victuallis
and vther stuffe for the sustentatioun of mankynde
and dailie encressand and vnderstandand that the occasioun
thairof is because of the superfluous cheir
vsit commounlie in this Realme alsweill amangis
small as greit men to the greit hurt of commoun
weill of the samin and dampnage to the bodie quhilk
makis ane man vnhabill to exerce all leifull and gude
warkis necessare And for remeid heirof and stanching
of sic derth and exhorbitant prices foirsaidis It is
deuisit and ordanit that na Archibishop Bischop nor
Erlis haue at his meis bot . viij . discheis of meit nor
na Abbot Lord Priour nor Deine haue at his meis
bot . vj . discheis of meit nor na Barrone nor frehalder
haue bot four discheis of meit at his meis nor na
Burges nor vther substantious man spirituall nor
temporall sall haue at his meis bot . iij . discheis and
bot ane kynde of meit in euerie dische And for obseruing
and keiping of this act and ordinance foirsaid
it is deuisit and ordanit that quhatsumeuer
Archibischop Bischop or Erle beis fundin brekand the
samin that he sall content and pay to my Lord
Gouernour and the autoritie at euerie tyme he fail+geis
ane hundreth pund for euerie fail+gie And gif
ony Lord Abbot Priour of Deine fail+gies and brekis
the said act he sall content and pay for euerie fail+gie
ane hundreth markis and gif ony Barrone or frehalder
fail+gie he sall pay at euerie tyme and fail+gie . xl .
pund And gif ony Burges or vther substantious man
spirituall or temporall fail+gies he sall pay at euerie
tyme and fail+gie . xx . markis in maner foirsaid And
gif ony vther small persoun or persounis wald presume
to brek this present act and ordinance or do in
the contrare thairof he salbe takin and punist in his
persoun and gudis at my Lord Gouernouris will for
thair contemptioun And quhatsumeuer vther persoun
or persounis of quhatsumeuer estate degre or conditioun
<P 488.C2>
that euer thay be of that fail+gies and brekis
this act and ordinance that he salbe repute and haldin 
as ane man geuin to his voluptuositie and contempnar
of the autoritie and not to the commoun
weill and howbeit that ony man of greiter Estate
nor ane Bruges cum in Burgh to ony Burges ludgeing
It sall not be lesum to the said Burges to mak
ony maa discheis bot effeirand to the Estate of the
maister awnar of the said ludgeing without that the
Lord Barrone or strangear mak his awin prouisioun
and tabill alwayis within the ordinance foirsaid
Prouyding alwayis that this present act and ordinance
stryke not vpone +Gule and Pasche patroun dayis
mariageis nor bankettis to be maid to strangearis of
vther Realmes and the said bankettis to be maid
allanerlie be Archibischoppis Bischoppis Erlis Lordis
Abbotis Priouris Deinis Barronis Prouestis and Baillies
of Burrowis And in lykewyse prouyding that na
Scottisman mak banket to ony vther Scottisman bot
in maner foirsaid And for the mair sure keiping of
the said act and ordinance Ordanis that the Schiref
of the Schire and thair Deputis Prouestis Aldermen
and Baillies of Burrowis ilk ane within his awin
boundis and iurisdictioun to tak inquisitioun of the
brekaris of the samin and roll thair namis and deliuer
the samin to my Lord Thesaurar to the effect
that the persounis brekaris and contempnaris of the
said act may be callit to Justice Airis or particular
diettis as my Lord Gouernour and counsall sall think
maist expedient and punist in maner foirsaid

ITEM It is statute and ordanit that the actis maid
of befoir anentis paking and peling be our Souerane
Lord quhome God assol+gie and his progenitouris be
obseruit and keipit in all punctis efter the forme
and tenour thairof

ITEM It is statute and ordanit be my Lord Gouernour
with auise of the thre Estatis of Parliament
that the actis and statutis maid of befoir aganis
regrataris and foirstallaris of mercatis be obseruit
and keipit in all punctis efter the forme and tenour
of the samin and vnder the panis contenit thairintill

ITEM It is statute and ordanit be my Lord Gouernour
with auise of the thre Estatis of Parliament
That all actis and Statutis maid be our Souerane
Lord and his predecessouris anentis the hauing of
quhite fische furth of the Realme be obseruit and
keipit in all punctis efter the forme and tenour
thairof

ITEM Forsamekill as thair is diuers Prentaris in this
Realme that daylie and continuallie prentis bukis
concerning the faith ballattis sangis blasphematiounis
rymes alsweill of Kirkmen as temporall and vthers
<P 489.C1>
Tragedeis alsweill in latine as in Inglis toung not
sene vewit and considderit be the superiouris as
appertenis to the defamatioun & sclander of the liegis
of this Realme and to put ordour to sic inconuenientis
It is deuisit statute and ordanit be my Lord Gouernour
with auise of the thre Estatis of Parliament
That na Prentar presume attempt or tak vpone hand
to prent ony bukis ballattis sangis blasphematiounis
rymes or Tragedeis outher in latine or Inglis toung
in ony tymes tocum vnto the tyme the samin be
sene vewit and examit be sum wyse and discreit persounis
depute thairto be the Ordinaris quhatsumeuer
And thairefter ane licence had and obtenit fra our
Souerane Lady & my Lord Gouernour for Imprenting
of sic bukis vnder the pane of confiscatioun of all
the Prentaris gudis and banissing him of the Realme
for euer

THE quhilk day It was put in remembrance to my
Lord Gouernouris grace & thre Estatis being present
in Parliament how that Monsieure Dosel the maist
Christin Kingis Lieutennent and Ambaxatour was
haistelie to depart of this Realme to his maister and
that his gude seruice done in thir partis baith in
tyme of peax and weir sould be writtin to the said
maist Christin King not allanerlie thankand his grace
of the samin bot alswa suppleand to thank and reward
the said Monsieure Dosell And thairfoir it was concludit
be the thre Estatis that my Lord Secretar sould
mak letters in our Souerane Ladyis name my Lord
Gouernouris and thairis to the said maist Christin
King in ampill and effectuous maner to the effect
foirsaid

ITEM The thre Estatis of Parliament hes ratifeit and
appreuit the contract maid betuix my Lord Gouernouris
grace and Schir James Hammiltoun of Craufurde
Johne Knycht quhilk is Registrate in the
bukis of counsall in all punctis and ordanis the samin
to haue the strenth of ane act of Parliament

THE quhilk day the thre Estatis of Parliament hes
ratifeit and appreuit and be the tenour heirof ratifeis
and appreuis the act maid betuix the Quenis grace
mother to our Souerane lady on that ane part & my
Lord Gouernouris grace on that vther part of the
dait at Striuiling the . xviij . day of Nouember the
+geir of God ane thousand fyue hundreth . xliiij .
+geiris in all punctis and articlis quhairof the tenour
followis AT Striuiling the . xviij . day of Nouember
the +geir of God ane thousand fyue hundreth . xliiij .
+geiris The quhilk day my Lord Gouernour the
Quenis grace and haill counsall hes dischargeit cassit
and annullit dischargeis cassis and annullis all actis and
ordinancis maid of befoir at quhatsumeuer conuentiounis
at Striuiling of quhatsumeuer vther place
suspendand my Lord Gouernour fra administratioun
<P 489.C2>
of his office of gouernament and tutorie and decernis
the samin to haue bene fra the beginning and to be in
all tymes cumming of nane auale force nor effect togidder
with the pretendit summoundis rasit aganis my
Lord Gouernour for depriuatioun of him fra his office
of gouername~t and tutorie and dischargeis the samin
for now and euer Attour my Lord Gouernour with
auise of the Quenis grace and counsall Hes declairit
and declairis that the Nobill men and all vther persounis
that was at the making of the saidis actis
ordinancis and summou~dis or hes bene with hir grace
sensyne in counsall or vtherwayis aganis my Lord
Gouernour and his autoritie he committit na fault
nor cryme and thairfoir my Lord Gouernour and
counsall foirsaid dischargeis thame thairof for now
and euer and that thay neuer sall be callit nor accusit
thairfoir nor incur ony dampnage skaith or hurt in
thair persounis landis beneficis and gudis and gif his
grace hes consauit ony displesure or rancour aganis ony
maner of persoun or persounis for the causis foirsaidis
he remittis the samin hartfullie and forther ordanis
ane declaratioun heirof to be maid in Parliament

AT EDINBURGH the elleuint day of September the
+geir of God ane thousand fyue hundreth and . ij . +geir~
In presence of the Lordis of counsall compeirit ane
maist Reuerend Father in God Johne Archibischop
of Sanctandros Commendatour of the Abbay of
Paslay &c~ for him self and the remane~t of the clergy
of this Realme on that ane part And the Prouest and
Baillies of the Burgh of Edinburgh on that vther part
and gaif in thir articlis vnderwrittin subscriuit be the
hand of Maister Johne Lauder Archidene of Tewiotdale
Notar publique and desyrit the samin to be insert
in the bukis of counsall & the saidis Lordis to interpone
thair authoritie to the samin The quhilk desyre
the saidis Lord~ thocht ressonabill and ordanit
the saidis articlis to be Registrate in the saidis bukis
of counsall and to haue the strenth of ane act and
decreit of the Lordis thairof and hes interponit and
interponis thair autoritie to the samin And decernis
and ordanis letters executorialis to be geuin heirupone
for dew executioun of the saidis articlis and
euerie punct thairof as efferis Quhairof the tenour
followis

[}OF THE ARTICLIS AND FUNDAMENTIS TO BE
AUISIT VPONE TWICHING THE BRING LANDIS AND
TENEMENTIS WITHIN THE BURGH OF EDINBURGH
AND VTHERS BURGHIS AND TOWNIS WITHIN THE
REALME OF SCOTLAND BRINT BE THE AULD INIMEIS
OF INGLAND}]

ITEM The first article quhair the Chaplane be the
sycht of the masoun wricht and maister of wark and
vthers discreit men sworne thairto will contribute
and pay the part of the expensis for the rait of thair
<P 490.C1>
annuall and +te maill of the hous as it payis presentlie
that thay sall haue thair haill annuell efter the bigging
of the hous

ITEM The ground annuall appeiris ay to be payit
quha euer big the ground and fail+geing thairof that
the annuellar may recognosce the ground

ITEM In all vther annuellis to auise gif the awnaris
lattis the ground to be vnbiggit quhat salbe the
Chaplanis part gif he may recognosce the samin or
not or compel the awnar to big the samin And gif he
may do nouther gif he may call for warrandice efter
the forme of his fundatioun

ITEM Gif samekill restis vnbrint of the haill tenement
that aw the annuell as will pay the samin gif
the annuell may be craifit compleitlie

ITEM To auise gif the Chaplane hes the annuell vnder
reuersioun and contributis with the biggar conforme
to the first article to considder how lang thairefter
the annuell salbe vnredimabill or samekill as is
contribute to be eikit in the reuersioun

ITEM Quhair the Chaplane was Laird of the tenement
and the samin haillelie brint and the patrone
requyrit to big the samin refusis and will not and
may not siclyke the Chaplane may not quhether it
salbe lesum to the Chaplane to set the samin tenement
in few and requyre the patrone for his consent
and gif he refusis gif he may be compellit thairto or
gif the Chaplane may set the samin by his auise and
consent or not

ITEM Quhair the haill tenement efter it be biggit
be set in few within the auale thairof for the vphald
of the samin and beis brint gif the fewar may be
compellit to big the samin vpone his awin expensis
or not and quhat salbe the Chaplanis part in that
caice &c~

ITEM Gif the coniunctfear or lyferentar of tenementis
quhilkis payis annuell to the kirk and is brint as
said is gif they may be compellit be the Chaplane &
airis of the said tenement to concur and big the
samin for thair interes and gif thay be disassentand
thairto quhat salbe lesum to the air and Chaplane to
do in that behalf
<P 490.C2>
   HEIR FOLLOWIS the prouisioun ordinance
and conclusioun maid to the articlis abone expremit
and to be in all tymes cumming obseruit
and keipit anentis all annuellis of the
brint landis and tenementis be the auld Inimeis
of Ingland within the Burgh of Edinburgh
and vthers burghis and townis within the
Realme of Scotland awand alsweill to spirituall
men as temporall men concordit and aggreit
vpone betuix the Lordis of the articlis of Parliament
and the Prouest and Baillies and counsall
of the said Burgh of Edinburgh for thame
and the remanent Burghis and townis of this
Realme to haue the strenth of actis statutis
and ordinancis of Parliament in all tyme tocum
The quhilk conclusioun my Lord Gouernour
and the thre Estatis of Parliament vpone
the first day of Februar the +geir of God 1551
+geir ratifeit and appreuit

ITEM In the first anent the first article geuin in be
the annuellaris of the Burgh of Edinburgh and
vthers Burghis within this Realme It is concordit
statute and ordanit that gif the annuellar be the
Jugement or sycht of the masoun wrycht and maister
of wark craftismen in the reparrelling of the tenement
quhilk is astrictit to the annuell and vthers
discreit men sworne thairto will contribute and pay
the part of expensis according to the rait of the
annuell and the male of the housis quhilkis it geuis
now presentlie that the samin annuellar~ quhatsumeuer
thay be spirituall or temporall sall haue the haill
annuell of the nixt terme immediatlie following the
bigging and reparing of the tenement or hous and
salbe fre to poynde and distren+gie fra that tyme alsweill
for the bygane as tocum call and recognosce
thairfoir according to Justice Prouyding alwayis that
gif ony questionn or pley sall happin to ryse anent
the expensis of the bigging betuix the annuellar and
the heretour the samin salbe decydit and discussit
befoir the Lordis of our Souerane Ladyis fate of
Justice vpone ane simpill supplicatioun but outher
diet or tabill

ITEM Anent the secund and seuint articlis quhilkis
ar coincident It is statute and ordinat that quhether
the annuell be redemabill or vnredemabill the annuellar
hauand the ground annuell vpone ony brint land
quhilk is or beis reparellit be the awnar thairof that
makis na contributioun to the bigging of the samin
sall want the saxt part of the annuell the few annuellaris
sall in lykewise want the fyft part of thair annuellis
the tope annuellaris sall in lykewyse want the
fourt part of thairis and the awnar of the brint land
quha hes biggit and reparrellit the samin sall not be
haldin to pay mair of the saidis annuellis respectiue
<P 491.C1>
than cummis to the residew thairof the saidis saxt
fyft and fourt partis respectiue being defasit Prouyding
alwayis that it salbe lesum to the annuellaris notwithstanding
the defaisance maid presentlie gif thay
pleis to by in agane and redeme fra the said awnar
of the samin land samekill of the said annuell as thay
sall happin to want be particular redemptioun as the
saidis annuellaris may cum to and it war neuir sa
lytill payand proportionablie for ilk merk geuin
downe to the proportioun and rate thairfoir the
sowme of ten pundis Scottis money but ony langar
proces allanerlie the awnar being requyrit to ressaif
his money salbe sufficient warning and the annuellar
to be answerit fra the nixt terme of samekill as he
payis money for as effeiris reallie and with effect
the awnar being requyrit and refusand And in that
caice the money to be deponit in the Prouest and
Baillies handis of the towne gif thay be baith temporall
Bot gif thay be spirituall and temporall or
baith spirituall in the Officiallis handis of Loutheane
being for the tyme and thair to remane to his vtilitie
and proffeit that sould haue the samin and defaysance
of payment in maner foirsaid to be maid continuallie
fra the bigging of the tenementis astrictit to the
annuellis

ITEM Anent the thrid article It is ordanit that gif the
awnaris of the brint landis and tenementis tholis the
samin to ly vnbiggit twa +geiris efter the dait of thir
presentis It salbe lesum to the annuellaris to persew
thair annuellis respectiue conforme to the nature and
rate of euerie annuell as is abone expremit Or to
recognosce the tenement for non payment of the
samin the saidis twa +geiris being furthrunning and
to vse thair proces for non payment thairof as accordis
of the Law and practik of this Realme

ITEM Anent the fourt article It is ordanit that quhat
kynde of annuell that euer it be the samin lyand vpone
the haill tenement gif samekill restis vnbrint of the
haill as will pay the samin annuell the awnar hauand
by the annuell twyse als mekill as the annuell extendis
to of +geirlie proffeit the haill annuell salbe payit
Vtherwayis it salbe proportionabill effeirand to the
thrid penny of the +geirlie auale of the tenement that
standis and quhair the laif beis biggit to haue siclyke
interpretatioun conforme to thir present articlis

ITEM Anent the fift article it is deuisit and concludit
that in caice the annuellar contribute with the awnar
of the brint tenement to the reparatioun thairof
conforme to the first article of the samin the annuellar
sall haue the reuersioun augmentit to the quantitie
extending to the thrid part of the sowme vpone the
quhilk the annuell is wodset Swa that quhill the
principall sowme and half samekill with it be payit
the annuell to be vnredemabill That is to say in caice
<P 491.C2>
the annuell ly vpone twa hundreth merkis it is not
to be redemit quhill thre hundreth merkis be payit
in caice foirsaid

ITEM Anent the saxt article It is prouydit and concludit
that gif ony Chaplane be haill Laird of the
brint tenement vnit to his Chaplanrie as patrimonie
thairof and the patrone of the Chaplanrie being requyrit
to big the samin and outher will not or els
may not and in lykewyse the Chaplane is not of
puissance to do the samin It salbe lesum for policie
and eschewing of deformitie of the towne to set the
samin in few to the vtilitie and proffeit of his Chaplanrie
to ony that will offer maist thairfoir without
the patronis consent gif he refusis to gif his consent
Prouyding alwayis that the patrone be first requyrit
to tak the samin in few him self and he to be in that
caice preferrit to ony vther geuand als mekill to the
Chaplane thairfoir to the euident vtilitie of the Chaplanrie
as ony vther will without collusioun and the
patrone refusand the Chaplane to be fre to do thairwith
as is abone writtin

ITEM As to the seuint article It is answerit and concludit
as is contenit in the response and conclusioun
maid to the secund article abone writtin because thay
war coincident togidder

ITEM As to the aucht article It is statute and ordanit
that gif thair beis ony coniunctfear of lyferentar of
ony brint land considderatioun being tane and had be
the Prouest and Baillies of the Burgh quhat fre male
the samin payit befoir the birning It salbe lesum to
the proprietar of the land to big the samin gif he
plesis payand the said coniunctfear or lyfrentar during
thair lyfetyme the thrid part of the fre male the
quhilk the said land payit befoir the birning Bot gif
the coniunctfear or lyferentar pleis to big the samin
thay to be preferrit to the proprietar and to bruke
the samin during thair lyfe And thairfoir sall the
proprietar and land baith be bundin and oblist to
thame for to refound the thrid part of the money
quhilkis thay deburse in bigging of the saidis tenementis
in necessare and proffitabill expensis to be furth
cummand to be gevin to thame the tyme of thair
deceis and thairefter to thair executouris and assignayis
the land being alsweill biggit as of befoir and
nychbourlyke
<P 492.C1>
[} (\APUD EDINBURGH,
XX DIE JUNII, A. D. M,D,LV.\) }]

[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]

INPRIMIS It is statute and ordanit be the Quenis
grace Dowriar and Regent with auise of the thre
Estatis of Parliament that the fredome of halie Kirk
and immuniteis and priuilegeis of the samin be obseruit
keipit and defendit be our Souerane Lady with
all liberteis in honour and worschip thairof siclyke
and als frelie as thay haue bene in tymes of hir
maist Nobill progenitouris Kingis of Scotland and the
brekaris and offendaris thairof to be punist with all
rigour

ITEM In lykewyse it is statute and ordanit that all
reuersiounis to be maid in tyme tocum and all bandis
and obligatiounis for making seiling and deliuering
of reuersiounis be maid vnder the seill and subscriptioun
of the promittar and geuar thairof And gif
the partie can not subscriue to subscriue the samin
with his hand led at the pen be ane Notar And gif
ony Instrument or vther kynde of wrytting be maid
for geuing of reuersiounis or beirand and contenand
reuersioun That wrytting or Instrument sall mak
na faith bot gif it be insert with consent of the parteis
in Jugement in the bukis of sum ordinar Juge
Except gif it happinnis within Burgh that the tyme
of resignatioun of landis in the Baillies handis the
Clerk of the Burgh Notar to the sesing geuing be the
said resignatioun be requyrit than instantlie of Instrument
in his handis of the reuersioun befoir the samin
witnes requyrit in the Instrument of sesing and gifis
his Instrument thairupone Quhilk sall mak faith as
sufficient reuersioun And als that all dischargeis of
reuersiounis in all tymes to cum be seilit and subscriuit
in maner abone writtin And gif the partie
can not subscriue to subscriue the samin with his
hand at the pen led be ane autentik Notar and seilit
with his seill as is abone writtin

ITEM In lykewyse It is statute and ordanit that gif
ony persoun~ hauand rycht be reuersioun to redeme
land~ or vther possessiounis makis or causis mak
lauchfull warning to all parteis fra quhome the saidis
<P 492.C2>
landis or vther possessiounis aucht and sould be
redemit to compeir at ane certane day in the place
nemmit in the said reuersioun for ressaifing of the
sowmes of money and takkis gif ony be specifeit
thairin and at the day warnit fulfilling all thingis as
accordis conforme to the reuersioun for his part gif
the parteis warnit as said is compeiris and refusis to
grant the saidis landis or possessiounis lauchfullie
redemit or absentis thame selfis gif thair be na takkis
to rin efter the redemptioun of the landis or possessiounis
or the takkis being run out the haifar of the
rycht to the reuersioun causand lauchfull warning to
be maid to the parteis foirsaidis and all vthers occupyaris
befoir ony witsonday terme efter the redemptioun
to flit and remoue fra the saidis landis and
possessiounis the redemptioun in maner abone specifeit
being fundin lauchfull  and the landis be vertew
thairof decernit lauchfullie redemit In that caice the
parteis quha sould haue grantit the redemptioun of
the saidis landis refusit and absentit salbe callit as
violent possessouris thairof fra the terme of witsonday
befoir the quhilk lauchfull warning was maid to
remoue as said is siclyke as the landis and possessiounis
had bene grantit lauchfullie redemit the day of the
redemptioun

ITEM It is statute and ordanit that gif ony persoun
or persounis slayis ane vther the persoun being
chargeit to find souertie within sax dayis and findis
not the samin or souertie being fundin compeiris not
at the day and swa he put to the horne and ony
tyme thairefter within +geir and day he offeris of
new to vnderly the Law and to find souertie thairupone
the panis salbe dowblit souertie being fundin
and he relaxit And gif he compeiris not at that day
and of new beis denuncit Rebell his relaxatioun
maid and geuin be vertew of the last souertie fundin
sall na wyse help him anent the tinsall of the lyferent
of his landis bot he sall tyne the samin as he
had not bene relaxit fra the first horning And this
to be extendit to all relaxatiounis maid within +geir
and day efter the first horning and to art and part
of the slauchter with the panis ay dowblit And attour
all alienatioun contract obligatioun and vthers
thingis quhatsumeuer that salbe done be him to be
null and of nane auale in the self without ony proces
of reductioun during the tyme of his relaxatioun
vpone his souerteis fundin efter the first horning Swa
that he compeir not at the day and entre to the
quhilk he findis souerties siclyke as and he had annalyit
contractit oblist or done vther thingis beand
Rebell and at the horne And this act to be extendit
in the fauoris of vthers superiouris alsweill as vnto
the Quenis grace And gif it happinnis ony persoun
or persounis committaris of slauchters for non finding
of souerteis or souertie being fundin for non
comperance beis denuncit Rebellis and put to the
horne and thairefter passis to gyrth and offeris to
find souertie to abyde the Law for the forthocht fellony
<P 493.C1>
in that caice souertie being fundin and thay
compeirand at the day and acquit of the forthocht
fellony to be restorit agane to the gyrth and the act
foirsaid to haue na place aganis thame bot vpone the
secund horning

ITEM It is statute and ordanit that gif ony persoun
or persounis beis summound and warnit lauchfullie
aucht dayis befoir thair departing furth of the
Realme and passis furth of the samin thairefter (\Nisi
reipublice causa\) the partie persewar sall haue proces
vpone his first summounding be continuatiounis in
siclyke maner as and his partie had not past of the
Realme be warni~gis on . xv . dayis langar or schortar
as the persewar sall desyre makand warning at
the dwelling place of the defendar gif he ony hes
And fail+geing that he haue na dwelling place nor hes
not constitute procuratouris to be warnit at the mercat
croce of the heid Burgh of the Schire quhair he
had maist resort befoir his departing And this act to
haue place in ciuile actiounis allanerlie bot not aganis
witnes

ITEM It is statute and ordanit that ony persoun
summound to compeir befoir the Justice his Deputis
or vthers Jugeis within this Realme hauand powar
of Justiciarie in criminall causis the copie of the saidis
letters or precept quhairby he is summound salbe
deliuerit to him gif he can be personallie apprehendit
and fail+geing thairof salbe deliuerit to his wyfe
or seruandis or affixt vpone the +get of his dwelling
place gif he ony hes and thairefter oppin proclamatioun
being maid at the heid Burgh of the Schire
ane vther copie to be affixt vpone the mercat croce
Prouyding alwayis that gif thair be maa persounis
nor twa contenit in the letter being all callit vpone
ane deid and cryme in that caice twa copyis to be
deliuerit to twa of the principall nemmit in the
saidis letters or than geuin to thair wyfis seruandis
or affixt vpone thair +gettis or dwelling placis gif
thay ony haue and ane copie left and affixt vpone the
mercat croce quhair the publicatioun is maid to be
sufficient to the haill persounis quhatsumeuer thay
be contenit in the saidis letters

ITEM Forsamekill as in vmquhile our Souerane
Lordis tyme that last deceissit It was statute and ordanit
that all sesingis quhilkis passis vpone preceptis
of the Chancellarie to be geuin be the Schiref Clerk
or his Deputis Sen the quhilk act thair is be occasioun
of weir and greit troublis diuers sesingis geuin
be vthers Notaris vpone preceptis past furth of the
said Chancellarie Thairfoir the thre Estatis of Parliament
dispensis with that fault of all sesingis geuin be
vthers Notaris sen the making of the foirsaid act
and ordanis the said act to be publist and haue effect
in tyme cumming with this additioun That vpone
<P 493.C2>
all preceptis past furth of the Chancellarie the Schiref
Stewart or Baillie alsweill the Regalitie as Rialtie or
vther Deputis salbe requyrit to pas to gif sesing with
the Schiref Clerk and his Deputis And gif the
Stewart Baillie or thair Deputis refusis to pas and gif
sesing than the partie haifar of that precept to put
ony vther Baillie to gif sesing as he sall think maist
expedient

ITEM Because it is vnderstand that be the geuing of
curatouris to minouris be sindrie Jugeis thair hes
bene gret skaith sustenit be the saidis minouris Thairfoir
it is statute and ordanit that in all tymes cumming
quhen ony minor passis the +geiris of his tutorie
and desyris curatouris That he cum befoir his Juge
Ordinar and desyre of him ane summoundis or
edict to warne twa at the leist of the maist honest
and famous of the minouris kin and all vthers hauand 
interes quhilk salbe warnit lauchfullie That is to
say the speciall persounis personallie or at thair dwelling
placis geuand ane copie to thair wyfis or seruandis
or affixand it on thair +gettis or duris and
vthers haifand interes generallie at the mercat croce
of the heid Burgh of the Schire quhair the saidis
minouris hes thair landis or gudis to compeir at ane
certane day vpone . ix . dayis warning at the leist to
heir & see the curatouris desyrit be the said minour
to be geuin to him vnto his perfite age of . xxj . +geiris
and cautiou~ fundin (\de fideli administratione\) quhilkis
beand geuin in maner foirsaid thay sall not be reuokit
nor dischargeit nor vthers chosin to the minour
vnto the tyme thay be callit befoir the Lordis of
counsall or vthers Jugeis Ordinar at the will of the
barne to heir and see thame dischargeit and reuokit
for ressonabill causis Quhilkis being fundin of veritie
thay than to be dischargeit and vthers curatouris
geuin in thair placis be the ordour foirsaid with cautioun
and na vtherwyse

ITEM Forsamekill as thair is diuers insolent and euill
geuin persounis not regardand the Law of God and
constitution of halie kirk bot in hie contemptioun
thairof and to the greit sclander of the Christin
pepill eittis flesche in Lentrene and vthers day~ forbiddin
be our halie mother the kirk and Lawis thairof
Thairfoir for the repressing and punischement of
the quhilk it is statute and ordanit that na persoun
nor persounis contempnandlie and wilfullie without
dispensatioun or requyring of licence of thair Ordinar
thair Persoun Vicar or Curat eit flesche planelie
or priuilie in the saidis dayis and tymes forbiddin
vnder the pane of confiscatioun of all thair gudis
mouabill to be applyit to our Souerane Ladyis vse
and gif the eittaris hes na gudis thair persounis to be
put in presoun thair to remane +geir and day and
forther induring the Quenis grace will but preiudice
of the spirituall punitioun conforme to the commoun
Law
<P 494.C1>
ITEM Because thair is diuers & sindrie reuersiounis
maid and geuin for redemption and outquyting of
landis beirand and contenand gold and siluer of certane
speciall valour and price and the said gold and
siluer is not now to be gottin quhairthrow the
haifaris of sic reuersiounis hes bene oft tymes differrit
fra redemptioun of thair landis Thairfoir it is
deuisit statute and ordanit anent all reuersiounis beirand
and contenand gold and siluer of ather of thame
of certane speciall valour and price or cuin+gie that
gif sic gold and siluer can not be had nor gottin within
the Realme the haifaris of thay reuersiounis may
redeme the landis specifeit thairin be vertew of thair
saidis reuersiounis geuand gold and siluer haifand cours
for the tyme beand of the samin valour wecht and
fynes as the gold and siluer specifeit in the saidis            #
reuersiounis
conforme to the commoun Law And this act
to be extendit to all and quhatsumeuer reuersiounis
bygane and tocum &c~

ITEM It is statute and ordanit that all resignatiounis
to be maid be vassallis in tyme tocum of thair propirteis 
in the superiouris handis (\ad perpetuam remanentiam\)
beand maid be procuratorie to the said procuratorie
salbe seilit and subscriuit be the vassallis handis
and gif he can not wryte to be subscriuit with his
hand at the pen led be an autentik Notar and seilit
as said is And gif the said resignatioun beis maid be
the vassall personallie (\ad perpetuam remanentiam\)
That the Instrument thairof be seilit with the seill of
the resignar and subscriuit with his hand at the pen
led be ane Notar in maner foirsaid and na resignatioun
(\ad perpetuam remanentiam\) to haue faith in
tyme tocum vtherwayis than is abone specifeit

ITEM It is statute and ordanit that in all tymes cumming
the warning of all tennentis and vthers to flit
and remoue fra landis mylnis fischingis and possessiounis
quhatsumeuer salbe vsit in maner following
That is to say lauchfull warning being maid ony
tyme within the +geir . xl . dayis befoir the Feist of
witsonday outher personallie or at thair dwelling
placis and at the ground of the landis and ane copie
deliuerit to the wyfe or seruandis and fail+geing thairof
to be affixit vpone the +gettis or duris of the
dwelling placis of the saidis landis gif ony be and
thairefter the samin precept of warning to be red in
the paroche Kirk quhair the landis lyis vpone ane
Sonday befoir nune the tyme of the hie Messe & ane
copie left and affixit vpone the maist patent dure of
the Kirk . xl . dayis befoir the terme and na forther
laying furth of stressis and remowing vpone wednisday
to be vsit in tyme tocum And gif the partie
warnit in maner foirsaid remouis not at the terme in
that caice the warnar sall incontinent or sa sone as
plesis him cum to the Lordis of counsall or to the
Schiref of the Schire or vthers Jugeis Ordinaris hauand
iurisdictioun schawand his precept of warning
<P 494.C2>
ordourlie execute and indorsat & sal haue letters or
precept to charge the parteis warnit and possessouris
of that ground to compeir befoir the saidis Lordis
Schireffis or thair Deputis or vthers Jugeis Ordinaris
foirsaidis hauand iurisdictioun vpone sax dayis warning
or langar at the will and desyre of the persewar
to heir and see thame decernit to remoue desist and
ceis conforme to the precept of warning and executioun
thairof or els to schaw ane ressonabill cause
quhy thay sould not do the samin with certificatioun
to thame and thay fail+gie that letters salbe direct
simpliciter vpone thame in the said mater At the
quhilk day gif thay compeir not the Lordis Schireffis
or vthers Jugeis Ordinar hauand iurisdictioun sall
decerne thame to remoue desist and ceis fra thay
landis And gif thay compeir and instantlie schawis
sufficient tytill to bruke the landis in that caice the
samin Juge to proceid and do Justice as accordis of
the Law And gif the partie compeiris and schawis na
thing bot makis allegeance and offeris him to impreif
the indorsingis in that caice he sall not be
hard in Jugement bot gif he find sufficient cautioun
to the warnar than instantlie that gif his allegeance
being fundin releuant be not sufficientlie verifeit and
prouin be him that the proffeittis dampnage and interes
quhilkis the said warnar or ony vthers hauand
interes hes sustenit or sall happin to sustene be the
dilay of the foirsaid allegeance be refoundit to him
And to the effect that this ordour may haue sufficient 
proces in all tymes tocum It is deuisit statute and ordanit
that all Schireffis and vthers Jugeis Ordinar
hauand iurisdiction as said is be thair selfis or thair
sufficient Deputis be reddy to sit be fensit courtis all
the lauchfull . xv . dayis efter immediatlie the Feist
of Trinitie Sonday for doing of Justice in the saidis
causis in maner abone specifeit And gif the Schireffis
or Jugeis Ordinaris hauand iurisdictioun in maner
foirsaid and thair Deputis fail+geis to be reddy in
granting of preceptis and doing of Justice for obseruing
of this ordour in that caice thay sall pay to the
partie thair haill dampnage interes and expensis but
preiudice of the actioun aganis the violent occupyaris
and possessouris foirsaidis And als that na aduocatioun
of causis be takin be the Lordis fra the Juge Ordinar
except it be for deidlie feid or the Schiref principall
or the Juge Ordinar be partie or the causis of the
Lordis of counsall and thair Aduocattis Scribis and
members

ITEM Because of the odious crymes of slauchters
daylie committit within this Realme and speciallie
the slaying of parteis persewand and defendand thair
actiounis For punischement of the quhilk the thre
Estatis of Parliament hes declairit statute and ordanit
abone the panis contenit in the actis of Parliament
maid for slauchters of befoir That gif outher the
defendar or persewar slayis vthers efter the rasing of
the summoundis or precept and lauchfull executioun
thairof during the tyme of the pley dependand befoir
<P 495.C1>
the geuing of the decreit the committar of the
slauchter gif it be the defendar salbe condempnit in
the hail actioun at the instance of the nerrest of the
kin of him that is slane hauand richt thairto without
ony probatioun of the libell persewit except summar
cognitioun to be takin of the slauchter And gif the
persewar slayis the defendar in that caice the nerrest
of the kin of the defendar that micht be persewit for
that actioun sall haue absoluitour fra the libell of the
persewar and the proces of transferring respectiue in
this cause to be vpone . xxj . dayis warning without
diet tabill or continuation of vther summondis And
gif the slayar hes landis or lyfrentis and beis denuncit
Rebell and put to the horne for the said slauchter
the slayar incontinent efter the denunciatioun sall
tyne his lyferent of his landis for his lyfetyme without
ony forther dilay for +geir and day thairefter
And gif the slayar hes na landis the Quenis grace
Regent promittis to gif na respect nor remissioun in
our Souerane Ladyis name to the slayar during hir
tyme Prouyding alwayis that the actioun be not coft
or vtherwayis purchest or maid be the persewar for
cummer of partie bot be thair awin proper actioun
proceidit vpone ane gude ground and foundament at
the sycht and discretioun of the Lordis of counsall
And this act vnto the Feist of Martymes the +geir of
God ane thousand fyve hundreth . lvj . +geiris to indure
allanerlie

ITEM Because ane greit part of the liegis of this
Realme and vthers strangearis hes thir diuers +geiris
bygane caryit furth of the samin victuallis and flesche
quhairthrow greit derth daylie incressis Thairfoir it is
statute and ordanit now that nane of our Souerane
Ladyis liegis nor strangearis in tyme cumming cary
ony victuallis talloun or flesche furth of this Realme
to vther partis except samekill at salbe thair necessare
victualling for thair veyage vnder the pane of escheting 
of the said victuall or flesche to our Souerane
Ladyis vse togidder with the rest of all thair gudis
mouabill to be applyit and inbrocht to our Souerane
Ladyis vse as escheit Prouyding alwayis that it salbe
leiffull to the inhabitantis of the Burrowis of Air
Iruin Glasgow Dumbertane and vthers our Souerane 
Ladyis liegis dwelland at the west seyis to haue bakin
breid browin aill and aquauite to the Ilis to bertour
with vther Merchandice And this act to be extendit
to the maisters and skipparis of sic veschellis as ressaifis
sic victuallis flesche and talloun as to the awnaris
of the saidis gudis

ITEM It is statute and ordanit that gif ony persoun
or persounis being callit to vnderly the Law befoir
the Justice his Deputis or vther hauand powar to sit
in criminall actiounis compeirand at the day thay ar
callit to quhat number that euer thay be of being all
callit on ane cryme Thay sall haue allanerlie with
thame at the bar sax of thair maist honest wyse substantious
<P 495.C2>
freindis habill to gif counsall with thair
Aduocattis to defend And the partie persewar of
that cryme to haue with thame foure of thair freindis
allanerlie Swa that be multitude of frendis cummand
to the bar the getting of ane assyse sall not be stoppit
And the brekaris of this act to be punist in this
maner That is to say the Justice or vthers Jugeis
foirsaidis to charge the brekaris to enter thair persounis
in waird vnder the pane of Rebellioun and
putting of thame to the horne and gif thay disobey
to put thame to the horne And gif thay obey and
enteris in waird thair to remane during the Quenis
grace will

ITEM It is statute and ordanit that all nulliteis be
ressaifit and haue proces be way of exceptiounis or
replyis and all tytillis contractis infeftmentis or
vthers thingis quhatsumeuer that ar null of the Law
to be declairit in tyme cumming null and of nane
auale be exceptioun or reply in that samin instance
thay ar producit Proudying alwayis that the partie
aganis quhome the said exceptiounis or reply of nullitie
is proponit haue siclyke day to call his warrand
befoir the answering thairto as he mycht or sould
haue had in caice he had bene callit be way of actioun
to haue hard his tytill contract infeftment or
vther thing producit be him declairit null of the
Law

ITEM Because it is thocht aganis all Law and obedience
of subiectis towart thair Princis the making of
particulare liggis outher in Burgh or to land and
geuing and taking of bandis of manrent and mantanance
respectiue Thairfoir it is statute and ordanit
that all liggis maid in tymes bygane be null & of
nane auale And all bandis of manrent and mantenance
in lykewyse be null & of nane auale except
heretabill bandis geuin of befoir or geuin for asythment
of slauchters in tyme bygane And dischargeis
all making of ligg~ or bandis in tyme tocu~ and that
the ressaifaris & gifaris thairof in tymes bygane be
fre ather of vther in tyme cu~ming & of ony proffeit
be lyferent of landis takkis teindis bailliereis or +geirlie
payment grantit or geuin for the saidis bandis of
manrent to returne to the gifaris as the samin had
neuer bene geuin For the declairing heirof the
brukaris of the saidis lyferentis of landis takkis
teindis bailliereis or +geirlie proffeit for bandis of
manrent sall answer to the gifar thairof for the said
band vpone . xxj . dayis warning but diet or tabill
befoir the Lordis of counsall to heir and see the saidis
lyferent of landis takkis teindis baillieries or +geirlie
proffeit geuin for the saidis bandis be decernit to
returne agane to him be this act Quhilkis being declairit
be the saidis Lordis to returne to the gifaris
Thay sall mak thair lauchfull warning . xl . dayis
befoir the Feist of witsonday nixt thairefter and intromet
with thair awin as accordis And quhatsumeuer
<P 496.C1>
persoun or persounis that makis liggis or geuis
or takis band of manrent and mantenance respectiue
in ony tyme cumming thay salbe punist be putting of
thair persounis in waird thair to remane during the
Quenis grace will

ITEM The Quenis grace Dowrear and Regent of this
Realme and the thre Estatis of Parliament of the
samin considdering the greit and mony falsettis daylie
done within this Realme be Notaris and that our
Souerane Lord King James the Fyft and in lykewyse
our Souerane Lady in hir Parliament haldin at Edinburgh
the first day of Februar the +geir of God ane
thousand fyue hundreth . lj . +geiris maid actis for
ordouring of Notaris and punischement of falsaris
quhilkis as +git hes tane na dew and effecfull executioun
Thairfoir it is statute and ordanit that all Notaris
within this Realme baith spirituall and temporall
be causit to cum be thair Ordinaris Schireffis Stewartis
and Baillies respectiue to the Burgh of Edinburgh
thair to compeir personallie befoir the Lordis of
counsall or that the saidis Lordis direct thair letters
requyring and chargeing all Notaris within this
Realme to compeir befoir thame as said is bringand
with thaim thair creatiounis and haill protocollis
betuix this and the Feist of witsonday nixt tocum at
sic dayis as salbe appointit and assignit be the saidis
Lordis to be examinat and thair creatiounis viseit
be thame thair protocollis producit to be markit be
the saidis Lordis and the leuis numberit and the
blankis markit and the said protocoll buikis not to
be sene nor red bot to be markit in presence of the
said Notar and deliuerit agane to him but ony inspectioun
And as thay be fundin qualifeit and admittit
be the saidis Lordis of counsall to vse the office of
Notarie thairefter And that na Notar be quhatsumeuer
power he be creat vse the office of Notarie
within this Realme in tyme cumming bot gif he first
present him self to the saidis Lordis schawand his
creatioun and be admittit be thame as qualifeit
thairto And that na Notaris that sall happin to be
dischargeit be the saidis Lordis or not admittit be
thame heirefter vse the office of Notarie vnder the
pane efter specifeit And attour it is ordanit that all
Notaris to be admittit as said is geuand Instrumentis
and requyrand witnes thairto thay sall requyre the
saidis witnes quhair thay dwell or tak sum vther
euident takin of thame and insert the samin in thair
saidis Instrumentis that the witnes may be knawin
being present at that tyme Forther gif ony Notaris
beis conuict of falset and not admittit be the Lordis
in maner foirsaid & vse the office of Notarie thay sall
be punist as followis that is to say thair haill mouabill
gudis to be escheit and applyit to our Souerane
Ladyis vse and thay to want thair rycht hand and to
be banist the Realme for euer And forther thay salbe
punist to the tinsall of thair lyfe inclusiue as the
qualitie of the cause requyris be sycht and discretioun
of the Juge and the causaris of thay falsattis to be
<P 496.C2>
done to ressaif the samin punischement in thair persounis
and gudis And because in the act maid be
our Souerane Lady in hir Parliament foirsaid all
Notaris war suspendit fra the last day of Marche
thairefter vnto the tyme of thair admissioun be the
Lordis foirsaidis it being co~sidderit that the said act
tuke not as +git dew executioun Thairfoir the
Quenis grace Regent with the auise of the thre
Estatis dispensis and suppleis ony fault be that part
of the said act in al Instrumentis geuin sensyne and
all Instrumentis to be geuin vnto the Feist of witsonday
nixt tocum foirsaid

ITEM It is statute & ordanit that na persoun nor persounis
send nor cary woll skin hydis or vther stapill
gudis customabill furth of this Realme be land in the
Realme of Ingland vnder the pane of escheting of the
samin to be inbrocht to our Souerane Layis vse And
als the brekaris of this act to be punist in thair persounis
at hir grace will and gif thay gudis caryit can
not be apprehendit the away takar and hauar thairof
furth of the Realme as said is sall pay als mekill as
the valoure of thay gudis caryit to our Souerane
Lady he being conuict of the cryme and to be punist
in maner abone writtin

ITEM Forsamekill as be vmquhile our Souerane
Ladyis maist Nobill predecessouris Kingis James the
First and Feird It was statute and ordanit that all
mesouris baith pynt quart fyrlot peck elnwand stane
and pund to be of ane quantitie to by with and that
na Burgh haue ane wecht to by with and ane vther
to sell different in wecht thairfra bot that all wechtis
mesuris and mettis for buying and selling to be vniuersall
baith to Burgh and to land in all tymes thairefter
quhilkis actis as +git hes not bene put to dew executioun
Thairfoir it is statute and ordanit in this present
Parliament that thir persounis vnder writtin or
ony thre of thame that is to say Williame Bischop of
Dumblane Robert Bischop of Orknay Maister Abraham
Creichtoun Prouest of Dunglas Schir Williame
Hammiltoun of Sanchar Knycht Schir Richard Maitland
of Ledingtoun Knycht Maister Thomas Marioribankis
of Ratho and Thomas Mein+geis Prouest of
Abirdene conuene in the Burgh of Edinburgh and
cause the elnwand the quart pynt fyrlot pek stane
and pund be brocht to thame fra the townis of Striuiling
Linlithquo Lanerk and be the samin as thay find
to mak an vniuersall wecht of the stane and pund ane
vniuersall mesoure of the quart pynt fyrlot peck elnwand
conforme to the act maid be King James +te
Feird thairupone except the watter met to remane
according to the vse of the cuntrie to be direct furth
to the haill liegis of this Realme with the quhilkis
thay salbe haldin to by sell met mesoure wey ressaif
and deliuer and be na vther met mesoure nor wecht
and quha dois in the contrare heirof salbe punist for
falset conforme to the Law And this ordour to be
<P 497.C1>
maid be the persounis foirsaidis or ony thre of thame
betuix this and the Feist of Allhallowmes nixt tocum
but ony forther dilay and thairefter publicatioun to
be maid in all partis of this Realme as accordis

ITEM Anent the geuing of sesingis vpone preceptis
that passis not furth of the Chancellarie to quhatsumeuer
persoun or persounis It is statute and ordanit
that the takaris of the sesing ather air vassall or subuassall
within +geir and day present his sesing to the
Schiref Clerk of the Schire quhair the landis lyis he
to insert the samin in his court bukis at the leist the
day and moneth of the geuing of the said sesing the
name of the landis contenit in the samin the name
of the Notar and witnes contenit thairintill and that
the said Clerk bring with him in euerilk Checkar
the said court buik~ and gif the dowbill in that part
thairof subscriuit with his hand & signe manuall to
remane in the Register togidder with the dowbill of
his awin protocoll conforme to the act maid be King
James the Fyft that all persounis hauand interes may
haue recours thairto Prouyding alwayis that the
Clerk tak na mair for the inserting of the said Instrument
in this court buik bot . ij . s for his laubouris

ITEM It is statute and ordanit quhair ony witnes
deponis falslie or ony maner of persoun or persounis
inducis thame to beir fals witnes That all sic persounis
in tymes cumming be punist be peirsing of thair
toungis and escheting of all thair gudis to our Souerane
Ladyis vse and declairit neuer to be habill to
bruke honour office or dignitie fra thine furth and
forther punischeme~t to be maid in thair persounis at
the sycht and discretioun of the Lordis according to
the qualitie of the fault

ITEM Forsamekill as be our Souerane Ladyis letters
direct to the Schiref of Fyfe and his Deputis for
taking of cognitioun gif the wod of Falkland was
auld fail+geit and decayit in the grouth thairof and
habill to faill allutterlie It was fundin be ane assyse
that the said wod of Falkland for the maist part
thairof was auld fail+geit and decayit and meit to be
cuttit downe for the co~moun weill of the Realme
and to be parkit hanit and keipit of new for police
thairof Thairfoir it is statute and ordanit be the
Quenis grace and the thre Estatis foirsaidis that the
said wod of Falkland be cuttit and of new parkit
agane keipit and hanit for rysing of +goung grouth
thairof to the greit policie and weill of the samin

ITEM The Quenis grace dowrear and Regent of this
Realme with auise of the haill thre Estatis of Parliament
vnderstanding cleirlie that the Estate of Burgessis
thir mony +geiris bygane be greit trubill of
weiris he sustenit infinit skaith baith in thair landis
<P 497.C2>
and gudis & als that thair priuilegeis grantit to thame
be our Souerane Ladyis maist Nobill progenitouris
and actis of Parliame~t maid thairupone hes not bene
obseruit nor keipit to thame as accordis Thairfoir
the Quenis grace Regent with auise of the thre
Estatis foirsaidis hes ratifeit and appreuit and ratifeis
and appreuis all priuilegeis and actis of Parliament
grantit and maid in fauouris of Burrowis Burgessis
and Merchandis And hes statute and ordanit that
letters be direct be the Lordis of counsall at the instancis
of all Burrowis vpone thair priuilegeis and
actis of Parliament maid thairupone in all tymes tocum
for putting of the samin to dew executioun with
all rigour aganis thame that dois or cummis in the
contrare of thair saidis priuilegeis and actis foirsaidis
without calling of ony partie

ITEM Forsamekill as in vmquhile our Souerane
Ladyis maist Nobill progenitouris tymes speciallie
King James the First the Secund and the Thrid and
als our Souerane Ladyis maist Nobill father King
James the Fyft and now in hir gracis awin tyme
diuers actis of Parliament hes bene maid for stanching
and repressing of the slaying of wylde foulis and
wylde beistis and schuting at thame with culueringis
half hag and pistolate Quhilkis actis the thre Estatis
of Parliament hes ordanit to be publist and put to
executioun with all rigour in tymes cumming with
this additioun That na man tak vpone hand to ryde
or gang in thair nychtbouris cornis in halking or
hunting fra the Feist of Pasche vnto the tyme that
the samin be schorne And that na man ryde nor
gang vpone quheit na tyme of the +geir And that na
pertrik be takin vnto the Feist of Michaelmes And
that na persoun range vther mennis woddis parkis
haningis within dykis of browmis without licence of
the awnar of the ground vnder the pane of refoundiment
of the dampnage and skaith to the parteis
vpone quhais cornis thay gang or rydis or quhais
woddis parkis haningis within dykis or browmis
thay sall happin to range And . x . pund for the first
fault to our Souerane Lady . xx . pundis the nixt and
the thrid fault escheting of thair gudis mouabill and 
all vther panis anentis the punctis contenit in our
Souerane Ladyis actis and hir maist Nobill progenitouris
maid of befoir to be execute with all rigour
conforme to the samin

ITEM Because it hes bene cleirlie vnderstand to the
Quenis grace Regent and the thre Estatis that the 
chesing of Dekinnis and men of craft within Burgh
hes bene rycht dangerous & as thay haue vsit thame
selfis in tymes bygane hes causit greit troubill in Burrowis
commotioun and rysing of the Quenis liegis
in diuers partis and be making of liggis and bandis
amangis thame selfis and betuix Burgh and Burgh
quhilk deseruis greit punischeme~t Thairfoir the
Quenis grace Regent with auise of the thre Estatis
<P 498.C1>
foirsaidis hes statute and ordanit that thair be na
Dekinnis chosin in tymes cu~ming within Burgh bot
the Prouest Baillies and counsall of the Burgh to
cheis the maist honest man of craft of gude conscience
ane of euerie craft to visie thair craft that thay laubour
sufficientlie and that the samin be sufficient stuffe
and wark And thir persounis to be callit visitouris of
thair craft and to be electit and chosin +geirlie at
Michaelmes be the Prouest Baillies and counsall of
Burgh And that thay thairefter gif thair aith in
Jugement to visie leililie and trewlie thair said craft
without ony powar to mak gaddering of asse~bling of
thame to ony priuate conuentioun or making of ony
actis or statutis bot all craftismen in tymes cumming
to be vnder the Prouest Baillies and counsall And
thir visitouris chosin sworne and admittit to haue
voting in chesing of Officiaris & vthers thingis as the
Dekinnis votit in of befoir And that na craftismen
bruke office within Burgh in tymes cumming Except
twa of thame maist honest and famous to be chosin
+geirlie vpone the counsall And thay twa to be ane
part of the auditouris +geirlie to the compt of the
commoun gudis according to the actis of Parliame~t
maid thairupone of befoir And quha sa euer cummis
in the contrare of this act to be punist be warding of
thair persounis be the space of ane +geir and tinsall of
thair fredome within Burgh and neuer to be ressaifit
thairefter as fre men vnto the tyme thay obtene the
fauour and beneuolence of the Prouest Baillies and
counsall quhair the fault is committit and the thrid
part of thair gudis to be eschetit and applyit to our
Souerane Ladyis vse for thair contemptioun

ITEM It is statute and ordanit be the Quenis grace
Dowrear and Regent with the auise of the thre
Estatis of Parliament that all commoun hie gaittis
that fre Burrowis hes bene in vse of precedent outher
for passage fra thair Burgh or cumming thairto and
in speciall all commoun hie gaittis fra fre dry Burrowis
to the Portis and hauinnis nixt adiacent or
procedant to thame be obseruit and keipit and that
nane mak thame impediment or stop thairintill And
gif ony dois to be callit and accusit for oppressioun
and punischit thairfoir according to the Lawis

ITEM The haill Burrowis of the west cuntrie sic as
Irwin Air Dumbertane Glasgow and vther Burrowis
at the west partis hes +geirlie in all tymes bygane
resortit to the fisching of Loch Fyne and vthers
Lochis in the north Ilis for making of hering and
vthers fischeis and efter the completing of thair
besynes at thair plesour partit frelie but payment of
ony maner of exactioun Except the payment of the
fischearis allanerlie nottheles certane cuntrie men
adiacent and dwelland besyde Lochfyne hes rasit ane
greit custume of euerie last of maid hering that ar
tane in the said Loch of als greit valour as the Quenis
grace custume Suppois the saidis Burrowis bring the
<P 498.C2>
said hering for furnessing of thair awin housis and
the cuntrie Quhilk custume was neuer payit of befoir
Quhairthrow the saidis fre Burrowis ar heuylie
hurt And for remedie heirof It is deuisit statute and
ordanit that all sic custumis and exactiounis be dischargeit
and not rasit nor vpliftit fra the persounis
foirsaidis of ony hering or fischeis takin be thame in
the Lochis foirsaidis for furnissing of thair housis
bringing of the samin within this Realme allanerlie
vnder the panis to be callit as oppressouris and punist
thairfoir conforme to the Lawis of this Realme

ITEM Forsamekill as in tyme bygane the Kirkmen
and spirituall Estate of this Realme hes bene requyrit
to mak payment of thair part of the taxt grantit be
the Estatis of this Realme to our Souerane Ladyis
predecessouris and hir hienes in hir tyme for the
furth setting of the commoun weill of this Realme
vnder the pane of Rebellioun and putting of thame
to the horne and for non payment thairof sum of
thame was denuncit Rebellis and put to the horne
neuertheles the Quenis grace for mantenance of the
libertie of halie Kirk and priuilegeis of the spirituall
Estate with auise of the thre Estatis of Parliament
hes statute and ordanit That na proces of horning pas
vpon ony Kirkman for non payment of thair taxtis
to be grantit in tymes cumming Prouyding alwayis
that the Lordis of the spiritualitie prouyde and find
sum vther sure and ressonabill maner how the samin
salbe inbrocht to our Souerane Lady and hir grace
payit thairof

ITEM For the eschewing of the derth of scheip
quhilk daylie incressis within this Realme in tyme
to cum It is statute and ordanit be the Quenis grace
and thre Estatis foirsaidis That na Lambis be slane
within this Realme nor na maner of persounis tak
vpone hand to by ony Lambis to slay and bring to
mercat to be sauld for the space of thre +geiris nixt
tocum vnder the pane of confiscatioun of all the persounis
gudis doand in the contrare and punischement
of thair persounis att the Quenis grace plesoure

ITEM It is statute and ordanit that the act maid
anent feryaris at the portis and passageis of this
Realme be put to dew executioun in all punctis and
the brekaris thairof to be punist according to the
panis contenit in the samin with all rigour

ITEM It is statute and ordanit that na poutis pertrik
pluwer mure foule duke draik teill or goldeine be
slane vnto the Feist of Michaelmes +geirlie vnder the
pane of . x . pund~ to be takin and payit be the
doar and brekar of this act to our Souerane Lady
and applyit to hir vse And that euerie Erle Lord
Barrone frehaldar and vthers gentilmen ilk ane within
<P 499.C1>
thair awin bou~dis tak the brekaris of this act and
hald thame vnto the tyme thay find cautioun for
payment of the said soume and this act for the
space of thre +geiris to indure

ITEM it is statute and ordanit be the Quenis grace
with auise of the thre Estatis of Parliament that the
actis maid be vmquhile our Souerane Lord of gude
mynde quhome God assol+gie anentis planting of
woddis forrestis orchardis and parkis and the panis
of destroyaris of woddis committaris of mureburne
in forbodin tyme and for keiping of the forrestis to
be of new publist ouer all partis of this Realme and
be put to dew executioun in all punctis And the
brekaris thairof to be punist according to the panis
contenit thairintill

ITEM Forsamekill as thair is greit fraude and hurt
done vnto the liegis of this Realme be goldsmythis
that makis siluer and gold of na certane fynes bot at
thair plesoure quhairthrow thair is sum siluer wark
maid and set furth of sic basnes of alay videlicet of
sax and seuin pe~ny fyne expresse agan~ the honour
& publique weill of the Realme Thairfoir it is statute
and ordanit be the Quenis grace with auise of
the thre Estatis of Parliament That na goldsmyth
mak in wark nor set furth outher of his awin siluer
or vther mennis siluer vnder the iust fynance of
elleuin penny fyne vnder the pane of deid and confiscatioun
of all thair gudis mouabill And that euerie
goldsmyth mark the siluer wark that he makis with
his awin mark and with the townis mark And gif
he makis ony siluer abone the said fynes that he
with his mark mak ane prent of the iust puncte of
the fynes that it is that it may be kend till all men
quhat fynes it is of And als that na goldsmyth mak
in wark or set furth outher of his awin gold or
vther mennis gold vnder the iust fynes of . xxij .
carate fyne vnder the panis foirsaidis

ITEM Forsamekill as it was statute and ordanit of befoir
be ane act of Parliame~t maid be vmquhile our
Souerane Ladyis derrest father that the Prouest
Baillies and counsall of Burrowis quhen ony Schippis
happinnit to arriue at ony portis ladin with wyne
salt and tymmer sould conuene with the Merchandis
that aw the saidis wyne salt and tymmer and by or
set ane price of the samin ressonabill that na maner
of man fre man nor vnfreman by ony of the saidis
wynes salt or tymmer bot fra the saidis Prouest or
Baillies or awnaris thairof And the prices maid be
thame as said is the Prince for the tyme to be first
seruit and thair Officiaris co~tentit of samekill as thay
tak to the Princis vse allanerlie And all Prelatis Erlis
Lordis Barronis and vthers gentilmen to be seruit of
the samin prices lyke as the said act mair largelie
proportis Nottheles the Nobill men sic as Prelatis
Erlis Lordis Barronis and vthers gentilmen ar not
<P 499.C2>
seruit according to the said act bot ar constranit to
by the samin fra Merchandis vpone gretar prices incontrare
the tenour of the said act Thairfoir it is
statute and ordanit be the Quenis grace Regent with
auise of the thre Estatis of Parliament that the prices
beand maid in maner foirsaid that thay sall incontinent
pas to the mercat croce of that Burgh and
thair be oppin proclamatioun declair the prices of
the gudis foirsaidis as thay ar maid And that nane
of the gudis foirsaidis be disponit be the space of
foure dayis to the effect that thay may be aduertist
and seruit according to the said act

ITEM It is statute and ordanit be the Quenis grace
with auise of the thre Estatis of Parliament that the
actis maid be King James the Thrid and Fyft anentis
the steiling of Halkis Hundis Pertrikis Dukis and
slauchter of Dais Rais hu~ting of Deir taking of Cuningis
and soulis be of new publist and the samin be
put to dew executioun and the brekaris thairof to
be punist co~forme to the panis contenit thairintill
And this act to be extendit alsweill vpone the steilaris
of Behyuis frute treis peilaris of barkis of treis within
woddis and the foularis lyand at wait with thair
nettis as to the slayaris of Dais and Rais foirsaidis
And the samin panis to be execute vpone thame
with all rigour accordinglie

ITEM It is statute and ordanit that the act maid be
King James the Feird anentis the cumming of Schippis
to fre Burrowis at the west seyis be publist of
new and the samin to be put to executioun in all
punctis efter the forme and tenour thairof and the
brekaris of the samin to be punist conforme to the
panis contenit thairin with this additioun That na
persoun tak vpone hand to by ony Merchandice fra
the saidis strangearis bot fra fremen at fre portis of the
Burrowis foirsaidis vnder the pane of confiscatioun
of all the gudis that thay by togidder with the rest
of thair mouabill gudis to be applyit to our Souerane
Ladyis vse gif thay do in the contrare

ITEM It is statute and ordanit that the act of Parliament
maid be King James the First and eikit be
vmquhile our Souerane Lord King James the Fyft
quhome God assol+gie for stanching of maisterfull
beggaris be obseruit and keipit in all tyme cumming
and to be of new publist at the mercat croces of
euerie Schire within this Realme And that euerie
Schiref Stewart Baillie alsweill Regalitie as Rialtie
and thair Deputis Prouestis Aldermen and Baillies of
Burrowis gar put the samin to dew executioun ilk
ane of thame within the boundis of thair officis vnder
the panis contenit in the saidis actis

ITEM Forsamekill as diuers seditious persounis hes in
tymes bypast rasit amangis the co~moun pepill murmuris
<P 500.C1>
and sclanders speiking aganis the Quenis grace
and sawing euill brute anent the maist Christin King
of Frances subiectis send in this Realme for the commoun
weill and suppressing of the auld Inimeis furth
of the samin tending throw rasing of sic rumoris to
steir the hartis of the subiectis to hatrent aganis the
Prince & seditioun betuix the liegis of this realme &
the maist Christin Kingis liegis foirsaidis And for
eschewing of sic inconuenientis as mycht follow
thairupone It is deuisit statute and ordanit that gif
ony persounis in tymes cumming be hard speikand 
sic vnressonabill commoning quhairthrow the pepill
may tak occasioun of sic priuie conspiracie aganis the
the Prince or seditioun aganis the maist Christin
kingis subiectis foirsaidis the samin being prouin
salbe punist according to the qualite of the fault
in thair bodyis and gudis at the Quenis grace
plesoure And in caice the heirar thairof report not
the samin vnto the Quenis grace or hir Officiaris to
the effect that the samin may be punist as accordis
that he sall incur the saidis panis quhilkis the principall
speikar or rasar of sic murmuris deseruis

ITEM It is statute and ordanit that in all tymes
cumming na maner of persoun be chosin Robert
Hude nor Lytill Johne Abbot of vnressoun Quenis of
Maij nor vtherwyse nouther in Burgh nor to landwart
in ony tyme tocum And gif ony Prouest Baillies
counsall and communitie chesis sic ane Personage
as Robert Hude Lytill Johne Abbottis of vnressoun
or Quenis of Maij within Burgh the chesaris of sic
sall tyne thair fredome for the space of fyue +geiris
and vtherwyse salbe punist at the Quenis grace will
and the acceptar of siclyke office salbe banist furth of
the Realme And gif ony sic persounis sic as Robert
Hude Lytill Johne Abbottis of vnressoun Quenis of
Maij beis chosin outwith Burgh and vthers landwart
townis the chesaris sall pay to our Souerane lady x . 
pundis and thair persounis put in waird thair to remane
during the Quenis grace plesoure And gif ony
wemen or vthers about simmer treis singand makis
perturbatioun to the Quenis liegis in the passage
throw Burrowis and vthers landwart townis the
wemen perturbatouris for skafrie of money or vtherwyse
salbe takin handellit and put vpone the Cukstulis
of euerie Burgh or towne

THE quhilk day in presence of the Quenis grace
Marie Quene Dowariar and Regent of the Realme
of Scotland and thre Estatis in this present Parliame~t
compeirit Maister Henrie Lauder Aduocat to our
Souerane Lady and presentit vnto hir grace and thre
Estatis foirsaidis our Souerane Ladyis reuocatioun
subscriuit with hir hienes hand at Fontane Bellew of
the dait the . xxv . day of Aprill the +geir of god ane
thousand fyue hundreth fyftie fyue +geiris and of hir
Regne the threttene +geir the priue Seill hungin
<P 500.C2>
thairat intimat insinuat and declairit the samin Desyrand
the Quenis grace & thre Estatis abone mentionat
to cause the said reuocatioun to be insert and
Registrat in the buikis of Parliament and the samin
to haue the strenth and effect of act of Parliame~t in
all tymes tocum and thay to interpone thair authoritie
in and to the samin The quhilk desyre the Quenis
grace Dowariar and Regent foirsaid and thre Estatis
of Parliament thocht ressonabill and hes ordanit and
ordanis the said reuocatioun to be insert and Registrat
in the saidis buikis of Parliament and the samin to
be of als greit stre~t valour force and effect in all
tymes tocum as ony reuocatioun maid be ony our
Souerane Ladyis predecessouris Kingis or Quenis of
this Realme in ony tymes bygane in thair les age
befoir thair co~pleit perfyte age And thairupone hes
interponit and interponis thair authoritie to the
samin conforme to the said reuocatioun Off the
quhilk the tenour followis WE MARIE be the grace
of God Quene of Scottis hauing now be the thre
Estatis of our Realme declarit the full administratioun
and rewling thairof to be in our awin handis efter
the demissioun maid be our right traist cousing James
Duke of Chastellarault Erle of Arrane Lord Hammiltoun
 . &c . Than in our les age Tutour and Gouernour
of our Realme foirsaid of his office of Tutorie
and gouernament considderand that be the priuilege
of the co~moun Law and als that our maist Nobill
progenitouris Kingis of Scotla~d of gude mynde be
thair actis and statutis maid in thair Parliamentis hes
reuokit cassit and annullit all thingis done be thame
in thair minoriteis and les ageis in hurt & detrime~t
of thair conscience of Crowne landis rentis possessiounis
and vthers thingis quhatsumeuer pertening to
the samin quhairintill thay war dampnageit and
skaithit be alienatiounis donatiounis presentatiounis
venditiounis or be ony vthers quhatsumeuer Thairfoir
we now being furth of our said Realme hauing
compleit the twelft +geir of our age reuokis all maner
of infeftmentis and dispositiounis quhatsumeuer we
or our said cousing as our Tutour and Gouernour
haue maid during the tyme that he had the Gouernament
of our said Realme in our les age and all
vther thingis that hes bene done in hurt and detriment
of our said Crowne landis rentis possessiounis
patronageis of beneficis and offices pertening to the
samin and in speciall we reuoke cassis and annullis all
infeftmentis donatiounis alienatiounis and dispositiounis 
maid be vs with auise of our said Tutour and
Gouernour or be him in our name in our les age ony
maner of way in fee fewferme frank tenement or
lang takkis of ony landis Lordschippis custumis
annuellis fischingis Borowmaillis Castell wairdis or
vther thingis quhatsumeuer annexit to our Crowne
or ony part thairof alsweill geuin be our said vmquhile
father quhome God assol+gie as be vs to ony persou~
or persounis contrare the actis maid thairupone of
befoir To be reducit to vs agane and our Crowne be
vertew of the actis and statutis maid vpone annexatiounis
and efter the forme of the samin Item we
<P 501.C1>
reuoke all alienatiounis of ony rentis landis and heritageis
annexit to principalitie and to the Prince
secund persoun of the Realme maid be vs in maner
foirsaid Item inlykewyse we reuoke cassis and
annullis all donatiounis alienatiounis fewferme & giftis
quhatsumeuer in lyferent of vtherwayis in our nonage
of the landis rentis annuellis or vther reuenewis
that our said vmquhile Father had in his possessioun
the tyme of his deceis be gift of vtherwayis and of all
officis lyke as Chalmerlanereis Bailliereis and custumareis
maid for ma +geiris bot fra ane Checkar quhill
the compt be maid in the nixt Checkar efter following
and of takkis and assedatiounis maid for la~gar
termis nor fiue +geiris Item inlykewyse we reuoke
cassis and annullis all tailleis maid fra the airis in
generall to airis maill of ony landis within our 
Realme aganis the Law and gude conscience Item
we reuoke all new infeftmentis of landis geuin in
blanscheferme that war haldin of vs of befoir be
seruice of waird and releif Item we reuoke all Regaliteis
confirmatiounis of Regaliteis & of all officis
geuin be vs in heritage or be our Father aganis the
actis and statutis that na Regaliteis sould be geuin in
heritage without auise and deliberatioun of the haill
Parliament Item we reuoke all maner of alienatiounis
be infeftmentis of ony vtherwayis maid or grantit of
ony heritageis in our nonage that become lauchfullie in
our handis be ressone of forfaltour bastardrie or vther
rycht and lyferent~ geuin thairof in our minoritie
Item we reuoke all new creatioun~ of landis in Barronyis 
annexatiounis and vnionis of diuers landis in
fee in preiudice of our dew seruice aucht to vs and
our maist Nobill progenitouris of befoir And siclyke
we reuoke all dischargeis of seruice of suitis of courtis
aucht of auld to our progenitouris foirsaid Item we
reuoke all new infeftmentis geuin of creatioun of
Barronyis in landis and Lordschippis annexit to our
Crowne Item we reuoke all giftis and confirmatiounis
geuin be vs of quhatsumeuer landis and
heretageis be fals suggestioun be expreming of fals
causis quhair gif thair had bene expremit ane trew
cause and the veritie we had not geuin the samin
and thairthrow we ar gretumlie and enormlie hurt
And generallie we reuoke cassis and annullis all and
quhatsumeuer thingis done be vs in our les age foirsaid
in detriment and harme of our saule and conscience
hurting of the priuilege of our Crowne preiudiciall 
to the samin and to vs in our patrimonie
thairof and all and sindrie thingis that the law & consuetude
of our Realme leuis vs to reuoke And als
will and declaris that this our reuocatioun extend to
all thingis alsweill not specifeit as specifeit thairin
quhilkis pertenit to vs and our said Crowne be deceis
of our said derrest Father and to be extendit fra his
deceis in all thingis foirsaidis to vs and our behuif als
largelie as the reuocatioun maid be our said maist
Nobill Father mycht be extendit to fra the deceis of
our maist Nobill Gudschir King James the Feird to
the tyme day and dait of his said reuocatioun and as
the reuocatioun maid in King James the secundis
<P 501.C2>
tyme mycht haue bene extendit to fra the deceis of
our maist Nobill progenitour King James the First to
the making thairof Declaring that albeit we of our
fauour & beneuolence suffer ony persoun or persounis
to vse posseid or bruke ony priuilegeis possessiounis of
landis rentis and offices of of ony thing quhatsumeuer
falland vnder this our reuocatioun It sall mak na
rycht to the vsaris haldaris or possedaris thairof bot
it salbe leiffull to vs to put our handis thairto quhen
we pleis but ony contradictioun and that be vertew
of this our reuocatioun actis and constitutiounis of
our Realme Protestand solempnitlie that our absence
furth of our said Realme at this tyme and the solempniteis
requyrit in that behalf (gif ony be) not
being done be na preiudice to vs anent our foirsaid
reuocatioun with the quhilkis we dispens and suppleis
all faultis thairof gif ony be be our Quenelie
powar and authoritie Royall And that thai reuocatioun
be intimat insinuat and declairit in the nixt
Parliament to be haldin in our Burgh of Edinburgh
within our Realme in the Moneth of Maij or Junij
nixt thairefter



<B SREC1A> 
<Q SC1 STA REC STIRL1> 
<N STIRLING RECORDS> 
<A X> 
<C SC1> 
<O DATE 1519-1529> 
<M MEDIUM MS> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T LOCAL RECORD> 
<G X> 
<F X> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X X> 
<Y X> 
<H X> 
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I FORMAL> 
<Z STAT> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^EXTRACTS FROM THE RECORDS OF THE ROYAL BURGH OF 
STIRLING, 1519-1752. VOL. I. ED. R. RENWICK. GLASGOW 1887.
PP. 1.1.-35.5^] 

<P 1>
[} [\5 DECEMBER 1519\] }]
   (\Curia burgi de Striveling, tentta et affirmata in pretorio #
dicti burgi per
prepositum et ballivos eiusdem.\)
   Ane Gilbart M'Lellan hais byddin, in presens of the saidis   #
provest and
ballies, vij s. for ane pece of land contenand xxxij paice of   #
lyncht and the
breid as it was sene be the balyeis of befoir, and the said vij #
s. to be pait as
ws of uder anualis ar pait within the said burgh.

[} [\16 JANUARY 1519-20\] }]
   Quhiet was funding saild for xviij s. the boll; malt was     #
funding for xx s.
the boll.
   The provest, ballies, counssal and communite, hais granttit  #
thar common
seill to Sir Johen Patoun, cheplan, to be appendit and to       #
hungin to ane proces
of ane land liand in the Mary Wynd the quhilk pertenit to       #
wmquhill Males
Williamsoun.
   The dekin of the talyouris gave in ane suplicacion to the    #
provest and
balyeis desyrand to have sic prevelagis as thar craft hais in   #
uder bowrowis for
the agmentacion to be doune be tham and causit to be doune in   #
haly kirk;
and the saidis provest and ballies commandit tham to get the    #
prevalegis 
granttit to thar said craft in Sanct Jonis toune and tha sauld  #
awis with the
counssale, and thaireftir as tha thocht maist expedient to gif  #
tham ansour.
<P 2>
   The watter of Forcht was set to Alexander Murra for this     #
instant yeir
for xv merkis, to be pait as ws and wount.  Plegis for the      #
payment hus hand 
and gudis.
   It was fundin be the inquist that na persoun nor persounis   #
within the said
burgh sall haild ony syen wtwith bald or housses, under the     #
pane of tilsall
of the syen and viij s. of unlaw.

[} [\20 JANUARY 1519-20\] }]
   The commoun seill was granttit to be appendit to ane         #
testimoniall that
Thomas Buchane was nebour.  Wille Dic enterit to the fredoum of #
burgesry,
under the aicht aucht and wount, and sall pay xiiij s.; plegis  #
George
Johensoun.
   Robert the Brus of Archt was interit to the fredoum of       #
burgesry and
gild be rasoun of hus fader, and sall pay xxvj d. ob., ij li.   #
walx, and the wyne.
Plegis Robert the Brus of Carnok.

[} [\24 JANUARY 1519-20\] }]
   Allexander Murra, James Merschal, Johen Monucht, and William 
Monucht, prisit this gair, syoern, wnderwrittin: - Ane blak     #
goune linit with
blak skennis, to vj merkis; v ellin of tanny, v Franch          #
crounnis; ane doublat
of gray sathing, xx s.; ij pair of hois of skerllat, xl s.; ane #
blankat, vj s. viij d.

[} [\13 FEBRUARY 1519-20\] }]
   Gilbert M'Lellan protestit in the nyme and behaw of the      #
bredir of the
gild that na man enter to the fredoum of the gild bot he that   #
sall pay v li.,
the walx and the wyne, excep tham that enteris be airschip that #
is payit of
befoir.
   Johen Bully present, in presance of the provest and ballies, #
ane instrument
of Sir Allexander Fresall hand, the quhilk proportit and bour   #
in the selfe the
donacioun and gift of the parocht clarkschip and the keipin of  #
the knok for
all the dais of hus lyeftyme, as he allegit.
   The provest and ballies hais assignit Frida that nixt cummis #
to Waltir
Grame to enter him to the fredoum of burgesry and gild, on this #
condicioun,
that he sall fynd souerte for hus finis and be oblist and       #
syoern that he sall
nocht [{exercise any{] punt pertenyng the fredoum of the gild   #
on to [{the tyme{]
<P 3>
that he pay v li., the walx and the wyne, to the gud toune,     #
eftir the forme
and tenor of the act maid thar apon be the provest, balyeis,    #
counsale and
communite, the quhilk is new ratifeit yeirly.

[} [\26 FEBRUARY 1519-20\] }]
   James Gryme, soune and air to wmquhill Malcum Gryme,         #
comperit in
the said fenssit court, in presens of the saidis provest and    #
ballies, and thar he
chesit Mergret cuntas of Cassillis to be hus curatour and maid  #
facht that he
was nocht compellit, sedoussit nor coacit thar to, and maid     #
facht that he sould
nevir cum in the contrar befoir na juge nor jugis speretual na  #
temperal.
   It was statut and ordinit that na houkstar sall by ony manir #
of fycht na
uder stoufe to tap agane apon nebouris quhill eftir xj houris,  #
under the pane
of eschetin of the stoufe that is coft.

[} [\12 MARCH 1519-20\] }]
   The provest and ballies, counssal and communite, hais        #
granttit to thar
nebouris the craftismen of the smythis this privelage, that is  #
to say, that ilke
persoun or persounis that bringis ony stufe pertenyng to thair  #
craft to sell
within this said burgh sall pay a penny on the mercat day for   #
help of Goddis 
service to be doune in the said parocht kirk, in honor of God,  #
the blissit
Virgin, Sanct Loye, and all sanctis.

[} [\16 APRIL 1520\] }]
   (\Curia capitali burgi de Striveling, tentta et affirmata in #
pretorio dicti
burgi per prepositum et ballivos eiusdem.\)
   Quhite was fundin saild for xvij s. the boll.
   Johen Akman was fundin lipir.
   It is statut and ordinit be the provest, ballies, counssal   #
and communite,
that na houkstar, nor uder persoun douelland within this said   #
burgh, by ony
fysch or caponis quhill xij houris at noune to tap agane apon   #
thar nebouris,
under the pane of viij s. to the Rud wark, onforgifin.
   And eliekwis it is statut and ordinit that na houkstar, nor  #
uder persoun
doulland within this burgh, by ony corn or hay or foder that    #
cummis to this
gud toun to sell to tap agane on to the hour of tuelfe at       #
noune; and the said
efter stufe that cummis to sell efter noun on to sex houris at  #
ewyne, under the
pane foirsaid.
<P 4>
   It is statut and ordinit that na meill, malt, baier nor      #
quhit, that cummis
to the marcat of this said burgh, be saild quhill xij houris at #
noune, under the
pane of viij s.
   Johen Williamsoun passit, at the command of the saidis       #
provest and
balyeis, to the tolbouit wyndo, and proclemit opynly gife thair #
was ony persoun
or personis that had ony enteris to ane hous with the           #
pertinentis pertenyng
to wmquhill Johen Aysoun, liand betuex the land of James Langis #
on the
norcht part and the land of wmquhill Thom of Cragingelt on the  #
soucht part,
to cum within xl dais and pay the said chaplan [\Sir John       #
Aysoun\] the by
runnyn annalis with the expensis and tha sall haue full ingres  #
to the said hois
with the pertinentis, and faling heirof tha will cais heritable #
seissing to be
giffin to the said Sir Johen Aysoun to be bruikit and josit be  #
him and hus
successouris (\inperpetuum\).

[} [\16 JULY 1520\] }]
   It is statut and ordinit be the balyeis na persoun nor       #
personis sell aiell
derrar nor xvj d. the gallon, under the pane of vij s. to the   #
Rud wark onforgifin.
   It was appoyntit and contractit betuix honorable personis,   #
Thomas Besat
of the Quarell on the ta part and George Crechtoun on the       #
tothir parte,
in this maner folowand, that is to say that Alexander Besat sal #
complete
mareage with Jonet Crechtoun, dochter to the said George; for   #
the quhilk
mareage the said George sall content and pay to the said        #
Alexander the soum
of achtscore of merkis, and the said Thomas sall tharfor        #
infefft the said
Alexander and Jonet in coniunct fefftment in the souchhalf of   #
the landis of
the Bissat land, togidder with al and hale his landis of xxx    #
akaris efter the
tenour of thar appoyntment and contractis thareupone.  [\Robert #
Brus of 
Erch, Robert Brus of Auchinbowy, and William Mouch, burgesses,  #
bind themselves
for payment of the eight score merks; and George Crechtoun,     #
provost,
and Robert Brus of Auchinbowy, bind themselves to relieve Mouch #
of his
obligation.\]

[^3 SEPT., 1 OCT., 5, 9, 12, 26 NOV., 14.JAN. 1520 OMITTED.^]

<P 8>
[} [\17 JANUARY 1520-21.\] }]
   Johen Bully protestit that the provest, ballies nor counssal #
of this said
burgh, sould nocht be displesit at him quhowbeit he callit than #
and perseuit
tham befoir ane uder juge for the wrangus haldin of hus fee for #
the keipin of
the knok, as he allegit, na that it sould nocht hourt him na    #
hus fredoum be
na waye.  The saidis provest, ballies and counssal, beand       #
present for the
tyme, requirit the said Johen Bully to schaw ane attenttice     #
document of
the gift of the keipin of thar knok and quhat he sould have     #
tharfor and he
sould be ansourt.
   Duncan Patonsoun produsit and schew ane attentict document,  #
of
wmquhill Sir James Darow hand writ, of the dait of fyfty yeris  #
or mair, the
quhilk maid mentioun that hus land and tenement the quhilk he   #
ocupiis
this foirsaid day aucht bot viij d. of anuale to the abbay of   #
Cambusschennocht.
   Comperit in the said fenssit court dene George Esok,         #
subprior of Cambusschennocht,
and dene Johen Arnot, sakar of the said place, and thar         #
requirit
the said Duncan Patonsoun to pay tham ane stane of talk or of   #
xvj d., eftir the
forme and tenor of thar chartour, becais thar chartour was      #
befoir hus avidence
xxx yeris or mair, as tha allegit, and gifin undir the commoun  #
seill of the said
burgh.
   Sir Thomas Coling denyit to mak service in the parocht kirk  #
of the said
burgh eftir the tenor and forme of hus awin hand writ, the      #
quhilk was produsit
and schawin to him in the said fenssit court in presens the     #
haill communite
beand present for the tyme.

[} [\28 FEBRUARY 1520-21.\] }]
   George Thomsoun grantit that he had vj poder plattis, vj     #
dissches, iij
sawsaris. ij trenscheris contenand xxv li., price of the li.    #
xviij d., j quart, j
choppyn, j chandelar, twa pottis, the cost of a pot xx d., j    #
pair of schettis,
j bed, j buffat stoull, j pair of boullis, j brodclayth, j      #
touall, j small standand
compter; the quhilk gair pertenit to the barnis of wmquhill     #
Duncan Lyntoun
and deliverit to him be Johen of Cragingelt and Thom Smytht.

<P 9>
[} [\8 APRIL 1521.\] }]
   Johen Sym, soune to Andro Sym, was in amerciament for the    #
not keipin
of hus condicion to James Merschall tuechin the fraichtingis of #
hus boit out of
the port of Striveling callit Blyis Hoill to the havin of       #
Leicht, becais it was
previt sufficiently befoir the said inquist that the saidis     #
James fraichit the
said boit to the said havin siclik as Duncan Patonsoune, nebour #
of the said
burgh, did of befoir now at hus last waagh, and the said James  #
to pay na mair
fracht this ladin na the said Duncan did of befoir to the said  #
Johen.
   The saidis balyeis comandit and chargit George Symsoun,      #
nebour of the
said burgh, to bring ane pot to tham on Friday nixt to cum, the #
quhilk is the
xij day of the said monecht, the quhilk pot was recoverit be    #
David Scumervaill
of the Plane apon wmquhill Duncan, as the ackis rasit tharupone #
proportis,
and falin that he bring nocht the said pot the said day that    #
tha will pas to 
hus hous and tak als gud a pot be thair estimacion and deliver  #
to the creditour
on to the tyme that tha get thar awin, becais the said pot      #
aucht bot sex s.,
the quhilk was deliverit in the balyeis handis in this present  #
court.
   It was fundin be the inquist na man nor woman douelland      #
within the
said burgh hald ony syene without band, under the pane of slain #
of the syene,
quhasumevir aucht thame, and tha to have na radres na payment   #
of the
persoun that slais tham.
   It is fundin be the inquist that ilke nebour keip nebourhed  #
in the begin
of thar yaird dikis to uderis, and quha that falis to pay the   #
unlaw of viij s. to
the Rud wark, and the ballies to constrene and compel thame to  #
big the 
sammyn.

[} [\12 APRIL 1521.\] }]
   Charllis Kanydi requirit the saidis ballies to mak devisioun #
and part the
guddis and gair pertenyng to wmquhill Malcum Gryme and to       #
deliver Jenot
Gryme, douchter to wmquhill the said Malcum, hir porcion and    #
part of the
sammyn, the quhilkis the saidis baillies refusit and said tha   #
wald nocht
intromet with nane of that gair becais it was testit.

[} [\21 APRIL 1521.\] }]
   It was statut and ordinit be the provest, ballies, counssal  #
and communite,
beand present for the tyme, that na houkstar by ony salmound na #
yit na fycht
to tap agane apon nebouris on to xij houris at ewine.

<P 10>
[} [\6 MAY 1521.\] }]
   James of Schaw of Salky, knycht, granttit, in presens of the #
saidis
provest and ballies, that he ranunsit and gaife our all rycht   #
or titill of rycht that
he had, hais or mycht have in ony tyme to cum, to ane land and  #
tenement
pertenyn to wmquhill Thomas Young, liand within the said burgh, #
betuex
the land and tenement of wmquhill Robart Duncan on the est part #
and the
land of wmquhill Sir James Darow on the wast part and the       #
Kingis hiegait
on the norcht part and the gait callit the Bakraw on the soucht #
part, to
Robert Spettale, servand to the Quenis grace, excep allanerly   #
the payment
of x s. of annale be yeir; and the said James oblist him        #
fachtfully nevir to
cum in the contrar befoir na juge na jugis, speretuall nor      #
temporall, in ony
tyme to cum, under the pane of maensyeiring, defamacion and     #
inhabilite.
   David Crag, thesaurar of the said burgh for the tyme,        #
requirit at the
provest, ballies, counsall and communite, beand present for the #
tyme, gife tha 
thocht expedient to sustene the pleis of thar rychtis tuechin   #
the soumondis
maid apon thame be master William Hammiltoun, viccar of the     #
said burgh,
and Johen Bully, parocht clerk, anent four akeris of land of    #
the Boroumannis
Medow of the commoun of the said burgh clemit be the said       #
viccar to pertein
to him and hus successouris, and anent a sertane mony clemit be #
the said
Johen to be uptane yeirlie of the commoun gudis for the keip of #
the knok as
he allegis, the quhilk is dependand the law befoir the          #
offisiall of Loudean;
and the said provest, ballies and counssal, beand than present, #
beand avisit,
all in [{ane{] woce concludit that tha wald sustene the plee    #
and defend the said
acciounis becaus tha undirstand that thar acciounis perseuit be #
the saidis
viccar and klark war on juste and that tha had na just titill   #
to the saidis
akeris nor mony.

[} [\20 JULY 1521.\] }]
   Jame Moffat, tailyour, was in amerciament of bloud and       #
trublance of
Sande Dyncan, tailyour; plegis for the unlaw [\blanco\] Moffat, #
pigmakar. The
said Sande Duncan was in amerciament for the trublance          #
committit and doune
apone Jame Moffat; plegis his hand and gudis. Sande Duncan was  #
in
amerciament for the desobaissance of James Lam, seriand.
   Johen Bully, in presens of the saidis ballies, in a fenssit  #
court, said that 
he sould mak Jame Lam onable to bruk ane office.
<P 11>
   Duncan Smart and Johen Allan, talyour, war lawborgh that     #
Jame Moffet
sould be harmles and skaitles of Thome Allan, talyour.

[} [\29 JULY 1521.\] }]
   (\Curia burgi de Strivelyng, tenta et affirmata in pretorio  #
dicti burgi per
prepositum, Alexandrum Forester, et ballivos.\)
   [^NAMES^]
   Andro Borell of Logy wes in ane amerchyment of this court    #
for the
wrangwis withthalding of ane pair of blak clokis fra Robert     #
Tenent, thaggar,
and his wif, borrowit fra tham, and is ordand to restoir the    #
samyn be ane
assis to the saidis Robert and his spous.  Jonet Clerk,         #
vmquhill servand to
Robert Tenent, grantit in jugisment that scho ressavit ane pair #
of blak clokis
fra Andro Borell and his wif and laid tham in apon Roben        #
Tenentis langsadill
end within his hous, and wes chargeit to reman in the tolbutht  #
for the 
samyn.

[} [\9 AUGUST 1521.\] }]
   Johen Bully, of his awin fre motife will, in presance of the #
saidis provest
and ballies in the said fenssit court, hais ranunssit frely and #
gifin our the
keipin of the knok of the Rud Kirk and nevir to clem ony richt  #
to the
sammyn, and the guid toun to disspon apon the sammyn as tha     #
think maist
expedient.

[} [\10 AUGUST 1521.\] }]
   Allexander Murray, burges in the burgh of Striveling, of hus #
awin fre
will, has bundin and oblist him, hus airis, executouris and     #
assignais, to content
and pay to Mergret Schaw, the relict of wmquhill George of      #
Crichetoun of
Breder toune, tuenti four bollis of meill gud and sufficient    #
stoufe and markat
wair, to be pait to the said Mergret or hir factouris yeirly    #
betuex the feist of
the Nativete of our Lord and the feist of the purificatioun of  #
our Lady; and
the halding of ten ky, and to pay tharfor kane cheis extending  #
to fyfti stane,
and of the said l stane to be fyfe stane to the tynd; and gife  #
the said Mergret
falis in the deliverin of the ky samekle cheis to be defakit,   #
and the said ky to
<P 12>
be prisit and to be deliverit to hir als guid at the wsscha of  #
the termis of
thre yeris.

[} [\30 SEPTEMBER 1521.\] }]
   Freir Wynssent, litstar, prior of the Freris Predicatoris of #
this said
burgh, protestit solemmtly, in presens of the saidis ballies    #
and in the vesiagh
of the haill court, that na proces leid nor to be leid within   #
the said burgh
sould hourt tham na thair place of thar anualis awin thame bot  #
that tha
mycht have ramaid of law.
   Sir James Akman, chaplane, collector and balye to the feft   #
chaplanis of the
parocht kirk of the said burgh, protestit solemply that na      #
proces leid nor to
be leid sould hourt the saidis feft chaplanis of thar obit      #
silver nor anualis in
tyme cumin bot that tha mycht have rameid of law.
   Duncan Patonsoun allegit, in presens of the saidis ballies,  #
that he wanttit 
hus fee the last tyme he was balye and protestit that he sould  #
nocht bruk na
office on to the tyme that he war pait of hus said fee.
   The saidis provest and balyeis passit to the mercat cros of  #
the said burgh
and causit to proclame that na broustar within the said burgh   #
sell ony aiell
derrar na xij d. the galloune, undir the pane of the frist falt #
viij s. unforgifin,
the nixt falt xvj s., the third falt the dingin fourcht of the  #
calderun bodim,
brekin of the breuin loumes and expellin of the persoun or      #
persouns committeris
and brekaris of this statut breuin for ane yeir.
   The aild provest and ballies: [^NAMES^].
   The new provest and ballies: [^NAMES^].
   Thir are the nyemis of the dekinnis: [^NAMES^].

[} [\4 OCTOBER 1521.\] }]
   Duncan Patonsoun was chosin dene of the gild for this        #
instant yeir.   
   David Crag was chosin thesawrar for this instant yeir.
<P 13>
   Robart Arnot, ane of the ballies of the burgh of Striveling, #
passit to the
hous and lugin of James Tennand and causit a certane gair       #
pertenyn to
wmquhill Johen Elphinstoun to be prisit be famus men and causit #
to be 
syoern to pris liellely and treuly this gair that eftir         #
folowis; and thir ar the
nyemis of the saidis prisaris, [^NAMES^].
   Item, in the first, ane hors prisit to xxvj s.; item, ane    #
sadill, bridill and
hors hous, vj. s.; item, ane syourd, buklar and syourd belt, vj #
s.; item, ane
pair of buttis and ane pair of schoun, ij s. vj d.; item, ane   #
gaubart of russat
xx s.; item, ane hogtoune of rayit clayth, xviij d.; item, ane  #
clouk iiij s.; item,
ane jak, viij s.; item, twa pair of hois, 5 s.; item, ane       #
dowblat, iij s.; item, ane
gray bonat, ane nicht courchre and hus sark, gifin to the woman #
that keipit
him; item, awin be Hammiltoun to the said wmquhill Johen, 5 s.

[} [\14 OCTOBER 1521.\] }]
   Sir James Akman, cheplane, and balye and collectour to the   #
feft chaplanis
of the parocht kirk of the said burgh, produsit and shew ane    #
attentic chartour
and seissin of twa markis of obit silver to be upliftit and     #
tane to the feft
chaplanis yeirly for sufferagh to be doun for the saullis of    #
wmquhill Allexander
lord Elphinstoun and Sir Johen Elphinstoun, his fader, of ane   #
land and
tenement liand in the Bakraw.

[} [\3 FEBRUARY 1521-2.\] }]
   Thom Smyth, dekin of the smychis, was in amerciament for the #
wrangus
fundin of ane borgh apon George Smyth, allegand that the said   #
George was
awin xxij s. iiij d. for thair prestis met and ane wkly penny,  #
the quhilk was
fundin be the assis that the said George aucht na mair to the   #
said craft bot in 
sa fer as he occupiit within the fredoum of the said burgh.

[} [\14 FEBRUARY 1521-2.\] }]
   James Lang, burges within the said burgh, and Males Lang,    #
hus oye and
aire, hais granttit thame to have analeit and saild ane anuale  #
rent of ix s. to
be tane and upliftit be the brother and fraternite of the       #
Halybloud or thar
factouris yeirly [\and another annual of 6 s.;\] the quhilk     #
mony that was
gottin for the saidis sex shilling of anual ane pairt tharof    #
was gifin to Thom
<P 14>
Fowlar to lyeir the said Males the skennar craft as ane prentes #
aucht to be
lyerit.
   Males Lang is bunden prentes to Thom Fowlar, skennar, for    #
the spece of
four yeiris; the said Thomas hais promittit to lieir the said   #
Males and do hus
delegens to lieir him the said craft eftir hus pouar, and to do #
to him in meit,
drynk and beddin, as a maister aucht to do hus prentes.  And    #
atour it is
condicionit gif the said Males passis fra the said Thomas hus   #
master within
the saidis termes of iiij yeiris in hus defalt, without ocasion #
of the said
Thomas, and byidis and absentis him fra him fourti dais, the    #
said Thomas sall
nocht rasaife him agane to hus prenteschip nor lieir him the    #
said craft in
tyme thaireftir.  And gife the said Males ramanis with hus said #
master to
the wsscha of hus foirsaid termes he oblisis him to mak service #
for ane yeir
to the said Thomas, for meit and fee, befoir ony uderis.

[} [\17 FEBRUARY 1521-2.\] }]
   The baillies hais assiguit this day xv days to the dekin and #
craftismen of
the hammirmen to prefe gife scheit makaris scottis and lottis   #
with thar craft
in uder borouis, that is to say in Edinburgh, Dunde, Glasgow,   #
Sanctjohentoun,
or in Abirdene.
   It was assignit to the balyeis this day xv dais to James     #
Tennand to
prefe that the lair that George Symsoun erddit hus wyfe in was  #
hus lair and
granttit to him be the dyen of gild that was for the tyme and   #
that hus barnis
and wyfe was erddit in the said lair and that he had maid cost  #
for the payment
of it with stanis.

[} [\3 MARCH 1521-2.\] }]
   The bayleis hais assignit this day xv dais to Wille          #
Gillaspy to bring
the lard of Kars acquittance of all fermes and malis that he    #
has deliverit
to the said lard, or to ony of hus factouris, of the landis of  #
the Justinflet pertenyn
to Patric Mentecht, the quhilk he hais in assedacion of this    #
gud toun,
sen the feild of Floudoune, the quhilkis sall be weill allouit  #
to the said
William.
   Thom Watsoun allegit that he aucht nocht apon rasoun to scot #
nor lot
the craftismen of the hammirmen becaus he occupies na warklomis #
that pertenis
to thair said craft nor samekle as a hammir.

<P 15>
[} [\17 MARCH 1521-2.\] }]
   Johen Hendersoun hais promisit to gife four schilling        #
yeirly, at twa
termes Whitsownday and Mertimes be evinly porciounis, to the    #
dekin of the
maltmen that beis for the tyme to the vphald of dyvyne seruice  #
to be doun
at the altar of Sanct Mathow fundit and situat within the       #
parocht kirk of the
said burgh.

[} [\28 APRIL 1522.\] }]
   It was fundin be the inquist that ony flechour that slais    #
ony falty flecht
within burgh, or brekis ony fawin flecht to tap amangis         #
nebouris, that he sall
be expellit fra flecht slain within burgh for ane yeir, and ane #
vnlaw wnforgifin.
   It is ordinit that the dekin of the flescheris that beis for #
the tyme cum
to the offisaris that beis the said tyme and schaw tham ony of  #
the said craft
that byis ony fawin flecht or ony falty flecht to tap apon      #
nebouris, and falin
heirof that he sall pay xl s. to the kirk wark.
   Item, that na flescheir hald na servand bot he that he will  #
risspond and
ansour for him.
   Item, that na martis, syen nor muttoun, be slane on the      #
hegait be na
fleschour na thair servandis bot in the Bakraw and in bouis,    #
under the pane
of the unlaw als aft as tha falt.

[} [\5 MAY 1522.\] }]
   The saidis ballies, counsall and communite, beand present    #
for the tyme,
hais granttit that the dekinis and craftismen of the said burgh #
sall have ane
kee of the lok of the commoun kist in keipin quhar all the      #
avidentis of this
gud toune and the commoun seill ar in keipin.
   All the dekinis of craftismen of the said burgh for this     #
said instant yeir, 
all in a voce, protestit solemply that thar sould nocht be na   #
takis of the
common land of the said burgh set in ony tyme to cum langar     #
takis na fife
yeiris eftir that the viij yeris takis be runin, the quhilkis   #
ar granttit this said
day to the tenentis that occupyis the said comoun landis for    #
ane gratitud
doune be tham in the payin of ane takist of four schor of       #
pundis and xiij li. or
thar by of thair foir malis of the comoun land of the Borowmuir #
and the
Soucht akeris that tha have in assedacion of the provest,       #
ballies, counssal and
communite of the said burgh.

<P 16> 
[} [\17 JUNE 1522.\] }]
   In presens of the provest and balyeis, Allexander Benne,     #
dekin of the
wobstaris, and hus haill craft, with consent and assent of all  #
the dekinis and
craftismen of the said burgh, the quhilk nyemis of the saidis   #
dekinis folowis:
in the first, Patric Lausoun, Thom Smyth, Johen Allexander,     #
Johen Allan,
Thom Mitschal, Andro Lokart and Allexander Robisoun, hais       #
condusit and
feit Sir Robart Broun, chaplan, curat for the tyme, for dyvin   #
seruice to be
doune at the altar of Sanc Luck, situat within the parocht kirk #
of the said
burgh, that is to say the said Sir Robart sall, God willin, say #
twa messis in
the wouke at the altar befoir Sanc Severine, patrone to the     #
saidis craftismen
of wobstaris, for the quhilkis the saidis dekin and craftismen  #
of wobstaris that
happynis to be for the tyme sall thankfully content and paye to #
the said Sir
Robart xxvj s. viij d. in the yeir, be evinly porcionis at twa  #
usit termis Witsounday
and Mertimes in wynter.

[} [\30 JUNE 1522.\] }]
   William M'Lellane protestit that it sould nocht hourt hus    #
fredoume
quhobeit he soummound Marion Cant befoir the official,          #
considering he
complenit to the balyeis and tha wald nocht sit on sic materis  #
becaus the
mater was iniurius langagh and schlander.

[} [\6 OCTOBER 1522.\] }]
   All the land burges war unlauit for thair absence fra the    #
heid court,
excepand Nycol Cristesoun and Ritsche Cristesoun.
   Agnes Lang and Walter Ewinsoun, hir soune, submittit tham    #
syorne to
abid, stand and underly, the sentance and deliverance of master #
Dave Abircrummy,
subden of our Soverane Lordis chapell riall, Sir James Wilsoun, 
persoun of Glendovane, Malcum Drummound of Kilbrid, Walter      #
Grame and
James, of all accionis and debaittis betuix tham and specialy   #
anent the landis
of the Glen and the gudis and gair of airschip pertenyng to the #
said Walter.

[} [\10 OCTOBER 1522.\] }]
   Allexander Patonsoun promisit to bring the lard of Keiris    #
boit wp the
watter and deliver hir quhar scho lay and to do the sammyn      #
within xv dais. 

<P 17>
[} [\27 OCTOBER 1522.\] }]
   It is statut and ordinit that candill be saild [{na{] derrar #
na iiij d. ob.
the li. and that tha be four penny candill in the pund and ane  #
halfpenny
candill and ix halfpenny candill in the li., and that tha be    #
gud and sufficient
stoufe, under the pane of the unlaw escheiting of the candill.
   It is statut and ordinit that all flecht that cumis to this  #
mercat to sell be
prisit be ane balye and ane certan of fleschouris and uderis    #
nebouris that sall
be chargit be ane balye, and that na mauschit na spoulyeit to   #
cum to this said
mercat to sell under the pane of escheting of the said flecht.
   It is statut and ordinit that na fleschor within this burgh  #
sla na caus to
be slane ony flecht bot on the Baksyid or in thar bouis, undir  #
the pane of
viij s. the frist falt, xx d. the nixt falt, and tynssall of    #
the flecht the thrid falt. 
   It is statut and ordinit that na persoun nor personis woucht #
ony maner
of clais at the toune bouirn within the Barrasyet or aboun, for #
fyling of the
bourn, undir the pain of viij s. vnforgevin and brekin of the   #
weschal that tha
wous with.

[} [\17 NOVEMBER 1522.\] }]
   Jame Males put him in will for the haldin of ane kow and ane #
sowe 
that war commoun dik brekaris.

[} [\19 DECEMBER 1522.\] }]
   It is statut and ordinit be the provest, ballies, counssal   #
and communite,
beand present for the tyme, that na nebour doulland within the  #
said burgh
tak ane cobill of the watter of Forcht bot at the ballies maid  #
be tham, under 
the pane of tinssal of hus fredoum.

[} [\23 FEBRUARY 1522-3.\] }]
   The provest, ballies, counsall and communite, beand present  #
for the tyme,
hais granttit to suple and suport Sir Robart Cristisoun,        #
chaplan of Sanc  
James Chapel, master of thar grammer scholl, in the plei in     #
defens of the
said chapel and the rychtis tharof.

[} [\16 MARCH 1522-3.\] }]
   It was fundin be the assis that Johen Cousland sall deliver  #
to Arche
Duncansoun ane certan gudis pertenyn to him in airschip be the  #
dissase of
<P 18>
wmquhill Johen Duncansoun, hus fader, that is to say, ane bed,  #
ane chandlar,
ane reid coverin, ane pouder dicht, ane yetlyn, ane gangand     #
quheil, ane tyne
pynt, ane mask fat, ane stand and ane gyeil fat, gife the said  #
Johen hais nocht
deliverit the saidis gudis to the said Arche and prefe the      #
deliverance of the
samin.

[} [\27 APRIL 1523.\] }]
   All the nebouris beand present for the tyme war content and  #
granttit
that David Crag, thesaurar, and Robart Arnot, master of the     #
kirkwark, sould
deliver to Marthing, servand to Ewin Allasoun, the soume of xl  #
pundis in part
of payment of ane mair soume for temyr to the queir of the kirk #
of the said
burgh.

[} [\6 JULY 1523.\] }]
   It was fundin be the assis that Wille Forsyicht falit in hus #
condicion to
Gilbart Patonsoun tuechin the sellin of ane sowe to the said    #
Gilbart, that
condicionit that scho was with gryissis the tyme of the sellin  #
of hir, and scho
was not.

[} [\15 FEBRUARY 1523-4.\] }]
   Jenne Murra and Johen Murra war ilk ane of tham in           #
amerciament for
trubling of thair nebouris, undir silence of the nycht, throw   #
thair flything and
haldin of thair nebouris walkand all the nycht.
   It is statut and ordinit that ilke nebour big hus dikis and  #
keip nebourheid
to uderis, and quha that falis and douis in the contrar quhat   #
sckait that
ony nebour takin in hus yaird, in defalt of keipin of           #
nebourheid, in sa far as
he ma prefe the skait, the nebour nocht keipand him nebourheid  #
sall recompance
him at the syicht of nebouris in sa far as he is skait.

[} [\4 APRIL 1524.\] }]
   Sir Dave Cristisoun, chaplane, enterit to the fredoum of     #
burgesry and
gild be rasoun of wmquhill Nycol Cristesoun, hus fader, and     #
sall pay xxvj d.
ob., ij li. walx and the wyne.
   The saidis provest, ballies, counssal and communite, hais    #
granttit to
affixit thair commoun seile to ane new chartour to be           #
transumptit and maid
of all anualis pertenyn to Sanc Laurance altar fundit and       #
situat within the
parocht kirk of the said burgh, and the said charter to be put  #
in the common
kist, and the said Sir William to have copy of all the saidis   #
anualis, and the
<P 19>
saidis provest and ballies sall caus him to be ansorit and      #
obayit of the sammyn
as law will.

[} [\18 APRIL 1524.\] }]
   The provest, ballies, counsall and communite, hais grantit   #
and lyessance
to the Gra freris of the said burgh ane pece of thair common    #
land lyand at
the soucht part of thair yaird equali gangand doune the bred of #
thair yaird
to the Rud croft.

[} [\2 MAY 1524.\] }]
   Johen Allan, talyour, was in amerciament for the occupyin of #
the furruris
in furring of ane goune with new stoufe, and it is ordinit and  #
commandit
be the provest and ballies, that na talyour within the said     #
burgh occupy the
said furrur craft, wndir the pane of xl s. to the Rud wark als  #
aft as tha falt.

[} [\7 MAY 1524.\] }]
   The provest [{and{] ballies, with consent and assent of the  #
hail bredir of the
Haly bloud, hais granttit to content and pay Sir Johen Lambart, #
chaplane of
thair said altar, xxv merkis yeirly, gud and wsual mony of the  #
realme, for hus
gud and thankfull service doune and to be doune at thair said   #
altar of the
Halybloud, with all uder service, that is to say Ladymes,       #
Hiemes, Hevinsang
and Mathingis, and how and quhen the tyme occurris.
   The provest, ballies, counssal and communite, all with ane   #
consent and
assent, na discrepance, hais granttit and gevin the service of  #
the Rud alter
in the Rud loft, fundit and situat within the parocht kirk of   #
the said burgh,
to ane discret man, Sir Johen Spottiswoud, chaplane, for hus    #
gud and thankfull
service to be doune at the said alter, with all and syndry      #
anualis, croftis, landis,
oblacionis, and generall all and syndry acsedant pertenyn to    #
the said alter;
and als the saidis provest, ballies, counssal and communite,    #
hais granttit ane 
yeirly pencion of vj merkis to the said Sir Johen, and gife the #
said Sir Johen
makis gud and thankfull service, efter the forme and tenor of   #
hus donacion
gifin to him under the common seill of the said burgh, the      #
saidis provest, 
ballies, counssal and communite, sall conseder at the yeris end #
and eke hus
pencioun efter thair consiance and discression eftir hus gud    #
service makin. 

[} [\5 SEPTEMBER 1524.\] }]
   Wille Aysoun hais tane the stagis and the ravenues of the    #
fair for xvij
<P 20>
merkis and x s. [{And{] the said provest and ballies hais       #
promisit to deliver
and draw the best stagis that cumin in the stond to Wille       #
Aysoun and warrand
him the sam that na man sall have challance or cleme of rycht   #
to him, bot to
be brukit be the said William, and he to disspon on him as he   #
thinkis maist
expedient.

[} [\23 OCTOBER 1524.\] }]
   Thir ar the thingis that ar granttit be the provest and      #
ballies to Duncan
Patonsoun, dene of the gild for the tyme:-
   Item, in the frist, the provest and ballies sall tak hus     #
afald part and
defend him in ony maner of thing belangand hus office in the    #
exarcision or
execussion of hus office, bayth with tham selfe and thair       #
servandis, quhenevir
he chargis tham or ony ane tharto.
   Elyckwis, gif the said Duncan makis expens within the kirk   #
or queir in 
ony necessar or nyeidfull thingis or reformacion of Goddis      #
service, for the
honor of God and the weill of the toune, that tha sall mak the  #
said expens
tharof and caus the samyn to be thankfully payt to him quhen he #
gifis the
sammyn in writ to tham, or ony wder expens he makis out with    #
for the weill 
of the toune and the gildbrethir.
   And, elyekwys, that nowder provest nor ballies liessent nor  #
gife lyefe to
na chaplane, beand within the kirk that tha ar patronis to, to  #
pas na harandis
bot gife he have lyefe of the said Duncan, and gife hus         #
harandis be gret and
nyeidfull to be doun to ramane at the maist bot viij dais fra   #
his service.
   Item, it is granttit that the said Duncan sall nocht         #
intromet with the
fillin of the lamppis na lychtin of the candillis.

[} [\31 OCTOBER 1524.\] }]
   Jame Murra was in amerciament for the wrangus blasflemyn,    #
trubbeling
and houcterin of Robe Salter.
   Johen Johensoun was in amerciament for the wrangus castin of #
ane
muttoun buke of Johen Lamis undir hus feit on the cassay and    #
fylin of it.

[} [\21 NOVEMBER 1524.\] }]
   Johen Ackyne, balye, is souerte that Fyndelo Donaldsoun sall #
deliver ane
gud and sufficient gryndstane of four fut, and thre fyngir      #
breid, to Rob Scot.
   Thir ar the previs of the awnyng of ane syourd ... Rob       #
Merschal,
frist witnes, of xl yeris of aige, or tharby, syorne, deponit   #
that weill he wis
<P 21>
and sekirly knew that the syourd thair present, clemit be Johen #
Benne, was
the said Johen awin syourd and coft be him fra [\blanco\] Gray, #
and that he
had wanttit the syourd cum xv dais befoir Youll ane yeir ...

[} [\21 JANUARY 1524-5.\] }]
   David Greg was maid [{quit{] be ane assise of the slachter   #
of ane syene
that he slow to Marion Broun becaus syene war fundin unlachfull #
gudis.

[} [\3 MARCH 1524-5.\] }]
   The provest, ballies, counssale and communite, beand present #
for the
tyme, hais granttit the altar of Sanc Ninianes altar and the    #
service tharof to
Sir Thomas Jarva, he makand service at the samyn eftir the      #
forme of hus 
condicion undir hus awin subscripcioun of hus hand.
   The provest, ballies, counssale and communite, beand present #
for the
tyme, nane discrepance, all in ane woce, haif granttit the nixt #
wakand alteragh
that wakis within thar parocht kirk of the said burgh to Robart #
Ferny, soune
to Robart Ferny, burges of the said burgh, he beand habill      #
tharto, and gife
Sanc Ninianis altar be wakand the said altar to be gife him the #
service of the
sammyn, and falin tharof to gife him the service of ane wder    #
als gud als soune 
as it wakis, he beand abill tharfor as said, and to mak service #
eftir the tenor
and forme of the ac maid of befoir.

[} [\31 MARCH 1525.\] }]
   Wille Fidlar, allies Ednom, was in amerciament for the       #
wrangus trublance
of Sir James Crag, chaplane, be hus violent and impertinat      #
langagh without
falt maid to him be the said Sir James or ony wderis in hus     #
behaw, tharfor
it is statut and ordinit be the saidis provest and ballies that #
the said Wille
sall nocht falt to the said Sir James in ony tyme to cum, and   #
gife he dowis
in the contrar that he sall pay xl s. to the Rud wark on        #
forgifin.

[} [\12 APRIL 1525.\] }]
   The bowrow court of Striveling haldin and affirmit be the    #
provest and
balyeis of the sammyn; comperit befoir tham Robart Spettal,     #
factor and actor 
for Cristane Ra, servitrice to the Quenis grace and hienes, on  #
the ta part, and
Sir Allexander Buchan, chaplan, for himselfe and all wderis     #
haveand entres,
<P 22>
and submittit tham fauchfully, be the wphaldin of thair rycht   #
handis, the
deliverance of thir personis eftir folowand, that is to say,    #
Duncan Patonsoun,
dene of the gild, Robert Arnot, Johen Ackyn, Ritschart Narne,   #
ballies, Alexander
Watsoun [\and six others,\] tuechin the bigin of ane new hous   #
and gawill
be the said Cristan Ra and hir said factor to the gawill of the #
land of the said
Sir Allexander Buchane, in the Castal Wynd; the quhilkis        #
personis beand
syoern, mowvit of court, ryiply avisit, incom agane in jugment, #
and deliverit
all in a woce that the said Cristan Ra and hir factor sall      #
tousk, bowale and
ragall, the gawill of the saidis Cristan new hous to the gavill #
of the said Sir
Allexander hous, and the said Cristan and Robart in hir neme    #
till have all
the haile stoufe and stanes of the said Sir Allexander part of  #
his aild gavill,
and the saidis Cristan and Robart hir factour to big thar said  #
gawill as tha
pleis and as tha think maist expedient, and the said Sir        #
Allexander and hus
airis and successouris to be excludit in tyme to cum fra ony    #
flittin or makin
of ony asiamenttis of the said gavill tharthrow becaus the said #
Sir Allexander
makis na expens nor cost of the bigin of the haill gawill.

[} [\24 APRIL 1525.\] }]
   Ritschart Broun was convictit and filit for the thyftuis     #
steilling of twa
maris out of the landis of Corntoun, and thareftir that the     #
doume was gifin 
on him to be hangit quhill he war deid, he granttit, of his     #
awin fre will, that
he staw ane mair fra Robe Lam and ane blak hors out of the      #
Cobiltoun.
   The provest, ballies, counsall and communite, hais statut    #
and ordinit that
thair be na kaik bakstaris within the fredoum of the said burgh #
fundand
selland ony kaikes bot samony as sall be chosin be tham, the    #
quhilkis sall be
bot vj in nowmyr; and ordinis that James Lam, Johen Youle and   #
Dave
Ritsche, offisaris, pas and warne all kaik bakstaris doulland   #
within the fredoum
of the said burgh to dissist and scise fra the said occupacion, #
and to
warne tham all to the nixt court that tha ma be sex chosin for  #
the said
occupacioun and all the laife dischargit.

[} [\8 MAY 1525.\] }]
   James Lam, seriand, passit at the command of the said balyie #
to the tolbouit
wyndo and proclamit opynly gife thair was ony persoun or        #
persones
that had ony entres till ane land and tenement pertenyn to      #
wmquhill Johen
<P 23>
Stewart, liand within the fredoum of the said burgh betuex the  #
land of
wmquhill Johen Aysoun, on the est part, and the land of William #
Cosour, on
the wast part, to cum within xl dais and pay the runnyn anwalis #
to Sir James
Murra, chaplane, with the expens, and falin tharof thar will be #
heritable
stait, seissin and possessioun, gife to the said Sir James, to  #
be brukit and
josit be him and hus successouris (\imperpetuum\).

[} [\11 MAY 1525.\] }]
   The service of Sanc Ninianes altar fundit and situat within  #
the parocht
kirk of the said burgh was gifin to Sir Thomas Duncansoun, with #
all anualis,
landis oblacionis and all wder doweteis, he makand service      #
tharfor eftir the 
forme and tenor of the ackis maid of befoir.

[} [\3 JULY 1525.\] }]
   It is ordinit be the saidis provest and ballies that na      #
craftisman of the
talyour craft occupy na ws ony punt pertenyn to the fredoum of  #
the gild,
under the panes that ocuris to tyne apon law.
   Allexander Duncan protestit, in the name and behaw of the    #
haill craftismen
of the talyouris, that quhat war doun in this present court     #
tuechin thar
privelagis sould nocht hourt tham na tourne tham to preiudice   #
bot that tha
mycht have remeid of law befoir ony juge or jugis competante    #
quhen and
quhar it efferit.

[} [\2 OCTOBER 1525.\] }]
   Robart Arnot hais offerit ane signet of gould to Johen       #
Allan, in the neme
and behaw of Walter Cousland, he payand the mony that the said  #
signet is
awin to the said Walter.
   It was fundin be the inquist that thar sall nocht be na      #
pencioun gifin to
na chaplane in agmentacioun to ane alteragh for ane yeir.

[} [\6 OCTOBER 1525.\] }]
   The provest, bailyeis and counssal, haif assignit Monunday   #
that nixt
cummis to the haile counssal to convene in the lujene of Sir    #
Duncan Forester
of Garden, knycht, to avies on the gift of the altar of Sanc    #
Katerin fundit and
situat within thar parocht kirk, and ordinis that the hail      #
counssal be warnit
to convene in the said lujene betuix ane and twa houris eftir   #
noune. 

<P 24>
[} [\16 OCTOBER 1525.\] }]
   (\Curia justiciare burgi de Striveling, tentta in pretorio   #
dicti burgi per
Allexander Forester, vicecomitatum dicti burgi.\)
   [^NAMES^]
   Robart Mentecht was convicit be the said assis and doume     #
gifin on him
to be had to the Heiddin Hill and the hed to be strakin fra the #
body, and
the said doume was gevin be Wille Forsycht, dempstar for the    #
tyme.

[} [\21 OCTOBER 1525.\] }]
   (\Curia justiciarie burgi de Striveling, tentta in pretorio  #
dicti burgi per
Allexander Forester, justiciarium dicti burgi.\)
   [^NAMES^]
   It was fundin be the said assis that Robe Murra and Jame Mur #
had
thiftusly stouin ane gryne clok, ij syourds, ane sertane of     #
sarkis, courcheis and
colaris, vij pair of schoun, ane pair of hois, ane buklar; that #
tharfor the saidis
Robart and James sould be tane to the Galhous and hangit quhill #
tha war
deid; and doum was gifin tharupon be the moucht of Wille        #
Forsyicht, 
dempstar for the tyme.

[} [\23 OCTOBER 1525.\] }]
   (\Curia burgi de Striveling, tentta in pretorio dicti burgi  #
per prepositum
et ballivos eiusdem.\)
   It is statut and ordinit be the provest, ballies and         #
counssal, that na
stabelar within this said burgh sell ony aittis derrar na v d.  #
the pec of the
best aittis, and that nane of tham by aittis in the mercat      #
quhill strangeris and
the toune be servit; and that secundar aittis be saild for iiij #
d. the pec, and 
smallar aittis be saild na derrar na iij d. the pec, and tha    #
that ar nocht
wourcht iij d. to be saild bettir chaip. The stane of haye,     #
iiij d.
<P 25>
   Alssya, it is statut and ordinit that na houkstar by aittis  #
within this
burgh to tap bot gife scho hais ane stabil and hors meit to     #
furnes, and falin
heirintill the aittis to be chettit.

[} [\3 NOVEMBER 1525.\] }]
   Thir ar the nemis of the kaikbakstaris to be admittit and    #
ordinit to
bak kakis, and that tha be sufficient stoufe and hald the       #
woucht, and quhen
the pec of meil is coft for vj d. that the penny kake be ane    #
pund woucht, and
sya afferand the woucht of the kake as the meil is saild:-      #
Agnes Thomsoun,
Agnes Beltmakar, or ane of hir douchteris, Marion Wod, Cristan  #
Akman,
Mergret Kirk, Jenne Symun, Mergret Drummound and Johen Hutching #
wyfe.

[} [\21 NOVEMBER 1525.\] }]
   It was previt sufficiently be Robyne Ewin and Johen Ewin,    #
and the gret
aicht syorne, that Johen Talyour passit our the Watter of       #
Fourcht at the
Borowman medow with the nowmyr of v=xx= of syene or tharby.

[} [\29 JANUARY 1525-6.\] }]
   Allexander Crag is souerte that Edward Rowane sall bring the #
sow clemit
be Andro Legat to be hus propir gud on Monunday the xij day of  #
Fabruar
nixt to cum, and to enter the said syen in presens of the       #
saidis provest and
ballies.

[} [\8 FEBRUARY 1525-6.\] }]
   James Pattoun, first witnes, syoerne, deponit that be the    #
aicht that he
maid, safer as he wnderstoud, that the sow clemit be Andro      #
Legat, thair present,  
was Dave Bellis sow and now Edward Rouanis and saild be him to
wmquhill the said Dave Bell, quhowbeit that hir lug was cuttit, #
and on cuttit
the tyme that he saild hir to the said Dave.

[} [\5 MARCH 1525-6.\] }]
   It is ordinit be the provest and ballies that na persoun     #
within burgh tak
mair for the brekin of ane salmound bot ane penny, wnder the    #
pane of debering
of the persoun that dois in the contrar fra brekin of fycht for #
yeir and day
at the will of the saidis offisaris.
   Allexander Smytht hais grantit to deliver to Rob Willesoun   #
ane silver
belt and ane ring betuex this day and Peax nixt to cum, and     #
falin tharof to
deliver the waill of the samyn.

<P 26>
[} [\9 APRIL 1526.\] }]
   Johen Robesoun, fleschour, was accusit, in presens of the    #
saidis provest
and bailyeis, for the slaktir of Sande Patonsoun, allegand that #
the said Johen
strak the said Allexander, thro the quhilk strakis the said     #
Allexander deit;
the said Johen denyit that ever he strak him na did him hourt   #
or harme and
tuk him to God and ane gud assis; the assis ramovand and        #
passand fourcht
ryiply avisit and be examacion of witnes in com agane, and      #
deliverit all in a
voce that the said Johen innocent of the deid of the said       #
Allexander becaus it
was sufficiently previt befoir tham be famus witnes that the    #
said Johen did
him nowder hourt na harme the tyme that it was allegit that he  #
strak him.

[} [\13 APRIL 1526.\] }]
   Thomas M'Calpy was fundin be the said assise that he faltit  #
to the bailye,
Ritschart Narne, be impertinat langagh, and it was ordaned be   #
the said
assise that Allexander Forester, provest, Walter Grame and      #
Allexander
Watsoun, ballies, sould modife amendis be thar discretioun to   #
the said
Ritschart, balye, be thar discrecioun. Thomas M'Calpy hais      #
offerit him rady
to mak ane emendis to Ritschart Narne at the ordinance of the   #
provest and
the towder twa bailyeis as tha command him. Thome M'Calpy       #
allegit that
the provest and the bailyeis set and pynist for impertinat      #
langagh and wald
nocht gife him rameid nor amendis of impertinat langagh.
   It was fundin be the foirsaid assis that Marion Nortoun and  #
Marion Brus
war ilkane of tham in amerciament for the brekin of the         #
statutis of the said
burgh in sellin of xvj d. aiel contrar the statutis; and it is  #
ordinit that quhat
tyme quhow soune ony of the saidis personis brekis the statutis #
in tyme to
cum that the balyeis sall tak of the faltour xl s. or ellis     #
ding out the fat bodim
and deil the brewin at the cors.

[} [\23 APRIL 1526.\] }]
   Duncan Darow was fundin in ane falt becaus the gud toune     #
wanttit bred,
and he to be punist tharfor or ellis fynd ane faltour.

[} [\28 MAY 1526.\] }]
   Micschal Donaldsoun, taylour, granttit, in presens of the    #
saidis provest
and ballies, that he cuttit partis of treis in Duncan Forsycht  #
yaird extending
to ix pece of bulisteris, chereis and ploumis.

<P 27>
[} [\16 JULY 1526.\] }]
   Quheit was fundit saild samekle as the bakstaris of the      #
said burgh couft
in Leicht at this last waiaigh for xv s. the boll, and all wder #
quhit that tha
coft for xvj s. the boll. Malt was fundin for xvj s. the boll.
   It is statut and ordinit be the provest, ballies, counssal   #
and communite,
that na indoullar within the fredoum of the said burgh sla ony  #
flecht to sell
bot ane freman. Alssya na nyeiris na nyeircres be tane out of   #
the scheip,
nowder to burgh nor land, that cummis to sell or saild within   #
the said burgh,
quhill Michalmes, under the pane of viij s. unforgifin.         #
Alssya, that na
muttoun that ar saild within the said burgh be blawin, under    #
the pane of
viij s. unforgifin, nowder with punt of knyefe na uderwais.
   Item, that na houkstar by ony fecht to tap apon nebouris on  #
to xj howris,
under the pane of viij s. Item, that na houkstar ocupy na ws na #
byin na
tappyn of fycht bot on the mercat day, undir the pane of viij   #
s. Item, that
na houkstar occupy the mercat in sellin of fycht bot to remane  #
at thair awin
dourris excep the mercat day, undir the pane of viij s. Item,   #
that ragratouris 
na couparis pas to the watter of Forch to by ony fycht unto the #
tyme it
[{is{] presentit the mercat, under the pane of viij s.

[} [\30 JULY 1526.\] }]
   Allexander Crag hais tane apon him to prefe sufficiently     #
that Thom
M'Calpy promisit xx s. to the maltmen and to thair alter of     #
Sanc Mathow, and
to prefe the sam this day xv dais.

[} [\27 AUGUST 1526.\] }]
   Johen Thom, allies Cristisoun, soune to wmquhill William     #
Thom, allies
Cristison, enterit to the said William fredoume, undir the      #
aicht aucht and
wount, and sall pay xxvj d. ob., ij li. walx and the wyne.      #
Plegis Sir Dave
Cristisoun, stewart to the Queenis grace. And gife it happynit  #
that the said
Johen eldast broder beis levand and cummis in Scotland and      #
desyris to entir
to his faderis fredoume, the said Johen sall renunce and gife   #
our the said fredoume
and the occupacioun of the sammyn for the entres of his said    #
broder.
   The alter of Sanc Michal, the haly arkangel, was granttit    #
and gevin to
Sir Archibald Watsoun, soune to Allexander Watsoun.

<P 28>
[} [\1 OCTOBER 1526.\] }]
   It was statut that na houkstar nor wder persoun sould pas    #
to the toune
end, na till ony wder partis of the toune, to by butter, egis,  #
foullis, na uder 
stoufe cumand to the said burgh to sell, and quha that did in   #
the contrar it
sould be lesum to ony nebour that could apprehend ony of tha    #
ragratouris to
tak the stoufe fra the saidis ragratouris, and to be the        #
takaris ascheat. 
   It was statut and ordinit that na merchand sall by ony calfe #
skennis
under the pane of the wnlaw.

[} [\15 OCTOBER 1526.\] }]
   The saidis provest and ballies hais granttit to Wille Dic,   #
dekin of the
bakstaris, that he sall have ane offisar rady to pas with him   #
to pund ony of
the said craft that falis and keipis nocht the command of the   #
said dekin
tuechin the kipin of vj s. wourcht of bred on the marcat day    #
eftir noune for
furnessing of the nebouris in samony personis as he commandis   #
and chargis to
keip the sammyn.
   Wille Dik, dekin of the bakstaris, hais promisit to the      #
provest and ballies
to caus the saidis craftismen to mak the twa penny laife xx     #
unce gud and
sufficient stoufe and weill bakin, and falin heirof to schaw    #
the faltouris to the
saidis provest and ballies that tha ma punys the said faltouris.
   Micschal Stensoun, dekin to the maltmen, has promisit to the #
provest
and ballies that na maltman within this burgh sall sell malt na #
derrar na
xvj s. the boll, and atour that tha sall tak bot twa s. mair    #
for the boll of malt
na the bair is coft quhill Youll nixt to cum, and fra that      #
furcht bot xij d.
betuex bollis.
   It is statut and ordinit that na candilmakar sell ony        #
candill derrar na
four penneis and ane halfe penny the pund; and the half penny   #
candill and
the penny candill efferand tharto, undir the pane of daillin of #
thair candill
and ane wnlaw, onforgevin.

[} [\19 NOVEMBER 1526.\] }]
   It was grantit be the saidis provest, bailyeis, counssal and #
communite,
that gif ony craftisman of the bakstaris doulland within the    #
fredoume of the
said burgh desobayit the dekin and wald nocht ansour and obay   #
the said dekin
and craft, that thar sould ane of the seriandis pas with the    #
said dekin and
craft and pund and distrene the persoun or persounis that       #
disobayis, and
<P 29>
the wnlaw to be disponit on walx to be brynt befoir Sanc        #
Howbart in honor
of God and halykirk.
   Thomas Nortoun, soune and air to wmquhill Andro Nortoun,     #
nebour of
the said burgh, with consent of hus curatouris, protestit, in   #
presens of the
saidis provest, bailyeis, counsall and communite, beand present #
for the tyme,
that the seissin gevin be him of ane anwalrent of xx s. be yeir #
to Marion
Nortoun, hus fader sister, sould be on nane awail na tourne him #
to na preiudice
becaus he was within youitheid and of mynor aige, and for wder  #
diueris causis
that he hais to schaw.

[} [\14 JANUARY 1526-7.\] }]
   It was ordinit be the saidis provest and baillies that na    #
baicht be tane
out of the bakhows on to the tyme that ane of the baillies and  #
the dekin
weye the said baicht, and ilke bailye to keip the sammyn thar   #
houk about.

[} [\28 JANUARY 1526-7.\] }]
   The provest and baillies assignit Ritschart Narne, Robart    #
Arnot and
Allexander Watsoun, to mak compt and rakenyn of the stent       #
silver of the
caragh hors silver the tyme the Governour passit to the houst   #
to Ingland,
and to mak the said compt within xv dais.

[} [\1 MARCH 1526-7.\] }]
   Robart Law enterit to the fredoum of burgesry and gild,      #
under the aicht 
aucht and wount, and sall pay v li. of mony, ij li. of walx and #
the wyne; plegis
Anro Kar. And the said Robart hais granttit, gife thar happynis #
ony stenttis,
to stent with the nebowris of the said burgh efferand to hus    #
substance of hus
gaier, and sall scot and lot with the saidis nebowris quhen ony #
siclik cummis.
And als the provest, baillies, counssal and communite, beand    #
present for the
tyme, hais dispensit with the said Robart and liessant him to   #
ramane and
indoull without the said burgh or within, att hus plesour, he   #
stentand with the
saidis nebouris as said is.

[} [\3 JUNE 1527.\] }]
   Robart Spettal allegit and offerit to prefe with the spous   #
of wmquhill
Gilbart Johensoun and Jenot, hus douchter, that [{he{] com to   #
the said Gilbart,
he beand liand on hus deid bed and said to him in this maner:-  #
Gudman, it
is said that ye murmur me, sayand that I have doune yow gret    #
wrangis in the
<P 30> 
bigin apon your ground; and that the said Gilbart ansorit and   #
said:- I sa na 
thing tha of bot ye ar ane gud nebour.

[} [\15 JULY 1527.\] }]
   Johen Lam, youngar, was in amerciament for the wrangus byin  #
of v
scheip out of Johen of Yair hand eftir that the said Johen      #
servand had coft
tham and gevin ane plak of arlling.
   Johen of Yair gave to the aicht of Johen of Lam, eldir, in   #
the said fenssit
court, gife he callit him staik theife and commoun theife, and  #
the said Johen
Lam rafusit and wald nocht mak facht of the sammyn; and than    #
the said
Johen of Yair protestit that it sould nocht hourt him na hus    #
fredoume to call
the said Johen Lam befoir ane speretual juge or jugis.

[} [\23 JULY 1527.\] }]
   The lard of Lany enterit Robart Dowgal to the said provest   #
and ballies
in ane fenssit court and the said Robart was put in the stokis.

[} [\6 OCTOBER 1527.\] }]
   It was statut and ordinit be the provest, baillies, counssal #
and communite,
that na persoun na personis, nowder to broucht na land, by ony  #
meil in the
mercat in gret to gife in for thar ferme or tend to ony gyrnnal #
on to the tyme
that all nebowris and indoullaris within the said burgh be      #
servit, undir the
pane of asschetin of samekle as is coft and the profet tharof   #
to be gevin to
the Rud wark.
   It is statut and ordinit that ane offisar keip the mercat on #
the mercat
day that na sek with meil be opynnit on to xj houris.
   Item, that na persoun bringand meil to the mercat to selland #
hus meil,
met na misour the said meil bot with the met loumis of the      #
custumaris,
bayth pece and fourllat.
   Item, that na fleschour sall have bot four penneis for       #
brekin of ane mairt 
and ij d. for ane young beist.
   Item, that all flecht that cummis to the mercat to sell that #
is spoilyeit or
mauchit be prisit be ane pairt of fleschouris and wder nebowris #
indoullaris
within the said burgh.
   Item, that na persoun brekand fecht tak mair for the brekin  #
of ane
salmond bot j d.
<P 31>
   It is statut and ordinit that na marchand that ocupiis       #
stapell gudis by
ony calfe skennis, kid skennis, na skalding skennis, under the  #
pane of ane
wnlaw onforgevin.
   And elyekwys, it is statut and ordinit that na skennar       #
within the fredoum
of the said burgh by ony woll skennis, wnder the pane of viij   #
s. als oft
as tha can be apprehendit.
   Item, it is ordinit that na cordinaris that is na gild       #
brother by ony hidis,
that is to say sukin kow and drawin ox, to bark, or to dispon   #
ony wder way,
undir the pane of viij s. als oft as tha falt.

[} [\8 NOVEMBER 1527.\] }]
   The provest, baillies and communite, hais grantit, gife thar #
be ony persoun
within the fredoume of the said burgh that hais ony ma soumes   #
na twa,
that tha sall pay thar girs mail for samony ma as tha have na   #
the saidis twa
soumis to the persoun or persounis havand assedacioun of the    #
guid toune of
the samyn.

[} [\9 DECEMBER 1527.\] }]
   It was fundin be the inquist, nane discrepand, that wmquhill #
David
Wilsoun was nocht the caus of hus awin deid and that he slew    #
nocht him
selfe, and that he was wesyit with siknes, and ane aild waik    #
man, and passand
to do his nedis and fell befoir hus awin dour and could nocht   #
recower na help
him selfe for waiknes, and thar haistely weseit with God.

[} [\3 FEBRUARY 1527-8.\] }]
   (\Assisa\): [^NAMES^]
   Robe Patonsoun was convict be the foirsaid assis for the     #
brekin of Agnes
Langis bouit, and for the brekin of Allexander Watson bouit,    #
and the brekin
of William Wyeissis bouit, and the brekin of Thom Jarva bouit,  #
and the 
brekin Thom M'Calpyis bouit, and the brekin of William Cossour  #
sellar, and
for the brekin of divers and syndry sellaris and baernis, and   #
for the thiftuis
steillin of diveris and syndry merchandice and wder stoufe,     #
that is to say, blak
clayth, quhit clayth, lynnyn clayth, holand clayth, hardin,     #
sewin silk, pepper,
saferin, bartane cammes, woull, yarne, walx, quhit bred, aiell, #
flour, bair, benis,
salt salmond, salt byeif, and diveris and syndry uder gair; the #
quhilk he maid
opyn confessioun of, opynly in the said fenssit court, in       #
presens of the saidis
<P 32>
provest, baillies, counssall and communite, beand present for   #
the tyme; the
quhilk the said Robart broucht the instrumentis and war present #
the tyme that
he was forjuget, that is to say, ane coultyr of ane ploucht,    #
ane kee of ane pyp
lok, ane ke of ane throucht lok and thre croukit irnis.  The    #
said Robart grantit, in
presens, that ane woman callit Esabell Gray, doulland in        #
Lynlythqw, tuk fra
him of Agnes Lang gair, the nycht efter that he brak the said   #
Agnes bouit,
thre ellis of holand clayth, viij ellis of hardin and ane bourd #
of ane belt, and
that he tuk never penne na penny wourcht for the said gair fra  #
the said
Esabell; the quhilk he tuk on his sauil opynly befoir all man   #
thair beand
present; [\that he sold four ells to "ane honest man callit     #
Stene of Carinbe 
dowlland in Lowdeane" for 28 s.; and\] that he saild all the    #
remanent of the
said Agnes gair that he staw owt of hir bouit opynly in         #
Edinburgh
on the
mercat day, the quhilk he tuk on his sawill.

[} [\30 MARCH 1528.\] }]
   James Watsoun is souerte that Andro Lyeisman sall have       #
justice of
William Gillaspy on the [\blanco\] day of Aprile in the Queinis #
grace court of
Strivelingshire to be haldin in the tolbouit of Striveling be   #
hir bailye or 
factouris.
   It is ordinit and statut be the saidis provest and baillies  #
that na bailye
rasaife ane resignation of ony land or landis within the        #
fredoum of the said
burgh bot that Sir William Litstar be notar to the sammyn, gife #
he be in the
said burgh or may be apprehendit.

[} [\27 JULY 1528.\] }]
   It was sufficiently provit be Johen of Schaw, bakstar, and   #
Thomas
Symontoun that Andro Legat coft ane hors fra Andro Davesoun for #
xxx s. and
ane quart of aiell, without ony condicioun or restriccioun, and #
the said Andro
Legat in amerciament efter the forme of the borgh.

[} [\7 AUGUST 1528.\] }]
   Master Robart Galbracht, prolocutour for Sir William         #
Symsoun, chaplane
of Sanc Lawrens altar fundit and situat within the parocht kirk #
of the
said burgh, producit and schew ane fundacioun of the said       #
altar, makand
mentioun quhar Sanc Lawrance Croft was gevin to the said altar  #
and to the
chaplane tharof for the tyme.
<P 33>
   The provest and baillies commandit James Lam, seriand, to    #
pas to twa
rigis lyand on the norch est part of the croft of Sanc Lawrance #
callit Sanc
James rigis, and arrest all the cornes now growand on tham to   #
the instance of
Sir William Symsoun, chaplane of Sanc Lawrance altar, becaus    #
the said Sir
William allegit that the saidis twa rigis pertenis to Sanc      #
Lawrance altar, eftir
the forme and tenor of hus fundacioun.

[} [\5 OCTOBER 1528.\] }]
   It was fundin be the said inquist that Sir Johen Hountter    #
is lipyr and
hais byne delatit in thre or four heid courtis of befoir, and   #
that he sould
be put to ane desert without the burgh, as lypir men hes wsit   #
to be demanit
in tymis bypast, for danger that ma incur eftirwart.
   Sir James Lokart was delatit be the said inquist that he was #
lipyr.
   It is ordinit be the said inquist that the baillies sall     #
caus all metloumis,
pyntis, quhartis and chopynnis, to cum to the tolbouit and met  #
and misour
the sammyn, and quhar tha ar faltius to refourme tham as        #
efferis.
   Item, it is statut and ordinit be the foirsaid inquist, and  #
proclamit opynly
at the mercat cors of the said burgh, that all martis young     #
and aild, all muttoun
and syen, sall be had to the Bakraw to be saild and nocht to    #
ramane nor stand
on the hee mercat gait, and that the offisaris caus the sam to  #
be keipit.
   Item, it is statut and ordinit that na flechour nor wderis   #
tak mair nor
iiij d. for the brekin of ane mart and twa d. for brekin of ane #
young best.
   Item, it is opynly proclemit at the mercat cros that ony     #
fleschour bringand
muttoun to the mercat to sell that he bring the heid with the   #
sammyn,
under the pane of asschetin of the muttoun.

[} [\19 OCTOBER 1528.\] }]
   The saidis baillies and counssal beand present for the tyme  #
hais gevin
the office of common clarkschip of the said burgh to Robyne     #
Cunnyngham for
hus gud and sufficient serves to be doune be him and as         #
requiris to sic a
burgh, and he to fynd sufficient causion for the sammyn.

[} [\13 NOVEMBER 1528.\] }]
   The provest, baillies, counssal and communite, beand for the #
tyme, hais
grantit and gevin the commoun clarkschip of the said burgh to   #
Sir William
<P 34>
Litstar, chaplane, for ane yeir and forthir induring thar will, #
and Archibald
Dausoun to be substitut in the tyme.
   Peter Diksoun and Wille Talyour, allies Klafling, war banyst #
this forsaid
toun and syorne nevir to cum within the fredoum of the samyn,   #
and hais
grantit gife tha can be apprehendit within the saidis bundis to #
be tane and
hangit without doum or law.

[} [\18 JANUARY 1528-9.\] }]
   It was fundin be the said inquist that Sir Johen Hunttar,    #
chaplane, is
liper and Sir James Lokart.
   It was statut and ordinit that na persoun nor personis set   #
out ony
chemnayis with fyeir to kendill on the hee gait for danger to   #
cum tharof,
under the pane of viij s. and the brekin of the chemnay.

[} [\25 FEBRUARY 1528-9.\] }]
   Duncan Patonsoun offerit the compt of wmquhill David Crag,   #
thesawrar
to his gud toune, and the buk tharof, to Johen Ackyne and       #
Allexander Watsoun
to be in thar keipin on to the tyme that the saidis coumptis    #
war futtit
befoir the saidis provest, baillies and counsall, of the said   #
burgh.
   Patric Clark, servand to our Soverane Lord the King,         #
presentit ane
writtin of the Kingis grace to the provest and baillies of the  #
said burgh and
requirit tham to put the sammyn to execussioun.

[} [\5 APRIL 1529.\] }]
   Sir Johen Hounttar, chaplane, was fundin liper be the said   #
inquist and
nocht sponsible to ramane with haill pepill. Sir James Lokart   #
was fundin
lypyr. 
   
[} [\13 APRIL 1529.\] }]
   Pate Fyndelosoun was convicit be ane conding assis for the   #
creuall
slakter of Johen Hammiltoun, soune and air to the lard of       #
Perdowy.   

[} [\21 JUNE 1529.\] }]
   Thir ar the nyemis of the hukstaris that ar ragratouris, as  #
is allegit, and
tha have fundin souerte for tyme to cum to keip the statutis:-  #
James Lam
souerte for Cristan Hendersoun; Cristan Hendersoun for hir      #
moder; [\here
follow sureties for other twenty-five women.\]
<P 35>
   Item, it is statut and ordinit that nane of thir fornemmit   #
hukstaris, na
nane uderis within the fredoume of the said burgh, by ony fycht #
quhill xj
howris befoir noun, na fra xij howris quhill sex at ewin. 
Alssya, that nane of
tham by butter, cheis, egis, foullis, corne, haye, foder, to    #
tap agane apon
nebowris, wnder the pane of the wnlaw of viij s. onforgevin.



<B SREC1B> 
<Q SC1 STA REC CARNWATH> 
<N CARNWATH BARONY CT> 
<A X> 
<C SC1> 
<O DATE 1523-1524> 
<M MEDIUM MS/H1> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T LOCAL RECORD> 
<G X> 
<F X> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X X> 
<Y X> 
<H X> 
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I FORMAL> 
<Z STAT> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
 


[^CARNWATH BARONY COURT BOOK, 1523-1542. HM REGISTER HOUSE, SRO
RH 3/10/892.
EDITED BY KEITH WILLIAMSON, INSTITUTE FOR HISTORICAL DIALECTOLOGY,
EDINBURGH, MARCH 1995.
IN THIS EDITION, NOTICE THE USE OF HYPHENS TO COMBINE ELEMENTS IN
PROPER NOUNS, THE RELATIVE CONSTRUCTION (E.G. the-q=lk=), ETC.
THE TWO HANDS USED ARE IDENTIFIED BY H1 (HAND 1) AND H2 (HAND 2);
SEE PARAMETERS ABOVE.

SAMPLE 1: 23 JAN 1523/4, F1R (H1)
SAMPLE 2: 13 NOV 1523, F1R-F1V (H1)
SAMPLE 3: 23 JAN 1523/4, F1V-F2V (H1)
SAMPLE 4: 20 MAY 1527, F43R-F44R (H2)^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P F1R>
[\f1r\]
[}23 JAN 1523/4}] 

The-q=lk= day Iame-greg callit & no=t= co~perit in m~seme~t of  #
my l court
for falt of entres 
   Pate-vilsoun & myldowr-howeson dolait ye-q=lk= day           #
Iohn-copland callit
& no=t= co~perit i~ m~seme~t of my l court for falt of entres   #
as to ye secund court 
   The-q=lk= day al ye te~na~d~ in newbiggi~ callit & no=t=     #
co~perit i~ m~seme~t of
my l court for falt of entres as to ye nixt court  
   ville-vilsoun & h~ vyf [\DELETION\] dolait to ye nixt court   
   wille-gram~ borcht for rob-gram~ dolait to ye nixt cowrt   
   twa sowmis set to my lord gangand In ye grenis & my l vill   #
tak yai~ & 
gyf he vil no=t= ye me~ y=t= yai vald haif [\BLANK\] to slay    #
yai~ [\INSERTED ABOVE LINE\] as ye stilis 
of ye vitsonday court 
   ye i~queist find~ ye vij me~ In ye vrang 

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P F1R>
[\f1r\]
[}13 NOV 1523}]

The-q=lk= day my lord folloit in court all ye te~na~d~ of       #
q=d=que~ for ye  
gangin vi=t= y~ corn fra h~ mill ye-q=lk= day yai haif brokin   #
ye stilis of  
my lord~ vitsonday court 
<P F1V> 
[\f1v\] The-q=lk= day besse-eld~ ye spous of Ihon-baxstar       #
oft-tymis callit & 
no=t= co~perit Is i~ m~seme~t of my lord~ court for falt of     #
entres~ as to  
ye first court  
   The-q=lk= day my l folloit in court ye gud-vyf of mossat for # 
ye non-furnissin 
of ane cariage in-to ye king~ veris for ye-Q=lk= he gart reist 
ye gudd~ on ye grownd & [\the goods\] Is vn-lowsit +git for     #
ye-q=lk= he hef folloit 
hyr for ye brekin dolait to ye nixt court 
of ye said fence ye i~queist ordanit ye gud-vyf to put hir in   #
my lord~ vill 
   The-q=lk= day my l folloit i~ court Ihon-farle oft-tymis     #
callit & no=t= c~perit  
for ye brekin of h~ fens ye i~queist ca~ no=t= quit hi~ of ye   #
brekin of ye fens
   The-q=lk= day Iohn-pu~fra folloit in court andro-Ihonston    #
oft-tymis callit & 
   no=t= co~perit for ye vrangus takin fra hi~ of ane ox 
   The inqueist fynd~ ye ox testit gud  
   The-q=lk= day Iohn of twodell & Ihon of Dy=t=mu~t folloit ye #
land  
of ye newk for-to rekky~ [\SCORED THROUGH\] releif [\INSERTED   #
ABOVE LINE\] yai~ of ye borrowis y=t= yai war for               #
Iohn-som~w=ell=
to kat~in ye spous of vil-som~well 
   ye i~queist dolais yis mat~ quhil yai be 
ferder avyssit & speir ye man~ 

<S SAMPLE 3>
<P F1V>
[}23 JAN 1523/4}]
[\f1v\]
The-q=lk= day robert l maxwell oft-tymis callit & no=t=         #
co~perit i~ m~seme[{nt{] 
of my lord~ court fo=r= falt of p~ns as for ye heid court for   #
h~ la~d~ of ab~... [\EDGE OF FOLIO LOST\]
   The-q=lk= day ye laird of inn~grana~ oft-tymis callit &      #
no=t= co~perit 
Is i~ m~seme~t of my l court for falt of entres as to ye heid   #
court 
<P F2R> 
   [\f2r\] The-q=lk= day vil-Inglis of he~schelwod oft-tymis    #
callit & no=t= co~p=e=rit
Is i~ m~seme~t of my lord~ court for falt of entres~ as he at   #
held vp h~ hand 
y~-to as for ye first court
   The-q=lk= day elesabeth-ha~myltoun oft-tymis callit &        #
no=t= co~perit Is in 
m~seme~t of my l court for falt of entres as scho y=t= fand     #
borrowis y~-to 
& yis Is for ye first court
   [\NAMES OF THE INQUEST\] The-q=lk= day thom-Iust~            #
oft-tymis callit & no=t= co~perit i~ m~seme~t 
of my lord~ court for falt of entres of sy~me-brown as for ye   #
first 
court [\BLANK\] mychell-thomson borcht for Ihon-veir dolait
   The-q=lk= day Ihon of snaip folloit i~ [\INSERTED\] court    #
thom-vintnar for ye brekin 
of ane hous~ of h~ & takin away of ye ty~mer y~-of Dolait to    #
nixt 
& [\the inquest\] ordanis Ihon of snaip to bring h~ preiff~     #
to ye nixt court Dolait 
   The-q=lk= day symond-snaip oft-tymis callit & no=t= co~perit #
Is i~ m~seme~t of my lord~ court for falt of entres as to ye    #
first court til he haif 
ansverit to thom-vintnar 
   The-q=lk= day vil-vatson eld~ i~ cersvell oft callit & no=t= #
co~perit Is in 
iij m~seme~t~ of my l court for falt of entres till haif        #
ansverit to thre 
syndry p~teis ane vas til ye laird of Iarisvod ane-vd~ to ye ij #
valkar~
ye thrid to ansver to Daue-makcarmu~d as to ye first court 
<P F2V> 
   [\f2v\] The-q=lk= day ye laird of Iarisvod folloit i~ court  # 
vil-vatsoun & he e~t~it 
no=t= & ye laird of Iarisvod dosyrit at my lord to proced       #
c~sid~and at it vas 
stowth & reif & my lord put furth ye p~ty put it on ane         #
int~loq~to~ of ye haill 
court ye haill court ordanit to be tan~ sykar sou~te y=t= y~    #
suld sa-mekill 
furth cu~and to ye nixt court & ya~ to a~sver [\DELETION\]      # 
ye-q=lk= day ye i~queist ordanit [\END DELETED\]
   The-q=lk= day ye i~queist ordanit vill-vatsoun~ to pay       #
iij-s~ to valkar~ for 
ye ska=t= vas fund doun~ to ye hous~ 
   The-q=lk= day lowre-vawcht [\DELETION\] folloit              #
costa~tyn-thomsoun~ [\SIC\] xxj-s~ for iij f~lott~ of ber 
as malt +geid derest & vd~ iij f~lott~ of ber ix-s~ & y=t= he   #
gra~t~ & he gra~t~ 
ij-s~ for iiij +gow~ mylk & xiiij-d of silu~ gra~tit & ye       #
i~queist ordanis ye 
said costa~tyn to gyf ye said lowre ba=t= iij f~lott~ of ber~   # 
as it gang~ now 
& yai ordand lowre of law ij-s~ to costa~tyn for h~ sowm         
   The-q=lk= day Iame-kello folloit in court thom-som~well &  
for ye ij geis~ dolait & ordanis thom-som~well to bring ye ij   #
preiff~ to ye 
kyrk of q=d=que~ befor robert-chanslar or quha~ my l vil ordan   
   The-q=lk= day my lord folloit helin-chanslar for ye brekin   #
of h~ fens & 
scho abse~tit hir & Is i~ m~seme~t of my l court for falt of    #
entres 
as ye first court 
   The-q=lk= day helin-chanslar oft-tymis callit & no=t=        #
co~perit Is i~ m~seme~t 
of my l court for falt of entres as to ye first court to haif   #
a~suerit 
to robert-chanslar 
   The-q=lk= day my lord folloit thome-vatson 
ye i~queist ca~ no=t= fynd ye offesar vas forfet 
   The-q=lk= day ville-gram~ oft-tymis callit & no=t= co~perit  #
Is i~ m~seme~t of my 
l court for falt of entres of robe-gram~ h~ brud~ & Is borch to #
ye nixt 
court to ent~ hy~ 
[\COURT CONTINUES ON F3R\]

<S SAMPLE 4>

<Q SC1 STA REC CARNWATH>
<N CARNWATH BARONY CT>
<A X>
<C SC1>
<O DATE 1527>
<M MEDIUM MS/H2>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LOCAL RECORD>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X X>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN>
<E X>
<J X>
<I FORMAL>
<Z STAT>

<P F43R>
[}20 MAY 1527}]

[\f43r\] (\apud siluam de couthelle\) [\NAMES OF THE INQUEST\]  #
ITheme 
in ye first my lord ordanis and c~feirmes all stillis &         #
statuttis 
maid be him i~ his last vetsonday curt and vy~ curtt~ by-gane   #
till be 
keipit and admitit and siklik in yis vetsonday curt w=t= sik    #
adicionis as 
he Thinkis exspedient to be eikit y~-to
   The-q=lk= day Iame-purde followit dawe-morpet for ye         #
wrangws  
distrucione of his corne i~ de-falt of ye vphalding of his      #
dik ye 
said dauid-morpet followit ye said Iames-purde for ye           #
distrucione 
of his corne i~ defalt of his dik i~ lykwice ye Inqueist        #
fynd~ 
thame bay=t= i~ ye wit of yair dikis & ordanis ilk-ane to       #
meid 
vy~ y~ skaith ilk-ane of thame is i~ ane m~ciment of ye curt    #
for ye 
samy~ & dome gevin y~vpone 
   The-quhilk day Ionat-loug-ane followit will-courttas for     #
ye 
wrangus taking & w=t=-halding of ane hewing ax ye said          #
vill
courtass said he did it at ye c~mand of ye berla-men ye         #
Inqueist 
ordanis ye berla-men to deliu~ [\the\] woma~ hir ax agane &     #
he [\is\] i~ ane 
m~ciment of ye court for ye samy~ & dome gevin y~vpone           
   The-quhilk day Ihone of dechtmont followit Ihone-vatsone     #
will-courttas dauide-eldar for ye wrangus taking of ane pot     #
fra him ye Inqueist o~danis ye said porssonis to deliu~
him his pot agane and he to pay it at tha wald mak fai=t= 
he was awand
<P F43V>
   [\f43v\] The-quhilk day thome-semsone followit Ihone of wod  #
for 
ye wrangus taking of his meir & laing laidis on hir at his
awin hand ye said Ihone deniyt [\BLANK\] ye Inqueist fynd~ 
at he Intrometit w=t= his meir and o~danis him to pay xij-d     #
to 
to [\SIC\] ye said thom-semsone y~for ye said Ihone of wod is   #
i~ ane m~ciment 
of ye curt and dome gevin y~-vpone 
   The-quhilk day thomas-schesle followit i~ curt Ihone of      #
tuodell 
in carnwy=t= for ye wrangus lauburing & w=t=halding fra him
of ane reg of land i~ his croft & of ane-vy~ pece of land i~    #
his 
hauc p~tenand to him & of his malling y=t= he payit malle for
ye-quhilk land he w=t=hald fra him wrangusly be ye space
of xvj +geiris by-gane and sowmis his skaith y~of ilk +geir     #
to iij 
boll~ of aitt~ w=t= ye mair ye-qlk land ye said                 #
thomas-schesle alegit
& said vas areistit be will+geme-elddar my lordis officar at ye 
c~mand of his pressep qlk [\DELETION\] reistment vas maid       #
befoir  
candillmes at last vas y=t= ye said Ihone of tuodell suld no=t= #
laubur 
ye said reg of land in ye croft & ye pece land in ye hauce
till ye ry=t= y~of war dissidit y~of be ye ny=t=buris ye-qlk    #
ye  
said Ihone of tuodell had dissabayit & lauburit ye samy~ 
land wrangusly ye reistment vnlousit qlk he may no=t= deny 
and ye said thomas-schesle disirit y=t= he my=t= be rastorit    #
to ye land 
y=t= p~tenit to his malling y=t= he payit malle for and at he   #
my=t= be
payit of ye skaith of ye +geiris bygane ye said Ihone of        
tuodell anssurit and denyt y=t= he had ony land of his o~ at    #
p~tenit 
to his malling o~ lauburit ony land bot it at p~tenit to
his awne malling & offirit & was c~tentit y=t= vas sene be  
ye ny=t=buris & ye Inqueist quhilk Inqueist pasit fortht 
of curt & callit diu~s~ wetnes and diu~s~ of y~ ny=t=buris
qlk was suorne i~ Iugment & y~eft~ come befoir ye said 
Inqueist to be sene & c~sedirit quhome to ye saidis land 
p~tenit ye-qlk wetnes & ny=t=buris declarit befoir ye said 
Inqueist & preif be y~ greit aith y=t= ye said reg of croft
land & but of hauce land p~tenit to ye said thomas-schesleis
malling and at he had ry=t= y~to & it was wrangusly 
haldin fra him and at he was skaitit [\SIC\] +geirly ij 
bollis of aitt~ w=t= ye mair throw ye vantting of ye 
said land be ye-qlk preifis & ny=t=buris & [\DELETION\] vy~     # 
diu~s~ 
ressonis ye said Inqueist beand ryply awysit come 
in court agane & deliu~it all i~ ane wos~ be ye mouth 
of Ihone-browne schancellar of ye Inqueist yat ye said 
Ihone of tuodell had done wrang i~ lauburing & w=t=halding      #
of ye said reg of croft land & but of hauc land 
<P F44R>
[\f44r\] fra ye said thomas-schesle and suld restor & deliu~ ye #
samy~ 
agane to him & als suld rafownd c~tent & pay to ye said 
thomas-schesle ij boll~ of aitt~ for ilk +geir of ye xvj        #
+geiris 
bygane o~ ye price y~of of ye-qlk deliu~ance ye baill+ge gart 
geif dome y=t= ye said Ihone of tuodell was i~ ane m~ciment 
of ye curt for ye samy~ & y~vpone gaif dome i~ dew form 
as afferit y~eft~ ye said thomas-schesle askit ye rolment 
of ye curt i~ Iugment qlk was grantit 







<B SREC1C> 
<Q SC1 STA REC EDINB> 
<N EDINBURGH RECORDS> 
<A X> 
<C SC1> 
<O DATE 1540-1551> 
<M MEDIUM MS> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T LOCAL RECORD> 
<G X> 
<F X> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X X> 
<Y X> 
<H X> 
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I FORMAL> 
<Z STAT> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^EXTRACTS FROM THE RECORDS OF THE BURGH OF EDINBURGH, 
1403-1589. ED. J.D. MARWICK. VOL. II. 
SCOTTISH BURGH RECORDS SOCIETY.
EDINBURGH 1871.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 104.1-105.25 
SAMPLE 2: PP. 111.1-111.10 
SAMPLE 3: PP. 115.8-116.30 
SAMPLE 4: PP. 128.1-128.20 
SAMPLE 5: PP. 136.6-137.8 
SAMPLE 6: PP. 143.4-143.26
SAMPLE 7: PP. 151.24-153.8^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 104>
[} [\14 MARCH 1540-1.\] }]

   Item, tuiching the reparationis and mending of difformyteis  #
within the
town of Edinburgh, and specialie quhair thair is commoun        #
passagis and enteressis, 
quhairby all strangearis and vtheris our Souerane Lordis        #
liegis passis
and repassis, it is thocht expedient, and als it is ordanit,    #
that the provest,
baillies, and counsale of Edinburgh gar warne and charge all    #
maner of personis
that hes ony landis biggings and waistis vpoun the west syde    #
of Leith Wynde,
that thai within yere and day big and repare honestlie thair    #
saidis waistis
and ruynous housis, and that thai begin to the samin within     #
thre monethis,
and that thai end the samyn within yere and day, or ellis sell  #
the samin to
vtheris to be biggit within the said space; and to charge       #
thame that ar knawin
personalie and all vtheris be oppin proclamatioun at the        #
merket croce of Edinburgh,
with certificatioun to thame and thai failye the saidis         #
provest and baillies
sall caus the saidis landis tenementis and waistis to be        #
apprisit and sall sell
the samin to ony that will by thame and pay the prices thairof  #
to the awnaris,
and giff na man will by thaim it salbe lefull to the saidis     #
provest and ballies
to cast doun the saidis waist landis and with the stuff and     #
stanis thairof big
ane honest substantious wall fra the port of the Nether Bow to  #
the Trinite
College; and it sall nocht be lefull in tymes cuming to ony     #
maner of persoun to
persew thame nor thair successouris thairfor nor pretend ony    #
rycht or enteres
thairto in tyme tocum, nowthir for the principale land nor for  #
anuellis awing
furth thairof. And becaus the est syde of the said wynde        #
pertenis to the abbot
and convent of Halyrudhous, it is ordanit that the baillies of  #
the Cannongait
gar siclik be done vpoun the said est syde. And als becaus of   #
the vilite that
cumis be slaying of flesche be the flescheouris, duelland on    #
the est syde and
temyng of interellis of beistis, generand corruptioun, it is    #
therefor ordanit that
the samin be forbidden be the provest and baillies of           #
Edinburgh and Cannongait,
vnder the pane of confiscatioun of all sic flesche slane be     #
thaim in maner
forsaid.
   Item, becaus the merkett of mele and vtheris wittalis off    #
the town of Edinburgh,
is commoun vpoun the hie gaitt to the sicht of all maner of     #
personis
strangearis and vtheris, and that ane multitude of vyle         #
vnhonest and meserable
creatouris convenis to the said merket daily to gett thair      #
sustentatioun and
<P 105>
leving; tharefore it is thocht expedient that the said meile    #
merkett be removit 
of the hie gaitt in sum honest ganand and convenient place      #
quhair the nychtbouris
of the said toun and vtheris the Kingis liegis may convene for  #
selling
and bying of sic vittales in tymes to cum.

[} [\2 APRIL 1541.\] }]

   The quhilk day, the prouest, baillies, and counsale of the   #
burgh of Edinburgh,
with the commissaris of burrois vnderwrittin, that ar to say,   #
the
comissaris of Aberdene, Perth, Striueling, Linlithqu, Dunde,    #
comperand
anent the materis concerning the commoun weill of the haill     #
burrois in the
Tolbuth of Edinburgh, and in speciall anent their stapill:      #
Consentis and
thinkis at the nixt mercat to pass to the port and toun in      #
Flandaris of the
Dukis landis that will gyf and grant to thame maist and         #
greitast priuelegis;
and gyf it war the Kingis Grace plesour erar to Myddilburgh     #
nor Campheir,
sua that the toun of Campheir grantit nocht nor gaif thame      #
larger priuelegis
nor Myddilburgh. And anent the doungetting of the xij. d. and   #
new
impositioun maid in France thairof upon ilk frank, consenttis   #
that gif ane
greit personage be directit fra the Kingis Grace to the King    #
of France for
doungetting of the saidis xij d., that they sall extent         #
thairfor as efferis;
and gyf ane personage of les degre beis directit, consenttis    #
till do thairin
as the burgh of Edinburgh, thay being referrit thairto; and     #
thinkis expedient
till advertice oure Souerane Lord for expeditioun in the        #
mater, because
it concernis the hale burrois and commoun weill thairof.

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 111>
[} [\4 OCTOBER 1542.\] }]
 
   It is statute and ordanit be, etc., That all maner of        #
persouns haifand
ony cruvis for swyne at thair stairis and sydewallis fornent    #
the hie streitt or in
commoun venellis, and siclyke that hes middings and fuilyie     #
collectit, or hes
tarbarrellis in the hie streitt, remoue the samyn incontinent   #
within six dayes
nixt heirafter, vnder the payne of xviij s. till be taikin but  #
favour and applyit
to the calsy; certefeand thame and thai failyie thairin, the    #
said xviij s. sall be
tayne of ilk ane of thame and applyit to the said calsay, and   #
thair said cruvis
cassin downe and destroyit with all rigour, thair fuilyie       #
disponit vpoun, and
thair tar barrell heidis strikin vp.

<S SAMPLE 3>
<P 115>
[} [\31 JANUARY 1543-4.\] }]

   The provest baillies and counsale havand consideratioun of   #
the greitt
frawde be the taverneris and vthers be thair wrang mesures and  #
mettage, and
for eschewing thairof in tyme cuming, hes statute and ordanit   #
that all nychtbures
within this burgh in tyme cuming fra this day furth haif        #
stowppis of
mesour with tawponis in the hals, merket with the townis merk   #
as vse is in
vther pairts, quhilk mark is devysit and gevin to Jhone         #
Maxtoun to be kepit
and vsit be him in tyme to cum as he will ansuer to the guid    #
towne, and that
nane tak vpoun hand to mak or feynyie the said mark and stowpis #
for breking
of guid ordour fra thyne furth, vnder the payne of spayning     #
fra the occupatioun,
bot that ilk nychtbour cum to the said Jhonis buith at the      #
heid of Halkerstouns
wynd quhen thai haif neid, and gett the same done be him and    #
na vthers, as he
will ansuer thairfore, and als that all taverneris within this  #
burgh in tyme cuming
sett the said stowppis of mesour to the pvnscheoun heid, and    #
fill the same
thairat, swa that na wyne be resauit be inmetting with          #
taverneris stowppis, and
that ilk nychtbour caus mak his stowppis in this maner be the   #
said Jhone
Maxtoun, vnder the payne of escheitt of thair stopis thai are   #
fund in vtherwayes,
to be applyitt to the baillies vse that apprehendis the same,   #
and vnder payne of
xl s. to be taikin of the tavernares gif thai failyie for       #
thair part. 

[} [\25 FEBRUARY 1543-4.\] }]
  
   It is statute and ordanit be the provest baillies and        #
counsale, that in tyme
cuming that thair be na clarett nor quhyte wyne be sawld        #
darrer than xvj d.
the pynt, als that the Romany wyne be sawld na darrer than for  #
ij s. the pynt,
<P 116>
and that the saidis wynis be nocht sawld priuatly bot commonly  #
till all our
Souerane Lordeis lieges, vnder the payne of escheitt of all     #
the wynis being in the
taverne quhair sic wynis ar sawld or in hiddillis. 

[} [\23 MARCH 1544-5.\] }]

   It is statute and ordanit that na maner of persoun by ony    #
malt in this
merkett without thai be fremen of this towne, and to brew to    #
serue the Quenis
grace lieges, and nocht to regraitt the samyn, vnder the payne  #
of escheitt of the
stufe in the byaris hands gif thai can be apprehendit doand in  #
the contrair.

[} [\1 JUNE 1545.\] }]

   It is statute and ordanit be the prouest baillies and        #
counsale, that all
maner of persouns that hes ony pleyis to persew or defend       #
before the saidis
prouest and baillies, that thai be reddy in the tolbuith        #
betuix xj houris befoir
none, with certificatioun and the compleiner be nocht reddy     #
and gif in his bill
at that hour he sall nocht be hard for that day, and gif the    #
defendare be reddy
to ansuer at the call he sall be vnlawet and pay his vnlaw,     #
without favour,
according to the lawes of the burgh, and gif the persewer and   #
defender be puir
and may nocht pay the vnlaw thai sall be pvnist in thair        #
persouns. 

[} [\9 JUNE 1545.\] }]

   It is statute and ordanit be the prouest baillies and        #
counsale, that all maner
of baxteris dwelland outwith this burgh baik thair breid guid   #
and sufficient
stufe weill baikin and dryit, and at thair ij d. laif wey xxj   #
vnce, and the iiij d.
laif xlij vnce, vnder the pane of escheitt of the samyn, and    #
at nane bring breid
to the merkatt to sell bot penny breid, iiij d. breid, vj d.,   #
viij d., and xij d. breid,
vnder the pane of escheitt of the samyn, and at nane bring      #
insufficient stufe to
the merkatt to sell, vnder the said paine. 

   That na maner of browster nor dry topster within this burgh  #
sell ony
darrer aills nor now is sawld, viz. for ij d. the pynt, vnder   #
the pane of banessing 
the towne.

<S SAMPLE 4>
<P 128>
[} [\11 JULY 1547.\] }]
 
   GUBERNATOR: Prouest and bailleis of the burgh of Edinburgh   #
we
greit yow hertlie wele: Forsamekle as we wrait to yow of        #
befoir desyring yow
to superseid all calling and proceding crymenalie aganis Adame  #
Liddale, for
the slauchter of vmquhile William Quhit, quhil he wer habill    #
to travell to the
tolbuith without danger of his lif be his woundis; at the       #
desyre of the quhilkis 
writtingis ye haif supersedit the said Adame bot quhill         #
Tyisday nixtocum;
Heirfor we exhort and prayis yow rycht effectuislie, and als    #
requires and
chargeis yow and siclik our Souerane Ladeis iustices iustice    #
clerkis and thair
deputis, that ye and thai desist and ceis fra all calling and   #
proceding aganis the
said Adame Liddall for the said slauchter vnto the last day of  #
Julii instant,
that in the meintyme it may be knawn quhither he de or mend of  #
his woundis,
ye takand sufficient cautioun and souertie that the said Adame  #
sall nocht
eschew nor be taken away be his freindis in the meintyme in     #
hindering of
justice, dischargeing yow the saidis provest and bailleis and   #
our saidis our Souerane
Ladeis iustice iustice clerkis and thair deputis all            #
vtherwayis of all proceding 
aganis the said Adame for the said slauchter, and of your and   #
thair
offices in that pairt respectiue be thir our letteres quhill    #
the said day: Subscriuit
with our hand and vnder our signet, at Linlythgow the xj day    #
of Julii,
the yeir of God j=m= v=c= and xlvii yeiris,
JAMES G.
[} [\20 JULY 1547.\] }]

   It is statute and ordanit that all irne that beis inbrocht   #
to this port of
Leyth be brocht vp to the Ovir Trone and weyit thairat in tyme  #
cuming,
vnder the payne of escheitt of the irne that beis fundin weyit  #
in Leyth or
vthers pairts by the said trone.

<S SAMPLE 5>
<P 136>
The said Walter Young, tutor forsaid for himself and in name    #
and behalf
of the said Katerine his pupill, nammit and chesit Jhone Hart   #
induellar of the
Canogate besyde Edinburgh, and Thomas Boyis baxtar and burges   #
of Edinburgh,
for thaim of that ane part, and the said Henry Watson for       #
himself and the
said Jonet his spous, nemmit and chesit James Brown of the      #
West Port, and
Mychaell Henrison baxter, burgessis of Edinburgh, for thaim on  #
the vther part,
to apprise to arschip gudis wnderwrittin pertenyng to the said  #
Katrine threw
the deceis of vmquhill Jhone Young hir fader, now presentlie    #
beying in the saidis
Henry and Jonet handis and possessioun. Quhilkis personis and   #
appresarris forsaidis
respectiue with consent of baith the saidis parteis wer sworn   #
in thar presens
to lelyle and trewlie apprise the samyn gudis, and the parteis  #
inlykwys to
abyde thairatt and appresit the samyn as followis: In the       #
fyrst ane gray
hors to x merkis, ane blak bonet lynit with taffytye, and ane   #
pair of blak
hoys to xvi s., ane blak Spanye cloyk of France blak to iiii    #
libris, ane schort
coitt of Inglis grene to x s., ane dowblott of blak fustane to  #
xii s., ane sark v s.,
ane lynnyng burdclath and ane towell, iii s, vi d., ane buyrd   #
and from stule
and rowndale xlviii s., ane langsadill v s., ane irne chymnay   #
with rakkis cruke
tangis and speitt xlv s., ane stand bed with bowster scheittis  #
blankettis cod
couerlet and rufe lii s., ilk pund wecht of the best brasin     #
pott gardyng chandlar
and pan to xv d., ilk pund wecht of tin of the best chargeour   #
seruice plaite
conterfutt dysche trunscheour quart pynte and chopyn stowpis    #
of tyn to xx d.,
the best kyst to xvi d., ane meit almarye to xiiii s., ii       #
tubbis xii d., ane bathsket
with windinclaith syf ryddill sek and peyk x s., ane harro      #
sled hemmis and
carsadill iiii s., ane ryddyng sadill and ane laid sadill to    #
xx s., ane irne graip
and ferlott vii s., ane flesche fatt ane quheill and ane pair   #
of cardis to v s.
And thairefter the said Walter Young protestit in name and      #
behalf forsaid
that the said apprysing hurt nocht nor did na preiudice to the  #
said Katerine
and him incais thai mycht preif ony mair airschip gudis quhilk  #
aucht to pertene
to the said Katerine threw hir said faderis deceis or yit vther #
better
<P 137>
arschip gudis than the forsaidis gudis abon appresit, bott      #
that thai mycht call
thairfore tyme and place competent as law will. And thairefter  #
the said Henry
for himself and the said Jonet his spous offerit him than       #
presentlie reddye
to deliuer the saidis arschip gudis abon appresit to the said   #
Walter tutor
forsaid he fyndand him sufficient cautioun thairfore that in    #
cais ony skaith
or danger hapinit tharthrew in tyme cumyng that the samyn be    #
imputt to
the said Walter and nocht to him or his said spous, or that     #
thai be nocht
oblist to ansuer thairfore fra this tyme furth. (\Super quibus  #
dictus Walterus
et Henricus nominibus quibus supra hinc inde petiierunt a me    #
notario instrumentum.
Acta infra locum habitationis dicti Henrici situatum extra      #
portam
occidentalem burgi de Edinburgh in suburbanis eiusdem horam     #
circiter xii in
meridie anno ut supra: Testibus Joanne Henryson, Alexandro      #
Mason, et
magistro Thoma Young notario publico.\)

<S SAMPLE 6>
<P 143>
[} [\23 NOVEMBER 1548.\] }]

   The maltmen for breking warde adiugeit be avyse of the       #
assessoris to pay
ilk ane iij li., to remayne in warde quhill mess, and thai to   #
offer to the hie
altare ilk ane ane walx candill of ane quarter wecht to St      #
Geill, to ask the
provest baillies and counsale forgifenes, to pay the vnlaw or   #
thai cum furth
with the lv s. vnlaw contenit in the statutes or fynd souerty   #
actit.

   It is statute and ordanit be the prouest baillies and        #
counsale that ane
baillie or ma pas with the officeris and discharge all maner    #
of regratouris and
vthers within this burgh to by butter cheis eggis frute fische  #
hering or siclyke
stufe to sell agane, except swa mony as ar fremen, fremenis     #
wyffes, and beis
admittit be the guid towne, and sall find souerty actit in the  #
buikis for keping
of the statutes of the towne, vnder the payne of escheitt of    #
the stufe that beis
apprehendit bocht be ony vthers and pvnissioun of thair         #
persouns, and that na
frute wyffes stand on the hie gaitt bot on the mercat dayes,    #
vnder the paynes
foresaidis.

[} [\24 NOVEMBER 1548.\] }]

   For eschewing of pest seiknes and evill savour that all      #
persouns haiffand
middings mwk and fuilyie in the Hie gaitt, Kowgait, or commoun  #
venellis; and
siclyke all persouns haiffand brynt landis or fallin downe      #
caus clenge and carie
away the filth thairin betuix this and Thurisday nixttocum and  #
thairafter to
steik vp in massie wall the durris and windois of thair said    #
brynt land to the
effect that na filth be gadderit thairin vnder the payne of xl  #
s. to be tane of
ilk persoun that failyeis heirin, but favouris.

<S SAMPLE 7>
<P 151>
[} [\24 FEBRUARY 1550-1.\] }]

   The baillies and counsale ordanis the butter mercatt to be   #
in the fleschous
quhill the Passioun owlk nixttocum, be ressoun that the samyn   #
is regraittet
quhair it is now.

[} [\25 FEBRUARY 1550-1.\] }]

   We do yow to witt: Forswamekill as thair is ane act of       #
parliament maid
<P 152>
be vmquhill our Souerane Lord of guid mynd that last            #
deceissit, quhome God
assolyie, ratefeand and apprevand the acts of parliament maid   #
be vmquhill King
James the Thrid and King James the Ferd, quhome God assoilyie,  #
twicheand
merchands passand furth of the realme with merchandice to       #
France, Flanderis,
or ony vther pairts, that na merchand saill without he haif     #
half ane last of guids
of his awin, or ellis in governance as factour to vther         #
merchands, to be putt to
executioun in all poynts, and thairfore ordanit the prouest     #
and baillies of burrowes
situat at ilk port of this realme to serche and seik the        #
persouns brekkares
of the said statutes and that thai distreyngyie ilk persoun     #
brekkare thairof for the
sowm of xx li. to be applyet on this wyse: - the ane half to    #
our Souerane Ladeis
vse, and the vther half to the saidis prouest [{and{] baillies  #
for thair lawbouris;
and gif the prouest and baillies be negligent in the exerceing  #
of thair offices 
gevin to thame that thay sall be oblist to pay the said xx li.  #
for ilk man that
passis and saillis contrair the said act at the port quhair     #
thai haif jurisdictioun;
and als it wes ordanit that na skippers, maisters, awneris of   #
schips, resaue any
merchants to saill in thair schips without thai haif the names  #
of thame in
tikkatt subscryvet be the saidis prouest and baillies hands,    #
vnder the payne
foresaid, for ilk persoun that thai resaue, - as at mair lenth  #
is contenit in the
said acts of parliament maid thairvpoun; and als that thair is  #
ane writting
subscryuet be my Lord Gouernouris Grace makand mentioun that    #
his Grace is
suirly informit of the evill bruitt and lichtleing of this      #
realm and lieges thairof
in pairts of Flanderis and France be passing of certane         #
sempill persouns thair
in merchandice cled in vyle array, and speciallie sen the       #
treting of this last peice
with Flanderis; and for the eschewing thairof, and willing      #
that the said act of
parliament be keipit, ordanit and als commandit and chairget    #
the prouest of
Edinburgh that thai diligently causit attend at the port and    #
heavin of Leyth
and all sic pairts within the fredome of Edinburgh that na sic  #
merchandis pas
be sey to the pairts foresaidis haueand les guidis nor is       #
contenit in the said acts
of parliament, reservand the effect thairof to the said         #
prouest to be obseruit
and sett furth be him in all poynts, as at mair lenth is        #
contenit in the said
writting direct thairvpoun. Quhairfore I command and chairge    #
in our Souerane
Ladeis name, my lord gouernouris grace, and in name and behalf  #
of the prouest
<P 153>
baillies and counsale of this burgh, that na maner of persoun   #
tak vpoun hand
to saill fra this port of Leyth to France, Flanderis, or vther  #
pairts our sey, in
merchandice, without thai haif swa mony guidis as half ane last #
guidis of thair
awin or in gouernance conform to the tenour of the saidis acts  #
of parliament,
and vnder the payne contenit thairin; and that na skipper,      #
maister or awners
of schips, resaue ony merchants to saill in thair schips        #
without thai haif thair
names subscryuet be the prouest and baillies, vnder the payne   #
foresaid specifiet
in the said act. 




<B SREC1D> 
<Q SC1 STA REC PEEBLES1> 
<N PEEBLES RECORDS> 
<A X> 
<C SC1> 
<O DATE 1555-1573> 
<M MEDIUM MS> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T LOCAL RECORD> 
<G X> 
<F X> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X X> 
<Y X> 
<H X> 
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I FORMAL> 
<Z STAT> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^CHARTERS AND DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE BURGH OF PEEBLES, 
WITH EXTRACTS FROM THE RECORDS OF THE BURGH, 1165-1710.
ED. W. CHAMBERS. SCOTTISH BURGH RECORDS SOCIETY.
EDINBURGH 1872.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 206.21-228.3
SAMPLE 2: PP. 318.11-356.33^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 206>
[}8 APRIL 1555.}]
   The quhilk day, Johne Dikesone protestit that he knew nocht  #
the tovn
evident and allegit chartour and desyrit to se the samin, the   #
quhilk the
baillies refusit, and that the denegatioun thairof till him     #
suld nocht hurt his
gift that he had purchest of the Quenis grace quhill he knew    #
thair allegit title
thai haif to the landis contenit in the said Johne gift, and    #
that the persut
of the Quenis rycht be na preiudice till his fredome ay and     #
quhill he se
thair rycht.
   To the samin ansuerit my lord provest, baillies and          #
communite, that thai
auch nocht to schaw na chartour nor euident to the said Johne   #
be ressone
that he wes party and na competent juge till thame, and als     #
that he hes
hurt his fredome be ressone that he hes purchest privat         #
writtingnis aganis
the tovn in hurt of thair commoun weill and incontrare the      #
fidelite of his
aith considering he wes ane sworne nychtbour.
<P 207>
   Alsua, the said Johne protestit that the allegeance maid be  #
my lord 
provest, baillies and counsale of Peblis, suld nocht hurt the   #
said Johne
fredome becaus the Quenis Graces precept that he hes obtenit is #
in generale
till all and sindry havand entres thairto and nocht in speciale #
to the tovne,
and that he is content to pretermit the Quenis tak sua the      #
tovne haif ane
rycht thairto, and that it is ignorant errour and nocht wilful, #
gif it be found
ony, and thairupone the said Johne askit instrument.
   The counsale chosing for commoun actiones setting forward:   #
[^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] .
   The counsale abone writting ordanis the baillies, accumpanit #
with
certane honest nychtbouris, pas and mak thair wechtis, baith    #
custum and
wobstaris, les and mair, equale; and to deliuer the samin to    #
John Wilsone,
and caus the brethir of the craft vse thame and na vtheris,     #
vnder the pane
of forfalting of thair fredome.
   Siclike, ordanis to atteiche the maltmen that duellis within #
the fredome
of burgh to the nixt court for to mak and gif ane multer aith   #
for the termes
bygane, and fynd souerte in tyme cuming to kepe the actis maid  #
of auld,
vnder the pane of forfalting of thair fredome, or ellis to      #
aggre with the tovne.
   The counsale ordanis ane of the baillies, accumpanit with    #
Robert Hopringill,
James Wilsone, John Wychtman, to ryde on Pasche Monunday to
set forward all besynes thai haif ado, as thair fair dayis,     #
Gledstanis besynes,
letteres of the landwart merchandice, breking of our commoun of #
Glentres be
Winkestoun, Eschelis, and trubling maid be Johne Stodert, and   #
all vtheris
that hes failyeit in vsing and breking of our said commoun.
   The counsale ordanis tua of ilk quarter breik the laif of    #
thair nychtbouris
duelland within the fredom of burgh to the pissance of thair    #
geir, viz.,
Robert Hoppringill, Patrik Gowane, for thair quarter; James     #
Wilsone, William
Bell, for thair quarter; Nicholl Yache, James Tuedy, for thair  #
quarter;
<P 208>
Thomas Tuedy, Johne Fresall, for thair quarter; James Thorbrand #
and 
Johne Wilsone, for the Auld Tovn.
   The counsale ordanis the portis and heid yaird dykis to be   #
biggit sufficientlie
incontinent.
   Siclike ordanis to get the copy of the petty custummis of    #
Edinburgh that
our custummis may be vsit thairby.
   The quhilk day, my lord provest is contentit with all        #
thingis done this
day be the baillies counsale and communite, and sall stand      #
thairby, conforme
till his aith maid quhen he wes admittit provest, in all        #
materis concernyng
commoun weill presentlie and in tyme tocum, and ratifijs all    #
thingis forsaid,
and thairupone the baillies counsale and communite askit act    #
and instrument.

[}22 APRIL 1555.}]
   The burro court of Peblis, haldyn in the tolbuth of Peblis,  #
the xxij day
of Aprile yere of God j=m= v=c= and lv yeris, be Rolland Scot   #
baillie of the said
burgh, the suttis callit, the court affirmit, the absentis in   #
ane merciament,
Andro Robesone, dempstare; Mongo Williamsone, Adam Gilleis,     #
officiaris;
and Sir Johne Allane, clerk.
   The outland burgessis absentis: [^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] .
   The quhilk day, Patrik Thomsone, Alexander Kirk, Johne       #
Thomsone,
outland burgessis, wes warnit personalie in jugement to mak     #
residence 
within the fredome of burgh, conforme to thair aith maid        #
thairupone, betvix 
this and Witsonday, or ellis thai suld be dischargit of thair   #
fredome.
   The juge ordanit George Stodert, be his awne consent, to pay #
termelie to
Jonet Scot, relict of vmquhile maister Johne Hay, the annuell   #
of his hous
at the brig and on the Castelhill in tymes cuming efferand to   #
the deliuerance
<P 209>
of the actis maid afore the Thre Estatis of the brynt           #
annuellis, and
failyene that the said George Stodert pay nocht termelie the    #
said annuell,
sua that he failye thairintil thre termes, the said land sall   #
returne agane
frelie to the said Jonet and hir airis, conforme to the saising #
geving thairupone.
   (\Inquisitio\) : [^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] .
   The quhilk day, William Kid producit the register of the     #
testamentis
within the jurisdictioun of Stobo, in the quhilk wes insert the #
testament of
vmquhile Walter Huntare of Polmude, quhair Johne Huntare wes    #
executour
lauchfullie constitut and nominat be the mouth of the said      #
vmquhile Walter,
as wes contenit in the said vmquhile Walter testament, (^ (\ex  #
data\) ^) xxiij (\die
mensis Julii anno Domini\) etc., xlix=o=, apone the quhilk      #
productioun the said
William askit instrument.
   Andro Alexander younger, prolocutour for Thomas Alexander    #
his broder,
tuk instrument that maister William Newdry, scoilmaister,       #
confessit that he
band Thome Alexander handis in way of correctioun as he allegit #
as his
awne disciple, and continewis the rest of the bill to the nixt  #
court.

[^A RECORD IN LATIN OMITTED.^]

<P 211>
[}4 MAY 1555.}]
   The burro curt of Peblis, haldin in the tolbuth of that ilk, #
be the provest,
baillies, counsale and communite of the said burgh ...
Assisa: [^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]
   The quhilk day, James Stensone and Stene Greif ar chosing to #
collect and
gadder the multure of the commoun milnis quhill Lammes day at   #
xij houris
nixt heirefter followand, and to mak just compt and payment     #
thairof to the
provest baillies counsale and communite of the said burgh.
<P 212>
   William Dikesone of Winkestoun confessit in jugement that he #
wald
stand with the commoun weill of the tovne to fortify the samin  #
to his vter
power in all thingis, nochtwithstanding ony contrare part Johne #
Dikesone,
his sone, wald purches in contrare the tovne or thair liberte   #
and fredome.

[}6 MAY 1555.}]
   The burro curt of Peblis, haldyn in the tolbuth of that ilk, #
be Rowe
Scot baillie of Peblis ...
Assisa: [^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]
   The quhilk day, Alexander Tait of Pirne, scheref deput of    #
Selkirk, replegit
Helene Brovntoun fourth of this court to the scheref court of   #
Selkirk to be
haldyn on the [\blank\] day of Maii instant and gaif his aith   #
to do justice,
and fand Thomas Tuedy souerte to do the samin in all actioun    #
and besynes
that William Cheisholme hes to say aganes hir, and the said     #
lard souirte to
releif him.
   The quhilk day, Robert Murro wes creat burges and mad his    #
aith as vse is,
and fand his hand and his land to do thai thingis that          #
concernit till his aith
for scotting lotting walkyng warding gud rewill keping, and to  #
pay his
burges siluer to my lord Robene Hude.
   Johne Stodert younger, prolocutour for his fader, confessit  #
in jugement
that he tuk fra Robert Andersone and Mertin Craufurd thair      #
spadis quha
wes vsand casting of tirvis at the counsale and communite       #
command on the
Sonysyde, as ane part and pertinentis of thair commonte, and    #
thairupone
the baillie and communite for the tyme askit instrument and act #
of court.
   The inqueist ordanis all dettis and restis of comptis to be  #
payit instantlie
as may be gotting in, baith of milnis, Caidmuir males, and      #
annuellis that is
awand, and all dettis quhatsumeuer, to set fordward the tovn    #
besynes be the
baillies and commissionariis direct thairto in Edinburgh, and   #
ordanis the
baillies to poynd thair gudis thairfor be thair officiaris.
<P 213>
   The inquest ordanis ane kepar to be put to the Venlaw, and   #
all cattell
scheip and nolt be dischargit thairof baith nycht and day,      #
except alanerly
hors and sowkkand stirkis, and that na gudis be layit thairon   #
nouther scheip
nor nolt vnder silence of nycht, vnder the pane of ane vnlaw;   #
and hes
ordanit Eduard Pount to be feyit and pay him for his lawbouris  #
auld vsit
and wont, quha acceptit the said Venlaw keping and fand Joke    #
Patersoun
sourte that na thing suld gang wrang nor na cornes eting bot    #
that he suld
mend on his awne expensis.
   The inqueist ordanis the nychtbouris to pas efter the rising #
of court and
vesy the feildis of Sonyside, quhilk is ane part and            #
pertinentis of thair commonte
of Glentres, quhilk pertenis to the liberte and fredome of      #
thair burgh
of Peblis instantlie, and to vse thair possessioun thairof vsit #
and wont, and
ordanis all nychtbouris that takis part thairintill to be       #
chargit be the officiaris
to pas with thair baillies counsale and communite to vesy the   #
samin,
vnder the pane of forfalting of thair fredome.

[}27 MAY 1555.}]
   The baillies counsale and communite ordanis ane man to be    #
conducit to
feid and pasture thair yeild nolt in thair commonte of Glentres #
als sone as
thai may, and mak him ane ressonable fee thairfore as he and    #
thay can
aggre.
   The burro court of Peblis, haldin in the tolbuth of that     #
ilk, be Rolland
Scot, baillie ...
   The quhilk day, Charles Geddes protestit for the copy of the #
erectioun
and fundatioun of the Geddes Ile, and the baillies said thai    #
wald avise
thairwith or thai gaif thair ansuer; and forthir the said       #
Charles desyris the
provest baillies counsale and communite to vphald repair and    #
big the Geddes
Ile conforme to thair euidentis maid thairapone, and assigne    #
ane certane day
to gif him ane ansuer.
   The quhilk day, William Dikesone of Winkestoun comperand in  #
jugement
disassentit fra all molestatioun or trubbling purchessing of    #
privat 
writtingnis aganes the baillies counsale and communite of the   #
burgh of
Peblis towart the gift of Quhithauch, Carcado Bank at the west  #
end of
Glentars, be Johne Dekesone his sone and apperand air, and      #
quhatsumeuery
thing the said Johne dois thairintill that he incure na skaith  #
thairthrow
<P 214>
nouthir in his body gudis nor heretage or fredome of the        #
burgh, and is
content to cum in the tovn will that thair be ane certane       #
newtrale men
leist suspect, to the nowmer of viij or ix persones, to         #
consider the merchis
betuix his heretaig of Winkestoun and the commonteis of         #
Glentars for
the weill of baith the partiis, and as beis concludit and       #
decernit be the
saidis viij or ix newtrale men to stand thairby in tymes        #
cuming as can be
sickerlie deuisit with men of law, and be the tennour heirof    #
cumis instantlie
in the tovn will.
   The haill inqueist ordanis Andro Kirkhope bill to be         #
fulfillit, and to gif
him saysing of xx futtis of the commoun ground to be ane yard   #
for ane
penny the fut of annuell yerelie, efter the rite of the burgh.
   The inquest ordanis the stallanges to be broking, auld vsit  #
and wont, and
ordanis ane certane of the honest men of all crauftis to breik  #
the samin.
   And ordanis the nychtbouris quhen thai rise furth of court   #
to vesy
William Bannerman and Thomas Hoppringill wallis pleable betuix  #
thame.
   The haill inquest ordanis the skoill maister to be conducit  #
for ane yere,
and to mak him payment of his wages bygane, and the baillies to #
caus him
be payit in tymes cuming half quarterlie, and to provide him    #
ane chalmer
quhair it may be gotting maist conuenient togidder with the     #
tolbuth to
teche his barneis in that redis and writting Ynglis.
   The inqueist ordanis the tane of the baillies, with the      #
clerk, pas doun to
Edinburgh on Thursday, and ane dossone of honest men to pas     #
done on
Saturday be viij houris on thair awne expensis, and to get in   #
all the money
thay may, baith of milnis dettis and vtheris restis, for thair  #
furnissing.
   The inqueist findis William Louch in the wrang in takyn of   #
Matho Bell 
quhingare quhen thai wer cumit fra thair play; and the maist    #
part of the
inqueist findis Andro Stewart in the wrang for stryking of      #
William Louch
quhen he tuk Matho Bell, howbeid that he wes reddand thame.
   Charles Geddes, baillie to my lord Yester, replegit James    #
Tuedy of Frude
furth of this court to his court of Oliuer Castell, and fand    #
Thomas Peblis
souerte that he suld haif justice in the said court the         #
[\blank\] day of Junii
nixt tocum, and maid his aith as vse is to do thame justice the #
said day,
and failyene thairof to cum agane to this court, and the said   #
Charles Geddes
and James Tuedy souerte to releif the said Thomas.    
<P 215>
   The depositiones of the provis betuix Cheisholme and         #
Thomsone: Alexander
Lauder, spousit, of the age of xl yeris or thairby, sworne and  #
admittit,
deponis that Patrik Thomsone said to William Cheisholme on his  #
baxstare
within the burgh of Peblis, in the yere nixt efter the tovne    #
wes brynt, that
he bad him say that he had sauld him thre oxin and ane cow and  #
he suld
warrand him the said nolt sua he wald say he had sould thame    #
till him, for
he had doung thame in our mony mennis heidis ellis, and kennis  #
na price thairof. 
   The quhilk day, James Robesone and James Wilsone,            #
commissionariis for
the toun, hes grantit and maid thair comptis of the gudis       #
ressauit be thaim
for to rais the greit and prive seill and our Souerane Lady     #
letteres and commissioun
anentis the commonteis, and the said commissionariis grantis    #
thaim
to haif debursit mair nor thai had in pose geving to thame be   #
the thesaurare
xxxiij s. x.d. the first tyme and xxxv s. at the last diet;     #
quhilk thai
wer superspendit the xvij day of May and to ansuer James        #
Wilsone wife, to
be ansuerit of malt in his absence for the said sovme quhill it #
be payit, and
als to ansuer Sir Johne Allane of xj lib. that he lent to thame #
to gif
maister Johne Hay and Sir Thomas Bathcat.

[}15 JULY 1555.}]
   The baillies hes tane vpone hand to pay the minister and     #
convent of the
Croce Kirk the sovme of xxvj s. of the restis of thair compone.
   The juges ordanis the thesaurare to pay Katherine Dikesone   #
the sovme
of [\blank\] for aill and breid tane fra hir at Tuede brig      #
mending, within
terme of law, and ordanis the said sovme be justle calculat and #
thairefter
payment to be maid.
   The deliuerance of the inqueist: - Item, it is statut and    #
ordanit that all
flescheouris bring thair flesche to the mercat croce on ather   #
syde of the gait
betuix the croce and Dene gutter, and that thai blaw nane       #
thairof nor yit
let it doune nor score it vnder the pane of viij s.
   Item, thai ordane all regratouris, as thai ar apprehendit,   #
or forstakers to
be pvnist conforme to the actis of parliament and panes         #
contenit thairintill.
   The haill inquest ordanis that na nychtbouris of the toun    #
solist nor caus
men of law to cum to procure ane aganes ane vther in tyme       #
cuming for
<P 216>
quhatsumeuery actioun, except it be on brevis raisit of         #
heritage alanerlie,
vnder the pane of forfalting of thair fredome for euir.
   The haill inquest ordanis the baillies to caus thair         #
officiaris gadder in the
restis of all males, annuellis, dettis, baith of Commoun        #
Struthir, Caidmure
males and milnis awand, that the samin may be reddy in the      #
thesaurare
hand to set fordwart commoun besynes thai haif ado in Edinburgh #
afore the
lordis, and ordanis the baillies with v or sax nychtbouris      #
euery tyme about
as the counsale thinkis expedient to be ordourit for addressing #
of thair
besynes.
   The haill inquest ordanis the provest baillies counsale and  #
communite to
be bound, vnder the forme of instrument to be subscriuit with   #
thair handis
that can writt and with thair handis led at the pen be the      #
notare vnder
writting that can nocht writt, to defend the caus and actioun   #
of thair commontie
dependand betuix the toun, my lord Mortoun and lord Borthik,    #
with
thair bodyis and gudis vnto the finale end and decisioun of the #
samin, and
ordanis this to be done with all diligence.
   The quhilk day, Johne Dikesone, be his awne consent, hes     #
dischargit
him of his fredome and liberte of the burgh of Peblis and       #
renuncit the
samin, and be the tennour heirof renuncis the samin and als the #
compromit
maid betuix him on that ane part and the provest baillies       #
counsale and
communite of the burgh of Peblis on that vther part for his     #
awne part
alanerlie in absence of his fader, becaus his men chosing for   #
his part hes
nocht tane the said mater apone thame.
   And the said day my lord provest baillies counsall and       #
communite ar
content to stand at the compromit maid betwix him and thame in  #
the
tolbuth of Edinburgh afore thair juges, and siclike at the      #
compomit maid in
the Croce Kirk nochtwithstanding the descharge of the said      #
[\compromit\] 
maid of before, and protestit that thair part of the compromit  #
mycht haif
proceis and letteres monitoriales raisit on the said Johne be   #
vertu of the
said contract subscriuit with his hand at the Croce Kirk the xj #
day of July.
   The said day, Johne Dikesone wes newlie creat burges,        #
nochtwithstanding
the dischargeing of his fredome of his awne consent, and maid   #
his aith as
vse is as he did of before.
<P 217>
[}29 JULY 1555.}]
   The inqueist findis Besse Watsone is in the wrang in         #
striking of Cristiane
Bell with ane stop on the heid quhilk raisit ane clour thairon, #
and findis na
blude; and thairupone Johne Wychtman askit instrument and       #
protestit for
the rolment of court, and inlikemaner John Lithquo protestit    #
for rolment of
court.
   The haill inquest fyndis Charle Thomsone in the wrang for    #
inuading of
Johne Mathosone wife in hir awne hous at vij houris at ewin,    #
and becaus he
was repugnant to gang to the tolbuth efter he wes chargit be    #
the officeris,
and ordanis the baillies to pvnis the samin induring thair will #
in exempill
of vtheris.
   And tuiching the cornes rubbing, referris the samin to the   #
actis maid of
auld.           

[}30 SEPTEMBER 1555.}]
   The burro and heid court of Peblis, haldyn in the Tolbuth of #
that ilk, be
ane nobill and potent lord Johne lord Hay of Yester, provest of #
the said
burgh; James Robesone and Rowe Scot baillies...
   Absentes of the outland burgessis; [^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]
   The quhilk day, my provest was chosing as of before be the   #
baillies
counsale and communite, and maid his aith thairupone, conforme  #
to the
statutis and actis of the burro lawis.
<P 218>
   The quhilk day, Sir Johne Allane was creat clerk to vse the  #
office
thairof lelelie and trewlie ay and quhill he be dischargit.

[}14 OCTOBER 1555.}]
   The inquest ordanis the baillies and nychtbouris pas to the  #
kirk and
sycht the samin with witty men to se quhow it may be biggit,    #
and thairefter
to conduce ane workman for to se the samin.
   The inqueist ordanis the baillies gang vesy the briggis and  #
calsayis
thairof gif thai be sufficient vphalding be the dichtaris as    #
thai promist, and
to caus thame mend all failyeis sufficient, quhilkis beand      #
mendit to se gif
thai will vphald the samin, and failyene thairof to discharge   #
thame and
cheis vtheris in thair places.
   And als ordanis Andro Wychtman to caus fill vp the holis     #
with erd or
gravall quhair he tuk the clay till his kill bigging,           #
incontinent, becaus the
fludis ar cummand on hand.
   Item, the haill inquest ordanis tua vesitouris to be maid    #
and chosing 
perpetualie to vesy yeirlie in tyme cuming all properteis and   #
commonteis
pertenyng to the liberte and fredom of burgh at the streking of #
the plewis
yerelie, betuix Sanct Lucas day and Mertymes, and at harrowis   #
streking,
gif ony thairof be telit be nychtbouris adiacent, that the 
samin may be
resistit in tyme, and referris the chesing of the said          #
vesitouris to the
baillies; and to warn all thame that hes broking ony land in    #
common
gaittis or passages, baith Kirklandis, Kinglandis, Acomfeildis  #
and Briglandis,
incontinent herefter that the samin ly still in tyme cuming     #
conforme
to auld vsit and wont, as the auld merchis thairof standis,     #
vnder the
pane of dischargeing of all fremen, occupyaris of the saidis    #
landis, that
dissobeyis this statut of thair fredome and secluding of thame  #
fra all
counsale in tyme cuming.
   Item, ordanis tua wechis to be maid nychtlie at the baillies #
devise
quhill thai be forthir avisit, and ordanis thame till enter at  #
viij houris at
ewin and remane quhill iiij houris in the mornyng, vnder the    #
pane of viij s.
   Item, siclike thai ordane Johne Robesone and Eduard Dikesone #
to be aill 
cunnaris, and that all aill ourheid be maid gud and sufficient  #
aill for iiij d.
the pynt, vnder the pane of viij s. the first falt, deling of   #
the aill the
<P 219>
secund falt, and stryking furth of the ers fut the thrid falt   #
and depriving of
brewing for ane yere.
   Item, ordanis all hempt and lynt to be removit furth of      #
Peblis Watter to
vther law placis for corrupting of the watter, vnder the pane   #
of eschaeting
of the samin to officeris, and that the officeris put away the  #
samin, vnder the
pane of depriving of thame of thair offices.
   Item, ordanis all merchandices vtouth the tovn and outland   #
burgessis to
be warnit to cum within burgh and mak thair change merchandice  #
and
residence, or ellis to be dischargit of thair fredome and       #
liberte in tyme
cuming fra the nixt heid court efter Sanct Mongo day nixt to    #
cum.
   Item, ordanis ane of the baillies, and the commoun clerk     #
with him, pas to
Edinburgh and caus rais ane precept to heir the actioun and     #
caus dependand
before the juges in Edinburgh to proceid, and to speik with     #
juges, membris
of court, Maister James M'Gill and James Patersoun, quhat is    #
done betuix
ws and my lord Mortoun.
   The counsale chosing for this yere and sworne: My lord       #
provest; [^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] .
   The inqueist ordanis all actis and statutis maid of ald      #
anentis heidyardis
syde dykis, kaill, petis, tirvis, pulling of cornes and         #
pykaris, to be ordanit
be the auld actis maid of before.     
                 
[}30 OCTOBER 1555.}]
   Item, the inqueist ordanis four wechis to be nychtlie,       #
enterand at viij
houris, and remanand quhill iiij houris in the mornyng, vnder   #
the pane of
viij s., and thai till aduerteis the baillies quhen thai enter  #
and siclik quhen
thai gang to thair beddis.
   The inqueist ordanis the teling of Hammiltoun to be referrit #
to the
baillies, and thai to speik to my lord to se gif he will tak    #
ane pairt
thairof, for it is the haill communite desyre and mynde it be   #
telit.
<P 220>
[}31 OCTOBER 1555.}]
   (\Electi pro molendinis\) : Dauid Robesone, William          #
Bannerman, Robert Hesilhope,
Arthure Johnkesone. [\Robesone and Johnkesone\]
thir tua ar chosing be the baillies and communite
to collect and gadder thair multuris of the tua commoun milnis, #
and
to ansuer the thesaurare thairof for the tyme ay as it is       #
gotting in, that he
may thairwith set commoun werkis and besynes forwart, as the    #
ordinance
and deliuerance of the counsale and communite thinkis maist     #
conuenient
and ganand for the commoun weill, for the winter quarter        #
begynnand at
Alhallo day quhill Candilmes nixt heirefter.

[}2 NOVEMBER 1555.}]
   The baillies and the haill communite of the burgh of Peblis  #
ordanis to
ansuer maister William Newdry, scoilmaister, of thre pundis of  #
money for
the termes bygane at Mertynmes nixt tocum, and half quarterlie  #
in tymes
cuming, as the rolment of court maid the xxvij day of Maii last #
bypast; and
thairfore oblissis him to remane and teche the scoill and       #
barneis sufficientlie
in tymes cuming, and gif it beis fundyng that he pas fra the    #
teching of the
barnes in the scoill four dayis without licence of the baillies #
and counsale
he sall tyne his fe restand, and siclike salbe dischargit of    #
his seruis incontinent
thairefter; and this present act to be sufficient warnyng       #
heirto in
tyme cuming with consent of baith the partiis.

[}9 NOVEMBER 1555.}]
   The compt of the commoun gudis of the burgh of Peblis, tane  #
be Johne
Wychtman, ane of the baillies of Peblis for the tyme, in        #
absence of my lord
provest and his colleg Robert Hoppringill, and the counsale and #
communite
of the said burgh warnit be opping proclamatioun to cum and     #
heir thair
thesaurare, Johne Dikesone, to mak his compt as vse is.  The    #
quhilk thesaurare
comperand in the tolbuth of Peblis before the said Johne        #
Wychtman, baillie
as said is, counsale and communite of the said burgh, the ix    #
day of Nouember
the yeir of God j=m=v=c= and lv yeris, the said thesaurare      #
chargit him with
v=xx=xvj li. iiij s. ix d. of the multuris of the tua commoun   #
milnis, and with
xiij li. v s. v d. of Caidmuir malles, and with xxxiiij s.      #
viij d. of annuellis and
burges siluer, and with viij s. vj d. of staulanges, and with   #
xij li. for the 
<P 221>
small custumes: Summa of the haill charge is vij=xx=iij li.     #
xiij s. iiij d. and
discharges him with vij=xx=j li. xviij s.; sua he is restand to #
the provest baillies
counsale and communite xxxv s. quhilkis the said baillie        #
ordanis to be deliuerit
to Rolland Scot, thesaurare, quha wes electit thairto the said  #
day be
the baillies counsale and communite, togidder with the restis   #
of Caidmur
males, annuellis of Commoun Struthir and Johne Scot annuell.
   Item, the said day, Sir Johne Allane v li. that he payit to  #
Sir Thomas
Bathcat, quhilk the baillie borrowit fra him to set thair       #
besynes fordwart, is
nocht comptit, nor yit the xxxvij s. quhilk he gaif for dailis  #
in Leith to mend
the schete of the Rude Milne with, [\nor\] yit is payit till    #
him xij libris of
annuell of Sanct Johne altare of termes bygane, and ordouris to #
pay him
the samin of the reddiest of the commoun gudis and yerelie and  #
termelie in
all tymes to cum, and thairupone the said Johne desyrit act of  #
court.

[}2 DECEMBER 1555.}]
   Sir Johne Wilsone, vicare of Eddilstoun, collectour to       #
vmquhile Sir Thomas
Hay (^dirige^) , desyrit the baillies to caus poynd and strenye #
vmquhile Eduard
Patersone land lyand within the burgh of Peblis for xiiij s. of #
annuell quhilk is
infeft for doing yerelie of the said (^dirige^) and desyrit to  #
haif payment thairof
conforme to the actis maid be the Thre Estatis of the brint     #
annuellis, and
to haif the juges ansuer thairupoun, the quhilkis juges         #
ansuerit and said thai
wald consult heirapone betuix this and the heid court efter     #
Sanct Mongo
day and thairefter suld gif him ane ansuer of ratificatioun     #
of the samin, and
thairupone the said Sir Johne askit instrument.
   The haill inqueist ordanis in tyme cuming that gif ony       #
landis within the
fredome of burgh failyeis and fallis done waist that the samin  #
happyn to be
reconist, sua the said landis being reconist happynnis to be    #
analit, that the
saidis landis be ropit at the mercat croce thre courtis, and    #
thai till haif thame
that will gif maist thairfore, providing allwayis that the air  #
that hes maist
rycht thairto be first seruit, gevand als mekle thairfore as    #
ane vther; and
siclike ony commoun landis of the tovn to be obseruit in like   #
maner in tyme
cuming.

[}4 DECEMBER 1555.}]
   The pykaris tane vp be Robert Hoppringill and Johne Wychtman #
baillies,
in absence my lord provest, with avise of the haill communite:-
<P 222>
   Isabell Mvre is ane commoun pykare of kaill, and was         #
apprehendit on
the thrid day of December instant vnder silence of nycht        #
takkand away
tirvis quhilk pertenit to Johne Murro in Ald Tovne, quhilk fand #
William
Lowith souerte that scho nocht do sic thingis in tymes cuming,  #
nor yit do
ony nychtbour skaith or hurt in tyme cuming, in ony of thair    #
gudis quhatsameuir, 
nor commit na pykery, vnder the pane of xx lib., to be payit    #
without
remissioun, and banissing of the tovn, and to be brynt on the   #
face with
ane irne the first falt, and the secund falt vnder the pane of  #
deid.
   Thomas Johnsone, for the takin of ane hen in ane winling of  #
stra furth
of Robert Hoppringill, and is reput and suspectit for ane       #
commoun [{pikare{] 
of caill, to that taking he wes apprehendit on the first day of #
December
instant with Patrik Gowane caill quhilk he tuk furth of his     #
yard, and
siclike his wife Merioun Moffet is ane commoun pikare of fulis, #
and Mertyn
Craufurd becom souerte for thame vnder the panes foirsaid.
   Cristian Fairle, suspectit for pyking of hennis and als for  #
takyn of ane
sark fra James Stewart quhilk he tuk of hir bak quhen scho wes  #
werand it.
   Robert Murdok, ane commoun pykare and draware of corne       #
stakkis, and
siclike Jonet Hendersone his wife suspectit for the pyking of   #
Johne Tod and
Mongo Williamsone dukis quha fand Rowe Scot, souerte...
   Katherine Andersone, for meill takyn furth of Johne Dikesone #
sellare in
(\anno\) etc. l=o= to the quantite of tua pekkis, quhen his gud #
moder wes at the
mes on the Sonday.
   Johne Walter, for the trystyng of Gilbert Young, seruand to  #
Johne Dikesone,
to sell his maister stray till him and he suld gif ane pynte    #
aill.

[}20 JANUARY 1555.}]
   The quhilk day, my lord provest baillies counsale and        #
communite of the
burgh of Peblis producit in jugement, be Mongo Williamsone and  #
Adam
Gilleis thair officiaris, ane precept dewlie execut and         #
indorsat apone the xxvj
day of the moneth of Nouember yere of God etc. lv=o=, makkand   #
mentioun
that it wes humlie menit and hevelie lamentit to the saidis     #
provest baillies
counsale and communite and vtheris nychtbouris and fremen of    #
the said burgh,
that the samin burgh wes infeft of auld be our Souerane Lady    #
and hir maist
nobill progenitouris and predecessouris in fre burgh regale,    #
with fre power
liberte and facultie within the samin to haif ane mercat day    #
wolklie on
<P 223>
Tusday, with power to sell walx wyne wolling and lynning        #
claith, braid and
narrow, and all vtheris merchandice lesum, and to haif within   #
the samin burgh
baxstaris broistaris fischaris flescheouris prepararis of       #
fische and flesche, and all
vtheris craftismen belangand to ane burgh regale, and provest   #
baillies officiaris
within the said burgh for gouerning thairof till elect and      #
cheis, and to set the
burro rudis belangand to the said burgh for the weill thairof,  #
as the saidis
complenaris thinkis expedient, as at mair lenth is contenit in  #
thair infeftment
maid and geving to thame thairupone vnder our Souerane Lady     #
progenitouris
greit seill, makkand mentioun that the said burgh communite     #
thairof and thair
successouris ar infeft of auld of our said Souerane Lady maist  #
nobill progenitouris
of gude mynde, quham God assoilye, in all liberteis saisingnis  #
privelegis
and vtheris possessiones vsit be thame and thair predecessouris #
of before, etc.;
nochtwithstanding thair is certane thair burgessis and          #
nychtbouris, chosing
and electit be thame and thair predecessouris, that vses the    #
saidis liberteis
vtouth the liberte of the said burgh, and will nocht cum and    #
mak thair
change merchandice and residence within the said burgh conforme #
to thair
creatioun, and thairthrow vsurps our Souerane Lady lawis maid   #
thairupone
as foirstallaris, vsand pakking and peling, and euery landwart  #
tovn vtouth
the liberte of the said burgh within the sherefdome of Peblis   #
vsis dailie
change and merchandice, baith lynt tar irne woll hyde skyn beir #
malt meill,
and thairthrow abstractis the proffitis and change fra the said #
burgh to thair
hevy dampnage and skaith, quhairthrow our Souerane Lady         #
custummis ar
defraudit and our said burgh depauperat and heriit, that na dow #
nocht to
sustene the importabill taxationes raisit vpone thame be our    #
Souerane Lady
counsale, and the proffittis quhilkis suld cum to the burgessis #
and merchandices
of the said burgh remanis with the saidis outland burgessis and #
foirstallaris
as said is, in hie contemptioun of our Souerane Lady lawis and  
hurt of our said burgh and aganes the actis of burro lawis and  #
parliament
maid thairupone, and will nocht decist and ceis thairfra        #
without thai be
compellit; at the command of the quhilk precept the saidis      #
officeris passit
warnit chargeit lauchfully summond atechit and arreistit        #
[^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] outland 
<P 224>
burgessis; [^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] foirstallaris and          #
regrataris, at the
mercat croce be opping proclamatioun, the saidis persones to    #
compere within
the said burgh and mak thair merchandice change and residence   #
within xl=ti=
dayis nixt thairefter, and failyeand thairof to compere before  #
the provest
baillies counsale and communite, or ony tua of thame, in the    #
tolbuth of Peblis
the xx day of Januare nixt thairefter, to heir and se thame and #
euirilk ane
of thame be decreit of court to be forfaltit of thair liberte   #
and fredome in
tymis cuming and dischargeit to vse sic change and merchandice  #
thairefter
vnder the panes contenit in the statutis of burro lawis and     #
actis of parliament
maid thairupone; and the saidis foirstallaris and regratouris   #
to compere
and mak thair change and residence within the libertie and      #
fredome of
burgh within xl=ti= dayis nixt thairefter, and failyene thairof #
to compere afore
the saidis provest baillies counsale and communite in the       #
tolbuth of Peblis
the said xx day of Januare to heir and se thame and euirilk ane #
of thame to
be decernit be decreit of court to incure the panes contenit in #
the saidis
burro lawis and actis of parliament maid thairupone viz., vnder #
the pane of
eschaeting of thair gudis that beis apprehendit, with ony       #
forstalling pakking or
peling, outhir hyde woll skyn, tapping or selling of lint irne  #
tar beir malt
meill in tyme cuming, the tane half to our Souerane Lady vse,   #
the tothir
half to the saidis provest baillies counsale and communite,     #
efter the forme
and tennour of the saidis burro lawis and actis of parliament   #
maid thairvpoun,
with intimatioun as efferit, as at mair lenth is contenit in    #
the precept direct
thairupon; at the quhilk day the saidis persones [\being called #
failed to appear.\] [^THE REST OF THE EDITOR'S COMMENT          #
OMITTED^]
   The inqueist deliueris that all pykaris that hes bene        #
delatit of before to
luke the buikis and se quhat faltis thai ar delatit for, and    #
thai to be pvnist
with all rigour and banist the tovn for euir till gif occasioun #
till vtheris
that pykis of new till abstene, and to tak souerte for thame in #
tyme cuming
vnder the pane of scurgyng of thame throuch the tovn and        #
banissing of
<P 225>
thame the samine, and thai that will nocht fynd souirte to be   #
brynt with
ane irne on the cheik and thairefter banist the tovn for euir,  #
and ordanis
the maister or lardis that ressauis sic pykaris to be thair     #
tennentis to pay in
tyme cuming the skaithis and dampnages done be thame to ony     #
nychtbour
that ar plentus thairof sua the samin be manifestlie knawin.
   The inquest ordanis to ansuer Robert Atzin, and ilk ane of   #
the officaris,
of ane ferlot of meill in this storme to help thair wiffis and  #
barnis, providing
allwayis that thai clame na possessioun thairof in tyme cuming. #
   The inqueist ordanis gif ewill meill and gud meill be found  #
in ane sek,
better in the mouth thairof nor the ers, to eschaet the samin   #
at the baillies
will; and ordanis thame to sell meill to the pure folkis in     #
pekkis, als weill
as to the riche, of siclike price as thai sell the boll, and na #
derrare, vnder
the pane of viij s.
   The inqueist ordanis that na burges be maid in tymes cuming  #
without
avise of the counsale.

[}30 JANUARY 1555.}]
   The baillies and communite of the burgh of Peblis is         #
contentit, all with 
ane consent, to accept William Hay, sone and apparand air to    #
vmquhile Johne
lord Hay of Yester, quhow sone he cum to perfite age and is of  #
knawlege to gif
thame ane gud counsale, in the provestrie of the burgh of       #
Peblis, yerele,
afore ony vtheris as thai fynd him geving for commoun weill,    #
conforme to the
actis of parliament and burro lawis maid thairupone; and in the #
menetyme
the said William, Mr. Thomas Hay his eme, provest of Bochanis   #
and thair
frendis, to stand gud afald and kyndelie freindis with the said #
communite
in all lefull besynes and actiones and to set the samin         #
forwart, and the communite
in like maner to serf the said William Hay as thai wer wont to  
vmquhile his fader, and till deput na president nor deput vnder #
him bot till
vse the communite in all thingis as his vmquhile fader vsit     #
thame, and the
saidis William and Mr. Thomas Hay his curatour discharges, be   #
vertu of
this writting, the gift purchest be the said William of the     #
said provestrie
vnder our Souerane Lady prive seill, and ordanis the samin      #
desert and to be
of nane effect in tyme cuming, and gif neid beis to gif the     #
copy of the said
gift to the saidis baillies counsale and communite, and the     #
said William to
hurt the saidis baillies counsale and communite in nane of      #
thair privileges
of commonteis vtherwayis nor Johne lord Hay of Yester his       #
vmquhile fader 
<P 226>   
did, and thairapone the said William baillies counsale and      #
communite, (\hinc
inde\) askit instrument and ordanit the extract heirof to be    #
geving to ather
of the partiis that requirit the samin.

[}1 FEBRUARY 1555.}]
   Andro Ra is admittit custummer quhill Candilmes day nixt to  #
cum, to
collect and gadder the small custummis of the burgh of Peblis   #
conforme to
the rite vse and consuetude of the burgh of Edinburgh, for the  #
quhilk he
sall content pay and deliuer to the baillies counsale and       #
communite of the
burgh of Peblis the sovme of xix merkis, viz., afore the        #
chakker xv dayis
xiiij merkis, and the rest at Candilmes nixt thairefter         #
following at the
ische of his tak, and fand James Wilsone, Johne Wilsone and     #
Johne
Cranstoun souerteis, coniunctlie and seueralie, for payment     #
thairof; and
the said Andro souerte for thair releif; and ordanis that na    #
wechtis be vsit
in the tovn to wey ony butter cheis woll or yarne except the    #
custum
wechtis alanerlie, and the said Andro sall vse him in the new   #
fair dayis as ane
honest man and tak custum be avise of the baillies and counsale #
for this yeir.    
      
[}5 FEBRUARY 1555.}]
   Sir Robert Hoip producit and deliuerit to the baillies and   #
communite, as
patrones to Sanct Christofer altare, ane chartour of xij merkis #
of annuell
geving be Robert Horsbruk of all and haill his landis of Harcas #
with the
pertinentis, lyand within the quhite barony of Eddilstoun and   #
scherefdome
of Peblis, haldand fre blanche, vnder his seill and             #
subscriptione manuale,
datit at Horsbruk the iiij day of Julii (\anno Domini\) , etc., #
lv=o=; and ane vther
chartour geving be Alexander Horsbruk of that ilk, of ten       #
merkis of
annuell, of all and haill his lands of Horsbruk with the        #
pertinentis, haldand
fre blanche, vnder his seill and subscriptioun manuale, datit   #
att Peblis the
ferd day of Nouember yere of God j=m=v=c= and lv yeris; and ane #
instrument 
of saising of the saidis xij merkis of annuell of Harcas, vnder #
the signe and
subscriptioun manuale of Sir Johne Thomsone, notare publict,    #
datit on the
ground of the samin, (\quinto Novembris anno Domini\), etc.,    #
lv=o=.
   The inqueist ordanis ane edict to be gotting fra the         #
provest, maister
Gilbert Wichtman, with consent of the patrones, to warne all    #
chaplanis mak
residence at thair altaris conform to thair fundatioun within   #
xlj dayis, and
failyeane thairof to heir the saidis altarages descernit vacand #
in the patrones
<P 227>
handis and vtheris qualifiit men to be electit in thair places  #
that will
nocht compere, and in the mentyme to present thair rentalis     #
baith of waist
landis and plenist within viij dayis, and siclike to bring in   #
all thair vestmentis
and chalices and deliuer thame to be laid in the commoun kist
within xv dayis quhill the kirk be biggit.

[}8 FEBRUARY 1555.}]
   The inqueist ordanis that na tennentis be ressauit to duell  #
within the
liberte and fredome of burgh bot thai that ar reput and haldyn  #
honest, and
that thair maisteris will ansuer for thair skaithis done to ony #
nychtbour, and
ordanis the officeris to gang throuch the tovn and warne all    #
nychtbouris,
dour be dure, that thai set na houssis to suspect personis      #
vnder the pane
to be accusit as part takkaris with thame and vnder the pane of #
xl s. to be
payit to the commoun werk.
   And ony man that will in tyme cuming apprehend ony pykaris   #
sall present
the saidis pykaris to the baillies and in thair absentis to the #
officiaris,
and thai sall haif for thair reward of the thesaurare of the    #
commoun
gudis xl s. incontinent thairefter.

[}5 MARCH 1555.}]
   Thomas Tuedy, commissionare and baillie, producit ane power  #
of
baillierie vnder my lord Mortoun signet and subscriptioun       #
manuale, datit at
Edinburgh the xij day of Februare yere of God j=m= v=c= and lv  #
yeris, to replege
reduce and hame bring Johne Nesbeth [{and ten others{] to the   #
regalite of
Dalketh court to be haldin at [\blank\] within xv dayis, viz.,  #
Thursday
the xx day of Merche instant, and fand John Dikesone souirte    #
till enter to
justice, and gaif his coller aith, and failyeing that justice   #
be nocht done as
said is to cum agane to this court.
   The juges descernis and ordanis euery man, spirituale and    #
temporale,
that ar infeft of ony annuellis within the liberte and burgh of #
Peblis be
payit conforme to the actis of the brint annuellis maid be the  #
Thre Estatis
in tyme cuming, and compone for the tymes bygane, without ony   #
impediment
and obstacle; and ordanis the officiaris to pas with the        #
aunnaris of the
<P 228>
annuellaris on the party expensis to poynd and strenye          #
thairfore, and in
speciale William Tait annuell, the lard Southous annuellis, and #
all vtheris
annuellis, and thairupone William Tait askit instrument.
[^OMISSION: 14 APRIL 1556 - 20 MARCH 1569^]


<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 318>
[}3 APRIL 1570.}]
   The counsale ordanis that euery nychtbour compeir to the Hie #
Gait with
thair armour quhosone the swische strykis, vnder the paine of   #
thame that
absentis thame thairfra to be accusit hes ane partakkare and    #
assistaris of
thame that invadis the said tovne, and that the swische strike  #
nocht
without it be the tovne actioun, vnder the pane foirsaid.

[}6 APRIL 1570.}]
   The baillies counsale and communite ordanis the baillies,    #
accumpanit
with the nychtbouris and inhabitantis of the burgh of Peblis,   #
to assist
togidder and to be reddy with armour for stancheing of          #
cummeris, alsweill
bygane as to cum, in cace ony suddand tulye fall accidentlie    #
within the
liberte of burgh, vnder the pane of foirfalting of thair        #
fredome; and all
persones quha hes offendit to stand vnder arrestament, and      #
specialie
William Tuedy; and quhowsone ony of thame cum to the tovne to   #
be
wardit within the tolbuth quhill thai fynd cautioun to ansuer   #
afore jugeis
ordinaris as accordis of the law, and this failye to be tryit   #
at my lord
incuming in the cuntre.

[}12 APRIL 1570.}]
   The maist part of the counsale ordanis the baillies to write #
to my lord
provest anentis the trublance dependand amangnis nychtbouris    #
for avoyding
of cummeris in tymes cuming, and that ane addresseament be tane #
thairintill
<P 319>
be my lord personalle present, that reformatioun may be maid as
accordis, conforme to our auld libertie and fredome of burgh,   #
that nychtbouris
thairafter may leif at quyetnes and rest in tymes cuming: and
ordanis ane writting to be maid with ane honest man and send to #
my lord
as commissionare to the tovne.
   The provest baillie and counsale ordanis the counsale to     #
convene and
sycht the passage quhair the wall of the tovne suld be set and  #
consider the
samin, that quhen the werk is begynnand that the interprisaris  #
thairof be
nocht cummerit in the setting fordward of the said wall, bot    #
that thai haif
fre passage without ony cummer, on the tovne expensis.

[}18 APRIL 1570.}]
   The baillies and maist pairt of the counsale, and Mertyn     #
Craufurd consent,
ar content to cheis newtrale men to satyfy the said Mertyn for  #
the
skaith sustenit be him in the setting of the wall of the tovne  #
within his heretage,
at the sycht of thir persones vnder writtin, schosing be        #
consent of baith
the partiis, viz.: the said Mertyn Craufurd is content of his   #
awne proper
confessioun that the baillies and counsale comprise his hous    #
instantlie as it
standis, tymber and wallis, and to satify him thairfore, or     #
ellis to mak him
als gude ane hous in thak wallis and tymber as accordis, and    #
forthir to
satify him for the rovme of the situatioun of the wall as       #
passis throuch his
heretage, conforme to the vse of the tovne efferand thairto,    #
and to satify all
vtheris havand entres in siclike caces; and thairvpone the      #
thesaurare
George Horsbruk askit instrument.
   The provest baillies counsale and communite of the burgh of  #
Peblis hes
constitut Dennys Elphingstoun of Henderstoun, James Tuedy,      #
George
Horsbruk and Johne Fresall, coniunctlie and seuerale,           #
procuratouris for the
tovne, counsale and communite thairof, anentis the commoun      #
welth and
walling of the tovne.

[}6 MAY 1570.}]
   The counsale ordanis the baillies to caus thair officiaris   #
charge Dauid
Creichtoun to remane in ward within the tolbuth vnto the tyme   #
he
deliueris all the scrowis that is in his hand kepand to the     #
commoun clerk,
that thai may be registrat in the court buikis.
<P 320>
[}8 MAY 1570.}]
   The provest baillies counsale and communite of the burgh of  #
Peblis hes
statut and ordanit that [{na{] induellare within the burgh of   #
Peblis, nouther
fremen nor vtheris, tak away nor intromet with ony materialis   #
lyand at the
commoun werk and walling of the tovne, sic as sand lyme stanis  #
tubbis
standis bukkatis spadis schulis pikkis mattokkis gawillokkis    #
sand pokkis,
mandis or barrowis, or intend to win ony sand in Skynner Hewcht #
quhill
the commoun werk be endit, vnder the pane of forfalting of the  #
fremen of
thair libertie and banissing of the vnfremen the tovne.

[}20 JUNE 1570.}]
   The quhilk day, be the ordinance of the provest baillies     #
counsale and
communite of the burgh of Peblis, conforme to thair deliuerance #
of ane
bill direct thairupone of before, of the dait at Peblis the     #
xxviij day of
Aprile (\anno\) 1570, viz., Denis Elphingstoun of Henderstoun,  #
Mertyn Hay
baillie, Sir Johne Allane, Johne Stodert, James Tuedy,          #
Alexander Gowane,
chosing for Mertyn Craufurd; and Stene Robesone baillie, Patrik #
Newtoun,
George Horsbruk, William Lowys, and William Dikesone younger,   #
chosing
for the tovne: anentis the situatioun of the wall within ane    #
part of the said
Mertyn Craufurd heretage, the said sworne men ordanis and       #
decretis the
provest baillies counsale and communite to content pay and      #
deliuer to the
said Mertyn Craufurd for the skaithis sustenit be him this      #
present yere, for
the inlaik of the proffit of his taill and yard, ane boll beir; #
and Sir Johne
Allane and Thomas Lauder, interprisaris of the werk, for inlaik #
of this present
yere, to pay the said Mertyn half ane stane of lynt, and the    #
said provest
baillies and communite to releif the said Mertyn Craufurd his   #
airis
quhatsumeuer at the handis of Johne Tuedy student and vtheris,  #
prebendaris
of the Rude alter, of the yerelie payment of sex s. for the     #
situatioun of the
said wall within his said taill, and to mak the said Mertyn     #
annuell of his
forbuth fre, and to gif him sic securite for the yerelie        #
payment thairof as
afferis, and that nane molest nor cummer the interprisaris of   #
the said wall
of the situatioun thairof within thair boundis.  And to pay for #
ilk laid
lyme for the careche iiij s. vj d. the first yere, and the rest #
of the yeris
iiij s. alanerlie for ilk careche.
<P 321>
[}14 JULY 1570.}]
   The haill counsale present for the tyme ordanis Stene        #
Robesone, baillie,
accumpanit with George Horsbruk thesaurare, and Andro           #
Alexander, pas
done to Edinburgh with the tovne commissioun the xvj day of     #
Julij for the
estabillissing of the regiment of the realme, conforme to the   #
clois missiue 
send to my lord provest baillies and communite of the burgh of  #
Peblis be my
lordis Lenox, Angus, Mortoun, Mar, Glencairn, Ruthven,          #
Glammis, Vchiltre
and Carthcart, datit at Striueling the xxiij day of Junii       #
(\anno\) 1570.
   Siclike, the counsale ordanis ane ansuer to be maid to       #
maister Robert
Inschaw, conforme to the contentis of his writting, etc.

[}1 AUGUST 1570.}]
   The counsale hes ordanit Mertyn Hay, baillie, William Bell,  #
James
Gowane, Patrik Vache, Johne Wod, Patrik Dikesone, Thomas        #
Dikesone,
Johne Wychtman, to ryde furth with my lord to the hoist to the  #
raid in
Lythquo, conforme to the proclamatioun, providing alwayis that  #
my lord
gif his obligatioun to releif the tovne harmeles at the         #
thesaurare handis.

[}25 AUGUST 1570.}]
   My lord provest baillies and counsale fyndis William         #
Dikesone wife in
the wrang in stryking of Blais Stewart with hir fauldit neif,   #
and ordanis
hir to ask the said Blais Stewart forgifnes, sayand sche hes    #
failyet.

[}2 OCTOBER 1570.}]
   The said day [^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] ,
maist part
of the counsale, ordanit and be the tennour heirof ordanis the  #
charge and
letteres direct be the Kingis Maiestie his graces regent and    #
lordis of secreit
counsale anentis the chesing of thair provest baillies and      #
commoun officiaris,
<P 322>
and compt rakkynning payment and deliuerance of thair commoun   #
gudis
and kirk graith, to be obeyit in forme and effect as efferis,   #
efter the tenour
of the saidis letteres, apone the quhilk obedience Denys        #
Elphinstoun in name
and behalf of the baillies and counsale foirsaid askit          #
instrument.
   The electis chosing this present yeir be my lord provest to
be baillies: [^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]
   The said day Johne Horsbruk and Patrik Newtoun wes chosing   #
and
electit baillies be commoun wotis and maid thair aith as vse    #
is.
   The baillies and counsale hes electit William lord Hay of    #
Yester provest
for ane yeir, ald vsit and wont, and maid his aith as vse is,   #
conforme to the
act of parliament and burrolawis; and thairupone the said lord  #
askit
instrument.
   The said day, Peter Sheill, textour, wes ressauit in         #
jugement dekin
sworne and admittit, and thairupone the said Peter askit        #
instrument that
the samin wes done be consent of the haill craft.               
   The said day, James Tuedy, in name and behalf of the         #
counsale and communite,
and assisting of our Soverane Lord and his graces Regent        #
letteres and
charge direct anentis the chesing of provest baillies and       #
commoun officiaris,
[{protestit{] that William Dikesone and Johne Horsbruk wes      #
nocht abill to be
chosing as electis to be baillies in respect of our said        #
Souerane Lord and
his graces Regent letteres and charge, becaus thai war baith    #
culpable of ane
part of the gudis and kirk graith, allegeand thairthrow thai    #
dissobeyit the
said charge and letteres, and thairupone the said James askit   #
instrument.
   And the said Johne Horsbruk confessit in jugement ane part   #
of ane
chalice deliuerit to him be James Tuedy, thesaurare for the     #
tyme, and is
reddy to mak compt rakkyning and payment thairof, and William   #
Dikesone
denyis simpliciter intromissioun outhir with commoun gudis or   #
kirk graith
bot that quhilk he had payit, and protestit in cace outhir of   #
thame wer
electit baillie that our said Souerane Lord and his graces      #
regent letteres and
charge wes dissobeyit.
   To the quhilk ansueris James Tuedy that he gaif ony part of  #
chalice to
Johne Horsbruk bot that the said Johne Horsbruk, being baillie  #
for the
tyme, compellit him as ane subject, the said Johne beand        #
superiour becaus
<P 323>
the said James wes kepare of ane of the keyis of thair commoun  #
kist, and
thairupone askit instrument.
   The said day, James Tuedy, in name and behalf of the maist   #
of the
counsale and communite, tuk instrument that my lord provest     #
dissobeyit
our Souerane Lord and his graces Regent and lordis of secreit   #
counsale 
letteres and charge, becaus his lordschip votit and electit     #
with Johne
Horsbruk and William Dikesone to be baillies, beand culpable    #
of ane part
of the commoun gudis and kirk graith.  And my lord Yester       #
provest
oblist him to ansuer to the king his graces regent and lordis   #
of secreit
counsale for the saidis Johne Horsbruk and William Dikesoun     #
and vtheris
quha he gaif in tecat to be electis and baillies, and to mak    #
compt
rakynning and payment for thair intromissioun, outhir with      #
commoun
gudis or kirk graith, safar as thai intromettit with.
   The quhilk day, Andro Alexander messinger producit thir      #
names vnder
writtin in jugement be vertu of our Souerane lord his graces    #
Regent and
lordis of secreit counsale charge and letteres, viz., Johne     #
Horsbruk, James
Tuedy, Johne Wychtman, Rolland Scot, Johne Dikesone redare,     #
William
Dikesone, Patrik Dikesone, and Johne Dikesone of Melvingland,   #
as intromettouris
ressauaris and desponaris of ane part of the common gudis and  
kirk graith, and that afore the electing and chesing of the     #
baillies, protestand
solemniter gif my lord votit or electit ony of the saidis       #
persones in
office by the effect and tennour of the saidis letteres for     #
dissobeydiance
thairof that he mycht haif place to indorse apone the said      #
dissobedience as
efferit to his office to the quhilk he wes sworne.

[}25 OCTOBER 1570.}]
   The haill inqueist ordanis all meill to be presentit to the  #
mercat croce,
and nane remane in houssis, and that nane be sauld quhill tua   #
efter novne,
nor nane be sauld efter sax houris, vnder the pane of deling of #
the samin,
and that ilk meill sell to the poor of ilk laid ij pekkis       #
meill, and that it be
als gud in the ers of the seke as in the mouth vnder the pane   #
foirsaid.

[}15 NOVEMBER 1570.}]
   Johne Horsbruk, ane of the baillies of Peblis, tuk           #
instrument that 
<P 324>
Robert Dikesone of Ormistoun trublit the court sayand that gif  #
he gat
Alexander Williamsone gangand endland Tuedesyde he suld fetter  #
him as
ane theif.
   The counsale sworne and chosing for this present yere:       #
[^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]

[}18 NOVEMBER 1570.}]
   The baillies tuk instrument that thai requirit the honest    #
men of the
tovne to releif thame of the xvj li. that thai war awand to the #
chakkare
for the custummis bygane, for the quhilk thai war chargit to    #
pay or elis to
be put to the horne for the samin.
   The counsale and communite ordanis the baillies to tak of    #
the reddyest
of Sir Robert Hoip monei to pay the xvj lib. monei to the       #
chakkare for
the custummis bygane to releif the baillies fra the horne, and  #
mak Sir
Robert Hoip securite for the annuell thairof, safare as thai    #
tak, and gif him
saising thairof, viz., of Johne Scot and Johne Bullo, and to    #
roip the hillis
of Caidmuir betuix this and Witsonday to pay the releif of the  #
said sovme
of xvj lib. monei.

[}6 DECEMBER 1570.}]
   [\Of this date "the inqueist ordanis viij men to walk        #
nychtlie;" all the ports 
"to be sufficientlie stekit;" and "the heid dykis to be sychtit #
and biggit round
about the tovne, alsweill clois futtis as vtheris."\]
   Siclike, ordanis the stepill and knok to be ordourlie and    #
sufficientlie
kepit, vsit and wont, and to regne xij houris, vj houris, and   #
courfyre
nychtlie, and to pay Andro Frank his fe thairfore byganes as    #
tocum, ay and
quhill he be dischargit.

[}20 DECEMBER 1570.}]
   The baillies counsale and communite ordanis that thair be na #
playing at
the fute ball on the Hie Gait in tymes cuming, vnder the pane   #
of ilk
persone fyndand playand viij s. and cutting of the ball.
<P 325>
[}15 JANUARY 1570.}]
   The haill inquest ordanis the baillies to pas throuch the    #
tovne and vesy
euerilk induellare within the burgh of Peblis and se quhat      #
bestiall thai 
haif to leif vpone or ony vtheris gudis or geir; and to pvnis   #
all pykaris of
caill, erbis, cornes, fewale, hennys, caponis, geis, or ony     #
vtheris gudis and
geir, and quha thai fynd culpabill thairintill to punys thame   #
conforme to
the auld actis and banys thame the tovne conforme to the auld   #
actis maid 
in vmquhile Robert Hoppringill and Andro Wychtman, baillies,    #
tymes.
   And siclike that thair be na scheip fund pasturand within    #
the burro ruddis
in yardis or cornes in tymes cuming, vnder the pane of          #
eschaeting of
the samin.
   And siclike ordanis quhatsumeuery personis, wemen, mennis    #
wiffis, or
vtheris persones quhatsumeuer, that is found flytand on the     #
Hie Gait in
tymes cuming to be put sax houris in the linkis without         #
fauouris.
   And the heid dykis to be biggit round about within viij      #
dayis efter the
lowyssing of the storme.

[}10 FEBRUARY 1570.}]
   The maist part of the communite of the burgh of Peblis is    #
contentit with 
maister Thomas Cranstoun writting tuiching his desyre to schaw  #
the Word
of God trewlie, and to send ane commissioun to him with the     #
lard of Henderstoun
and ane of the baillies.
   The baillies and communite ordanis fourty persones, honest   #
men, to furnys
xl s., euerilk persone to pay xij d., for to speik the Regent   #
grace to haif fauouris
to byde at hame fra the proclamatioun newlie ordanit for to be  #
in
Glasgw the xiiij day of this instant, and fynd remedy           #
thairfore, and to wit
beneuolent pay the samin.      

[}16 FEBRUARY 1570.}]
   The baillies counsale and communite hes ordanit Patrik       #
Newtoun, ane of
the baillies of Peblis, accumpanit with Johne Wychtman,         #
Gilbert Tuedy,
Thomas Hesilhope mercheand, William Dikesone, Andro Alexander,  #
ryde to 
the oist to Glasgw, conforme to the proclamatioun, and to see   #
gif they can
haif ane addres of my lord Regent grace or nocht, and           #
thairefter to aduertis
<P 326>
with ane cursour quhidder thai get ane addressement or nocht,   #
and the said
aduertisment beand maid to the haill tovne, to take the nixt    #
best, and gif it
be found that thai get ane sufficient addres the rest of the    #
tovne to beir the 
said baillie and the saidis sax nychtbouris with him expensis.

[}14 MARCH 1570.}]
   The baillie and maist part of the communite beand present    #
for the tyme,
hes ordanit Maister Andro Cranstoun, be the admission of the    #
kirk, for instruction 
of the youth to tak the barneis of the tovne to instruct thame, #
and
appoyntis the tolbuthe to him to teche the barneis in quhill    #
Beltane nixtocum,
and quha plesis to put thair barneis till him for thair         #
instruction.
The said day Dauid Creichtoun grantit himself, of his awne      #
confessioun,
lauchfullie warnit fra the scoill, and that he suld remoif      #
thairfra at Beltane
nixtocum.

[}25 APRIL 1571.}]
   The haill inqueist ordanis the Vanelaw to be proclamit       #
waist seute and
hanyng quhill Witsonday nixtocum that the baillies tak ordour   #
thairintill,
vnder the pane of paying of viij s. for ilk sowme apprehendit   #
thairupone the
first falt, the secund xvj s., the thrid falt xxiiij s., and    #
the vnlawis thairof to
be applyit to the brig werk; and ordanis the baillies and       #
Thomas Lawder to
vesy the said brig werk and to consider quhat is necessar       #
thairfore, and the
samin to be modifiit vniuersalie amang the inhabitantis to be   #
payit gif the
said vnlawis will nocht satify the samin.
   The said inqueist ordanis the half of the tovne to walk      #
nychtlie quhill
Beltane ewin, and the haill toun to walk on Beltane ewin,       #
Beltane day at
ewin, and the morne efter Beltane day quhill thai se quhat stay #
may cum
in the cuntre for resisting of thevis.
   And as tuiching the out wachis, ordanis thame that hes nocht #
payit to
pay that thing sa far as is restand, and thairefter to mak ane  #
new taxt to
mak forthir wauching quhill forthir ordour be taken.
   Item, the said inqueist ordanis viij personis of them that   #
is ellis brokin
anentis the payment of the pulder and breik thame that brak the #
laif
efter Beltane, and in the mein tyme to gif to the gunneris ane  #
quarter of
pulder, and xx lib. to be broking to the brig werk and pulder.
<P 327>
   Item, anentis the payment of the scoilmaister, ordanis the   #
provest and
baillies to set the hillis or ony vther wayis to the hieast     #
awaill to mak him
payment thairof for thair awne releif of the charge of the      #
kingis letteres
direct to thame thairupone.
   Item, ordanis the actis done of before be the tuelf men for  #
the situatioun
of the wall about the tovne to be obseruit and kepit, of the    #
dait the xviij
day of Aprill (\anno\) 1570 and xxx day of Junii (\anno         #
predicto\).
   Item, the inqueist is content that Maister Thomas Cranstoun, #
minister, be
payit of the thrid of the personage and vicarage of Mennare and #
Peblis as
efferis to the quantite and availl thairof.
   Item, the inqueist ordanit the appoynteament of the buttis   #
bigging to be
kepit be the contractaris and appoyntearis thairof.

[}24 MAY 1571.}]
   The quhilk day, comperit Johne Dikesone of Melvingland and   #
desyrit the
baillies and counsale to call in particularlie be thair precept #
the intromettouris
with the kirk geir and commoun geir to thair awne particulare   #
vse, quhilk
suld be restorit and geving agane bakwark to the commoun vse of #
the tovne,
and to be chargit vpoun four dayis warnyng, conforme to the vse #
of burgh,
quhairthrouch that taxationes nor stentis apone the poore.
   The baillies and counsale ordanis the officiaris to pas      #
throuch the tovne
on Witsonday ewin and desyre honest men sum to leid ane laid    #
of lyme to
the brig werk and sum sand and sum stanis, and thai that wil    #
nocht send
thair hors that we may knaw thair gud will thairto.
   The baillies tuk instrument that thai with awise of the      #
communite dischargit
thame of ony intromissioun with my lord Newbotle hoggis         #
quhilkis
wes red fra the thevis, and makkis thame fre to my lord         #
Newbotle seruandis,
William Ackin and William Allane, and thairupone the baillies   #
askit instrumentis.
This wes done in the Tolbuth of Peblis at ix houris forrow      #
novne
or thairby, before thir witnes: Denys Elphingstoun of           #
Henderstoun, James
Tuedy burges in Peblis, and Sir Johne Allane notare publict.
   The said day, in presens of the notare publict and witnes    #
vnder writting, 
William Allane, officiare foirsaid, in name and behalf of my    #
lord Newbotle,
desyrit Gilbert Hay to deliuer to him in name and behalf of the #
said lord
<P 328>
Newbotle, quha ansuerit and said he had na intromissioun with   #
the saidis
hoggis bot causit the childrene quha wes reddaris thairof fra   #
the thevis to
hald thame and keip thame togidder to my lord vtilite and       #
proffit quhill the
said childrene wer satifiit for the redding of the same, and    #
thairupone 
William Allane, officiare foirsaid, askit instrument.  This wes #
done at the
said Gilbert Hay duelling place, at ten houris forro novne or   #
thairby, before
thir witnes: Arthure Jak, seruand to the chalmerlane of Glasgw, #
William
Tempill, Robert Rust, with vtheris diuers.
   
[}19 JUNE 1571.}]
   The inqueist findis Johne Bell dissobedient to the baillie   #
that wald nocht
obey the said baillies charge quhen he molestit and trublit the #
tovne, and
thairfore ordanis the said Johne Bell to compeir at the mercat  #
croce and ask
Patrik Newtoun baillie forgifnes, and to find caustioun to obey #
officiaris in
tymes cuming, vnder the pane of banissing the tovne and his     #
body to be
pvnist conforme to the lawis of the realme.
   And ordanis gif ony fremen within the libertie of burgh      #
dissobeyis the
baillies or ony vtheris officiaris to forfalt thair liberte and #
fredome, and vnfremen
or seruandis dissobeyand to be banisst the tovne for euir, and  #
this act
of ordinance to be vsit in all tymes cuming.
   The inqueist ordanis the baillies and counsale to vesy and   #
sycht quhair
Johne Patersone desyris the chep to be biggit and lat him haif  #
it be ane sufficient
rowme, nocht hurtand  the hie passage and kingis streit,        #
conforme to
the vse of the tovne and ordour of burro lawis.

[}27 JULY 1571.}]
   The baillies ordanis the officiaris to warne the             #
inhabitantis of the burgh
of Peblis to pay thair day werkkis awand be thame vnpaiit to    #
the brig werk,
vnder the pane of poynding of thair guddis vsit and wont, and   #
failyene
thairof committis Stene Robesone vphaldare of the said brig     #
werk to
poynd thairfore als weill in tymes cuming as for the byganis.
   The baillies and communite ordanis the quarter of the tovne  #
to walk
nychtlie, and to elect ane maist honest man of the said quarter #
quartermaister,
and to obey the officiaris as thai salbe commandit vnder the    #
pane
of ane vnlaw als oft as thai failye.
<P 329>
[}12 SEPTEMBER 1571.}]
   The baillies and counsale ordanis Dauid Creichtoun,          #
scoilmaister, to be
ansuerit of x lib. of the xlvj li. ij s. viij d. taxt quhilk    #
wes collectit and gadderit
for the men of weir to gang to Leith, and that of the superplus #
of the
said sovme, and the rest thairof to be deliuerit to the         #
officiariis and Andro
Frank.

[}1 OCTOBER 1571.}]
   The quhilk day, Andro Alexander producit in jugement, afore  #
the
electing and chesing of the provest and baillies of the burgh   #
of Peblis, our
Souerane Lordis letteres chargeing William lord Hay of Yester   #
provest,
Johne Horsbruk, Patrik Newtoun, baillies of the said burgh,     #
makkand
mentioun:  Forsamekle as vmquhile our derrest cousing, James    #
erle of
Murray lord Abirnethy regent to ws our realme and liegis, quha  #
restis with
God, wrait to the provest and baillies of Peblis, nocht onlie   #
in the yere
of God j=m= v=c= lxviij yeris but also before the feist of      #
Michaelmes in the yeir
of God lxix yeris, anent the chesing of their baillies and      #
commoun officiaris
of the maist honest worthy and sufficient men within thair toun #
that war
nocht of factions nor hes nor had melling and intromissioun     #
with thair
commoun gude and kirk graith to thair privat vses, to the       #
effect that the
samin mycht haif bene employit to the bigging of ane wall about #
our said
burgh to resist the invasioun of thevis, quhairvnto our said    #
vmquhile cousing
wes willing to hald hand that the samin mycht be performit;     #
nochtwithstanding
our derrest gudschir Matho erle of Levinax lord Dernlie, our 
lauchfull tutour and now regent to ws our realme and liegis,    #
vnderstandis
that thair is na thing done be the saidis provest and baillies  #
to sa gud ane
actioun tending samekle to the commoun weill of our said burgh  #
and eais of
our Prince liegis within the samin, bot the saidis commoun gude #
and kirk
graith intromettit witht and desponit be sum particular         #
persones mair
regardand thair awne privat proffitt and commodite nor the      #
publict weill of
the samin burgh; for remeid quhairof our will is and we charge  #
yow straitlie
and commandis that, incontinent thir our letteres sene, ye pas  #
and in our
name and authorite command and charge the saidis provest and    #
baillies of
our said burgh of Peblis now present to tak compt and           #
rakkynning of the
persones intromettouris quhatsumeuer with the said commoun      #
gude and
<P 330>
kirk graith, and thairefter caus ilk ane of thame for thair     #
awne part to
rander restore and deliuer the samin agane, so far as thai haif #
intromettit with,
to the saidis provest and baillies or to the collectour that    #
thai sall appoynt
for the resset thairof, to the effect that with the avise of    #
the counsale and
communite of our said burgh the samin may be applyit to the     #
commoun
weill thairof in bigging of ane wall thairabout, within sax     #
dayis nixt efter the
saidis provest and baillies be chargit be yow thairto, vnder    #
the pane of
rebellioun and putting of thame to our horne, or ellis that     #
thai vpone the
samin sax day compeir personalie afor our said derrast gudsire  #
and regent
and lordis of our secreit counsale at Edinburgh or quhair it    #
salhappin thame
to be for the tyme and schaw ane ressonabill caus quhy the same #
suld nocht
be done, with certificatioun to thame and thai failye, our      #
vtheris letteres salbe
direct simpliciter to put thame to our horne and all thair      #
moveable gudis
escheit and inbrocht till our vse for thair contemptioun,       #
according to justice,
as ye will ansuer to ws thairupone; the quhilk do we commit to  #
yow
coniunctlie and seueralie our haill power be thir our letteres, #
deliuering
thame be yow dewlie execut and indorsat agane to the berare.    #
Geving
vnder our signet, and subscriuit be our said derrast gudschir   #
and regent, at
Edinburgh the xj day of September and of our regne the ferd     #
yere. Efter
productioun of the quhilk charge and charge geving, the said    #
Andro
Alexander askit instrument that the saidis provest and          #
baillies of the said
burgh obeyit the saidis letteres and contentis thairof in all   #
tymes cuming,
and tak compt rakkyning as said is, and apply the samin to the  #
walling of
our said burgh, vnder the pane foirsaid.
   (\Electi pro balliuis fiendis\): [^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]
   The said day James Wilsone and William Dikesone, be commoun  #
vot of
the provest baillies and communite of the said burgh, is        #
chosing baillies for
ane yere, and maid thair aithis as vse is for administratioun   #
of justice,
baith to poore and riche, and ressauit the wand thairof in      #
signe and takin
of the samin.     

[}5 DECEMBER 1571.}]
   The haill inqueist ordanis the interprisaris of the wall to  #
fall to the
werk the morne, and lift the dykis quhatsumeuer appoyntit, and  #
lay to the
<P 331>
werk and compleit the samin as the rest is, safare as the       #
stanis will serf;
and that na man molest truble nor cummer thame thair seruandis  #
in
lifting of the saidis stanis and dikis as said is, vnder the    #
pane of viij s.
vnforgeving.
   Siclike, ordanis that ane of the baillies, accompanit with   #
four or five
honest men, pas throuch the mercat wolklie and inhibit that na  #
man,
regratand the mercat, by ony meill bot samekle as will sustene  #
the byaris
for viij dayis alanerlie, and that na meill be sauld afore tua  #
efter novne nor
efter sax, and that all meill be presentit to the mercat met    #
and sauld
thairintill and in nane vther place, and that the meill be als  #
gud in the sek
ers as in the mouth thairof, providing alwayis gif ony meill in #
tymes
cuming be apprehendit in houssis furth of the mercat the samin  #
sall pay to
the officiar apprehendare thairof ane firlot of meill and the   #
rest of the sek
to be delt to the poore folk, and that na nychtbour within the  #
tovne by
meill to ony landwart man that is ane cowpare of meill vnder    #
the pane of
viij s. vnforgeving.
   The inqueist ordanis the dissobeyaris and contempnaris of    #
the kirk to
be pvnist be the baillies as accordis, efter the vse and        #
consuetude of vther
reformit townis.

[}19 DECEMBER 1571.}]
   The baillies tuk apone hand to preif the contentis of our    #
Souerane
Lordis letteres producit be Dauid Creichtoun tuiching his       #
stipend contenand
the sovme of xx li. payit, viz., x lib. thairof be the baillies #
and ten
pundis be Stene Robesone, and that at my lord incuming in the   #
cuntre,
and als to preif that he wes lauchfullie dischargit fra the     #
instructioun of
the scoleris and scoill in Januare in (\anno Domini\) j=m= v=c= #
and thre score nyne 
yeris, and thairupone the baillies askit instrument.
   To the quhilk ansuerit Dauid Creichtoun that he wes nocht    #
lauchfullie
warnit be the said Mertyn Hay as baillie to remoif of his       #
office as is allegit,
becaus the said Mertyn being half member of court for the tyme  #
and
havand Stene Robesone his college and William lord of Yester as #
provest and
superiour onto thame, on tha wayis the said Mertyn culd         #
[{nocht{] mak intimatioun
of warnyng to the said Dauid without consent of the said        #
provest and
college forsaid counsale and communite of the said burgh, and   #
als gevand
<P 332>
and nocht grantand ony warnyng wes maid the said Dauid act of   #
admissioun
and continewance thairof in his office is of ane latter dait,   #
and thairefter
being lauchfullie warnit xl dayis precedand the thrid day of    #
Maii
(\anno\) 1571, and desyrit interloquutour thairupone.
   The said day the interloquutour findis that the baillies may #
sit apone
spulye and wrang committit amangnis nychtbouris within thair    #
selffis as
weill as the scheref principale may within the schyre.

[}14 JANUARY 1571.}]
   The inqueist ordanis the baillies to put Johne Kirkwod of    #
the tovne,
and gif he dissobeyis to set ane birnyng irne on his cheik and  #
banis him
the tovne for euer.
   The inqueist ordanis the custum to be ropit be opping        #
proclamatioun on
Tuesday the mercat.

[}1 FEBRUARY 1571.}]
   The quhilk day, comperit Johne Dikesone, takkisman of the    #
burraige
custum of Peblis set to him be the baillies counsale and maist  #
part of the
communite for the tyme, quhilk tak as yit is nocht expirit, and #
als allegit
that the inqueist quha gaf command to roip and proclame the     #
same hes na
jurisdictioun nor power thairof, bot alanerlie all inqueistis   #
to pas apone
seruing of brevis gif ony war, and as tuiching custumis milnis  #
and hillis
and all commoun effaris auch to be ropit and set be avise of    #
the provest
baillies and counsale conforme to the ordour of this tovne to   #
the space of
xl yeris bygane or thairby, and to verify the said allegeance   #
he producit my
lord provest hand writt that he never consentit, and siclike    #
that na counsale
is chosing quhairthrouch na power thair is to seclude nor put   #
him thairfra
as is allegit.
   The said day Johne Dikesone producit his tak of the said     #
custum red in
jugement, in the quhilk tak thair wes certane dayis thairof to  #
ryn, viz.,
four dayis and that he aucht to be warnit be provest baillies   #
and counsale
and ordour of thame be quham he had the said tak of before or   #
he
removit.
   The said day, Johne Dikesone comperit, ane of the counsale   #
for the
tyme, and allegit thair is ane act maid be the provest baillies #
and counsale
<P 333>
that na freman suld be maid in na tymes cuming vnto the tyme    #
thai maid
residence within the tovne yere and day, quhairthrouch thair    #
qualities and
conditionis mycht be knawing, and siclike nocht to be admittit  #
afore compositioun 
be maid be the provest baillies and counsale for the tyme, and  
gif the baillies will breck the samin that it suld nocht        #
pervert the ordour in
this tyme, and desyris the names of the interloquutour gif thai #
pervert the
said ordour.

[}6 FEBRUARY 1571.}]
   The burro court of Peblis, halding in the tolbuth of that    #
ilk, be James
Wilsone and William Dikesone baillies, set for commoun effaris, #
and
specialie for the setting of the custum, the vj day of Februare #
(\anno\) 1571,
the suttis callit, the court affirmit, the absentis in ane      #
amerciament; Johne
Mathosone, dempstare; Adam Gilleis, Patrik Williamsone,         #
officiaris; etc.
   (\Assisa\) : [^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]
   Johne Dikesone, takkisman of the custum, baillies counsale   #
and communite
of the burgh of Peblis hes chosing this inqueist abone writting #
as
newtrale and vnsuspect persones be baith partiis to tak ordour  #
anentis the
roping and setting of the custum for the commoun weill to maist #
hieast
availl, and thairupone the baillies requirit instrument.
   The haill inqueist all in ane voce, except Andro Frank,      #
fyndis it necessare
that the custum be ropit to the maist availl for the commoun    #
weill,
conforme to the actis maid thairupone of before, and thai that  #
will gif maist
thairfore to be hard and thair tak to begyn on Candilmes ewin,  #
viz., the first
day of Februare.
   The haill inqueist ordanis the baillies to sycht thair       #
evidentis infeftementis
and rentalis of the small benefices within the burgh of Peblis, #
and
beand awisit thairwith to gif maister Thomas Cranstoun minister #
and
maister Andro Cranstoun his sone ane resolut ansuer of thair    #
billis tuiching
thair stipendis.
   The baillies counsale and communte of the burgh of Peblis,   #
beand convenit
counsalie togidder for to rope thair custum to the availl and   #
maist
<P 334>
hieast price for the commoun weill, hes all in ane voce set the #
said custum
to Mertyn Hay, burges of Peblis, for ane yere, enterand thairto #
at the first
day of Februare, and to brook and jois the same peceabillie and #
lift all and
sindry small custumis and proffittis pertenand thairto, and     #
sall pay thairfore
fourty five merkis gude and vsuale money of Scotland .... to    #
the
baillies of Peblis to pay the chakkare with; and als the said   #
Mertyn sall
vphald the metlummis, viz., firlottis, pekkis and wey balkis    #
sufficientlie and
deliuer thame sufficient at the ische of the said yere tak.
   Maister Andro Cranstoun tuk instrument in cace he get nocht  #
ane
resolute ansuer betuix this and the nixt court he dischargit    #
him of the
seruis of the scoill.

[}1 MARCH 1571.}]
   The quhilk day, the baillie convenit the haill inhabitantis  #
of the burgh
of Peblis, and publist and red oppinglie in jugement our        #
Souerane Lord his
Regent graces and lordis of secreit counsale, akknawlegeing the #
King as our
Souerane onlie, his regent lieutennent and dewtifull subiectis, #
conforme to
the contentis of his graces act, of the quhilk the tennour      #
followis: (\Apud 
Leyth penultimo Februarii anno Domini j=m=v=c=lxxj=o=\). The    #
quhilk day, in
presens of my lord regent grace and lordis of secreit counsale, #
comperit
Johne Dikesone of Winkestoun, William Dikesone his brother,     #
baillie of
the toun of Peblis, Adam Bell, Johne Wod and Thomas Hesilhope   #
burgessis
thairof, for thame selffis and in name and behalf of the        #
remanent
inhabitantis of the samin, for quham thai ar presentlie content #
and
takis in hand to ansuer for, vpone the obseruatioun of the      #
conditionis
following, that is to say that thai euery ane of thame sall     #
acknawlege
as thai do presentlie the kingis Maiestie for thair onlie       #
Souerane, that thai
sall serue and obey his hienes his regent and authorite as      #
becummis
dewtifull subjectis, and siclike that thai sall nocht resset    #
supple nor intercommoun
with Thomas Ker sumtyme of Pharnyhirst knycht, Thomas Ker
sumtyme of Caveris, James Ormistoun sumtyme of that ilk,        #
maister Johne
Moscrope aduocat, or ony vtheris declarit tratouris and         #
notorious rebellis
aganis our said Souerane Lord and his authorite, bot sall ryis  #
assist and
serue his hienes or lieutennentis havand his Maiesties          #
authorite in the
furthsetting thairof aganis al withstandaris of the same. The   #
quhilk to do
<P 335>
the persones abone writting comperand, takand the burding vpone #
thame
for thame selffis and vtheris that thai haif promysit for as    #
said is, hes
faythfullie bund oblist and sworne thame selffis ay thai will   #
ansuer to God,
and vnder the pane of periurie defamatioun and tinsall of       #
perpetuale estimatioun
and credit, and in cace thai do in the contrare to be comptit
faithles manesworne and defamit for euer and sall never haif    #
place to stand
in jugement or to beir office and witnes, bot to be haldand as  #
tratouris and
infidelis perpetualie.  Attour my lord regentis grace and       #
counsale ordanis
and commandis the forsaidis persones comperand as said is to    #
communicat
thir conditiones to the remanent inhabitantis of the said burgh #
of Peblis, and
to tak the like aith of thame for obseruatioun of the samin,    #
and in cace
ony mak refuis that it be reportit agane to his grace and       #
counsale that
ordour may be takin with thame as appertenis. (\Extractum de    #
libro
actorum secreti consilii supremi D.N. Regis per me Alexandrum   #
Hay
deputatum clerici eiusdem, sub meis signo et subscriptione      #
manualibus. 
Sic subscribitur: Alexander Hay\). Of the productioun           #
publissing and
reding of the samin the baillies desyrit the samin inhabitantis #
of the said
burgh to obtemper and obey the said writting, conforme to the   #
contentis
thairof, quha all in ane voce maid thair aithis to fulfill the  #
samin as said
is, and in signe and taking of thair said obedience and         #
acknawleging of
our Souerane his graces regent and authorite as dewtifull       #
subiectis, the
saidis baillies and inhabitantis hes subscriuit the samin in    #
maner following
day yere and place foirsaidis. (\Sic subscribitur\).              
 

[}12 MARCH 1571.}]
   The inqueist ordanis the prebendariis to produce thair       #
giftis of thair
prebendis betuix this and the nixt court.
   Item, ordanis the baillies to write to my lord for the key   #
of the commoun
kist quhilk he hes in keping, and haif his ansuer thairupone,   #
that
the commoun buikis and vtheris evidentis may be sychtit.
   Item, ordanis the baillies to pvnis all regratouris conforme #
to the auld
actis maid thairupone of before, vtherwayis thai will nocht cum #
apone
inqueist or assise.
   The inqueist ordanis the baillies to elect ane counsale to   #
decerne apone
all actiones concernyng commoun effaris, and thairefter Adam    #
Dik to mak
<P 336>
his bill and gif into the provest and counsale anentis that     #
part of land that
he desyris in fewferme in Sanct Michaell wynde.
   Item, the inqueist ordanis the baillies to assist the        #
ordinances of the
kirk and actis of parliament anentis the pvnisment of           #
excommunicat
persones.
   Item, ordanis Dauid Creichtoun, scoilmaister for the tyme,   #
to be payit
his fiall safar as he maid seruis vndischargit, compt and       #
rakkynning beand
first maid of his ressait.
   Item, ordanis Andro Frank to mak compt and rakkynning of the #
pulder
and leid that he ressauit and thairefter to tak ordour          #
thairwith.
   The inqueist ordanis the minister, Mr Thomas Cranstoun, to   #
vse his
assignatioun maid to him be the collectour anentis his stipend.

[}31 MARCH 1572.}]
   The baillies, with avise of ane certane honest men, convenit #
for the commoun
welth of the tovne, statutis and ordanis that the haill half    #
tovne
walk nychtle, begynnand at nyne houris at evin, and remane      #
quhill
v houris on the morne, to that effect the swische sall strike   #
at thair entres
and at thair departing, having thir viij men to be quarter      #
maisteris,
viz., Alexander Gowane, Patrik Dikesone, James Gowane younger,  #
James
Hoppringill; for the vther quarter, Mertyn Hay, Johne Wychtman, 
William Bell, George Horsbruk; for the vther quarter, Patrik    #
Vache,
Thomas Hesilhope, James Tuedy, Johne Scot; and for the last     #
quarter,
Hectour Cranstoun, Thomas Tuedy, Johne Horsbruk, Adam Dikesone; 
quha sall tak attendance to the said wauchis euirilk nycht,     #
baith out and
in, that thai do thair diligence as thai will ansuer first to   #
God, the King
and commoun welth of the tovne. Provyding that quhen ane fray   #
occurris
and warnyng maid be the wauche euery man without exceptioun of
persones salbe reddy apone the Hie Gait with his armour ather   #
at the
stryking of the swysche or ringing of the commoun bell          #
incontinent, vnder
the pane of ten li. the first falt, the secund falt xx li., the #
thrid falt [^blank^];
and for obseruing of this ordour in tymes cuming the swische to #
strike at
the Eist Port and the bell to ring at the West Port, and the    #
panis to be
vpliftit be the baillies incontinent efter the falt, and in     #
cace thai failye the
<P 337>
baillies to pay the pane of the falt of thair awne gudis;       #
provyding alwayis
that the out wauchis salbe ordourit be appoyntement of the      #
quarter
maisteris and gif thai be found necligent to be pvnist at the   #
baillies
sycht.
   Siclike, it is statute and ordanit that the haill            #
inhabitantis of the said
[{toun{] euery ane to big thair awne heid-rovme betuix the      #
Tolbuth to Peblis
brig and sua about the south syde of the tovne to the Eist      #
Werk, the haill
communite to help to big it with dry stanis sasone and safare   #
as is within
thame selffis, and quhair superabundance of stanis is to help   #
vtheris thairwith
that mistaris, and this to be done within viij nychtis, and     #
quha
failyeis heirintill to pay xl s. of pane, provyding alwayis     #
that all the inhabitantis
betuix the Tolbuith and the Eist Port transport the dykis       #
within the
wall to the work to be layit in dyke and wall that the          #
interprisaris of the
work may big the samin and clois the port as efferis.
   And siclike ordanis Johne Wychtman, accumpanit with thre     #
vtheris
nychtbouris as the baillies and honest men sall think           #
expedient, with the
tovne commissioun, to pas to Leith and to gif in ane bill to    #
my lord regent
grace and counsale to lament our heirschippis as salbe geving   #
in writting
to thame.

[}7 APRIL 1572.}]
   The baillies and communite ordanis to send tua honest men    #
with thair
commissioun to the regent grace and lordis of counsale to       #
lament thair
heirschippis and reiffis, and siclike to tak ordour quhow the   #
pulder salbe
payit and disponit. Ordanis the slatis of all the portis and    #
Briggait wicket
to be bandit with irne, and ordanis the Briggait port to be     #
biggit vp and
condampnit. Siclik, ordanis to provide Adam Hog to keip the     #
gunnis in
the Eist Port. James Kid to vse the swische. Item, to caus mak  #
the
crukkis to the port in the new wall. Siclik ordanis to sycht    #
the landis of
Caidmuir newlie rewin furth on Hundelishope syde and thairefter #
to
despone as thai think expedient.

[}18 APRIL 1572.}]
   The baillies and honest men of the tovne beand present for   #
the tyme
ordanis to elect iiij or viij young men to poynd for the        #
absence and dissobedience 
<P 338>
of the wauche as quarter maisteris havand power thairof without 
partialite to poynd viij s. vnforgeving, the ane half thairof   #
to drink, the vther
to the commoun welth to be applyit. Ordanis to tak ordour with  #
Johne
Ra in the stepill. Ordanis to put ane gunner to the Eist Werk   #
to furnis
pulder to the gunnis.
   The electing of the scoilmaister to the counsale.
   And the quarter maister is to caus compell poynd and         #
destrenye all thame
quha ar nocht bent for the defence of the tovne, baith in body  #
and gudis,
wappynis fortalices and dykis; and to caus Sir Johne Allane and #
Thomas
Lawder set fordwart the walling of the tovne with expeditioun,  #
and that all
the inhabitantis within the burgh do as thai ar oblist to bring #
in thair carechis
of lyme restand bygane and to cum for furthsetting of the samin.
Item, to caus the Briggat Port to be biggit vp and              #
condampnit.... And
caus the interprisaris of the werk to be ansuerit thairof       #
conforme to the
indentis maid thairupone.
   Siclike, ordanis the baillies and communite to write to my   #
lord provest of
all effairis concernyng commoun welth, conforme to the actis    #
maid of before
be the ordinances and deliuerances of diuers inqueistis and     #
haill communite,
to cum and assist ws as our superiour and ourisman incontinent, #
with certificatioun
and his lordschip cum nocht thai will do the nixt best for the  
commoun welth of the tovne and discharge him of ony office in   #
tymes cumming,
and to cheis ane counsale on Weddynisday nixt to cum without    #
ony
continewatioun.
   The names of the travellaris that is admittit be the provest #
and baillies
to cary victualis to Drumfreis as faithfull trew men: [^LIST OF
NAMES OMITTED^] .

[}30 APRIL 1572.}]
   The inqueist ordanis the Venlaw to be let in gerssowmes to   #
the maist
availl for this present yere, becaus thai applyit thair haill   #
commoun gudis to
the walling of the tovne, and to hald all bestiall thairof and  #
keip the samin
for all gudis quhill it be sett in sowmes vnder the pane of     #
viij s.
<P 339>
   The inqueist ordanis that na wautsche pas to ony part fra    #
the setting
thairof to the scaling of the samin bot as the quarter          #
maisteris commandis,
vnder the pane of viij s. vnforgeving; and that nane pas to     #
drink in tyme of
watsching, vnder the pane forsaid, and the oistlare that sellis #
to ony of the
wautsche ony drink sall pay viij s. of vnlaw vnforgeving.
   And that na crelis be vsit in the milnis the tyme of         #
smoltis, vnder the
pane of viij s. vnlaw and cutting of the creill set.
   Ordanis to discharge ony meill to be sald in Innerlethane in #
tymes cuming,
except it be to fremen, by the mercat day of the burgh of       #
Peblis, vnder
the pane of eschaeting of the samin.

[}10 MAY 1572.}]
   William Kello, burges of Peblis, is becumit causcioun and    #
souerte to
deliuer the pavaleoun of the burgh of Peblis, and all           #
necessariis pertenand
thairto, within the said burgh agane in the commoun hous        #
thairof, quhilk my
lord provest borrowit to the perambuling of his landis of       #
Gladmur, Vpstoun
and Crabrovne, within xv dayis nixt thairefter, vnder the pane  #
of fourty
pundis; and the said provest bunding for the said William Kello #
releif,
before thir witnes: William Lawder and Sir Johne Allane notare  #
publict.

[^19 MAY 1572 OMITTED INCL. A LIST OF WEAPONS^]

<P 342>
[}26 MAY 1572.}]
   The said day, James Wilsone baillie, in absence of William   #
Dikesone his
college, causit convene the haill nychtbouris and inhabitantis  #
of the burgh
of Peblis be thair officiaris to treit vpone commoun effaris,   #
and speciale
to avoid this inconvenient now laitlie falling betuix the burgh #
of Peblis and
the bordouris thevis and revaris, and haif tane four sworne men #
as speciale
to be principall chargearis and commandaris of the inhabitantis #
vtouth the
tovne in fra and following and to assist within the burgh with  #
the maiestratis
for pvnisment of dissobeyaris, and becaus the said baillie wes  #
vnabill
of his awne persone offerit to ony abill man that wald accept   #
his office he
wald gif largelie of his awne geir, viz., ane kow with ane      #
followare, his baillie
fee and vtheris accidentis that appertenit to his office, and   #
nane wald accept
his office of his hand nochtwithstanding the offer foirsaid,    #
and than incontinent
thairefter the said baillie, with avise of the nychtbouris      #
present for
the tyme ordanit the saidis nychtbouris and inhabitantis of the #
said burgh
of Peblis, to convene in the tolbutht thairof on Weddynnisday   #
nixtocum be
ix houris forro novne, vnder the pane of viij s. vnforgeing,    #
and protestit gif
ony inconvenient happynnit to fall in the meyntyme that he war  #
blameles
thairof becaus he culd haif na obedience of the saidis          #
nychtbouris.

[}28 MAY 1572.}]
   The counsale sworne for this present yere to Michaelmes      #
nixtocum: - My
lord provest; [^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] .
Subscriuit
be my lord provest and baillies; and thir persones              #
vnderwritting chosing to
augment the nowmer for forthir setting furth of commone welth   #
as efter
followis: - [^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] .
<P 343>
   The counsale abone writting ordanis the wauche to stand as   #
it wes of
befoir till my lord incuming in the cuntre, and thairefter to   #
tak ordour
thairof as the counsale thinkis expedient, and ordanis ane      #
blynd man to be
suttit and quhat ressonabill compositioun thai mak to releif    #
the sutour
thairof; and ordanis Johne Hay, James Hoppringill, Johne        #
Horsbruk, Patrik
Vache, Gilbert Tuedy, Thomas Tuedy to sut diligently the said   #
blind
man.
   Ordanis the Eist Werk to be kepit and the artailyerie to be  #
schot be
Adam Hog, and to be oursene be Patrik Newtoun, quhilk Patrik    #
sall distribute
the pulder as necessite occurris. Ordanis Johne Portus to be    #
conducit
to walk nychtlie on the Eist Wark, enterand at ix houris at     #
ewin quhill thre
houris in the mornyng quhill the nycht grow langar, and         #
thairefter Johne
Wilsone to pas to the hous heid and till remain quhill vij      #
houris in the
mornyng; and that the Eist Port be nocht opynnit quhill v       #
houris in the
mornyng, and steik the samin at ix houris at ewin quhill the    #
nycht grow 
langare; and that gunnaris that may nocht furnys thameself      #
pulder to haif
sum pairt of the townis expensis in tyme of frayis and neid.
   The brekaris of the iij=xx= li. taxt for commoun effaris: -  #
[^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]
   The vesyaris of the wappynnis and armour of the burgh of     #
Peblis as
efter followis: - [^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]
   Item, it is statut and ordanit that na man nor bestiall, sic #
as scheip hors
swyne nolt, be found within vtheris yardis in tymes cuming, and #
to clois vp
thair yaird futtis within the closis to keip the samin, vnder   #
the pane of viij s.
of vnlaw vnforgeving.
   Item, ordanis all the heid dykis betuix Sanct Michaell Wynde #
and Peblis
brig to be sufficientlie biggit with all diligence betuix this  #
and Sonday nixtocum,
vnder the pane of viij s.
   Item, ordanis ane new port to be biggit to the new wall of   #
the reddyest
tymber of the kirk tymmer, and to fall to wirk the morne, and   #
ordanis Sir
Johne Allane and Thomas Lawder to fall to the bigging of the    #
werk the
morn and to begyn quhair thai left.
<P 344>
[}9 JUNE 1572.}]
   Ordanis the merchis of Caidmuir to be ridding, ald vsit and  #
wont, efter
novne, and all inhabitantis within the said burgh to be reddy   #
to pas with
the provest and baillies at the stryking of the swische efter   #
novne, ilk persone
vnder the pane of viij s. of vnlaw vnforgeving.
   Ordanis the provest and baillies to caus serce and seik all  #
vagabundis that
hantis or resortis inwith the liberte of burgh that thai may be #
notit and 
dischargit the tovne in all tymes cuming.
   The provest baillies and thair assessouris present for the   #
tyme fyndis that
ather Stene Robesone and James Hoppringill in ane wrang in      #
trubling of the
court the fourt day of Junii instant, and for that caus the     #
saidis persones
respectiue referris thame in the provest and baillies will for  #
amendement to
be maid at thair plesour.  

[}19 JUNE 1572.}]
   The ordinances of the counsale, viz., [^LIST OF NAMES        #
OMITTED^]
   The counsale ordanis Sir Johne Allane and Thomas Lauder to   #
enter to the
wark the morne, and to big safare as lyme is reddy or may be    #
performit, and
to wirk continewalie quhill lyme may be had, and failyene of    #
lyme to lay
dry werk in all places necessar quhair the counsale thinkis     #
maist expedient
and maist danger, and ordanis all that ar addettit in payment   #
of carechis of 
lyme to the wirk, baith Auld Towne and vtheris, to send hors    #
that hes thame
or than fe hors on thair expensis to bring in thair carache to  #
the werk as
thai salbe chargit be the officiaris, or than gif siluer to the #
interprisaris for
ilk carache as the interprisaris of the werk payis thame self   #
to the lyme
men, viz., for ilk careche thre s., vnder the pane of dowble    #
vnlaw by the 
price of the lyme that hes nocht brocht in thair careche the    #
first yere to the
werk.
   Item, ordanis the tovne to be dividit in thre quarteris      #
begynnand first at
Johne Ecfurd in North-gait to Patrik Dikesone, fra Patrik       #
Dikesone to
Wille Ecfurd, fra Wille Ecfurd to Johne Ecfurd; and to enter to #
the day
<P 345>
wauche at v houris in the mornyng and in the middis of the day  #
to lok the
portis be the kepare thairof in tyme of dyner, or ellis to put  #
ane kepare to
the port, and he that kepis the port that day salbe dischargit  #
of the nycht
wautsche, and quha failyeis sall pay dowble vnlaw; and gif thai #
sie ony men
rydand or gangand to the tovne, to steik the portis vnto the    #
tyme it be
knawin quhat thai ar, quhidder freindis or fayis, and quhair    #
thai luge and
takkis harbery the maister of the hous to cum to the baillies   #
and fynd
souerte that thai salbe honest and faithfull men.
   And siclike ordanis the cornes on Caidmuir that is           #
wranguslie sawin to be
eting or thai be schorne quhen the provest and baillis makkis   #
aduertisment
be the stryking of the swische or ringing of the commoun bell,  #
vnder the
pane of dowble wnlaw vnforgeving.
   Item, ordanis Adam Hog and Gawin Charteris to gang to the    #
Eist Port
nychtlie and remane thair, enterand at nyne houris and to       #
remane quhill five
houris in the mornyng, and Hectour Cranstoun and Dauid Ecfurd   #
to enter
to Johne Hay chalmer and remane as said is, and Patrik Lowys    #
and Andro
Frank to pas and keip the stepill as said is, vnder the panes   #
foirsaid.

[}2 JULY 1572.}]
   William Dikesone of Winkestoun, takkand the burding in and   #
vpone him
for himself his kin freindis sones barnes assistaris and        #
parttakkaris, bindis
thame in presens of my lord Yester provest and baillies         #
counsale and communite
of the burgh of Peblis, byndis thame nouthir to molest cummer
perturbe [{or{] to mak ony inquietatioun ony maner of way to    #
ony persone or
persones to invaid thame or ony of thame in tymes cuming,       #
outhir in thair
persones or gudis bot as law requiris.  And siclike the         #
baillies and communite
bindis thame in like maner that thai nor nane of thame sall     #
molest
perturbe truble nor cummer the said lard of Winkeston nor his   #
freindis foirsaidis
in body or gudis in all caussis and caces concernyng thair      #
commoun
welth, but ilk ane assist vtheris as kyndlie and hartlie        #
nychtbouris vnder the
pane of periurie.

[}30 AUGUST 1572.}]
   My lord provest baillies counsale and communite of the burgh #
of Peblis
ordanis the first taxt gadderit to mak compt of the desponyng   #
thairof, and
<P 346>
the vther taxt to be collectit and gadderit quhilk wes ordanit  #
for crukkis of
the port and bandis, for pulder, blynd man and watschis and     #
vtheris commoun
effaris, the tane half thairof on Monunday nixtocum and to be   #
deliuerit to
Patrik Newtoun and the vther half thairof within viij day, and  #
the said
Patrik to despone the samin be avise of the provest baillies    #
counsale and
communite.
   And ordanis ane of the baillies, with ane honest man and     #
nychtbour, pas
to Striveling to the conventioun and to pay the chakkare.
   Ordanis the crukkis of the port to be payit to James         #
Wilsone, baillie,
and his vtheris small comptis that he hes deburset sen he wes   #
baillie.
   My lord confessis to deliuer the key of the commoun kist     #
quhilk he hes 
in keping to the baillies and counsale and communite.
   Item, ordanis thame that is vtouth the new north port that   #
will nocht
obey to watsche inwith the tovne to pas to the vtmost north     #
port ilk nycht
thair cours about and walk thair as the rest of the tovne dois  #
nychtlie,
kepand the hour of thair entre and departing, vnder the pane of #
x s. vnforgeving;
and als ordanis ane watsche to be nychtlie on the eist port on  #
the
tovne expensis.  

[}6 OCTOBER 1572.}]
   The said day, Alexander Gowane and Johne Horsbruk wes        #
electit baillies,
sworne and admittit. The said day Johne Fraser messinger        #
producit our
Souerane Lord letteres that na man suld be electit in office    #
except thame 
that wes innocent of kirk graith, commoun geir and actuale      #
merchandice,
alanerlie.
   The said [{day{] William lord Hay of Yester wes electit and  #
chosing provest
for ane yere alanerlie; and Sir Johne Allane ratifiit clerk in  #
his office thairof,
conforme to his gift vnder the tovne commoun seill; and         #
thairupone the said
persones askit instrument.

[}16 OCTOBER 1572.}]
   The haill inqueist ordanis ane quarter of the maist honest   #
men of the
tovne walk nychtlie, and the baillies to ressaue the foir       #
watsche, and thai to
deput ane honest man nychtlie to direct the hind wauche, and to #
remane
quhill the hinder watsche be on fut and enter, and ane of the   #
hind watsche
<P 347>
to attend quhill the sone ryse on the morne, and thre of ilk    #
quarter to enter
in the glomyng and to remane quhill the nycht watsche be set.   #
And
ordanis the wobstaris to keip thair watsche siclik quarterlie   #
as afore. And
thame that is vtouth the new north port to walk.
   Ordanis the compt of the taxt to be maid on Saturday         #
nixtocum, and the
rest that is nocht payit to be poyndit for.
   Ordanis the knok to be rewillit in auld maner vsit and wont, #
and to gar
hir stryke nychtlie, and to ring coverfyre xij houris and sax   #
houris vsit
and wont.
   Ordanis the watsche nychtlie to be on the eist port; and the #
key of the
eist port to be geving in keping to Alexander Gowane baillie,   #
the key of
the north port to Johne Fresall to be kepit, the key of the     #
wikket to Johne
Mathosone; and to steik the portis with day lycht and opping    #
thame on the
morne at day lycht alsweill the portis as wickettis.
   Ordanis all that lepis the wall to be pvnist be warding of   #
thair bodyis in
irnes xxiiij houris the first falt, the secund falt banissing   #
of the tovne, the
thrid falt deid, etc.
   Ordanis all berne durris that standis with the wall to be    #
ramforcit and
condampnit vnder the pane of viij s. als oft as thai failye.
   Continewis the scoilmaister chesing to the haill counsale.
   Ordanis the haill inhabitantis of the tovne of Peblis to     #
convene at sevin
houris at morne, ane of euirilk hous, with barrowis and mandis  #
to beir
stanis with to the wall rownd about to be heichtit with dry     #
stane, begynnand
at the eist port, ilk persone vnder the pane of ane vnlaw.
   Ordanis the palyeone to be brocht hame, and failyene thairof #
to poynd
Wille Kelle thairfore.
   The inqueist findis Gilbert Andersone and Johne Edmond ilk   #
ane in ane
wrang in trubling of the watsche in Youle last wes.
   The inqueist fyndis Makkyn in the wrang in trubling of the   #
tovne and
makkyn bargane with Johne Makke, and findis the said Makkin ane #
vagabund
and ordanis him to be banist the tovne.
<P 348>
   The witnes of Besse Craufurd sow slaying: John Kirkwod       #
solutus, of the
age of xxviij yeris or thairby, sworne and admittit, deponis    #
that he is innocent
of the slauchter of the said sow and knawis nocht the stryking  #
thairof.
William Tempill, spousit; Arche Patersone, solutus; William     #
Andersone,
solutus; Niniane Portus, mariit; and Johne Hendersone, solutus, #
[{severally
depone{] with the said witnes in all thingis.

[}23 OCTOBER 1572.}]
   The inqueist fyndis Jonet Patersone in the wrang for         #
invading of Thomas
Ewmond wif, casting stanis at hir beseging hir in hir awne      #
hous, quhairthrouch
scho is lyand in danger of hir life.
   The inqueist findis baith James Lowys and Eduard Gowane in   #
the wrang in 
trubling of the tovne, makkand provocatioun of wordis and ilk   #
ane casting
stanis till vtheris, and dome geving thairupone.

[}5 NOVEMBER 1572.}]
   The juges refusis to sit apone Johne Stensone actioun        #
persewit aganis
Johne Fairle anentis the hurting of him and modifying of the    #
expensis in
curing of his hurt sustenit be him thairintill to the           #
barbouris, and thairupone
the said Johne askit instrument and protestit for remeid of     #
law.
   The said day, in the actioun and caus persewit be Johne      #
Tuedy student,
prebendar of the Rude aulter and Haily Blude situat within the  #
college kirk
of Sanct Andro the Apostle in Peblis, aganis thir persones      #
respectiue vnder
writting, heretouris and occupiaris of the landis vnder         #
specifiit, makkand
mentioun quhair the said Johne is lauchfulle providit to the    #
prebendarie of
the said Rude and Haly Blude, be vertu of the quhilk the landis #
annuell
rentis dewiteis fewis fermes and emolimentis pertenyng to the   #
said prebendarie
pertenis to the said Johne Tuedy, and it is of verite that the  #
said
Johne hes bene in peciabill possessioun of the vptakin of the   #
maist pairt
of the dewiteis respectiue thairof sen the deceis of vmquhile   #
Sir James
Dauidsone his predecessour, quha decessit in the moneth of      #
Februare (\anno\)
1568, and howbeit the annuellis rentis and dewiteis of the      #
landis after following,
pertenyng and occupiit be the persones efter specifiit,         #
pertenis to the
said Johne prebendare foirsaid, and his vmquhile predecessour   #
Sir James
<P 349>
Dauidsone and vtheris his predecessouris of befor wes in        #
peceabill possessioun
thairof during thair lifetyme, viz., in peciable vptaking and   #
lifting of
vij s. of annuell rent yerelie furth of ane foir buth pertenand #
to Mertyn
Craufurd lyand at the eist port at the north syde of the samin  #
within the
burgh of Peblis, furth of the commoun milnis or commoun gudis   #
of the
burgh of Peblis yerelie fourty s. of annualrent yerelie, furth  #
of the lands
of Dauid Dikesone in Cunye Nuke yerelie xiij s. iiij d. of      #
annualrent, furth
of the landis of Johne Andersone lyand on the est syde of the   #
Northgait
on the north syde of the new port xiiij s. iiij d. yerelie of   #
annualrent, furth
of the land of Sanct Peter and Paule vtouth the north port v s. #
of annuell
rent yerelie, furth of the landis of vmquhile Michaell Smyth    #
lyand in the
Auld Tovne iij s. of annuell yerelie; item, the haill croce     #
house at the eist
port; furth of the landis of William Gledstanis now             #
heretabillie pertenyng
to Helene Robesone vj s. viij d..... ane acre of land in        #
Smeithfeild 
pertenand in patrimony to the said altare callit the Rude Acre; #
item, ane
rude of land occupiit be vmquhile Johne Dikesone at the north   #
port pertenand
in patrimony to the said altare; item, ane acre of land lyand   #
on the
south syde of Sanct Andro Kirk pertenand in patrimony to the    #
said altare;
[^EDITOR'S COMMENT OMITTED^]
The persones respectiue abone writting beand callit and         #
convenit afore the
provest and baillies of the burgh of Peblis to heir and se      #
decretis be geving
at the instance of the said Johne Tuedy, prebendare foirsaid,   #
and the landis
abone specifiit to be poyndit be thair officiaris for the byrun #
annuellis abone
mentionat sen the deceis of the said vmquhile Sir James         #
Dauidsone his
predecessour, and siclike yerelie and termelie in tyme cuming,  #
conforme to
the desyre of the said Johne clame, and the foirsaidis persones #
comperand
in jugement denyit the said clame, and syne beand admittit to   #
the said
Johne probatioun, sindry dayis being assignit for probatioun    #
thairof, the said
Johne sufficientlie provit the samin, as the actis and proceis  #
deducit and led
thairupone mair cleirlie proportis: Thairfore the saidis        #
baillies being ryplie
avisit with the saidis proces and depositiones of witnes        #
foirsaidis decernit
decretit and ordanit thair officiaris to pas poynd and          #
distrenye the reddyest
gudis and geir being vpone the ground of the saidis landis      #
respectiue abone
writting or ony part thairof and mak the said Johne Tuedy,      #
prebendare
foirsaid, payment of the saidis annuellis and dewiteis abone    #
mentionat respectiue
<P 350>
sen the deceis of the said vmquhile Sir James Dauidsone his     #
predecessour
restand awand vnpayit as is abone specifiit, and siclike        #
yerelie
and termelie in tymes cuming, conforme to the said Johne        #
provisioun clame
and rentale producit thairupone, and ordanit preceptis of       #
poynding to be
direct heirapone as efferis; and thairupone the said Johne      #
Tuedy prebendare
foirsaid askit instrument and protestit for the rolment of      #
court on his
expensis.

[}10 NOVEMBER 1572.}]
   The counsale ordanis Johne Wychtman to ansuer Johne Hog for  #
his warnyng of the hoist thevis cuming about the tovne of       #
Peblis in somer, xxx
s.; and the rest of his taxt to be payit to the out watschis.
   Item, that na flesche be blawin, vnder the panis contenit in #
the act of
parliament.
   That sufficient aittis be sauld na darrare nor xvj d. the    #
pek, and that thai
be sauld with custum met.
   The counsale ordanis the baillies, accumpanit with the       #
counsale, pas to
my lord provest at his nixt cuming to Nepeth quhow sone he      #
cumis in the
cuntre, to haif his vter mynde quhidder the tovne and           #
inhabitantis thairof
be in my lord assurance or nocht, and quhat his lordship will   #
do to thame
considering he is our superiour, and thairefter seik the nixt   #
best, and to haif
his ansuer thairupone
   Ordanis to cast the erd fra the new wall rownd about the     #
tovne at siclike
as the heid yardis on Tuede Grene and Peblis Walter syde, and   #
to lay dry
stanis on the new werk as thai think expedient, vnder the pane  #
of viij s.

[}6 JANUARY 1572.}]
   The baillies and counsale and communite of the burgh of      #
Peblis hes inhibit
Hary Thomsone in tymes cuming to be found within the liberte of #
the
burgh of Peblis, becaus it wes notourlie knawin that he wes at  #
the reif of
the tovne of Peblis on the xxvij day of Merche yere of God      #
foirsaid, and
<P 351>
in cace he be fund heirefter to be pvnist as accordis to ane    #
commoun theif
and revare.

[}16 JANUARY 1572.}]
   The counsall ordanis the auld taxt to be poyndit for and     #
gadderit in, and
to pay the owtwautchis thairwith sa far as it will reik.
   And siclike ordanit ane of the baillies accumpanit with ane  #
honest man
pas done to Edinburgh with thair commissioun to the parliament, #
and thair
expensis to be payit of the reddyest of thair commoun gudis as  #
it beis gotting
in.
   Siclike, the counsale constitutis Johne Allane and Thomas    #
Lauder, interprisaris 
of the wall of the tovne, officiaris in thair awne caussis for  #
the
gaddering in of the multuris that the inhabitantis of the burgh #
of Peblis
wes abstractit is abstractit or salbe abstractit fra the milnis #
in thair hurt
sen thai first interprisit the said wirk vnto the ische of      #
thair tak, and
affirmis the auld actis of the multuris of the milnis maid of   #
before.

[}4 FEBRUARY 1572.}]
   The inqueist ordanis the baillies to writt or ellis gang to  #
my lord for the
key of the commoun kist as of before, makkand certificatioun to #
him and
his lordschip will nocht deliuer the said key thai will mak the #
kingis keyis,
becaus thai haif greit mister of the saidis keyis to haif       #
inspectioun of thair
evidentis and commoun writtingnis inclusit in thair commoun     #
kist that concernis
commoun weill, and for inlaik of the saidis keyis can haif na   #
inspectioun 
thairof.
   The inqueist ordanis the watsche, ilk ane nychtlie to keip   #
thair awne
quarter as thai will ansuer on thair livis to the authorite and #
the tovne, and
tua quarter maisteris to be chosing on ilk quarter, and gif ony #
fray or
skry risis to pas to thair quarter with thair quarter maisters  #
quhill thai se 
quhar the fray cumis fra for debait of the tovne.
   Patrik Stensone protestit that the calling of Robert Brovne, #
tennent to
my lord Yester, at the instance of Johne Horsbruk suld nocht be #
preiudiciale
to my lord Yester his maister privelege.
<P 352>
   The custum of the burgh of Peblis, being ropit be thre       #
sindry court dayis
to the maist availl for the commoun weill, the samin is set be  #
avise of the
provest baillies counsale and communite to Stene Robesone       #
burges of Peblis
for ane yere nixt heirefter followyng, for the payment of       #
fiftie five pundis
gude and vsuale money of Scotland, the tane half thairof to be  #
payit at Beltane
nixtocum the vther half at Lammes to the chakker; and hes       #
ressauit [\blank\] 
firlotis and [\blank\] pekkis and weyis and wey balkis and      #
wechtis, and bindis
and oblissis [{him{] to vphald the samin sufficientlie .....

[}7 FEBRUARY 1572.}]
   The maist pairt of the counsale ordanis all induellaris,     #
houshaldaris within
the burgh of Peblis, alsweill poore as rische, to walk nychtlie #
in tymes cuming
as thai salbe chargit be the officiaris vnder the panes         #
contenit in the
actis maid of before, outhir the principale of the hous or      #
thane ane sufficient
man for thame, and na boyis nor lawdis to be admittit, and to   #
walk 
quhair thair buthis is, and als ordanis that na drink be sauld  #
to the wautsche
be ony oistlaris in tymes cuming vnder the pane of viij s.      #
vnlaw vnforgeving,
and that na centralis remoif of the wautsche quhill vtheris cum #
and be enterit
in thair places vnder the pane of viij s.
   Siclike, it is statut and ordanit that na sheip swyne nor    #
vther bestiale be
fund within the yardis in tymes cuming, vnder the pane of       #
warding of the
awnariis of the gudis in the tolbuth, and thair to remane       #
quhill thai fynd
causioun that all nychtbouris salbe skaithles in all tymes      #
cuming, vnder the
pane of xl s. vnforgeving and paying of the skaith to thame     #
that is hurt
the first falt, and als oft as thai be found in ony of the      #
yardis the secund
falt escheting of the gudis being apprehendit within ony of the #
saidis
yardis.
   Siclike, it is statut and ordanit that all thame that hes    #
gunnis to haif
thame at all tymes baith nycht and day in ane reddynes with     #
sufficient
pulder and bullettis.
   Siclike, it is statut and ordanit that ane of the baillies,  #
accumpanit with
tua honest men officiare and clerk, pas throuch the tovne to    #
the honest men
thairof and tak thair hand write and promis quhat thai or ony   #
of thame
will gif benevolentle to ane qualifiit scoilmaister to mak      #
dailie continewale
<P 353>
residence and await vpone the instructing and teching of the    #
barneis and
youth quhairby thai may incres in wisdome and knawlege for the  #
common
welth of the towne, and to mak ane register thairof to be       #
yerelie payit to
the said scoilmaister quhill thair commoun gudis be fre, or at  #
the leist thai
may haif als mekle common gudis as will satify the said         #
scoilmaister, that
it may conduce the said scoilmaister incontinent to be his      #
yerelie feall, etc.
   Siclike, the counsale ordanis the baillies to caus by ane    #
quarter of pulder
and to pay it of the reddyest of the taxt or vtheris as it is   #
gotting in.

[}13 FEBRUARY 1572.}]
   The counsale of the burgh of Peblis, all in ane mynde,       #
ordanis to tak ane
addres with the bordour men that thai may do thair besynes in   #
all thingis
without ony feir or truble in tymes cuming, provyding alwayis   #
that the
authorite licence be first obtenit heirto, and failyene thairof #
to seik the nixt
best; and ordanis Johne Hay and Johne Wychtman pas to Edinburgh #
incontinent
vpone Sonday nixtocum to my Lord Regent grace and obtene his    #
graces 
licence and commissioun for seking of the said addres that the  #
inhabitantis
of the burgh of Peblis incure na danger heirefter in cace thai  #
tak addres
with the saidis bordouraris, for eschewing of deidlie feiddis   #
and cummeries
in tymes cuming; and ordanis the said counsale ilkane be        #
thameself to
subscriue this present ordinance for the said Johne Hay and     #
Johne Wychtman
commissionariis for the said towne releif.
   The haill counsale referris all secreit actiones to the      #
baillies with four
secreit men of the counsale, viz., ane of ilk quarter to be     #
electit be the
saidis baillies, and quhat ordour thai tak concerning commoun   #
weltht and
addressing of the bordour for avoyding of cummeris to stand     #
content
thairwith and to appreif the samin, and quhat expensis the      #
baillies debursis
to ony fadis to releif thame thairof, and the counsale and the  #
tovne to assist
the samin in all partis.

[}18 FEBRUARY 1572.}]
   The interloquutour findis that Johne Horsbruk suld haif      #
forthir proceis
aganis Robert Brovne in respect the pactioun wes maid within    #
the burgh
of Peblis, and als in respect that my lord Yester provest afore #
quham the
<P 354>
said actioun is intentit suld rather assist the said privelege  #
nor dimember the
samin.
   The lard of Romannos protestit in name and behalf of my lord #
Yester
that his privelege be nocht hurt bot he may haif tyme and place #
to say
aganes the interloquutour juges.

[}28 FEBRUARY 1572.}]
   The counsale present for the tyme, for the evading of        #
incursiones of thevis
[{ordanis{] that thair be four out-wauthchis sit dailie, ane on #
the Wenlaw heid,
ane vther on Hammiltoun heid, ane on Downe Knowe abone the      #
park, the
fourt on Carwowris Fald, and to enter on Monunday nixtocum at   #
sax houris in
the mornyng and to remane quhill the sone gang, to ilk quarter  #
of the
tovne ane wauthsche daylie quhill the ait and bear seid be 
sawin, and
ordanis to steik the eist and north portis ilk Sonday in tyme   #
of prayeris. 
             
[}9 APRIL 1573.}]
   The haill inqueist, anentis the failye allegit be the        #
textouris and thair
brethir of craft maid be Patrik Williamsone officiare, findis   #
that the said
Patrik hes maid na failye in respect of the baillie command     #
geving to him
to tak the poynd of the decane hand, allegeand thai haif        #
confirmatioun
vpoun thair liberteis, and thairfore ordanis thame to schaw     #
thair said confirmatioun
on Thursday the xvj of this instant afore the counsale,         #
providing
alwayis that thai be astrictit to kepe ordour in all besynes    #
and commoun
effaris as the rest of the tovne dois quhill the productioun    #
of the said confirmatioun.
And ordanis the quarter of the Auld Tovne few or mony to walk
as the ordour of the tovne is takin in tymes cuming, ay and     #
quhill vther
ordour be takin thairintill.
   The inqueist ordanis the baillies to caus William Kelle to   #
bring and
restore the palyeone hame agane to the stepill, als haill and   #
sufficient as it
wes quhen he become souertie thairfore, within xv dayis, vnder  #
the pane of
payment of the sovme quhairapon he become souertie and causioun #
for the
same.

<P 355>
[}16 APRIL 1573.}]
   The counsale ordanis the quarter of the tovne to walk        #
nychtlie, the tane
half thair of the foirnycht and the vther half the hindnycht,   #
ilk persone vnder
the pane of ane vnlaw vnforgeving to enter at ix houris and     #
till remane
quhill ane efter midnycht, and the vther wautsche to be raisit  #
or the first
wautsche gang to thair bed, and in absence of the baillie Johne #
Horsbruk
Patrik Williamsone to ressaue the wautsche, and the tovne to    #
satify the said
Patrik for his pane; and the wautsche of the Auld Tovne to do   #
inlikemaner,
and that becaus in respect thai promist to haif schawin thair   #
confirmatioun
this day conforme to the ordinance tane the last inqueist,      #
viz., the ix day of
the instant and schew it nocht.
   Item, that na syde dykes round about the wall be biggit      #
towart the said
wall bot that thair be ane fre passage to the wautsche to walk  #
nychtlie
within the wallis without ony cummer stope or impediment; and   #
that na
scheip nolt nor hors be found, swyne nor ony vther bestiall,    #
within the yardis
in tymes cuming, vnder the pane contenit in the auld actis maid #
of before
vnforgeving.
   Ordanis the Vanelaw to be ropit and set to the maist availl  #
to thame that
will gif maist for it, and in the meyn tyme that it be cryit    #
waist seute
and hanyng without ony pastour of bestiall to be pasturit       #
thairupone quhill
the samin be set, vnder the pane of ilk heid bestiale found     #
thairupone iiij d.

[}6 OCTOBER 1578.}]
   The burro and heid court of the burgh of Peblis haldin in    #
the Tolbuith
of the samyn, the vj day of October 1578, be William lord Hay   #
of Yester,
Johne Wichtman and James Hoppringle, the suttis callit, the     #
court affirmit
the absentis amerciat, Johne Stevinsone, Patrik Williamson      #
officiaris and
Johne Hay clerk.
   (\Electi pro balliuis fiendis\) :- [^LIST OF NAMES AND       #
EDITOR'S COMMENT OMITTED^]
   My lord provest gaif his ayth that he suld vse the office of #
provestrie for
ane yeir trewlie, conforme to the burro lawis and actis of      #
parliament. And
<P 356>
siclik Johne Hay clerk of court wes creat for ane yeir.  And    #
alsua Johne
Stevinsoun and Patrik Watsoun wes creat officiaris for ane yeir.
   The court continewit to Wedinsday the viij day of this       #
instant. My
lord provest and baillies hes ordanit the counsale of the said  #
burgh to convene
in thair tolbuith, and that for aggrement of thair deidlie feid #
and
vther commoun caussis.
   James Hoppringle and John Wichtman, ald baillies, offerit to #
my lord
provest baillies and counsale being present to abyd compt and   #
rakkyning of
all commoun gudis intromettit be thame sen the acceptatioun of  #
thair
office, and quhat commoditie or office the provest baillies and #
counsale
findis thame to haue ressauit or intromettit with that          #
appertenit thame not
of thair office that thai sall gif compt rakkynnyng and mak     #
payment
thairof presentlie at the command of my lord provest and        #
counsale; and
siclik Johne Wichtman than presentlie protestit that the        #
baillies now
electit suld haif na intromissioun with ony pairt of commoun    #
gudis or geir
in tym cuming nor yit of theyis thingis that thai wer reddy to  #
reforme,
bot the thesaurare of burgh to haue the intromissioun thairwith #
in all
time cuming, and the baillies to haue onlie thair dewtie of     #
office ald vsit
and wont payit and na forthir, quhairof Johne Wichtman baillie  #
in name of
commoun weill desirit act.

[}8 OCTOBER 1578.}]
   My lord provest, baillies counsale and maist pairt of the    #
communitie,
convenit the viij day of October 1578, in their Tolbuith.
   In presens of my lord provest baillies counsale and maist    #
pairt of the
communitie hes all in ane voce aggreit and conducendit that ane #
stent and
taxatioun be gadderit of all and sindrie the inhabitantis of    #
burgh, and that
alsweill of the fremen without burgh as within, the samyn stent #
to be tane
for aggrement of thair deidlie feid of the town with the        #
bordour, and that
poynding pas vpoun euery ane of the inhabitantis foirsaidis     #
alsweill fremen
outwith burgh as within incais of dissobeydiance or refuis be   #
maid be ony
of the saidis personis of thair pairt of the stent and          #
taxatioun thai be
brokin to, quhairof publicatioun salbe maid to thame and euery  #
ane of
thame for thair awin efter the breikin of the samyn, and        #
thairof my lord
provest baillies counsale and maist pairt of the communitie     #
requirit act.


<B SREC1E> 
<Q SC1 STA REC ABERD1> 
<N ABERDEEN RECORDS> 
<A X> 
<C SC1> 
<O DATE 1519-1556> 
<M MEDIUM MS> 
<D NSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T LOCAL RECORD> 
<G X> 
<F X> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X X> 
<Y X> 
<H X> 
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I FORMAL> 
<Z STAT> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^EXTRACTS FROM THE COUNCIL REGISTER OF THE BURGH OF ABERDEEN,  
1398-1570. VOL. I. SPALDING CLUB, 12. ABERDEEN 1844.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 96.4-112.15      
SAMPLE 2: PP. 284.30-297.21^] 

<S SAMPLE 1>      
<P 96>      
[}11TH JANUARY, 1519.}]      
   The said day, the prouest, bailzes, and consaill, with       #
assent and consent      
of the haill comunite being present for the tyme, representant  #
the body of      
the haill tovne, all in ane woce, nane gansawand nor opponnen   #
tham, that      
to for the eking of thair merit, and in honor of God and the    #
glorius matron      
Sanct Anne, gef, grantit, and assignit, and be this wricht      #
gevis, grantis,      
and assignis to thar pure ladiis all and haill that pece grene  #
land of tharis      
liand on the north syd of thar seikhouse; of the quhilk, the    #
marchis efter     
folovis in the letterend of this act; and that at the instance  #
of ane rycht     
venerable and worschipfull clerk, Maister Alexander Galloway,   #
persone of     
Kinkell, quhilk promittit, God willing, to big and vpheid one   #
ane pece of     
grovnd perteining to the said seikhouse, ane chapell and        #
oratour, in honor     
of God and the blisset matrone forseid, Sanct Ane; and the      #
gift, donacioun,     
and patronage of the samyne to remain and abide with the gud    #
toune    
of Abirdene, and with thar successouris perpetualy in all tyme  #
cuming.     
And for the mair securite of the samyn, thai ordanit thar       #
commont seill to     
be affixit to thar said gift, and it to be extendit in the best # 
and souerest     
fassone, can be maid befor this witnes, Master Thomas Chamer,   #
Sir Johne     
Waus, Sir Dauid Waus, Dauid Loremar, and all the haill courte.    

[}18TH NOVEMBER, 1519.}]     
     
   The said day, Johne Alex. Rudirfurd, Willeam Rolland, and    #
Patrik      
Leslie, balzes of this burgh, for this instant yeir in ane woce # 
gaf, grantit,     
and assignit the aschatis, vnlayis, and amerciament for this    #
instant yeir to     
the biging and completing of thar port of the Gallowget, for    #
wile and honour     
of the gud toune.     
     
[}20TH OCTOBER, 1520.}]
     
   The said day, the prouest, bailzeis, and conseill, with      #
consent and assent     
of the haill merchandis and brethir of gilt being present for   #
the tyme, warnit     
personaly be the officiaris, ratifeit, confermit, and approvit  #
he honorable     
and lowable statut maid be thame the auchtene day of Marche,    #
the yer of     
God a thousand fiv hundreth and xviij yeris, tuiching the ij s. # 
gret, to be     
<P 97>     
pait of ilke sek of gudis that sall happine to pass furtht of   #
thar port of     
Abirden to Franche, Flandris, Danskyne, Denmark, or ony vthir   #
part without     
the reaulme, providing all ways that thar be na freman maid     #
brouchter     
of gilde during the space of seven yeiris fra the dait of the   #
said statut, excep     
thai that ar contenit in the samyne, and in likwise that nane   #
vnfreman     
be lecenc to saill him self nor his gudis for na maner of       #
requist, price,     
prayar, nor instance during the said space. And givit sall      #
happine the     
prouest or denuys of gilde to lecenc ony vnfreman himself or    #
his gudis to     
saill, or to mak ony freman except tham contenit in the said    # 
statut, for      
price, prayar, instance, or requist, thane, and in that kaise,  #
thai bind and     
oblegis thame be the vertu of this present act and statut, to   #
content, refund,     
and pay to Sanct Nicholes werk tene pundis greit Flandris money # 
for ilk   
tyme the said statut beis violet be thame, in all or in part.   #
And attour,     
gif it sal happene the said merchandis, or ony ane of thame, be # 
thame salf,     
or be thar factour, to failze in paiment of the said ij s. gret #
of sek, or of thar     
gudis corrisponding tharto, tha being requirit be the tovnis    #
factouris for the     
samyn, thane thai binde and oblegis thame, be the vertu of the  #
said act and     
statut, to content and pay aucht crovnis Scottis money for ilke # 
pund gret, or     
xiiij s. for the franke, or according tharto of the money of    #
the cuntray thai     
pass in. And gif it sall happin ony of the saidis brethir of  
gilt to gouerane     
ony vnfremanis gudis vnder callour of his aune or ony otheris,  #
thai     
bind tham in lik wise to content and pay to the effect forsaid  #
tene pundis gret     
vnforgevin; and this statut to indure, and to be kepit for      # 
sevin yeiris fra     
the dait forsaid, na maner of acceptioun to be proponit in the  #
contrar; and     
quhai that violattis the samyn, in all or in part, to incure    # 
the indignacioun     
of God and our haly patrovne Sanct Nicholes, and pay the soumes # 
abovne     
writing vnforgevin. [^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]     
     
[}13TH JANUARY, 1521.}]     
     
   The said day, Maister Johnne Marschell, maister of the       #
grammer scvyll     
<P 98>     
of Aberdeen, inquirit be the provest quhome of he had the said  #
scoyll of     
Abirden. Grantit in iugment, that he had the samyne of the said # 
guyd 
toun offerand him, reddy to do thame and thair barnys seruice   #
and plesour     
at his power, and ranuersit his compulsatour of the Curt of     #
Royme in all     
poyntis, except that it suld be lesum to him to persew the      #
techaris of     
gramer within the said burgh afor thair iugis ordinar, insafar  # 
as he mycht     
of law. And that the towne kepand to him ald wse and wont, liik #
as thai     
dyd to the maister of the samyn in all tymes bigane.     
     
[}24TH MARCH 1521.}]     
     
   And in likwise the haill toun conducit and feit ane Flemyng, # 
callit Henre     
Deyne, gunner, till clenge, graitht, and decht thair            #
artailzery, and to wse     
the samyn at thair command gif neid for a monetht, contand xxx  #
days for     
ilk monetht, for the quhilk tha sall gef the said gunnour five  #
crownis for     
ilk monetht that he remayns in thair seruice.     
 
[}7TH SEPTEMBER, 1521.}]
     
   The said day, the balzeis chargit all and sindry inhabetaris #
of thar tovne     
of Futy, in generall and in speciall, that thai nor nan of tham # 
tak one     
hand to pull, gader, nor away tak nane of the mussillis nor     #
kokillis now     
begingin to gader one ane now skap at the northt watter, besyd  #
the Cunningar     
hillis, for yeir and day, that the forsaid skap be perfectly    #
growing,     
vndir the pane of banising the tovne for yeir and day           #
oneforgewin.    
     
[}13TH APRIL, 1522.}]     
     
   The said day, the provest, baillies, and counsell, and       #
communite, all in     
ane voce, chesit thir personis vnderwrittin to sit continuale   #
with thair     
provest, quhen thay ar requirit be him to awise on the necessar # 
besynes     
concerning the guyd town, for the defence of the samyn against  #
thair auld     
ennemies of Ingland, that is to say, Schir Johne Rutherfurd,    #
Andro    
Cullane, Iohne Mar, Johne Collisone, Thomas Menzes, Dauid       #
Andersone,     
James Collisone, William Rollane, and Patrik Leslie. And gif it # 
beis     
fundin that thair be sic neidfull bissines that it behuvis the  #
guyd toun to     
sett or formaile ony of thair takis, other of water or land,    #
thai consent     
inlikwise that thair be furtht chosyne, of the nomer aboue      #
writtin, foure     
personis, with thair provest, to sett or formail the said       #
takis, for the commont     
weill of this guyd toun, as thai wul answer afor God, and at    #
thair    
<P 99>     
be a commission maid to thame, to the quhilk thai ordaind thair # 
commont     
seill to be appensit.     
     
[}28TH APRIL, 1522.}]

   The said day, thir personis vnder writtin has tayne on thame # 
to furness     
certane cartis, to the carting of the townis artalzery, that    #
thai may be reddy     
in tyme of neid, eftir the auld rit and constitutioun of the    #
guyd town, that is     
to say, the provest, a cart; the four baillies, a cart; [^A  
LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] .
   And inlikwise the provest and baillies hes chargit thir      #
craftis vnder     
written, of thair awin consent, to performe and furneiss, as    #
efter followis:     
The litstar craft, a cart; the baxster craft, a cart; the       #
flesseris, a cart;      
the cordinaris, a cart; the tailzeouris, a cart; the hammermen, #
a cart;     
walkaris and wobstaris, a cart; and to mak and performe the     #
samyn within     
viij dayis, under the peyne of xl s. vnforgevin.     
   The said day, it was statut and ordanit, with consent and    #
assent of the     
haill bodie of the toun, that quhome it salhappin to be absent  #
fra thair next     
wapinschawe, to be haldin on Furisday the first day of May next #
to cum,     
to be haldin on the Womanhill, at ix houris in the morning, at  #
thai sal     
pay xl s. vnforgevin; and quhatsumeuer personis that beis fund  # 
in ony     
borrowit geir the said day, othir jak, splent, knapskaw, or ony # 
other geir,     
the samyn to be escheit be the provest, and to pay the baillies # 
vnlaw      
vnforgevin.     
     
[}23D MAY, 1522.}]
     
   The said day, Patrik Leslie, ane of this balzeis of the      #
burght, fand ane     
bort in the handis of Dauid Heroun, officiar of the samyn, for  #
him self and     
the rest of his nychtbouris, quhilkis had gudis in ane schip    #
callit [\blanco\]      
takin and arrestit in Byrowne. That the gudis now being in      #
Abirdene,     
quhilkis [{wer{] inbrocht one ane Hollanderis bodum, and to be  #
ane Franchman     
price, aucht to remain within the said burght, and to be        #
arrestit to the     
said merchandis challance, ay and quhill thai get a souer       #
certification of the     
<P 100>     
lordis quhidder gif the said schip was lauchtfull price or      #
nocht, for and because     
the saidis marchandice gudis of Abirdene was takin and arrestit #
in    
Birown for the said schip and gudis, allegand nocht to be iust  #
price for     
sindry caussis, quhilk the bailzeis chargit the said officiar   #
to do as he wald     
ansuer one the executioun of his office.     
     
[}26TH MAY 1522.}]     
     
   The said day, Eduart Cokbourne, and Johne Bartoun,           #
procuratour, and     
Robert Bartoun, comptroller of Scotland, protestit solemply in  #
jugment     
that quhat skaith the said comptroller and Edwart sustenit      #
throucht the     
arrest laid one the gudis aboune writin be Patrik Leslie, Johne # 
Chene,     
Johne Senzeour, and Johne Stevin, sald cum apone the said       #
arrestatour,     
and for remaid of law, tyme, and place. And the said Patrik     #
offerit the     
said gudis, and the rest maid thar one to be loussit,           #
incontinent thar findand     
souerty, to do to him and his said complessis that law wald.    #
And the said     
Edwart fand Gilbert Menzeis of Findoun and William Rolland      #
cautionar     
to do to the said Patrik and his complices that law wald,       #
tuiching the said      
guidis, and the said Eduart oblegit him to keip tham skathlis   #
thairof.     
     
[}27TH MAY, 1522.}]     
     
   Be it kend till all men be thir present letteris, wss  
provest, baillies, consell,     
and communite of Abirden ... for ane certane soome of numerit    
money, pait to wss at the making of this writ, to the bigging   #
of oure     
blokhouse, bying of pouder, and paing of our gunneris feis, and # 
vther     
sindrie besines the toun hes ado, for the defence of the samin  #
agains our     
auld ennemeis of Ingland, now being in the sey with ane greit   #
army, as     
we are souerlie informit, pait to wss be our louit Johnne       #
Senzeon, burgess     
of the said burgh, for his grissoum and entress siluer, of ane  #
half nettis      
fisching of the furdis on the watter of Dee, of the quhilk      #
grissovme and     
entre siluer we hald wss weill content and pait, and            #
quietclamis and dischargis     
the said Johnne, and Jonat Crag his spouse, thair aireis and      
assignais, and all vtheris quhom it efferis, for wss, our       #
aireis, and successouris,     
for now and for euer. To haue set and to maill lattin, and be    
the tennour of thir present letteris settis and mail lattis, to # 
the said     
Johne Senzeon, and Jonat Crag his spouse, and to the langast    # 
levar of     
thame tua, and to the said Johnes aires and assignais,          #
burgessis and indullaris     
the said burgh, all and haill ane half nettis fisching of the   #
furdis     
<P 101>     
on the watter of Dee, with all and sindrie pendiculis and       #
pertinentis, use     
and wont; quhilk half nettis fisching vmquhill Thomas Leitht,   #
burges of     
the said burgh, had in tak and assidacioun of wss, for the      #
termes of our     
generall assidatioun, instant for all the termes of fiue yeris  #
of our next     
generall assidacioun, and forthir for all the termes that it    #
salhappin the     
samin till indur ... The entre of the said Johne and Jonat,     #
thair    
aires and assignais, salbe, God willing, in and to the said     #
halfnettis fisching,     
vith the pertinence at the vigill of Sanct Androw, in the yeir  #
of God j=m=     
v=c= twenty and five yeris, quhilk salbe the entre of our next  #
generall assedatioun,     
and fra thinfurth to continew in peciable josin and bruikin the   
samin, for all the termes of the said five yeiris, and forthir  #
during the     
termes of our next generall assedatioun, be compleit and        #
fullelie runnin ..     
The said Johne or Jonat, the langest levar of tham tua, his     #
aires or assignaies,     
payand to wss, our successouris or factouris, yeirlie, the      #
soume    
of tua merkis vsual mony of Scotland, at tua termes vsit within # 
burgh,     
allanarlie for all vthir thingis that may be askit or requirit  #
of the said half     
nettis fisching, with the pertinence, during the termes of this # 
our present     
assedatioun. And atour, we the saidis provest, baillies,        #
counsell, and communitie,     
bindis and oblesis wss, our ayres, and successouris, to         #
warrand,    
keip, and defend, all and haill the said half nettis fisching   #
of the furd, with the     
pertinence, to the said Johne and Jonat .... In witnes of the   #
quhilk,     
we haue causit our commond seill to be appensit to this present # 
assedatioun,     
togidder with the subscriptioun manuel of our commissaris       #
handis, at     
Aberden, the xxvii day of Maij, the yeir of God j=m= v=c=       #
twenty and tua     
yeris.     
     
[}20TH JUNE, 1522.}]     
     
   The said day, Johne Tullideff wes in amerciament of the curt #
for the     
cruell strublance of Wat Wod, he beand in the townis seruice,   #
ane of thair     
wachis for the commond weill of the samyn. And the said Wat     #
quit of all     
strublance doyne to him, quhairfor the balzeis chargit thair    #
officiaris that     
thai sald tak sourte of him to compeir befor the prouest and    #

baillies on     
Mononday that nixt cummis till amend to the party, at the       #
command of the     
saidis provest and baillies.     
     
[}7TH JULY, 1522.}]     
     
   The said day, the haill toun, warnit be the handbell, all in #
ane voce,     
<P 102>     
grantit and consentit that thair suld be ane commond tent and   #
palzeon maide     
for the lugeing of the nychtbouris of the samyn now in tyme of  #
weir;     
and quhat guyd way that the provest and counsall may find for   #
the samin     
thai assent thairto all in ane voce.     
     
[}10TH JULY, 1522.}]     
     
   The said day, the haill toun, gaderit be thair hand bell,    #
and warnit in     
speciall be thair officiaris, convenit within the tolbuitht of  #
the samin, representand     
the body of the toun for the time, all in ane voce, considerand   
the gret expression and cruell displeasure doyne to thame, in   #
the taking of     
thar nichtbour, Thomas Chalmour, burgess of the said burgh,     #
vnder silence     
of nycht, he beand in the kingis seruice, and presoning and     #
withhalding     
of the samyn be James Forbes of Auchintouill, Maister Wilzeame  #
Forbes,     
Maister Alexander Strachin, and Johne of Ruthirfurd, with thar  # 
complesis,     
hes diuisit thair nychtbour, Duncan Mar, to pass to the         #
gouernor and     
lordis of the realme, to impetrat letteris of justice and       # 
aggenis the said     
complaints; and inlikwyse till labour for ane liscience to the  #
toune and     
nychtbouris of the samyne, to remayne at hame for defence of    #
the said     
towne, baitht fra thair auld ennemeis of Ingland and ewill      #
nychtboris of the     
cuntry. And failzeand at the said Duncan can nocht labour ane   #
liscience     
to the hail toun, that he will labour to se and find quhat      #
nomer the said     
toun may furneiss, sua that ane pairt ma remayne at hayme for   #
the defence     
of the said toun, and ane vthir pairt may be providit to pass   #
at the plesour     
of the gouernour and lordis of counsell. And thai ordanit       #
Duncane Colisone,     
bailze, to deliuer x merkis of the rediast mony, beand in his   #
handis,     
to the said Duncan, for his furnessing other of taxt wattir     #
malis, or ony     
vther mony. And inlikwise the haill toun has maid the said      #
Duncan thair     
commissar in that part, to compone for any certaine sovme of    #
mony, for     
thair liscence to remayne at hayme, and ordanit ane commissione #
to be     
maid till him thairapone, vnder the commond seill, gif neid be, # 
promittand     
thame till keip ferme and stable, and to releif the said Duncan #
of the     
soomes promittand be him, to the effect aboue writtin.     
   And inlikwise it wes statut and ordanit be the hail toun     # 
aboue writtin,     
all in one voce, na man opponand nor sayand in the contrar,     #
that na nychtbour     
within this toun duelland, suld house, harbry, nor resett nayne #
of the     
personis aboue writtin, thameselff, thair horsis, nor thair     #
servandis, nor sall     
<P 103>     
sell nor gif to thame meit nor drink, noyther for horse nor     #
man, nor haue     
vther commounicatioun with thame of na maner of kind of         #
merchandice,     
nor with nayne of thair complesis quhilks were at the           #
committing of the     
said cryme. Nor inlikwise with the lard of Abirgeldy, nor his   # 
complesis,     
quhilkis hes maisterfullie spulzeit and away taken the          #
nychtbouris horses     
furth of the fredome of the said burgh, vnto the tyme that thai # 
haue maid     
ane sufficient and conding amendis to the guid toun and         #
nichtbouris of the     
samyn, and at thai be liscence be the provest and counsell of   #
the samyn     
till haue commounicatioun with the nychtbouris of the samyn,    #
vnder the     
payne of tynsell of thair fredome within the said burgh, and    #
all other     
priuileges or proffitis, takis or roomis, that thai haue or may # 
haue within     
the samyn, and to be deprivit of the samyn incontinent efter    #
thai be convikit     
of the said cryme.     
   And inlikwise it was commandit and chargit Normond Leslie    #
and Dauid     
Herroun, officiaris, be the bailzies, at command of the         #
provest, counsell,     
and haill communite, at thai suld pass, forse, and seik John of # 
Ruthirfurd,     
within the boundis of thair fredome, and gif thai culd nocht    #
apprehend him     
thairin, that thai suld pass to his lugeing within the said     #
burgh, afor sufficient     
witnessing, and warne him to compeir afor thame on Fredday the  #
xi  
day of this moneth of July, to heir and see himself declarit to # 
haue tynt his     
fredome within this burgh, and to haue forfaltit all and        #
sindrie his takis     
within the samyn. And inlikwise to [{be{] maid inhable in his   #
persoun to     
bruik euermair, tak or rovme, within the said fredome, for and  #
because he     
wes principall takar of Thomas Chamer, nychtbour of the samyn,  # 
and of     
the presoning and withhalding of him.     
   The said day, it was statut and ordanit be the haill toun,   #
all in ane voce,     
that all maner of man within this towne duelland, baith         #
burgessis of gild     
and vther craftismen, quhilkis his buthis or office houses,     #
that thai remayne     
commondlie in, that thai haue besid thame, in thair said offise # 
howses, ane     
sufficient fensable wapyne, sic as ax, halbert, gedward staf,   #
or siclik, for     
the defence of thair personis, gudes, and commond weill of the  #
said burgh.     
And at the officiaris pas throw the said burgh, and vise and    #
see gif this     
statut be fulfyllit; and quhat that failzies heirin to pay viij #
s. vnforgevin,     
to be applyit be the prowest and bailies at thair wull, to      #
quhat commond     
<P 104>     
operatioun thai think expedient. And to releif to the provest   #
and baillies     
incontinent, efter thai heir ony trubill or debait rysing in    #
the  
said burgh.     
     
[}15TH AUGUST, 1522.}]     
     
   The xv day of August, and yeir afor writtin, the haill toun  #
gadderit be     
thair hand bell, and conuenit for the maist pairt for thair     #
commond weill,     
for the outred of ane somne of money extending to vij lib.      # 
Scottis, for  
ane liscence to be haid to byd at hayme fra this oist now set   #
to conueyne the     
first day of September on Rosling Muyr. The quhilk personis     #
beand circualie     
inquerit be the officiar, all in ane voce that wes present for  #
the tyme,     
accept thir names that efter sall follow, grantit to the        #
paiment of the said     
sovme, gif that thai culd do na bettyr, and inlikwise consentit #
and  
grantit to mak ane commissioun vnder thair commond seill, with  #
power to Johne     
Mar and Maister Dauid Nicholsone, thair commissaris in that     #
part, to pass     
to my lord gouernour, and se quhat thai mycht get downe of the  #
said soume,     
and to compone for the samyn, and als to se quhow lang liscence #
thai suld     
haue for the said mony paying, and gif this oist now sturit     #
zeid nocht     
furhtt to na set fedill, thai to haue thair mony againe, and    # 
this with the     
consent of all thir personis efter following that wes present   #
for the tyme: [^A LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]     
<P 105>     
And thir ar the     
names that refused to pay thair part of the said taxt, but said #
thai wauld     
pass furtht to the said oist: that is to say, Johne Malisone,   #
Johne Craik,     
Robert Smyth, Jo, Wilzeamsone, Patrik Wod, and Dauid Criste.    #
And     
inlikwise the haill toun chesit thir personis efter following   #
to set and extent     
the said taxt efter thair sawll and conscience: that is to say, #
Dauid Andersoun,     
Walter Cullan, Gawan Murra, Johne Arthour, and Andro Stratoun.    
     
[}15TH SEPTEMBER, 1522.}]     
     
    The said day, it was statut and ordanit be the baillies and # 
counsell,     
present for the tyme, that whatsomever nichtbour disobeit the   #
command     
menstrallis in the gevin of them thair meit and wagis, as thar  #
fee to thame,     
efter the forme of the auld lowable wss of this burch, that     #
thai suld pay     
to the bailleis, unlaw viii sh. unforgevin, and tua shillings   #
to the said menstrallis     
for thair dais cost; and gif ther be ony puyr folks at ar not   #
abill     
till gif thame meit, that thai gif thame ii d. to thair fee and #
costis.     
     
[}19TH SEPTEMBER, 1522.}]     
     
    The said day, ane rycht worschipfull clerk, Maister Alex.   # 
Galloway, person     
of Kinkell, exponit to the prouest and bailzeis quhow Gelis     #
Monro and     
his complecis tuk one hand to vphaue the sentrice of the brig   #
to the samyn,     
quhilk the spat haid brocht dovne incontinent, quhow sovne he   #
mycht gudly,     
for ane France crovne of gold promest to him be the said        #
persone; and that,     
in the said Gelis defalt, the said sentrice ar broking, spylt,  #
and away to the     
see haid, in gret skayth and damag of that noble wark; the      #
quhilk skayth     
extendis to ane hundreth pundis, with the mair; quhilk          #
conditioun the said     
Gelis denyit, and the bailzeis assignit Monunday that nixt      #
cumis to the forsaid     
persone to preif his said allegeance, &c.     
<P 106>     
     
[}15TH JANUARY, 1523.}]     
     
   The saide day, the prouest, bailzeis and consaill, being     # 
present for the     
tyme, grantit in jugment that thai haid causit Dauid Andersone, #
thair     
maister of kirkwark and dayne of gild for this instant yeir, to #
cause be     
bocht be the saycht of William Cristell, burges of Deip,        #
factour to this gud     
toun in a pairt, and to the said David of Alex. Nicholsone, and #
Alex.     
Andersone, burges of the said gud toun, ane pece of artellery   #
of brass, of     
xxiiij futt, with fifty irne bowlis, according to the samyn,    #
and ane barrel of     
powder, to be send hame and anentourit one the tounis awentour  #
ham in     
the said Dauid schip, callit the Nicholles; and the said pice   # 
of artillery, with     
the furnesing of the samyn, and the berrell of povder forsaid,  #
to be boucht     
with the radiest siluer that the said maister of kirkwark had   #
in Deip, that is     
to say Sanct Nicholes siluer, and quhar it wanttis that thair   #
is nocht of the     
said siluer to furness the samyn, the said Dauid to cause his   #
said factouris     
William Crystell to furness the samyn of the said Dauid awne    #
propyr gudis;     
for the quhilkis, the saidis prouest, bailzeis, and consaill    #
present for the     
tyme, in name and behalf of this gud tovne, and for the commont #
weill of     
the samyn, bindis and oblegis thame and thair successouris to   #
frie, relief,     
and discharge the said Dauid of samekle as he debursis of Sanct #
Nicholes     
thar patronis money, at the handis of all men havand entres     #
thairto; and     
inlikwise to content and thankfully pay to the said Dauid his   #
ayris, or assignays,     
the sovme that beis debursit of his awne propyr gudis, to the   #
effect     
abovne writtin, within xx dayis efter certificatioun cumis ham  #
in Aberdein     
of the pament and neid of the sammyn.     
     
[}17TH APRIL, 1523.}]     
     
   The said day, the provest and consaill chargit thair         #
officiaris to pass throcht     
all the said burght, and charge all maner of nychtbouris and    #
fremen of the     
samyn to pass and repair and mend thair pairt of the bastale,   #
and thai that     
hes nocht begit to big thair pairt of new, vnder the pane of    #
tinsell of thair     
fredoum, and that betuix this and the nixt wapinschawingis.     
     
[}31ST OCTOBER, 1523.}]     
     
   The said day, all the toun, warnit be the handbell to        #
convein within the      
tolbuith of the said burghe, for the commont weill of the saim, #
and the     
maist pairt beand convenit for the tyme, and thair it was       #
schavin to thame     
<P 107>     
be ane honorabill man, Johne Collisone, quhow thair provest wes #
trublit     
and chargit to remayne in Edinburgh for the furnessing of thair #
carris,     
horsis, and men, vnder the payne of tynsell lif, land, and      #
guyd; and at     
thair wantit ane great pairt of the said carris, horsis, and    #
the laif inlaikit      
expenssis, the quhilk the said provest behuyid  to furnish the  #
hail nomer     
furtht, and gif thaim expenssis that wantet, to his gret        #
skaitht. Quharfor     
the said Johne producit in jugment our souerane lordis          #
letteris, chargand     
the taxtaris chosyne and suorne afor to convein agane and       #
filfurtht the      
hail nomer of their carris, horsis, and caus euerilk man that   #
had horsis     
thair to send sufficient furnessing and expensis to thaim for   #
the releving     
of thair said provest, vnder the panys contenit in the said     #
letteris. And     
thairefter the said Johne requirit all the foure baillies to    #
cause the said     
taxtaris to convein incontinent to the said effect, as they     #
wald ansuer     
in the execution of their office. And incontinent the bailzeis  #
chargit al     
the said taxtaris to pass incontinent and mak ane end or thai   #
depairtit,     
of thair said taxt, certefeand thame, that and ony skaitht come #
throw the     
want of the said furnessing, that it suld come on thame, and    #
nocht on the     
said baillies, in tyme to cum. And the said Johne requirit the  # 
said baillies     
to indorse the said letteris, and deliuer thame him agane,      #
befor witnes,     
honorable men, Schir Androw Scherar, vicar of Nig; Mr. Gilbert    
Straichin; Schir Dauid Leis; Schir Johne Buchane; and Schir     #
Dauid     
Lorimer, notar public, with vtheris diuerse.     
     
[}27TH NOVEMBER, 1523.}]     
     
   The said day, Master Johne Marschel, master of the gramar    #
skull of 
Abirden, grantit in jugment that he had offendit to his         #
masteris of the  
towne, and besoucht tham to pardone him, and confessit thaim    #
that he 
haid the schoull of thame, and suld hald the samyn lik as his   # 
predicessouris     
haid downe in tyme bigane; and the prouest, in nayme of the     #
haile     
toune, ressauit him thankfully, permittand to be him a gud      #
master in    
tyme cuming, he being than a gud seruand, as accordis him to    #
do.    
     
[}16TH MARCH, 1524.}]     
     
   The xvi of Marche, (\anno quo supra\) , it was thocht        #
expedient be prouest,     
bailzes, and sa mony of the consaill as was present for the     #
time, because     
thai war informit that my lord of Aberdeen was nocht to cum     #
afor the    
sanze, and that thar kirk had stand lang desolet of diuyne
service, and this     
<P 108>     
haly tyme of Pasche quhilk now approchis, to send Thomas        #
Menzeis of    
Petfoddellis, and with him thre horse in company, to my said    #
lord of
Abirden, to gett a commissioun from him to sum vther bischop to #
cum 
and reconseil the said kirk; and requirit the prouest to mak    #
expensis thar     
one, and quhat expensis beis maid thar one, to be allowit to    #
the saide  
prouest in his first comptis, notheles the suspendaris of the   # 
said kirk being     
charply persewit for the said expensis, and the gret iniuris    #
dovne to the     
said  communite, quhow soone and incontinent it be fund quha    #
was the 
cause of the said kirkis suspending.     
     
[}4TH APRIL, 1524.}]     
     
   The said day, the haill toune, all in ane voce, chesit thir  #
five personis:     
that is to say, Gilbert Menzes, provest, Schir Johne            #
Ruthyrfurd, Andro  
Cullane, Johne Collisone, and James Collisone, commissaris to   #
the haill 
toun, to prouid and considder quhar money sall be gotten to     #
outred and    
pay my lord Arskyn of his pentioun, and to outred and pay Patre #
Barroun, 
of the soume taxt on the said toun for wanting of thair         #
carriagis, for the     
quhilk soomis our souerane lordis letteris ar direct, quhilkis  #
hes beyne     
diuerse [\tymes\] present in jugment, to put the provest,       #
baillies, and induellaris     
of the said guyd toun to the horne, gevand to thaim thair powar   
to set and prolong thar takis quhar they can be fund waikand    #
for the  
outred of the samyn. And ordanis ane commissioune to be maid to #
thaim 
thairupone in the largest forme, chargand the keparis of thar   #
commond
seill to seill the samyn in dew forme.     
   The said day, the haill toun, all in one voce, ordanit and   #
commandit
the counsell of the samyn, present for the tyme, to pass and    #
modefy the  
provest and Johne Colisonis expensis maid in their passing to   #
Edinburgh, 
to enter and manteyne their carriagis, horsis, and futmen,      #
furneist to the     
last oist. Quhilkis ryply avisit in the counsall house of the   #
samyn, fand     
and ordand xl pundis to be gevin to thair said provestis        #
expensis, and 
tene pundis to the said Johne Collisonis expensis, quhilk they  #
ordand the     
commissioneris aboue writin to provyd for.     
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]     
<P 109>     
     
[}13TH MAY, 1524.}]     
     
   The said day, it was thocht expedient, and commandit and     #
chargit be  
the prouest and conseill present for the time, that ilk bailze  #
pass throcht     
his quarter, and cerse and seik all vnlauchtful nychtbouris,    #
and cause all     
sic be remowit the towne; inlikwise all begaris excep tham that #
ar natif 
borne within this tovne.     
     
[}24TH OCTOBER, 1524.}]     
     
   The said day, the baillies chargit thair officiar to pass    #
and charge all 
the pynouris that vsis till leid fulze to pass and clenge the   # 
kingis get and 
commond myddingis within the said burgh incontinent or euer     # 
thai do    
ony vthyr labour; and failzeing thairof, that thai tak thair    #
horse and cartis, 
and cause the samin be donn on thair awin expensis, and thai to #
pay the 
baillies vnlaw, vnforgevin.     
<P 110>     
     
[}20TH, JUNE, 1525.}]     
     
   The said day, the prowest, baillies, counsell, and           #
communite, present 
for the tyme, consentit to the ewynning of thair Castelhill,    #
and dyking the      
same about.     
   The said day, the prowest, baillies, counsell, and communite # 
of the said 
burgh, present for the tyme, consentit and ordanit Wilzeam,     #
bonatmakar,    
to pass with thair hand bell throicht the toun yerlie, and to   #
haue the samyn     
in office vnder Dauid Colp, for al the dais of his life, but    #
ony impediment. 
     
[}21ST JULY, 1525.}]     
     
   The said day, the haill tovne, being warnit be thar hand     # 
bell, and present      
in the tolbuitht of the samyn, for the mest, and the auld       #
statut maid 
for the ressayt and luging of strangaris, quhilk is contenit at #
lenght in      
thar buk of statuttis, being oppenly red in presens of thame,   #
thai all, in 
ane woice, ratifeit and apprevit the samyn, and the pannis      #
contenit tharin 
requirand the prouest and balzeis to put the samyn to dew       #
executioun, as      
thai wald ansuir to God and to the king thar apone.     
     
[^A ROYAL LETTER AND AN EXTRACT FROM A PARLIAMENTARY ACT 
OMITTED^]     
<P 111>     
     
[}2D OCTOBER, 1525.}]        
     
   The said day, the prowest, ballies, and counsell, with       #
consent and assent      
of all the haill communite, thei beand circualie inquirit be    # 
the officiaris, na      
maner of person opponand nor sayand in the contrar, maid,       #
creat, and ordanit 
rycht honourable men, that is to say, Thomas Menzes of          # 
Pitfoddellis, 
thar prowest for the tyme, Gilbert Menzes of Fyndoun, Sir       #
Iohnne Rutherford,      
Andro Cullan, and William Rolland, thair verie lauchfull and    #
undoutit 
commissaris, to set and prolong all and syndrie their fischings #
and takis, baitht      
to burgh and to land, now waikind and beand in thair handis, to #
burges and      
induellars the said burgh now actuallie, and to nane uthers,    #
and to nae maner     
of person quhilks wes art or part of the cruell murther,        #
slauchter, mutilatoun, 
and hurting of their nychtbours, prowest, baillies, and         #
officiaris, maid      
on thame under silence of nycht, be Alexr. Setoun of Meldrum,   #
Iohnne  
<P 112>     
Leslie of Wardors, Willzeame Leslie of Bognhane, Alexr. Leslie  #
of that     
ilk, thair sonns and ayris, complecis and pairt takaris, to the #
nomer of iiii=xx=     
speris, or thereby, be solstation of Iohnne Collison eldar, and #
his complesces,     
with power to the saids commissaris to set the said tacks and    
fisching for five years immediat followand the vigill of Sanct  # 
Androw nixt to     
cum, and thair commissioun to be maid under thair commund seill #
to the      
saids commissaris, in the largest forme, to this effect:        #
Promittand thame 
and ilk ane of thame to keip firme and staple be the fathis in  #
thair bodeis.     
Witnes, Mr. Iohnne Merschell, Mr. Wm. Meldrum, Mr. Wm.          #
Philpson,     
and Sir Dauid Lorimar, notar, with utheris and syndrie.     
   The said day, the prowest, ballies, counsell, and communite, # 
ratifeit, apprewit,     
and confermit the statut made be thame the last day of          #
September 
immediat gangand befor the dait heirof, promittand faithfullie  #
to keip the 
samyn ferme and stable and inviolat in all tymes cummyng, be    #
the treutht 
and faitht in thair bodies.     
     
<S SAMPLE 2>     
<P 284>     
     
[}20TH MAY, 1555.}]     
     
   The said day, the counsell for the maist pairt, beand        # 
convenit within the     
counselhous, all in ane voce, nemmit, electit, and chesit       #
Thomas Menzes,
prouest, and Dauid Mar, bailzie, thair commissioneris,          #
coniunctly and 
seueralie, to ryid to Edinburght to the next parliament, to be  #
haldin thair 
be our souerane lady Marie, quene drowrear of Scotland, and     #
regent of the 
same, and be the thre estatis therof, in name of our maist      #
gracious quene     
<P 285>     
moderne, to begyne vpoune the xxviij day of May instant, and    #
thair to  
consult, awyse, treat, decerne, and concluid vpoune sic thingis #
as concernis 
the publict welth of this realme, and liberties therof, as      #
salbe thocht ganand     
and convenient be the saidis thre estaitis; and ordinis ane     #
commissioune  
vnder the townis seall to be maid to thame thairwpoune, with    #
power alse 
to the saidis commissioneris to compeir and convene in the said #
toune of
Edinburgh with the remanent commissioneris of the burrowis of   # 
this realme, 
to awyse and consult vpon sic thingis as concernis the commound #
weill of 
the estait of burgessis, and the libertie and priuileges of     #
burrowis, and to     
concluid therwpoune, and to desyir in the said parliament sic   #
wrangis, 
hurtis, and enormiteis, as is done to the saidis burrowis and   # 
inhabitantis 
therof, to be reformit, and ther auld priuileges and liberties  #
to be renewit, 
restoirit, apprewit, and confermit; and specialy anent the      #
hurtis done to 
this burgh of Abirdene, to be reformit, and thair auld          #
infeftmentis and 
priuilegis, grantit and gewin to thame be our souerane ladyis   #
maist noble 
progenitouris, to be ratifiit and confermit, lyk as salbe       
contenit and specifiit     
at mair lynth in the articles to be maid and send with the      #
saidis commissioneris 
thairopon; and gyf neid beis, to consent to gif ane honest and    
decent propyne, gratitud, and contributioune to our said        #
souerane lady and     
regent forsaid, and ratificatioune and confirmatioune of thair  #
auld infeftmentis
and priuileges forsaid, lykas salbe contenit and specifiit in   #
the generall 
articalis to be maid be the saidis haill commissioneris of      #
burrowis, or  
the maist pairt of thame, and presentit in the said parliament  # 
heirvpoune.     
   The said day, the counsell ordanis to be gewin Thomas        #
Menzes, prowest,
the sowme of twenty poundis, and to Dauid Mar tene pound, to    #
mak thair 
expenssis in ryding to Edinburght, as commissioneris for the    # 
toune to this      
nixt parliament; and ordanis the same to be pait to thame with  #
the first 
accedence of the toune that beis gottin in of the compositionis # 
of fremen      
to be maid, escheittis or vnlawis quhatsumeuir that first       #
fallis.     
     
[}14TH JUNE, 1555.}]     
     
   The said day, Jonatt Portar and Jonett Bailzert, hir         #
seruand, war convickit 
in judgement, be the depositiones of diuerse famose witnes, for #
the  
defaming and myspersoning of James Andersone and Elspett Baldy, #
his 
spowse, with veray ewill and injurious langaige, vndvordy of    #
heiring.   
Quhairfor thay, and ilkane of thame, war in amerciament of      #
court, and the
<P 286>     
bailzies forsaid ordanit the saidis Portar and Bailzeirt, hir   #
seruand, to cum 
one Sonday nixt cumis, within Sanct Nicholace parroche kirk, in #
tyme of
the hie mess, with ane candill of valx in thair hand, and sit   #
doune on thair 
kneis in the queir, afoir the guid men of the toune, and aske   # 
the said James 
and his spows forgyfnes, and thair to revock the vordis said be #
thame 
vpoune him and his said spowse fals and vntrewe, and requeist   #
the guid 
men of the toune to cause thame be forgewin; and gyf euer the   #
said Jonett 
Bailzert beis foundin in the making of sic offencis in tyme     #
cuming, and beis 
convict thairfor, to be banist of this guid toune.  
     
[}30TH JUNE, 1555.}]     
     
   The said day, Gilbert Collisone, Patrik Menzes, and Gilbert  # 
Malysoune, 
baillies, with awyse of the haill counsell, ordanis fourty      #
poundis to 
be gewin to Thomas Menzeis, prouest, and Dauid Mar, bailzie, of #
the 
rediast and first accidentis and casualiteis of the toune that  #
euer first happynnis  
to be gottin, and na man to mell thairwith, nor gett part nor   #
profyt  
thairof, quhill the said fourty poundis be pait compleitly to   #
thame, and that 
to mak thair expenssis in passing to this present rayd till     #
Sanct Johnstoune, 
anent the townis bessenes and commound weill therof, and in     # 
recompensatioune      
of thair expenssis of the last rayd thai maid, at command of    #
the      
counsell, to the last parliament haldin in Edinburght, for the  #
quhilkis as yit
thai gat na recompensatioune nor reward, bot of thair awin      #
guidnes hes 
remittit the same for paiment of the sowme aboue wryttin.     
     
[}8TH JULY, 1555.}]     
     
   The said day, anent the complaynt gewin in iugement to the   # 
baillies be 
Gilbert Knowis, Duncan Forbes, Gilbert Kyntoir, Alexr. Hay, and   
Maister Johnne Watsoune, for thame selffis and the remanent     #
heretouris,       
takkismen, tenentis, and occupiaris of the fysching of the      #
cruwis, vpoun      
Maister Johnne Chawmer, duelland in Grandoum, for the wrangouss #
vsing 
and halding of ane cobill vpoun the said watter, within the     #
boundis of thair     
fysching, to thair gryt hurt and skayth, quhar neuer na cobill  #
wes vsit nor      
occupiit obefoir, and tharthrow making new innovatioune by the  #
ald louable 
vse and consuetude, obseruit in all tymes bygane past memor of  #
man, in 
hurt and preiudice of the priuilege of this guid toune, as in   #
the said bill 
of complaynt at mair lyntht is contenit. Quhilk wes remittit    #
and referrit 
to the sensment and ordinans of the counsell, quhilkis being    #
conuenit for      
<P 287>       
the maist pairt within the consalhous, all in ane voce, fand    #
and decernit  
that the said Maister Johnne aucht not to hauld nor vse the     #
said cobill as      
he dois, and that thair aucht bot ane generawll and commond     #
coble to be      
vpoun the said fysching, to serff all the possessouris,         #
tenentis, and occupyaris 
thairof, in tym cumyng, to transport thame selffis, thair       #
seruandis,      
and thair fysche, als oft as thai haf ado, and that the said    #
new cobill aucht      
to be removit, destroyit, and away put, in all tymes to cum.    # 
And attour      
it is provydit be the said consell, with consent and assent of  #
the haill possessours,      
takkismen, and tenentis of the said fysching, that gif the said #
generall      
commound cobill beis haldyn or stopput fra ony ane of thame, or #
thair      
subtenentis, or seruandis, quhen thai haf ado in tyme to cum,   # 
that the  
haldar or stoppar of the said cobill sall refound and pay to    #
the complenar      
samekill as he or his serwand will mak faytht thai ar skaythtit #
at that tyme,
throcht wanting of the vse and service of the said cobill, and  #
siclik to be      
done in all tymes cumyng, without any vder probatioune to be    # 
socht bot      
allanerly the depositioune of the complenar of his serwand.     
     
[}12TH AUGUST, 1555.}]     
     
   The said day, Alexr. Joffray, Duncane Fraser, Williame       #
Congiltoun,  
Dauid Saidlar, Johnne Fowlis, Charles Dauidsone, Reche Myln,    #
Alexr. 
Kemp elder, Alexr. Kemp youngar, Alexr. Kay, and Duncane Colly, # 
baxteris, and ilkane of thame were conuickit in judgement, and  #
put in amerciament      
of court, for the braking of the commound ordinance and         #
statutis of     
this guid toune in selling of quhyt breid of less mesour and 
price nor wes      
gewin and dewisit be the counsell to thame of befoir to obserf  #
and fulfill;      
quhairfor thai war in amerciament of court to forbeir in tyme   #
cumyng      
and amend as law vill, and that wes gewin for dome, and the     #
baillies continewit      
thair vnlawis to be modifiit be thame eftirwart.     
   The said day, the haill counsell statut and ordanit that the # 
baxteris of      
this guid toune sall baik and sell twenty tua vnce of quhyt     # 
breid, sufficient      
stuf, and weill bakin, for four penneis, and tuenty aucht vnce  #
of ry breid, 
sufficient stuf, and weill bakin, for four d.; and that na      #
breid be sauld be     
thame quhill thai be considderit and vesit be ane of the        #
baillies; and quhowsone
the breid beis takin out of the owne, that ane of the baillies  #
salbe aduertist      
and requirit to do the same; and that na baxter sall baik ony   #
breid      
vpoune Settirday befoir tua eftir none; and quha beis fundin    #
cumand in       
<P 288>     
the contrar heirof, the haill baikin stuf beand fundin and      #
gottin in his possessioune      
to be escheit and delt; and gyf ony baxter hawand stuf beis     
fundin wantand baikin breid, and nocht vsand his craft to serf  
the toune     
and nightbouris therof in contemptioune of this ordinance, the  #
sam beand      
knawin and vnderstand, the haill victuall and stuf beand fundin #
in his possessioune      
to be escheit and delt to the puir folkis. And this statut to   #
induir      
and haf stryntht quhill the fest of Michaelmes nixt cumis, and  #
further       
induiring the counsellis will.     
     
[}26TH AUGUST, 1555.}]     
     
   The said day, Alexr. Reid younger, being accusit be the      #
baillies in      
judgement for inobedience of Patrik Menzes, bailzie, in         #
executioune of his      
office, and siclyk for the braking of ward, he being put        #
thairintill be the      
said bailzie, for the quhilkis he put him in the tounis will,   #
and the prouest      
and maist pairt of the counsell ordanit him to cum on Sonday    #
nixt cumis 
within Sanct Nicholace kirk, in the queir therof, with ane      #
candill of ane lib. 
of wax in his hand, in the tyme of the hie mess, and thair sit  #
doune on his      
kneis and ask the said Patrik forgyfnes, and requeist the guid  #
men of the      
toune to cause and solist the said Patrik forgyf him; and gyf   #
euer he beis      
convickit making sic faill and offence in tyme cumyng, to tyne  # 
his fredome      
and be banyst of the toune.     
     
[}3D SEPTEMBER, 1555.}]     
     
   The said day, Agnes Lowsoune and Johne Abircromy, hir        #
spows, for his      
interes, beand lauchtfullie warnit to this day for the third    # 
and last dyat of      
proces be Johnne Jenour, officiar, vpoun the quhilkis he maid   #
faith in judgement,      
to haf ansuerit at the instance of ane rycht venerabill mane,   #
Robert,
minister of the Trinite ordour of Faythfurd and Abirdene, anent #
the claim     
of ane chalice of siluer, contening fourtene vnces of wecht,    #
quhilk the said      
Agnes, as is allegit, intromettit with, deliuerit to hir be     #
freir Johne Quhytcors,      
pertening to the Trinite kirk of Abirdene, with intimatioune    #
gif thai      
compeirit nocht, the baillies wald proceid and minister iustice #
in the said      
mater; and the saidis Agnes and Johnne, hir spous, for his      #
interes, beand      
oft tymes callit, compeirit nocht, quhairfor the baillie        #
resauit and admittit       
the said Robertis probatioune; be the quhilk it wes fundin that #
the said      
Agnes intromettit with the said chalice, contening fourtene     #
vnce of siluer,      
and therfor the bailzie forsaid decernit and ordanit the said   #
Agnes and       
<P 289>     
Johnne, hir spous, for his interes, to delyuer and restoir to   #
the said minister      
and kirk forsaid the forsaid chalice of fourtene vnce of siluer #
alse guid as it      
wes quhen scho intromettit thairwith within terme of law; and   #
gyf the same 
be destroyit or brokin, nocht gettabill in the sam forme as it  #
ves, that the 
said Agnes and Johnne, hir spows forsaid, for his interes, sall #
caus mak ane      
wther chalice of new, of the samin vecht of siluer, alse guid   #
as the vther     
wes, and deliuer the same to the said minister and place        #
forsaid. And attour      
the bailzie decernit and ordanit the said Robert, minister      #
aforsaid, of      
his awin confessioune, to pay to the said Agnes the sowme of    #
sax lib. Scottis      
for the said freir Johnne Quhytcors quhilk he wes awand to hir; #
and the      
said Robert attour oblist him of his awin guidnes to delyuer to #
the said      
Agnes fourtie s. mair nor the said sowme of sax lib. at the     #
restitutioun of      
the said chalice in maner aboune writtin, sua the same be       #
deliuerit to him      
with plesour and thankfulnes but ony forthir of cumyr or coist.   
   The said day, Robert Cunynghame, minister of the Trinite     #
freiris of       
Failfurd and Abirdene, maid and constitut Maister Robert        #
Lumisden his      
procuratour and factour, to vptak the mailis, fermes,           #
annuelrentis, profyttis,      
emolumentis, and deuties, pertenyng to the saidis freiris of    #
the ordour      
of the religioune in Abirdene, of all termes bygane and to cum, #
with      
power to substitute procuratouris to persew the same in the     #
law, gyf neid     
beis; with power also to the said Maister Robert to beit, mend, #
and reperell      
the Trinite kirk and place of Abirdene, and quhat he debursis   # 
thairvpoune      
to be thankfully allowit to him; and alse to sustene the        #
brether      
of the said religioune in thair cleuthyng and ordinar           #
expenssis, and vther      
thingis neidfull to thame, takand their acquyttances therof,    #
quhilk salbe      
alse sufficient as it war deliuerit to the said minister        #
himself, conforme to      
his directioune and ordinance gevin to the said Mr. Robert      #
theranent,      
quhilkis siclyke salbe allowit thankfully to the said Mr.       #
Robert,      
promittand faythfullie to hald ferme and stabill quhat the said #
Mr. Robert promittand
faythfullie to hald ferme and stabill quhat the said Mr. Robert   
and his substitutis in the premissis lauchtfullie leidis to be  #
done. And      
this present procuratorie to induir and haf effect ay and       #
quhill the said      
minister renunce and discharge the same.     
     
[}4TH OCTOBER, 1555.}]     
     
   The said day, the counsell hawand consideratioune that Sir   #
Robert      
Bynne, cheplane and singar in thair queir, is vesiit be the     #
hand of God      
<P 290>     
with infirmitie in his ene, quhairthrow he is becum blynd, and  #
that he maid     
gude and continuell seruice in tymis bigan, sa lang as he wes   #
habill.   
Thairfor, thai all in ane voce consentis and assentis that he   #
haf his auld       
fee, that is to say, aucht markis wsuaill money of Scotland,    # 
togidder with      
his clerkship, quhilkis he had for his fee and seruice abefor,  #
for all the      
dais of his lif, but ony impediment or gane calling. And        #
forther, that the      
nobill and honest men of the toune support him of thair awin    #
guidnes, at       
thair plesour and discretioune, quhill God restoir him to his   #
sycht and 
habilite.     
   Item, it is statut and ordanit, with consent of the haill    # 
craft of cordonaris,     
that na schone be sauld darrer bot the best dowbill scholit     #
schone      
for men xxxii penneis, mennis singill solit schone tua s.;      #
wemmenis         
dowbill solit schone ii s., thair singill solit schone xviij d. #
and xvj d.;     
barnis schone for xii d., x d., and viij d., efferand to thair  #
quantitie and      
aige, wnder the paine of escheiting of all schone beand in the  # 
possessioune     
of the braker of this present statut.     
   Item, that na man gaddir nor hald ony carnis or stanis to ly #
vpoun the      
calsay, except thame that ar to big allanerly, wnder the pane   # 
of eschaeting      
therof; and gif ony biggar haldis ane carne of stanis one the   #
streit or  
calsay attour ane yeir and ane day, the samin to be escheit     #
inlykwyse.       
    Item, that euerie craft within this guid toune haf ane      #
visitour amang      
thame selfis, chosin euere yeir anis, quha sell accept the      
same, and be      
suorne therto befor the prouest and baillies in judgement, to   # 
se that all      
statutis and ordinans maid one the craftismen of this guid      #
toune be obseruit      
and keipit; and that, in tyme cuming, thair be na craftisman    #
maid      
fre man to vse his craft, except he haf seruit as prentise      #
under ane maister      
thre yeiris, and be found sufficient and qualifeit in his craft #
to be ane     
maister.     
   Item, it is statut and ordanit, with consent of the haill    #
baxteris, beand     
convenit, that nane of thame pass in the contray to by quhit,   #
of darrer      
prices bot as tha ma keip and obserf the statut and ordinance   #
gewin      
thame be the counsale for this present yeir; and alse that nane #
of the      
saidis baxsteris by quhit attour his nychtbouris heyd: that is  # 
to say quhair      
<P 291>     
his nychtbour hes bene to mak ony bying or bergane of quhyt,    #
and bidden      
ony money thairfor, that his nychtbour bid na mair nor is       #
offerit, nor mak      
him to by thair, wnder the pane of fourty s. for the first      #
falt, and tynsell      
of fredome for yeir and day for the secund falt, gif he beis    #
convickit for      
the same.     
   Item, that na tailzeour sell ony clayth bot allanerly maid   #
breikis and      
boxis of tartane or grose claith and lynningis for cleything;   # 
and gif ony      
tailzeour dois in the contrar, to be punist therfor, as         # 
forstallaris and regrataris      
of this guid towne.      
   Item, that all burgessis remanyng in landwart, and all       #
wtheris hawand      
takkis, rowmes, steddingis, and proffeittis of this guid towne, #
cum betwixt      
this and Mertimes nixt to cum, with thair wyffis, barnis, and   # 
howshaldis,      
and duell, remayne, and abyde within this toune, scoit, loit,   #
walk, and ward      
with the samin, and be reddy all houris for the defens thairof, #
and concurring      
and assisting with the superiouris and ministers of justice     #
tharof      
for the tym, wnder the pane of tinsell of thair fredomes,       #
takkis, priuilegis,      
and profyttis that thai haf or ma haf of this guid toune, of    #
the quhilkis      
thair names followis, viz.: [^A LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]      
and ordanit thir names forsaidis to be proclamit opinlie at the #
mercat croce     
of Aberdene to the effect forsaid.     
   The said day, the counsell grantit to thair seruitour, James #
Nory,      
singar in thair queir, twenty s., to be augmentit tuenty s. of  # 
his fee, makand      
in the haill four poundis, for his guid seruice to be done in   #
their queir;     
and ordanis the den of gild to mak him paiment therof, ay and   #
quhill he 
be dischargit therof.     
   The said day, Alexr. Rattre dischargit the towne of the      #
sowme of twelff      
poundis, allegit awand be thame to him of the rest of ane       #
gritar sowme, for       
his seruice and wagis in passing with the kingis grace to the   #
ilis, at command      
of the counsell, and of sewin lib., allegit awand to him be the #
toune      
for tua monethis wagis, in the tyme that he wes gunnar in thair # 
blokhowse,     
<P 292>     
and of all sowmes of money that he may clame or creif at the    #
toune in      
tymmes bigane; and the counsell remittit and dischargit the     #
said Alexr.      
of his guid sone John Ewynnis compositione of fremanschip, for  #
the quhilk     
he com souertie.    

[}14TH OCTOBER, 1555.}]    

   The said day, the prouest and baillies ordanis Gilbert       #
Colisoun, maister    
of Sanct Nicholace wark, to delyuer to Patrik Menzeis and       #
Alexander    
Chawmer, denis of gild, the grit jrne kirk styile to be applyit #
to the irne    
wark necessar of the tolbuith; and the saidis prouest and       #
baillies oblist     
tham in name of the toune that the denis of gild for the tyme   #
sell rander    
and gyf agane samekill jrne wark to the said maister of kirk    #
wark for the    
tyme to the necessar beitment of the said kirk quhat tyme and   #
quhow sone    
it sell hapin thame to haf ado thairwith, be the sycht of the   #
guid men of the    
toune.    
    
[}25TH OCTOBER, 1555.}]    

   The said day, the maist pairt of the consell ordanis Thomas  #
Menzeis,    
thair prouest, to ryd to Edinburght for defence of the          #
sommondis rasit be    
Dauid Kintor, Gilbert Kintoir, and Patre Gray, aganis the       # 
prouest and   
baillies of this guid toun, and certane vderis nychtbouris      #
thairof, for the reductione    
of thair fewis, and the productione of the townis ald           #
infeftmentis;    
and ordanis the den of gild to deliuer him xx lib. to help to   #
mak his expenssis.    
    
[}6TH NOVEMBER, 1555.}]
   
   The said day, Johnne Chalmer wes accusit in judgement for    #
the myssaying   
and myspersoning of Dauid Mar, ane of the baillies of the said  #
burgh,   
with maist wyile and injurious detractioune, sayand that he had #
takin ane   
hundreth lib. of money furth of his bag, quhilk wes ane         #
commound theyffis   
stik, and that he had gewin ane false testimoniall one him to   # 
the quenis   
grace, wnder the townis seill; quhik actioun wes put to the     #
knawlege of the   
assise aboune writtin, and be the depositiones of diuerse       #
famose witnes, and   
be the said Johnnis awin confessioune, he wes convickit be the  #
said assise   
for the myspersoning of the said Dauid in maner aboun writtin,  #
quhairfor    
he wes put in amerciament of court, and that wes gewin for      #
dome.   
<P 293>   
   
[}13TH DECEMBER, 1555.}]   

   The said day, the baillies ordanit Maister Thomas Annand,    #
chaiplane   
of Sanctiohnne the Ewangellist alter, situate within thair      #
parroche kirk of   
Abirdene, to the quhilk the toune ar patronis, or his awin      #
grant and consent   
in judgment, to bring and exhibit befor the counsell, in thair  # 
nixt heid   
court, to be haldin the xiij of Januar, ane litill chalice and  #
ane mekill new   
chalice of siluer, pertening to the said chaplanrie, to be      #
vesiit be the consell,   
and to remayne for seruing of the said alter within the said    #
kirk in   
firmance and keipyng, becaus he hes absentit the same thir      
diuerse yeiris   
bygane.   
   
[}16TH DECEMBER, 1555.}]   

   The said day, the haill towne beand conuenit for the maist   #
part, chesit   
and electit Thomas Menzeis, prouest, Maister Robert Lumisden,   #
and   
Gilbert Collisoune, or ony tua of thame coniunctly, thair       # 
commissionaris,    
lauchtfull and irrevocabill, to compeir and conuene with the    #
remanent commissionaris    
of the fre burghis of Scotland in Edinburgh, vpoun the xv day   
of Januar nixt to cum, conforme to ane writting of our souerane #
lady,  
Marie, quene drowrear of Scotland, and regent of the same,      #
directit and  
send to the prouest, baillies, and communite of the said burgh, #
or quhatsumeuer   
vder day or dayis, place or places conuenient, quhen and quhair  
the quenis grace and commissionaris forsaid thinkis expedient,  #
for dressing   
of appountment, stancheyng of all debait and contrauersie       # 
betuix the fre   
marchandis and craftismen of all burrowis of this realme, for   #
vnite and  
concord to be amangis thame perpetualie in tyme cumyng. And     #
alsua to   
consult, awyse, dispute, and ressoune vpoune all sic thingis as # 
concernis   
the fredome, liberte, preuelege, and publict weltht, of all     #
borrowis of the   
realme, and for to do, traitt, determe, and conclud             #
thairupoune, for the   
commond weill of the samin. And forthir, to compleyne and       #
expoyne   
the hurtis, dampnage, and skaith done in tymes bygane by the    # 
burrowis  
forsaid, and specialy to this burght of Abirden, aganis the     #
strynth of thair   
ald priuelegis and infeftmentis, and for to laubour remeid      #
thairin, sa far   
as ma be had; and for to grant to gif ane compositioune,        #
propyne, and  
gratitud to our said souerane lady, as vtheris commissionaris   #
of burrowis   
dois and grantis, for reformatioune, in tyme cumyng, of the     #
hurtis, dampnagis   
and skaithis don to the burrowis in tymes bygane, restitutione  #
of   
<P 294>   
thame to their ald immwniteis and liberteis, and apprewing, and # 
ratefying,   
and confermyng of thair ald priuilegis and infeftmentis; and    #
generaly to   
do all thingis concernyng the premissis that the haill          #
communite forsaid   
mycht do, gif thai war all present in propir personis:          #
promittand faithfullie    
to hald firme and stabill all and quhatsumeuer thingis thair    #
saidis   
thre commissioneris, or ony tua of thame coniunctly, lauchfully #
ledis to be   
done in the premisses; and ordanis ane commission to be maid to #
thame   
vnder the townis commond seill thairupoun.   
   
[}2D JANUARY, 1556.}]   

   The said day, the haill toun, being convenit within the      #
tolbuitht thocht   
neidfull and expedient to big and brig vpoun the Den burne, at  #
the southwast   
entre of the toune, as thai cum thairto fra the brig of Dee;    # 
and ordanis   
Maister Robert Lumisden, maister of vark of the brig of Dee, to   
big the said brig of tua bowis, sufficiently with stane and     #
lyme, with the   
reddiest of the money that he hes of the mailis of Ardlar, and  #
to by stanis,   
lyme, and all materiallis neidfull therto; and quhat he         #
debursis on the  
biging of the said brig to be thankfully allowit to him in his  #
nixt compt;   
vpoun the quhilkis the said Maister Robert desyrit act of       #
court, in presens   
of the haill toun forsaid.   
   
[}27TH JANUARY, 1556.}]   

   The said day, the counsell dewysit and ordanit that Alexr.   # 
Ruderfurd,    
Gilbert Collisoune, Patrik Menzes, Walter Cullane, Gilbert      #
Malisoune,   
and Androw Lowsoune suld pass to Edinburght to the prouest      #
Thomas   
Menzeis, as commissionaris for the haill toune, to defend the   #
actioun and   
pley mowit aganis this toun and communite thairof, be Maister   #
Henry   
Lauder and Maister Johnne Spens, aduocattis to our souerane     #
lady the   
quenis grace, for productioun befoir the lordis of counsell of  # 
the townis   
infeftment and chartour of thair fischingis of the watteris of  #
Dee and  
Doyne, efter the forme and tenour of our souerane ladyis        #
letteris of summondis   
directit aganis thame thairupoune, and thair to consult with    # 
men   
of law, experience, and knawledge, the best way for defence of  #
the said  
actioune, and to constitut procuratouris, ane or ma, to that    #
effect, and to   
mak expensis thairupoune honestly as accordis; and the          #
forsaidis expensis   
to be vptakin of the possessouris of the tounis fyschingis and  #
landis, effering   
<P 295>   
to the valour therof, and gyf neid beis, to exhibit and produce #
the   
said chartour and infeftment. The quhilk ordinance of the       #
covnsell, the  
haill toune, being warnit to this day, and convenit for the     #
maist pairt affermit,   
apprevit, and consentit therto; and siclyke the saidis          #
commissioneris  
grantit to pass to address the said bissenes frelie and         #
glaidly, vpon  
thair awin expenssis, for the weill of the toune, conforme to   #
the townis   
ordinance and power gevin to thame, and the haill toune ordanis #
ane
commissioun to be given to thame vnder thair commond seill, to  #
the effect   
forsaid.   
   The said day, Patrik Leslie, in name and behalf of the       #
nychtbouris and   
puir inhabitantis of this toun, quhilk hes na takkis nor        #
heretagiis of the    
tounis landis, requyrit the baillies in jugement, in presens of #
the haill   
toune, for the copy of the townis commission grantit to the     # 
commissionaris   
to sett the saidis landis in few, allegeand that the saidis     #
puir inhabitantis   
ar hewilie oppressit and hurt be the possessouris of the saidis #
landis,   
quhilkis stoppis and makis impediment to thame to cast, win,    #
and leid   
fewall, faill, and dewatt, vpoun the commounty of the towne,    #
quhar thai  
had wont to cast in tymmes bigane, past memour of man, contrar  # 
the   
tennour and stryncht of the said commissioune, and thair few    # 
chartouris   
grantit and gevin thairvpoun, and express aganis the commoun    #
weill of   
this guid toune, and theirfore protestit solemplie for          #
obseruatioune and   
executioune of the claussis and restrictionis contenit in the   #
saidis few charteris,   
and for remeyd of law, quhen tym and place requyris.   
   
[}19TH MARCH, 1556.}]   

   The said day, Dauid Mar, bailye, with consent, awyise,       #
ordinance, and   
authorite of Thomas Menzeis of Petfoddellis, prouest of the     #
said burght,   
and Gilbert Menzeis his bruder, narrest kynnismen and frendis   #
to Androw   
Menzeis youngar, pupill, sone, and air to vmquhile Androw       #
Menzeis,   
burges of Aberdene, his fader, and als air to vmquhile Thomas   #
Menzeis  
youngar, his bruther, ordanit and decernit Thomas Menzeis,      #
tutour of law   
to the said Androw, to content and pay to Besse Leslie, moder   #
to the said   
Androw, for his burd, and ordinar expenssis, and cleithing,     # 
tene lib. yeirlie,   
sa lang as he is with his said moder, fra the entre of the said #
Dauid to the   
office of tutourie forsaid, and the samin to be allowit to him  #
in his compt.   
<P 296>   
   
[}27TH MARCH, 1556.}]   

   The said day, the court wardis and schawis for law, and it   #
wes gewin for   
dome, that Andro Forbes, duelland at Keythokis mill, hes prowin # 
sufficiently   
that in the moneth of August or thairby, in the yeir of God     # 
j=m= v=c=  
fyftie and four yeris, Duncane Colle, baxter, at his awin hand, #
without any   
licens of the said Androw, intromettit with ane blak horse      #
pertening to the   
said Androw, worth tene merkis, at the myll forsaid, and put    #
ane heivy   
laid of flour one him to be cariit fra the said myll, and in    #
the careing thairof    
brak his bak wnder Tullidronis hill, throcht weycht and hewynes #
of the     
laid, and ewill gyding of the horse, in the said Duncanis       #
defalt, quharfor   
the baillies decernit the said Duncane to content, refund, and  #
to pay to the   
said Androw the forsaid sowme of tene merkis, ffor the walour   #
and pryce of   
the said horse, for the caussis forsaid, within the terme of    #
law, and condampnis   
the said Duncane in the expenssis of court to be taxit          #
eftirwart.   
   
[}26TH APRIL, 1556.}]   

   The said day, the court wardis and schavis for law, and it   #
wes gewin for   
dome, that Maister Edward Menzeis, cheplane of the ruid alter   #
in the organ   
loft, situat within the parroche kirk of Abirdene, hes provin   # 
sufficientlie   
that he and Schir Johnne Fyff, his predecessour as cheplanis of #
the said   
cheplanrie, war in vse, and possessioun of paiment, and         #
vptaking of ane   
yeirlie annuel rent of xl d. wsuall money of Scotlande off ane  #
land liand in   
the Grene, on the south part therof, merchand with the land of  #
the quyt   
freiris on the eist part, and the land of [^blanco^] one the    # 
west pairt, pertening   
sum tyme to Margaret Low, and now pertening to Johnne Barre,   
quharfor the prouest and baillies forsaid decernit and ordanit  #
the said Johnne   
Barre, as heretour theroff, to refound, content and pay to the  #
said Edward,   
as cheplane forsaid, the said annuel rent of xl d. money        #
forsaid, of the termes   
immediatlie bigane, within viij dayes, and siclyke yeirlie and  #
termelie in all   
tyme cuming, ay and quhile he be lauchtfullie callit and        #
ordourlie put thairfra   
be the law; wpoun the quhilk the said Maister Edward tuik act   #
of court  
and instrument.   
   
[}5TH MAY, 1556.}]   

[^A RECEIPT OMITTED^]
<P 297>   
   The said day, compeyrit in jugement Gilbert Kyntour,         #
admiral deput to    
ane nobill lord, James Erle Bothtwall, gryt admirall of         #
Scotland, and exhibit    
ane commissioun gewin and direckit to him be the said           #
principale   
admirall, vnder his seall and subscriptioune manuall, of the    #
dayt at Creychtoune,   
the xx day of Februar, yeir of God j=m= v=c= fyfty and vj       #
yeris, to   
cognoss and decerne in all thingis concerning his office and    # 
jurisdictioun of      
admiralitie in the north partis of Scotland, fra the north      #
watter of Esk to   
Ross inclusive, contening power to the prowest and baillies of  #
Abirdein to   
resaif the aitht of the said Gilbert Kyntoir for trew           #
exercitioun of the said   
office, quhilk aith the baillies forsaid resauit in iugement,   #
conforme to the   
said commissioune.   



<B SEDUC1> 
<Q SC1 IR EDUC GAU> 
<N RICHT VAY> 
<A GAU JOHN> 
<C SC1> 
<O DATE 1533> 
<M MEDIUM PRINTED> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T EDUC TREAT> 
<G TRANSL> 
<F OTHER> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X MALE> 
<Y 40-60> 
<H HIGH PROF> 
<U NET PUBLIC> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I X> 
<Z INSTR REL> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^GAU, JOHN.  
THE RICHT VAY TO THE KINGDOM OF HEUINE. 
ED. A.F. MITCHELL.
SCOTTISH TEXT SOCIETY, 12. 
EDINBURGH AND LONDON 1888. 
PP. 3.1.-31.33^] 
 
<P 3> 
[}IHONE GAU TO THE REDER}] 
   Grace / marcie / and pece / of god our fader / and of the    #

lord 
Ihesus Christ our saluiour / be vith al chrissine breder and 
sister / Ama~gis mony oder skaithful bukis and fals doctrine    #
vith 
the quhilk the pepil hes ben falslie dissauit befor in mony     #
zeris and 
euil and ongodlie techit of the quhilk greit onfaithfulnes and 
heresie come amangis the pepil / Of thir bukis thir ar the      #
gretest 
(the quhilk mony befor wesz maist vont to wsz) the quhilk ar    #
callit 
(\Hortulus anime\) / And (\Paradisus anime\) That is the        #
gardine of the 
saul / and the paradis of de saul / bot be richt thay suld hayf #
callit 
thayme the errour and begeline and the distructione of the      #
saul / 
In the quhilk bukis thair is sa mony lesingis / and fablis /    #
and 
dremis gadrit to gider / and mony orisons to diuersz patronis   #
and
fa~ctis / and quhow men and veme~ sal scriue thayme and quhou
thay sal rekkine al thair sinnis to thair schrift fader in      #
quhat maner
and vith quhat persone thay var dune as sum fuyl or munk maid
as thay thocht and dremit efter thair aune heid / and vrait     #
thayme
that oders micht dailie reid and vsz thair dremis for godlie    #
prayers /
Neuertheles thay reknit mony foul and abhominabil sinnis in
thayme the quhilk mony guyd men a~d veme~ and specialie zung
persons kneu neuer of befor na thocht neuer to dw in al thair
dais / Thay haif gadrit to gider in thir forsaid and siclik     #
bukis 
mony sindrie prayers as thay thocht maist godlie and vrait reid
and fals fenzeit titels and marvolous co~mendations befor       #
thaime
that thay quhilk red thayme or buyr thaime apone thayme suld
haiff sa mony thousand zeris of pardone And forgiffine of thair
<P 4>
sine and payne and deliuer thair faders and moders and oder
frendis saulis of the paynis of purgatorie for the quhilkis     #
thay vald
pray for in that orisone Thay gaif sic vane glorious tetels and
namis and pouers that thay quhilk red thaime euerie day or
buyr thayme apone thaime suld noth be slayne be thair inimis
na drunit na brint na be ha~git na suld notht de ane euil or
ane hastie deid na haif na troubil na powerte Or quhay that
redis sancti erasmis orisone apone the sonday thay sal get meit
and drink aneuth that ouk Or quhay prais to sanct christofer
and seis his ymage sal notht that day haif aduersite or de      #
onchrisinlie /
And siclik thay dremit and maid innumerabil pouers a~d
vertus a~d laid to siclik orisons the quhilk ver lang to vrit   #
heir as
it is thair to requirit Thairfor i postpone thayme nou / thay
quhilk befor vesz blindit and ar nou illuminat be the licht of
godis vord thay knaw thayme veil thair self / I traistit mekil
of siclik oriso~s be for in my ald blindnes / Bot blissit be    #
god
quhilk hes helpit me thair owt be the licht of his halie vord
and of mekil oder blindnes quhilk I vesz in befor / It is greit #
neid
to informe and tech al chrissine pepil that thay vsz noth thir  #
orisons
as thay did befor And that thay put na hop na traist in thayme
and to lat thayme alen and hald thayme noth of valour for causz
thay cane haiff na saluacione throu thayme And to giff ouer     #
passionale
(\sa~ctoru~ lege~da sa~ctoru~\) saulis traist and bukis of      #
miraculis /
in the quhilk thair is mekil gadrit to gider quhilk the deuil   #
pat in
thayme quhilk first maid and vrait thayme to Draw the pepil     #
thair
throu fra the richt faith and put thair hop and traist in to    #
sa~ctis
and sindrie patronis that thay suld pray for thayme and saif
thayme / And sua lichtlie our lord Ihesus Christis blissit      #
passione
and precious deid Vith the quhilk he maid alanerlie perfit      #
satisfactione 
for al our sinnis and wil marcifullie forgif ws thaime of
his awne gracious guidnes. Quhairfor ve suld alanerlie lowe and
virschip and honour the lord god our maker and redemar and
pray to na oder bot to hime as hime selff commandit in the v    #
and
vi chaiptur of Deutero and in the xx and xxxiiii of Exodi and
mony oder placis of the halie scriptur co~ma~dis the same       #
Thairfor
<P 5>
now the richt and chrissine doctrine is heir contenit in this   #
prese~t
buyk that al quhilk ondersta~dis the scotis tung ma haiff vith
thayme and reid and wsz it Dailie / That thay may chrissinlie   #
leir
and onderstand first quhou thay sal ken thair sine and ar       #
sinful
creaturs / This thay suld leir of the x comma~dise of god
   Alsua thay suld leir the chrissine faith as it is contenit   #
in the
creid / And ondersta~d quhou thay suld trow in thayr god a~d    #
maker
a~d ken hime. Sine thay suld leir the Pater noster quhou thay
suld pray richt to god thair fader in the heuin for that is in  #
verite /
that ane richt chrissine man hes prait aneucht quhen he hes     #
prait
ane pater noster vith the hart and ane guyd mind / ffor ane     #
prayer
is noth the mair plesa~d to god for causz we wsz mony vordis in #
it
As our saluiour sais in the vi chaiptur of sanct matheu / Bot   #
ane
chrissine prayer is quhen ane ma~ prais and murnis inuertlie in #
his
hart to god efter his help / of the quhilk our saluiour sais in #
the
v chaiptur of S. math Blissit ar thay quhilk murnis for thay    #
sal be
confortit / the quhilk murning and inuert desir of the hart ve  #
suld
al time haif to god for his help / Thairfor it is neidful that  #
al
pepil lat alen the orisons maid be men quhilk hes diuersz namis
and titels / sa mony thousand zeris / of pardone pouers / and
remissione of sine and payne / for the reding of thaime The     #
quhilk
is bot leing and begiline / Thairfor al chrissine pepil suld    #
nou leir
agane to reid and pray the richt chrissine prayer (the quhilk   #
is the
pater noster) apone thair aune tung the quhilk our saluiour     #
leirit
his disciplis to pray as sanct matheu vritis in his vi chaiptur #
and
sanct Luc. in his xi / the quhilk is of sic natur that the      #
ofter that
ony man pray it vith hart and mind thair apone it is mair       #
plesand
and sueter to hime / Our lord Ihesus the sone of god the quhilk
maid it and lerit vsz to pray it (to his and our hewinlie       #
fader) gif
vsz al his halie spreit that we ma haif lwiff to reid and pray  #
it vith
ane chrissine hart to his gloir and honour and to the           #
saluatione of
our saulis AMEN
<P 7>
[}THE RICHT VAY TO THE HEUINE}]
   Almichtine god hes noth co~ma~dit vith out ane special causz
that the x commandis suld first be vritine and sine schauine
and prechit to the pepil Bot yat thay suld first leir and       #
onderstand  
the same x commandis / and syne the creid and the pater         #
noster /
the quhilk thre thyngis contenis veralie al yat sta~dis in the  #
halie
writ and al yat cane be prechit and leird to the saluatione of  #
our
saulis a~d al quhilk is neidful to vsz to wit of our lord Iesus #
Christ
our god and saluiour / And this is sa weil and schortlie        #
contenit
in few wordis in the same x commandis and the creid and Pater
noster / yat na man cane excusz thayme self thair of yat thay   #
cane
notht leir thayme na remember appone thayme Thir ar thre        #
thingis
quhilk ar neidful to al man to onderstand to the saluatione of  #
the
saul First to ondersta~d quhat thay suld dw and lat be one      #
dwne /
Secu~dlie quhair thay cane noth du or lat be one dune of thair
aune strinth as thay suld / to seik and find help quhair vith   #
thay
ma du or lat be one dune the thi~g quhilk thay ma noth of thair
aune strintht / Thridlie to ondersta~d quhou and quhair thay    #
sal
this help seik a~d find / Siclik as it is neidful first to ane  #
seik man
to knaw quhat is his seiknes / Secu~dlie quhat he sal du or lat #
be
one dune to his seiknes / Thridlie to knaw quhair he cane get
lechine and help to mak hime hail agane / Sua the x comma~dis   #
of
god leris al me~ to knaw thair spiritual seiknes sua yat euerie #
man
ma se and knaw be hime self quhat he ma dw or lat be one
dune and thair of knaw yat he is sinful and euil befor god for
<P 8>
causz he cane noth fulfil his commandis na keip hime self fra
sine Secu~dlie faith leris al man quhair thay sal seik and find
help and lechine of thair spiritual seiknes / yat is to say     #
quhair
thay sal get grace marcie and forgiffine of thair sinnis and to
be maid hail of thair seiknes / For faith leris wsz to knaw god
and his greit grace and marcie quhilk he hes schauine to wsz
in his weil belowit sone quhom he gaif to wsz to suffer payne   #
and
cruel deid for our saik Ro viii. Thridlie the Pater noster      #
leris
al man quhow thay sal desir and get yat same help vith ane
inuert and ane faithful prayer to god and to pray to hime with
ane meik hart in the richt faitht / sua thay sal find help and
lechine the quhilk is the grace and marcie of god and heilis    #
the
spiritual seiknes of the saul / Thairfor it is neidful yat      #
ewerie
man quhilk wil be ane richt chrissine / begine and leir first   #
the
x comma~dis of god quhairthrow thay ma knaw thair sine and ewil
quhilk is the spiritual seiknes of the saul Quhairfor we ma     #
notht
Dw the thyng quhilk we suld Dw Or lat be one dwne quhilk we
suld lat be one dune as the halie apostil sanct paul vritis at  #
lintht
in the vii chaiptur to the Romans

   The first tabil of Moyses contenit the iii first commandis   #
of
god vritine in it the quhilk leris al man and voman quhat
thay awe to god / or quhat thay suld du or lat be one dune in
the thingis pertenand to god

[}THE FIRST CO~MAND 
THOU SAL HAIF NA ODER STRENGE GODIS}]
   This first co~mand leris al man and voman quhou thay sal     #
haiff
thayme inuertlie in thair hart to god / that is quhat is
requirit al time to trow and hop of hime / The quhilk is to     #
traist
suuerlie al time guid of hime as of thair maist tender fader    #
and
al thair best frend And lwiff hime with al thayr hart ouer al   #
thing /
And dreid hime of lwiff as the guid bairne dois his fader / And
be diligent al time yat thay displeis hime noth in ony maner    #
aganis
<P 9>
his commandis / Natur leris vsz alsua yat thayr is bot ane god
quhilk giffis to wsz al guid / and helpis wsz in our aduersite

[}THE II CO~MAND 
THOU SAL NOTHT TAK THE NAYME OF GOD INUANE}]
   This ii co~mand leris euerie man and voman quhow thay sal
haiff thayme to god wtuertlie befor thair nichtburs in thair
wordis / And alsua inuertlie in thair selff That is thay sal    #
honour
the nayme of god / ffor quhy na man cane mak god knawine
befor men or to hime self efter his godlie natur / bot          #
alanerlie be 
his halie nayme

[}THE III CO~MAND
THOU SAL KEIP THY HALIE DAY}]
   This iii command leris euerie man and voman quhou thay sal
haiff thayme wtuertlie in thair wark / That is in the seruice
of god / Sua thir iii commandis leris al man and voman quhow
thay sal haiff thayme to god inuertlie in thair hart and        #
outuertlie
in thair word / and wark

   The secund tabil of moyses contenit the oder vii commandis
the quhilk leris al man and voman quhat thay suld dw / Or
noth dw to thair nichtburs

[}THE IIII CO~MAND
THOU SAL HONUR THY FADER AND MODER}]
   This comma~d leris euerie man and voman quhow thay sal haiff
thayme to thair fader and moder and to thair frendis and
elders / and powers and reulers for thay ar in godis sted       #
Institut
to minister Iustice / Quhairfor this command followis nixt      #
effter
the iii commandis pertenand to god / And standis befor the vi
oder commandis

<P 10>
[}THE V CO~MAND
THOU SAL NOTH SLA}]
   This command leris al man and voman / Quhow thay sal haiff
thayme to thair nichtburs / Quhow thay sal dw thayme na
ewil bot help thayme efter thayr power in thair necessite

[}THE VI CO~MAND
THOU SAL NOTH CO~MIT AAULTRIE}]
   This command leris euerie man quhow thay sal haiff thayme to
thair nichtburs as to thair wiffis douchters and to oder
kinnis vemen / And alsua quhow vemen sal haiff thayme to thair
nichtburs husba~dis sua that ane sal noth defoul na scheyme ane
oder bot hald oder in honur

[}THE VII CO~MAND
THOU SAL NOTH STEIL}]
   This command leris euerie man and voman quhou thay sal
haiff thayme to thair nichtburs as pertenand to thair temporal
gudis / That is thay sal notht hurt na skaith thaime bot
defend and keip thayme efter thair power and help thaime quhair
thay cane

[}THE VIII CO~MAND
THOU SAL NOTHT BEIR FALS VITNES AGANIS THY NICHTBUR}]
   This command leris euerie man and voman quhow thay sal
haif thayme to thair nichtburs in thair honour and fayme /
That thay sal notht hurt thayme in ony maner bot keip thayme
after al thair power

<P 11>
[}THE IX CO~MAND
THOU SAL NOHT DESIR THY NICHTBURS HWS ET CE}]

[}THE X CO~MAND
THOU SAL NOTH DESIR THY NICHTBURS WIFF MADIN SERUAND
BEIST OR ONY THING QUHILK PERTENIS TO HIME}]
   Thir ii last co~ma~dis leris wsz quhou euil the natur of man #
is /
And quhou cleyne we suld be without al euil desir of guidis
mony and riches / And of al oder thingis / Quhairfor ve suld    #
fecht
aganis our auil desiris for that suld be ane chrissine mannis   #
dalie
batel

[}ANE SCHORT DECLARATIONE OF THE X CO~MANDIS}]
   Ovr lord Ihesus Christ sais hime self / As sanct Matheu      #
writis
in his vii chaiptur / Quhat euer ze wald that me~ dw to zou /
Dw ze sicklick to thayme / This is al the law and the           #
prophetis /
Na man wald haiff ewil off ane oder / Na man vald that ony oder
tuyk fra hime his fayme or honour / Na man wald that ony oder
displesit hime or did to hime ony thing quhilk is aganis        #
richt / Na
man wald haiff hetrand of his nichtburs / Na man wald that ane
oder defoulit his wif or his douchter / Na man wald that ane    #
oder
staw or reft or twyk his guidis fra hime throw power or         #
strintht Na
man wald be begilit or bakbitine be ony oder Na man wald that
ony oder sleu or straik or hurt hime in ony maner / bot euerie
man desiris lwiff and frendschip help and suport of oders / and #
to
find verite and faith with al man / This leris and techis al    #
man
the for said x commandis of God
<P 12>
[}HEIR EFTER FOLOUIS QUHOU MAN SINNIS AGANIS THE 
FIRST COMMAND OF GOD / THE QUHILK IS
THOU SAL HAYFF NA ODER STRENGE GODIS}]
   Thay sine aganis this command / quhilk wsis wich craft / or
spay craft / or takis consal at thayme quhilk wsis siclik /
alsua thay yat wsis vritine letters trowand thairthrou to saiff #
thair
liff in vater land or in batel or in ony oder neid alsua thay   #
that
wsis corsis / christal / murrur / bukis / vordis and special    #
naymis
and reding and coniuracione to find hwid hurdis in the zeird /  #
and
thay quhilk takis avay the frwtis of thair nichtburs beistis /  #
Thay
that rewlis thair liff and warkis efter special dais and        #
taiknis of the
hewine / and traistis efter as the astronomurs and spaymen      #
makis 
and vritis and spekis thair of / thay that markis or chermis    #
thair
self or thair hws or thair bairnis or seruandis or beistis / or #
bindis
herbis or writings or ony oder thing apone thayme to saif       #
thayme
fra wolff or ony oder parel thay yat witis the dewil or ony     #
oder
creatur of thair aduersite trowand yat thay haif ony strinth or
power to hurt thayme without the wil of god / Thay quhilk takis
noth ewil and guid pacientlie of god and thankkis noth hime
thair of committand thayme in al thingis to hime efter his      #
godlie
wil thay sine alsua aganis this co~mand that tempis god and     #
giffis
thair self wilfullie to ony parel without ony necessite / and   #
alsua
thay quhilk ar pridful of thair wisdome or science or of ony    #
oder
spiritual gift / or of thair richtusnes or guid lif / thay that #
honours
god alanerlie for temporal guidis and riches and forzettis the
saluation of thair saul / Thay quhilk trowis noth in god and    #
pwtis
noth al thair traist and hop in hime alanerlie / and trowis     #
noth na
he wirkis al the guid warkis in thayme / thay quhilk informis   #
noth
thair bairnis in the chrissine faith / and alsua oders quhair   #
thay
cane of the co~ma~dis of God a~d of thair onfaithfulnes / alsua #
thay
quhilk trowis noth richt or fallis in disperatione of the greit
marcie and grace of God thay sine hewilie aganis this forsaid   #
first
command
<P 13>
[}QUHOU MAN SINNIS AGANIS THE SECUND CO~MAND
OF GOD THE QUHILK IS
THOU SAL NOTH TAK THE NAYME OF GOD INUANE}]
   Thay sine aganis this command that sweris lichtlie without
necessite (and racionabil causz) be the nayme of god Alsua
thay quhilk sweris be ane euil wsz / And thay that sweris       #
inuane
a~d thay that sweris ony fals aith or kepis notht thair faith   #
and
promis in al lesum thi~gis / siclik thay yat sweris a~d wowis   #
yat thay 
sal dw ony ewil quhilk is aganis the co~ma~dis of God / thay    #
that
ba~nis with godis nayme sayand to ane oder god giff the ane     #
ewil
deid or god send ane vengence apone ye or ony siclik wordis /
Thay that spekis vanlie and lowslie of God or his halie nayme / #
and
makis thair of fablis and lowsz takine / or twrnis the halie    #
writ to  
lichtlines and scorne for thair plesur / or to mak oders glaid  #
and
blith to heir thairoff / Thay yat callis notht apone the nayme  #
of
god in thair aduersite a~d thankkis hime noth thane als veil as #
in
prosperite / thay that desiris lowine or vane gloir for thair   #
science
or visdo~me or of ony oder giftis of god / thay yat callis      #
falslie
apone the nayme of god as dois the ypocritis and the pharesians
quhilk haldis thaime self halie wtuertlie befor men / and       #
thinkkis
yat thay dw better na oders / and ar hard with god for causz    #
thay
reid and prais mekil and dois mony wtuert fenzeit warkis thay   #
that
honours noth the nayme of god for ony aduersite that hapnis to
thaime / thay that corekkis noth oders quhilk takis the nayme   #
of
god inuane (giff thay cane in oni maner) thay that heris or     #
seis
or knawis yat ony abusis the nayme of god to vichchraft spayman 
chraft / or to ony oder siclik abusione and turnis thayme notht
thairfra efter thair ondersta~ding / alsua thay that desiris    #
wardlie
gloir and to haiff ane greit lowine for thair richtusnes And    #
halie
lif thay sine aganis this forsaid secund command of god
<P 14>
[}QUHOU MAN SINNIS AGANIS THE III COMMAND
THE QUHILK IS
THOU SAL KEIP THY HALIE DAY}]
   Thay sine aganis this command quhilk wil noth heir na leir
the word of god / or co~te~nis or lichtlis it or makis          #
persecucione
aganis it / thay that prais notht inuertlie to god a~d
seruis hime notht in the spreit / thay that trowis notht that   #
al
thair guid varkis cu~is notht of god bot of thair selff thay    #
quhilk
wil notht suffer god to da~t a~d rewl thayme be aduersite efter #
his
halie wil bot murmuris and is inpacient thair of and wil notht
thank and lowe hime als weil in aduersite as in prosperite as   #
Did
the halie man iob Thay that leris notht oders yat thay suld     #
notht
sine aganis this command

[}QUHOU MAN SINNIS AGANIS THE IIII COMMAND
OF GOD QUHILK IS
THOU SAL HONOUR THY FADER AND MODER}]
   Thay sine aganis this command quhilk lichtlis thair fader    #
and
moder and thair pwir frendis for powerte or seiknes and wil
notht help thayme with meid a~d claith and oder neidful thingis
(efter thair power) in thair necessite / and specialie thay yat #
ba~nis
or wil notht heir thaime na thoil of thaime thay that honours
notht thayme with thair hart / a~d haldis notht of thaime for   #
causz
god hes co~ma~dit / alsua thay that honours thayme notht supos  #
thay
dw to thaime onricht / thay quhilk honurs noth thair maisters   #
and
thaime quhilk hes power of thaime onder god and ar notht
faithful and trew to thayme and wil notht obey to thaime efter  #
the
command of god quheder thay be ewil or gwid / Thay that wil
notht help and leir oders to keip this command / and corekkis
thayme notht na wil notht stand aganis thayme quhilk wil notht
<P 15>
obey to this command alsua thay quhilk ar pridful and he aganis
thair for elders techours and leirfaders thay sine aganis this  #
forsad
iiii command

[}QUHOU MAN SINNIS AGANE THE V COMMAND OF GOD
THE QUHILK IS
THOU SAL NOTHT SLA}]
   Thay sine agane this co~mand quhilk beris ir and hetrand 
aganis
thair nichtburs / and thay yat says racha to thair broder /
that is ony lichtlie takine of ir quhilk men wsis to schaw in   #
wtuert
takine thair of without ony certane singnificatione / and alsua #
thay
quhilk sais to thair broder wordis of ir the quhilk hes certane
singnificatione as scheyme happine the lowne hursone theiff or  #
fwil
or ony siclik manifest ewil wordis or bannis or bakbitis or     #
leis
apone ony man or voman / or Iugis or dwmis oders wra~guslie /
Thay quhilk reuelis opinlie or quiitlie thair nichtburs faltis  #
to ony
oders / and haldis thayme noth dune as thay wald oders did to
thayme / and defendis noth thair fayme a~d honour / quhair thay
heir oders spek ewil of thayme / Thay that prais notht to God   #
for
thair inimis and dois noth guid to thayme for ewil quhen thay
haiff necessite / In this command ar contenit al the sinnis     #
quhilk
cu~is of inuy and heitrand striff and dissentione as fechtine   #
murthur
slauchter and seditione et ce. Thay that ar displesit of thair
nichtburs or innimis weil fair or ar blith of thair aduersite / #
Thay
that dois notht the dedis of marcie to thair nichtburs supos    #
thay
be thair inimis thay that causis discord sayand this man hes
spokine ewil of thy honour and fayme / Thay that wil notht agre
thayme quhilk ar inimis and stop striff pleis and crabitnes and
dissentione quhair thay cane thay sine aganis this command
<P 16>
[}QUHOU MAN SINNIS AGANIS THE VI CO~MAND THE
QUHILK IS
THOU SAL NOTH CO~MIT ADULTRIE}]
   Thay sine aganis this co~mand that defoulis marit wemen or
madins / or co~mittis fornicatione with hwris or ony licht
persons Thay that lysz wit thair kine and bluid in greis quhilk #
ar
aganis the co~mand of God / Thay that wsis with ony persone /   #
or
in ony maner the sine aganis natur the quhilk is callit ane of
thayme quhilk criis to the heuine / thay that prouokis ony ewil
desir concupiscence of lichore in thair selff or in oders with  #
sangis
or wordis or foul takine or with ymagis or payntre or with ony
siclik thingis thay that seis ane woman with inuert desir of    #
the 
hart / thay that handlis thayme selff or oders onhonestlie      #
quhairthrow
thay fil thair selff or thinkkis lichorus thochttis / thay that
fleis noth al occasione of lichore as inordinat eiting and      #
drinkkine
and lang slepine and dilicious meitis and drinkkis and          #
familiarite
with wemen / thay that payntis thair body with precious clais   #
or
siluer or gold precious stenis or gold ringis or wsis ony oder  #
vntment
to prowok oders thairwith / thay that consalis oders with
word or deid or co~pellis thayme to dw sic sine thay that       #
helpis
noth oders to keip thair chaistite and honest liff baith with   #
consal
and deid thay sine aganis this co~mand

[}QUHOU MAN SINNIS AGANIS THE VII CO~MAND OF GOD
THE QUHILK IS
THOU SAL NOTH STEIL}]
   Thay sine aganis this co~mand that co~mittis thift or okker  #
or
reffis fra oders throw power and strintht / thay that wsis fals
wechttis or mesours thay that sellis ald and ewil guidis for    #
new and
thair throw dissauis oders falslie Thay that haldis wrangus     #
guidis
of thair nichtburs or takis wp wrangus rentis Thay that haldis
thair seruandis feis fra thayme thay that denisz thair dettis   #
and wil
<P 17>
noth pay thair crediturs / thay that wil noth help thair        #
nichtburs
in thair necessite a~d wil notht len to thayme in thair mister  #
without
okker mony or seruice or raward Thay that sellis ony thing to
ane oder that thay ma thairfor haiff mair na it wesz worth for
redy mony quhen thay sald it thay sine heuilie aganis this      #
command
in thair corruppit mind for our saluiour sais in the vi         #
chaiptur
of S. Luc. len zour layne traistand na thing thairfor The rich  #
men
of this vardel curis this litel bot the time sal cu~ quhen thay #
sal giff
scherp count thairfor a~d thair sal na excusacione help thayme  #
al
thay that ar giffine to auarice or fechtis for greit re~t thair #
throw to
be rich and michty And thay that begilis strengers or ony oders 
in guidis or mony by falset Thay that stoppis nocht thair       #
nichtburs
skaith quhair thay cane or warnis noth thaime thair of befor    #
giff
thay knaw it and thay ma / Thay that stoppis thayme of thair
propfeit in ony maner / Thay that beris hetrand yat thay wine
thair lewine or cu~is to riches thay sine aganis this co~mand

[}QUHOU MAN SINNIS AGANIS THE VIII COMMAND
THE QUHILK IS
THOU SAL NOTH BEIR FALS WITNES AGANIS THY NICHTBUR}]
   Thay that hwidis the verite in Iugiment or in ony oder place
quhair it suld be schauine thay that leis apone thair nichtburs
Thay that ar quiet and fals flatterers Thay that ar doubel      #
tu~git the
quhilk sais ane thi~g now / a~d sine ane oder thing thay quhilk #
bakbitis
thair nichtburs be hind thair bak / Thay that lichtlis and
lakkis thair nichtburs guidis to oders quhairthrow thay get     #
skaith
thay yat heris blithtlie bakbiters and ewil tungis or helpis or #
starkis
thayme thair til and standis noth aganis thayme and raprewis
thayme notht of thair bakbitine Thay that spekis notht guid for
thair nichtburs and deffendis noth thair honour and fayme (in
thair absence) quhair thay cane and reprewis noth al bakbiters
and lears a~d thayme quhilk rasis discord amangis nichtburs the
quhilk God heitis as S. Paul vritis in the first chaiptur to    #
the
Romans
<P 18>

[}QUHOU MAN SINNIS AGANIS THE IX COMMAND OF GOD
THE QUHILK IS
THOU SAL NOTHT DESIR THY NICHTBURS HWS ET CE
AND ALSUA AGANIS THE X COMMAND THE QUHILK IS
THOU SAL NOTHT DESIR THY NICHTBURS WIFF ET CE}]
   Thir ii commandis ar giffine to wsz in ii sindrie pwyntis    #
the
quhilk we suld keip and we be saiff as our saluiour sais in
the xix chaiptur of S. Matheu thairfor we suld dalie pray to    #
god
for his help and grace that we ma keip al his commandis and
specialie thir ii last for that is inpossibil to wsz to keip    #
thayme
without the singlar grace and help of god / for quhy the ewil   #
and
sinful desir quhilk we haiff of adame is notht perfitlie deid   #
in wsz 
alsz lang as we ar heir apone the zeird in the sinful flesch    #
quhill
we be new borne agane in the resurrectione to cu~ / fra deid to
the ewerlestand liff in the kingdome of heuine and sal be as
the angels of God as our saluiour sais in the xxii chaiptur of  #
S.
mathew

   Of this declaracione of thir x commandis of god ewerie man
and voman ma onderstand opi~lie that it is inpossibil that
ony man fulfil or keip thayme bot Giff almichtine God giff      #
thayme 
ane singlar grace thair to / God maid the ii last comma~dis sa
inpossibil to al man that we suld al knau our aune weknes and
haiff al tyme our traist to hime and knau wsz sinful creaturs   #
and
beseik hime of his help and grace and forgiffine of our sine    #
Quhay
is he yat cane keip hime fra ewil desiris? lat ewerie man       #
reme~ber
in his aune hart / part desiris gold and siluer and oder riches #
/ oders
desiris honours of the wardil / oders ydyl dais and dilicat     #
meittis
and drinkis oders madins and fair weme~ / neuertheles god hes
said to al man (as it writne in the v chaiptur of sanct Matheu)
<P 19>
quhay seis ane woman and desiris hir he hes co~mittit adultrie  #
al
redy in his hart Thayr is mony fals doctours quhilk sais yat    #
ane
man sinnis notht quhen he desiris ony thyng bot giff he determe
that perfitlie with his hart Quhow cane ony man desir ony thing
bot gif his wil be to haiff that quhilk he desiris / is his wil #
notht
to haiff it thane he desiris notht / siclik fals doctours wald  #
mak
our lord Iesus christ ane lear or ellis thay wil say that his   #
command
is notht / quhilk sais / thow sal notht desir lat euerie
chrissine man keip thayme selff fra siclik blind doctours / for
veralie sum tyme ane man ma sine mair with ane ewil desir na
with ane ewil deid / forquhy quhen ane man sinnis in deid thane
he knawis hime selff for ane sinner and desiris marcie and      #
forgiffnis 
of god the quhilk he gettis als sune as he knawis his sine
and forthinkkis it with his hart Quhen he sinnis with ewil      #
desir
thane thinkkis sum tyme yat he consentit notht perfitlie in his #
hart
and yat he is iust and richtus be for god supos he be ane       #
sinner
and ane ypocrit and hes seruit the hel / heir euerie man sal
onderstand yat god lukis notht the wtuert richtusnes quhilk     #
mony
keipis and dois wtuertlie in the sicht of men quhairthrow thay
apeir to be richtus and godlie bot christ said to siclik        #
ypocritis and
pharesians as it is vritine in the xxi chaip. of S. Matheu      #
weralie i
say to zow yat hwris and oppine sinners sal enter in the        #
kingdome
off hewine befor zow / that hapnis for causz siclik sinful men  #
and
wemen knawis befor god yat thay ar sinners and desiris his      #
marcie
and grace the quhilk he giffis to al man and voman quhilk       #
murnis
for thair sine and alskis it witht ane meik hart as sanct Iamis #
writis
in his iiii chaiptur god is agane the pridful and giffis his    #
grace to
the meik / bot ypocritis and pharesians thynkkis yat thay keip  #
the
commandis of god quhen thay dw the wtuert warkis / and giff     
thay failze in ony thyng aganis thayme thane thay thynk thay    #
haiff
fulfillit thairfor with thair prayers / fasting / and guid      #
warkis and
dissauis thair selff Alsua euerie man sal onderstand yat the    #
sinnis
quhilk ar committit with the v wtuert wittis thay ar aganis the
v and vi command thay quhilk ar callit the vii deidlie sinnis   #
ar
aganis al the co~mandis of god / prid is aganis the first and   #
secund
<P 20>
inwy and ir is aganis the v Auarice is aganis the vii glwtone   #
is
aganis the vi / lichore is aganis the vi sweirnes is aganis the
thrid co~mand and alsua aganis al the laiff for quhy we ar      #
sweir to
keip ony of thaime as ve suld dw thay quilk ar callit the       #
fremmit
sinnis ar aganis al the co~mandis of god / for quhy ane man ma
sine aganis al his commandis in consal thocht or in help thay
sinnis quhilk criisz ane wengence to the hewine ar aganis the v
and vi and vii command / of al thir forsaid sinnis quhilk ar
aganis the co~mandis of god the causz quhairfor ane man         #
committis
thayme is na oder bot euerie man lwfis hime selff and seikkis   #
his
awne wil and profeit and thair with reffis the thyng quhilk     #
pertenis
to god and to his nichtbur / that is / that ane man lwffis      #
notht
god ower al thyng and thankkis and lowis hime notht baith in
prosperite and aduersite na kepis notht his command na liffis
notht efter his halie wil the causz quhy man takis fra his      #
nichtburs
(the thyng that pertenis to thaime) is that he lwffis / thaime  #
notht
as hime selff / and dois notht to thayme as he wald be dwne     #
to /
the lwiff that ma~ hes to hyme selff is the rwit and grund of   #
al sine
for quhy he wil notht giff to god the thing quhilk pertenis to  #
hime
the quhilk is to lwiff hime ower al thing mair na hime selff Na #
he
wil notht dw to his nichtburs as he suld that hapnis for causz  #
he
luffis thayme notht as hime self in al maner / heir of ze ma    #
onderstand
yat the commandis of god ar na oder thing bot lwiff as sanct
paul writis in the first chaiptur of his first epistil to       #
Thimothe and
in the xiii chaiptur to the romans Na thay forbeid na oder      #
thing  
bot lwiff (the quhilk is the ewil and fleslie blynd lwiff of    #
ald adame)
the quhilk ewerie ma~ hes to hime selff of the quhilk cu~is al  #
sine
Na ma~ cane keip the co~ma~dis of god withouth lwiff / na man
sinnis notht aganis thayme / bot in the ewil luiff quhilk he    #
hes
to hime selff / quhairfor siclik as lwiff fulfillis al the      #
commandis
of god swa inordinat luiff quhilk ane ma~ hes to hime selff     #
sinnis
aganis al the commandis of god Quhairfor stelis ane man for     #
causz
he desirs and lwffis ane oder ma~nis guidis Quhairfor committis #
ane
man adultrie for causz he desiris and lwffis ane oder mannis    #
wiff
Quhairfor committis ane man glutony for causz he lwffis his     #
body
<P 21>
swa ewerie man ma think in hime self of al the sinnis quhilk he
committis baith aganis god and his nichtbur thane sal he find
that he committis thayme for the inordinat lwiff quhilk he hes  #
to
hime selff thairfor our lord iesus christ commandit his         #
disciplis as it
is writine in the xv chaiptur of S. Ihone i giff zow command    #
yat
euerie ane of zow lwiff oder as i haiff lwffit zow thairthrow   #
euerie
man sal knaw yat ze ar my disciplis gyf euerie ane of zow       #
lwffis
oder Al chrissine ma~ and voman suld prent thir wordis in thair #
hart
for christ commandit thayme to wsz al als weil as to the        #
disciplis
quhilk wesz present witht hime the same tyme and co~mandit      #
euerie
ane of wsz to lwiff oder as our selff and god ower al thing

[}HEIR EFTER FOLOUIS QUHOU MAN SAL KEIP THE
COMMANDIS OF GOD
TO KEIP THE FIRST CO~MA~D QUHILK IS
THOU SAL HAIFF NA ODER STRENGE GODIS}]
   Thou sal lwiff god with ane richt faith of al thy hart a~d   #
honour
hime al tyme a~d haiff ane stark faith & hop in hime in
aduersite als weil as in prosperite And commend the aluterlie   #
in
his pouer and godlie wil and lat hime rewl the and dw with the
efter his plesour quhat ewer that be witht thy wil or aganis    #
thy
wil and thank and lowe hime thairfor and dreid hime of lwiff as
the guid bairne dois the fader to this comma~d pertenis al      #
thyngis
quhilk ar contenit in the halie writ of faith hop and cherate   #
(or
lwiff to god) quhilk ar heir contenit with few wordis in this
command

[}TO KEIP THE SECUND COMMAND QUHILK IS
THOU SAL NOTHT TAK THE NAYME OF GOD INUANE}]
   Thow sal honour and lowe and blis the nayme of god a~d cal
apone it al tyme baith in prosperite a~d aduersite And desir
noth thy aune gloir na lowine yat God ma alanerlie be lowit and
<P 22>
prisit of al creatur forquhy he wirkis al guid in wsz and in al #
oder
creaturs quhairfor the lowine is his / to this co~mand pertenis #
al
thing contenit in the halie writ of the lowine and honorine of  #
God
and his blissit nayme

[}TO KEIP THE III CO~MAND THE QUHILK IS
THOU SAL KEIP THY HALIE DAY}]
   Thow sal commit and giff the aluterlie to God a~d lat hime   #
rewl
the al tyme in al thy warkis effter his halie wil and giff ower
thy selff and thy wil and desiris and lat hime dant the and     #
correk
the as the guid bairne dois the fader this command requiris ane 
puir spreit yat we suld knaw in our selff yat we cane noth du   #
na
thynk na guid of our selff / bot giff God giff it to wsz of his #
special
grace Thairfor we suld aluterlie giff wsz in his power and lat
hime rewl wsz efter his halie wil / and lat his nayme be        #
alanerlie
honourit and lowit as it is said befor in the ii first          #
commandis.
To this command pertenis al thing quhilk we suld heir of Godis
word And al thing quhilk is co~mandit to wsz of guid warkis /   #
and
yat we suld dant the body onder the spreit yat it sal noth lewe #
as
it desiris bot efter the wil of God Sua yat al our guid warkis  #
sal be
Godis and noth our aune / that is we suld dw thayme to the
lowine and honour of God / and noth of our selff

[}TO KEIP THE IIII CO~MAND QUHILK IS
THOU SAL HONOUR THI FADER AND MODER}]
   Thow sal honour thy elders and frendis and al thayme quhilk
hes power and rewl of the onder God and thayme quhilk
techis and prechis godis word / to this command pertenis al
thingis quhilk ar commandit in the halie writ of obedience and
subiectione to oders onder God / and quhow we suld obey to
thayme quheder thay be ewil or guid efter the command of God
<P 23>
in al lesum thingis bid thay wsz dw ony thing quhilk is agane   #
his
co~mand thairto we awe na obedience to thayme na to na oder
creatur / as the halie apostlis ansuert (as it is writine in v  #
chaiptur
of thair dedis) to the rewlers of the tempil and the cheif      #
prestis
quhen thay commandit thayme yat thay suld noth prech of the
nayme of Iesus Christ

[}TO KEIP THE V CO~MAND QUHILK IS
THOU SAL NOTH SLA}]
   Thow sal be meik and marciful and haiff pece and ane         #
cheritabil
hart to al man (zei to thy inimis) without ony Inui
hetrand or ir To this co~mand pertenis al thingis quhilk ar     #
contenit
in the halie writ of meiknes pece sufferance and concord et ce

[}TO KEIP THE VI CO~MAND QUHILK IS
THOU SAL NOTH CO~MIT ADULTRIE}]
   Thou sal lewe honestlie without ony kind of lichore / and be
cleyne in thocht and honest in wark and word and in taiknis /
and be sober in meitis and drinkkis and sleping / and dw al     #
oder
thing quhilk cane help the to keip chaistite and clenesz / to   #
this
command pertenis al techine of clenesz and chaistite as to fast #
and
pray and wirk and to be noth ydil and to fle al euil occasione
quhilk ma drawe ane man thairto / for thair is in the vi        #
chaiptur 
of his first epistil to the Corin. fle fornicatione et ce

[}TO KEIP THE VII CO~MAND QUHILK IS
THOU SAL NOTH STEIL}]
   Thow sal be pwir spiritualie in thy hart and desir noth na   #
steil
noth in ony maner the thing quhilk pertenis to thy nichtbur
bot thow sal be weil willand and cheritabil to euerie man / and
<P 24>
giff and len to the pwir of thy gwidis a~d mony / to this       #
co~ma~d
pertenis al techine quhilk techis wsz that we suld noth desir   #
ony
oder ma~nis guidis or dissaue or begil thayme or commit okkir   #
or
stop ony man of his profeit

[}TO KEIP THE VIII COMMAND QUHILK IS
THOU SAL NOTHT BEIR FALS WITNES AGANIS THY NICHTBUR}]
   Thow sal keip thy twng that thow dw na man skaith in thy
wordis bot help euerie man with thy guid word quhair thow
cane / and speik guid of euerie man / and with thy guid vord    #
help
to mak pece betwix thayme quhilk ar inimis / and excusz thy
nichtburs faltis the best thow cane / be faithful in thy word   #
and
promis / and speik lawlie and without fenzeitnes to euerie man  #
to
this command pertenis al techine quhilk co~mandis that thow sal 
noth hurt thy nichtbur in his fayme and honour or in ony oder   
guidis

[}TO KEIP THE IX AND X CO~MAND QUHILK AR
THOU SAL NOTH DESIR THY NICHTBURS HUS OR WIFF MADINE
OR SERUAND ET CE}]
   Thow sal noth desir wra~guslie ony thing quhilk pertenis to  #
thy
nichtbor bot lewe honestlie in al maner And thow sal mortifi
the ewil desiris of thy hart bot this cane noth be perfitlie in #
this
mortal liff quhil we be lowsit of this mortal body thair is na  #
oder
thing contenit in this forsaid commandis bot quhou thow sal     #
lwiff
God and thy nichtbur a~d noth thy selff na lwiff noth thy selff #
better
na thy nichtbur for quhy lwiff sekis noth the aune bot the      #
thing 
quhilk pertenis to God and to thy nichtbur he that hes perfit
lwiff in hime he is humil and redy to serwe euerie man and wil
blithlie part betvix hime and his nichtburs quhat he hes efter  #
his 
power / heir of euerie man ma leir and onderstand that al       #
dotrine
<P 25>
quhilk is neidful to onderstand and to lewe richt thairefter /  #
is
contenit in few wordis in thir x co~mandis of God Quhay         #
fulfillis
or dois thayme thay dw sa mony guid warkis as ar neidful to the
saluatione of the saul / sua that thay neid noth to pasz to     #
halie
placis in far landis noder to the halie grawe na to rome efter  #
the
papis pardone or to S. Iamis in spa~ze traista~d thairthrow to  #
dw
warkis (quhilk thay think ar guid) quhilk god hes noth          #
commandit /
God hes hime selff commandit the warkis quhilk we suld dw swa
that we neid noder to seik or leir of oder vane maisters quhat
guid warkis we suld dw / bot we suld du first and last the guid
varkis quhilk God hes co~mandit wsz in his x co~mandis giff we  #
wil
be saiff as our saluiour sais in the xix chaiptur of S.         #
Matheu /
Leiff thow ony of the co~mandis and guid warkis quhilk God hes
co~mandit the to dw / and dw al the oder varkis qvhilk ar       #
techit in
al the buikis of the wardel and al oder varkis quhilk thow cane 
ymagine or oders cane writ thay auail the na thing be for God   #
bot
thay bring the erer to condamnatione for causz thow lichtlis    #
the
command of God and dois oder varkis efter thy aune wil and
ymaginatione or as men hes lerit and co~mandit ye to dw / that  #
is   
lik as ane maister commandit his seruand to dw ony thing and he
passit furtht a~d did ane oder thing aganis his command and     #
vesz
inobedient to hime and lichtlit his command / sua dw thay al
quhilk lichtlis the command of god and dois oder guid warkis as
thay think efter thair aune ymaginacione (as dois the mwnkis    #
and
freris in the obseruance of thair tradicions) heir it is        #
manifestlie
schauine and techit in thir forsaid x commandis quhat euerie    #
man
suld dw to god and to his nichtbur and that he sal notht lwiff  #
hime
selff bot god and his nichtbur / swa that euerie man ma         #
cleirlie
onderstand and se thairof / that we suld lwiff euerie ane oder  #
and
notht our self and thane we fulfil the law as S. paul writis in #
the
xiii chaiptur to the romans / it is notht neidful to leir or    #
command
man to lwiff hime selff for euerie ma~ lwffis hime selff mair   #
na he
suld dw with richt / quhairfor it is mair neidful to forbeid    #
man to
lwiff hime selff and to co~mand hime to lwiff god ower al thing #
and
his nichtbur as hime selff thairfor he lwffis best quhilk       #
lwffis notht  
<P 26>
hime selff bot his nichtburs and he lwffis warst quhilk lwffis  #
hime
selff and notht his nichtburs as the co~mand of god requiris    #
heir
euerie man ma mark quhow few thair is that lwffis richt efter   #
the
command and wil of god for that is impossibil yat man of his    #
aune
strintht or power cane lewe richt in al thingis efter the       #
co~ma~d and
wil of god thairfor sane we cane that perfitlie marck a~d knau  #
of
our aune weknes we suld seik and leir quhow we ma keip and
fulfil the x commandis of god this we sal find and leir of the  #
halie
chrissine faith as it is contenit in the creid

[}OFF THE HALIE CHRISSINE FAITH}]
   Heir euerie man sal onderstand that faith is diuidit in iii  #
partis 
efter the iii parsons namit in the creid the first part of the
fader the secu~d is of the sone the thrid is af the halie       #
spreit thir
ar the gretast a~d maist special articulis of our faith of the  #
quhilk al
the laiff dependis heir euerie ma~ sal mark that ane man ma     #
trow ii
maner of wais of god First he ma trow as it is said of hime /   #
that
thair is ane god siclik as ane man trowis the thing quhilk is   #
said of
ane oder as it is said that thair is ane twrk and trowis that   #
is trew /
of sic faith spekis S. Iamis in his ii chaiptur that the        #
dewillis
trowis and trimlis / the secund is that man trowis notht        #
alanerlie
that thair is ane god (as dois the dewillis) bot trowis in hime #
and
puttis al his hop and traist in hime and giffis and comme~dis   #
hime
aluterlie in his power and lattis hime do with hime a~d rewl    #
hime
efter his halie wil and trowis without ony dout that he wil do  #
weil
to hime and haiff cuir of hime and prouid for hime and deliuer  #
hime
fra al ewil and trowis this noth of the paip na cardinal na     #
thair 
legatis na of ony oder mortal ma~ quhow grit that ewer rwisz    #
thair
power thow ma weil trow that thay haiff vardlie power bot trow
notht thairfor that thay haiff power to saiff and to giff the   #
ye euerlestand
blis of hewine
<P 27>
[}THE XII ARTICULIS OF THE HALIE CRISSINE FAITH AS THAY
AR CONTENIT IN THE CREID QUHAIR THAY HAIFF THAIR
GRUND AND FUNDAMENT PROWINE BE THE HALIE WRIT}]
   Efter that our lord iesus christ haid co~mandit his apostlis #
to
gang throw al the vardil to prech his halie va~gel to al        #
creatur
(that is to al man and voman) thay gadrit al to gider a~d schew
quhat artikil euerie ane of thaime held in the halie chrissine  #
faith
and declarit al with ane mind quhat euerie ane of thayme suld   #
suld tech
and prech to the pepil quhair thay come that thair techine and
prechine suld be conforme and agreand to gider and that thay
suld prech the richt word of god (the wa~gel of iesus christ)   #
ower
al the vardil witht ane mind and ane spreit withouth ony 
diuersite /
swa thay declarit al with ane mind of this xii articulis of our #
halie
chrissine faith to tech and prech thayme to the pepil as we     #
reid
thaime now in the creid and oder thair selff or thair           #
successours
wrait thayme in few vordis as thay ar co~tenit in the same      #
creid
that wesz neidful that thay deid sua that euerie ma~ and voman  #
ma
leir and remember apone thaime / neuertheles thay quhilk ar     #
lerit
a~d cane reid a~d ondersta~d suld se a~d reid in the bibil      #
quhilk is the
gru~d a~d vol of al godlie doctrine and hewinlie visdom neidful #
to
knaw / of the quhilk thir xii articulis and al oder doctrine    #
and
exhortacione ar out drawine quhilk ar neidful to our            #
saluacione /
we trow that the bodi and blwid of our lord Iesus christ is     #
contenit
veralie in the sacrame~t of the alter onder the forme of breid  #
and
vine and this standis notht in thir xii articulis / thairfor we #
man forthir
se and reid the halie writ and noth alanerlie thir xii          #
articulis
Neuertheles the principal thingis ar contenit in thayme quhilk  #
ar
maist neidful to knaw to the saluatione of the saul / sane it   #
is sua
yat faith is sa neidful that neyne kane be saiff without it as  #
Christ
sais in the last ch. of S. Mark he that trowis noth sal be      #
co~da~nit
and S. Paul in the xi ch. to ye Hebr. that it is impossibil     #
that ony
ma~ cane pleisis God without faith a~d Ihone in his iii cha. he #
yat 
trowis noth he is now co~da~nit thairfor the dewil our ald      #
innime
<P 28>
lauburs nycht and day to draw wsz fra the faith a~d fra thir    #
xii
artikils thairfor we suld be diligent that we prent thir xii    #
artikils in
our hart with ane stedfast faith that we ma manfullie stand     #
aganis
al his te~ptatione and sutel craft / our lord Iesus Christ      #
answert
with the halie writ aganis his te~ptatione as S. Mathew vritis  #
in his
iiii cha. quhen he desirit of hime to co~ma~d the stenis to be  #
breid /
our saluiour ansuert to hime / it is vritine man liffis noth    #
alanerlie
of breid bot of euerie word quhilk cu~is of the mwtht of God /  #
The
dewil set hime apone the pinnakil of the te~pil a~d said to     #
hime gyff
thow be the sone of God leip dwne our saluiour ansuert to the
dewil agane it is writine / Thow sal notht temp thy lord God    #
the
dewil schew to hime al ye ki~gdo~s of ye wardel a~d said to     #
hime I sal
giff thir al to the and thow wil fal dune and adorne (or        #
virschip)
me / our saluiour ansuert hime agane it is vritine Thow sal     #
adorne
thy lord God and wirschip hime alanerlie thane the dewil passit #
fra
hime confundit be the halie writ sua suld we stand and fecht    #
aganis
the dewil with faith and the halie writ quhen he te~pis ws /    #
the
dewil fleis fra the halie writ the quhilk is the richt verite / #
forquhy
he is fader and begynner of falset and leyng quhairfor he ma    #
notht
lwiff the euerlestand word of verite quhilk is contenit in the  #
halie
writ / he is heid ower al mirknes quhairfor he fleis the licht  #
of
verite / he is ye begynner of deid quhairfor he fleis ye word   #
of
verite quhilk is ye euerlestand lyff as S. Ihone sais in his vi
chaiptur / thairfor al chrysyne man suld grund and fessyne thir #
xii
artikils of faith throw and abut al sid witht the halie vrit    #
that ye
dewil owercum thayme notht the halie vrit is ane swrd to fecht
witht aganis the dewil and his me~bers and al the stedfastnes   #
and
grwnd of our faith cumis of the halie vrit for quhy al that it  #
leris
and commandis wsz that is rycht and verite and godis wil / it   #
is
alsua our rycht lycht and way / forquhy it is of ye halie       #
spreit a~d
techis vsz al that is neidful to our saluacione / it confortis  #
vs in al
our aduersite and temptacione a~d leris vs to stand aganis al   #
heresie /
it gyffis vs lycht of our ignorance / quhairfor S. Paul sais in #
the xv
chaiptur to Rom. that al thyngis quhilk ar vrityne thay ar      #
vritine
for our instruccione that we suld haif ane fast hop throw       #
consolacione
<P 29>
of the scripturs / he sais sua in the iii chaiptur of the       #
secund
epistil to Thimo. al the writ quhilk is inspirit be the halie   #
Gaist is
profetabil to tech / to reprw / to correk / to informe in       #
rychttusnes
yat ane chrissine man ma be without cryme / redy to al guid
warkis / the sekir faith and ye greit profeit quhilk is in      #
godis word
a~d doctrine is techit in the halie writ / quhilk is the ald    #
a~d new
testame~t / thay schaw ws cleirlie / that men hes noth spokine  #
na
vritine yame of thair self bot god hym self hes spokine thayme  #
be
me~ a~d that yai ar noth me~nis vordis bot godis / sua spak God #
to
Moses as it is vritine in the iiii ch. of Ex ga~g furth to the  #
kyng I
sal be in thy muth and I sal tech ye quhat thou sal say to      #
hyme /
crist is our techour for he is verite as it is writine in the   #
xiiii
chaip. of S. Ihone / The fader hes giffine the Halie chrissine  #
kirk
Iesum Christum his sone to ane doctor of verite / quhome man    #
suld
heir and trow as S. Matheu vritis in his xvii chaiptur / thair  #
sais
the fader this is my deir sone in quhom I delit heir hyme In    #
the
first artikil of our halie faith The first word is I trow       #
forquhy S. Paul
sais in the xi chaiptur to the Hebreis that it is impossibil    #
that ony
man cane pleisz God without faith for he wil weil reward thayme
yat sekis hyme we say noth first in the faith I sey or wait bot #
we say
I trow S. Paul sais in the same cha. faith is ane fast grwnd of #
that
quhilk we trow werilie to get and ane assent of hart to thay    #
thingis
quhilk we se noth na aperis noth thir xii artikils of faith ar  #
the
vnderlie secret thyngis of God quhilk cane noth be comprehendit
be the visdome of man / bot thay ar aluterlie seyne with the    #
eyne
of faith / the visdome of mane cane noth onderstand that God is
wordine mane and suffert to de / and is wprissine agane fra     #
deid /
or that he sal wpraisz agane al thayme to the euerlesta~d lyff  #
quhilk
deid in ye richt chrissine faith Or that Christ is ascendit wp  #
to the
heuine and sittis at the faders rycht hand and that the same    #
Christ
the sone of God is borne of ane cleyne and pwir virgine / The
wisdome of the corsz is siclik huyd and cane noth be seyne with #
the
fleslie eyne or onderstandit be the visdome of men forquhy it   #
is
ane heuinlie secreit thyng quhilk is aluterlie seyne with the   #
eyne
of faith / Al the visdome of the vardil knawis na thyng thair   #
of /
<P 30>
thair for sais S. Paul in the first chaiptur of the first       #
epistil to the
Cor. / Ve prech Iesu Christ crucifeit sclander to the Iowis and
folie to the gentils / bot we prech to ye chosyne Iouis and     #
gentils
that Iesus Christ is the visdome a~d the power of God / the     #
ge~tils
thynkkis that it is greit folie that god suld de quhilk hes     #
power
ower al thyng / yai wist noth of his godlie secreit that he     #
wald
word ma~ for our saluation as it vesz predestinat with God or   #
the
begynning of the vardil S. Paul sais in the for allegit         #
chaiptur /
sane vardlie men ke~d notht the visdome of God be thair visdome 
thane God plesit to sayff ye faithful throw ye folie of God our
lord Iesus christ is maid ane takine aganis quhom sal be agane  #
said /
a~d he sal be ane fal to mony / and alsua ane wprissine to mony #
of ye
pepil of Israel as it is vritine in ye ii chai. of S. Luc.      #
Christ is ane
steyne apone the quhilk mony sal hurt thayme to thair           #
destructione
as it is vritine the viii chaiptur of the propheit Iesaie Iesus #
Christ
is al chrissine mannis visdome the quhilk saiffis ws / and we   #
trow in
hyme that he hes maid mendis for our synnis / and thair of we
raios / in al our aduersite al the gentil doctowrs and          #
philosophors
greit visdome and craft culd notht perfitlie confort thayme or  #
sterk
thayme in thair aduersite and trowbil God hes al tyme hwyd the
richt visdome fra thayme quhilk haldis thayme selff wisz / and
schawis it to thayme that ar simpil and law and desiris it      #
meiklie of
hyme as S. Mat vritis in his xi chaiptur / ye Iouis trowit to   #
be
richtus a~d saiff be the law / and throw thair aune guid warkis #
and
strintht bot thay culd noth thair throw be saiff as S. Paul     #
sais in the 
ix chaiptur to the Romans / Thay lychtlit Iesus Christ ye       #
quhilk is
the end of the law / quhay trowis in hyme sal be saiff as Paul
vritis in ye x chaiptur to the Romans / Thair is ane oder       #
richtusnes
quhilk is of God and the Iowis wist noth thair of as Paul       #
vritis to
ye Romans in the first and in the iii chaiptur this richtusnes  #
is
na oder thyng bot to trow that quhilk makis ane sinful mane     #
richtus
and saiff as Paul vritis to ye Romans in the iiii chaiptur / Is #
it sua
that ony trow in our lord Iesus Christ that he is veralie the   #
sone
of God and he hes diliuerit hyme fra the deuil and fra the      #
eternal
<P 31>
condampnatione thane that faith quhilk he hes is countit to     #
hyme
for richtusnes be for God
   Faith is noth ane thing quhilk ane man cane giff to hyme     #
selff
quhen he wil bot it is ane greit gyft of God the quhilk renwis  #
the
hart and makis ane nev ma~ quhair be for he wes of ald adame in
ewil desiris and sinful lyff / to trow / that is to sta~d fast  #
at Godis
vord quhat he promisis to wsz quhat euer it be that he wil      #
fulfil his
promis na ma~ cane haiff this faith of hime selff bot the       #
spreit of God
giffis this licht in the hart a~d renwis it inuertlie / ane ne  #
of the
body / a~d ye euerlesta~d liff bot quhen deid cu~is yat ye saul #
a~d body
ma~ depart this opinione hes na power na strinth in it / for    #
quhen he
gettis ony aduersite or persecutione thane it wanissis and      #
wauers as
ane dreyme / that is noth aneucht that ony reid the creid or    #
rekin
ye articulis co~tenit in it x or xii timis apone ye day a~d     #
siclik the 
pater noster / bot we suld perfitlie ondersta~d it a~d pre~t it #
inuertlie
in our hartis that we noth alanerlie rekine a~d speik the       #
articulis
co~tenit in it with our mwth bot alsua wit our hart / that      #
quhair
thair cu~is ony aduersite or p~secutione thane we ma trow with  #
the
hart siclik as we spak befor with the mwcht Thow sais i trow
forgiffine of my sinnis bot quhen the deuil cu~is in the time   #
of
deid a~d te~pis the to dispair of forgiffine of thayme / Thane  #
thow
art reid a~d dowtis a~d fallis in dispair Thairof euerie ma~ ma #
ondersta~d
that thow sais this with thy mwcht and noth with the hart for
thow trowis noth perfitlie that thy si~nis ar forgiffine / Thow #
sais i
trow the resurrectio thane thow art sa red as baith the saul    #
a~d the
body suld aluterlie de a~d that thair var na mair thairefter of #
the /
se a~d co~seder that in thy selff / and thow haid ane richt     #
faith in thy
hart of this artikil that thow trowit weralie that thou suld    #
risz wp
agane fra deid a~d get the euerlesta~d liff thairefter / thane  #
thow wald
noth dispair na be red for quhy faith is socht and prouine in   #
aduersite
as the gold is prouine in the fyr. Thairfor thow sal al time    #
pray
meiklie to God thy heuinlie fader giff in my hart the richt     #
faith for
thy sone Iesu christ our lordis saik.



<B STRI1A> 
<Q SC1 STA TRI FIFE> 
<N FIFE SHERIFF CT> 
<A X> 
<C SC1> 
<O DATE 1515-1522> 
<M MEDIUM MS> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T PROC TRIAL> 
<G X> 
<F X> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X X> 
<Y X> 
<H X> 
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I FORMAL> 
<Z STAT> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^THE SHERIFF COURT BOOK OF FIFE, 1515-1522. 
ED. W.C. DICKINSON.
SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY, THIRD SERIES, 12.
EDINBURGH 1928.
PP. 2.26 - 49.27^]

<P 2>
[} (\ [{I{] X=O= JANUARII ANNO XIIIJ\) }]
[^A LIST OF NAMES AND A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 3>
   The quhilk day in the actioune & cause persewit be
Isobell meldrum the spous of wmquhile Johnne Kynner
of that Ilke aganis Andrew Mathiesoune of carnabo &
<P 4>
Johnne betoune of creich tueching the allegiit wranguis
taking fra hir of v oxin as is contenit in ane summondis
tharupone the said Isobel comperand personalie and the
saidis Andrew & Johne be thare procuratour schir
laurence Alexandersone the said schir laurence grantit the
taking of the said oxin be ane Just title allegiit & schewin
in Jugement & allegiit dauid Kynnere the sone and air
of the said wmquhile Johne in warant to the productioune
of the quhilke the Juge assignit to hyme the penult day
of the said moneth
   The quhilk day maister dauid Sibbald in the name of
elizabeth Sibbald the spous of wmquhill williame farny
of that Ilke protestit solemmtlie that the dew seruyng of
Andrew farnyis breuis of inquest and his clame of the
landis of westir farny the forest of Culface the landis of
Nuthil with officis of the constabularye of Couper &
forestary of the park of falkland with thare proffittis and
pertinence clamit be the said Andro suld turne hir to na
preiudice anent hir coniunctinfeftmentis and richtis quhilkis
sche had & has of the said landis
   The quhilk day the breif of Inquest of our Souerane
lordis chapel Impetrat be Dauid grundistone of glaslie is
with consent of party that is to say the said Dauid one
ane parte & the chantour of breichine for the airis of
wmquhil Dauid balfour of petcullo one that wthir parte
continuit to [{the{] penult day of the said moneth in forme
and effect as it now is but preiudice of party
   The quhilk day the actioune & cause persewit be henry
petcarne of petlour aganis Andrew murray of kippo kny=t=
allegiit to be compromittit Is with consent of the saide
henry one ane parte and williame scot of baluerye kny=t=
for the said schir Andrew murray & caucioune for hyme
that he sall hald ferme and stable quhat he dois for hyme
in the said actioune one that wthir parte continuit to the
samyne effect as of befoir to the said penult day of
Januar
   The quhilk day Andrew Setone of perbroth comperit in
<P 5>
Jugement producit and schew ane perambulacioune selit
with the selis of certane baronis tueching the diuisioune
of the landis and merchis of ladifferone pertenyng to
hyme and the landis callit the forest of Kilface pertenyng
to the lard of farny and protestit that the dew seruyng
of the breuis of Inquest thare presentit be Andrew farny
the sone and air of wmquhile williame farny of that Ilke
suld gener na preiudice to hyme in safer as is contenit
in the said perambulacioune nor to his airis eftirwartis
   The quhilk day Alexander teruate of that Ilke producit
our souerane lordis lettres in Jugement requiring and
chargeing the schiref foirsaid to tak cognicione & knawlege
be ane Inquest of the baronis frehaldaris and wtheris
of the quantite and awale of the said Alexanderis waird
landis haldin alsweil of our Souerane lord as of the            #
archibischop
of Sanctandrois and quhat thai ar now worth be
+geir eftir the productione of the quhilk lettres the schiref
foirsaid gert the personis foirsaid chosin tharto be suorne
for the cognicioune & knawlege of the quantite and
awaile of the said Alexanderis waird landis haldin alsweile
of the king as of the archibischop foirsaid quhilkis fand
& deliuerit that the said Alexanderis waird landis haldin
of the king ar now worth be +geir xxiiij merkis and his
waird landis haldin of the archibischop of Sanctandrois
worth be +geir xxvj merkis quhilk extendis in the haile to
fifty merkis and thareftir be resonable estimacione &
modifiyng the schiref foirsaid maid the said Alexander to
haif xij l~ib of the malis and proffittis of his said warde
landis +geirlie during the tyme of the warde tharof and
quhill his lachful aige and decernit preceptis to be direct
to command & charge Dauid leirmonth quhilk has the
gift of all the said warde landis that he redelye ansuer
and obey to the said Alexander in the thankful paying of
hyme of the foirsaid sowme of xij l~ib to his sustentacione
+geirlie quhill his lachfull aige and geif neid be to compel
& distren+ge tharfor +geirlie as effeiris
   The quhilk day the actioune of blodewit betuix robert
aysoune & Johne howisoune is continuit to the penult
<P 6>
day of Januar foiresaid in forme and effect as it now is
but preiudice of party and thai warnit (\apud acta\)
[} (\IX=O= DIE MENSIS JANUARII\) }]
   The quhilk day Alexander lochmalony of that Ilke protestit
that he suld nocht be compellit to ansuer at the
instance of Thomas berclay of the rynd eftirwart because
he wes summond at his instance to the said day & nocht
callit nor persewit one to the tyme he had his expenssis
payit as efferit
   The quhilk day James lochmalony protestit siclike for
his expenssis aganis the said Thomas
   The quhilk day Jonet borthuik the spous of wmquhile
Andrew anstrothir of that Ilke was be the said inquest
at the command of our souerane lordis breuis seruit of
ane resonable terce and j thirdparte of all and sindry the
landis of anstrothir and of the myl of the samyne with
thare pertinence liand within the schirefdome of fiffe of
the quhilkis the said wmquhile Andrew deit westit and
sesit as of fee and of all wthir landis and annuel rentis of
the quhilkis he deit westit and sesit within the said
schirefdome and is befallin the sone Cauile of the samyne
in Jugement and preceptis decernit to be direct tharupoune
to beken and inter hir hir procuratouris or actornais ane
or ma tharto as effeiris baith landis milyne toft croft &
tenementis with thare pertinentis
   The quhilk day in the actioune & cause persewit be
Marioune petcarne the spous of wmquhile Johnne multrare
of disert aganis Johne multrare of Seyfeild tueching
the wranguis withhalding fra hir of the malis proffittis
dewiteis and wthir gudis of the landis of the Newtoune
of markinsche liand within the schirefdome of fiffe
pertenyng to hir like as is contenit in the summondis
tharupone the said Johnne multrare of markinsche
ofttymes callit & comperit nocht he being lachfullie
summond tharto of before with intimacioune as efferit
<P 7>
the said Marioune comperand personalie producit certane
witnes to preif hir intent quhilkis wer lachfullie summond
tharto of befoir and be the said schiref deputis thane
resauit suorne & examinit in Jugement wpoune the poyntis
and articlis contenit in the said summondis to the nowmer
of v witnes be the quhilkis it wes clerlie preuit that the
said Johne multrare of markinsche had takin wp and
withheld fra the said marioune the malis proffittis and
gudis of the saidis landis pertenyng to hir as eftir followis
that is to say xl stane of chese of the proffit of J=c= +gowis
the price of the stane xl d~ iiij stane of buttir the price of
the stane vj s~ with the girse male of iiij scor of schep
extending to xxxij s~ the girse maile of xxxij nolt extending
to iij l~ib iiij s~ the girse male of vj horse extending to
xxiiij s~ with xij turs of hay the price xxiiij s~ and tua
oxin the price iij l~i iiij s~ quhilk extendis in the haile
to the sowme of xvij l~ib xiij s~ iiij d~ the quhilk proffit
malis & dewiteis wes of this instant +geir Eftir the quhilk
probacioune the schiref deputis foirsaid being awisit with
thar assessouris fand decretit & deliuerit that the said
Johne multrare of markinsche had done wrang in the
wptaking & withhalding of the saidis malis proffittis &
dewiteis foirsaid fra the said marione and ordanit the
foirsaid sowme for the awaile tharof to be contentit &
payit be hyme to hir within the terme of law & preceptis
to be direct to compel & distren+ge tharfor as efferis
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 8>
   The quhilk day the actioune & cause mouete be schir
williame scot aganis James ramsay in petgorno like as is
contenit in the summondis tharupoune is with consent of
party continuit to the last day of februar as it now Is
in hoipe of concord but preiudice of party & the partiis
wairnit tharof (\apud acta\)
   The quhilk day the actioune of bloidwit persewit apone
henry dempstertoune is continuit to the said day and he 
wairnit (\apud acta\)
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 9>
   The quhilk day the actioune and cause persewit be
Isobell meldrome the spous of wmquhile Johne kynnere of
that Ilke aganis Johnne betoune of creich and andrew
Mathiesoune of carnbo tueching the allegiit wranguis away
taking of fiwe oxin like as is contenit in ane summondis
tharupoune is with consent of party continuit to the said
day for the productioune of the bischope of glasgw as
warand allegiit be the said Johne & Andrew at the command
of our souerane lordis lettres as terme peremptour
but ony langer dilay or excusacione and the partiis be
thar procuratouris that is to say the chantour of breichin
for the said Isobel and schir laurence Alexander[{sone{] for
the saidis Johnne and Andrew warnit tharof (\apud acta\)

[} (\PENULTIMO JANUARII\) }]
   The quhilk day schir Andrew murray of kippo kny=t=
producit ane lettir of exempcioune of our souerane lordis
king James the feird quhame gode assol+ge the quhilk was
be interlocutour of court fundin of nane awaile force nor
effect because it wes Impetrat in the tyme of Andrew
lundin of balgony kny=t= schiref of fiffe for Inamite pley &
discord betuix thame of heretaige and that the said lettir
aucht nocht to be admittit for stopping or deffering of
Justice in the actioune persewit be henry petcarne of
petlour because thar was na cause of suspicioune proponit
agane the Juge
   The quhilk day the actioune & cause persewit aganis
Michael fortoune & dauid Thomsone in carnebe of bloidwite
wes continuit to the said last day of februar and thai
warnit tharof (\apud acta\)
<P 10>
   The quhilk day the actione of bloidwite persewit aganis
robert aysoune and Johnne howisoune is continuit to the
said day and thai warnit tharof (\apud acta\)
   The quhilk day Thomas swan was summond in Jugement
to compere the said last day of februar to ansuere
at the instance of george foirman eftir the tenour of ane
precepte
   The quhilk day the breif of Inquest Impetrat be dauid
grundistoune of glaislye Is with consent of party continuit
to the said day as of befoir (\sub spe concordie\)
   The quhilk day the actioune and cause persewit be
Johnne claphene of claslogy aganis Johnne skrimgeour of
the myris tueching the spoil+geing allegiit of certane caittaile
like as is contenit in the summondis tharupone is continuit
to the last day of februar for the publicacioune of certane
witnes producit be the said Johne claphene with consent
of party and thai wairnit tharof (\apud acta\)
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
   The quhilk day the actioune & cause persewit be maister
robert boiswell persoune of auchterderay aganis Johne
mailuile of the raith kny=t= & certane wtheris his complicis
<P 11>
is with consent of party continuit to the xx day of merche
nixt to cum as it now is wnder hoip of concord & the
partiis wairnit tharof (\apud acta\)
   The quhilk day the actioune & cause persewit be Johnne
berclay in disert aganis dauid wemis of that Ilke like as
is contenit in ane precepte of summondis tharupone is
with consent of party continuit to the said xx day of
merche as it now is but preiudice of party and thai wairnit
tharof (\apud [{acta{] \) and the witnes contenit in the saide
summondis summond of new in Jugement to the said day
   The quhilk day all actionis & summondis maid to the
said last day of februar wes be the schiref foirsaid of
speciale command of the lordis of counsale for certane
greit caussis mowing thame tharto continuit to the said
xx day of merche
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
   The quhilk day all actionis & summondis of party to
this court wer be the deput foirsaid continuit to the heid
court nixt eftir pask for debilite of court but preiudice
of party
   The quhilk day robert balfour protestit solemmtlie for
hyme self & his collegis summond at the instance of gelis
berclay that because thai wer summond & nocht callit
that tharfor thai suld haif thar expenssis or thai ansuerit
and for remeid of law tyme & place neidfull to ansair
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 12>
   The quhilk day Johne skrimgeour of the myris maser
personalye In Jugement of fre will stud content grantit
& promittit to refer and referrit the haile clame and
actioune being different betuix hyme & Dauid Jamisoune
burges of the said burgh as donatar cessionar and assigna
to the airis of wmquhile Johnne farny burges of the burgh
foirsaid to patrik lord lyndesay of the biris and collegis
quhame he plesit to tak to hyme submittand hyme to
his Jurisdictioune tharintill alanerlie with his collegis       #
foirsaid
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 13>
   The quhilk day the schireffis foirsaid at the command 
of our Souerane lordis lettres be deliuerance of the lordis
of counsale continuit the said heid court and all actionis
depending tharupone to the viij day of Maii nixt to cum
in the samyne forme force and effect as it now is but
preiudice of party and that day to haif the samyne
strenth of the said heid court as this day in all thingis
but excepcioune or Impediment quhatsumeuir
   The quhilk day Jonet pete in the kingiscarne comperit
personalie in courte as sche that was lauchfully summond
tharto at the Instance of laurence Hagye in Randelstoune
for xiiij b of aittis and opynlye allegeit & said that Henry
sibbald mare quhilk summond hir to the saide court had
arrestit hir cornis & gudis being wpone the ground of
kingiscarne foirsaid and tharfor offerrit hir Reddy to
wnderly the law wpone ony clame or chalange that the
saide laurence or ony otheris had aganis hir & askyt hir
said cornes & gudis to be relaxt of the saide arest wnder
souerte as efferyt And thane the schireffis & deputis
foirsayd tuke Robert Webstar in petmerch souerte for the
saide Jonete to do to the said laurence for hir saide gudis
It that the law Requiris & to ansuere befor thame or ony
of thame tharfor eftir the forme of law And put the said
actione wnder continuacione to the said viij day of Maii
& the partiis warnit tharof (\apud acta\)
<P 14>
   The quhilk day the said laurence hagy personaly in
Jugement alegeit that he hadd the said landis of kingiscarne
in tak & assedacione of dauid spens of Wilmerstoune
and grantit opynly that the said dauid Spens interit hyme
tharto eftir the forme of his assedacioune / & that he nore
nane in his name Removit hyme neuir tharfra the quhilk
the said dauid [\laurence?\] askyt to be actit
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 15>
   The quhilk day Walter hird thane duelland in pyotstoune
was Inditit & folowit be toung be Johnne andersone
Williame eldar & Johnne Symsone duelland in kaskeirdoch
for the thiftwis steling fra thame of ten scheipe quhilkis
war thar present & tane with the said walter & als accusyt
of commoune thift The quhilk thift the said walter denyit
& tuke hyme to gode & the knawlaige of the said assise
tharupone The quhilk assise past furth of courte suorne
Riplie & weil avisyt deliuerly enterit & be the mouth of
Thomas ballingall deliuerit that the said Walter had stollin
the said scheipe & was art & parte tharof / & thane the
Jugis gert geif dome of courte tharupone that the said
walter suld be had to the gallous for the said thift &
hangyt quhil he war ded quhilk wes done in continent
but dilay
   The quhilk day & courte Johnne skrymgeour of the
Miris Masser protestyt for his gudis being in the handis
of the said walter hird that his accusacione suld turne
hyme to na preiudice & for Remede of law before the
accusacioune
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 16>
   The quhilk day In the actioune & cause perseuit be
Maister alexander Coluile persone of disarte Aganis dame
margarete lady Sinclare Johnne Sinclare dauid mailuile
Johnne Inglis williame kirkye Robert Clerk & Thomas
murray tueching the allegiit wranguis spoil+geing fra hyme
& his factouris & fermouraris of the fruitis & offerandis &
deuiteis of his benefice & personaige of the kirk of disarte
as at mare lenth is contenit in oure Souerane lordis lettres
& precepte of summondis direct & past tharwpone The
said Maister alexander comperand personaly & the said
lady be hir procuratour williame clerk thai being lauchfully
summound tharto of before Maister James Symsone
etc prelocutour for the saide master alexander allegiit
that he was Spoil+geit be the saidis personis of his fruitis
offerandis & deuiteis of his said benefice & kirk & for the
probacioune of his Intent tharof producit certane witnes
quhilkis wer lachfully summond tharto And thane the
said williame clerk procuratoure foirsaid alegiit that the
pley tharof was dependand before the officer of sanctandrois
in the spirituale Court & that tharfore the schiref aucht
nocht to knaw tharapone bot he schew na writing nor
nane wthir maner of probacione tharof bot desiryt the
aith of the said master alexander to be tane tharapone
to the quhilk the said Master alexander ansuerit sayand
that he knew na dependence of that actione of spoil+ge
before the officer be na libel summondis nor of command
of hyme nor he suld nocht be compellit to gif his aith
tharapone because of Just Ignorance that he knew nocht
tharof for the quhilk Ignorance he mycht lesumily be the
law refuse to gif his aith tharone / bot he maid the aith of
verite Juramentum calumpnie that he trastit he had ane
Just cause baith to persew & defend in the said mater &
desyrit the said williame procuratour foirsaid to mak the
aith of fidelite siclike that he trastit he had Just cause
to propone the said excepcione & to defend the said mater
the quhilk the said williame Refusit alutraly bot maid
<P 17>
protestacione and past [{furth{] of courte allegeand that
the witnes producit in the cause war Inimiis to the said
lady & personis foirsaid bot he wald prefe na cause of
Inamite And thane the Juge gert Cal the witnes for the
probacioune of the saide Spoil+ge be the quhilkis It was
clerlie prewit that the said personis had Spoil+geit & takyne
wp the said Master alexandris teynd froittis offerandis &
deuiteis of his said personaige & kirk of disarte sen the feist
of lammes last bipast For the quhilk the Juge being avisit
with his assessouris decretis & deliueris that the said         #
personis
had done wrang in the spoil+geing of the said Master
alexander his factouris and fermouraris of the said froittis
& that tharfore thai had incurrit the panis of law & [{wer{]
 / in amerciamentis of Court & ordanit the said spoil+ge to be
restoryt eftir the forme of the kingis lettres & gert gif 
dome of Courte tharupoune & decernit preceptis to be
direct for the restitucione of the samyn safer as can be
lachfully prevyt
   The quhilk day In the actioune and cause persewit be
James scot burges of disert factour and fermourar to
maister Alexander coluile persone of disert Aganis ane
noble lady margaret lady sincler Johne sinclar dauid
mailuile Johne Inglis williame kirkye robert clerk and
Thomas murray tueching the allegiit wranguis spoil+geing
fra hyme of the fruttis and offerandis of the kirk of disert
like as at mare lenth Is contenit in our souerane lordis
lettres Impetrat be the said James and ane precept of
summondis direct tharupone the said James comperand
personalie and the said lady be her procuratour williame
clerk thai being lauchfullie summond tharto of before the
said James producit publist & schew Ane sufficient lettres
of tak maid to hyme of the fruttis of the said kyrk be the
said maister alexander & subscriuit with his hand lik as
the said maister alexander grantit in Jugement & ratifiit
& apprevit the sammyne And thane the said williame clerk
procuratour to the said lady allegiit the actione & pley
<P 18>
tharof to be dependand befor the officer of sanctandrois in
the spirituale court bot he wald schew na probatioun nore
evident tharupone bot referrit the probatioune tharof to
the aith of the said maister alexander & thane it wes
[{ansuerit{] be the said James that the actioune and cause
betuix hyme & the said lady aucht nocht to be referrit
to the aith of the said maister alexander nore he wald one
na wise consent tharto bot desirit that the said williame
clerk procuratour for the said lady suld mak sufficient
probatioune wpone his allegatioune as the law requirit
And desirit the said procuratour to mak Juramentum
calumpnie that he traistit he hed Just cause to persew &
defend quhilk he rafusit and thane the Juge gart call
certane wittnes producit be the said James for the probatioune
of his intent quhilkis wer lauchfullie Summond
tharto & suorne to the noumer of vj persones And thane
the said williame clerk procuratour forsaid allegiit that
the said wittnes wer Inimiis to the said lady & tharfor
aucht nocht to be resauit bot he wald nocht propone nore
scheu na probatioune nore document tharupone nore wald
nocht mak the said aith of fidelite Juramentum calumpnie
as said is bot protestit & past [{furth{] of courte And thane
because the said williame clerk procuratour for the said
lady comperand & admittit in court wald schew na probatione
document title nore evident or cause uppone his
allegatione bot wourdis allanerly & rafusit to mak Juramentum
calumpnie as said is the Juge forsaid tuk the depositionis
of the said wittnes wpone the probatioune of the
said spoil+ge be the quhilkis it was clerlye preuit that the
personis forsaid hed wranguisly but ony Just title of rycht
Spol+geit fra the said James scot factour & fermourar to
the said maister allexander the said fruttis of the kyrk of
desert & hed taking wp the sammyne sene the feist of
lammes last bipast & tharfor decernit & decretit the said
spol+ge to be restorit samekle as the said James cane
<P 19>
lauchfulie preue or the awail tharof & that the said lady
Johne Sinclar dauid mailuile Johne ynglis williame kerke
robert clerk thomas murray & Ilkane of thaim had incurrit
the panis of law & [{wer{] in amerciamentis of courte tharfor
& gert gyf dome of court tharupone eftir the forme of
law And decernit preceptis to be direct to entir the said
James as factour & fermorar forsaid to the fruttis of the
said kyrk & to kep & defend hyme tharin according to
our Souerane lordis lettres direct tharupone
   The quhilk day James logane schiref of lauthiane one
Ane parte And Andrew Wardlau the Spous of Isobell
broune for hyme self & for the said Isobell his spous &
caucionare for hir that scho sall hald ferme & stable quhat
he dois in hir name one that wthir parte Tueching the
difference betuix thame of the landis of colcarny & otterstoune
contenit in ane summoundis tharupone comperand
in Jugement ar finaly concordit that the cornes being
wpone the ground of the said landis be wonnyn wpone
the expensis of the party be williame spittale of luchald
williame  wardlaw schir williame blaikwod and henry sibbald
or ony of thame and to Remane wpone the ground wndisponit
in the handis of the wynnar  foirsaid quhil the
decisioune of the pley / furthcumand to the party havand
Richt tharto but preiudice of ony of thar Richtis And
in the mentyme the actioune Is be the schireffis continu[{i{]t
to the nixt hed courte with consent of party in hope of
concord but preiudice of ony of thame And the parteis
to cum befor my lord of the Ilis & my lord priour of
Sanctandrois the xij day of the saide Moneth for concord
of the said mater & the parteis warnit hereof (\apud acta\)
And the said Andreuis catale to Remane stil wpone the
ground to the decisioune of the pley but preiudice of
party And gif It be thoucht mare expedient be ony of
the partiis that thai or ony of thame furnis the costis &
expensis wpone the wyning of the said cornes & to [{be{]
alouit & Recompensit be the party optenand
<P 20>
   The quhilk day the lard of lewthin producit & schew
in Jugement ane chartir of lyfe Rent of the landis of
otterstoune maid be williame broune off Collstoune to his
soune williame broune the quhilk chartir James logane
askyt & Requirit at the schiref foirsaid of his office to
mak be Registerit in the court buke of the said schirefdome
And that he mycht have the copy of the said chartir
actentikly wnder the Sele of office wpone his expensis / for
his Releife because he had & producit In Jugement Ane
assedacione of the said landis of otterstoune of his tutour
that had the life Rent of the samyn
[^LATIN OMITTED.^]
<P 23>
   The quhilk day the said Inquest seruit the brefe of
Tutory of dauid bosuell the aire of auchinlek & fand master
Johnne bosuell narrest agnete to hym with the laife of
the poyntis of the brefe
[} (\XXIJ=O= DECEMBRIS ANNO XV=TO=\) }]
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 24>
   The quhilk day dauid kynnere of that Ilke become
souerte to the said schireff for beatrice Sibbald the Spous
of wmquhile Johnne forraete of that Ilke eftir the forme
of our souerane lordis lettres thar producit in Jugement &
soumes contenit tharintill And the saide beatrice band
and oblist hir be the faith in hir body hir hand uphald
to the said dauid to Releife warand & keip hyme scathles
tharof in the sekerest forme of obligacioune his aris
executouris & assignais 
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 25>
   The quhilk day the said assise & inquest chosin & suorne
<P 26>
at the command of the kingis lettres fand deliuerit & said
that the landis of the quhilkis wmquhill robert Cunynghame
fader to williame Cunnynghame of the west bernis berrar
of the said lettres deit last westit & sasit as of fee ar now
worth be +geir iij=c= merkis etc
   The quhilk day It was lachfully previt that alexander
stirk the soune of alexander stirke duelland in Wchtirmukty
Katrine & Isobel his sisteris & Katrine his douchtir
had spol+geit wrangusly fra Jonet rankene the graith of
hir pleuch that is to say Somys syderapis culter sok
schone bridill +gokkis & bollis with diuers wthir houshald
gere & cornes contenit in ane bill quhilkis the said Alexander
stirk eldar had recept & withheld & tharfor was ordanit
to restore the samyn within lachful day & dome gevyn
tharupone & thai amerciit eftir the forme of law
   The quhilk day in the actioune & caus persewit be
Thomas ballingall of the riggis aganis Jonet lithquo and
James andersone alias fiddillar hir spous tueching the
wranguis intrometting & occupacione of the half toft sted
of the landis callit lithquois landis pertenyng to the said
Thomas as wes allegiit like as is contenit in ane summondis
tharupone the partiis comperand personaly the
said Jonet & James allegiit that thai had the said half
toft sted of Johne seitone of lauthresk and allegiit hyme
warand to thame tharof and askit ane terme to produce
thar said warand to the productione of the quhilk the
Jugis assignit the penult day of aprile foirsaid and warnit
the partiis tharof (\apud acta\)
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
   The quhilk day It was fundin be the said assise that
margrete forrate the Spous of wmquhile laurence dovery
of caldhame suld hafe ane terce & thridparte of the saidis
<P 27>
landis of caldhame of the quhilkis hir said Spous deit
westit & sesyt as of fe / & is befallyne the schadow cavill
of the samyn in Jugement And preceptis decernit to beken
hir & entir hir tharto eftir the forme of law & consuetude
of the Realme
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
   The quhilk day It was lauchfully preuit that Thomas
flemyng & george flemyng brether Spoil+geit furth of Johnne
lausounis +ghard in the neutone certane aitis extending
to iij Rukkis at thar aune handis but officer or ordour
<P 28>
of law the parteis beand present & summound tharto
of before
 
[} (\PRIMO APRILIS ANNO XVJ=TO=\) }]
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 29>
   The quhilk day Master dauid Seitoune persone of fethircarne
in the Name of Johnne forete the Sone & aire of
wmquhile Johnne foret of that Ilke producit & schew in
Jugement Ane decrete of the lordis of counsale berand in
effect that the baronis quhilkis seruit Williame beddisoune
be Inqueist of v merkis of annuell of hal foret of before
had errit in thar seruing of his brevis tharof Ignorantlye
togidder with ane Instrument of schir Johnne ramsayis
hand notar transsumit before the officer of sanctandrois
   The quhilk day charlis Ramsay of foxtoune foirspekar
for [\blank in MS\] batisone and [\blank in MS\] batisone       #
sisteris
& aris to the said wmquhile williame batisoune producit in
<P 30>
Jugement & schew ane grauatour of the officer of Sanctandrois
Indorsit with the hand of schir Johnne ferrye
chapellane curate of the parroch kirk of Couper quhilk
contenit that wmquhile Eleizeus foret one his dedbed in his
later mynd wil & hour tuke one his saule before witnes
that he causit the letteris & evidentis pertenyng to the
said wmquhile wil+game batisone to be abstract & absentit
fra hym in defraude of hym & his aris & assignais anent
the said v merkis of annuel of foret And that he gerte
the said schir Johnne ramsay notar fen+ge ane fals instrument
for the stopping of the samyn And askyt god mercy
tharof with grite Repentance & besoucht the said curate
to Reuele that in his name and ask forgevenes tharof at
the party & deliuerit the letteris & evidentis before hym
tharof / & als he schew the curatis Testimoniell of the
samyn actentikly in Jugement
   The quhilk day Master Johnne Spens procuratour for
Robert Arnote of wodmylne in his Name proponit &
allegiit that the sisteris of Jhonne Rettray of the freland
of lundoris mycht nocht be seruit nor enterit be breuis
to the said landis because thar brothir the richtwis air
tharof wes one lyfe And that the said Robert quhilk was
possessour tharof & had Interes tharintil was wnder the 
kingis Respect grauntit to the bischope of galloway
   The quhilk day the actioune & cause being depending
wnder continuacione betuix Johnne Seitoune of lathreiske
& Jonet linlithquo & James fedillar hir spous was with
consent of party continuit to the xxvij day of maii nixt
to cum as of before wnder hope of concord & the partiis
warnit tharof (\apud acta\)
   The quhilk day the actioune & cause Mouete be Jonet
balfour the Spous off wmquhile dauid allerdes of Scathowy
aganis Johnne Allerdes his sone & Johnne Multrar of
seifeld was wnder hoipe of concord with consent of party
be williame lindesay hir procuratour & schir williame Scott
<P 31>
procuratour for thame & cauciounare to the schireff that
thai suld hald ferme & stable quhat he did in the actione
continu[{i{]t to the xxvij day of Maii foirsaid & the said      #
schir
williame Scot souerte for thar enteres the said day

[} (\PENULTIMO APRILIS RESCRIPTO\) }]
   The quhilk day It is appoyntit & acordit in Jugement
betuix Thomas lumisden of Condolane one ane parte &
Jonet baluard the Spous of wmquhile Robert arnote of
Wodmylne one that wthir parte tueching the sustentacione
of margrete lumisden the douchtir of wmquhile James
lumisden feare of the condolane as folouis that Is to say
that the said thomas sal content & pay to hir for the
sustentacione of the saide margarete the soume of tuenty l~i
for termes bipast before the daite of this act tharof x l~i
at lammes nixt hereeftir folouing & the uthir x l~i at
martinmes nixt thareftir And termely five l~i at Ilke
terme of witsunday & martinmes eftir the daite of this
act to the hame cuming of the bischope of gallovay furth
of Ingland And herapone the Juge has decernit preceptis
to be direct to poynd & distren+ge herfor gife neid be eftir
the forme of law
   The quhilk day James Scott of disert producit ane
summondis dewly execute & Indorsyt wpone margrete
lady sinclare & certane wtheris hir complicis contenit
tharintil & Requirit the schireff to ger call & put the
samyn to executione And thane comperit [\blank in MS\]
Ane seruand of the said ladyis & producit our Souerane
lordis Respect gevin to the said lady And thane the said
James protestit that sene he had done exact diligence to
persew his actione & was be parciale menis deferrit fra
Justice & had maid grete cost & expensis tharone that the
dilacione of tyme suld turne hyme to na preiudice & for
remede of law tyme and place oportune & for his costis
& scathis sustenit tharthrow        
<P 32>
   The quhilk day the actioune & cause being movit betuix
Thomas ballingall of the Riggis & Johnne Seitoune of
lothreisk contenit in the summondis tharupone Is with
consent of party continu[{i{]t in all effect & forme as It now
Is to the xxvij day of Maii nixt to cum in hope of concord
& the party warnit tharof (\apud acta\)
   The quhilk day Dauid steuarte of rossith Thomas berclay
of the Rynd & [\blank in MS\] procuratour for James
skrimgeour constable of Dunde one ane parte & Williame
bruce of Erlishall Jonet steuarte his moder & Williame
lindesay procuratour for dauid Ramsay of culuthie one
that wthir parte tueching the debatable clame of the mire &
commone betuix thame contenit in our souerane lordis lettres
direct tharupone consentit in Jugement that the catale of
thar tennentis had use & pasturing in the said debatable
myre & commoune siclik as thai had of before the diuisioune
maid tharof to the decisioune of the pley being Rasit &
movete tharupone but preiudice of ony of thar Richtis
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 33>
   The quhilk day George strang of balcasky producit our
Souerane lordis lettres togidder with ane precepte of
summondis dewly execute & Indorsit quhilk chargeit the
schireff of fiff & his deputis to call the said george Johnne
Multrar of seyfeld & Master george Striuiling of brakye
porcionar lardis of balcaskye one ane parte & Johnne
oliphant of kelle kny=t= one that wthir parte before thame
& tak cognitione quhat possessioune the saidis george strang
Johnne multrar & master george has bene in of the parte
of [{the{] landis telit saune & laubourit be the said Johnne
oliphant of kelle kny=t= & his seruandis wpone the quhilkis
thai complenit in tymes bigane & gife thai fynd thame in
lachful possessioune tharof to keip suple & defend thame
tharin [{in{] siclike possessioune ay & quhil thai be           #
lauchfully
callit & ordourly put tharfra lik as the saidis lettres
proportis be wertu of the quhilkis lettres the Juge gert
call the personis aboune writtine chosin wpone inquest &
gert thame be suorne in presens of the partiis and admittit
be thame quhilkis Removet [{furth{] of court & be diligent
avisment agane enterit fand & deliuerit that the saidis
Ge[{o{]rge Johnne & Master ge[{o{]rge war in lachfull           #
possessioune
of commounte of the saidis landis peceablie in
tymes bigane   
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 34>
   The quhilk day the actione & cause movet & depending
betuix Johnne Seitoune of lothreiske & Thomas ballingall
as is contenit in the act precedent the penult day of aprile
Is with consent of party continu[{i{]t to the penulte day of
Julii nixt tocum as of before & the Remanent contenit in
the precepte
   The quhilk day the actione & cause being depending
betuix Thomas ballingall & James fedillar Is with consent
of party as of before continu[{i{]t to the said penult day of
Julii tueching his warandice
[^LATIN OMITTED.^]
<P 36>
   The quhilk day It was preuit in Jugement be george
dischingtoune of ardros Johne claphene of claslogy dauid
balfour of caraldstone & wtheris baronis & frehaldaris
being chosin and suorne of befoir apone ane assise betuix
Alexander auchmouty of that Ilke & [\blank in MS\] nicholsone
his tenent tueching the debait of ane wakker scheris that
the said Alexander did na wrang in the poynding and
distrin+geing of the said [\blank in MS\] nycholsone tenent of
his ground for the birun malis & dewiteis aucht to hyme
of the samyn
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
   The quhilk day the actione & cause movet & depending
betuix Johne Seitone of lauthrisk and Thomas ballingall
of the riggis as is contenit in the act precedent Is with
consent of party continuit to [{the{] xix day of august nixt
to cum as of befoir
   The quhilk day the actioune & cause being depending
betuix Thomas ballingall & James fedillar is with consent
of party as of befoir continuit to the said xix day of
August foirsaid tueching his warandice
<P 37>
   The quhilk day Johnne dauidsone protestit that he suld
nocht be compellit to ansuere at the instance of [{mariory
pousta{] eftirwert because he wes summond at his [{hir{]
instance to the said day & nocht callit nore persewit to the
tyme he had his expenssis as efferit
   The quhilk day the actioune and cause being movet
betuix Thomas hay of sandfurd & Alexander Narne Is
continuit be the schireff foirsaid of his office for waikness
of Court to the xix day of August nixt tocum as of befoir
   The quhilk day the actione & cause being depending
betuix williame setone of ramgally & Alexander wemis is
with consent of party as of befoir continuit to the xix day
of august nicht to cum
   The quhilk day the act[{i{]one & cause being betuix walter
herriot of burnturk & george erth like as is contenit in
bayth thar preceptis tharupone Is with consent of thame
baith continuit to the xix day of August forsaid
   The quhilk day Al actionis being depending wnder             #
continuacioune
or summondis to this court ar be the schiref
deputis foirsaid for debilite of courte of thar officis         #
continuit
to the xix day of august nixt tocum as thai now ar
but preiudice of party & warning maid publict tharapone
at the tolboith stare as the Maner is
   The quhilk day In the actioune & cause being movet &
depending betuix James logane schiref depute of Edinburgh
one Ane parte & Elizabeth broune & Andrew wardlaw hir
spous one that wthir parte the partiis foirsaid comperand
personaly The said Andrew wardlaw producit & schew my
lord gouernouris writtingis subscriuit with his hand At the
command of the quhilk the deputis foirsaid continuit the 
hale actionis & summoundis betuix thame to the xix
day of august nixt to cum / & gert summound the
witnes in Jugement producit be the said James to the said
<P 38>
day & warnit the partiis tharof (\apud acta\) as of before
& to the samyn effect
   The quhilk day the actioune & cause perseuit be dauid
balfour of lalethine & the personis contenit in ane precepte
of summoundis aganis Jonete Ramsay the Spous of
wmquhile george balfour of lalethine as at mare lenth
Is contenit in the said precepte & hir barnis Is with
consent of party continu[{i{]t to the xix day of August nixt
tocum in forme & effect as It now [{is{] but preiudice of
party And the partiis warnit tharof (\apud acta\) with thar
witnes summound tharto
   The quhilk day the actioune & cause perseuit be Jonete
Ramsay the Spous of wmquhile george balfour contenit
in ane precepte of summondis maid & direct tharupone
aganis dauid balfour of Lalethine & his collegis contenit
in the said precepte Is with consent of party continu[{i{]t
to the said xix day of August in forme & effect as It now
is but preiudice of party & thai warnit tharof (\apud acta\)
with thar witnes
   The quhilk day James logane schiref deput of Edinburgh
Requirit the said schiref deputis of thar office to proceid
& minister Justice in the actioune betuix hyme & androw
wardlau & Elizabeth broune his spous eftir the forme &
tenour of the Kingis lettres producit be hyme & protestit
that the dilay tharof or quhat war done in his contrare &
preiudice suld turne hyme to na scath nor preiudice & for
the preuileige & Remede of law tyme & place neidfull &
askyt the deposicionis of his witnes to be publist eftir
the forme of law as that day that wes assignit tharto
   The quhilk day Johnne dauidsone in carale ofttymes
callit & comperit nocht was in amerciament of court as
he that was lachfully summound to ansuere at the Instance
of mariory pousta be eduard colyne mare & dome gevyn
tharupone
   The quhilk day Alexander schethome of Caskelpy personaly
in Jugement comperand offerrit hyme Reddy to
<P 39>
ansuere at the Instance of Jonete forestar as he that was
tharto summound of before & because thar was nane to
persew hyme protestit for his expenssis or he ansueryt
agane at hir Instance
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
   The quhilk day the actioune & cause perseuit be Johnne
lausone aganis Andrew lausone his brothir in presens of
baith the partiis wes be the schiref depute foirsaid of his
office for debilite of court continuit in forme & effect as 
it now is to the xix day of august foirsaid but preiudice
of party And the partiis & the witnes warnit tharof
(\apud acta\)
   The quhilk day Johnne forret duelland at the Milne of
forreat wes oft tymes callit & comperit nocht as he that was
lachfully summound be Eduard Colyne mare tharto at
the Instance of Thomas berclay of the Rynd was adiugeit
in amerciament of courte and dome gevyn tharupone
And ordanit to be warnit to the nixt court to here the
productione of certane witnes to be producit tharto be
the said thomas with intimacione tharupone as efferyt
   The quhilk day Johnne Seitoune of lothreisk comperit
personaly alegeand that the actioune betuix hyme & Thomas
ballingall of the Riggis wes continu[{i{]t to the said xij day
of august And because he wes nocht perseuit protestit
that he war nocht compellit to ansuere but new summoundis
& for the priuilege of law & his expenssis as efferyt
[^LATIN OMITTED.^]
<P 41>
   The quhilk day in the actioune & cause of distrowbillance
& bloidewyte perseuit be Johnne huntare aganis Johnne
harpare duelland At the mylne of orkye was Replegiate be
Johnne Seitoune baroune of lothreisk to his courte of the
said baronye and lattyne to borgh to hyme because he
schew his Infeftment tharof with priuileige of bloidwittis
And that the milne of orky lay within the said baronye
and was ane pendicle of the samyn
   The quhilk day the actionis & causis movete betuix
dauid balfour of lalethine & Jonete Ramsay thar with
thar collegis & complicis Ilkane aganis wtheris ar be
suplicacione of my lord Archibischop of Sanctandrois etc
continu[{i{]t in all effect & forme as thai now ar but          #
preiudice
of party in hoipe of concord to the xvj day of october
nixt tocum And dauid berclay of Culerny caucione to the
schiref in Jugement  for the enteres of the said Jonete &
hir party & dauid balfour for hyme & his party

[} (\XIX AUGUSTI ANNO XVJ=TO=\) }]
   The quhilk day Johnne lothreisk the soune & aire of
wmquhile Alexander lothreiske of orkye protestit in Jugement
that albeit that the schiref foirsaid had lattine the
actione of distroublance & bloidwyt foirsaid to borgh to
Johnne Seitoune of lothreisk as baroune of the samyne
<P 42>
that the said Replegiacioune tharof suld turne hyme his
aris nore heretaige to na preiudice & for the priuilege
of law
   The quhilk day in the actioune & cause perseuit be
Andrew Sibbald burges of disert aganis Johnne lauthreisk
baillie of the said burgh...
   The quhilk day Johnne forret grauntit in Jugement
that he keist nocht the turffis be na title of richt of forret
wpone the quhilk the said thomas complenit bot of tollerance
of the said Thomas
   The quhilk day the actioune & cause movet betuix
williame seitoune of ramgally one ane parte & Alexander
wemis & Ewe butlere his Spous one that wthir parte contenit
in ane summoundis tharupone Is with consent of party
continu[{i{]t as of before to the hede schiref court nixt eftir
michalmes but preiudice of party wnder hoipe of concord
& the partiis warnit tharof (\Apud acta\)
   The quhilk day the bloidwite of Strethore Is continu[{i{]t
be the schiref of his office to the said hede courte
   The quhilk day the actionis & causis movete betuix
Thomas ballingall of the Riggis & James fedillar & his
spous aganis Johnne Seitoune of lothreisk as Is contenit
in the actis of court tharapone of before Is with consent of
party continu[{i{]t to the hede court nixt eftir michalmes but
preiudice of party & the partiis warnit tharof (\apud acta\)
   The quhilk day the actione betuix the lady wemis &
Thomas levingstoune & the parteis contenit in the preceptis
tueching the landis of glasmont is with consent of party
continuit to the hed court nixt eftir michalmes & the
partiis warnit tharof (\apud acta\)
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 43>
   The quhilk day agnes lessaellis the Spous of wmquhile
Johnne garding of wodhavin was be Inqueist of courte of
the quhilkis the Names here eftir folouis seruit of the
terce & thridparte of the half landis of wodhavyne with
<P 44>
thar pertinentis liand in the schirefdome of fiff of the
quhilk the said wmquhile Johnne hir Spous deit westit &
sesyt as of fee with the soune cavil of the samyn in
Jugement
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
   The quhilk day Johnne multrare of Seifeild proponit ane
excepcione in the actioune movet be Jonete balfour the
spous of Thomas baird burges of Edinburgh & the said
Thomas aganis the said Johnne & Johnne allerdes of
scathovye to quhame he was curatour sayand & allegeand
that the said Johnne nore he suld nocht ansuere at thar
instance in the cause because thai war nocht summound
as he allegiit & askit the interlocutour of courte tharupone
quhilk excepcione was fundin of nane avale & the summoundis
appreuit lachfully done & intimacione maide personaly
to the saidis Johnne multrare & Johnne allerdes
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 45>
   The quhilk day Johnne multrare foirsaid protestit that
he suld nocht be compellit to ansuere at the Instance of
the said Jonete & thomas wpone the summondis consauit
aganis hyme quhil Restitucione war maid of the evidentis
gudis & othir clames contenit in the decrete gevin betuix
thame be the lordis of Counsale thar publist

[} (\ULTIMO SEPTEMBRIS ANNO XVJ=TO=\) }]
   The quhilk day Jonete balfour the Spous of wmquhile
Dauid Allardes of scathovy & Thomas baird burges of
Edinburgh hir Spous moderne one ane parte & Johnne
Multrare of Seifeld curatour to Johnne allerdes of scathovy
one that wthir parte comperit personaly as thai that war
lachfully summond tharto of before And the said Johnne
allerdes summond alsua with intimacione personall comperit
nocht as wes lauchfully preuit the schiref foirsaid
gert Reid the kingis lettres being thar producit be the
said Jonete And with consent of party tuke the said
Jonetis deposicione wpone the gudis & evidentis contenit
in the decrete of the lordis of counsale of the quhilk
mensioune was maid in the saidis lettres quhilk be hir
grite aith deponit that scho hed fulfillit the said decrete
in safer as scho wnderstude concernit hir to do And
quhat that wes nocht fulfillit scho suld fulfil & deliuer to
the Juge at the nixt court the penult day of october nixt
<P 46>
tocum al evidentis & gudis wndeliuerit safer as scho wist
of had or mycht get / And the said Johnne multrare allegiit
that the decrete was fulfillit for the partis of hyme & the
said Johnne allerdes and offerrit hyme to prefe the samyn
To the quhilk the Juge assignit to baith the partiis the
said penult day of October in the hour of cause with baith
thar consentis & decernit preceptis to be direct to summound
thar probacionis tharto And in the mentyme
the Juge with consent of party has tane the deposicionis
of the witnes producit be the said Jonete & ordanit the
samyn to be closit to the said day And gert summond
the said partiis in Jugement (\apud acta\) to produce agane
the said day sic evidentis & probacionis as thai wil wse
baith to tyne & vyne & to here the said lettres be put to
dew executione as efferis but forthir dilay & the said
probacionis Resauit & admittit as effeiris
   The quhilk day the Actioune & cause perseuit aganis
margarete levingstoune the douchtir & aire of wmquhile
Robert levingstoune of wemis kny=t= & dame Jonete betoune
his spous be thomas levingstoune Is with consent of the
said Thomas / & master James symsone persone of kirkforthir
procuratour to the saidis dame Jonete & margrete
continu[{i{]t in all effect and forme as It now Is wnder hoipe
of concord continu[{i{]t to the saide penult day of October / 
& in the mentyme be the extencione of thar handis has
referrit the actione to mast Reuerend faderis in crist the
Archibischoppis of Sanctandrois & glashgew
   The quhilk day Roberte leslie prelocutor for margrete
leslie tennent of the landis of glasmonth producit ane
letter of tak of the saide landis for hir title tharof And
allegiit the [\blank in MS\] to warand of the samyn to the
productione of the quhilk warand the Juge assignit the
said penult day of october
[^LATIN OMITTED.^]
<P 48>
   The quhilk day In the actioune & cause Movete betuix
dauid balfour of lalethine & marioune his Spous one ane
parte & Jonete Ramsay the Relict of wmquhile george
balfour Andrew balfour hir sone margarete Jonete &
cristiane his sisteris & Johnne thar brother bastard one
that wthir parte tueching the distroubillance & bloidwite
allegeit Ilkane done til wtheris as is at mare lenth contenit
in Ane summoundis tharupone & continuacioune of the
samyn maid of before The schiref deput foirsaide gert call
the saidis partiis eftir the forme of the foirsaid              #
continuacione
maid tharupone of before And the saidis dauid
balfoure & marioune his Spous comperit personaly and offerrit
thame to wnderly the knaulaige of the said assise upone
the said actione And the said depute gert call dauid
berclay of Culerny to Intir the saide Jonete and hir
barnys as he that become souerte to the schireff principale
of before for thare Intraes to the said Courte quhilk
comperit nocht he being oft tymes callyt And thane the
saidis Dauid & marioune his Spous being accusit in Jugement
of the said distroubillance & bloidwyte / denyit the
samyn & tuke thame to the knawlaige & deliuerance of
the said assise quhilkis suorne passit [{furth{] of courte &
Riplie and weile avisit reinterit & deliuerit be the mouth
of the saide williame cokburne that the saidis dauid &
marioune his Spous war qwytt chargeles & fre of the said
distroubilance bloid drauing & of the witte of the samyn
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
   The quhilk day george dischingtoune of Ardros become
<P 49>
caucione & souerte to the schireff for Annabell abircrumby
the relict of wmquhile george dudingstoune eftir the forme
& tenour of our Souerane lordis lettres for the poyntis
contenit in the samyn
   The quhilk day the actioune & cause movete be Annabell
abircrumby foirsaid aganis Jonete Stewarte the relict of
wmquhile Stevine dudingstoune of Sandefurd Is with consent
of party continu[{i{]t to the ix day of december wnder hope
of concord & the partiis warnit be thame self & thar
procuratouris (\apud acta\) Reseruand al excepcionis to thame
tyme & place oportune
   The quhilk day the actioune & cause movete be Elizabeith
wemys Aganis the Countis of Rothaes as Is contenit in
the precepte of summoundis tharupone Is with consent
of the said Elizabeth one ane parte & Master dauid Spens
persone of flisk & schir henry balfour chapellane procuratouris
for the said Countis with sufficient pouer present
Red & admittit in Jugement one that wthir parte continuit
to the ix day of December nixt tocum wnder hope of
concord but preiudice of party And all the continuacionis
maid tharupone of before Ratifiit & appreuit be the said
procuratouris
   The quhilk day the actioune & cause being depending
betuix Thomas ballingall of the Riggis & James fedillar
& [\Jonet Lithquo\] his spous is with consent of party
continu[{i{]t to the hede courte nixt eftir +gowile but         #
preiudice
of party and the partiis warnit tharof (\apud acta\)




<B STRI1B> 
<Q SC1 XX TRI ANDREWS1> 
<N ST ANDREWS KIRK SES> 
<A X> 
<C SC1> 
<O DATE 1559-1561> 
<M MEDIUM MS> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T PROC TRIAL> 
<G X> 
<F X> 
<W SPEECH-BASED> 
<X X> 
<Y X> 
<H X> 
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I FORMAL> 
<Z X> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^REGISTER OF THE MINISTER ELDERS AND DEACONS 
OF THE CHRISTIAN CONGREGATION OF
ST. ANDREWS, 1559-1600. VOL I (1559-1582).
ED. DAVID HAY FLEMING.
SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY.
EDINBURGH 1889. 

SAMPLE 1: I, PP. 18.21-27.22
SAMPLE 2: I, PP. 59.5-60.15
SAMPLE 3: I, PP. 104.12-111.24^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 18>             
[}FOLLOWIS THE PROCES BETUIXT WILLIAME RANTOUN AND 
ELIZABETH GEDDY HIS SPOWS, IN THE QUHILK WILLIAME 
PERSEWES ELIZABETH OF DIVORCE FOR, BE HIM AGAINST HIR
ALLEGEAT, ADULTERY AS THE PROCESS CONTEYNES, &C.}]

[}ABONE PAROCHE KIRK DUR.}]
   (\Primo Februarii\) , 1559. The quhilk day, Williame Rantoun
gaif in ane petitioun of divorce against Elizabeth Gedde. The
minister and eldaris sett to ansuer therto this day fyvetene
daiis, and ordeinet the said Elizabeth to be warnet therto,
agane the said day.

   (\Decimo quinto Februarii, 1559, loco predicto.\) In the     #
caus of
divorce betuix Williame Rantoun and Elizabeth Gedde, in the
<P 19>
terme statut to ansuer to the said Williames petitioun,         #
compered
Elizabeth, and gaif ane answer conteynand in effect that
sche purgeit hir, and deniit his clame and petitioun. And the 
ministeris and eldaris has statute Williame to prieve his       #
clame,
and bring his witnes, and he and Elizabeth warned therto, 
the twenty ane day of this instant moneth of Februar. 

[}FOLLOWIS THE TENNOUR OF WILLIAME RANTONES CLAME, 
AND ELIZABETH GEDDEIS ANSUER THERTO.}] 

   Unto your m. faithfull minister and eldaris of this cietie   #
of 
Sanctandrois, and your assessouris, humelie menes and schawes 
Williame Ranto[{un{] , citiner of the said cietie, that quhare, #
at the 
plesour of God, I, the said Williame, mariet and tuke to wyfe 
Elizabeth Gedde, in the moneth of September, in the yeir of 
God, &c. xlviii yeris, and, conforme to the samyn band, did my
devour and dewtie to triet and intertiney hir, according baith
to Goddis law and manness, untill the tyme that, incontrare
Goddis law and the sai[{d{] band, the said Elizabeth, nocht     #
onlie 
defowlyiet my bed in the abhominabill sy[{n{] of adultery, with 
Andro Olyphant and uthiris diverss, in the moneth of            #
Novem[{ber{] ,
the yeir of God, &c. fifty sevin yeiris, bott alswa therefter,
proceding to forthir malice and abhominatioun, hes conspiret 
cruellie and ungodlie my dead, murder, and destructioun, with
parttaikaris and complices of adultery. Beseikand your m.
ansuer heirintill, to tak cognitioun in the said mater, for     #
setting
fordwart of Goddis Word and law, the premissis, sa far as neid 
beis, beand sufficientlie provin, to decerne the said Elizabeth
to haif brokin and violatet the said band of matrimony betuix
me and hir, and, conforme to the law of God, that I therfore 
aucht and suld be fre fra the samyn band, and that I may haif
fredome and libertie in God to mary in the Lord quhome I 
please, according to Goddis law Christes Evangell and the 
richtuousnes therof, and yo[{ur{] m. ansuer humelie I beseik    #
&c.
 
[}FOLLOWIS THE TENNOUR OF ELIZABETH GEDDIES ANSUER.}]
   Ye are nocht ignorant (maist honorabill ministre and         #
counsale
of this cietie) of the contryvet accusationes, presentate to 
<P 20>
your wisedomes in wryte, be my husband Williame Rantoun, be
the quhilkis he alleages that, till I had plaiit the harlot,    #
he 
entrietet me accordinglie. He proceades specifieng the yeir
and moneth, yea and names ane amanges mony uthiris, with 
quhome he alleages I defyled his bed; and, nocht content to 
have farcet his letter with thir maist manifest lies, he        #
continewes
accusing me to haif conspyret his dead. I pray your
wisedomes maist honorabill ministre and counsale (according
to his desyre) to tak cognitioun in the mater, and gif his      #
accusationess
be provin of trewth, be famose and honest men, then I 
pray your wysdomes, nocht onlie to condescend to the            #
divorcement
(quhilk he maist earnestlie wisches), bot also mak me 
suffer sick punischement as his oppin and manifest adulter[{y{]
hes deserved, and daylie dois deserve. To oppin the mater to 
your wisedomes, he wald that I suld justlie purches that thing
quhilk he wranguiselie procures; bott, I am nocht deliberate    #
to 
do swa, althocht the greatnes of his offenss, first to God and  #
to 
his Kirk, secundarlie towards me, dois merite no less. To 
importune your wysdomes with langar wryting wer superfluos, 
therfore referring the haill mater to the tryall, and to your 
discretiones, I pray the aeternall God to mak yow the           #
instrument
of ane mutuall lufe betuix my husband and me.
  
Your wisedomes maist humil and obedient oratrice, 
Elizabeth Gedde, &c.

   (\Ultimo Februarii\) , 1959. In the causs of divorce betuix
Williame Rantoun and Elizabeth Gedde, as ane terme to 
Williame to prief his clame, the causs being suscitate at the 
actes in presence of parties, to preif, as said is, the         #
actioun be
Williame: in the quhilk terme compered Williame, and produceit 
Thomas Myretoun, Bege Grahame, Alexander Rudeman, 
Andro Symsone, Robert Craig; and [{produceit{] Jonet Watsone
subornate and seducet be Williame, and the[{n{] repellet - be 
<P 21>
hir awin confessioun maid be hir in Williames presence - be
the judges. And the judges decernes Margaret Moncur, in 
A[{n{]struthir, Agnes Lessellis, in Fawkland, and Margaret      #
Steyn, 
in the Erlisferry, to be summond, and Andro Baxtar, against 
this day fyvetene daiis; and decernes letters of summondis, at 
the instance of the [{said{] Williame, in presence of           #
Elizabeth,
warnet bayth to that day. 

[}FOLLOWES THE DEPOSITONESS OF WITNES, PRODUCED THE DAY 
FORSAID, EXAMINATE IN SANCTLEONARDES SCOOLE.}] 

   Thomas Myretoun, cietiner of Sanctandrois, baxtar,           #
examinate 
in the causs forsaid, upoun the pointtis of Williames libellate
bill, the deponar beand admittet, sworne, and ressavit, be his 
grat aith sworne, depones that he knawis nathing in the causs 
of adultery, nor of the crymes conteynet in the clame, except
that in December twa yeir[{is{] bypast, or therby, the deponar
remembyris in the said Williames awin howss, quhare James 
Rutherfurde dwelles instantlie, that he and his wyfe wes        #
wrasland 
togiddir, and in the meyntyme that sche bait him in the arme,
quhilk he belevis wes nocht of malice, Margaret Lawsone beand
present in the chalmer, (\plus nescit\) , (^etc^) .
   Andro Symsone dwelling in the Sowthgait, be west the kirk, 
ane maltman, examinate upoun his aith, depones that he knawis
nathing in the mater or caus, except that he seis Alexander 
Rudeman haunt to the hows of Elizabeth Gedde, eatand, 
drinkand, and quhiles sowpand, (\plus nescit\) , (^etc^) .
   Robert Craig, dwelling nixt nichtbour to Elizabeth Gedde, 
knawis na thing of the crymes conteynet in the bill. &c.
   Margaret (^alias^) Bege Grahame, examinate betuix Williame
Ranto[{un{] and his wife, knawis nathing, except sche saw Andro
Olyph[{ant{] cast his cloyk abowte Elizabeth Gedde, and kis     #
hir,
upoun [{hir{] awin stayr, dwelland than quhare James            #
Rutherfurde
[{dwelles{] , and that thre yeris bigane, or therby: sche
knawis na fo[{rther{] of the crymes conteynet in the bill, &c.

   Alexander Rudeman (\conformis est Roberto Craig              #
i[{n omnibus{] .\)
<P 22>
   (\Decimo quarto Marcii\) , 1559. In the actioun and causs    #
[{of
divorce moved{] be Williame Rantoun against Elizabeth Gedde, 
as [{ane term to{] Williame assignet, for forther probatioun    #
of 
h[{is clame and to mak{] diligence for Margaret Moncur, in 
Anstruthir, A[{gnes Lessellis, in{] Fawkland, and Margaret      #
Steyn, 
in Erlisfe[{rry: in quhilk terme{] Williame produceit the       #
saidis
Margaret S[{teyn, Agnes Lesselis,{] and Margaret Moncur, quhilk
Margaret [{wes allegit be Elizabeth{] to be ane kynniswoman
to William &c. The [{judges decernis Andro{] Baxtar to be 
ressavit on Setterday n[{ixtocum the xvj of Marche{] at twa 
efter none. Parties war[{neit to the said day.{]


[}FOLLOWIS THE TENNO[{UR{] OF THE SUMMONDIS [{QUHAIRBY
THE WITNES{] EXPRESSED IN THE ACT PRECEDENT WES SU[{MMOND.{] }]

   The ministre, eldaris, and diacons, of the Christiane        #
congregat[{ioun
of the{] paroche of Sanctandrois, to all ministeris, 
eldaris, and diacons, of [{the Christiane{] congregatioun of    #
Anstruthir,
and Fawkland, to quhais knawleages thir [{present{] 
litteris sall come, be grace, mercie, and peace fra God our 
Father, and the Lo[{rd{] Jesus Christe; requyreing yow, in the 
name of eternall God, and of his Soone, Jesus Christe our 
Lord, for mutuall societie and company to be nuriset amangst 
us, as becummis brethren, the membyris of Christes Body, as 
perchaunce it sal happin yow in the elyke caiss requyre us, for
sercheing furth of the veritie, to the maynteynance of virtew, 
and extinguissing of vice, for avancement and upsetting of the 
kingdome and glorie of God, to quhome onlie be all prayse, 
honour, triumphe, and glorie for ever. So be it. That ye 
summond warne and charge Margaret Moncur, in Anstruthir, 
Agnes Lessellis, in Fawkland, Margaret Steyn, in Erlisferry, 
and Andro Baxtar, to compere before us, in the Scoole of 
Sanct Leonardis College, within the cietie of Sanctandrois,     #
the 
fourtene day of this instant moneth of Marche, at twa howris 
efter none, or therby, to beyr leill and suthfast, in ane       #
actioun
and caus of divorce and partysing, moved before us be Williame 
Rantoun, cietiner of Sanctandrois, against Elizabeth Gedde, 
his spous, for suspitioun of adultery, as thei will answere to 
<P 23>
God, upoun the dreadfull day of his last judgement, quhen the 
secreetes of all man and women salbe disclosed; certifiand      #
them, 
gif thei compeir nocht, the said day and place, we will use all
compulsioun against them, quhilk the law of God permittis us, 
that is cursing and excommunicatioun of the congregatioun of 
Christe. And this ye do, as ye sall in lyke maner requyre us 
in tyme cuming, gif it sal happin yow to haif the elyke caus 
before yow, the quhilk to do we committ to yow our full power, 
conjunctlie and severalie, be thir our letteres, dewlie         #
execute 
and indorsate, delivering them agane to the beirar, gevin under
the seill, quhilk we use in this and the lyke caussis, and the 
subscriptioun manuall of our scribe, at Sanctandrois the xj     #
day 
of Marche, 1559. 
Dauid Spens, ane of the diacons and scribe in 
the said caus, with my hand subscrivit. 

[}FOLLOWIS THE DEPOSITIONES OF THE SAID WITNES, EXAMINA[{T{]
THE XIIIJ DAY OF MARCHE, 1559, IN THE COUNSALHOWSE 
AT THE AULD COLLEGE, &C., COMPERAND BE THE 
SUMMONDIS.}] 

   Margaret Moncur, ane of the witnes ressavit in the causs,
sum[{mond{] , sche beand speret quhat sche kend of Williame
Rantownes wyfe, the deponar testifies that sche come to         #
Sanctandrois
toun, four daiis before Sanctandrois day, ane yeir bigane 
at Sanctandrois day [{las{]t bypast, and sche beand ludged in 
Williame Rantownes, [{with{] hir sister, Besse Moncur, and 
Agnes Lessellis, than servand [{in Will{]iame Rantoun hows. 
Efter that sche wes in hir bed [{with her{] sister, sche raiss  #
efter
nyne houris to hir eies, sche saw ane candell licht in the      #
chalmer 
that gangis throw the hall to the galla[{ry{] , to the baksyde, 
throw the lok of ane dur, sche lukeand in beheald and saw ane 
<P 24>
young man, quhilk sche weynd haid beyne Williame Rantoun 
himself, and, becaus sche trowet it haid beyne the said         #
Williame, 
sche desyred nocht in to the chalmer, and this sche beheald     #
the 
space of ane half howr, be ane throwch lok, the  key beand owt 
of the dur. And thei haid fische that nicht to there supper. 
The said man haid rede hoyse and ane dosk beyrd, lyke Maister
Robert Ki[{n{]pontt, quhais beyrd sche lykenet the mannes 
beyrd unto, quhilk Mr. Robert ane of the senioris wes present 
at hir examinatioun. Sche affirmes it wes Andro Olyphant, 
and sche past to hir bed sa schoun as sche saw his hoiss 
drawen of; bot the uthir twa remaneit still the quarter of ane
hour efter hir; and sche and hir marrowis rais at sex houres; 
and the gude wyfe wes up before them, and hir servand called
Jonet. Sche knawis nathing of imaginatioun of his death. 
And thir thingis sche saw in Robert Lermonthtis ludgeing, on 
the north syde of the Sowth Gait off Sanctandrois; and there 
wes nane in the chalmer, bott the man and the gude-wyfe, and 
that sche drew of his hois, and therefter blew owt the candell,
and sche knew nocht gif that Elizabeth past to the bed or 
nocht. &c.

   Agnes Lessellis, summond and sworne, sche confessis that 
sche hais borne ane bayrne in huyrdome to [{Wi{]lliame Cowpar,
ane walcar dwelland in Edinburgh. Twa yeir bigane at            #
Sanctandrois 
day, sche lay in Williame Rantones howse, beand [{then 
in{] company with Margaret Moncur alanerlie, witnes forsaid, 
in [{the{] gallary, within ane ludgeing of Williames, at        #
Argailles
port on the so[{uth{] syde of the gate. There is nocht ane hows
betuix the gallary and the h[{owse{] , quhilk sche and Margaret
Moncur lay in; and Margaret Moncur called upoun hir, and 
sche raiss, beand walked b[{e{] Margaret, and luket at the dur, 
beand sett up a char be Margaret Moncur; and thei luket 
bayth in at the dur at aneis; and sche saw ane [{man{] with ane 
payr of rede hoyse; and Margaret Moncur wes up befor[{e{] 
Agnes, and remanet efter hir at the dur; and the candell wes 
p[{ut{] owt or sche lay doun; the dur wes oppin; and sche 
and Margaret Moncur raiss upoun the morne at sevin or aucht 
<P 25>
houris, and the gu[{de{]-wyfe raiss evin then. And sche knew
nocht the man, nor yit kna[{wis{] him nocht; and sche saw 
nocht Elizabeth pass to the bed with the m[{an{] . Sche         #
remembyris
nocht quhat thei had that nicht to ther suppe[{r{] . Sche 
knawis nocht the machinatioun of death be Elizabeth to 
Williame, and sche beleves Elizabeth to be ane hones[{t{]       #
woman,
and never saw the contrar therof.
   Margaret Stevin, summond and sworne, purges hirself of
subornaci[{oun{] , beand demandate of hir aith, sche knawis na
thing of Elizabeth Gedd[{e{] , Williame Rantones wyfe, bot that
sche is ane honest woman, a[{nd{] hais nocht pollutet his bed.
Sche deniis that ever sche saw on[{y{] suspitioun betuix Andro
Olyphant and Elizabeth, and sche hais seyne Andro Olyphant
ly in William Rantones howse; bott never uthirwyse bot
quhen William Rantoun wes at hayme: and sche knawis na
uthir thing in this caus.

[}XVJ (\MARCII\) }]

   Andro Baxtar, witnes, summond and sworne, in the causs of 
Williame Rantoun against Elizabeth Gedde, his spows, he 
knawis na thing to Williame Rantones wyfe, bott that sche is 
ane honest woman, and in spetiall betuix Andro Olyphant and 
hir, and he knawis never machinatioun of dead be hir to 
him.&c.

   (\Decimo sexto mensis Martii\) , 1559. In the causs of       #
divorce
of Williame Rantoun against Elizabeth Gedde, as in the terme 
to produce Andro Baxtar, witnes in the said actioun, the said
Andro beand produceit, and examinate as is abone conteynet
in his depositioun, the minister and eldaris, judges, hais      #
statute
to pronunce in the said causs, parties being warned to that
effect, to Thurisday nixtocum &c.

   (\Vigesimo primo mensis Martii predicti\) , 1559. In the     #
actioun
and causs off divorce, proponet be Williame Rantoun against
Elizabeth Gedde, his spows, as in the terme statute be the
minister and senioris to pronunce in the said causs, haiffand
the assistence and counsall of Mr. Johne Dowglas, Rectour of
the Universitie of Sanctandrois, and Johne Wynrame, Suppriour
<P 26>
of Sanctandrois, Mr. Williame Skene and Maister Johne
Ruthirfurd, hais pronunceit  ane sentence absolvatour for
Elizabeth Gedde, to be put in forme, and t[{o{] be publicate in
the pulpate upoun Sounday nixtocum, viz. xxiiij Marche, the 
seniouris beand present there to affirme the samyn. The         #
parties 
summond to heir and see the said sentence publicate. &c.

[}THE SENTENCE IN FORME AS IT WES RED OPPINLIE BE JOHNE 
KNOX MINISTER IN PRESENCE OF THE CONGREGATIOUN, &C. 
&C. &C. &C.}]

   With incalling of the name of the everliving God, and of     #
his 
Sonne Jesus Christe, quhai beiris lele and anefauld witnessing 
to our consciences, we, the minister and seniouris of this our 
Christiane congregatioun within the parochin of Sanctandrois, 
judges in the actioun and causs moved and intented before us 
be Williame Rantoun, cietiner of this cietie and brother of     #
the 
said congregatioun, against Elizabeth Gedde, his spowss, for    #
the 
alleaget committing of adultery be his said spows with Andro 
Olyphant, and divers utheris (in generall saying), lyke as the 
petitioun be him before us produced mair at lenth beares in 
effect &c. : the said petitioun with ansuereing therto,         #
reasones,
jures, allegationess, with testimonies and depositiones of      #
witnes,
and all thinges concerning baith the saidis parties, in         #
presence
of Mr. Johne Dowglass, Rectour of the Universitie of            #
Sanctandrois, 
Johne Wynrame, Suppriour, men of singular eruditioun
and understanding in the Scriptures and Word of God, with
Masteris Williame Skene and Johne Ruthirfurde, men of cuning
in sindry sciences (with quhome we communicate[{d{] the         #
secretes 
of the meritis of the said actioun and caus), being be us and 
them hard, seene, consyderet, and ryplie understand: and        #
findand
na causs, of their thinges produced before us, and be us 
consyderet and seene, as said is, quherfore the said Elizabeth 
suld be divorcet fra the said Williame; bot in tyme cuming, 
and fra thyne fur[{th{] , that sche suld be absolvet fra his    #
petitioun
forsaid, and crymes therin layd to hir charge injustlie, 
and to be intertineyt and trietet be him in maner following:
(we haiffand onlie God before our eies), be this our sentence
<P 27>
diffinityve, pronuncess, decerness, and declaress, the said     #
Elizabeth 
innocent of the crymes layd to hir charge, conteynet in the 
petitioun forsaid, and absolves hir therfra; and that the said 
Williame Rantoun sall maynteyne, triet, and intertiney, the 
said Elizabeth Gedde, his spows (quhome, nochwithstanding 
ony thing alleaget or produced be the said Williame before us 
against hir, we find to be ane honest woman), as becummis ane 
husband on all behalfis to triet his wyfe, in bed and buyrd 
and all uthir thinges, according to the law and commandment
of God, be this  our sentence diffinityve, publiclie heir red   #
and 
manifestate in the presence of God and yow heyr gathered and 
conveyned congregatioun, this  Sounday the xxiiij day of the 
moneth of Marche, lykeas the samyn wes decerned and pronunced
in the consistory, settand judges juditialie, upoun
Thurisday the xxj day of the samyne moneth of Marche, 1559. 
     
Dauid Spens, ane of the diacons of the Christiane 
congregatioun of Sanctandrois, and scribe in the 
actioun and causs forsaid, with my hand subscrivit.

   (\Ultimo Marcii\) , 1560. Margaret Aidnam askit God and the
congregatioun forgivenes of adultery committed be hir 
with Williame Rantoun, publiclie in the paroche kirk of this 
toun, Johne Knox beand at that tyme minister, &c.

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 59>
[} (\SENTENTIA ELIZABETH GEDDE CONTRA VILLIAM RANTOUN.\) }]

   With incalling of the name Christe Jesus, Sone to the        #
eternall
and everleving God, quhai is the way, the veritie, and the 
lyfe, quhome we, the minister and eldaris of this reformed kirk
of Sanctandrois, takes to witnessing of our consciences, that 
we, takand cognition in the actioun and caus of divorcement
or partysing, moved and intentated by Elizabeth Gedde against 
Williame Rantoun hir praetended husband, for the filthy and
abhominable cryme and syne of adulterie committed be him 
with Margaret Aidnem; the parties petitioun, ansueringes,
richtes, reasones, jures, and allegationes, with the            #
testimonies
and depositiones of witnes, and all uther thinges concerning 
the said matere, before us produced in praesence of men of      #
great 
eruditioun, with quhome we communicated the secretes of the 
said caus and matter, and with us and them being heard, seyne,
consydered, and rypelie understand; haiffand respect to the 
dilatioun gevin in to us before the moving of the causs, upoun
the filthy cryme forsaid of adulterie committed be the saidis 
William and Margaret, and the said William, being called
and therof accused and examinated upoun his aith, perjuradlie 
denyed the same, and nevertheles therefter the saidis Williame
and Margaret oppinlie, singularlie, and lamentablie, in the 
faice of the congregatioun assembled within the paroche kirk
of Sanctandrois, confessed the forsaid cryme of adulterie       #
betuix
them committed; like as the said Williame also hes also         #
confessed 
the [{like{] in this caus judicialie before us; and sa be
confessioun of partie and depositioun of famos witnes, we fynd 
the said William gyltie, and the said Elizabeth innocent, and 
justlie of the law of God aucht and suld be divorced and        #
(\simplicter\)
partysed fra the said William hir praetended husband;
and heirfore, be this our sentence diffinityve, pronounces,     #
decernes, 
<P 60>
and declares, the said Williame and perjured adulterar, and     #
the 
said Elizabeth innocent divorced, and fre of the company and 
societie of the said Williame, with full power to hir according
to the law of God to mary in the Lord; and the said Williame 
to be haldin and reputte ane dead man, worthy to want his
lyfe be the law of God, quhen ever it sall pleas God to
stirre up the heart of ane gude and godlie magistrate to
execute the same with the civile sworde; to quhome we will 
that this our sentence prejudge nathing, bott committes the
same to him, quhen it salbe thocht expedient and ganand tyme
to tak forther triall and cognitioun heirintill, according to   #
the 
law of God forsaid: be this our sentence diffinityve,           #
subscryved
with our handes, pronunced judicialie the thrid day of Januar,
and publiced in the faice of the congregatioun the twelft of
the samyn, 1560.

<S SAMPLE 3>
<P 104>
[} (\DIE VIIJ MENSIS OCTOBRIS, ANNO DOMINI 1561.\) }]

   The quhilk daye, comperis Johane Malwyll, minister of 
Cristis kyrk in Crayll, and, in presens of the Superintendent   #
and 
ministerie, producis ane summondis deulie execut and indorsat, 
tharin summond Begis Calwart, Robert Calwart, hyr brother, 
in Kyngisbernis, Wiliam Mortoun, of Cambo, Elizabath 
Arnot, spows of Wiliam Bowsie, in crayll, and
the said Wiliam for his interes, to ansuer to the punctis
of the saidis summondis respective. And thai called and 
nocht comperand to ansuer, nochtwythstanding that thai
war anis of befoyr summond and nocht comperaind; and 
now in the secund summondis chergit to compeyr personalie, 
wyth deu intimacion gyf thai comperit nocht that the 
Superintendent wald proceid and resave probacione. According
to the tenor of the quhilk summondis, the Superintendent, 
in payn of thar nocht comperance, admittis the punctis of the
foyrsaid summondis to the probacione of the said Ihonie 
<P 105>
Malwyll; quhai for probacione tharof producis Mr. Wiliam 
Meldrum, Niniane Hammyltoun, Mr. Alexander Mortoun, 
Jhone Brown, Robert Grab, Wiliam Crostrophyn, Dauid 
Grundestowin, Dauid Wyle, Wiliam Trayll, Wiliam Kaye, and 
Alexander Bell, quhilkis ar resavit, sworne, and to             #
examinacione
admittit, and presentlie upon the punctis of the 
said summondis, of quhilk summondis the tenor followis. 
   Maister Johane Wynram, Superintendent of [{Fyff{] , to my
lovyttis, minister, readar of Crayll, or ony other being        #
required 
upon the execucion of thir presentis, greting, for sa mekyll    #
as it is 
humilie menit and schawyn to me, that quhar Begis Calwart, in 
the Kingisbernis, oppinlie injurit, diffamit, and sclanderit 
Janat Bowman, spows of William Crostrophyn, in Kingisbernis, 
in calling of the said Janat ane huyr, and at sche wes huyr 
to hyr awyn servand and hyir man: or sic lyik wordis in 
effect. For the quhilk injuris and sclander, sche wes dilated, 
accused, and convict, befoyr the minister and eldaris of        #
Crayll, 
present for the tym in thar assemble; and be thar deliverance
ordened to have comperit in the publict assemble of the         #
congregacione
of Crayll, upone ane certane Sunday in the moneth of 
August last bypast, and thar to have maid public satisfaccione
to the partie and congregacione offendit. At quhilk daye 
comperit thar wyth hyr Robert Calwart, in Kyngisbarnis, and 
mayd plane contradiccione and interrupcione to the minister in
the pulpot, saying thir wordis, or syclik in effect, as         #
followis:-
Begis Calwart sall mak na amendiment to Janet Bowman, except 
that Janat ask hyr forgyfnes! Attowr, it is also menit and 
schawyn to me be Johane Malwyll, minister of Goddis Word in 
the said kyrk of Crayll, that, upon the foyrsaid Sunday, he, 
takand occasione be nonpayment of the stipend ordened to 
have beyn payed to the reader of the said kyrk furth of the 
frutis and vicaraige, persuaded and exhorted the auditor to 
ansuer the said reader, and pay to hym his stipend of the 
rediest in thar handis, to the support of his gret necessitie, 
rather than to ansuer sic as did nothing tharfor. And albeid 
<P 106>
he maid his protestacion, that na man suld be offended therby, 
nevertheles, Wyliam Mortoun, of Cambo, oppinlie in the public
essemble, manest, boistit and injurit the said minister in
the pulpot, saying thir wordis following, or sicklyik in        #
effect: 
-My brother is and salbe vicar of Crayll quhen thow sal 
<P 107>
thyg thy mayt, fals smayk; I sall pul ye owt of the pulpot be
the luggis, and chais ye owt of this town! In lyik maner it     #
wes 
menit and schawyn to me, be the said minister, that upone ane 
Sunday in the moneth of Junii, in this instant year, he being
in the public assemblie and kyrk of Crayll preachyng Goddis 
Word, and, as his text for the tym ministrat occasion,          #
applyand 
his doctrin to the fals bretheren of Papistis, wythowtyn ony 
just occasion of offence mayd be hym to ony person, Elizabeth
Arnot, spows of William Bous[{ie{] , rays in the essemble and
wyth hech voce said aganis hym thyr wordis, or sicklyik in      #
effect, 
following:- It is schame to yow that ar gentillmen that ye 
pull hym nocht owt of the pulpot be the luggis! Quhilkis 
foyrsaidis offencis, so grevoslie tending to the contempt of    #
God
and his most holy Word and ministeris therof, expres aganis
all law and gud ordor, being denunced to me; and I for my 
par[{t, and{] according to my vocacion and dewetie, direct my
otheris letteres of befoyr upon the saidis personnis            #
committaris 
of the same, chergyn thame to have comperit befoyr me and 
the ministerie of Sanctandrois as principall town of my         #
residence,
at certan day assignit to tha[{m{] , to ansuer to the           #
foyrsaidis;
and to have hard and seyn tham decernit, be jugimient of the 
kyrk, to have falyeit gretumly, and to underly disciplin        #
therfor 
accordinglie. Quhilkis letteres, at day appoynted, being        #
reproduced
befoyr me, deulie executed and indorsat, and the foyrsaidis
personnis, oft tymmis called and nocht comperand, ar to 
be haldyn therby (\contumaces\) and nocht obedient. Heirfor I
requir you and every ane of you, in the nam of the eternall 
God, taht ye laufullie summond, warn and cherge the saidis
Begis Calwart, Rober[{t{] Calwart, Wyliam Mortoun, Elizabeth
Arnot, and Wiliam Bowsy hyr spows for his interes, to compeyr 
befoyr me and the ministere of Sanctandrois, wythin the 
parrochie kyrk and consayll hows therof upone Wedinsdaye,
the viij day of October instant, at twa howris efter nuyn, as 
<P 108>
howr of caus; and ther to ansuer upon the offences foyrsaidis 
respective, and to se probacion deduced and takyn tharupon, 
and thame and every ane of thame respective decernit to underly
disciplyn and correccion, according to the law of God and 
ordor of the kyrk establesched; and to mak sythment to the
parteis offended: makand to tham be thir presentis intimacion 
that, quhidder thai compeir or nocht, we wyll procead in the 
saydis causis, as the Spirit of God sall inspyr us, and as we 
maye and awcht of the law of God. The quhilk to do we
commit to you power in the Lord, be thir presentis, delivering 
the same be you deulie executed and indorsat agane to the 
berrer. Gevyn under the Superintendentis signet and             #
subscripsion,
at Sanctandrois, the secund day of October, in the year of 
God ane thowsand, fyve hundreth, sexty ane yearis. 

[}FOLLOWIS THE DEPOSICIONIS OF THE WYTNES IN THIR FOYRSAYDIS
CAUSIS.}]

   Maister Wyliam Meldrum, sone to the Lard of Newhall, 
summond, called, sworne, and examinated upon the poyntis of the
summondis befoyr wryttyn. And fyrst, concerning the partis 
of Begis Calwart and Robert Calwart hyr brother, he confessis
the sam as thai ar libellat. Secindlie, concerning the part of 
Wiliam Mortoun of Cambo, the deponar confessis the sam as
it is libellat. And also confessis the part libellat aganis 
Elizabeth Arnot. Examinat upon his caws of knawledge, he 
ansueris that he wes present in the essemble of Crayll, tym     #
and 
place libellat, hard and saw as he hes deponit. Examinat upon 
the generall interrogatouris of the law, he purgis hym: and
wald justice triumphit. 
   Niniane Hammyltoun, familiar servand to the lard of Newhall,
sworn, and examinat upon the poyntis of the foyrsayd
libellat summondis, be his ayth deponis, and is conform to Mr. 
Wyliam Meldrum, wytnes preceadyng, in all thingis.
   Robert Grub, servand to the Lard of Newhall, examinat 
upon the foyrsaid libell and poyntis tharin contenit.  The
<P 109>
fyrst concerning Caluartis he denyis. As to the secund,         #
concernyng 
Wiliam Mortoun of Cambo, he ansueris and deponis 
that [{he{] wes present in the essemble in Crayll, tym          #
libellat,
hard Wiliam Mortoun saye to Ihon Malwyll minister, he being
in the pulpot, that he suld tak hym owt of the pulpot be the
luggis and chais hym owt of the towin. He knawis na mayr 
of the libell. Examinated upon the interrogatouris of law, he 
purgis hym; and wald justice triumphit.
   Maister Alexander Mortoun, eldest sone of Randerstoun, 
summond, called, sworne, and examinated upon the thre headis
and poyntes of the sayd libellat summondis, deponis, and is
conform to the fyrst twa wytnes in al thingis concernyng the
accionis of Calwartis and Wyliam Mortoun of Cambo. (^Item^) ,
as concernyng the part of Elizabeth Arnot, he denyis it, and 
grantis that he wes in the kyrk tym libellat, and hard hyr cry 
wyth lowd voce; bot, he wes sa far distant fra hyr, he mycht 
nocht heyr the sentence of hyr word. 
   Johane Brown, of layt called Schyr Ihon Brown, prebendar
in Crayll, sworn and examinat &c., be his ayth deponis, and is 
conform to Mr. Wyliam Meldrum fyrst wytnes in all thingis. 
   Wyliam Crostrophyn, of layt otherwayis called Schyr 
Wyliam, prebender in Crayll, sworn and examinat &c., is 
conform to Mr. Wyliam Meldrum fyrst wytnes in al thingis.
   Dauid Grundestown, wytnes, sworn and examinated &c.,
deponis and is conform to Mr. Alexander Mortoun concernyng 
twa headis. The thrid he denyis: he wes nocht present that      #
daye.
   Wyliam Trayll, wytnes, sworn and examinated &c., deponis
<P 110>
and is conform to Dauid Grundestoun wytnes preceading in al 
thingis. 
   Dauid Wyle, servand to the Lade Balcome, wytnes, sworn 
and examinated &c., be his ayth deponis, and is conform to 
Mr. Wyliam Meldrum fyrst wytnes in all thingis.
   Wyliam Kaye, in Fawsyd, wytnes, sworn, and examinated be 
his ayth, deponis and confessis all the poyntis of the libellat
summondis. Gevyn his caws of knawledge, that he wes present, 
hard and saw as is libellat. 
   Alexander Bell, servand to the Lard of Pytmule, wytnes,
sworn and examinated &c., be his ayth deponis, and is conform 
in all thingis wyth Wyliam Kaye, wytnes
preceadyng. 

[} (\DIE XV=TO= OCTOBRIS, ANNO DOMINI M=O=V=C=LXJ.\) }]

   The quhilk daye, comperis Johan Malwyll, minister of Crayll,
and producis ane summoindis of the Superintendentis deulie 
executed and indorsat, tharin laufullie summond to this daye, 
Begis Calwart, Robert Caluart, hyr brother, Wyliam Mortoun,
of Cambo, Elizabeth Arnot, spows of Wyliam Bowsie, to heyr 
the sentence pronunced aganis tham respective, for the causes 
and thar offences specifyed in the libellat summondis           #
registrat 
in thir bukis the viij of October instant. And thai and every 
ane of tham called, lauful tym byddyn, and nane of tham         #
compirand,
the Superintendent, rypplie and maturlie avysed wyth
the sayd libellat summondis and headis tharin contenitt, the 
deposicionis of wytnes tharupon produced, and al otheris 
deduced in the sayd caws, fyndes all and hayll the poyntis of   #
the 
foyrsayd libellat summondis laufullie and sufficientlie provyn:
and heirfor, wyth avys and consayll of the ministerie of        #
Sanctandrois, 
pronuncis and decernis and declaris the saidis Begis 
Calwart, Robert Caluart, and Wyliam Mortoun, of Cambo,
and Elizabeth Arnot, and every ane of tham according to the 
gravite of thar dilacionis, to have grevoslie offendit aganis   #
the 
law of the eternall God, the establesched ordor of the Kyrk,
and aganis the sayd Johan Maluyll minister, to the havy and 
grevows sclander of the Ewangell of Crist Jesus and his         #
religion,
and evyll exempell to otheris: and heyrfor, tha sayd Begis
<P 111>
Calwart to compeir in the public essemble and kyrk of Crayll, 
upon Sunday, the xxvij of October instant, and thar mak the
satisfaccion for the injurie and sclander be hyr don aganis     #
Janat 
Bowman, according to the chearge gevyn to hyr be the ministerie
of Crayll; and also confes hyr offence in dissobeying the 
sayd chearge, and humyll hyrself upon hyr kneis, ask God 
mercy and the congregacione forgyfnes: and the said Robert 
Calwart to compeyr, day and place foyrsayd, and confes his 
offence, humyll hymself in the presens of God one his kneis, 
ask God mercy and the congregacione forgyfnes: and the sayd 
Wyliam Mortoun, of Cambo, to compeir day and place foyrsayd, 
and confes his foyrsayd offence in the presens of God and 
the congregacion, humyll hymself on his kneis, ask God mercy 
and the sayd Johan Malwyll in speciall and the holl             #
congregacion
forgyfnes: and the said Elizabeth Arnot to compeyr daye 
and place foyrsayd, and confes hyr offence foyrsayd in the
presens of God and his congregacion, humyll hyrself one hyr 
kneis, ask God mecy [\sic\] and the sayd Johan Malwyll in
speciall and the holl congregacion forgyfnes: ilk person        #
foyrsayd
under the payn of excommunicacion, quhilk pane to be
put to execucion upon the disobeyaris, gyf ony sall attempt 
to disobey. Pronunced in presens of the sayd Ihon Malwyll,
and in payn of nocht comperans of the saydis Begis, Robert, 
Wyliam, and Elizabeth, heyrto laufulle summond.



<B STRI1C> 
<Q SC1 XX TRI CRIMINAL1> 
<N CRIMINAL TRIALS> 
<A X> 
<C SC1> 
<O DATE 1561-1567> 
<M MEDIUM MS> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T PROC TRIAL> 
<G X> 
<F X> 
<W SPEECH-BASED> 
<X X> 
<Y X> 
<H X> 
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I FORMAL> 
<Z X> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^CRIMINAL TRIALS IN SCOTLAND, 1488-1624. 
ED. ROBERT PITCAIRN. VOL. I, PART II. BANNATYNE CLUB. 
EDINBURGH 1833.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 416.12-418.10
SAMPLE 2: PP. 493.1-502.12^]

[^THE PAGE NUMBERS GIVEN HERE REFER TO THE PAGE NUMBERS MARKED
WITH ASTERISK IN THE ORIGINAL EDITION.^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 416>
[}ARCHIBALD EARL OF ERGYLE, JUSTICE GENERAL.}]
[} [\RIOTING TO RESTORE THE POPISH RELIGION, & C.\] }]
   Dec. 24.- MAISTER WILLIAM BALFOUR, indweller in Leyth, found 
caution to appear on the last day of December, under the pain   #
of 1000 li., to
underly the law for the crimes following:-(Dec.31.) CONVICTED   #
by an Assise 
'off arte and parte of +te contrauenyng and breking of our      #
souerane ladeis Proclamatioun,
maid in +te moneth of August last bypast, eftir hir hienes      #
arrivell
within +tis realme; chargeing in effect, all and sindrie hir    #
legis, be opin Proclamatione,
at +te mercate-croce of Ed=r= and v+teris places neidfull, that #
+tai and euery
ane of +tame suld contene +tame selffis in quietnes, keip peax  #
and ciuile societie
amangis +tame selffis; and in +te meyntyme, quhill +te Estatis  #
of +tis hir Maiesteis          
realme mycht be assemblit, and +tat hir hienes had takin a      #
finale ordour be
+tair avise and publict consent, +tat nane of +tame tak vpone   #
hand, privatlie nor
opinlie, to mak ony Alteratione or innouatioune of +te state of #
RELIGIONE, or
attemp ony thing aganis +te forme quhilk hir Maiestie fand      #
publicklie and vniuersalie
standing at hir Maiesteis arryving within +tis realme, vnder    #
+te pane of
deid; with certificatione, +tat gyff ony subiect of +tis realme #
suld cum in +te contrare
<P 417>
heirof, he suld be estemit and haldin ane Seditious persone,    #
and raser of
Tumult, and +te said pane suld be execute aganis him with all   #
rigour, to +te exemple
of v+teris; as +te said Proclamatione mair fullelie proportis;- #
be committing
of +te opin and manifest crymes and offenssis eftir specifeit,  #
+te tymis eftir mentionat,
(^respectiue`^) , in maner following. In +te ffirst, In +te     #
moneth of Nouember
last bypast, as ane Seditious persone and raser of Tumult,      #
contrair +te tennour of
+te said Proclamatione, said opinlie and planelie in my lord of #
Inuermethis Place
of Reidcastell, that '+te RELIGIOUN now REFORMIT, and           #
ministratioun of +te
Sacramentis according to Godis Word and institutioun, within    #
+tis realme, wer
not of God, nor +git conforme to his Word; and +tairfore +te    #
samyn and +te Holy
Communioun suld be vterlie abolissit within twa +geiris nixt    #
eftir +te dait of +te
said Contract;' and +tairupone contractit and maid ane Wodset   #
with +te Lard of
Wateris. ITEM, +te said Mr William CONVICT be +te said Assyise  #
as controuener
of +te said Proclamatioun, be resone he acccumpanit with        #
certane wicked persones, 
sawaris of discord and raseris of Tumult, vpone sett purpois,   #
come to +te Parroche
Kirk of Edinburgh callit SANCT GELIS KIRK, quhair Jhone Carnys  #
wes examinand
+te commoun pepill of +tis burgh, befoir +te last Communioun    #
ministrat
+tairin, according to +te ordour takin and appointit be +te     #
Minister, Elderis, and
Deacones of +te said Kirk; and +te said Jhone, beand demanding  #
of ane pover
woman, 'Gyff scho had ony hoip of saluatione be hir awin gud    #
werkis? +te said
Maister William, in dispytefull maner, and with thrawin         #
continance [\ With twisted or distorted countenance \] having   #
na
thing to do at +tat tyme in +te said Kirk bot to trubill +te    #
said Examinatioune,
said to +te said Jhone +tir wordis, 'Thow demandis of +tat      #
womane +te thing quhilk
+tow nor nane of thy opinioune allowis nor kepis!' And eftir    #
gentill admonitioun
made be [{to{] him be +te said Jhone, he said to him alswa +tir #
wordis, 'Thou arte
ane verray knaif, and +ti doctrin is verray false, as all +gour #
doctrin and teiching
is!' And +tairwith lade his hand vpone his wapnes, and          #
provokand battell; doand 
+tairthrow, purpoislie, +tat wes in him to haif resit Tumult    #
amangis +te Inhabitantis
of +tis burgh. ITEM, +te said Maister Willeam is CONVICT for    #
breking of +te said
Proclamatione, insafar as he, vpone +te tent day of December,   #
in presens of ane
grite multitude and nowmer of pepill within +te Tolbuyth of     #
Edinburghe, herand
sum Gentilmen spekand of +te Lordis Supper was +tan to be       #
ministrat +te Sonday
nixt eftir, in +te said Kirk, said +tir wordis, 'Is +tat +gour  #
Communioun? The
Devill birst me quhen euir it cumis in my belly! And +te Devill #
birst +tame in
quhais belly it cumis, ffor it is ane verray Devill!' ITEM, +te #
said Mr Willeam
wes CONVICT be +te said Assyise of [{being{] ane Commoun and    #
manifest blasphemer
<P 418>
of God and his Haly Evangell; and for ane seditious persone and #
ane commoun
auctour +tairof.
[} [\PROTESTATION BY AN ASSISOR EXEMPTED FROM PASSING ON        #
ASSISES.\] }]
   The quhilk day, the said (^Maister James Watsoune^) ,        #
burgess of Edinburghe, being callit to pas vpone
+TE ASSISE of +te said Mr Willeam Balfour, compeirit in         #
jugement befor +te said Justice, and allegit
+tat he suld nocht be compellit to pas vpone +te said Assise,   #
be resoune he wes ane persoune priuilegit
and exemit: And +tairfore protestit +tat albeit +te Justice     #
compellit him at +tis tyme to pass vpone +te
said Mr Williames Assise, that +te samin suld nocht hurt nor    #
preiuge him anent his priuilege and exemptioune, 
towart +te passing vpone +te Assisis of v+teris personis to be  #
callit and persewit criminalie befor +te
Justice, in tyme cuming.
 
<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 493>
[} [\DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE MURDER OF KING HENRY         #
DARNLEY.\] }]
[} [\I. THE DEPOSITIONS OF WILLIAM POWRIE.\] }]
[}1. (\APUD EDINBURGUM, 23 JUNII, AN. DOM. 1567, IN PRESENTIA   #
DOMINORUM SECRETI CONCILII.\) }]
   WILLIAME POWRIE, borne in Kinsawnis, seruitor to +te (^Erle  #
Bothwell^) , deponis, that +te sam day +te
KING wes slane at night, +te ERLE BOITHWELL, accumpanyit with   #
(^James Ormestoune^) of +tat Ilk, (^Hob
Ormestoune^) , his fader bruther, (^John Hepburne of Bolton^) , #
and (^John Hay^) , +gounger, +geid togidder to
ane counsele in the nether hall of +te said (^Erle Bothwell's^) #
ludgeing in +te (^Abbay^) , about four houris eftirnone,
or +tairby, and remanit +tairin twa houris, or +tairby; quhat   #
+tai did or said, he knawis not.
   (^Item^) . Deponis, +tat (^John Hepburne of Bolton^) , at    #
ten houres at evin, commandit the deponar and
(^Pat Wilsoune^) to tak up ane carriage of twa maills, the ane  #
ane tronk, and +te vthir ane ane leddirin 
mail, quhilks were lyand in the said nethir hall, quhilks the   #
deponar and the said (^Pat^) put on and
chargit upon twa horses of my Lordis, the ane being his sown    #
[\Soum or sowm.\] horse, and cariit the same to the +get of
the enteres of the Black Friers, and +tare laid the same down,  #
quhair (^+te Erle Bothwell^) , accumpanit with
(^Robert Ormestoune^) and (^Paris^) , called (^French Paris^) , #
and vtheris twa quhilks had cloakes about +tare
faces, met the saidis deponar and (^Pat Wilsoun^) . And +tat    #
+goung (^Tallo^) , the (^Lard of Ormistoune^) , and
(^John Hepburne of Boltoun^) , wes awaitand vpon +te deponar    #
and (^Pat Wilsoun^) , within the said +get;
and +tat +tare the saidis thre persouns within the said +get,   #
ressauit the saids twa charges, quhilks the
deponar knew to be pulder, because the same wes in sundry       #
polks, within the said mail and tronk:
And +te deponar and said (^Pat Wilsoun^) helpt +tame in with    #
the same; and the powder being taken from
+tame, the said (^John Hepburne of Bolton^) sent this deponar   #
for candell, and +tat he cost six halpenny
candell fra (^Georde Burnis^) wife in the (^Cowgate^) , and     #
deliverit to the said (^Johne^): and +tat +te saids
persouns ressavaris of the powder, had ane towel with them,     #
with ane littil licht candell; and the saids
persouns within the said +get oppynit the tronk and mail, and   #
tuck out the polks with the powder: and
everie ane of +tame tuck yane upon his back, or under his arm,  #
and carryit the same away to the backwall
of the +gaird +tat is next the trees; and +tair the said (^Lard #
of Ormistoune, Johnne Hepburne of
Boltoun^) , and +goung (^Tallo^) , ressavit the pulder fra      #
+tame, and wald suffer the deponar and his marrow 
to pass na furdar. And quhen the deponar and his marrow came    #
bak againe to the said Frier +get, the
twa horss that carryed the said mail and tronk war away, and    #
+git +tay carryit the saids mail and tronk
again to (^the Abbay^) , and as +tay came up the (^Black Frier  #
Wind^) , THE QUENES grace was gangand
before +tame with licht torches: And +tat the deponar and his   #
marrow being cumin to the said Erles
ludging in (^the Abbay^) , thai tarryit +tare ane hour or mair, #
and +tan the said (^Erle^) came in, and immediatly
tuk aff his claythes +tat wer on, (^viz^) . a pair of blak      #
velvet hoise, trussit with silver, and ane
doublet of satin of the same maner; and put on ane vthir pair   #
of black velvet hoise, and ane doublet of
canwes, and tuk his side rideing cloak about him, and           #
incontinent past furth, accumpanyt with (^French
Paris^), the deponar, (^Georde Dagleish^) , and (^Pat           #
Wilsoun^) , and came down the turnpike, and alang the
back-wall of THE QUENES garden, quhill +tai came to the back of #
the Cun+gie-house, and the back
of the Stabillis, while thay came to the (^Cannogate^) . And    #
deponis, +tat as +tai came by the gate of
THE QUENES South-garden, the twa sentinellis +tat stude at the  #
+get +tat gangis to the uttir cloiss, speirit
at +tame, 'Quha is +tat?' And +tai answerit, 'Friends.' The     #
centinell speirit, 'Quhat friends?' And
+tai answerit, ' (^My Lord Bothwell's^) friends.'
   (^Item^) . Deponis, +tat +tai come up (^the Canongate^) ,    #
and to the Nether-bow, and findand the Bow
steikand, (^Pat Willson^) cryet to (^John Galloway^) , and      #
desyrit him to opin the Port to friends of (^my
Lord Bothwell^) ; quha came and oppynit the port, and +tai      #
enterit, and +geid up aboue (^Bassyntines^)
<P 494>
house on the south-side of the way, and knockit at ane staire,  #
and callit for (^the Laird of Ormestone^) ,
and (^Robert Ormestone^) , and nane answerit +tame: And +tai    #
+tan flippit down ane closs beneith (^the Frier
Wynd^) , and come to the +get at (^the Black Friers^) , and     #
enterit in at +tat +get, and +geid quhill +tay come
to the back-wall and dyke, quhair the deponar and (^Pat         #
Wilson^) left the utheris persouns before exprymit,
with the powder, as said is; and +taire (^the Erle Bothweille^) #
past in over the dyke, and bad the
deponar, (^Pat Wilson^) , and (^Georde Dalgleish^) tarry still  #
+tair while he come backwart to them. And
furder deponis, +tat +tai tariit +tare half an houre, and hard  #
nevir din of any thing, quhill at last my
lord, accompanyit with +goung (^Tallo^) , and (^Johnne          #
Hepburne^) of Boltoune, come to the deponar, and
vtheris twa persons being with him, and evin as my lord and     #
thir twa comes to the deponar and his
marowis at the dyke, thai hard the crak, and thai past away     #
togidder out at the Frier +get, and sinderit
quhen +tai came to (^the Cowgate^) , pairt up (^the Blackfrier  #
Wynd^) , and pairt up the cloiss which
is under (^the Endmyllis Well^) ; and met not quhill +tai came  #
to the end of (^the Bow^) , and +geid down ane
cloiss on the north side of the gait, to haif loppin the wall   #
of (^Leith Wynd^) ; and +tair my lord thoucht
it over heich, and came again aback to the Port, and caused cry #
upon (^John Galloway^) , and said +tai
war friends of (^my Lord Bothwilis^) . And (^John Galloway^)    #
ruse and let them furth; and syne +tai
past down (^St Mary's Wynd^) , and down the back +gairds of     #
(^the Canongait^) , and to the said (^Erles^)
ludging; and as +tai past THE QUEEN'S Guards before specifyit,  #
sum sentinells speirit at +tame 'Quha
+tai war?' and +tai answerit, +tai war 'Friends of my (^L.      #
Bothweill^) ;' And als speirit 'Quhat crak +tat
was?' And +tai answerit, '+tai know not;' and +tat the          #
sentinels bid them, if +tai were servandis of my
(^L. Bothweill^) , to gang +tair way.
   My lord come into his ludgeing, and immediately callit for   #
ane drink, and tuk off his cloathes incontinent,
and +geid to his bed, and tarriet in his bed about half an      #
hour, quhen (^Mr George Hackett^) come
to the +get, and knocks, and desired to be in; and quhen he     #
came in, he appeared to be in ane greit
effray, and was black as any pik, and not ane word to speik.    #
(^My Lord^) enquirit, 'Quhat is the matter,
man?' And he answerit, 'THE KINGIS house is blawn up, and I     #
trow THE KING be slayn!'
And (^my lord^) cryet, 'Fy, treasoun!' And +tan he raise and    #
pat on his claiths. And +tarefter THE
ERLE HUNTLEY and mony came in to my lord, and +tai +geid into   #
THE QUENE'S house.
   (^Item^) . Deponis, +tat upon the nixt nicht efter, my lord  #
desyrit +tis deponar, (^Pat Wilson, Georde 
Daglish, the Laird of Ormestoune^) , and (^Hob Ormestoune, John #
Hepburn^) , and +goung (^Tallo^) , to keip
thair tongues cloiss, and +tai suld nevir want so long as he    #
had, and +tat he suld send the deponar and
(^Pat Wilson^) to (^the Armitage^) , and +tat +tai suld be      #
honestly sustainit. And being inquyrit, Gif this
deponar, at my (^Lord Bothwells^) desyre, socht ane fyne lunt   #
of any of the Suddartis? And answerit,
+tat he did the same, and gat a piece of fine lunt, of half a   #
faddome, or +tareby, fra ane of the Suddartis,
quhais name he knawis not, and deliverit to (^Johne Hepburne^)  #
of Boltoune, upon Saturday before THE
KINGIS Slaughter.
[}2. (\APUD EDINBURGUM, 3 JULII, AN. DOM. 1567, IN PRESENTIA    #
DOMINORUM SECRETI CONCILII.\) }]
   WILLIAM POWRIE, re-examined, deponis, +tat the carage of the #
tronk and mail contenit in his
former Depositioun, were carryed by him and (^Pat Wilsone^) ,   #
upon ane gray horss +tat pertained to
(^Herman^) , page to my lord, at twa sundry tymes; and war      #
carryed and conveyed by +taim into the 
place containet in his former Deposition. And +tat at (^the     #
Frier-Wynd-fute^) +tis deponar said to Pat
Willson, at the conveying of the last carriage, thir words,     #
'JESU, (^Patt^) , quhattin ane gaitt is +tis we are
gangand? I trow it be not gude!' And he answerit, 'I trow it be #
not gude; but weist, hald +gour
tongue!'
   (^Item^) . Deponis, Quhan the deponar and (^Pat Willson^)    #
come to the Frier +Get with the last convoy, and
<P 495>
laid the same down, (^Robert Ormestoune^) come furth, and said  #
thir words. 'This is not gude like! I
trow this purpois will not come to this nycht! I will in and se #
quhat +tai are doing.'
   (^Item^) . +taireftir, quhen the powlder and greaith was     #
carryed inwart, the Deponar tarryand at the
dyke, (^the Laird of Ormistoun^) of +tat ilk came again, and    #
said to (^John Hepburne^) and +goung (^Tallo^) ,
thir words, [\Paris Frenchman being with him,\] 'Be GOD, it is  #
fair in field, cum of it quhat will!'
And bade the deponar and (^Pat Wilson^) gang their way: And at  #
the same tyme +tat +te deponar and
(^Pat Wilson^) laid down the last carriage at the said (^Frier  #
Gait, the E. Bothweill^) came unto thame
utwith the Frier +Get, accumpanyit with thre more, quhilks had  #
+tare cloaks, and mulis [\(^Mullis^) ; slippers\] upon +tair    #
feet.
   (^Item^) . Deponis, +tat the saidis (^Johnne Hepburne^) of   #
Boltone, upon Saturday at evin, befoir THE
KINGIS Slauchter, brought the mail and tronk quhairin the       #
powlder was, to (^the E. of Bothwiles^) ludgeing, 
and laid in the same in the neither hall: and the deponar       #
declaris, +tat at the last horse cariage
he bare up ane toome poulder barrel to the same place +tai      #
carriet the pulder, and +tat he wist not how
nor be quhome the same came in (^the Erle Bothweilis^) ludging  #
in (^the Abby^).
   (^Item^) . Deponis, +tat upon the morne eftir THE KINGIS     #
Slauchter, viz. Mononday, (^John Hepburne^) of 
Boltoun gat ane gray horse, (^Mr Young Tallo^) ane broun horss  #
fra my (^L. Bothweill^) .
   (^Item^) . Inquirit, Gif (^William Geddes^) Deposition,      #
being red to the deponar, was trew? Declarit the
same was all trew, except the deponar remembers not quhidder    #
he bad and counsulit this Geddes not
to be fund on the gut [\Perhaps for (^gait^).\] +tat nycht or   #
not.
   THIS is the trew copy of the DEPOSITIONS of the said William #
Powry, maid in presence of the Lords
of Secreit Counsall, concordand and agrieand with the principal #
remainand at the office of Justiciary,
collationat be me, Sir John Bellenden of Auchnoule, Clerk of    #
oure souerane lordis Justiciarie, witnessing my sign and        #
subscription manual. JOANNES BELLENDEN, (\Clericus              #
Justiciariae.\)

[} [\II. THE DEPOSITION OF GEORGE DALGLEISH.\] }]
[} (\APUD EDINBURGUM, 26 JUNII, AN. DOM. 1567, PRESENTIBUS      #
COMITIBUS DE MORTOUN ET ATHOL,
PREPOSITO DE DUNDEE ET DOMINO DE GRANGE.\) }]
   GEORGE DALGLISH, seruande in the Chalmer to (^the Erle       #
Bothwell^) , of the aige of 27 +geiris, or
+tareby, &c., deponis, +tat +te Sunday THE KING was slayne at   #
nycht, (^the E. Bothwell^), accumpanyit
with the (^Laird of Ormistoune^) of +tat Ilk, (^Hob             #
Ormestoune^) , his fader-bruther, (^Johne Hepburne^) of
Boltone, (^Johnne Hay of Tallo^) , +gounger, war togidder in    #
the neither hall of the said (^Erl's^) ludging in
(^the Abby^) , about four houres in the eftirnone, and remained #
+tarein ane hour and a half; and quhat +tai
did knaws not, be ressoun the deponar remainit for the maist    #
pairt in my lord's chalmer.
   (^Item^) . Deponis, +tat my lord, his maister, came to his   #
chalmer about 12 hours at evin, or +tareby, and
tuke of his clayths, and chingit his hois and doublet, (^viz.^) #
ane pair or hoiss, stocket with black welvet,
pasementit with silver, and ane doublett of black satin of the  #
same maner, and put on ane vther pair
of black hoiss, and ane canwes dowblett white, and tuke his     #
side riding cloak about him, of sad Inglish 
claith, callit the new colour. And incontinent (^the Erle,      #
French Paris, William Powry^) , seruitor 
and porter to the said (^Erle, Patt Wilsoun^) , and the         #
deponar, +geid down the turnpike altogidder, and
endlong the bak of THE QUENE'S garden, quhill +gow cum to the   #
Cun+gie-house, and the bak of the
Stabillis, quhill +gow com to (^the Cannogate^) , foreanent     #
(^the Abbay^) +get. And depones, as +tay came by
the entry of THE QUENE'S South garden, ane of the sentinels     #
+tat stude at the +get +tat gangis to the
utter cloiss, speirit at thame, 'Quhais that?' +tai answerit,   #
'Friends.' - "Quhat friends?" "Friends
to my (^Lord Bothwell^) ,'
   (^Item^) . Deponis, +tai came up (^the Canogait^) to (^the   #
Nethir Bow^) , quhilk wes steikit, and +tat (^Patt
Willson^) cryit to (^John Galloway^) , and bid him come down    #
and oppin the Port and let +tame in, and
<P 496>
+tat +tai tarriet ane gude quhile or (^Galloway^) came down to  #
let +tame in, and speirit at +tame, 'Quhat
did yow out of +tair beds +tat tyme of night?' And eftir +tay   #
enterit within the Porte, +tai +geid up abone
(^Bassyntines^) house, on the south-side of the gait, and       #
knockit at ane dur beneth the Sword-flippers, and
callit for (^the Lard of Ormestounes^) , and one within         #
answerit, he was not +tare: And +tai passit down a cloiss
beneth (^Frier Wynd^) , and enterit in at the +get of (^the     #
Black Friers^) , quhill they come to the bak wall
and dyke of (^the Town-wall^) , quhair my lord and (^Paris^)    #
past in over the wall, and commandit +te deponar,
(^William Powry^) and (^Patt Willsoun^) , to remayne stil       #
quhill +tai came till +tame, and quhatevir +tay
hard or saw, not to stur or depart quhill he cam againe: And    #
+tat +tis deponar and the uther twa tarreit 
+tair half an hour or +tareby, and in the meyn time hard no din #
of any thing, quhill at last my lord,
accumpanyit with (^John Hay^) , +gounger (^of Tallo^) , (^John  #
Hepburne^) of Bolton, come to the deponar, and
his company, +tai hard the crack, and past all away togidder    #
out at the Frier +get, and sunderit in (^the
Cowgait^) . (^My lord, Johnne Hepburne^) , and (^Pat Wilsoune,  #
William Powrie^) , and the deponar, +geid
up ane wynd be-est (^the Frier Wynd^) , and crossit (^the       #
Hiegait^) at (^the Nether Bow^) , to haif loppin the
wall at (^Leith Wynd^) , bot thai thocht the wall over hich,    #
and came agane to (^the Port^) ; and my lord
caussit cry upone (^Johne Galloway^) , and said, +tai were      #
servands of (^my lord Bothweill^) ; and +tat he ruse
and oppynit the wickit: Quha it wes +tat ruse, (\ignorat\) :    #
And syne +tai passit down (^St Mary Wynd^) ,
and down the back of (^the Cannygait^) , and to the said        #
(^Erles^) ludging, and enterit be the same turnpicke 
+tat +tai cam furth at. And as +tai passit by THE QUENE'S       #
gardens, ane of the sentinels speirit, 'Quha
+tai war?' And +tai answerit, +tai war 'Friends of my (^lord    #
Bothweill^) .' And so soon as my lord came
in his ludgeing he cryit for ane drink, and incontinent         #
+tareftir tuke off his claythes and +geid to his
bed, and lay be the space of half ane hour or +tareby. And +tat #
(^Mr George Hacket^) came to the chalmer
about half ane hour eftir my lord lay down. Quhan he came in,   #
he apperit to be very effrayit,
and my lord speirit, 'Quhat is the matter, man?' And he         #
answerit, +tat he "Heard at (^the Kirk of
Field^) like the schot of ane cannoun, and, as I hear say, THE  #
KING'S house is blawn up, and I trow
THE KING be slayne!' And incontinent my lord raise and put on   #
his clayths, that is to say, the same
hoiss and dowblet +tat he had on upon Sunday, quhilks wer       #
passaments with siluer; and sa sone as my
lordis clayths was on, he departit furth of the chalmer, and    #
the deponar remanit still in the chalmer.
   THIS is the trew copy of the DEPOSITIONE of the said GEORGE  #
DALGLISH, maid in presence of 
THE LORDIS before exprimit, concordand and agreeand with the    #
principall remayning at the office of
Justiciare, collationat by me Sir John Bellenden, knight, clerk #
of our soveraigne lordis Justiciary,
witnessing my signe and subscriptioun manual. JOANNES           #
BELLENDEN, (\Clericus Justiciariae.\)

[} [\III. DEPOSITION OF JOHN HAY, +GOUNGER OF TALLO.\] }]
[} (\APUD EDINBURGUM 13 DIE MENSIS SEPTEMBRIS, AN. DOM. 1567,\) #
IN PRESENCE OF MY LORD
REGENT, THE ERLES OF MORTON AND ATHOL, THE LAIRDS OF LOCHLEVIN  #
AND PETAROW, MR JAMES
MAGYLL, AND THE JUSTICE-CLERK.}]
   THE quhilk day, JOHN HAYE, +GOUNGER OF TALLO, being examinit #
anent THE KINGIS graces
Murther, grantit and confessit himself culpable +tareof; and as #
he wald answer before God, deponit
and declarit (^the Erle Bothwele^) his masters pairt of the     #
same, sa far as the deponar knew, in manner
following: that is to say, THAT upon the 7 day of Februar last  #
bypast, before THE KINGIS Murther,
(^therle Bothweil^) , within his chalmer in his ludging in      #
(^the Abbay of Halyrudhous^) , schew to the deponar
the purpose of THE KINGIS Murther, sayand their words, or       #
siclyk, ' (^Johne^) , this is the mater! THE
KINGIS destructioun is devysit, and I mon reveill it unto ye,   #
for an I put not him down, I can not
haif an lyfe in (^Scotland^) . He will be my destructioun! And  #
I reveill this to the as to my friend; and gyf
+gow reveill it again, it will be my destructioun, and I sall   #
seik this thy life first!' And +tarwith he
<P 497>
gave the deponar also diverse admonitions, and also fair        #
promises to keip the matter secret, and to
take part with him in THE KINGIS Slaughter, as he had devisit;  #
and +tat +tareafter, at evin, in the presence
of (^John Hepburn^) , callit of Bolton, the said (^Erle^)       #
proponit the samyn matter to the deponar,
quhilk (^John Hepburn^) was on the counsail +tairof of before.  #
And (^therle Bothwell^) said to the deponar,
'I have devisit it in this manner, and ye sall do the same;'    #
that is to say, he said in presence of (^James Ormistoun^)
of +tat ilk, and the said (^John Hepburn^) , thir words, 'The   #
poulder man [{must{] be laid in the house
under THE KINGIS chalmer, quhair THE QUEENE suld lye, in an     #
barril, gyf it may be gottin within
the barril, and the same barril sall haif an hoill at the       #
nether end +tareof, and an tre, holit and howkit
like an troch, put to the hoill of the barril, and an lunt      #
+tareupon, quhilk sall be fyrit at the far end
and the unfyrit end laid in the hoill of the barril in the      #
pulder.' And this purpos suld haif been put
in execution upon the Saturday at night, and the matter fayllit #
+tat nycht, becaus all thingis war not in
reddynes +tairfor.
   (^Item^) . Deponit, +tat upon Sunday +tarefter, about thre   #
or four houres afternone, in (^therle Bothwell's^)
nedder house in (^the Abbaye^), the said (^Erle, John Hepburn^) #
of Bolton, and the deponar, devysit +tat my
lord suld gang up to the said (^Laird of Ormiston's^) chalmer   #
(like as he did) sua sone as it was mirk,
and +tat +tare past with my lord, quyet on fute. (^John         #
Hepburn^) of Bolton, the deponar, and (^Ade Murray^)
met +tame, and sum utheris quham the deponar remembers not, at  #
the said (^Laird of Ormiston's^)
stairefute of his chalmer, above (^the Bow^) , on the           #
south-syde of the gait, and +tat my lord commandit 
the said (^Ade^) and utheris to pass to (^Mr John Spensis^) ,   #
and remayne +tare quhill he came to +tame: And
+tat my lord, (^John Hepburn^) of Bolton, and the deponar,      #
enterit in the said (^Laird of Ormiston's^)
chalmer, quhair +tay fand the said (^Lard^) , and (^Hob         #
Ormiston^) , his fader bruther, and an bruther of the
(^Lards^) , quhais name the deponar knaws not, and was put to   #
the dur; and +tair +tai consullit quhat gait
+tai suld gang to THE KINGIS house, because +tai had not tane   #
purpois +tairupon of before; and syne
+tai +geid all down togidder to (^the Black Freir^) +geit , and #
+te said (^Lard of Ormiston^) +geid in throw the
ald howsis and wallis, and past and opynitt the said Freir-+get #
to my lord, the deponar, and the rest
foresaid. And +tat (^my lord^) and the deponar +geid up and     #
down (^the Kowgate^) , quhile (^Wille Powry^) and
(^Pate Willson^) brocht the powder, quhilk was brocht, at twa   #
sundry times, furth of (^the Abbay^) , from (^the
Erlis^) ludgeing: And +tat the same was in a tronk and an mail, #
and was brought upon (^Hermanis^) naig,
and +tat the powder was ressavit in at (^the Black Freir^)      #
+geit be the said (^Lard of Ormiston^) and (^John
Hepburn^) of Boltown, and +tat the samyn was born in be (^Wille #
Powry, Pate Wilson^) , and the saids
(^Lard of Ormiston, Hob Ormiston^) , and the deponar, in the    #
trunk and mail. And +tareftir the powder
+tat was in the trunk was taken furth of the same, and put in   #
polks, and the powder +tat was in baith
the tronk and mail was caryit to THE KINGIS house in polks.
   And it is of veritie, that (^Paris, the French man^) , was   #
in the nedder house, under THE KINGIS
chalmer, and had an key of the back-dowr, and then the said     #
(^Lard of Ormiston^) past in at the said dur,
and spake with the said (^Hob^) , his fader bruther, and with   #
the said (^Paris^) , being both therein, and fand
the time convenient, and came furth again, and tauld the samyn  #
to the said (^Erle^) and his cumpany;
and +tat +tai had with +tame alswa a tre and a powder barrel,   #
for to have done as said is: But the
barrel was so meikle, it could not be gottin in at the duur:    #
And +tan +tay tuk all the polks and carried
+tame within the said laich house, and temit +tame on the flour #
in an heip, and the polks weir taken
furth again. And +tat (^my lord^) was in the house afoir, and   #
had left the said (^Paris^) +tarein, and the said
(^Hob^) standand at the dur awaitand upon +tair coming: And     #
+tat the said (^Lard of Ormistone^) said to the  
said (^John Hepburn^) , '+Ge ken now quhat ye haif to do, quhen #
all is quyet abone +gow! Fyre the end of
the lunt, and cum +gour way!' And +tareftir the said (^Lard of  #
Ormiston^) past his way, with (^Hob^) with 
him and (^Paris^) . (^John Hepburn^) and +te deponar taryit     #
still within the said laich house a certain space;
and (^Paris^) lockit the back dur, and the dur +tat passes up   #
the turnpike to THE KINGIS chalmer, quhair
<P 498>
THE KING, THE QUENE, and +te (^Erle Bothwell^), and vthers      #
were, and passit up to +tame, levand behind
him the said (^John Hepburn^) , and the deponar lockit in the   #
said nedder house: And as the deponar
believes (^Paris^) shew (^the Erle Bothwell^) that all things   #
were in readiness, and syne sone +tareftir, THE
QUENE and THE LORDIS returnit to (^the Abbay, my lord           #
Bothwell^) being in her cumpany. And +tareftir  
(^the Erle Bothwell^) , accumpanyit with (^Paris^) and (^Georde #
Dalglish^) , came to the back +gard; and the
said (^Hepburn^) , quha had twa keyis of the back dur, lichtit  #
the lunt, and came with the deponar, and
lockit the durris after +tame, and fand (^the Erle of           #
Bothwell^) in the +gaird, quha speirit at +tame, 'Gyf
they had done that quhilk he had biddin +tame, and fyrit the    #
lunt?' And +tai answerit, '+tat it was done.'
And eftir (^my lord^) and thai tarryit in the +gaird ane lang   #
tyme; and quhen (^my lord^) saw +tat +te matter
came not hastily to pass, he was angre, and wald have gen in    #
himself in the house; and the said (^John
Hepburn^) stoppit him, saying thir wordis, '+Ge neid not.' And  #
(^my lord^) said thir wordis, 'I will not
gang away quhile I see it done.' And within ane schort space it #
fyrit, (^my lord, John Hepburn^) ,
the deponar, and (^Paris^) being gangang at the fute of the     #
aley in the said +gard. And quhen they saw  
the house riseand, and hard the crack, they ran their way, and  #
come down (^the Wynd^) fra the said Freir
+gett; and +tat (^my lord^) +tareftir past to the wall at       #
(^Leith Wynd^) , to have past over it, but because he
thocht it over hich, he sturrit +tairwith, and came back again  #
to (^the Nedder Bow^) , and past furth at
(^the Port^) , after (^Johnne Hepburne^) had cried upon (^John  #
Gallaway^) , porter, and caussit him oppin the
Port; and that the saids (^John Hepburn^) and (^Georde          #
Dalgleish^) passit afore with my lord, and sone
+tarefter the deponar and (^Paris^) followit; and the deponar   #
passit to his bed, in (^John Hepburns^) in (^the
Canongait^), and (^my lord^) passit to his awin ludgeing to     #
(^the Abbay^) .

[} [\IV. THE DEPOSITION OF JOHN HEPBURN, CALLED 'JOHNNE OF      #
BOWTOUN.'\] }]
[} (\APUD EDINBURGUM 8 DIE MENSIS DECEMBRIS, AN. DOM. 1567\),   #
IN PRESENCE OF MY LORD REGENT, 
THE ERLE OF ATHOL, THE LORD LINDSAY, THE LARD OF GRANGE, AND    #
THE JUSTICE-CLERK.}]
   THE quhilk day, JOHNNE HEPBURNE, callit (^Johnne of          #
Bowtoun^) , being examinit upon THE KINGIS
Murther, grantit himself culpable and gilty +tairof: and as he  #
wald answere before God, deponit and
declaryt (^the Erle of Bothweile^) his maisters part of the     #
samyn, so far as the deponar knew in this
matter, that is to say; The first tyme +tat evir (^the Erle of  #
Bothwile^) spake +tis matter of THE KYNGIS
Murther to the deponar, was ane day or twa aftir the bringing   #
of the powder furth of (^Dunbar^) ; at
quhilk tyme he said to the deponar in this manner, 'Thair is    #
ane purpois divisit amongs some of the
Noblemen, and me amongs the rest, +tat THE KINGE sall be slane; #
and that every ane of us sall send
twa servandis to the doing +tarof, owther on the fields, or     #
otherwise as he may be apprehendit!' And
+tan desirit +te deponar to be ane of the entreprysers for him: #
Quhais answer was, '+tat it was ane evil
purpois, and +git, becaus he was servand and cousignance        #
to his lordshyp, he wald do as vtheirs wald, and
put hand to it.' One the morne +tareftir, he callit (^James     #
Ormiston^) of that Ilk, the deponar, and (^John
Hay^) , +gounger of Tallo, and break the purpois to +tame; and  #
maid the like declaratioune to +tame, +tat
vthir Noblemen had had as far enteres as he in +tat matter: And #
+tai maid to him evin sic answer as he
had done. Quhether my lord had schewed +tame +te purpois of     #
befoir or not, +te deponar knawes not.
Swa every day +tare was tauking amongis +tame of the samyn      #
purpois, quhill within twa dais before +te
Murther, +tat the said Erle changed purpoise of the slaying of  #
THE KINGE one the feildes, because +tan
it wald be knawn, and schew to +tame quhat way it mycht be usit #
better be +te pulder. And on the
Sunday, in the gloming before nicht, +te 9 daie of Februar last #
bepast, the deponar send +te said (^Johne
Hayes^) man for ane tome poulder barrel to the man quhilk       #
(^Johne Haye^) had coft the same fra, +tat 
dwells above (^Sandie Bruces^) cloise-heid. At evin my lord     #
suppit in (^Maister Johne Balfour's^) hous,
quhare (^the Bischop of Argyle^) maid the banket: And eftir     #
supper (^my lord^) came up the gait and +tai
all with him to the said (^Lard of Ormestonis'^) chalmer:       #
quhair +te deponar and (^Johne Haye^) past in, and
<P 499>
fand the said (^Lard^) and (^Hob Ormistoun^) his fader bruther; #
and as +te deponar rememberis, +tat was the
first time +tat (^Hob^) knew of +tat matter, and +tair +tai     #
spake togidder, and my lord schewit +tame +te
maner: And the deponar, the said (^Lard of Ormistoune, Hob      #
Ormistone^) , and (^Johne Haye^) , past to the
fute of (^the Black Freir Wind^) , haveing sent away (^Wille    #
Powry^) and (^Pate Wilsone^) for the poulder.
And before +tar comming furth of the said chalmer, (^my lord^)  #
departit with his servandis; quhair +te
deponar knawes not. And the saids foure being togidder, as is   #
befoir wryttin, at the fute of the
(^Freir Wind^) , the said (^Willie Powry^) and (^Pate Wilsone^) #
cum agane with the poulder, quhilk was
brocht at two times in ane tronk and ane mail; and +tai carreit #
it in at (^Black Freres +get^) : And quhen
+tai war changing +te pulder furth of the tronk in polks, my    #
lord come and speirid 'Gyf all was redy?
And bad +tame haist before THE QUEENE cum furth of THE KINGIS   #
house; for gyf she come furth
before +tai wer reddy, +tay wald not find sic commodity. And    #
+tan +te pulder being put in polks, the
saids (^Lard of Ormistone, Hob Ormistone^) , this deponar,      #
(^Johne Haye, Willi Powry^) , and (^Pate Wilsone^)
tursit up the pouder to THE KINGIS house, and fand (^Paris^) at #
the dur, quha openit the samyn; and 
+tay assayit to haue taken in the said barrell, and it wald not #
gang in at the dur; and +tan +tai liftit the
samyn, and brocht it back to the +gaird, and had in the pouder, #
and tuming it furth of the polks in ane
bing and heip upon the flur, evin directly undir THE KINGIS     #
bed. And +tan +te said (^Lard of Ormestone,
Hob Ormiston^) , and (^Paris^) , past away, and left the        #
deponar and (^John Hay^) within the said house;
quhilks tarryit +tarein quhill efter twa houres after mydnight, #
and +tan tuk ane lunt, with ane litle tre
quharon it lay, and placit +te same, +te ane end in the pouder, #
and fyrit +te vthir end, and cam +tair
way, and lockit +te thre duris behind +tame: And at +tair       #
cuming furth to the +gaird, +tay fand (^my lord
Bothwell, Geordie Dalgleish, Pat Wilson^) , and (^Willie        #
Powry^) : And my lord speirit at them, 'Gyf
+tay had one all things as was ordourit?' And +tai said,        #
'+Gea:' And +tai tarryit upon ane quarter of
ane hour +taireftir. And my lord thocht lang, and speirit 'Gyf  #
+tair was ony part of the house +tat
they mycht se the lunt, gyff it was burnand anouch?' And +tai   #
said, '+tare was nane but ane wundo
quhilk wes within +te clois:' And as they war speeking upon it, #
the house begouth to take fyre and
blew up; and +tai ran away, and cum up (^Black Freir Wind^) ,   #
and +geid down ane clois to haif gottin
over the broken wall at (^Leith Wind^) , but my lord thocht it  #
over heich to loup, because of his fair
hand; and swa returnit to +te (^Neddir Bow^) , and walkynit     #
(^John Galloway^) , portar, quham +tai gart
cum down and opin the +get: And (^Willie Powry, Paris^) , and   #
(^John Haye^) , +geid evin down (^the Cannongait^) ,
and (^my lord^) , the deponar, (^Pat Wilson^) , and (^Georde    #
Dalgleish^) , +geid down (^Saint Mary Wind^) ,
and behind the +gairds unto my lordis ludgeing in (^the         #
Abby^) . And in +tair by-ganging, twa of the  
watchis spirit, 'Quhat +tai were?' and +te deponar answerit,    #
'We are servands of (^the Erle Bothweill^) ,
gangand to him with news out of the town.' And swa my lord      #
passit to his bed, and +tis deponar lay
down in ane bed in +te hall. And sone +tareftir (^Mr George     #
Hackett^) came in, quha told, +tat the house
of (^the Kirk of Field^) was blawn up in the hair [\Air.\] ,    #
and THE KING slain. And within short space +tairafter 
my lord Huntley came in, and (^my lord Bothweill^) raiss and    #
put on his claithis, and passit into
THE QUEENIS house. And the deponar tarryit sum tyme +tareftir,  #
and cumand furth, fand (^the Abbay-+geit^) 
closit; and +tan +te deponar fand the said (^John Hay^) in his  #
bed in (^John Hepburns^) , and lay down
with him.
   (^Item^) . Deponis, +tat +tare wes fourteen fals keys maid   #
for oppyning of all the lockes of the dures of 
THE KINGIS ludgings at (^the Kirk of Field^) ; quhilk the       #
deponar, eftir the committing of the said
Murther, keist in (^the Quarie-hole^) betwix (^+ge Abbay^) and  #
(^Leith^) .
   THIR ar +te true copies of the Depositionis of the said JOHN #
HAY, +gounger of (^Tallo^) , and JOHNE
HEPBURNE, callit (^of Boutoune^) , maid in presence of MY LORD  #
REGENT, and THE LORDS before
mentionit, in manner befoir expremitt, concordant and agreand   #
with the originalis, quhilks are remainand
<P 500>
in the Justiciarie, collationate be me Sir John Bellenden of    #
Auchinoul, knight, Clerk of our soverane
lordis Justiciary. JOHANNES BELLENDEN, (\Clericus               #
Justiciarie.\) 

[} [\V. THE CONFESSIOUN OF JOHN HABROUN, YOUNG TALLA, DAGLEISH  #
AND POWRIE,\] }] [}UPON QUHOME
WAS JUSTICE EXECUTE THE 3D OF JANUARIE, THE YEARE OF GOD        #
1567.}]
   JOHN (HABROUN) (^of Bowton^) confessit that nyne was at the  #
deid doing, my L. Bothwell, the lord
of Ormistoun, Hob Ormistoun, himself, Talla, Dagleish, Wilson,  #
Pourie, and French Paris; and that
he saw na moe, nor knew of na other companies.
   (^Item^) . He knowis nat other but that, that he was blowin  #
in the ayre; for he was handilit with na
mens' handes, as he saw; and if he was, it was with others and  #
not with tham.
   (^Item^) . As touching (^Sir James Balfour^) , he saw not    #
his subscriptioun; but I warrand you he was the
principall counsallar and deviser. 
   (^Item^) . He sayd, I confesse it is the veray Providence of #
God that hes brought me to his judgement;
for I am led to it as an horse to the stall, for I had schippis #
providit to flie, but could not escape.
   (^Item^) . He sayd, let no man do evill for counsall of      #
great men or thayr masters, thinking thay shall
save tham; for surely I thought that night that the deid was    #
done, that although knowledge should
bene gotten, na man durst have sayde it was evill done, seing   #
the hand writtis, and acknowledging THE
QUENIS minde thairto.
   (^Item^) . Speaking of THE QUENE in the Tolbuith, he said,   #
God make all weill, but the langer deirt
is hydden, it is the stronger. Quho lives, our daithes will be  #
thought na newis!
   (^Item^) . Hinmest, he confessit, he was ane of the          #
principall doers of the daith, and thairfoir is justly
worthy of daith; but he was assurit of the mercy of God, quho   #
callit him to repentance.
   ITEM. TALLA confessit, (\ut supra\) , agreing in all pointes #
as concerning the parsons, number, and
blowing in the ayre.
   (^Item^) He affirmit, That in (^Setoun^) , my (^Lord         #
Bothwell^) callit on him, and sayd, 'Quhat thought you
quhen thou saw him blowen in the ayre?' Quho answerit, 'Alas!   #
my lord, quhy speak ye that?
For quhen ever I heare sic a thing, the wordes wound me to      #
death, as they ought to do you!'
   (^Item^) . That same tyme he saw (^Syr James Balfour^) put   #
in his owne name and his brother's unto my
(^Lord Bothwelles^) Remissioun.
   (^Item^) . He knew of the deid doing three or four days or   #
it was done, or thereby.
   (^Item^) . He sayd, 'After that I came to the Court, I left  #
the reading of God's worde and imbrasit
vanitie; and thairfoir hes God justly brought this on me.'
   Quhairfoir, let all men flee evill cumpany, and to trust not #
in men; for redy are we to imbrace evill,
as redy as hardes to receive fyre. And further, in the Tolbuith #
he requyrit (^John Brande^) , Minister
of the Congregatioun, to passe to my (^Lord Lindsay^) , and     #
say, 'My lord, hartily I forgeve your L.,
and als my lord REGENT, and all others, but specially tham that #
betrayit me to you; for I know if
ye could have savit me ye would; desiring you, as ye will       #
answere before God in the latter day, to do
your diligence to bring the rest, quho was the beginners of     #
this worke, to justice, as ye have done to
me; for ye know it was not begunne in my head. But yit praises  #
God that his justice hes begunne at
me, by the quhilk he hes callit me to repentaunce!'
   ITEM, DAGLISHE sayd, 'As God shall be my judge, I knew       #
nothing of THE KINGES daith befoir
<P 501>
it was done; for my (^Lord Bothwell^) gangand to his bedde,     #
after the taking of of his hose, quhilke was
stockit with velvet, (^French Paris^) cum and roundit           #
with him; and thairefter he taryed on me for
other hose and claithis, and his riding cloke and sworde,       #
quhilke I gave him; and herefter cum up the
gait to the (^Lord of Ormistoun's^) lodging, and taryit for     #
him; and therefter that, he passit to ane
Wynd beside (^the Blacke Fryers^) , and cum to the slope of the #
dike, quhair he gart me stand still; and
as God shal be my judge, I knew nathing quhill I heard the      #
blast of powder: And after this he cum
hame, lay downe in his beid, quhill (^Mr George Hakit^) cum and #
knockit at the doore. And if I dye
for this, the quhilke God judge me gif I knew maire, quhat shal #
be done to thame quho was the
devisers, counsallars, subscrivers, and fortifiers of it?'

[} [\VI. THE DEPOSITION OF THOMAS NELSON, 'CUBICULAR' TO KING   #
HENRY.\] }]
   THOMAS NELSON, sumtyme servand in the chamber to wmquhill    #
KING HENRY, of guide memory,
of Scotland, examinat upoun his conscience, declaris that he    #
was actuall servand to THE KING the
tyme of his Murthour and lang of befoir, and came with him      #
frome Glasgow, the time THE QUEENE 
convoyit him to Edinburgh.
   (^Item^) . The deponar remembris it wes dewysit in Glasgow,  #
that THE KING suld haif lyne first at
Craigmyllare: bot, becaus he had na will thairof, the purpois   #
wes alterit, and conclusioun takin that
he suld ly beside the Kirk of Feild: At quhilk tyme this        #
deponir belevit evir that he suld haif had the
Duikis house; and knew na uther hous, quhill THE KING lychtit,  #
at quhilk tyme he past directlie to
the said Duikis house, thinking it to be the lugeing preparit   #
for him: Bot the contrare was then schawin
to him be THE QUENE, quha convoyit him to the uthir hous; and   #
at his cuming thairto, the schalmir
wes hung, and ane new bed of black figurat welwet standing      #
thairin. The keyis of the lugeing wes
partlie standing in the durris, and pairtlie deliverit to this  #
deponir be Robert Balfour, awnir, all except
the key of that dur, quhilk passit throuch the sellare and the  #
town wall, quhilk culd noht be had, and
thairfore Bonkle in the sellare said, he suld clois it weill    #
aneuch within; quhilkis keyes wes keppit and
usit be this deponir and utheris, THE KINGIS servandis, quhill  #
THE QUENIS cuming to the lugeing:
At the quhilk tyme, the key of the laich chalmir undir THE      #
KING, quhair sche lay tua nytis, viz. the
Wednisday and Fraday befoir his Murthour, with the key of the   #
passage that past toward the gardin,
wer deliuerit in the handis of Archibald Betoun, as the deponir #
rememberis; quhilk Archibald wes
yscheare of THE QUENIS chalmer dour: Befoir quhilk tyme of THE  #
QUENIS lying in the KINGIS
lugeing, the tua nytis above namyt, sche causit tak doun the    #
uttir dour that closit the passage towart
beith the chalmeris, and causit use the samyn dour as a cover   #
to the bath fatt, quherin he wes baithit:
And sua ther wes na thing left to stope the passage into the    #
saidis schalmeris, bot only the portell
durris. And alsua, sche causit tak doun the said new blak bed,  #
sayand, it wald be sul+geit with the bath;
and in the place thairof, sett upe ane auld purple bed, that    #
wes accustomat to be carit; and the saidis
keyis that wer deliverit in the handis of Archibald Betoun      #
remanit still in the handis of him and utheris
that awaitit upon THE QUENE, and nevir wer deliverit agane to   #
THE KINGIS servandis: For sche sett
upe ane grein bed, for hir self, in the said laich chalmir      #
quherin sche lay the saids tua nytis, and promist
alsua to haif bidden thair upoun the Sounday at nyt. Bot eftir  #
sche had tareit lang and intertenit THE
KING verey familairlie, sche tuk purpoise, (as it had bene on   #
the suddan,) and departit, as sche spak,
to gif the mask to Bastyane, quha that nyt wes mareit hir       #
servand, namelie, the said Archibald Betoun:
and ane Paris Francheman havand the keyis of hir schalmir,      #
quherin hir bed stuid in, as alsua of the
passage that past towart the gairding: For quhen THE QUENE wes  #
thair, hir servandis had the keyis
of the haill houss and durris at hir commandement; for upon the #
nyt sche usit, with the lady Rereis,
to ga furth to the garding, and ther to sing and use pastyme.   #
Bot fra the first tyme that sche lay in
<P 502>
that lugeing, THE KINGIS servandis had nevir the key of hir     #
said schalmir agane. THE QUENE being
departit towart Halyrud hous, THE KING, within the space of ane #
hour, past to bed, and in the chalmer
with him lay wmquhill William Taylyour. This deponir and Edward #
Symonis lay in the litill gaylery,
that went dervict to sowth oute of THE KINGIS schalmir, havand  #
ane windo in the gawill throw the
Toun-wall, and besyde thame lay William Tail+geir's boy;        #
quhilks nevir knew of ony thing quhill the
hous quherin they lay wes fallin about thame; oute of the       #
quhilke, how sone this deponir could be
red, he stuid upoun the rwynous wall quhill the pepill          #
convenit, and that he gat claithis and sua
depairtit, quhill on the Monounday at efter none he was callit  #
and examinat; and amangis utheris
thingis, wes inquiret about the keyis of the lugeing, this      #
deponir schew that Bonkle had the key of the
sellare, and THE QUENIS servandis the keyis of hir schalmir:    #
quhilk the laird of Tulybardin hering,
said, 'Hald thair, heir is ane grund.' Eftir quhilk wourdis     #
spokin, thai left of and procedit na farther
in the inquisition. 



<B SPAM1A>
<Q SC1 AR/NI PAM COMPL>
<N COMPLAYNT SCOTLAND>
<A WEDDERBURN R>
<C SC1>
<O DATE 1549-1550>
<M MEDIUM PRINTED>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T PAMPHLET>
<G TRANSL/X>
<F FRENCH/X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y 20-40>
<H PROF>
<U NET ROYAL/PUBLIC>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z ARGUM/NARR IMAG>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^WEDDERBURN, ROBERT.
THE COMPLAYNT OF SCOTLAND, C. 1550.
ED. A.M. STEWART.
SCOTTISH TEXT SOCIETY, FOURTH SERIES, 11.
EDINBURGH 1979. 

SAMPLE 1: PP. 67.9-83.9
SAMPLE 2: PP. 108.20-113.8^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 67>
[}QUHOU THE PRETENDIT KYNGIS OF INGLAND HES 
NO IUST TITIL TO THE REALME OF INGLAND NOTHIR
BE ELECTIONE NOR BE SUCCESSIONE, AND QUHOU
THAI PRETENDIT KYNGIS OF INGLAND, 
HES PRACTIKYT ANE CRAFTY DISSAIT 
CONTRAR VALIS AND YRLAND.
CHAP.XI.}]

   Thir vordis befor rehersit (O +ge my thre sonnis) suld       #
prouoke
+gou to tak curaige, ther for i vald that hope of victoree var 
augmentit, & dreed var benest fra +gou. vald +ge al perpend     #
+gour
iust defens and querrel than hardines and curage vald returne 
vitht in +gour hartis. and fyrst +ge suld considyr the pepil,   #
and the 
titil of them that persecutis +gou be on iust veiris. quhen     #
+ge hef 
veil socht the verite, +ge sal fynd that it is the false blude  #
that 
discendit of sergestes and engestes quhilk var tua saxons that 
cam vitht aleuin thousand saxons fra thair auen cuntra to       #
support
and supple the kyng of grit bertan+ge quhilk is nou callit 
ingland quha vas opprest be cruel ciuil veyris. than eftir      #
that 
thir tua saxons hed venquest the enemes of the kyng of          #
bertan+ge, 
thai trasonablie banest the rythteus kyng and his posterite fra
the realme. and sen syne that false blude hes possest that      #
cuntre 
violently be tyrranye, and the maist part of thay tirran        #
kyngis 
that hes succedit of that fals blude, hes beene borreaus to     #
their 
predecessours as the cronikls of ingland makis manyfest, as of 
<P 68>
henry the first of that name quhilk vas banest fra the crone,
Siklik henry the thrid vas banest fra the crone be his second
sone Richart, ihone kyng of ingland gart slay the heretours of 
his predecessours and brukit the realme tuenty +geirs and syne
ther eftir he vas banest and eftir that kyng eduard vas gart
dee meserablye in preson, syklik Richart the sycond vas         #
cruelly 
slane be his auen men, and ther eftir henry the saxt lossit     #
his 
liyf be eduard the thrid of that name, than eftir hym succedit 
rechart the thrid quha gart sla the childir of eduard the       #
third,
and sa brukit the cuntre certan tyme and ther eftir vas exilit
fra the crone, and henry the seuynt be the support and supple
of the kyng of France gat the crone of ingland, and sa none of 
them hed rytht to the crone of ingland ergo thai hef na titil
to the crone of scotland. Al this veil considerit suld inflam 
+gour hartis vitht curage to resist ther cruel vrangus          #
assaltis &
to menteme be vail+geantnes the iust defens of +gour natyf      #
cuntre. 
+ge knau quhou thai and there forbears hes beene +gour ald      #
mortal 
enemes tuelf hundretht +geiris by past makand cruel veir        #
contrar 
+gour predecessours be fyir and suerd, dayly distroyand +gour
feildis villagis and buroustounis, vytht ane ferme purpos to 
denud scotland fra +gour generatione, and there vas neuer       #
faitht
nor promes kepit be them bot aye quhen +ge beleifit til hef hed
masit sure pace betuix +gou and them than thai lay at the vacht
lyik the ald subtil doggis bydand quhil conspiratione or        #
discentione
suld ryes amang +gou than be there austuce and subtilite
thai furnest vitht money baitht the parteis aduersaris to slay
doune vderis, quhilk vas ane reddy passage to gar them conqueis
our realme vithtout straik of battel, throcht the occasion of 
the social ciuil and intestyne veyre that rang sa cruelly       #
throucht 
our cuntre. Valerius maximus rehersis ane exempil conformand
to this samyn purpos quhen the atheniens and the lacedemoniens
quhilkis var the tua maist famous tounis vitht in the monarche
of greice thair raise ane discention and discord betuix the     #
said 
tua tounis, than darius kyng of perse quha hed euer ane ardant 
desyir to conqueis greice be cause the greiciens hed euer been 
mortal enemes til hym and til his predecessours, and speciale
the toun of athenes resistit hym mair in his veyris nor did al 
the remanent of greice. for that cause he send his prouest      #
tasifernes
<P 69>
vitht gold and siluer to lacedemonia to furneis them in 
there veyris contrar the atheniens. at that tyme alcibiades     #
vas 
bannest fra athenes and excommunicat be the prestis of there
tempil, eftir the consuetude of there lau, than alcibiades past
for refuge to the lacedemoniens quha var mortal enemes to 
the atheniens, he vas resauit rytht honorabilye and gat gryt 
credit amang them quhilk vas occasion that throcht his consel
and throu the gold that the prouest tacifernes hed brocht to 
lacedemonia fra his maister kyng darius, the lacedemoniens 
tryumphit contrar the atheniens. alcibiades persauand that
lacedemonia vas aperand to be superior of athenes he said to 
the prouest of kyng darius. schir +ge suld nocht furneis the 
lacedemoniens vitht sa grit quantite of god and siluer contrar
athenes, for gif athenes be conquest be the lacedemoniens than
the lacedemoniens sal be superiors of al greice: and fra tyme 
that thai be pacibil gouuernours of greice and hes no ciuil 
veyris, discord, nor discention amang them, than doutles thai 
sal intend veir contrar +gour maister darius kyng of perce, as 
there forbears did in alld tymis. there for i think it maist    #
conuenient
that kyng darius furneis lacedemonia bot vitht sa mekil 
money as may keip them on venquest be the atheniens, and als 
it var verray necessair that kyng darius furnest the atheniens
vitht sa mekil money as may resist the lacedemoniens, and that 
sal gar al the cuntrey of greice hef perdurabil veyr amang
them selfis, and than kyng, darius may eysily conqueis greice
vitht litil dommage to his cuntrey. the prouest of darius       #
adherit 
to the counsel of alcibiades, and send nocht sameikil monye to
the lacedemoniens as mytht gar them conqueis athenes, not +git
he send nocht so litil money that throcht necessite thai suld
leaue or desist fra the veyris. of that samyn sort he send      #
money
to athenes to defend them contrar the lacedemoniens. and sa
be the counsel of alcibiades darius kyng of perce conqueist     #
mair 
of greice, vitht ane hundretht tallentis that he distribuit     #
secretly 
amang the grecians to menteme there ciuil veyris ilk ane        #
contrer
vderis, nor he conquest be forse, vitht ten thousand            #
tallentis. 
As hary the eycht kyng of ingland did to the empriour & to 
the kyng of Frence in the +geir of gode ane thousand fiue       #
hundretht
tuenty foure +geris, he professit hym self to be neutral
<P 70>
bot +git he furnest the empriour vitht sex thousand fut men     #
and 
tua hundretht lycht horse on his auen expensis quhen the kyng 
of France vas past ouer the alpes tho seige paue ande alse      #
that 
samyn kyng hary lennt to the kyng of France aucht scoir of 
thousandis engel noblis of the quhilk the empriour vas surly
aduertest. for quhen the kyng of France ande his armye var 
deffait be the duc of Burbon, the viceroy of naples, the        #
marquis 
of pesquaire, and the marquis of gonnast, thir said princis gat
in the spul+ge of the France men, the kyng of Francis pose, 
quhilk vas al in engel noblis, and alse thai gat the kyng of 
inglandis preua vriting quhilk he hed sende to the kyng of
France at he seige of paue. of this sort the kyng of ingland 
playit vitht baytht the handis, to gar the empriour and the 
kyng of France ilk ane distroye vthirs (O +ge my thre sonnis) 
the discention & discord that ryngis amang +gou hes done mair 
distructione til our realme nor quhen the gryt armye & pouer
of ingland inuadit +gou. the experiens of this samyn is         #
manifest 
quhou that the kyngis of ingland hes bene mair solist to hef
pace & fauoir of scotland quhen iustice & concord gouuernit
the thre estaitis, of scotland nor tyl hef hed the fauoir &     #
pace
of al the riche realmis that the empriour possessis, and in     #
opposit 
quhen the kyngis of ingland persauis, discord discentione,      #
ciuil
veyris, iniusteis & diuisione vitht in scotland than thai       #
forgie
fen+get querrellis contrar our realme, in hope that ilk scottis
man sal be mortal enemye til his nycthbour. Quhar for i exort 
+gou +gou my thre sonnis that +ge be delegent to remeide +gour
abusions of the tymis by past, quhilk sal neuir cum til         #
effect, 
bot gyf that +ge remoue & expel discentione discord, and        #
hatrent
that ringis amang +gou for gyf +ge be enemeis to +gour selfis,  #
than
quhy suld the kyngis of ingland be accusit quhen thai intend
veyris contrar +gou considerant that thai hef bene euyr +gour   #
ald 
enemeis i vald spere quhat castel can be lang kepit quhen the 
enemeis seigis if cruelly vitht out, and vitht in the said      #
castel 
ther ringis mortal feyr amang the soudartis men of veyr         #
quhilkis 
suld lyf in ane mutual & faythtful accord in deffens of the     #
said
castel contrar extreme violens? this veil considrit suld be     #
occasione
to gar +gou expel hatrent diuisione & auaricius lyffing 
furtht of +gour hartis, & alse it suld prouoke +gou to remembir #
of 
<P 71>
the nobil actis of +gour foir fathers & predecessours, quha 
deffendit this realme be there vail+geantnes, &  alse reducit   #
there 
liberte, quhilk vas ane lang tyme in captiuite, be the          #
machination
of +gour ald enemes as +ge may reid in diuersis passis of +gour
cronikillis. And sen +ge knau that god hes schauen sic fauoir
to +gour foirbearis, throcht the quhilk thai hef venqueist      #
thair
enemes and brocht the realme be visdome & manhede in sykkyr
pace quhou beit thai var onequal baytht in nummer & puissance 
to +gour ald enemes, +ge suld mak ane mirrour of there nobil
actis. for sen +ge knau that +gour ald enemes hes intendit to 
conqueis & to subdieu +gou to there dominione nocht throcht
there manhede & visdome bot rather throcht the discentione
that ringis amang +gou, +ge suld schau +gou verteous &          #
vail+geant
in +gour rytht defence. for quhen +ge ar in accord & lyuis in
tranquilite, +gour ald enemes sendis ther imbassadours to       #
desyre
pace & fauoir quhilk is mair necessair to them nor it is        #
honest,
considering of there grit pouer & mytht be see & be land. bot
nochtheles the mair reches that thai posses the mair schame 
redondis to them, & the mair gloir is +gouris, sen thai hef     #
beene 
venquist be +gou diuerse tymes quhome thai held maist vile and 
febil, and nou sen +ge knau the apering dangeir of +gour natif 
cuntre +ge suld prudently consult to escheu al dangeir and to
begyn sic gude ordour +ge suld prouide al vays too remoue       #
discentione
sedetione and auricius lyffyng, quhilk may induce 
hatrent inuy and rancor amang +gou, to that effect that ilk     #
persone
may lyf eysylye on his auen iust conques, and that none 
of the realme hef occasione to do extorsions til vthyris. for   #
sic
gude pollycie veil ordorit sal cause the cuntre to increse in
gloir honour and reches and dreddor to +gour enemes. quha ar 
verray solist and vigilant to conques +gou, ther prouisione of 
diuerse sortis is vonder grit, nocht alanerly be gryt multitude
of men of veyr and ane grit nauen of schipis be seey burde,     #
bot 
as veil be secret machinatione to blynd +gou be auereis         #
presentand 
to +gou gold siluyr and grit promessis of heretagis to          #
persuaid 
+gou to commit traison contrar your faitht honour and comon
veil quhilk is ane rycht passage to bring +gou and +gour        #
posterite 
til ane vile & final exterminatione. vald +ge maturly consydir
the subtilite of inglismen +ge sal fynd them aperand faithtful  #
and 
<P 72>
humain in thair aduersite, bot quhen thai ar in prosperite      #
thai 
ar ingrat tirrans and cruel abuf al vdir natione. Och quhou 
dangerus is it, til ony sort of pepil til hef ane cruel tirran  #
ryngand 
abuf them, and to eschaip sic tirranny +gour forbears hes       #
debatit
+gour cuntre this mony +geiris be grit manhede and visdome.
quhou beit it vas in dangeir to be in final euersione. the      #
croniklis
vil certifie +gou quhou thae +gour nobil predecessours and      #
foir 
bears var slane and the comont pepil brocht to vile seruitude  
ane lang tyme be the saxons blude, and +git sic calamite and 
persecutione indurit bot for ane tyme. for god almythty that 
knauis +gour iust defens hes euer schauen gryt fauoir touart    #
+gou, 
therfor +ge suld tak curage in +gour iust querrel. +ge hef no   #
cause 
to dispayr for falt of supple, for +gour predecessours hes      #
been in 
mair dangeir quhen +gour strynthis and castellis hes nocht      #
been 
sa defensabil, nor +git the cuntre heffand supple of na         #
forane prince. 
It is tideous to rehers the grit calamiteis the sair battellis  #
and the 
cruel slauchtyr that vas cruelly exsecutit on scottis men, and 
to conclude, al the cuntre vas in extreme subiectione fourty 
+geirs and possest be our ald enemes. Bot nochtheles god
almythty valknit vitht his grace the hartis of +gour            #
predecessours, 
as he did to sampson Dauid and iudas macchabeus contrar the 
enemes of Israel, quhair for al +gour cuntre vas delyuerit fra 
captiuite to the grit domage of reches and effusione of blude 
on +gour ald enemes. +ge vait veil that the ciuil and intestyne #
veir 
and the discentione and discord and rancor that ryngis amang
+gou is the speciale cause of the inglismen[{n{]is inuasions    #
and of 
+gour miserite, for +gour ald enemes quhou beit of ther         #
puissans 
vald neuer hef maid sic incursions ande hairschips on the       #
bordours 
and limitis of +gour cuntre, var nocht +gour selfis maid
ane reddy passage to them throcht the occasione of +gour auen 
discentions that ryngis amang +gou. ther for it is necessair    #
that 
+ge al perpend that sic discentione be nocht the cause of       #
+gour 
auen distructione and final ruyne of +gour natione. the kyng    #
of 
ingland knauand the discention that ryngis amang +gou, he vil
tret cheris and promes grit reches til ony of +gou that vil     #
adhere 
til hym contrar +gour comont veil, bot fra tyme that he get 
<P 73>
dominione of the cuntre +ge sal be his sklauis in extreme       #
seruitude,
+gour vyfis and dochteris, deflorit be the onbridilit lust of 
+gour ald enemes, and violently led auay befoir +gour facis be 
the extreme lauis of the veyr. +gour gold and siluyr and vthir 
gudis public and priuat sal be distribut and disponit amang 
them, the frutis and cornis of +gour grond to be vsit at ther 
dispositione, and +ge sal be compellit to laubir the naikyt     #
feildis 
vitht +gour auen handis to there proffet. +ge sal nocht         #
alanerly 
be iniurit be euil vordis bot als +ge sal be violently          #
strykkyn in 
+gour bodeis, quharfor +ge sal lyf in mair thirlage nor brutal 
bestis quhilkis ar thirlit of nature. And ony of +gou that      #
consentis
til his fals conques of +gour cuntre +ge sal be recompenssit
as +gour forbears var at the blac perliament at the bernis of   #
ayre 
quhen kyng eduard maid ane conuocatione of al the nobillis 
of scotland at the toune of ayre, vndir culour of faitht and 
concord, quha comperit at his instance, nocht heffand           #
suspitione
of his tresonabil consait, than thai beand in his subiectione 
vndir culour of familiarite, he gart hang cruelly and           #
dishonestly
to the nummer of sexten scoir of the maist nobillis of 
the cuntre. Tua and tua ouer ane balk. the quhilk sextene       #
scoir 
var cause that the inglismen conquest sa far vithtin +gour      #
cuntre. 
Ze may reid the croniklis of al cuntreis and +ge sal fynd that
quhen forain princis hes violentlye but iust titil gottin       #
dominatione
on vthir cuntreis than in the begynnyng thai haue tretit 
and flatterit the principal inhabitans quhil on the tyme that 
thai var pacebil dominatours. and there eftir thai haue vsit    #
there 
dissymilit intent on the pepil, and hes distroyit them, as      #
kyng 
eduard did at the bernis of ayre befor rehersit. There is ane
exempil conformand to this samen purpos rehersit be valerius
maximus and in titus liuius quhou that tarquinus superbus the 
sext kyng of rome quhilk maid cruel veyre contrar the cite of 
gabine til hef hed it subdeuit to the dominione of rome. bot 
that nobil cite deffendit there liberte rytht vail+geantly.     #
his sone 
sextus tarquinus vas in grit melancolye be cause his father     #
culd 
nocht conques that cite be fors nor be loue nor +git be         #
flattery. 
ther for he departit fra his father vitht ane fen+get           #
displeseir and 
past to the cite of gabine makand ane pitteus complaint on 
the crualte of his fader contrar hym, prayand to them of gabine
<P 74>
that thai vald be his deffens contrar his father, and he sal be
subiect to that cite in perpetual. the cite of gabine throcht 
there facilnes gef hasty credit to sextus tarquinus and         #
resauit 
hym and trettit hym be grit familiarite. than day be day be     #
his 
fayr vordis thai gef hym credens, in sic ane sort that al the 
pepil be cam obedient til hym. than he send ane of his          #
familiaris 
til his fader tarquinus superbus declarand quhou he hed         #
conqueist
the fauor of al the pepil, desyrand his fatheris counsel 
quhou he suld vse hym to hald them in subiectione. the messager
of sextus past to tarquine superbe declarand his message
quhar he gat ald tarquine in ane garding, bot ald tarquine gef 
nay answer to the messanger, bot tuike his staf and syne past 
throcht his gardin and quhar that he gat ony chasbollis that 
greu hie, he straik the heidis fra them. vitht his staf, and    #
did no 
thyng to the litil chasbollis. the messengeir gat nay ansuer    #
be 
tong fra ald tarquine bot returnit til gabine til his maister   #
sextus
tarquinus quha askit ane ansuer of his message. the messenger 
tald quhou his father sen nay ansuer be tong, bot past vp and 
doune his gardyng vitht his staf cuttand doune the hie          #
chasbollis. 
than sextus tarquinus kneu veil his fatheris mynd, that 
his counsel vas to strik of al the hedis of the principal men   #
of 
the cite of gabine, and than the remanent of the pepil durst 
nocht reuolt contrar hym. of this sort the nobil cite of        #
gabine 
vas disauit be flatterye and facilnes of gyffing credit til     #
ane 
tirrane. sextus tarquinus vsit his father counsel for           #
he distroyit
and sleu al the principal lordis of gabine as kyng eduard did 
to the lordis of scotland at the bernis of ayre. The            #
onfaithful 
cruel act that kyng henry the aucht vsit contrar yrland and     #
valis 
quhen he becam ther superiors suld be mirrour and ane exempil 
til al scotland, for he vsit the samen practik contrar irland   #
and 
valis as sextus tarquinus exsecut on the cite of gabine, and    #
as 
kyng eduard exsecutit on the barrons of scotland at the bernis 
of ayre, for quhou beit that the kyng of ingland nou present
be discendet of the blude of valis, +git nochtheles the pepil   #
of 
valis ar in sic subiectione that thai dar neuer ryde bot iiij   #
to 
giddir, and als that nane of them sal cum vitht in the mane 
cuntre of ingland vitht out ane certificat fra the sceref to    #
gar 
it be knauen that thai hef sum speciale byssynes vitht in       #
ingland. 
<P 75> 
and als ther sal nane that is borne in valis beyr office in     #
valis, 
nor +git in ingland. and alsa the principal men of valis ar     #
subiect 
to pas to the veyris in propyr person contrar scotland or       #
contrar 
France quhen euer thai ar chargit be the kyng of inglandis 
lettris. Bot at he first apoyntement that vas accordit betuix
the kyng of ingland and the lordis of valis he promest them
grit liberte quhil he hed resauit the castellis and strynthis   #
of valis 
and hed put inglis captans in them. bot incontinent ther efter
he gart strik the heidis fra al the lordis of valis, and fra    #
the 
principal barronis. and syklik to spek of irland, quhen the     #
kyng 
of ingland vas accordit vitht the lordis of irland and that he  #
hed
resauit ane certan of castellis and sum of the principal        #
tounis, 
than ane lang tyme eftir he tretit the lordis of irland vitht   #
fayr 
vordis and gef them riche gyftis, quhil he be his subtilite     #
gart 
tue[{l{]f of them cum to london, quha cam at his command be
cause thai dreid na cruelte. than incontynent he gart strik     #
the 
hedis fra the said tuelf lordis of irland. and sen sine al the  #
irland 
men ar sklauis til hym excepand ane certan that kepis them sel 
on the strait montanis of irland, quhilkis vil nocht obeye to   #
his 
tyrranye for thai hed rather remane in cald and hunger in the 
vyild forestis ande hillis at there liberte, nor for to be in   #
his 
captiuite to be hangit and hedit as he hes dune causles til     #
mony
vthyr innocent men. The extortione that the kyngis of ingland 
hes dune to +gour predecessours is manifest to +gou al. the     #
chroniklis
makis manifest quhou that kyng eduard eftir that he hed
ouer run al +gour cuntre and hed brocht al the pepil til        #
extreme 
captiuite, quhar for compulsione and necessite causit them til
obeye and to mak homage til ingland. than the crualte of this 
said kyng eduard nocht satesfet nor saceat, he brocht fra       #
ingland 
ane hundretht thousand men, and als he brotht ane freir vitht 
hym callit conraldus the quhilk freir hed commissione to mak
ane chronikil of the actis that kyng eduard and his hundretht 
tousand men suld do in scotland. this said grit armye of        #
ingland 
beand befor bannochtburne, kyng eduard maid ane perlament 
vitht in his camp vitht ane certan of statutis & ordinance      #
quhilk 
vas put in vryit be the said freir This vas the tenor of the    #
said 
ordinance. in the fyrst he ordand thre vaupynschauyngis to be
maid al on ane day in scotland be scottis men in thre of the 
<P 76>
farrest placis of scotland, as in til the marse, in gallouaye,  #
and 
in the northt of scotlande and at thay vappynschauyngis, al
the vaupynis and armour of scotland to be delyuerit to the 
inglismen to be kepit in castellis quhil on the tyme that the 
kyng of ingland intend to mak veir aganis vthyr cuntres. the
nixt statut he ordand that na scottis man suld veyr na vaupyn
bot ane knif of fife inche of lyntht vithtout ane point. in the
thrid statut he ordand that na scottis man suld duel in ane 
house that vas loftit bot rather in ane litil cot house. in     #
the ferd 
he ordand that na scottis man suld veir ony clais bot hardyn
cotis, in the fyft artikle he ordand that the scottis men of    #
scotland 
suld be partit in thre partis, the first part suld remane in 
scotland to laubeir the cornis on the grond. the sycond part 
suld be send in ingland to be seruandis to laubyr thair grond, 
and the thrid part of them of the best lyik men, suld be        #
banest 
fra scotland and to hef ane lecens to pas in ony straynge       #
cuntre 
to seik ther gude auenture. This cruel ordinance vas maid in 
the kyng of ingland campt be for bannothtburne, he beleifit 
at that tyme that al vas his auen. than god almythty quhilk 
beheld his pryde and arrogance and his onmerciful intent, he 
valknyt vitht his spreit the hartis of the nobil men of         #
scotland
the quhilkis in ane feu numer cam vitht ane hardy curage        #
contrar
kyng eduard and sleu thretty thousand of his men, and 
chaissit hym self thre scoir of mylis vitht in ingland  And     #
in ther 
returnyng hamuart thai vaistit and brynt northt humyrland and 
mony vthir plaicis of ingland. this battel vas fochtyn at       #
bannothburne
as the inglis croniklis rehersis mair large. then quhan the 
tentis pail+gons & spoul+ge of the inglis armye vas tane &      #
gaddrit
vp be scottis men, thai gat the forsaid inglis freir conraldus
vithtin kyng eduardis tent, & als thai gat thyr forsaid         #
artiklis
& ordinance quhilk the inglismen purposit to execut on the 
scottis men, bot inglismen tuik nocht god to be their           #
cheiftane, 
bot rather vsit there auen arrogant mynde therfor their gryt
pouer hed na grace to fulfil ther entreprice. this exempil is
vondir probabil that inglismen vil vse this samyn crualte on 
+gou al, gif sa beis that +ge cum subiect to them. +ge knau     #
that thir 
tuelf hundretht +geirs thai leit +gou neuyr hef pace xvi +geir  #
to 
giddir, bot +git ther tyrranye redondit aye to their auen       #
dishonestye
and domage. and quhou beit at sum tyme +gour cuntre
<P 77>
gat grit skaytht be them, sic thing suld nocht gar +gou tyne 
+gour curagis for the chancis of veir ar nocht certan to na     #
party, 
al thir vordis befor said ar rehersit to that effect that       #
+gour facilnes 
be nocht sedusit be ther astuce and subtil persuasions. Titus
liuius rehersis ane exempil in his nynt beuk conformand to      #
this 
samyn purpos, quhilk vas eftir the fundatione of rome 420 
+geris at that tyme their vas in rome tua consulis, ane callit  #
titus 
viterius and the tothyr callit spurnius posthunius, quha var 
committit to be cheiffis and captans of the armye of the romans 
to pas contrar the samnetis, quhilkis he maid mortal veyr 
thertty +geir to giddir contrar rome. the captan of the         #
samnetis 
vas callit pontius, quhilk vas the sone of ane vail+geant man   #
callit 
hereneus, quha vas exempit fra the veyris and fra the gouernyng
of the public veil, be raison of his grit aige. The grit armye  #
of 
the samnites campit them secretly besyde and place callit furce
caudide, the quhilk place hed ane narrou entres & narrou        #
isching 
and vitht in it, their vas mony cragis and vyild treis. that    #
place
stude betuix tua strait montanis inhabitabil and onmontabil. 
In the myddis of it their vas ane large grene plane feild.      #
than 
quhen the samnetis var their logit and campit, thai var         #
aduertist 
be ther exploratours and spyis quhou that the romans var 
campit neir them in ane place callit calacia. than pontius the 
captan of the samnetis causit ten of his knychtis to cleitht    #
them 
lyik hyrdis, and he gef them cattel nolt and scheip to keip, 
giffand them command to pas vitht the cattel on the feildis be 
syde the romans, and ilk ane in ane syndry part be hym self,
sayand to them, gif ony of the romans cumis and inquiris at     #
ony 
of +gou, quhair our armye is campit, +ge sal ansuer that ve ar 
past to apuilya to gif ane assalt to the cite of lucere,        #
quhilk 
partenis to the romans than thir neu maid hyrdis past vitht 
bestial, quhar thai var recontrit be the forreours and          #
exploratours
of the romanis, quha led them al ten befor the tua consulis
that var captans to the romans. quhen thir ten hyrdis var
exemnit seueralie ilk ane be hym self quhar the samnete armye 
vas campit. thai ansuerit as ther captan pontius hed giffin     #
them 
command, to the quhilk vordis the romans gef credit, be rason
<P 78>
that thai al beand ane be ane examinit condiscendit in ane 
ansuer. than the romans heffand sic ane feruent loue to the
cite of lucere, quhilk vas of their anciant alya, thai raisit   #
ther 
camp to pas to reskeu lucere fra the samnetes. ther vas tua 
passagis to pas betuix the romans camp and lucere, the first 
passage vas plane and plesand be the see syde, bot it vas ouer
lang about, the nixt passage vas ful of roche cragis and        #
verray 
strait and narou, bot +git that passage vas verray schort.      #
than 
the romans for haist that tha hed to saif that cite of lutere, 
thai tuke that narrou passage, and quhen thai var entrit 
in it the samnetes be grit subtilite hed gart cut doun grit     #
treis 
& brac doune roche cragis quhilkis thai pat in grit numer at    #
the 
entres and at the ischyng furtht of that strait passage, and    #
als 
thai set mony of ther men of veir amang the cragis to empesche 
the romans that thai culd nothir returne nor +git to pas        #
forduart. 
quhen the romans var disauit of this sort, thai var lykly to 
dispayr for the displesier and melancole that affligit them,    #
bot 
the samnetes var vondir glaid fra tyme that thai hed the        #
romans 
in that pundfald quhar thai culd nothir fecht nor fle, deffend 
nor resist, bot on verray neid thai behuffit to remane vencust 
vitht out straik or battel. the samnetes beand in this grit     #
blythtnes
be cause of ther happy chance, thai determit to send ane        #
message
til ald herenius quha vas the father of ther captan pontius     #
til 
hef his opinione and consel quhou thai suld vse them contrar 
the romanis, that thai hed closit vithtin them. this ald        #
herenius 
send his ansuer and consel, and bald the samnetes gyf the       #
romans 
ther fre liberte to pas hame saue vitht out hurt of ther        #
honour 
bodys or guidis. the armye of the samnetes nocht beand          #
satesfit 
nor contentit of this ansuer of herenius. thai send the         #
messenger 
agane til hym til hef ane bettir consel. than ald herenius      #
send 
ane vthir ansuer and bald them slaye al the romans and nocht 
to lat ane of them return vitht ther lyif, quhen the samnetes 
herd the tua discordabil consellis of herenius, thai culd       #
nocht 
meruel aneucht of his onconstant ansuer, quhar for pontius 
his sone suspekit that his father dottit in folie throcht his   #
grit 
aige, +git noththeles he vald nocht conclude na exsecutione     #
contrar 
the romans quhil he hed spokyn vitht his father, therfor
<P 79>
vitht the consent of the samneties he send for his father to    #
cum 
to their camp. quha cam at his command, in ane charriot be 
cause he mytht nothir ryde nor gang be cause he vas decrepit 
for aige. he beand aryuit his sone pontius sperit quhou he      #
suld 
vse hym contrar the romans that var inclosit betuix the tua 
strait montans. the ald herynyus changit nocht his tua fyrst
consellis that he hed send to them bot +git he declarit to them
the cause of thyr tua defferent consellis sayand. my sone       #
pontius 
and +ge my frendis of samnete, the first consel that i send to  #
+gou
the quhilk i think for the best, that is to say i consellit     #
+gou to 
thole al the romans and ther guidis depart saifly in liberte    #
but 
ony hurt or displeseir, than throtht that grit benefice that    #
+ge
hef schauen to them, of ther free vil & vitht ane guide mynde, 
thai vil allaya them vitht +gou quhilk sal cause ferme and      #
perpetual
pace to be betuix rome and samnete, the tothir consel
that i send to +gou i ordand +gou to slay doune al the romans 
and nocht to saif ane of them, for than it sal be ane lang tyme
or the romans can purches sa grit ane armye contrar +gou. & sa 
+ge maye lyif in pace and surete ane lang tyme considerand that
the grit pouer and the maist nobilis of rome ar in this         #
present 
armye inclosit to giddir. ane of thir tua consellis is necessar #
to 
be vsit, and the thrid consel can nocht be gifin to +gou for    #
your 
veilfair. than pontius and the princis of samnete nocht beand
contentit of thir tua consellis, inquyrit at ald herenyus       #
sayand. 
ve think it bettir to tak ane myd vaye betuix vs and them to 
saif their lyiffis and to resaif them as vencust pepil and      #
ther 
eftir ve sal mak strait lauis and ordinance quhilk ve sal       #
compel 
them til obeye. ald herynyus ansuert. that sentens says he      #
purchessis 
na frendis nor it makis na reconsiliatione of enemes, 
therfor +ge suld animaduert varly to quhat pepil that +ge       #
purpos 
to vse sic iniurius rigor, for +ge knau the nature of the       #
roman 
pepil is of sic ane sort, that gif thai resaif oultrage and     #
beis 
vencust be rigor be +gou, thai can neuer hef rest in ther       #
spreit 
quhil that thai heif reuengit +gour crualte, for thai ar of     #
ane 
vendicatife nature, and the displeseir that sal resaif be +gou
sal euer remane in their hartis quhil thai hef reuengit the 
iniurius defame that +ge haue perpetrat contrar them. thyr tua 
sentensis of herynyus var repulsit and nocht admittit, therfor  #
he 
departit and returnit in his chariot to samnite to end the      #
residu
<P 80>
of his days. the romans beand inclosit betuix thir tua montans 
thai purposit mony maneyrs to ische furtht fra that strait      #
place 
& to pas to fecht in fair battel contrar the samnetes, bot al   #
ther 
laubyr vas in vane, for thai var sa strait closit that thai     #
culd 
nothir pas bakuart nor forduart than thai sen ther legatis to 
desire concord and pace at the samneties or els to desire       #
battel
on the plane feildis. pontius ansuert to the legatis of the     #
romans, 
quod he the battel is fochtyn al reddy, & quhou beit that +ge   #
ar 
al vencust +git none of +gou vil confesse +gour euil fortoune   #
ther 
for ve gif +gou for ane final ansuer that al +gour armye sal    #
be 
spul+git of +gour armour and of +gour clais except ilk ane sal  #
hef
ane singil coit on +gou, & ther eftir ve sal put +gour cragis   #
in ane 
+goik to be ane perpetual takyn that +ge ar vencust be vs, and 
alsa +ge sal delyuer til us the villagis castellis and vthir    #
placis the 
quhilkis +gour predecessours conquest fra vs in ald tymis, and 
alsa +ge sal lyif and obeye til our lauis. and gif this ansuer  #
vil 
nocht content the romans, i gif +gou expres charge that +ge     #
returne
nocht heir agane. the legatis of the romans returnit to the     #
camp  
of the romans vitht the ansuer of pontius the quhilk ansuer did
mair displeseir to the romans nor that pontius ansuer hed been
to sla them al cruelle, for in ald tymes ther culd nocht be     #
ane 
gritar defame nor quhen ane mannis crag vas put in the +goik 
be his enemye, for that defame and punitione vas haldin  mair
abhominabil and vile nor the punitione that trespassours        #
indurit 
in the galeis for demeritis. bot +git ther vas no remeid to     #
saif the 
romans, therefor extreme necessite vas resauit for vertu. than
throcht the counsel of ane nobil romane callit lucius lentulus
thai condiscendit to cheis the leyst of tua euillis and til     #
indure
that vile punitione rather nor til hef been cruelly slane. than
the cruel samnetes ordand the instrument of the +goik of this 
sort as i sal rehers ther vas tua speyris set fast in the       #
eyrd, and 
ane vthir speyr set & bundyn athort betuix the tua speyris      #
that 
stude vp fra the eyrd lyik ane gallus, than the desolat and 
vencust romans var constren+get to pas vndir that +goik ane     #
and 
ane, bot the tua consellaris quhilkis var captans to the        #
romans 
thai var compellit to pas fyrst undir that +goik vitht out      #
their
harnes or vaupynnis, than the remanent of the romans follouit
ilk ane eftir his auen degre. on euerye syde of this +goik      #
ther vas 
ane legione of the armye of samnetes vitht ther sourdis drauen
<P 81>
in ther handis quhar thai manneist and scornit the sillie       #
romans 
that var in that gryt vile perplexite. O +ge my thre sonnis,    #
this 
defame and vile punitione of the samnites perpetrat contrar
the romans, vas verray cruel, bot doubtles, thai that ar        #
participant
of the cruel inuasione of inglis men contrar their natyue
cuntreye, ther craggis sal be put in ane mair strait +goik nor
the samnetes did to the romans, as kyng eduard did til scottis
men at the blac parlament at the bernis of ayr quhen he gart
put the craggis of sexten scoir in faldomis of cordis tua and   #
tua 
ouer ane balk of the maist principal of them that adherit til 
hym in his oniust querrel quhen he vrangusle brotht mekil of 
scotland in his subiectione. this protector of ingland          #
purposit 
til vse this samyn crualte in the +geir of god ane thousand     #
fyfe
hundretht fourty seuyn +geris in the monetht of marche quhen 
the vardan of the vest marchis of ingland cam to hald ane       #
vardan 
court on the vest marchis of scotland vitht in the schirefdome
of galloua as scotland hed been in pacebil subiectione to the 
crone of ingland, bot as god vald the maister of maxuel the 
lard of drumlanrik and diuerse vthir nobil barronis and gentil 
men cam vitht ane hie curage contrar the inglismen, quhome 
thai venquest vail+geantlye, and sleu ane grit part of them     #
and 
tuke ane vthir part of them presoners, and chaissit the thrid 
part of them ten myle vithtin ingland, and ther eftir the       #
barronis 
& gentil men of oure vest cuntre gat the inglismens spul+ge     #
vitht
in the quhilk spul+ge thai gat tua barrelis ful of cordis and
euerie cord bot ane faldome of lyncht vitht ane loupe on the
end al reddy maid quhilk thai ordant til hef hangit sa mony
scottis men as thai purposit til hef venquest at that iournay.  #
Than 
to quhat effect suld ony scottis men gif credens or til adhere 
til inglesmen. our croniklis rehersis of diuerse scottis men    #
of al 
staittis that hes past in ingland sum hes past for pouerte and  #
sum 
hes past in hope to lyue at mair eyse and liberte nor thai did 
in scotland and sum hes been denunsit rebellis be the           #
authorite 
quhilk vas occasione that thai past in ingland for refuge       #
quhom 
the kyngis of ingland hes resauit fameliarly and hes trettit    #
them 
and hes gifin them gold and siluir the quhilk he did nothir     #
for 
piete nor humanite bot rather that thai suld help to distroye
<P 82>
there auen natif cuntre, bot +git he vald neuer gif them        #
heretage 
nor credit, for the experiens of the samyn is manifest          #
presentlye. 
for quhou beit that there be abufe thre thousand scottis men 
and there vyfis and childir that hes duellit in ingland thir    #
fyftye 
+geir by past, and hes conquest be there industre batht         #
heretage 
and guidis, +git nocht ane of them dar grant that thai ar       #
scottis
men, bot rather thai man deny and refuse there cuntre, there 
surname, and kyn & frendis, for the scottis men that duellis in 
the southt part of ingland thai suere and mentemis that thai  
var borne in the northt part or in the vest part of ingland,    #
and 
scottis men that duellis in the vest or in the northt of        #
ingland,
thai man suere and menteme that thai var borne in kynt schire 
+goirke schire in london or in sum vthir part of the southt     #
partis 
of ingland: than to quhat effect suld ony scottish men adhere 
til inglis men to gar them selfis be cum sklauis and to remane 
in perpetual seruitude, ther for ve may verray veil belief      #
that 
quhou beit that the kyng of ingland garris tret scottis men 
vitht gold and siluer as thai var his frendis +git doutles he   #
vald 
be rytht glaid sa that euerye scottis man hed ane vthyr         #
scottish 
man in his bellye. and als fra tyme that god sendis             #
tranquilite 
amang princis, thai that ar maist familiar vitht the protector 
sal be haldin maist odius in ingland and euerye inglis knaif    #
sal 
cal them dispytfully renegat scottis and gif ony of them        #
passis 
to the protector to regret and lament the abstractione of his 
familiarite that he scheu to them in the begynnyng of the       #
veyris,
he vil ansuer to them as agustus cesar ansuerit til ane captan
of thrace callit rhymirales qua betrasit his maister anthonius
& past to remane vitht agustus cesar quha vas mortal enemye
til anthonius. than be the supple of rhymirales, agustus cesar
vehquest antonius, than quhen the veyris var endit betuix       #
cesar 
and antonius rhymirales vas nocht sa veil trettit as he vas 
indurand the tyme of the veyris quhar for he past til cesar 
sayand. O nobil empriour i hef left my cuntre and my maister 
anthonius for +gour pleseir and i hef been the cause that +ge   #
hef 
venquest my maister anthonius & nou +ge schau me nocht sa 
grit loue and familiarte as +ge scheu me in the tyme of the     #
veyris 
quharfor +ge haif schauen +gou rycht ingrat contrar me. Cesar 
ansuerit to rhymirales i vil hef na familiarte vitht +gou for   #
i loue 
<P 83>
bot the trason that cumis to my effect and louis nocht the      #
tratours 
that committis the trason. this forsaid exempil maye be veil 
applyit til al scottis men that beleuis to get mair liberte     #
and 
honor in ingland nor thai did  in scotland for this exempil     #
hes 
been prectykit thir fyfe hundretht +gers bygane til al scottis  #
men 
that hes adherit til inglis men contrar ther natyfe cuntre as   #
the 
croniklis makis manifest for quhou be it that the kyng of       #
ingland 
louis the traison that scottis men committis contrar ther       #
prince 
+git he louis nocht the tratours that committis the traison. 

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 108>
[}QUHOU THE AFFLIGIT LADY DAME SCOTIA ANSUERT 
TIL HYR ZONGEST SOUNE ANDE QUHOU SCHE REPROCHIT
HYR TUA ELDEST SONNIS 
FOR THERE NECLEGENS IN THE DEFENS 
OF THERE COMOUNT VEIL.
CHAP. XVI.}]

   O thou my +gongest soune, callit lauberaris to burgh ande
land, i vil nocht gyf eyris to thy excusations nor to thy 
purgations, be cause, as cicero vritis in ane orison, that na   #
man 
suld be admittit to be vytnes in his auen cause. (\Noluerunt
maiores nosteri, hanc patere inimicitiis viam, vt quem quisque 
odisset, eum testimonio posset tollere. ementiuntur enim sepe 
in eos, quos oderunt.\) nor +git i vil nocht adhere to thy      #
accusations 
contrar thy tua brethir, be rason that ane gilty man suld 
accuse no man of cryme, as crist ihesus hes gyffin ane exempil 
<P 109>
quhen the pharaseis accusit ane voman that vas tane in          #
adultere,
desirand his iugement quhiddir thai suld stane hyr to detht 
conformand to the ald testament, or gyf thai suld thole hyr to 
depart onpuneist. crist ansuert to the accusaris sayand, he     #
that 
is vitht out syn, sal cast the fyrst stane at hyr this exempil  #
makkis 
manifest that ane accusar suld be cleene but vice, ande alse
crist ihesus hes said in ane vthir passage to the ypocritis     #
that 
accusit pure synnaris quod he +ge sal tak furtht ane grit balk
furtht of +gour auen ee, ande there eftir +ge maye tak furtht   #
ane 
litil strey furtht of +gour nychcbours ee. The poiet confermis
this samyn purpos, sayand, that euerye man of this varld baris 
tua sakkettis vitht hym. the fyrst sakket hyngis befor hym,
vitht in the quhilk ar contenit al the vicis that his nychtbour
committis, ande the nyxt sakket hyngis behynd his bak, vitht 
in the quhilk, ar contenit al the vicis that his self           #
committis. 
bot he can nocht see nor persaue his auen vicis because he seis
nocht the sakket that hyngis behynd his bak, bot he seis his 
nychtbours faltis in the sakket that hingis befor hym (\vt nemo
in sese tentat discende[{re{] nemo.  sed precedente spectatur   #
mantica
tergo.\) There for (o thou my +gongest soune) i refuse to gyf
eyris or audiens to thy accusations contrar thy tua brethir be 
rason that ane accusar suld be cleen or he accuse his nychtbour
as cicero vritis. (\Accusare debent ij qui nullo suo peccato    #
impediuntur, 
quo facilius alterius peccata demonstrate possint.\)
Nor +git i vil nocht adhere to the accusations that ony ane of 
+gou hes contrar vthirs. Thy accusatione is vondir inuectyue 
contrar thy tua brethir, the fyifteen inuectyuis philipiques    #
of
cicero contrar anthonius, excedis nocht the accusations ande 
calumniations that thou hes pronuncit contrar them +git         #
nochtheles
i discomend there crualte, ande i commend nocht thy 
accusatione for thou ande al thy sect callit lauberaris to      #
burgh 
ande land, deseruis no les punitione, nor dois thy tua brethir
nobilis ande clergie. for gyf thou ande thy sect hed as grite 
liberte, as hes thy tua brethir, doutles +ge vald be mair       #
cruel, 
nor the vyild beystis of the desertis of arabie. the practic    #
of 
this samyn is presently, ande euer hes been in tymes by past 
<P 110>
sen the varld began. for as sune as +ge that ar comont pepil    #
ar 
onbridilit and furtht of subiectione, +gour ignorance           #
inconstance
ande inciuilite, pulcis +gou to perpetrat intollerabil          #
exactions.
for al the insurrectionis, that euyr occurrit in ony realme     #
contrar 
the prince & the public veil, hes procedit of the ignorance & 
obstinatione of the comount pepil. There for none of +gou suld 
haue liberte bot rather +ge suld be daly dantit & haldin in     #
subiectione,
be cause that +gour hartis is ful of maleis ignorance variance  #
&
inconstance, for the maist part of +gou al gyffis louyng 
tyl vicius men and +ge hald verteous men abhominabil and 
quhen +ge ar al conuenit to gydthir for the auansing of ane     #
gude 
purpose, +ge cry & berkis ilk ane contrar vthirs, that nocht    #
ane 
of +gou knauis quhat ane vthir sais ande quhen +ge hef flyttyn
ande berkit but ryme or rason al the lang daye, +ge accord      #
nocht
nor condiscendis prudently on ane substancial constant          #
purpose. 
and he that is the maist cummirsum cryar ande maist obstinat 
contrar raison, +ge reput hym for the maist prudent man of the 
realme, than quhen he gois, al the leaue rynnis & follouis      #
hym, 
lyik the brutal scheip that vil nocht pas throucht the slop of  #
ane 
dyik for the mannessing of there hyrd, quhil ane of the verst 
of the flok, mak foir gait, than al the leaue follouis. ande    #
al this 
procedis of +gour variance and inconstans i vait nocht          #
quhiddir, 
ane calme sey in vyntir, or the course of the mune, or ane 
mysty mornyng in symmyr, or the comont pepil, quhilk of 
them suld preffer vthirs in variance. Cicero  confermis this 
sammyn purpos sayand. (\in imperitia multitudine est varietas,
& inconstantia, & crebra tanquam tempestatum, sic sententiarum
commutatio.\) i hed leuyr hef the iugement ande consultatione
of ten prudent vyise men, nor til hef al the visdome 
and consaitis that ane grite multiplie of commountis can        #
pronunce. 
Cicero confermis this samyn purpose. (\grauior & validior est
decem virorum bonorum prudentia, quam totius multitudinis
imperitie.\) there is nocht ane mayr ignorant & ane mair blynd
thyng in this varld as is til adhere to the iugement of the     #
comont
pepil quhilk hes nothir consideratione nor rason, for al there 
deliberations procedis of there fyrst apprehensions. there for 
gyf the entrepricis of the comont pepil cummis tyl ane gude 
fine, fortone deseruis mair louyng nor dois there prudens.
Siclyik as ane blynd man that passis in ane myrk place quhar
<P 111>
he hed neuir beene, & syne eschapis fra ane hurt or fra ane     #
fal. 
na vyis-men vil saye this blyind man seis cleir, for it vas 
chance that conuoyit hym and nocht his een, for this cause the  
ciuil lauis deffendis & forbiddis al monopoles and conuentions 
of the comont pepil be cause the maist part of them ar euil
condicionet & ar obedient to there apetitis and to there        #
glaykyt 
affections. i can nocht conpair the comont pepil that ar        #
onbridilit,
bot tyl onbeistis that ar of ane var nature nor brutal 
beystis. as ve maye see daly, for brutal beystis keipis ane     #
bettir 
ordour in there beystly nature nor dois onbridilit comount
pepil that ar dotit vitht rason. ve maye see  be experiens.     #
that 
horse nolt scheip doggis voluis lyons ande al vthir brutal      #
beystis,
ilk ane vil deffend there auen natur contrar the violens of     #
vthir 
beystis, as cicero sais, (\bestie pro partu suo ita             #
propungnant. &
vulnera excipiant, nullos impetus, nullos casus formident.\)    #
Bot
it is nocht siklyik amang the pepil for euerye man settis his   #
felicite 
to distroy his nychtbour. Ande alse the ondantit brutal 
beystys that hes there liberte on feildis & forrestis none of   #
them 
eytis drynkis nor sleipis bot quhen ther natural appetit        #
requiris. 
nor the mail vitht the femmel committis nocht the verkis of
natur, bot in the saison of generatione. bot the pepil that     #
hes 
liberte kepis nocht sa gude regement, for thai considir nothir 
the vertu of temporance, nor the vice of intemporance, bot 
rathere subiectis them selfis to saciat ony sperk of the foul   #
lust,
that there disordinat sensual appetit prouokis them tyl         #
ymagine 
as to eyt drynk and sleip abufe mesure at al tymis, contrar     #
there 
natural appetit. ande alse to commit fornicatione adultere 
homocide ande diuerse vthir extorsions & iniuris contrar there
nychtbour, there for tha deserue to be reput mair brutal, nor
beystis that ar brutal of natur. Ande quhou beit that sum of 
them applyis them to vertu quhen thai ar haldin in subiection 
throucht the quhilk, thai be cum industreus in policie ande in 
conquessing of reches, be marchandreise or be mechanyc 
craftis, or be lauboryng of the corn landis or be seruise,      #
+git 
nochtheles, as sune as ony of them, be sic honest industreus 
ocupations, hes conquest grit reches or heretagis, thai be cum
mair ambicius ande arrogant, nor ony gentil man, sperutual or 
temporal that ar discendit of the maist nobil barons of the
<P 112>
cuntre, ande there childir distitut of ciuilite throucht the    #
ignorance
of there fathers ande for falt of educatione and eruditione,
thai be cum vane prodig ande arrogant, be cause thai succeid
sa eysilie to reches vitht out the suet of there brouis or pane #
of
there body, nocht heffand regarde to the fyrst pouerte of there
predecessours nor of the cald hungir ande punirite that there
fathirs and mothers indurit in the conquessing of sic reches.
ande gyf sa beis that ony of the successours, of mecanyc men
(that is to saye the successours, of lauberaris to burght ande
land) be promouit til ony stait abufe there faculte, as to be
saruandis to men of autorite, or to be courticians ande         #
officiaris
to princis, or +git to be promouit to benefeissis or tyl ony    #
vthir
digniteis abufe there qualite than arrogance makkis ypocryse
manifest. conformand til ane addagia of ane of the seuyn        #
sapientis
callit mimus publianus qua said. (\lapis index auri, aurum
hominum.\) for it is the nature of the comont pepil (beand
ascendit in dignite abufe there faculte) to mysken them selfis
there frendis ande there familiaris. There is nocht ane mair
odius thyng in this varld as quhen the successour of ane        #
indigent
ignorant mechanyk lauberar ascendis tyl ony dignite abufe his
qualite, for incontinent eftir his promotione, he myskennis god
ande man. (\asperius nichil est humilis cum surgit in altum.\)  #
Titus
liuius rehersis ane passage conformand to this samyn purpose.
(\Barbarici animi est cum fortuna mutare fidem\) . there is     #
sum of
thir mecanyc pepil heffand superflu prosperite, that refusis    #
the
genoligie of there fathere ande mothere and alse refusis there
surname, and clamis to be of the blude of nobilis ande gentil
men, than quhen thai ar repute be the vulgaris to be discendit
of sic genoligie, thai gloir in there pretendit kyn ande blude
quhilk is occasione that there arrogance & there vane gloir
garris them commit mair extorsions contrar the pepil nor dois
ony vthir tirran that ar discendit of the grytest nobilis of    #
the
cuntre. the preist of peblis speris ane questione in ane beuk
that he conpilit quhy that burges ayris thryuis nocht to the
thrid ayr, bot he mycht hef sperit as veil, quhy that the       #
successours
of the vniuersal comont pepil baytht to burght & land,
thryuis nocht to the thrid ayr. the solutione of this questione
requiris nocht ane allogoric expositione nor +git ane glose, be
rason that the text of yis [\READ +tis\] questione is nocht     #
obscure, ane person
<P 113>
that hed neuyr aduersite & hes veltht that procedit neuyr of
his auen industrie & syne hes liberte. and hes neuir knauen
education eruditione nor ciuilite, it is onpossibil that he can #
be
verteous and he that heytis vertu, sal neuyr thryue. (O my
+gongest soune) this ansuer maye be sufficient to the seueir
accusatione that thou hes pronuncit contrar thy tua brethir. in
tyme to cum thou sal fyrst correct thy self or thou accuse thy
nychtbour. 



<B SPAM1B>
<Q SC1 AR PAM LAMB>
<N LAMB RESONYNG>
<A LAMB WILLIAM>
<C SC1>
<O DATE 1550>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T PAMPHLET>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y 40-60>
<H HIGH PROF>
<U NET PUBLIC>
<E X>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I X>
<Z ARGUM>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^LAMB, WILLIAM.
ANE RESONYNG OF ANE SCOTTIS AND INGLIS MERCHAND BETUIX ROWAND
AND LIONIS. ED. RODERICK J. LYALL.
ABERDEEN: ABERDEEN UNIVERSITY PRESS, 1985. 
PP. 3.1-67.16.^]


<P 3>
Heir begynnis ane resonyng of Scottis and Inglis 
marchand betuix Rowand and Lyonis &c.

Scottis merchand 

Countra man, and it be +gour pleisour: quhar go +ge 
to, and quhar lyis +gour besynes?

Inglis merchand 

I go to Lyonis. Quhat be +gou +tat speris? Be +gow 
ane Scott?

Scott.

That am I, and wald haue fallowschip be +te sam way. 

Inglis.

Do +ge nocht eschame to be callit ane Scott +tir 
dayis?

Scott. 

Na, forsuyth! I do nocht knaw +tat quhy +gitt I 
suld be eschamit of my natioun.

Inglis. 

+Ge Scottis will neuir cry 'Cok' quhill ane of +gow 
is on lyf! Bot, guid fallow, think +gow nocht +te 
Inglismen be guid trastie men of warre and victorius
peopill, +tat dois baith ruffill +gow and +te 
<P 5>
Frenche-men?

Scott.

The Inglis dois nocht ruffill ws so mekill as our 
awin mishaving to God and misgyding in veirfare:
quha knawis how sone +te fathir sall thraw +te wand 
in +te fyre quharwith he bett his childring, and how 
sone +te Scottis maybe expert in weirfair?

Inglis.

+Gow do appeir juge oure weir iniust. 

Scott. 

+Ge, forsuyth, and nocht +te Scottis alane, bot also 
all vnaffectionat men, be +tai Inglis, be +tai 
Frenche, or be [{+tai{] Duche, as I beleif. 

Inglis.

I persaue +gow haif nocht reid +te buik maid ane 
thousand fyf hundreth fourty twa +geir of Christ 
vpoun +te declaratioun of +tis instant weir begun in 
+te moneth of Julij of +te forsaid +geir be +te 
puissant prince, King Henry +te Aucht; and also +gow
appeir nocht haif red ane vthir tractat sett furth 
and publist be Kyng Edwart and be +te Protectour 
and counsell of Ingland, +te quhilk is authorisat 
and prentit at Lundoun the ane thousand fyf hundreth 
fourty aucht +geiris of Christ; in +te quhilk 
<P 7>
twa buikis ar contenit sex iust causis of +tir sevin 
+geiris [{of{] iust weir be-tuix the Scottis and ws 
Inglismen, as +te sone be iust cleir lanterne of +te 
day. 

Scott.

Quhilkis be tha just causis?

Inglis.

The first just causis is, +gour King James the Fift 
did brek his appunctit meting in +Gork with our King 
Henry the Aucht. The second causs, +gour kyng wald 
nocht mak rendering of ane certane Inglis rebellis,
fugitiuis in Scotland, at Kyng Henryis requeist. 
The thrid, +te kyngis maiestate, with his greit miseiss,
being cuming in mid-wintir fra Lundoun to 
+Gork for to haif mett with his nephew +gour kyng, at 
+tat sam tym +tair wes thre or four Inglis gentillmen
callit Finnekis slane be +te Scottis. The ferd, 
+te Scottis hes vsurpit ane pece of land on +te 
marchis and boundis of Ingland. The fyift caus, +te 
Scottis kyngis dois refuiss to mak obedience to 
+tair souerane kyng of Ingland. Thir fyif causis be 
contenit in +te buik vpone +te declaratioun of +tis 
weir; the sax hes happinnit laitlie sen +te begyning 
of +tis weir: the quhilk causis maid ws to obtene 
the Greit Seill of Scotland vpone +gour quene 
<P 9>
heretrice mariage with our nobill kyng Edwart, the 
quhilk oblising +gow haue brokin. Thir sam sax
causis is contenit in ane pretty buik be it-self. 
Contray-man, be nocht thir or ony ane of +tam just 
causis of weir, moving quhilk all +gow sall find 
sufficientlie and autentikle provin in +te saidis 
twa buikis, publist to all mennis knawlege be +te 
greit and weill advysit authorite of Ingland.
Quhat sayis and jugeis +gow of thir two buikis and 
of +tair continente?

Scott.

To juge on tha buikis, and also on the just causis 
contenit in +tame, I will nocht nor sall nocht tak 
+te discussing +tairof on me; for quhen I say ane 
thing +ge will say ane vther, and swa +ge nor I 
nothir may aggre. Bot heireftir followis thre 
horssmen: quhat-evir +tai be, I am content +tat ony
ane of +tame be juge quhithir +gour opinioun or myne 
be conforme to reasoun. 

Inglis.

Be thir followaris Franche-men, than +tai effectionat
be to +gow Scottis; be thai of ony vthir natioun
than will I be content as +gow sayis.(\Messieurs!
Ou aller vous, messieurs? Attendez, si vous 
plaist, ung peu! Dou estoes vous?\)

Thre horss-men 

(\Nescimus quid queratis.\)
<P 11>
Inglis.

(\Cuiates estis?\)

Horss-men 

(\Sumus numdam mercatores proficiscentes Lugdunum.\)

Inglis.

(\Per comode accedit.\) Heir be graif wyiss neutrale 
men, as apperis. Nychtbour Scott, can +gow nocht 
speik Latin?

Scott. 

Nocht mekill. Inquyre gife +tir honest men speikis 
and onderstandis ony vthir leid. 

Inglis. 

(\Domini mei, noscis ne loqui vlla alia lingua quam
vestra vernacula et Latina lingua?\)

Horss-men 

(\Cum adolescerimus, aliquot annos negotiati sumus 
Lundoni.\)

Scott. 

Than +ge can speik Inglis?
<P 13>
Horss-men 

We do vnderstand bettir Inglis +tan we can speik. 

Scott. 

Guid schirris, quhat be +gour names, and +ge pleiss? 

Thomas More 

I am namit Thomas Moir, this vthir Jhon Fischear, 
and this thride the father man of Sion. 

Scott. 

Guid schir of Syon, pleis +gow heir this Inglis merchand 
and me comown vpone twa buikis, contenand +te 
causis of +tis instant weir betuix Scotland and Ingland?
Howbeit +ge haif hantit in Ingland, +gitt +gour 
grauitie, +gour wisdome and aige maikis me nocht 
suspect +gow mair affectionat to Inglismen than to 
Scottis. 

Guid man of Sion 

Gude freindis, quhen I duelt in Ingland I hard 
mekill commonyng of +te Scottis and Inglis weiris,
and als how +te sam hes continewit +tir mony hundreth
+geiris; bot quhithir of +te twa nationis be 
maist culpabill +tairof, God dois knaw. Heirfor I 
hald +tis mater hear and weichtiar +tan may be decydit
be me, bot swa thir twa my companionis geif 
<P 15>
attendance to heir +gow reasown in +te mater, I with 
+tair adwyiss, God willing, sall juge na wrang.

Jhone Fischear 

+Ge haue done weill to entir sick commonyng, quhilk 
will mak +te lang irksum way appeir schort. 

Thomas Moir 

We merchandis makis small gaine in tyme of weir!

Inglis.

Guid schiris, I say this thousand +geir Ingland 
neuir intret so just weir as +tis (\a contra\) +gow 
Scottis now, the quhilk Kyng Henry +te Aucht begouth 
in +te moneth of Julij, +te +geir of God ane thousand 
fyfe hundreth fourty twa +geiris, and +te sam oure 
Protectour and Greit Counsell continewis and will 
be +te grace of God mantene guidlie; for thai do 
pruife +tis weir just be sax reasonis and causis,
contenit in twa prettie tractatis, autenticlie 
authorisate and publist to all nationis. Gife 
+gow, guid schirris, haue nocht reid +tame, heir I 
gife vnto +gow, guid man of Syon, +tir samyn tractatis,
+tat +ge with +gour companionis may reid +tame. 
Nebour Scott, I think +gow haife red +tame. I intend 
to preif +te disapoynting of +te tway kyngis meting, 
the refusall of +te kyngis rebellis randering, the 
<P 17>
contemptioun of +te slauchtir of +te Finnekis, the 
vsurpatioun of +te Inglis ground, alanerlie be +te 
deid selfe freslie done; the superiorite +tat Ingland
hes in Scotland I sall appruife be historyis, 
instrumentis and recordis, with registreis. The 
saxt just causis of weir salbe proponit perticularlie
be it-selfe, and compleitlie provin. And first 
of all, quhat can +gow say, nychtbour Scott, bott 
all +tir tractatis ar weill sufficientlie authorisate 
and ordourlie procedit, als by +tat the causis 
contenit in +tame trew and just? Thir thre honest 
men will abill say with +te buikis conforme to my 
opinioun. 

Scott. 

Giffe this be maist just weir +tat Ingland maid +tir 
thowsand +geiris (\a contra\) +te Scottis, than sall I 
mak all +gour weiris iniust, God to borrow! First
of all, I ansuer to +te authorisate autentiknes of 
+gour two tractatis: I can nocht deny bot bayth +gour 
tractatis ar autentick, becaus +te buik callit (^+Te 
Declaratioun of Weir^) wes maid be the wysast man of 
Ingland, revysit be Kyng Henry +te Aucht, and +taireftir 
deulie prentit, as +te vthir tractat, callit 
(^+Te Exhortatioun for Vnioun of Scotland with Ingland^) ,
is autentick becaus it is maid be +te wisdome of 
Lundoun maturalie advysit, correctit and authorisate 
be +te Protectoure and be Kyng Edwardis 
<P 19>
counsell. Bot, nebour, thay twa buikis of +gouris 
apperis to me nocht ordourlie procedit, becaus thai 
contene +te process and finale decesioun of ane grit 
wechtie, doubtabill questioun of weir fyftene hundreth 
+geiris betuix two potent realmes. 
Nebour, call +ge ane guid ordoure of process and ane 
guid sentence diffinitiue in sa wechtie, sa auld 
ane mater betuix so greit parteis, +tat the court of 
Lundoun one +te ane part alane suld propone this 
questioun, suld except, suld vse +tair awin domistical
pruife, suld concluid and als diffine +te samyn
questioun? Quhar wes +te nobilite and thre Estatis 
of Ingland at +tis proceding? Quhar wes Scotland, 
+te vthir contrary party, the quhilk wes neuer summond
nor requirit to se +te proponyng and proceding 
and gevin of sentence vpon +tis questioun? Thus be 
+te absence of +te principall parteis cleirlie apperis
+gour deformit and misordourit proceding in +tis 
mater: my pruif of improbatioun is +gour awin taill, 
contenit in +gour awin twa buikis. Now, guid man of 
Syon, pleis +gow reid thai buikis, and +taireftir +ge 
will find +te autentiknes of +tir two Inglis buikis 
sufficient, bot I traist +tat +ge sall bayth find and 
juge ane greit misordourit proceding of +tai sam twa 
buikis, conforme to my allegeance. 

Guid man of Syon

The guidnes of ane actioun may stand with ane misordourit 
<P 21>
proceding. 

Scott. 

Schir, I onderstand +gow nocht, for I haue nocht 
mekill nothir of auld nor of new leirnyng, bot I 
traist +tair can be na thing bayth guid and evill at 
ane tym?

Guid man of Syon 

It apperis weill +gow, Scott, be nocht leirnit +te 
Lundoun way! +Gow, compan+geoun of Ingland, go fordwart 
to +te iust causis of +tis present weir. 

[\Inglis.\]

Oure lait maistir of nobill memorie, Henry +te 
Aucht, publist ane buik vpone +te declaratioun of 
+tis weir, quharof I will report heir every substantiale 
poynt, becaus euerilk ane hes nocht +tat 
buik; the quhilk sayis +tat quhen Kyng Henry +te 
Sevint gaif his dochtir in mariage to Kyng James +te 
Ferd of Scotland he myndit lufe, amite and perpetuall
freindschip betuene +te posteritie of +tame 
bayth. Bot how sone did it begin to faill!

Scott. 

I say it begouth to faill at +te rute, Kyng Henry +te 
Sevint. For quhen twa or thre +geiris eftir +tat 
<P 23>
mariage happynnit ane nobill Scottis knycht, Schir 
Robert Ker, be slane nocht honestlie be ane Inglisman
callit Starret, and +taireftir detenit and mantenit 
in Ingland, and Kyng Henry +te Sevint, being 
requirit be his sone, kyng of Scotland, for justice, 
ansuerit how Sterrett, +te comittar of +tat 
slauchtir, wes fugitiue furth of all Ingland, howbeit
in verite +te samyn man drew his hald and 
duelling about Durhame fra +te bordouris of Ingland,
quhar ane Scottis-man outlaw callit [^BLANK^]
fand and brocht +te samyn Sterrettis heid fra 
Durhame to Kynge James +te Ferd and obtenit +tairfore
his pardoun of certane crymes. This Carris 
slauchtir is provin be +te bordouraris of Ingland 
and Scotland; the refusell of justice is provin be 
fyve sundre wryttingis of Kyng Henry +te vij. 
directit to his sone, Kyng James +te Ferd (+git +tir 
wryttingis ar remanand in our Register); also ane 
thousand in Ingland and als mony in Scotland remembris
+te maner of Sterrettis heid-cutting and 
also convoying fra Durhame. Secundlie, James, erle 
of Arrane, returnyng in Scotland be se fra his 
pilgramage of Sanct Jhone in Amianis, beand drevin 
be tempest in Ingland, was thair foure +geiris 
detint, and wes nocht fred for na requeist of +te 
guid-sone, nor for sindre ambaxatouris sending, nor 
for reasoun of leag and amite +tan laitlie maid at 
+te mariage of +tis Inglis dochtir, quhilk proportis 
<P 25>
+tat ane stormested schip or man suld haue fre 
passage throw athir Ingland or Scotland. This lang
detining of +te erle of Arrane, cousing germane of 
James +te Ferd, and +tis present Gouernouris father, 
and als refusall of his libertie, may be provin be 
sindre nobillis and courticianis +gitt on lyfe,
bayth of Ingland and Scotlandis court, and also 
provin be tuenty excusatorijs writtingis of Kyng 
Henry +te Sevint directit to his guid-sone, Kyng 
James +te Ferd. 
I haue said to +gow, nichtbour, quhat sap come fra 
the rute: now sall +ge heir +te fruit of +te self tre 
and branche. Mergaret, quene of Scotland, being 
to hir left be Kyng Henry +te Sevint, hir father, 
ane honest legacy for ane taikin of bettir memorie, 
scho nor hir husband culd nevir attene +te samyn 
fra Kyng Henry the Aucht, thair brothir. Nebour,
+ge will abill ansuer +tat +te stop heirof wes becaus 
Henry the vij. maid nocht Schir Antony Denny and 
Schir William Harbret jugis of his testament,
quhilkis we call executouris; or peraduentour +ge 
will nocht blame Kyng Henry +te Aucht for this legacyis
detentioun, for gife he had delyuerit +tat 
legacie to +te Scottis quene, than +tair suld nocht 
haif bene sufficient mony for to recompance and to 
restore +te iniust vnlawis, exactionis tane vnder 
+te pretence of justice fra +te baronis and comunis
of Ingland, quharof Kyng Henry +te Aucht maid conscience
<P 27>
and commandit in his testament sic exactionis 
to be restorit to the awnaris; or abill 
+ge will say +tat mony men of Ingland thocht +tat mony 
wes bettir bestowit one +te wyning of Torna in 
Haino. This legacie is provin be Kyng Henry the 
vij. testament; the refusale +tairof is provin be
ambaxatouris and sindre writtingis of Kyng Henry 
the Aucht to his brothir and sistir of Scotland. 
Forther, Kyng Henry the Auch, preparand his first 
army (\a contra\) France, for to haue his guid-brothir 
mair hartlie, send ambaxatouris declarand his 
passage in France and how God had nocht provydit 
ane air of his body, tharfor him-self had concludit
to caus his sistir-sone of Scotland, quha 
wes nerrast of lyn to him, be declarit apperand 
air of Ingland in Parliament. Bot, nebour, in 
plane (\a contra\) a-foir his passage than in France
he causit +te marquess of Excestre be declarit air 
in Ingland. The first part heirof may be provin 
be +te ambaxatouris +git on lyfe, and also be sindre 
writingis of Kyng Henry +te Aucht, direct bayth to 
his sistir and guid-brothir, remanand in +te Scottis 
Register; for witnessing and preif +tat +te marques 
of Excestre wes declarit +tan apperand air, +te act 
of +gour Parliement proportis. Nebour, also remember 
+te raid of Ettale or +te first passing of 
Kyng Henry +te viij. in France, at +te quhilk tym +te 
Inglismen draif +te guidis of Merss and Teviothdaill 
aboue the valour of xx=m= lib., and eftir sindre 
requisitionis na redress maid tharfor; a fyve
<P 29>
hundreth on Ingless bordour and als mony Scottis 
previs +tis raid and refusale of redress. Nebour, 
thir be +te fruit of +te tre cuming of sa guid ane 
nobill stok; heir be the lufe, amite and mony
strenge behavoris from +te guid-brothir of Ingland 
to +te guid-brothir of Scotland. Nebour, wald +tis 
vnkyndlie fruit haue +te stomok movit maid of a 
stane, nocht onlie +te he curage of ane +gung prince 
as Kyng James +te Fyft!

Inglis. 

Countra man, +gow seikis ferdar than is requirit to 
oure purpoiss. Did nocht Kyng Henry +te Aucht preserue,
mantene from grit danger, the tendir age 
of +gour kyng, James +te Fyft, and conducit him sauflie 
to +te riale possessioun of Scotland?

Scott.

Quhat +gow call mantening and conducing I knaw nocht, 
bot ane thing is weill knawin: +tat nothir Inglisman
nor woman fra his birth to his deith reparit about 
him, and quhar sic naturale deutie of personage wes 
nocht vsit, as +ge haue hard, quha can beleif +tat 
King Henry +te viij. vsit liberalite towart his 
nepot?

Call +ge preserving +gour kyng for to pas to Ardress 
<P 31>
j=m= v=c= xx. and syne to Ballon+ge j=m= v=c= xxxiij +geir 
of Christ, and +tair appunctit ane amite and leag 
with Kyng Francise of France and causit him deturne 
fra +te auld leag and amite of Scotland; and +taireftir 
incontinent send Thomas, duik of Norfok with 
xv=m= weirmen in Teviothdaill, +tair to birne +te toun 
and abbay of Jedburgh, cast doun nyn or ten castellis
and haldis of his sistir-sonis, beand of sax
or sevin +geiris of aige, the Scottis Gouernour, 
Jhone, duik of Albanie, beand haldin in France be 
+te said appoyntmentis, als stryif and discord 
reageing amangis +te nobillis of Scotland? That at 
+te two metingis of +te tuo kyngis wes appunctit the 
forsaid leag and detenyng of our Gouernour +te tym 
+tat +te duik of Norphok wastit Teviothdaill is 
notour, and nedis na vthir pruif +tan +te deid selff. 
The birning of Jedburgh abbay and castellis at +tat 
samyn tym is provit be +te brint wallis; and be +te 
appoyntit deteyning of Jhone, duik of Albany in
France apperit +tat +gour kyng socht, as all +gour 
vthir kyngis before labourit, that na wyiss nor 
expert man of weir suld ringne or gyd +te Scottismen, 
for na man at +tat tym wes mair expert in weirfair
+tan +te said duik of Albany. 
Nebour, call +ge conducing to riale possessioun for 
to mantene and defend continewalie xv. +geiris 
nobillis fugitivis of Scotland lying alwayis in a 
<P 33>
vait, quhen +te vncle micht noy +te nephew; and als 
+gour kyng for to returne agane in France and +tair 
appoynt +tat Kyng Francis sall nocht ayd Kyng James 
+te Fyift of Scotland, and incontinent +taireftir +te 
vncle to weir neir a +geir vpone +te nepot of xv. or 
xvj. +geir of aige, haifand +tan laitlie entres to +te 
governyng of his realme?
The mantenyng of +te Scottis nobillis fugitiveis, 
the secund meting with Francise, and also +te weir 
sustenit, defendit be +te four quartaris of Scotland 
every tym +tair quartar about, is bettir knawin nor 
nedis ony pruif. This is +te vncles conducing of +te 
nepot to possessioun of reale estait; bot +te vncle 
at +tat tym seing na guid success of his weir appunctit 
a pece, leage and amite for the langar 
leuear of himself and his nepote. This pece is 
provin be +te Greitt Seill of Ingland in our Registre;
bot how lang indurit it, and quha vthir brak 
it bot +te vncle?

Inglis.

Oure souerane kyng, Henry the viij., traistit and 
belevit +tat the tre come on +te ane part off ane 
guid stok suld haue brocht furth bettir fruit, for 
saldin wes it sene befoir +tat ane Scottis kyng had 
in mariage a dochtir of Ingland.

Scott.

Pairt of fruit of +tat +gour nobill stok, and also of 
<P 35>
+te riale branchis, I haue rehersit; bot seir sindlare 
wes it sene +tat the heretrice of Scotland 
marijt sick ane kyng of Ingland, commit of sic stok 
as he is. God will nocht suffir sic bastard seid
to ringne, and quhat his father wes I traist +te 
wallis of every guid toun will tell quhar abbayis 
stuid. I will nocht +gour lordis and ladyis reherss, 
quhilkis for +te trewth wes miserablie murdreit, 
+tair airis disherist, the spuil+ge of +gour 
kirkis, the extorsioun of +te +gemanrie and gentillmen;
as concernyng the faith and religioun, thair 
actis and proclamatiounis +geirlie ane aganis ane 
vthir will speik quhone we be gane. 

Inglis.

+Gour kyng send ane familiar message and desyrit 
oure kyng, his vncle, to appunct a meting at +Gork,
the quhilk our kyng did keip with greit incommodite 
of his persoun in myd-wintir. Quhy suld +gour kyng 
disapoynt the sam in greit contempnyng of our 
kyngis maiestie? 
Scott.

Nebour, +ge appeir nocht to knaw +te mater. Oure 
kyng neuer send nor desyrit sic meting, bot +te contrar 
is plane: sick meting wes desirit, solistit 
and menit quietlie be +gour kyng in sick sort that 
nocht aboue thre Scottis-men of +te Prevay Chalmer 
<P 37>
knew +tat appoynting. Nebour, I will schew schortlie
quhy +gour kyng did aggrege +te breiking of +tat
meting. Therfore I sall declare the just causis 
of +te disapoynting: the j=m= v=c= xxxv. +geir of Christ, 
Charlis Imperatour conducit xxxv=m= guidlie men of 
weir fra Geneua in Italie be se in Provincia, haifand 
one his left hand Rodanus, +te greit fluid, vnpassabill
bot be grit weschell, haifing in his face 
Kyng Francise with +te greit stranglie power of 
France starklie parkit, haifand on his richt hand 
+te hiddouis montanis of Savoy, his furnissing impeschit 
be tempest of sey; and seand his partie 
refuiss battale, he postponit that his purpoiss to 
a bettir tym and mair commodius place, quhilk purpoiss 
apperit wes to assel+ge Pareiss, +te heid toun 
and hert of France, or ellis for constrane +te 
Frenche-men to gife battell, the quhilk purpoiss 
almaist followit in deid eftir. Of +te quhilk purpoiss
+gour kyng, Henry +te viij., suddanlie consauit 
ane commodius tym, as send be +te providence of God,
for to callange his richt and titill of France;
for all Inglis kyngis awaitis alwayis a commodius 
tym and concurrence for to recouer +tair pretendit 
richt to +te croun of France. Heirfore nochtwithstanding
+te greit amite, +te twa forsaid hertlie 
metingis, +te leag and confideratioun maid for his 
awin and Kyng Francise lyiftyme, +git he concludit 
for to tak +te concurrence of Charlis +te Imperatouris 
<P 39>
weir aganis France, and +tat +te mair puissantlie 
and suirlie he mycht vse +tis concurrence, 
+gour kyng desirit, solistit and menit prevalie ane 
meting with his nephew, kyng of Scotland, as apperit 
to brek him fra France and for to mantene the 
novationis +tan maid laitlie in Ingland of heresye. 
The cuming of Charlis Imperatour with his army in 
Province is notourlie knawin; the maner of Kyng 
Henry +te viij. proceding at +tis tyme and his deidis 
eftir following makis presumptioun quhar his mynd 
was +tan to France and to his nephew of Scotland.
Heir now, nebour, the causis quhy the said meting 
wes disapunctit: it semit nocht to ane kyng to 
interpryss a departing furth of his realme without 
+te adwyiss of his Thre Estatis; it semit nocht a 
Catholik kyng to intercommown with a kyng seuerit 
fra societie of Christin men; also, suld a kyng 
treat and concluid greit materis without his 
Estatis, quhilkis behuvit bene done gife +te meting 
at +Gork had haldin? Suld a kyng of Scotland, haifand 
na air, beand apperand air to Ingland, entir in 
familiaritie with a hosill court quhayis dedis 
schamit +tame nocht nouthir guidlie nor honest be 
quhat way +tai procure realmis to +tair nepotis and 
freindis? Heir nedis nocht to be rehersit +te last 
Kyng Richard of Ingland and his brotheris departing 
from +tis wardill, nor nedis be rehersit +te actis of 
+gour Parliament geving and transfferring +te richt 
<P 41>
of +te croun of Ingland fra ane to ane vthir, maid 
in Kyng Henry +te viij. tyme, fra Lady Marie to 
Elizabeth, Anna Bolonis dochtir, fra Elizabeth to 
Edward, sone to Jan Symmer, Annas (\pellex\) and delatrice,
nocht without greit periure of all +te haill 
realme, now suering with Anna to be trew to hir 
seid bastard borne (Quene Katherine beand on lyif 
till sche wes poysonit, and +te duik of Rochemound 
quhome the kyng thocht suld ringne), and on +te 
morne eftir Annas heding succedit ane sponsit quene 
of Ingland. Swa +ge do transforme +gour estait ryale 
als oft as Protheus did change formis. Ferther, 
+tair wes neuer desyrit ane meting be-for +tis tym be 
+te vncle.
Nychtbour, now may +ge se +tat +tis meting at +Gork wes 
nocht desyrit for luif, bot +tat +te samyn wes mair 
disapunctit +tan +te inductioun of the twa or thre 
mein+geonis did prevalie appunct; and also +ge may se 
becaus +te nephew wald nocht mak ane meting for to 
entir new leag preiudiciale baith to his awin realme 
and France, nor wald mak seductioun fra +te obseruance 
of +te Apostolic Sait nor wald mantene +te new 
fassoun of Ingland, the vncle disburdonit his inwart
displesour and greif be entering of ane inextinguabill
weir vpon his nephew and his realme, 
quharthrow +te puissance of his nephewis realme
micht be debilitate and waikit, to +te effect +te 
<P 43>
innouationis of Ingland suld nocht be interrupit
nor his purpoiss (\a contra\) France empeschit be his 
nephew. 

Inglis. 

+Gour kyng nocht onlie disapoyntit +te meting, bot 
also, oure kyng being cumit to +Gork for +te obseruing
of +te same meting, in +tat mene-tyme +gour kyng 
and his subiectis maid inuasioun in Ingland and 
slew certane Fynix, Inglis gentill-men. 

Scottis. 

At this slauchtir tym specifeit be +gow, the Scottis 
kyng come nocht neir +te Inglis bordouris be 1x. or 
1xxx. score of mylis, for he wes +tan in +te inwart 
partis of Scotland at his progress of hunting; als 
he neuer knew +te inuasioun and slauchtir of +gour 
Fenix quhill it wes procurit be Inglis-mennis 
selffis and executit be Scottis leud men. For our 
kyngis hunting at +tat tyme thare is na vthir prufe 
than all Scotland; this slauchtir in +te said mater 
is pruvit be ane vikit wse obseruit betuix +te bordouris 
bayth of Ingland and Scotland, quhen for 
dredour of justice thai causs quietlie outlandismen
for to rub or slay +tair awin nychtbouris. 

Inglis. 

+Gour kyng (\a contra\) +te leag maid betuix him and his
vncle resauit and intertenit certane Inglis rebellis,
<P 45>
with +te refusale to rander +tame at +te requeist 
of his vncle, oure kyng. 

Scott. 

Countray-man, +ge speik nocht warlie in the randering
of +tir +gour Inglis outlay-maen, for +ge not +gour 
prince of greit seueritie, quhilk +ge mene wes nocht 
saciate in vij. or viij. +geris persecutioun and 
scheddin of his awin subdittis bluid. Trewth is, 
in +te tyme of +tat persecutioun v. or sax auld mendicant
freris, prestis, prechouris and techeraris 
of spirituale jurisdictioun, seikand saffete of 
+tair lyif, enterit in +te Scottis sanctuarye, inuiolate
amangis ws vnto this day, and +tai remanit 
thre or four +geiris; and albeit thai had committit 
trasoun (\a contra\) Scotland we culd nocht be law haif 
drawin +tame furth of +te sanctuarie. Be +te lik ansuer
+gour kyng, thre or four +geiris befor +tis instant 
weir, wes satisfeit; the deid self previs 
+tis. 

Inglis. 

Quhat say +ge to +te vsurping of oure landis and merchis 
of Ingland, challangit be oure commissionaris 
vpone +te ground, provin be ane plane evident, and 
restorance +tairof refusit be +gour kyng? We grantit 
bot thre or four aikiris of barrate mure of sobir 
<P 47>
valoure; bot +te [{more{] it be of sobir quantite and 
valour, +te refusale +tairof is +te more inexcusabill. 

Scott. 

To this fourt causs of weir I speir: quhen diuerss 
opinionis occurris betuix twa parteis vpone +te 
validitie and inualiditie of ane evident, quha suld 
juge +tairupone? Sen +tat mater culd nocht be discussit 
be commissionaris of baith +te realmes, suld 
+gour kyng haue bene partie and also juge in his 
awin causs? And, geifand at +tat same pece land had 
pertenit to Ingland, suld +gour kyng haue mouit so 
haistie crewell weir for ane thing of so sobir 
valour, quhilk als wes nocht challangit ij=c= +geiris 
befor +tat tyme? (\Causas querit qui ab amicitia 
discedere vult.\) The pruif heirof is +te sobir 
valour of +te ground, and ij=c= +geiris vnchanlangit 
befor. 

Inglis. 

Eftir the refusale to restore +te thre or four 
aikiris of mure, commissionaris of baith +te realmes 
did proclame +tat guid ordour suld be keipit and 
obseruit, as wes accustummat for guid reule on +te 
bordouris, and siclik Lord Maxwell, Warden of +te 
Scottis West Merchis, did proclame guid ordour;
bot he addit in his proclamatioun that the bordouraris 
<P 49>
of Scotland suld withdraw +tair guidis 
from the bordouris of Ingland, and incontinent 
+taireftir +te Scottis bordouraris enterit in Ingland,
spuil+geit our subiectis (\a contra\) +te leagis 
maid betuix the kyngis, quharat Kyng Henry merualit 
mekill and wes compellit +tairfore to furneiss 
+te Inglis bordouraris with a garnesoun of 
defence. 

Scott. 

Nebour, +tocht +gour buik culd pruif +tis our Wardanis
proclamatioun, +git +te sam is ane insufficient 
caus of presumptioun of weir, and als so 
waiklie handillit +tat +te verite burstis out of 
euerye taill to +tame +tat knawis +te customis of 
bayth the realmes. The Lord Maxwell did proclame 
guid reule and addit +tat the Scottis suld withdraw 
+tair guidis from +te bordouris of Ingland: it is 
notourlie knawin +tat na lord, prince nor wardan in 
Scotland durst at +tat tyme mak sic a restrikit 
proclamatioun, for sic obedience had Kyng James +te 
Fyift, quha at +tat tyme had na occasioun to mynd
weir. 
Also nychtbour, mak +gour buik of Declaratioun 
specifie the Scottis bordouraris namis, and at 
quhat bordour of Ingland thai enterit, and quhat 
guidis and quhat Inglis-men +tai spuil+geit: thaireftir
+tir allegit Scottis raidis and spuil+geis of 
Ingland will appeir mair just causis of weir and 
<P 51>
will mak me haif mater for to impruif +te sam gife 
I may. 
Also +ge sall vnderstand +tat the ryding and spuil+geis
of prevate Scottis and Inglis vsis to be redrest 
at wardan courtis, and sic radis and spuil+geis
is na sufficient causs for to mak weir. Bot 
gife +ge say +tat +te redress of sic guidis wes askit,
and refusit be +te Scottis Wardan, I grant +tat the 
ryding and spul+geis committit be athir of +te 
realmes wardanis or lieutennent onlie brekis +te 
trewis and pece eftir +te obseruit law of bayth 
Ingland and Scotland, and gife our kyngis wardanis 
or lieutennentis maid +tir allegit spul+geis, than 
+gour kyng did iustlie furneiss his borderaris with 
garnesoun. Bot +gour kyng without ony of +tir forsaid 
caussis send Schir Robert Bowis as his lieutennent 
with ane guidlie garnesoun to mak raiddis 
and waisting in Scotland as a preparatiue befor 
weir. This is provin be Schir Robert Bowis talkin 
at Haldan Rig in Scotland with ane cumpany of v=m= 
Inglis-men of August +te xxij., the +geir of God j=m=
v=c= xlij., as begyning of iniust weir declarit be +te 
justnes of God, quha will send ane semblable end of 
sic ane entirit weir quhon He thinkis tym. Bot for 
all +tis, our kyng wald nocht reput +te pece-breiking 
bot send Schir James Leirmonth to inquire giue his 
vncle wald nocht keip +te appoyntit leag and amitie 
for +te langar leuear of +tame twa. This Schir 
<P 53>
James, persawand +te Kyng of Ingland stomocate, 
nocht tretable to continuew amite with his nephew, 
schew +tat his maistir, Kyng of Scotland, within 
ten +geiris befor sindre tymes had mair opportunitie 
to mak novatioun (\a contra\) his vncle, as quhon Guid 
Scalco, send be Charlis Imperatoure for tendir 
luif and confideratioun with +te Scottis kyng, incontinent 
eftir +te Lundoun Perliament declarit +tat 
Elizabeth, begottin vpone Anna, to be repute 
apperand air of Ingland, +gour kyngis vthir wyif, 
Quene Katherine of Spane, and Lady Marie, hir 
dochtir, being +tan on lyif. Als +te sam Leirmonth 
schew how +gour kyngis nephew wes nocht facill quhen 
+te nobill bluid of Ingland wes persequutit, nor 
quhen +te insurrectioun of +te commonis raiss last. 
Also Leirmonth schew +tat the Kyng of Scotland culd 
nocht be brokin fra his vncle be solistatioun of +te 
Erle of Kildare and Odoneill in Irland. Gif the 
Kyng of Scotland omittit all thir occurrantis and 
oportuniteis, quhy sould he now, haifand na concurrantis, 
walkin besines (\a contra\) his vncle, quha 
neuer a quheit movit at ocht +tat Leirmonth said, 
nor movit for proximitie of bluid, with sindre 
gratuiteis of his nephew, bot commandit +te Duik of 
Norphok suld prepair his army be all diligence and 
pas fordwart in Scotland. 

Guid man of Sion 

Now becaus we entir in +te toun of Rowane I think 
<P 55>
best +tat +gow baith, guid freindis, continew ferder 
commonyng in this mater till we returne to our 
vaiage..... Becaus I traist +tat euerilk ane of ws 
hes done his besines weill, and becaus we ar now 
enterit agane in our jornay to Pareiss, latt ws 
entir oure auld commonyng of Inglis just weir with 
Scotland. 

Inglis. 

+Gow, nichtbour Scott, apperit at oure entering in 
Rowane for to reput all +te forsaidis causis of weir 
of litill valour: quhat can +gow say to +te anciant 
demand of superioritie that Ingland hes vpone 
Scotland, recognoscit successiuelie be +te Scottis 
kyng be deidis, werdis, actis and writtingis continewalie
without interruptioun or at +te leist 
intermissioun? 

Scott. 

As to +te fyift causs, of +te Ingland kyngis superioritie
in Scotland, +gour buik vpone +te declaratioun 
of +tis weir makis mair diligence and labour for to 
deduce +tat pretendit superiorite fra +te first 
growing of +te auld roulkis in +tis greit ile +tan it 
dois pruif +te samyn attentiklie, nochtwithstanding 
+te sam buik labouris to induce thre maneris of 
probatioun vpone the superioritie, as be historijs, 
instrumentis and registreis. Bot a thing I merwell,
quhy +gour buik specifeis alanerlie bot ane 
<P 57>
historiciane, callit Mariane, Scottis writtare, for 
to pruif +te first homage, maid +te ix. hundreth +geir 
of Christ, and for to pruif all +te vthir homagis 
fra +tat tym to +te homage maid j=m= v=c= +geir of Christ?
I intend to impung euerie ane of +tir pretendit 
homagis be Polidor, +gour awin liturate, autentik 
historiciane, and gife neid beis I sall impung 
be ane cuning, grave and diligent ancient air 
callit Hectour Boece, our trew historiciane. 
First of all, it apperit weill +tat Kyng Henrie +te 
Aucht and his counsell report +te foure before-namit 
causis nocht sufficient to perswade the facill 
Inglis pepill that he movit just weir aganis his 
nephieu bot gife he had addit +tis new-forgit 
superiorite. Neboure, pleiss +ge +tat I ansuer at 
anis to all the discurse of homagis contenit in 
+gour buik, or +tat I ansuer to every homage be itself?

Inglis. 

No, in faith, I lik nocht +tat +gow ansuer attonis, 
for +tan +gow will mak bot ane refusale and deming 
to all!
First, quhat sayis +gow to the probabilite and liknes
of sic superiorite from +te first habitatioun 
of Albioun for +te bettir administratioun of justice 
amangis ruid peopill; as twa or ma of ane estait 
<P 59>
mycht be reullaris in ane cuntrey vnit as +tis ile 
is, so it is probable and liklie +tat in +te begyning 
it wes sa ordourit for avoding of dissentioun +tat 
+tair suld be ane superioure, in rycht of quhom +te 
said twa or ma estatis suld depend, as did begin in 
+te monarche of Bruit, and syn the haill administratioun 
devydit in Locrin, eldest superiour 
brothir, also in Albanat and Cambir, +gongar 
brethering. 

Scott.

Nichtbour, +gow and +gour Kyng Henry +te viij. in +te 
Declaratioun of +tis weir sayis +tat +te administratioun 
of +tat land is best quharin +tair is twa 
or ma reularis of ane estait, as Locrin, Cambir 
and Albanat, maid be Brutus, first monarche of +tis 
ile. 
Nebour, I do speir quhar be now Camberis posterite?
Quha reulis his part of this ile, now callit 
Vallia? I traist +ge will ansuer +tat Vallia is
vnit to Locrinis part, now callit Anglia: suyth +ge 
say. Than I speir be quhat titill, quhiddir be 
mariage, subdewit or fre surrendering? Bot I 
traist +tat Vallia is vnit to +te Inglis crown as +te 
vthir sax Saxonis realmes was, and as +ge now desyr 
Scotland. 
<P 61>
Inglis. 

The kyngis maieste dois posseid nor will posseid no 
thing bot be just titill. 

Scott.

Kyng Henry +te viij. sayis in his Declaratioun of 
+tis present weir that twa or ma reullaris in this 
ile is necesser for bettir administratioun of 
justice, bot Edward, Duik of Summersett in his 
Exhortatioun for vnioun of Scotland with Ingland 
sayis be mony allegationis +tat ane kyng, ane reulare
in this land is best. At quhithir of +tir twa 
opinionis will +gow abyde, +tat I may ansuer conformelie
bot to +tis +gour present opinioun? +Gow say 
as did begin in Brutus tyme: nebour, +ge most nedis 
stabill +tis ground of Brutus monarchie, +taireftir 
consequenter +gour probabilite of twa or ma reularis 
will appeir mair apparent. Heireftir gife it be 
sperit quhen [{in{] quhat leid was +tis historie 
writtin and be quhom, quhat salbe +gour ansuer?
For Julius Cesar, ane diligent, inquisitiue writtar,
haifand vnder his gyding threttie or fourtie 
men xiiij. or xv. +geiris continewalie, eftir his 
vesiyng tuyss +te partis quhar +tat Loundoun is situate
a fiftie +geir afor +te natiuitie of Christ, wald 
haif als reddalie haif writtin +te origin of +tis 
ile, the first inhabitoris, reullaris, gife ony
<P 63>
memorie or historie had bene +tat tym amangis +te 
Brittanis, as he did diserine +te peopillis maneris, 
+te longitude and latitude of +te samyn Britane. 
Cornelius Tacitus sayis +tat +te Brittanis childring 
begouth to leir literatoure and Romanis ciuiliteis 
quhen Julius Agricola gydit Britane vnder +te 
Romanis; giff literatour begouth in +tis ile about 
lxxxx. +geir eftir +te natiuitie of Christ, it 
apperis +tair wes litill or titter na literatour 
befor +tat tym. Also, +te v=c= lxxx scor +geir eftir +te 
birth of Christ, Gildas Britan sayis +tair culd na 
historie buikis be fund of +te sowth partis of 
Britan in +tis tyme. Heirfore, +tat is for +te want 
of literatour and memorie of anciant dedis befor 
Julius Cesar and also before Gildas, in quhais tym 
and na sonare begouth the oppressioun of Britane 
befor ane peopill (heir I excep +te Romanis conqueist).
It man be said +tat Brutus monarchie and 
his thre sonnis is als vncertane as +te origin of 
all vthir nationis except alanerlie +te origin of 
Isralite peopill be provitioun of God, and also of 
Inglis origin, quharof +te authoris maner is weill 
knawin to all +tame +tat redis +te Inglis historijs.
Bot gife +ge, nebour, will say +tat Britane was in 
Brutus and his thre sonnis tyme eftir the Dilugit, 
vpone sic a ground +ge may devyd +tis ile and beild 
sic probabilitie as +ge lyk ymagin. 
<P 65>

Inglis. 

Sayis nocht Antonius Sabilicus +tat Scotland is ane 
part of Ingland, quhilk is aggreable to +te diuisioun
afore be me said, being in deid as in +te land 
continewalie without separatioun of +te sey, also 
be homage and fealtie vnit?

Scott. 

Be this +gour argument, Asia, Europia and Aphrica is 
vnit to +gour kyng be homage and fealtie, becaus 
France is in Europe and +gour kyng dois repute himself 
kyng of France, and thai sam thre partis of +te 
warald ar continewall in land without separatioun 
of +te sey. Bot nebour, +gour buik culd nocht haif 
notit a passage in all Sabillikis workis for mair 
ignorance and infamitie of +te auctor; bot it is 
mair to be mervalit on +te makar of +tis +gour buik, 
and also one the authorisate Counsell of Ingland, 
+tat allegit sic ane discriptioun of Scotland,
Sabilicus Italiane, quha as can be provin hes errit 
baith in historie and discriptioun of landis about 
his awin durris in Italie. 
Nichtbour, can ony man in Ingland, beand nocht 
blind in witt, mynd and body (as, alace, +ge be now),
say +tat Scotland is or was evir a part of Ingland 
mair nor France ane part of Span+ge; quharof gif +ge 
pruif nocht be pretendit homagis bettir +tan Sabilicus
previs Scotland ane part of Ingland, +gour fyre 
is bot ane smuke and +gour kyng and Counsell hes 
<P 67>
authorisate ane freuole buik and enterit ane inextingguabill,
iniust weir for sobir causis. 
That Scotland is nocht nor neuir was ane part of 
Ingland I call to witnessing all gentill and cuning 
men of Ingland, and als Polidor in his first, thrid 
and in all his buikis of Inglis historijs, to +te 
first prent; for I heir +ge maid +te puir man call 
agane mony trew thingis, as +ge did Doctour Smytht
quhen +ge drew a recantatioun for him and causit 
+gour lordis to threatin him to deith. He denyit 
+tat Christ wes cuming, denyit +te sacrifice of +te 
Mess, and pronuncit to be lauchfull for temporale 
men to possess spirituale promotioun: this +ge 
outhir compellit him to do, or ellis to presoun. 
So strang is +gour argumentis of +te court of 
Ingland!



<B SPAM1C> 
<Q SC1 AR PAM KENNEDY1> 
<N BREIF TRACTEIT> 
<A KENNEDY QUINTIN> 
<C SC1> 
<O DATE A 1561> 
<M MEDIUM MS> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T PAMPHLET> 
<G X> 
<F X> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X MALE> 
<Y 20-40> 
<H HIGH PROF> 
<U NET PROF/PUBLIC> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I X> 
<Z ARGUM> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^KENNEDY, QUINTIN. 
TWO EUCHARISTIC TRACTS: 
ANE LITIL BREIF TRACTEIT ... a. 1561,
ANE COMPENDIOUS RESSONYNG ... 1561.
ED. FR. C. KUIPERS.
NIJMEGEN: GEBR. JANSSEN N.V., 1964.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 129.31 - 143.30 (BREIF TRACTEIT)
SAMPLE 2: PP. 153.1-172.4 (RESSONYNG)^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
[} ANE LITIL BREIF TRACTEIT MAID BE MASTER QUINTINE KENNIDY, 
ABBOT OF CORSRAGAL, PREVAND CLEIRLYE +TE REAL BODY OF IESU CRIST
TO BE PRESENT IN +TE SACRAMENT OF +TE ALTARE, CONTRAR +TE VICKIT
OPINIONE AND HERESY OF ECOLAMPADIUS AND O+TERIS DIUERSS IN +TIR
MISERABIL DAIS FALSLYE DENI[{AN{]D +TE SAMMYNE. }]

<P 129>
[}THE FIFT CHAPTOR}]

   (^Perchance^) thow vil spere, quhat is the cause +tat ve se  #
nocht +te body and
<P 130>
flesche of our lorde in +te sacrament as did the apostlis quhen #
he enterit in +te
house quhare they var, durris and vindokkis beand closit. I vil #
gif the ane
ansuere to this questione, sik as I haue learnit of Damascen,   #
Theophilactus,
and others of the anciant fathers.
   Iesus Christ our saluiour, of his infinite gudnes and        #
visdome knavand
the grete vtilite and profeit +tat men vas to haue of this      #
sacrament - and
that christiane men suld nocht be frustrat of this grete        #
benefice throuch
there fleschly imperfecciones and vaiknes, quha naturally vald  #
haue abhorrit
to se and eat +te body of ane man -, villingly of his infinite  #
mercy,
power, and grace conuertit and chengit the substance of breade  #
and vyne
into his reall bodye and bloude, quhilkis ar nocht necessar to  #
be handelit,
grapit, nor +git sene with our corporal eyne, bot onely be      #
faith in +te forme 
and quantite of bread and vyne, and is resauit and remanis      #
still: quhilk is
most agreable to +te daly vse of men.
   Attour, ve ar assurit in +te evangell [\Luce. 4\] +tat       #
Christ Iesus our
saluiour, he beand apone +te hill, he passet throuch +te        #
multitude of the 
Iowis in his verray natural bodye, quhilk vas than mortal.      #
Nocht+telese it
vas nocht feld, grapit, nor seyne sa lange as he plesit. Quhy   #
vil +tow nocht
inlikvise beleif +te body of our saluiour to be really in +te   #
sacrament, albeit
it be nocht therin feild, sein, nor grapit, consydderinge +tat  #
Goddes vord
hes alse plainly declarit the ane as the other? And his power   #
is as 
sufficient to make his body invisible and insensible in the     #
sacrament hauand
ane immortal and glo[{ri{]fyet bodye, as vas his power to pase  #
throw
+te multitude of the Iowis invisible and vithout persauynge of  #
there senses
and vittis, hauand ane mortall body.
   Forder I vil speir ane questione at thir grosse gospellaris, #
quha vill nocht
beleif the body of our lord to be in this blissit sacrament     #
reallye lesse nor
they se hym, feill hym, and graipe hyme: Quhy dar they beleue   #
+tam selues
to haue immortal saulis? I traist there be nane of theme sa     #
rude bot he
beleuis hyme selff to haue ane immortall saul; than vill I      #
speir quharbe he
<P 131>
knawis +tat he hes ane immortal saull. He neuer feld, grapit,   #
nor saw his
saull. And there is na vay to knaw +tat ane man hes ane         #
immortal saul mair
+tan beistis assuritly bot in sa far as Goddis vord techis ws.  #
Quhy vill +tow
nocht beleif than Christis reall body and bloude to be in the   #
sacrament,
considderinge his awin vordes techis it alse plainlye as ony    #
passe in all the
scriptour techis vs ane man to haue ane immortal saul? As the   #
saul may nocht
be seine nor felit becaus it is ane spreit, Sua +te body of our #
lord, quhilk is
contenit in the sacrament, can nocht be felit nor seine because #
it hes the
propirteis and qualiteis of ane spreit - as I haue all reddelye #
declarit -,
and is invisible and insensible at +te vill of the lord quhen   #
and quhair he 
plesis, quhais power and visdome, as sais +te apostle           #
[\Rom.11.\] , is
incomprehensible.
   Truely, gude reader, there is na vay to be satifyet and to   #
be at +te rest
of our conscience with +tis mistery - and all other mistereis   #
pertenand til
our faith - bot gif ve refuise +te Iugement of the flesche,     #
outvart vittis and
senses, and lene to +te mychty power of the vorde of Gode,      #
Conforme to
+te godlye counsall of the godlye father Chrisostome, vritand   #
one this
maner: "Lat vs beleif in God euery thynge and nocht agane       #
saynge hyme,
+gea, althouch the thynge +tat he say nocht appere and be       #
inconuenient to
our senses, boith thouch and onder - And do also excede our     #
senses
capacite and reasone; lat vs, I beseik +gow, beleif in his      #
vorde in al thingis,
and cheifly in the sacrament of +te altare, nocht lukand onely  #
apone they
thinges quhilk lyis before vs, bot alsua considder his vordes,  #
for be his
vordes ve can nocht be dissauit. His vordes can nocht be false, #
our senses
ar verray oft tymes begilit and made false. Quharfore, sene     #
Christ hes said
'+tis is my body', lat vs na thinge doute therof, bot beleif    #
and perceaue it
with +te eyne of our onderstandynge." Hitherto vritis this      #
godly bischope
and doctour, 1100 and more +geres sene.
   I pray God +tat euery christian man vald imprent this        #
hailsoume and
godlye doctrine in his hart and mynd, quhilk is vorth           #
euerlestand memorie.
<P 132>
Thane suld ve nocht efter ane fleschlye maner be so curiouse in #
seirsynge
out of Goddes vord, quhilk cursit curiositie now in thir dais   #
constrenis
men, one +te maner, throuch imperfeccione of faith to make ane  #
atome of
+te preciouse body and bloude of Iesus Christ our saluiour in   #
+te blissit
sacrament.
   Benevalent reader, gif thow vil diligently mark and          #
considder our hail
disputacione abone rehersit, +tow may cleirly persaue the godly #
doctrine of
the kirk tovart +te real presence of the body and bloude of     #
Iesus Christe our
saluiour in the sacrament mekill mair propir plainly and        #
aggreable vith
+te text of +te scriptoure, than is +te vickit heresy and false #
opinione of
Ecolampadius and diuerse others be scripturis peruerstly        #
applyit and
impropirlye vald preiff +te contrar. Als +tow sal perceaue the  #
doctrine of the
anciant fathers agreable therwith, quhilkis all heir to reherse #
var our
prolixit. Nocht+telese, sum vil ve in special adduce.
   And first vil ve begine at +te anciant father and holy       #
bischope S. Augustine,
vritand one this maner one the 89. psalme one this verse:       #
(\adorate scabellum 
pedum eius\) , spekand of the flesche of our saluiour quhilk he #
tuke of the
gloriouse virgine in his mast blessed incarnacione: "He tuke    #
his flesche,
and +te same selffe flesche he gef vs to eate til our           #
saluacione. Lat na man
eate of this flesche without first he adoire it; for ve sine    #
nocht adorand +tat
flesche, bot ve syne and ve adore it nocht."
   Mark quhow expreslye +tis doctour and bischoppe is contrar   #
+te opinione
of men in +tir dais. Nocht onelye dois he afferme the real      #
presens of the
lordes body in the sacrament, bot alse the sammyne to be        #
adorit. Truely,
quhair sum euer Christe is (as he is assuirtly in +te           #
sacrament) thair is boith
God and man, and quhair sumeuer God is, he is to be adorite:    #
nocht +tat
christiane men giffis Goddes glore to +te formes of breade and  #
vyne
quhilkis they se with there corporale eyne, nor +git to         #
Christis flesche bot in
sa far it is Iounit inseparatlye to his godheid in vnitie of    #
persone and is
contenit invisible onder the formes of breade and vyne and is   #
seine with
the eyne of our faith and onderstandyng, as Christis avin vord  #
techis vs,
<P 133>
sayand: "This is my bodye, quhilk salbe geffin for +gow". Lik   #
as the thre 
vise men quhilkis come fra +te orient gef nocht adoracione to   #
our saluiour in
spreit in respect of his manhede, quhilk they saw onely vith    #
there corporall
eyne, bot be ressone of his godhede, quhilk they saw be faith   #
vnite withhis
humanitie.
   It is nocht onknavin to me quhow +tair is sum +tat allegis   #
the vordes of
S. Augustine schortlye folouand, and peruerstly applyis them by #
+te true
menynge and contrar the doctrine of the kirk, sayand: "+ge      #
sall nocht eate
this bodye quhilk +ge se, nor drink +te bluid quhilk they ar to #
sched +tat crucifyis
me". Trueth it is, ve sal neuer eate +te bodye of +te lord nor  #
drinke his
bluide efter +te sammyne maner as his bodye vas seine and his   #
bluid vas
sched hauand sik qualiteis. Nocht the lesse, it is the same     #
bodye and bluide
in substance, as I haue schavin +te ofbefore, resauit efter ane #
other maner.
And this is +te true menynge of thir vordes, as +te hail        #
sentence precedand
and efter folovand plainlye declaris.
   Now vil ve cal to rememberance sum other part of ald anciant #
fathers.
Chrisostome vritis one this maner: "It is nocht ane man +tat    #
makis our 
lordes bodye and bluid of the thynge set furth apone +te table  #
to be
consecrat, bot it is Christe, +tat vas crucifyet. Thir vordes   #
ar pronuncit of
ane preist, and +te breade and vyne ar consecrat be Goddes      #
vord." Damascene
vritis one this maner: "The breade and vyne ar noch ane figure  #
of
Christis bodye and bloude (God forbeid +tat), bot it is made    #
the lordes
bodye it self Iounit to his godhede, our lord hym self vorkand  #
be his vord
'this is my bodye', pronuncit be +te preiste." Theophilact,     #
vritand one this
maner: "The breade is nocht onely ane figure of Christis bodye, #
bot it is
chaunged in +te same self body of Christ. The lord sais: the    #
breade quhilk
I gyfe is my flesche; he said nocht: it is ane figure of my     #
flesche." S. Ambrouse
vritis in this maner: "Affore +tat it be consecrate it is       #
breade, bot
efter +tat Christis vordes be cumin till it, it is Christis     #
bodye." Cipriane
vritis one this maner: "The breade quhilk the lord gef to his   #
disciples beand
changed, nocht efter +te outvart forme bot as concernynge +te   #
nature, be the
almychty power of the vorde it is made flesche."
<P 134>
   Mark, gude reader, quhow agreable ar +te saingis of the      #
anciant fathers
vith +te plane text of the scriptoure and godly doctrin of haly #
kirk, boith
tovart +te reall presence of the preciouse bodye and bluide of  #
Iesus Christ
our saluiour in the sacrament, And als tovart the               #
transsubstanciacione and
chaungene of the substance of breade and vyne in the bodye and  #
bluid of +te
lord. Nocht onely this is and euer hes bene the doctrine of the #
anciant
fathers of the kirk, bot alsse the sammyne doctrine is plaine   #
and manifestlye
set furth be +te sicht of +te most speciall ennimeys of the     #
kirk of God
in +tir days: Of the quhilk I vald mak the readaris to knaw ane #
notable purposse.
   Luther in al his vorkes apprevis +te real presence of the    #
lordes bodye in
+te sacrament, bot he denyes transsubstanciacione. And          #
Ecolampadius
denyes the reall presence; nocht +te lesse, vritand aganis      #
Luther he reprevis
the Iugement and doctrin of hyme +tat apprevis +te real         #
presence and denyes
transubstanciacione, and preuis be plaine authoritie of         #
scriptour, and
invincible argumentes and reasones, that giffe thare be +te     #
real 
presence of the body of our lord in the sacrament, onforce      #
there man be als
transsubstanciacione. Sua there is na man settis furth          #
transsubstanciacione
mair quickly nor doise Ecolampadius. Be the contrar, Luther as  #
ernistlye
as ony man in thir dais settis furth +te real presence contra   #
Ecolampadius,
and denyes transsubstanciacione, Sua +tat the ane for +te real  #
presence and
the other for transsubstanciacione settis out manifestlye +te   #
true catholike
doctrine of the kirke, baith tovart the real presence and       #
transsubstanciacione,
nochtvithstandynge +tat they ar repugnant the ane to +te other  #
and
alsua to +te kirk.
   This +ge may perceaue quhow vonderfullye God tryis +te       #
trueth of his 
vorde, nocht onely be godly men his ministeris, bot also be     #
vicket instrumentes:
to there grete confusione and manifestacione of there           #
intolerable
Ignorance and Induritnes, And plain confirmacione of the godly  #
doctrine
of his kirk, aganis the quhilkis hellis +gettes quhilk is       #
haresy, vice, and syne -
cane nocht prevaile.

[}THE SAXT CHAPTOUR.}]

   (^Sene^) ve haue hed Iust occasione conforme to +te          #
scripturis of almychty
Gode tilbe resolut and satifyet vith +te first hede and part of #
our disputacione
<P 135>
tovart +te true onderstandynge of this most excellent mistery   #
of the 
blissit sacrament of the altare - quhare questione vas quhidder #
+te doctrine
of the kirke or +te opinione of Ecolampadius vas maist agreable #
with the
plain text of the scriptoure -, Now restes to considder         #
quhidder +te doctrine 
of the kirk affermand the real presence of the body of our      #
saluiour in the
sacrament, or the opinione of Ecolampadius, quha denyis +te     #
real presence
of the lordes bodye in the sacrament, giffis ony vay glore,     #
estimacione, or
prise to God and his vord conforme to +te scriptour, as dois    #
the godlye
doctrine of the kirk, becaus impropirlye and ontruelye and      #
ongodlye they
expone the vordes of our saluiour, sayand "This is my body", to
haue bene spoken be ane figure and similitude; be +te quhilk    #
vristit interpretacione
they obscure, hyid, and diminucis the most vonderfull vorke
of almychty God, makande litle difference betuix this sacrament #
and
sacrifice And the sacramentes and figures of +te auld lawe,     #
quhilkis vas bot
similitudes and figures onelye, Sua +tat the beleif of +te      #
sammyne is litle
or na thynge to +te glore of God. Quhat grete mater is it to    #
beleif, and quhare
in is Goddes glore avansyt to say, +tat the breade and the vyne #
ar onelye ane
figure and taken of Christis bodye? This may +tow cleirlye      #
perceaue quhow
+tis vickit opinione obscuris, hyddis, and dyminucis +te        #
vonderfull vorke of
almychty God. 
   Be +te contra, mark +te godlye doctrine of the kirk, and     #
+tow sal cleirly
perceaue +tat it declaris +te vonderfull vork of almichty God   #
conforme to
his vorde. For like as Iesus Christ our saluiour vas consauit   #
abone ordour
of nature in +te bosume of the virgine Marie, godhede and       #
manhede vnit
to gidder - twa natures in ane persone -, And as he enterit in  #
to +te house
quhare his disciples var, durris and vindokkis al beand closit, #
with his
verray hail reall bodye hauand flesche, bloude, and bonis, and  #
occupeit
na place in his passynge - and +tat far abone +te ordour of     #
nature -, Sua, be
his godlye power far abone the ordour of nature, he is contenit #
realye onder
the formes of bread and vyne, godhede and manhede vnit to       #
gidder in
ane persone hauand flesche, bloud, and bonis, and occupeis na   #
place therin.
This is and euer hes bene the godlye doctrine and vonderfull    #
beleif of
the kirk of God and al the anciant fathers of the sammyne; And  #
+te mair
vonderful +tat it is, the maire it is to +te glore of God,      #
considderinge the
sammyn is nocht consauit of mannis Imaginacione bot of Christis #
avin
vordes, quhilk is omnipotent, sayand: "This is my body".
<P 136>
   Attour, +tow sal onderstand +tat the godlye doctrine and     #
beleif of the
kirk tovart +te onderstandynge of this profunde mistery is      #
mekil mair
profitable to +te resauar nor is the contra opinione. For quhy, #
quha sa euer
resauis this blissit sacrament vorthely hes nocht onely profeit #
be 
reasone of his faith, bot also be reasone +tat he rasauis       #
[{Chris{]tis real
bodye, godhede and manhede vnit to gidder insepara[{tlye{] ,    #
sua +tat ve
rasaue mekil mair aboundantlye +te grace of God and [{rest{]is  #
gretarlye
assurit of Christis fauour tovart vs resauand Christis bodye    #
boith spiritually
and reallie, as his vordes plainlye techis vs, nor to resaue    #
the lordes body
spiritually allanerlye or be ane figure and sygne.
   And to +te effect +tat +tow may mair easaly onderstand the   #
sammyne,
+tow sal considder +tat there is diuersse maneris of the        #
resauynge of Christes
body, and mair aboundand grace in the ane nor in the other: lik #
as, in +te
resauynge of the giftes of the holy Spreit, ve ar assurit +tat  #
+te apostlis
resauit the giftes of +te holy Spreit diuerse vais at diuerse   #
tymes, and maire
aboundantlye at ane tyme nor at ane other. For truelye, +te     #
apostlis resauit
+te giftes of +te holy Spreit vithout doute mair aboundantlye   #
efter his
gloriouse ascensione +tan of before, boith in til grace of      #
onderstandynge
and visdome of al veritie - conforme to his godlye promesse     #
spekand of his
blissit Spreit +tat +te apostlis vas to resaue efter his        #
ascensione, said: "Quhen
he cumis, he sal teche +gow al verite" -, And als anent the     #
fouth of grace
infundit in there saulis, quharbe +ta var clengit fra syne and  #
confermit in
the luff of God, Sua that they mich haue al said with S.Paul    #
+tat +tare vas na
creature mych dysseuer theme fra the luf of God, as they ver    #
disseuerit
in +te tyme of his passione, boith corporally and spiritually,  #
nochtvithstandynge
+tat they hed resauit +te gift of the holy Spreit effore +te    #
Sammyne. Swa
sume tymes ve resaue +te bodye of the lord spiritualye onelye   #
be faith and
deuocione, Sum tymes boith spiritualye and reallye, as quhen ve #
vorthelye
resaue +te blissit sacrament of +te altare, quharin is contenit #
+te invisible gift
of grace quhilk is Christis reall bodye - vnit with his godhede #
as said is -,
<P 137>
quharbe ve resaue mekil maire abundance of grace nor resauand   #
it spritualye
or be ane sygne or figure allanerlye.
   Thys may the reader cleirlye perceaue +tat in +te cace +te   #
scriptour
gef equal apperaunce of the interpretacione of Ecolampadius and #
Calvin
tovart the onderstandynge of this profunde misterye as for +te  #
interpretacione
of the kirk (quhilk is alse false as God is true), +git alvais  #
+te interpretacione
of the kirk is rather to be folowit, becaus it is mekil mair to #
+te
glore of God and profeit of the resauar, as I haue al reddelye  #
declarit conforme
to Goddes vordes.
   Lord God, quhat vengebel vodnes is this, quhilk rengis in    #
+te christiane
hartis of men in thir dais, quha hed rather thraw +te           #
scriptoure by Goddes
menynge of the Sammyne, sekand ese and contenment of thair      #
fleschly
Iugement and natural reasone, nor truely till onderstand the    #
sammyne,
albeit it be contrar natural reasone as ar all maters of faith  #
for the glore of
Gode and thair avin saluacione. Becaus +te vickit               #
interpretacione of Ecolampadius
and Calvin is mekil mair agreable to our outvart vittes and     
manly reasone tovart +te interpretacione of this mistery - as   #
commonlye al
hereseys ar - nor is the godly interpretacione of the kirk,     #
Therfor men in thir 
dais quhilkis ar fleschly in Iugement ar miserable subieckit to #
this vickit
heresy of Ecolampadius and Calvine, contrar the godlye doctrine #
of +te
kirk, to quhome it pertenis to tak ordour in misteryis          #
pertenand our faith.
   Lord God, may nocht euer ane christiane man perceaue and     #
onderstand
quhow +tis vickit and thrawine interpretacione denyand the real #
presens
of the lordes bodye in +te sacrament euellis and alteris the    #
hartes fauour and
godlye disposicione quhilk the apostle requiris of ane          #
christiane man before
he receaue +te blesset sacrament? Dois nocht S.Paul expresly    #
commaund
al christiane men affore they be parttakaris of this sacrament  #
to exeme
them selues, and +tat onder +te payne of damnacione? Quhow sal  #
it be
possible +tat ane christiane man sal dispone and exeme hyme     #
self efter +tis 
rigorouse maner quhilk thinkis in his conscience (and +tat      #
fleschlye) +tat
he is to receaue bot bair breade and vyne beand in ane figure   #
onely and
<P 138>
similitude of the lordis body? Quhat christiane mannis hart     #
cane
be sterit vp to s[{ik{] fauour and feyr to receaue +te pictour  #
and similitude of
h[{is{] lord and master, as gif he thouch in his conscience -   #
+tat truely conforme
to Goddes vorde - +tat he is to receaue his lord and master,    #
crear and
redemar?
   Now vil I humilye and ernistlye exort +te reader to be equal #
Iuge, and
considder quhilk of thir twa interpretaciones - the ane         #
affermand the real
presence of the lordes bodye in the sacrament, The other        #
affermand the
Sacrament to be ane signe onely of the lordes body - mast       #
feruentlye
disponis our hartes to +te rigour requirit be S.Paull affore ve #
be partakaris
of +te blissit sacrament.

[}THE SEVINT CHAPTOR.}]

   (^According^) til our promesse in +te begynnyng of this      #
tracteit ve haue
schavin gude vil - as it hes plesit God to gif vs grace - to    #
declair quhidder
the interpretaciones of Ecolampadius, Calvin, and others        #
diuerse in thir
dais ar most propir and agreable vith the plaine text of the    #
scriptouris.
Therefter ve haue reasonit and declarit quhilk of the twa       #
interpretaciones
is maist to the glore of Gode and veil of +te resauars,         #
conforme to +te scriptouris.
   Now vil we concluid and reasonynge be conferrens of this     #
vickit heresye
and opinione of Ecolampadius, Calvin, and others denyand the    #
real presens
of the lordis body in +te sacrament vith the most detestable    #
and abhominable
hereseis quhilk euer hes bene sene the incarnacione of Iesus    #
Christ, be
the quhilk - God villinge - ve sal mak the reader cleirly til   #
onderstande this
heresye of Ecolampadius and Calvin abone rehersit to be ane of  #
the most
deplorit and condamnable hereseys +tat euer hes bene sene the   #
faith begane,
and to be rekkynnit with the first, and that efter this maner   #
and conforme 
to +te procedynge. I vil speir at ony man pregnant of ingine    #
quha hes adieckit
and subieckit them selues determinatlye to +te opinione of      #
Ecolampadius 
and Calvyne and the rest: be quhat scriptouris propirlye and    #
truely
<P 139>
allegit, or be quhat authoritie or reasone, vil they preif and  #
perswaide the
opinione of Ecolampadius and Calvine to be resauit and          #
approvyne true
and godlye doctrine, And the opinione of Arrius, Macedonius,    #
Nestorius,
and others of +te most deplorit heretikis quhilk euer hes bene, #
to be refusit
and repellit as one true and ongodlye doctrine - and the        #
doctrine of   
Ecolampadius and Calvyne to be resauit as true and godlye       #
doctrine, bot
because they allage diuerse testymoniis of scriptoure for       #
theme.
   This sammyne argument perswades +te opinione of Arrius and   #
Nestorius
mekill mair to be resauit. For quhare euer Ecolampadius or      #
Calvyne alleges
ane testimony for confirmacione of thair opinione, Arrius       #
alleges thre, 
quhilk easaly may be persauit gif thow vyl reade +te vark of    #
Hilarius
[\Hilarius\] vritand aganis Arrius, and alse the vorke of       #
Athanasius
[\Athanasius\] , quha vas in +te tyme of Arrius ane godly       #
byschope quha
resistit til his errour.
   Wil thow say +tat the scriptouris alleget be Ecolampadius    #
and Calvyne
ar truely and propirlye allegit, and the scriptouris alleget be #
Arrius ar one
truely and onpropirlye alleget? I dar baldye say,               #
nochtvithstandynge +tat
they baith allege the scriptouris peruerstlye by +te godlye     #
menynge of the
sammyne, lat ony man of Iugement diligentlye considder all +te  #
testimonyis
of scriptouris alleget be theme baith, he sal fynde and         #
perceaue the scriptouris
alleget be Arrius to gif gretare apperaunce (besid +tis, +tat   #
is, ther is
far mair of them) nor dois the scriptouris alleget be           #
Ecolampadius and
Calvine, quhilkis and ve var curiouse to confer it ver easy to  #
preif.
   Bot ve vil nocht curiouslye do the sammyne, in euentuir      #
fleand ane
inconuenient ve sal fall in twa, nocht +te lese +tat +te reader #
sall nocht thynk
+tat it is said of plesour and effeccione, sene in special ve   #
vill conterfate +te
craft of learnet men medicinaris quha, persauand ony man        #
intoxicat or
poysont, be contra poysone curis +te pacient: lik as ve intend  #
- God
villynge - be conferrynge of thir errouris to constreine the    #
ane
to expell the others, one this maner.
   It is v[{ri{]tyne in the evangell, for mencione is made of   #
the supper of the
lorde, +tat he blessit +te breade and gef to his disciples,     #
sayand: "This is my
bodye". Ecolampadius and Calvine, incontrar +te true meanynge   #
of the
scripture and godlye doctrine of haly kirke, exponis thir       #
vordes to be
spoken be ane similitude. To fortifye there thrawine            #
interpretacione impropirlye
cal they to remembrance the vordes of the apostle, sayand:
"Christ vas the roike", allegeand lik as our saluiour vas nocht #
ane roike in
deid bot be ane similitude, swa sais Ecolampadius and Calvyne   #
that it vas
bot ane similitude of his bodye - and nocht our saluiouris      #
reall bodye -
+tat he geue til his apostlis.
<P 140>
   Truelye, +tis confferrens of scriptouris is verray impropir, #
as I haue al
reddelye declarit in the first chaptour. For quhy, albeit +te   #
scriptouris
speakis sumtyme be ane similitude, it argumentes nocht +tat it  #
speakis euer
be ane similitude. For gif sua var, our hail faith var          #
confundit, as thow sal
cleirlye persaue.
   The kirk to confund the vickit opinione of heresy of Arrius, #
allegeand
the vordes of our saluiour, sainge: "I and +te Father ar boith  #
ane". 
Arrius, quha denyit the Father and the Sone in godhede to be    #
boith ane
substance, alleget +tir vordes of our saluiour folouand to be   #
spoken be ane
similitude and figure (as dois Ecolampadius [{and{] Calvin to   #
fortifye
there errouris be scriptouris impropirlye applyit), and, to     #
preif the sammyn
errour to be true, alleget +te vordes of our saluiour quhare he #
dide praye
to +te Father of heawine for +tam +tat euer vas to beleue in    #
hyme, Sayand: 
"Holye Father, keip theme in +tj name quhome +tow hes geffin to #
me, +tat
they ma be ane as ve ar ane". Arrius inferrit of thir vordes    #
+tat like as they
quhome for our saluiour prayit var nocht ane in substance, bot  #
be concord
of mynd and vyll.
   This it ma be persauit, gif regard var hed to fals and       #
vickit applicacione
of scriptouris, than suld the heresy of Arrius hed place rather #
nor +te heresy
of Ecolampadius and Calvyne, because this text of scriptoure -
and +te rest, as +tow sal schortly perceaue - hes far greater   #
apperaunce for
confirmacione for Arrius errour and vickit opinione. Gif our    #
saluiour hed
said: "This is my body as I am the roike", lik as he sais: "I   #
pray the Fader
+tat they be al ane as ve ar ane", Thane vald Ecolampadius,     #
Calvin, and
otheris haue thouch they had mater to triumphe aganis +te kirk.

[}THE AUCTHT CHAPTOR.}]

   (^Ane other^) cheiffe argument +tat Ecolampadius, Calvin,    #
and all others +tat
fauowris there faccions, vsis to cause there heresy to seme     #
godlye aganis +te
true doctrine of +te kirk, sais that +te interpretacione of +te #
mistery of +te
supper of the lord conforme to +te doctrine of the kirk may     #
nocht stand
with +te articles of our beleif: for it is said +tat our        #
saluiour ascendit vp to
hewyne and sittis at +te rich hand of the Father, and is to     #
returne agane
one the letter day.
   I vil speir at the: quhat sais Ecolampadius and Calvyne and  #
all others
<P 141>
+tat fauouris there vickit opinione and faccione in +this part  #
bot as said Arrius
and +te rest +tat fauourit his faccione? Said nocht Arrius      #
plainlye +tat the
interpretacione of +te scripture conforme to +te declaracione   #
of the kirk
tovart the mistery of +te diuine nature of our saluiour vas     #
expresse aganis
the first and principall article of our beleue, quhilkis is to  #
beleue in ane
God? For quhy, said Arrius, gife there be God the Father and    #
God the
Sone diuidit in twa personis, quhow can +te first article of    #
our beleiff be of
veritie, Saiand: "There is bot ane God"?
   Truelye, it is alse far aganis the ordour of nature +tat     #
there suld be twa
personis in ane substance, as +tat ane persone suld be in twa   #
places at ane 
tyme. I dar baldye say +tat it is nocht ane phraise nor maner   #
of spekin
agreable nor propir for ane christiane man to speir quhow       #
Christes bodye
can be in diuerse places at ane tyme. Or quhow can there be twa #
distinguit
personis in ane godhede? It sufficis +tat Christes vord techis  #
vs, quhilk all
christiane man auch to beleue without reasonynge quhow sik      #
thinges may
be. There is nocht ane article in all hail our beleiff quhilk   #
cane be perceauit
be manlye reasone.
   Ane other cheiff argument quhilk is applyit be Ecolampadius, #
Calvyne,
and others, incontrar +te godlye doctrine of the kirk tovart    #
the
onderstandinge of this profunde misterye of the sacrament of    #
+te altare is 
+te vord of ou[{r{] saluiour, sayand: "It is the spreit +tat    #
giffis lif; the flesche
profitis na thynge" [\Io. 6\] . Tak hede, gude reader, and +tow #
sal perceaue 
+tat, lik as Ecolampadius and Calvyne applyis thir vordes of    #
our saluiour:
"This is my bodye", incontrar +te true doctrine of the kirk     #
tovart +te real
presence of the bodye of +te lord in the sacrament, Sua dois    #
Arrius impropirlye
apply +te vordes of our saluiour, sayand: "The Father is mair   #
nor
I", incontra +te doctrine of the kirk tovart +te onderstandynge #
of +te diuine
nature of our saluiour, becaus, sais Arrius, quhare there is    #
mair and lese
can nocht be equalite. Truelye, hauand respect to +te godhede   #
of the Father
and manhede of the Sone onelye, there is nocht equalite; bot    #
gif ve vil haue  
respect to +te godheid of +te Sone, he is al vais equal with    #
+te Father. Sua,
lyke as +te Father and the Sone ar equal and nocht equall efter #
diuerse
respeckis and consideraciones, Inlykvise +te flesche diuidit    #
fra +te spreit is
<P 142>
nocht profitable for saluacione of man; bot +te flesche Iounit  #
to +te spreit
quhilk is God - as Christes flesche - is euer profitable, as I  #
haue all reddelye 
declarit. This may +te reader perceaue +tat efter +te sammyne   #
sort and maner
as Arrius vickitlye interpreit and threw +te scripture, by the  #
godlye meanynge
of +te sammyne, to fortifye his vickit heresy and opinione, Sua #
dois Ecolampadius
and Calvyne to preif there errouris.
   Attour, confer +te scriptouris quha plesis, they sal na vay  #
perceaue +te
opinione of Ecolampadius and Calvyne to be godly be conferrens  #
and
allegeans of the scriptouris, bot +te sam vay they sal perceaue #
rather +te
opinione of Arrius to be godlye, quhilk is playne h[{e{]resye   #
aganis +te faith.
Giff I vald be als curyouse as perchaunce I mych be, +git culd  #
I call to
rememberaunce thretty sax testimonyis of scriptouris or ma      #
allegit be
Arrius incontrar +te doctrine of +te kirk of God, of +te        #
quhilkis ony ane 
giffes alse grete apperaunce for confirmacione of his vickit
opinione as the maist propir text allegit be Ecolampadius or    #
Calvyne incontra
+te kirk dois to fortifye there vickit heresye and opinione.    #
Therfore
ve mane be assurit +tat +te allegeance of scriptouris, quhilkis #
euer hes bene
at all tymes famyliar til al heretikis, persuadis na vais the   #
opinione of
Ecolampadius, Calvyne, and +te rest, to be approwyne mair nor   #
the opinione
of Arrius, bot rather lesse.
   Nowe, sene ve ar assurit that there is na scriptouris quhilk #
can be propirlye
allegit for confirmacione of the opinione of Arrius, it is to   #
be considderit
be quhat authoritie ony man fauourand +te faccione of           #
Ecolampadius
and Calvyne can perswade +tat there opinione aucht to be        #
resauit
and +te opinione of Arrius condamnit. Vil +tow say +tat the     #
godlye generall
counsall of Nece [\consilium Necenum\] , quhar into vas dewlye  #
conuenit
thre hundreth auchtene fathers, Iustlye condamnit the heresy of #
Arrius?
There vas mony fathers of godlye lernynge and gud liffe - beand #
gadderit
of al the partes of christindome - dewly conuenit in ane        #
general counsal
[\consilium Lateranense\] , quhare naturally and sufficientlye  #
disput +te
heresy of Ecolampadius, quhilk vas sterit vp first be ane       #
callit Berengarius
and vas Iustlye condamnit be this counsal of Rome and diuerse   #
others.
<P 143>
   Attour, gif the reader thinkis it ane superflowis            #
persuasione +tat this 
vickit heresye of Ecolampadius, Calvyne, and other denyand the  #
real
presens of the lordes body in the sacrament, is sa effectuislye #
condamnit
with sik nowmer of godlye fathers +tat it is to be cryit out    #
one be al christiane
man, as the heresye of Arrius, Thow sal onderstande that this
sammyne counsall of Nece quhilk dyde condame the heresy of      #
Arrius,
the sammyne counsal in effect dide condame the heresy of        #
Ecolampadius,
And sa far as it plesit God to steir vp the hartes of the       #
anciant fathers quha
dewlye conuenit in the laudable counsall of Nece to site anent  #
the mist[{ery
of{] this blissit sacrament conforme to +te interpretacione and #
doctrine of the
kirk tovart the reall presence of the body and bloude of our    #
saluiour in +te
sacrament determyt as efter folowis: "Disponand our selues one  #
to +te
godlye table, lat vs nocht luke sklenderly apone the breade     #
an[{d{]
cwpe set before vs, bot lat vs lyft vp our myndis be faith,     #
on[{der{]standand
in that haly table to be +te lame of Gode takar avay the synnes #
of the
vardle, offerit be +te preist without bluid. And ve, resauand   #
veralye his
preciouse bodye and bloude, aucht to beleiffe theme to be +te   #
plaege of our
resurreccione." Hithertil the counsall.
   Mark quhow agreable is the declaracione of this godlye       #
counsall with 
+te doctrine of the kirk tovart the onderstandynge of the real  #
presence of
Christes body and bloude in the sacrament of the altare - and   #
alse tovarte
the offerynge vp of the lordes bodye be the preistes in         #
sacrifice. This counsal
of Nece vas the first counsall generall efter +te counsall      #
conuenit in the tyme
of the apostlis of Iesus Christe, And hes bene approwine in all #
ayges, +geris,
and tymes. Sua sal +tow perceaue +tat the same authoritie, and  #
alse the grete
authoritie, hes at all tymes condamnit +te vickit heresye of    #
Ecolampadius
and Calvyne as dide condame the errour of Arrius. And this may  #
+tow
cleirlye onderstand +tat there is na authoritie quhilk dois     #
perswade the
errour of Arrius to be ongodlye bot +te sammyne dois perswade   #
inlikvise
the errour of Ecolampadius and Calvin to be alse ongodlye. 

<S SAMPLE 2>

<Q SC1 AR PAM KENNEDY2>
<N RESSONYNG>
<A KENNEDY QUINTIN>
<C SC1>
<O DATE 1561>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T PAMPHLET>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y 20-40>
<H HIGH PROF>
<U NET PROF/PUBLIC>
<E X>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I X>
<Z ARGUM>

[} (^ANE^) FAMILIAR RESSONYNG 
OF +TE MISTERIE OF +TE SACRIFICE OFF THE MESS 
BETUIX TUA BRETHIR, 
MAISTER QUINTYNE KENNEDY, COMMENDATOUR OF CORSRAGUELL, 
AND
IAMES KENNEDY OF VCHTWALLURE.}]

<P 153>
Quintinus Iacobus

   (^I. Broder,^) gif It may stand with +gour favouris, I wald  #
be glaid to ressone 
sum purposis quhilkis ar in contrauersie and debate (specialie  #
concerning 
+te mess), Providand all wayes +tat I may frelie cleyth me and  #
tak apon me 
(without +gour offense) +te place and personage of thais        #
callit now of +te new 
learnyng.
   (^Q.^) Broder, I contentit and acceptis +te conditioun with  #
all my harte. 
   (^I.^) Afoir +tat I will entyr in ressoning with +gou, I     #
will protest and requyr
+tat +ge defend nocht ane iniust caus, preissand +gour wit and  #
ingyne to 
circumveyn me with sophistrie, logik, or oratrie, Bot treulie   #
to declair +te 
treuth according to +gour iugement, as +ge will anser to +te    #
hie Iuge: for +te 
cuntre sayis +ge can do bettir and +ge will. 
   (^Q.^) As to +te vngodlie mwrmwr and Ignorant Iugement of    #
+te cuntre 
vndeserwit, I stand nocht +tairby; bot +tat I haif vsit older   #
in worde or wryte
(in materis concerning fayth) hypocrysie, craft, or             #
dissimwlatioun according 
to my vnderstanding, in +tat case I renunce Goddis mercy and    #
takis me to 
his iugement, Nochtwithstanding I knaw my self ane offendar     #
vther wayes, 
as ony wrechit synnar In erth. 
   (^I.^) Treulie, +gour acquittance is sua rigorous +tat I     #
geif +gow gude traist, and 
douteis nocht bot +ge will declayr +te treuth according to      #
+gour vnderstanding.
Thairfor lat ws go to +te purpose, and certifie me quhat +gour  #
monstruous
mess menis: For we rekkin It to be plane Idolatrie, sorcerie,   #
and wichecraft. 
   (^Q.^) I dar bauldlie say, +tair will na man think +te mess  #
to be Idolatrie or 
wichecraft bot gif It be sic Ignorant peple, led with +te       #
spreit of errour, as +tai
war quhilkis did affirme our salueour to be possessit with +te  #
devill [\Io.
8.\] , and ascriuit +te workis of +te apostolis to be sorcerie  #
and wichecraft 
[\Act.17.\] .
   (^I.^) I marvell of +gou +tat thinkis nocht +te mess         #
Idolatrie.   
   (^Q.^) I marvell mekle mair of +gou and mony hundreth        #
vtheris 
<P 154>
of +gour sect, +tat callis +te mess Idolatrie, and +ge knaw     #
nolder quhat +te mess
nor Idolatrie menis. He is ane evill Iuge condempnis or he      #
knawis. 
   (^I.^) I will preif +te mess Idolatrie. 
   (^Q.^) +ge haif tane mair on hand nor all +gour sect may     #
iustlie perfurnys.
   (^I.^) I will preif the mess Idolatrie on +tis maneir:
All worschipping of God Inventit be +te brane of man without    #
[{expres{]
command of God Is Idolatrie. The mess is Inventit be +te        #
brayn off man 
without [{expres{] command of God. Thairfoir It followis weill  #
+tat +te 
mess is Idolatrie. 
   (^Q.^) As to +te first parte of +gour argument, quhair +tat  #
+ge say That all 
worschipping of God Inventit be +te brane of man without        #
expres command 
of God Is Idolatrie: It is expres aganis Goddis worde. For +te  #
scripture 
planelie techis vs +tat Abraham and diuers vtheris Inventit     #
wayes and meynis 
to worschip God, without expres command of God [\Gen.22., Gen.  #
4.,
Gen.8.\] . Bot it is nocht vnknawin to me, how +tai ar sum      #
prophane 
precheouris +tat thrawis +te scripture by +te godlie menyng of  #
+te samyn,
to fortifie +tair wickit opinioun: As quhair +te scripture      #
makis mentioun 
how king Saull maid sacrifice thinkand to do ane acceptable     #
werk to God, 
And als preserwit Agag +te king fra deyth [\1. Reg. 15., 1 Reg. #
13.\] ,
quhais work in deid was vngodlie becaus It was expres aganis    #
Goddis 
commandiment; quhairby we may persaif +tat it is ane grit       #
difference (and 
+te zeill appeir nevir sa gude) to do ony work expres aganis    #
Goddis commandiment,
be to do ane gude work of godlie zeill without command of 
God express, as +te scripture planelie techis vs. For we reid   #
[\Act.
10.\] +tat Cornelius centurio, beand ane gentyll, did diuers    #
gude workis 
quhilkis war acceptable to God without express command of God. 
Quhairfoir we may persaif +tat +tis subtyle ressonar has nocht  #
diligentlie 
markit +te scripturis in consideratioun of diuersite of         #
werkis done on gude 
zeill expres contrar to +te command of God and werkis  done     #
on ane gude 
zeill without express command of God. For +te ane may nevir     #
stand with 
+te scripture, +te vther aggreis with +te scripture, bayth      #
auld testament and 
new, as we haif all reddy declarit.   
   As to +te secund parte of +gour argument, sayand: "The mess  #
was Inventit 
be +te brane of man", +ge sall consider +tat +te effect and     #
substance of +te mess 
was institute onelie be Iesus Christ [\B.\] . For we call no    #
thing propirlie 
+te mess bot [\diffinitioun of +te mess.\] +te sacrifice of +te #
lordis body, 
realie contenit vnder +te formys of breid and wyne, Institute   #
be Iesus Christ
in +te latter supper in rememberance of his deyth and passioun  #
[\Math.26.,
Marc. 14., (L)uc. 22.\] . Treuth it is, +te apostlis and +tair  #
disciplis and 
diuers vtheris godlie fatheris be successioun of tyme maid      #
certane oratiouns, 
<P 155>
aggreable with +te worde of God, to decoir +te laudable         #
sacrifice of +te mess, 
quhilkis ar nocht of +te effect and substance of +te mess,      #
quhairwith be 
ressone +ge will find na falte. For thais of +te new learnyng   #
has Inventit
certane oratiouns and cerimoniis to decoir +tair commwnioune,   #
and Is 
nocht of +te substance and effect of +te commwnioun, nor +git   #
contenit in +te 
scripture. 
   (^I.^) How ar +ge able to preif +te mess to be +te           #
institutioun of Christ, 
considerand +tair is nocht sic ane terme in all +te new         #
testament
as the Mess? Thairfor it apperis ane terme laitlie inventit be  #
+te brayn of 
man. 
   (^Q.^) [\A.\] Treulie, we reid +tis terme 'Missa' vsit be    #
Clemens [\Epistola 
3. ad Iacobum fratrem Dominj.\] , quha was sanct Peters         #
disciple, And 
lykwyse be Ignacius [\Epistola ad Smirnenses.\] , quha was      #
sanct Iohnis 
disciple, quhairby we may persaif +tat +tis terme 'Missa' is    #
nocht laitlie 
Inventit. 
   And ferther, geifand +tat +tair war nocht sic ane terme In   #
+te new testament, 
and +tat it war Inventit be man, It argumentis nocht bot +te    #
effect and 
It +tat is signifeit be +tis terme is contenit in +te new       #
testament. Sua +te effect 
is to be markit, and nocht +te terme. As be exemple, The        #
godlie consell 
Nycene, declarand +te misterie of +te diuine nature of oure     #
salueour, Inventit
+tis terme 'homousion' incontrar +te wickit errour of Arrius    #
[\Hist. 
Trip.,lib. 5., ca 42.\] . Lyk maneir +te kirk Inventit this     #
terme 'Theoticos',
declarand +te blissit virgyne Marie to be moder of God and man  #
incontrar 
+te errour of Nestorius [\Platina, Vigili p.\] . And als it is  #
ane familiar terme 
in oure langage 'Trinite'. And +git nevir ane of +tir thre      #
termes is expreslie 
contenit in +te new testament. Nocht+teles he war ane evill     #
christiane man 
+tat wald deny +te effect of +tir termes to be aggreable, and   #
contenit in +te 
new testament. Sua albeit +tis terme 'Mess' war nocht contenit  #
in the new 
testament, It argumentis nocht+teles bot +te effect is          #
contenit in the new 
testament, as - God willing - I sall preif sufficientlie bayth  #
be auld testament 
and new. 
   (^I.^) I persaif, and oure ressonyng tak effect, we man cum  #
to +te declaratioun
and vnderstanding of +tis terme 'Mess'.
   (^Q.^) As to +te vnderstanding and declaratioun of +te mess: #
I vnderstand 
+te mess to be ane commemoratioun and rememberance of Christis
deyth and passioun into +te quhilk +te breid and wyne ar        #
consecrate according 
to Christis Institutioun [\Luc. 22., Marc. 14., Math. 26.\] ,   #
and 
+te body and blude of Iesus Christ (vnder +te formis of breid   #
and wyne)
ar offerit to +te Father of hevin and ar ressauit as +te        #
hevinlie fude of oure 
saull.
<P 156>
   (^I.^) Ar +ge hable to iustifie and appreif +gour            #
vnderstanding and declaratioun
be scripture?
   (^Q.^) Or ellis I wald think my laubouris in vane. And for   #
+te mair perfite 
vnderstanding of +tis interpretatioun and declaratioun +ge      #
sall mark +te 
wordis of oure salueour in +te latter supper, sayand            #
[\Luc. 22., Marc. 14.\] :
"Do this in rememberance of me", be +te quhilkis wordis he      #
commandit his 
apostlis to consecrate +te breid and wyne as he did, sayand:    #
"This is my 
body" [\B.\] . And sua he institute +te consecratioun; and be   #
+te consecratioun
+te verray body and blude of Iesus Christ oure salueour ar 
contenit vnder +te formis of breid and wyne be +te powar of     #
+te lordis worde,
quhilk Is omnipotent.
   According to +tis +tou sall mark +te godlie anceant          #
sayingis of Chrisostome 
wrytand on +tis maner [\Chrisostom., Homil. 48. In Ioahan.\] :  #
"It 
is nocht man +tat makis +te lordis body and blude of +te breid  #
and wyne set 
furth apon +te table to be consecrate, bot It is Christ +tat    #
was crucifeit for vs. 
+Te wordis ar pronuncit of +te preist, and +te breid and wyne   #
ar consecrate be
Goddis worde and grace. He said: 'This is my body'. +Te breid   #
and wyne 
quhilkis ar set furth ar consecrate be +tis worde." Hidderto    #
Chrisostome.
   And nocht onelie said oure salueour [\Lucas. 22.\] : "This   #
is my body",
quhairthrow he Institute +te consecratioun, bot als he eikit    #
+tir wordis,
sayand: "quhilk is geiffin - and brokin - for +gou", be the 
quhilkis wordis presentlie at +tat sam verray tyme he declarit  #
his body to be 
ane vnbludy sacrifice to be offerit be +te apostlis, and all    #
o+teris ministeris of 
Christis kirk to +te end of +te warld, in rememberance of his   #
deyth, sayand:
" Do +tis in rememberance of me."
   According to +tis wrytis +te prophet Malachie [\Mala. 1.\] : #
"I haif na 
plesour of +gou, sayis the lorde; and as for the meit           #
offering, I will nocht 
accept It at +gour hand. For frome +te rising vp of +te sone    #
onto +te gangin
doun of +te samyn my name Is grit amang +te gentylis: +ge, in   #
everie place
sall +tair sacrifice be done and ane clene oblatioun offerit    #
vp onto my name. 
For my name Is grit amangis +te gentyllis." Mark the wordis of  #
+te prophet, 
and +ge sall persaif +tat +tai ar nocht spokkin of +te          #
sacrifice of +te lordis body
offerit vp apon +te croce. For quhy, +te sacrifice of +te       #
lordis body on +te 
croce was onelie in Hierusalem, and +te wordis of +te prophet   #
speikis of ane 
sacrifice offerit vp in everie place. Als +te wordis of +te     #
prophet can nocht 
be vndirstand of +te sacrifice of +te Iewis, becaus +te wordis  #
planelie declaris 
+tat all +tair sacrifices  war repudiat be +te lorde God fra    #
+te tyme +tat +te lordis
body was offerit vp on +te croce. Nor +git +te wordis of +te    #
prophet can be 
vnderstand of +te sacrifice of oratioun, prayer, and almous     #
deid. For in 
diuers places ar diuerss oratiouns and prayer, and +te prophet  #
speikis of ane 
<P 157>
sacrifice in all places. Quhairfoir we ar compellit to say +tat #
+tir wordis war
spokkin onelie of +te sacrifice of +te mess, quhair into +te    #
maist clene sacrifice 
of +te precious body and blude of Iesus Christ hes evyr beyn    #
offerit vp vnder 
+te formis of breid and wyne all places professand Iesus        #
Christ, 
sen +te tyme of Christ to +tir oure dayes. For lyk as +te       #
prophetis [\Gen.49.,
Esa. 7., Baruch. 3., Esa. 53.\] prophecit of +te cumin of       #
Christ, of his
natiuite, of his marvellous werkis and deyth, Sua did +te       #
prophet Malachie 
[\Mala. 1.\] prophecie of ane clene sacrifice to be offerit vp  #
oure all +te 
warld, quhilk is +te precious blude and body of Iesus Christ    #
offerit vp be +te 
minister in the sacrifice of +te mess [\B.\] .
   And to be assurit +tat +tis is +te trew interpretatioun and  #
declaratioun of 
+te wordis of +te latter supper and als of the prophet          #
Malachie, I will certifie
+gou +tat +tis is +te declaratioun of thais quha war disciplis  #
to +te apostlis and 
all vtheris godlie interpretouris of Goddis word, bayth Grekis  #
and 
Latinistis, to gidder with +te vniuersale consent and           #
deliberatioun of +te 
maist anceant and godlie generale consellis quhilkis evir hes   #
bene sen +te 
tyme of Christ [\(Ale)xander, Epistola 1.; (Iren)eus, lib. 4.,  #
(ca) 32.,
(Da)mascenus, (lib.) 4. De Fide (Ort)hodoxa., ca. (14.);        #
(Au)gust., lib. 8. 
(De) Ciuitate Dei., (ca) 35. Et lib. (19), ca 23; (Ru)pertus,   #
in (Com)menta. 
(su)per Exod.; (C)oncilium Nicenum.; (C)oncilium Ephesinum.;... #
na of 
+te ...st consellis\] .
   (^I.^) In case all +te generale consellis and all +te        #
writaris quhilkis evir hes
bene sen +te tyme of Iesus Christ had Interpret +te wordis of   #
+te latter supper 
as +ge haif done, It is ane fals and ane vngodlie               #
interpretatioun expres aganis 
+te scripture.
   (^Q.^) +ge suppone +te thing quhilk Is Impossible, ascrywand #
Ignorance and 
wickitnes to +te Interpretatioun of +te disciplis of +te        #
apostlis and all vther 
faythfull ministeris quhilkis evir hes bene sen +te tyme of     #
Christ to +tir oure 
dayes. Thairfoir I am desyrous to heir +gou how +ge will preif  #
+tair Interpretatioun
to be expres aganis +te scripture.  
   (^I.^) I will preif It on +tis maneir: The apostle sanct     #
Paull in diuerss places
testifeis +tat Iesus Christ oure salueour sufferit anis for vs  #
and is nevir to 
suffir agane, quhairby we ar assurit +tat oure salueoure was    #
offerit vp anis 
ane on +te croce for mannis redemptioun and is nevir to 
be offerit vp agane; and +ge say he is offerit vp daylie in     #
+te sacrifice of +te 
mess. How can +tir tua stand? [\(He)b. 9. et 10\]
   (^Q.^) It is treuth +tat Christ was offerit vp apon +te      #
croce and is nevir to be 
offerit vp agane eftir +tat maner as ane bludy sacrifice        #
[\A. 1.\] , and It is 
treuth +tat +te lordis body is offerit vp eftir ane vther       #
maner in +te sacrifice of 
+te mess, conforme to Christis commandiment, as ane vnbludy     #
sacrifice. 
<P 158>
Forquhy, ane verite makis nocht ane vther verite fals           #
[\A.2.\] . 
   (^I.^) +gour anser and ressoning apperis to me to be sumpart #
obscure and 
difficle. +Tairfoir I wald +ge maid +gour sayingis maid plane. 
   (^Q.^) To +te effect +tat +ge may +te mair easelie           #
vnderstand my sayingis, +ge 
sall mark +te difference betuix +te sacrifice of +te lordis     #
body on +te croce and 
+te sacrifice of +te mess, quhilkis in sumparte aggreis and in  #
sumpart
differis [\A.3.\] .
   (^First,^) +tai aggre in safer as It is +te sam self body in #
substance +tat is 
offerit vp In +te sacrifice of +te mess +tat was offerit vp     #
apon +te croce, conforme
to Christis awin wordis, sayand [\Luc. 22.\] : "This Is my      #
body,
quhilk Is gevin for +gou."
   (^Secundlie,^) It Is commwne to +te sacrifice of +te croce   #
and +te  sacrifice of +te 
mess +tat, lyk as +te prophetis prophecit of +te sacrifice of   #
+te  croce, Sua did 
+tai [\Daniel. 12.\] prophecie of +te sacrifice of +te mess,    #
and specialie +te 
prophet Malachie [\Mala. 1.\] , as I haif all reddy declarit. 
   (^Thridlie,^) +tai aggre +tat, lyk as +te sacrifice of +te   #
croce, was prefigurate be
mony diuers figuris and signis [\Nu. 21.\] , Sua was +te        #
sacrifice of +te mess 
prefigurate be +te preistheid and oblatioun of Melchisedech     #
[\A. 4.; 
Gen. 14.\] .
   (^In^) sumpartis thay differ, +tat +te lordis body was       #
offerit vp apon the 
croce in +te awin forme, visible and sensible; And +te lordis   #
body
in +te sacrifice of +te mess is offerit vp vnder +te formis of  #
breid and wyne,
Invisible and Insensible. Sua +tai differ in maner and forme of #
offering vp, 
and nocht in substance. 
   (^Feirdlie,^) +tai differ consideratioun beand had of +te    #
caus quhairfoir +te 
lordis body was offerit vp apon +te croce, And +te caus         #
quhairfoir +te lordis 
body is offerit vp in +te sacrifice of +te mess. The lordis     #
body was offerit vp
apon +te croce to +te effect +tat we mycht obtene euerlastand   #
lyf, satisfactioun
for syn, redemptioun fra +te captiuite and serwitude of +te     #
devill [\B.(1.)\] .
The sacrifice of +te mess was institute be oure salueour in     #
+te latter supper, 
nocht as ane new satisfactioun or redemptioun, bot as ane new   #
sacrifice In
commemoratioun and rememberance of Christis deyth and passioun
[\B.(2.)\] , be +te vse of +te quhilk we ar maid parttakaris    #
of +te fructe of 
+te deyth and passioun of Iesus Christ oure salueour.
   (^I.^) It apperis +tat +te sacrifice of +te mess dois        #
obscure and diminiss +te gloir
of +te sacrifice of +te croce. For gif +te sacrifice of the     #
croce was perfyt in +te 
self, quhat suld mister ane new sacrifice or ony may            #
sacrifices?
   (^Q.^) +ge sall consider +tat +te gloir of +te sacrifice of  #
+te croce Is na wayes 
obscurit nor diminissit be +te sacrifice of +te mess, bot       #
rather advansit
[\B.(3.)\] insafer as +te mess Is bot ane sacrifice of          #
commemoratioun
<P 159>
quhairby ar applyit +te fructis off Christis deyth and          #
passioun obtenit be +te 
sacrifice of +te croce [\(He)b. 10.; (I)o. 3.\] , quhilk is +te #
sacrifice of 
redemptioun. And albeit +te sacrifice on +te croce was in +te   #
self all wayes 
perfyte, nocht +teles It is necessar +tat +te fructis of +te    #
samyn be daylie 
renewit and applyit, as be +te sacrament of baptyme [\Io.       #
3.\] , +te supper 
of +te lorde [\Io 6.; Luc. 22.\] , +te sacrifice of +te mess    #
[\1. Cor. 11.\] , and 
diuers vtheris maners off wayes, as +te scripture planelie      #
techis vs, quhilk 
argumentis na Imperfectioun to be in +te sacrifice of the       #
croce. For lyk as, 
ane perfyte medycyne beand applyit be diuers instrumentis       #
proper +tairfoir, 
+te instrumentis dois nocht argwne +te Imperfectioun of +te     #
medicyne, nor 
+git obscure +te gloir of +te samyn bot rather advansis, sua    #
+te sacrifice of +te 
croce (quhilk is +te onelie medycyne of oure redemptioun) Is    #
na wayes 
obscurit nor diminissit be +te sacrifice of +te mess, be        #
supper of +te lorde, 
+te sacrament of baptyme and diuerss v+teris, bot rather        #
advansit. For quhy, 
Christis deyth is +te medicyne [\Ephe. 5.; Rom. 5.; 1.          #
Cor. 15.\] , +te 
sacramentis and +te sacrifice of +te mess ar +te instrumentis,  #
cheif menis, and 
way quhairby +te fructis of Christis deyth and passioun is      #
daylie renewit and 
applyit. And lyk as men ar daylie subiect to +te hevy seiknes   #
of syn, sua 
It is necessar +tat +te medicyne of redemptioun be daylie       #
applyit +tairto, 
quhilk is nocht be renovatioun of Christis deyth and passioun,  #
bot be +te 
applicatioun of +te fructis of +te samyn in maner abone         #
rehersit. 
   (^I.^) All wayis I think +ge quha vsis +te mess dois nocht   #
as Christ did in +te 
latter supper. For Christ in +te latter supper conmwnicate to   #
+te multitude,
and +ge tak all to +gour self.    
   (^Q.^) Be +te samyn argument I will cut +gour throte with    #
+gour awin suorde. 
   Forquhy, Christ commwnicate eftir supper [\1. Cor. 11.\] ,   #
and +ge of +te 
new learnyng communicatis vther tymes of +te day; Christ        #
commwnicate 
to +te tuelf apostlis in +te latter supper allanerlie [\Marc.   #
14.\] ,
and +ge communicate till all men and wemen of +te congregatioun #
indifferentlie.
Sua do +ge nocht as Christ did in +te latter supper. Forquhy,   #
+te 
scripture makis na mentioun +tat +tair was ony wemen at +te     #
commwnioun 
in +te latter supper. 
   Treulie, brother, and +ge be sua scrupulows scripturaris     #
+tat +ge will do na 
thing bot as Christ did towart +te vse of +te sacramentis, +ge  #
will subwert oure 
haill fayth and condemp +gour awin doingis. For quhair find     #
+ge +tat Christ 
evir appoynctit ane man to hald his awin barne to be            #
baptizate? I dar 
bauldlie say +tis ordinance was nevir of +te evangell, nor      #
+git of +te kirk of 
God nor na vther haifand iust authorite older of God or man. 
   (^I.^) I persaif be +gour ressoning It is expedient +tat     #
+tair be diuers ceremoniis
<P 160>
and customes vsit in ministratioun of +te sacramentis, and als  #
In +te sacrifice 
of +te mess, quhilkis ar nocht contenit In scripture [\B.\] .
   (^Q.^) Treuth it is, albeit Iesus Christ oure salueour hes   #
appoinctit, be his 
worde and scripture, all thingis necessar for mannis            #
saluatioun as towart +te 
substance and effect, Nocht+teles, as towart +te cerimoniis     #
and maner how 
thais thingis salbe vsit quhilkis he has appoinctit for mannis  #
saluatioun, he 
referrit to his kirk and ministeris, to quhom he promisit +te   #
spreit of verite 
to +te end of +te warld [\(Io.) 14.\] . As be exemple, our      #
salueour, quhen he 
institute +te sacrament of baptyme, he commandit his apostlis   #
[\(Ma)th. 
28.; Marc. vlt.\] +tat +tai suld baptize in the name of +te     #
Father, +te Sone, and 
+te halie Gaist. He appoynctit nolder tyme, nor place, nor quha
suld beir witnes to thais +tat war baptizate; schortlie, he     #
appoinctit na 
kynd of cerimoniis concerning +te vse of +tis sacrament.        #
Lykwyse, quhen 
oure salueour institute in +te latter supper +te sacrifice of   #
the mess ( as towart
+te substance and effect), he appoinctit nolder tyme, place,    #
nor multitude 
+tat suld communicate. Forquhy, in case +tair war ane persone   #
disposit to 
communicate, It war nocht ressone +tat persone suld be          #
frustrate of +te 
communioun onto +te tyme +te rest of +te congregatioun war      #
disposit to 
communicate. 
   And sua +te preist, albeit he communicate onelie, he         #
Iniuris  na wayes +te 
ordinance of Christ, considering he Is reddy at all tymes to    #
commwnicate 
to all vtheris beand disposit. 
   (^I.^) I wald +ge maid me to vndirstand mair perfytlie how   #
oure salueour 
appoinctit be his worde all thingis necessar for mannis         #
saluatioun concerning
+te effect and substance, and schew nocht be his worde +te      #
cerimoniis 
and maner how thais thingis suld be vsit, bot referrit to his   #
kirk. 
   (^Q.^) For +te vnderstanding of +te samyn I will geif +gou   #
ane rude and 
familiar exemple. Ane potent prince beand of purpose to send    #
his commissionaris
and ambassatouris to ane vther realme, he geiffis +tame +tair
commissioun contenand certane heydis and articles beirand in    #
substance 
and effect +te purpose of +tair commissioun. Nocht+teles, It    #
is nocht contenit
in +tair commissioun quhat tyme thai sall present +tair         #
commissioun, nor 
quhat garmontis +tai salbe cled withall +tat day +tai vse +tair #
commissioun,
nor +git na vther kynd of cerimoniis quhilkis ar necessar and 
expedient to set furth and decoir +tair commissioun. Sua Iesus  #
Chryst oure 
potent prince, he left his commissioun in his worde and         #
scripture contenand
+te effect and substance of all thingis necessar for mannis     #
saluatioun.
And as towart +te  cerimoniis and maner how thais thingis ar    #
to be vsit, he 
referrit onto his kirk. And quhasumeuir will vse ony v+ter      #
cerimoniis towart 
+te ministratioun of +te sacramentis nor +te kirk hes obseruit  #
evir be perpetuall
<P 161>
successioun of tyme, sen +te tyme of the apostlis to +tir oure  #
dayes, 
+tai ar worthy to be cryit out on be all gude christiane men,   #
according to +te 
doctryne of sanct Paule, sayand [\(1) Cor. 11.\] : "Gif +tair   #
be ony man 
+tat apperis to be contencious, we haif nocht sic ane           #
consuetude, nor +git +te 
kirk of God." - As he wald say: gif ony pryvate man wald steir  #
vp scisme, 
diuisioun, and discorde amangis christiane men, vseand ony      #
vther cerimoniis 
or customes vther nor +te kirk of God hes evir vsit, he is      #
nocht to 
be hard. 
Quhairfoir +gour mischeant ministeris ar to be explodit and     #
repellit 
be all gude christiane men, with +tair new cerimoniis and       #
customes quhilkis 
war nevir obseruit nor vsit in +te kirk of God amangis na       #
christiane men
sen +te fayth first began. 
   (^I.^) I am neirby satiffeit with +gour ansueris towart all  #
+te argumentis movit 
be me incontrar +te mess. Bot I am nocht +git sufficientlie     #
persuadit 
+tat oure salueour offerit his body and blude in sacrifice at   #
his latter supper. 
   (^Q.^) And +ge will mark diligentlie +te diffinitioun and    #
declaratioun of +te 
mess all reddy declarit, +ge haif iust occasioun (conforme to   #
+te scripturis) to 
be persuadit +tairwith. Nocht +te les, to geif +gou ferther     #
persuasioun, +ge sall 
consider +tat oure salueoure In +te latter supper institute     #
ane sacrament, 
quhilk +ge call +te commwnioun, and als +te sacrifice of +te    #
new testament, 
callit +te mess. Sua in +te latter supper he Institute bayth    #
ane sacrament and 
ane sacrifice [\A.\] .
   (^I.^) I vndirstand +tat oure salueour institute +te         #
commwnioun in +te latter 
supper, bot I can nocht vndirstand +tat he institute +te        #
sacrifice of +te mess. 
   (^Q.^) For +te vnderstanding +tairof +ge sall consider +tat  #
+te preistheid and 
sacrifice of Aaron (quhilk was ane bludy sacrifice) ceissit     #
be +te bludy 
sacrifice of oure salueoure on +te croce, quha was +te fyne of  #
+te law [\Ro.
10.\] . Now man +ge consider +tat Iesus Christ oure salueour,   #
knawand +tat +te 
preistheid and sacrifice of Aaron (beand +te sacrifice of +te   #
auld testament)
was to ceiss and tak ane end be his deyth and passioun,         #
Institute ane new 
sacrifice of +te new testament according to +te ordour of       #
Melchisedech.
   (^I.^) I vndirstand +tat all +te sacrifices of +te auld      #
testament ceissit be +te 
sacrifice of oure salueour on +te croce. Bot I do nocht +git    #
consider +tat oure 
salueour institute ane new sacrifice of +te new testament in    #
+te latter supper. 
   (^Q.^) To geif +gou iust occasioun to consider +te samyn, I  #
will +git  as of befoir 
call to rememberance +te wordis of +te latter supper, quhair    #
oure salueour 
gaif command to his apostlis, sayand: "Do +tis in               #
rememberance of me",
be +te quhilkis wordis he commandit his apostlis nocht onelie   #
to eit his 
body and drink his blude, bot als to mak oblatioun of the       #
samyn.
   (^I.^) I vndirstand +tat oure salueour gaif command to his   #
apostlis to eit his 
body and drink his blude, bot I beleif +ge will nocht preif     #
propirlie be +te 
<P 162>
wordis of +te latter supper +tat he commandit to mak oblatioun  #
of his body 
and blude. 
   (^Q.^) I will preif propirlie +tat he maid oblatioun of his  #
body and blude in 
+te latter supper: be +te wordis of +te samyn, sayand [\Luc.    #
22.\] : "Tak +ge, 
eit +ge; This  is my body, quhilk Is gevin for +gou", - or      #
offerit for +gou, bayth 
Is ane in effect.
   (^I.^) It apperis to me +ge rehers the text wrang, for +te   #
text sayis [\(1) Cor.
11.\] : "This is my body, quhilk salbe gevin for +gou". +Tair   #
is ane grit 
difference betuix "salbe gevin for +gou" and "Is gevin for      #
+gou".
   (^Q.^) +ge sall be assurit +tat +tir wordis ar spokkin in    #
+te present tyme (as 
testifeis +te excellent clerk Erasmus) according to +te Greik   #
text, quhilk Is
+te naturale text of +te new testament for +te maist part. 
   (^I.^) Gevand +tat thir wordis war spokkin in +te present    #
tyme, +git +tair Is ane 
difference betuix +tir wordis: "This is my body, quhilk Is      #
gevin for +gou",
and "offerit for +gou".
   (^Q.^) Thay will na man of Iugement or learning mak          #
difference betuix 
+tir wordis "gevin for +gou" and "offerit for +gou" as towart   #
+te effect, albeit 
+te phrase and maneir of speche differis. 
   (^I.^) In case +tair be na difference, quhat will +ge infer  #
of +tat?
   (^Q.^) I will infer my intent, quhilk Is +tat our lorde maid #
oblatioun of his 
body and blude in +te latter supper, and gaif conmand to his    #
apostlis to do 
+te samyn. Forquhy, gif our salueour in +te latter supper had   #
institute onelie 
+te conmwnioun, and nocht ane sacrifice, than had he sayd:      #
"Tak
+ge, eit +ge; This is my body, quhilk is gevin to +gou", and    #
nocht "for +gou",
becaus "gevin to +gou" includis onelie +te commwnioun, and      #
"gevin for 
+gou" includis nocht onelie +te commwnioun bot als ane          #
sacrifice, as +te phrase 
of +te wordis planelie declaris. 
   Attour, +te oblatioun and  sacrifice maid be oure salueour   #
in +te latter 
supper Is ane mair propir commemoratioun and rememberance of    #
+te 
sacrifice of +te croce nor Is +te commwnioun, quhairfoir +te    #
sacrifice of +te 
mess is callit ane sacrifice of commemoratioun. And sua +ge     #
may persaif be 
+te command quhilk oure salueour gaif to his apostlis, sayand   #
"Do +tis in 
rememberance of me", +tat he rather appoinctit +te sacrifice    #
of +te latter 
supper to be ane commemoratioun of his deyth and passioun nor   #
+te 
commwnioun. 
   And +tis may +ge cleirlie persaif +tat oure salueour in +te  #
latter supper 
institute ane sacrament, quhilk Is callit +te commwnioun, and   #
als ane 
sacrifice of commemoratioun callit +te mess.  And sua he        #
institute ane sacrament
and ane sacrifice in +te latter supper. 
   (^I.^) I pray +gou mak +gour argument formalie, +tat I may   #
persaif gif sua be. 
<P 163>
   (^Q.^) I will mak my argument on +tis maneir: 
The lorde gaif command to his apostlis in +te latter supper to  #
do as he did. 
The lorde maid oblatioun of his body and blude in +te latter    #
supper (as Is 
sufficientlie provin be +te plane text). It followis weill      #
+tat +te lorde gaif 
command to his apostlis to do +te samyn, sayand: "Do +tis in    #
rememberance 
of me" [\Luc. 22.\] .
   And to be assurit +tat +tis conclusioun is trew and propir,  #
aggreand with
+te wordis of +te latter supper, I will mak +gou to vndirstand  #
+te samyn be
conferrence of scripturis, as eftir followis. 
   The psalmist [\(ps)al. 109.\] and  als +te apostle sanct     #
Paull [\(He)b. 7.\]
affirmis oure salueour to be ane preist for evir according to   #
+te ordour of 
Melchisedech, quha maid sacrifice and oblatioun of breid and    #
wyne onto
God, as +te scripture planelie techis vs [\Gen. 14.\] . Now     #
will I ressone on 
+tis maneir: Reid all +te evangell quha pleissis, he sall find  #
in na place of +te
evangell quhair oure salueoure vsit +te preistheid of           #
Melchisedech, declarand 
him self to be ane preist according to +te ordour of            #
Melchisedech,
bot in +te latter supper, quhair he maid oblatioun of his       #
precious body and 
blude vnder +te forme of breid and wyne prefigurate be +te      #
oblatioun of 
Melchisedech [\(Cy)prianus, lib (2.) Epistola 3.; (A)mbros.,    #
lib. (4) De
Sacramentis, (c)a. 3.; (A)ugust., lib. (1)7. De Ciuita. (D)ei,  #
ca 17.;
(L)utherus in (p)sal. 109.\] . Than ar we compellit to affirme  #
+tat oure 
salueour maid oblatioun of his body and blude in +te latter     #
supper, or ellis 
he was nocht ane preist according to +te ordour of              #
Melchisedech, quhilk Is 
expres aganis +te scripture [\(P)sal. 109.; Heb. 7.\] .
   (^I.^) Sua beand +tat Melchisedech maid oblatioun of breyd   #
and wyne onto
God, +gour argument hes grit apperence. 
   (^Q.^) The scripture declaris +te samyn sua planelie as It   #
leiffis na place of 
dout [\Gen. 14.; (H)ierom. in Psal. 109.; Aug., lib 16. De      #
Ciuitate Dei, ca.
(2)2.; (T)heophilac., (de) Epistola ad Heb., (c)a. 5.;          #
(A)rnobius in (P)sal.
109.; Beda in (M)arc. lib. (4.) ca. 14.;...sa. 26.\] . Ferther  #
+ge sall consider 
+tat, lyk as ane tre haiffand +te leiffis dilatate and spred,   #
+te sone schynand 
+tairapon, everie leif of +te tre castis ane vmbre              #
correspondent +tairto, And 
everie vmbre of +te tre has ane leyf correspondent to It, Sua   #
It is +tat everie
figure of +te auld testament has sum place of +te new           #
testament correspondent 
+tairto, and euery misterie of +te new testament has sum place  #
of +te auld 
testament correspondent to It. As be exemple, Thair is na dout  #
bot +te 
sacrifice of +te paschale lamb was ane figure of +te sacrifice  #
of +te lordis
body on +te croce [\B.\] . Nocht+teles, +tat figure was nocht
correspondent in all partis to It +tat was done apon the        #
croce, bot rather 
to It +tat was done in +te latter supper. For quhy, we reid     #
[\Exod. 1(2.)\]
<P 164>
+tat +te lamb was offerit in sacrifice be +te Hebreanis in      #
recordatioun of +te 
benefice be +te quhilk +te peple of Israell war deliuerit fra   #
+te seruitude of 
Pharao and +te bringin out of Egipt. Bot +te sacrifice of the   #
croce was nocht
ane recordatioun of ony benefice, bot It was +te self           #
benefice, +te samyn self 
liberatioun fra syn, +te samyn self redemptioun fra +te         #
captiuite of +te devill.
Quhairfoir It was necessar +tat be +te Immolatioun of +te       #
paschale lamb
ane v+ter Immolatioun, besydis It done on +te croce, suld be    #
signifeit, +te 
quhilk in +te latter supper was done [\Luc. 22.; 1. Cor.        #
1(1.)\] .
   Than man we conclude (conforme to +te scripturis) +tat, lyk  #
as +te sacrifice 
of +te paschale lamb was ane commemoratioun of +te benefice     #
and gudenes
of almychtie God towart +te peple of Israell, quhair +tai war   #
deliuerit fra +te 
seruitude and tyrannie of Pharao, Evin sua Is +te sacrifice of  #
+te lordis body
in +te latter supper, callit +te mess, ane perpetuall           #
commemoratioun and
rememberance of +te grit gudenes of almychtie God, quhair he    #
deliuerit +te 
haill warld fra +te tyrannie and seruitude of +te devill be     #
+te sacrifice on +te 
croce. And sua +te sacrifice of the croce and +te sacrifice of  #
+te mess in all 
partis ar correspondent to +te figure and sacrifice of +te      #
paschale lamb.
   Attour, It is sure +tat Iesus Christ our salueour come to    #
fulfill +te law,
nocht to brek +te law [\Math.5.\] . It was commandit be +te law #
[\Exod.
1(2.)\] to mak oblatioun of the paschale lamb afoir It was      #
eittin. Sua It was 
necessar +tat oure salueour had first maid oblatioun of his     #
body
afoir he gaif +te samyn to be eittin, to +te effect +tat +te    #
verite suld correspond
to +te figure. Quhairfoir we ar compellit to affirme +tat oure  #
salueour maid 
oblatioun of his body in +te latter supper afoir he gaif +te    #
samyn to be eittin,
or ellis +te verite was nocht correspondent to the figure,      #
quhilk is aganis all 
verite. And +tis may +ge cleirlie persaif +tat +te paschale     #
lamb was nocht onelie 
ane figure of +te sacrifice of +te croce, bot ane mair expres   #
figure of +te sacrifice
of +te mess [\B.1.\] , as is sufficientlie provin.
   (^I.^) I think +tat +te figuris of +te auld testament ar     #
nocht sufficient confirmatioun
of materis of fayth conserning +te new testament [\B. 2.\] .
   (^Q.^) +ge think all wrang, becaus +gour thocht Is aganis    #
+te scripture. Dois 
nocht oure salueour [\Math. 12.\] confirme his bureing till     #
indure thre 
dayes and thre nychtis be +te figure of Ionas +te prophet?      #
Dois nocht Peter 
[\(1.) Pet. 3.\] preif baptym necessar be +te figure of +te     #
Ark of Noe,
affirmand all +tame to haif perissit quhilkis war out of It?    #
Lykwyse Paull
[\(G)alat. 4.\] callis to rememberance +te tua sonnis of        #
Abraham to haif 
signifeit +te tua testamentis. This we may persaif +te          #
speciall materis of oure 
fayth contenit in +te new testament to be  confirmit be +te     #
figuris of +te auld 
testament. 
   (^I.^) I am sufficientlie satisfeit with +gour conferrence   #
of scripturis, bayth 
<P 165>
auld testament and new, and thinkis +tame propir to +te         #
purpose. Nocht+teles,
I am desyrous to knaw be quhat vther menis and way +ge will     #
persuade 
+tat oure salueour institute +te sacrifice of +te mess in +te   #
latter supper. 
   (^Q.^) I will persuade +te samyn be +te vniuersale doctryne, #
interpretatioun, 
and consent of +te auld anceant fatheris Interpretouris of +te  #
scripturis of 
almychtie God, bayth Greikis and Latinistis, to gidder with +te
deliberatioun of +te maist anceant and notable generall         #
consellis quhilkis
evir hes beyn sen +te fayth began. 
   (^I.^) Think +ge +tat +te doctryne and Interpretatioun of    #
+te auld wrytaris concerning
+te misterie of +te supper of +te lorde Is sufficient to        #
persuade +te 
sacrifice of +te mess?
   (^Q.^) Treulie, I am perswadit be invincible ressouns,       #
quhilkis ar aggreable
with +te scripturis of almychtie God [\Luc. 24.; Io. 16.\] ,    #
+tat +te auld 
wrytaris (specialie thais quhilkis war disciplis to +te         #
apostlis) had +te trew 
mynd and vnderstanding of +te misteriis of +te scripture,       #
specialie of +te 
wordis of +te latter supper, quhairby +tai vnderstude +te       #
sacrifice of +te mess [\A.\] .
   (^I.^) I pray +gou lat me heir +gour ressonis. 
   (^Q.^) +ge sall consider +tat eftir +te ascentioun of oure   #
salweour +te spreit of 
verite enterit in +te hartis of the apostlis [\Luc. 24.;        #
Io. 16.\] , gevand +tame 
full instructioun of all places of scripture quhair oure        #
salueour had spokkin 
in parabolis, and all vtheris misteriis of +te scripturis       #
concerning oure fayth 
and trew vndirstanding of +te samyn [\Ireneus, (lib.) 3., ca.   #
3.\] . Now man 
+ge vnderstand +tat, lyk as +te spreit of verite gaif           #
instructioun to +te apostlis
of all +te misteriis of +te scripturis, Sua did +te apostlis    #
geif instructioun to 
+tair disciplis of all +te misteriis of +te scripturis          #
necessar to be knawin for 
ane christiane mannis saluatioun: quha war +te prymatywe kirk   #
(as I wald 
say), +te begynnaris of +te faythfull congregatioun             #
Immediatlie nixt to +te 
apostlis. Quhairfoir, quhen sumeuir questioun is for +te        #
vndirstanding of 
+te misteriis of +te scripture, specialie +te sacramentis and   #
+te rycht 
vse of +tame ( quhilkis but dout ar +te maist profund           #
misteriis in all +te 
scripturis), It is ane assurit way to haif recours to +te auld  #
anceant wrytaris, 
specialie thais quhilkis war disciplis to +te apostlis and      #
martyris for +te fayth
of Iesus Christ, to haif trew instructioun bayth of +te         #
sacramentis and of +te 
rycht vse of +tame, as +te kirk of God has evir techit vs be    #
perpetuall 
successioun of tyme, sen +te tyme of +te apostlis to +tir oure  #
dayes, conforme 
to +te doctryne and interpretatioun of +te scripture maid be    #
+tame quha war
disciplis to +te apostlis, and als conforme to +te              #
deliberatioun of +te generale 
consellis (dewlie convenit), to quhom It appertenis to tak      #
ordour In all 
materis doutsum concerning +te fayth, conforme to +te           #
scripture. 
<P 166>
   (^I.^) I think it (treulie) in my conscience to be of verite #
+tat +te disciplis of 
+te apostlis had +te trew vndirstanding of all +te misteriis    #
of +te scripturis 
necessar to be knawin for ane christiane mannis saluatioun,     #
specialie of +te 
profund misterie of +te supper of +te lorde, quhair of Is       #
gadderit the sacrifice
of +te mess. Quhairfoir I am desyrous to knaw +te sayingis of   #
+te auld
writaris (specialie of thais quhilkis war disciplis to +te      #
apostlis) towart the 
mess, and gif +tai mak mentioun of It into +tair werkis. [\B.\]
   (^Q. Ignacius^) (quha was sanct Iohnis disciple) sayis       #
[\(Ig)nacius, (Episto)la
ad (Sm)irnenses.\] : "It is nocht leifful to offer, nor to mak  #
sacrifice, nor 
say mess, without +te bischopis authorite or consent."          #
Hidderto  Ignacius.
   (^Clemens^) (quha was sanct Peters disciple) wrytis on +tis  #
maneir [\Clemens,
(E)pistola 2. ad (Ia)cobum Fra(tr)em Dominj.\] : "Nane of +te   #
preistis sall
say mess in his parrochin, nor baptize, nor do ony vther        #
thing, without 
permissioun of +te bischop. Thir sayingis +te apostlis ressauit #
of +te 
lorde and gaif to ws, and we teche +te samyn to +gou, and       #
commandis +gou 
to hald and teche +te samyn to all men without reprehensioun."  #
Hidderto 
Clemens.- Mark how +tir disciplis of +te apostlis makis         #
mentioun  of +te 
mess. 
   (^Alexander^) (quha was martyrit for +te fayth of Iesus      #
Christ fouretene
hundreth thretty nyne +geiris bypast) writis on +tis maneir     #
[\Alexander, 
4., (Ep. 1.)\] : "Oure lordis passioun is to be rehersit in all #
solemniteis of 
+te mess.  With sic sacrifice +te lorde is delytit and          #
pacifeit [\A. 1.\] , and 
will forgeif grit synnis. For amangis all sacrifices +tair can  #
be na thing gretar
+tan oure lordis body and blude; +tair is na sacrifice bettir   #
nor +tis. This 
excellis all vtheris, quhilk man be offerit onto +te lorde      #
with ane pure 
conscience and ressauit with ane cleyn mynd and worschippit     #
with all 
men." [\A. 2.\] Hidderto Alexander.- Mark how +tis godlie       #
martyr 
affirmis +te mess to be ane sacrifice for syn, and als to be    #
worschippit with
all men. 
   (^Ireneus^) (Polycarpus disciple, quha was disciple to sanct #
Iohne +te evengelist,
and martyrit for +te fayth of Iesus Christ threttene hundreth   #
fourescoire
fywe +geiris bypast) writis on +tis maneir [\Ireneus, (lib.)    #
4., ca. (17.)\] :
"Christ tuke breid and gaif thankis, sayand 'This is my body',  #
and tuke +te 
chalice of wyne and confessit it to be his blude [\Luc. 22.; 1. #
Cor. 11.\] ,
and techit ane new sacrifice of +te new testament, quhilk +te   #
kirk rasaifand 
of +te apostlis offerit onto God in all +te haill warld."       #
Hidderto Ireneus.-
Mark how this godlie marthir affirmis +tat oure salueour in     #
+te latter supper 
techit ane new sacrifice of +te new testament, quhilk +te kirk  #
ressauit of +te 
apostlis. 
   (^Cypriane^) (quha was martyrit for +te fayth of Iesus       #
Christ tuelf 
<P 167>
hundreth fourescoir sextene +geiris bypast) wrytis on +tis      #
maneir [\Cypria(ne,) 
Epistola (3.), lib. 2.\] : "Gif oure lorde Iesus Christ - and   #
God him self -
be +te hie preist of God +te Father and be him self did first   #
offer ane sacrifice
to God +te Father, and has commandit +te samyn to be done in    #
rememberance 
of him [\(Lu)c. 22.; (1.) Cor. 11.\] , +tat preist is veralie   #
Christis vicare 
quhilk dois follow +tat thing quhilk Christ hes done."          #
Hidderto Cypriane. 
And als he affirmis +tat Christ Is +te authour and techear of   #
+te sacrifice of 
+te mess.
   (^Chrisostome,^) ane anceant Greik wrytar and doctour Alevin #
hundreth 
fiftie [{and{] sevin +geiris bypast, writis on +tis maneir      #
[\(C)hrisosto., (Ho)m.
2. (in) 2. Timoth. (ca.) 1.\] : "Christ has preparit ane mekle  #
mair 
wondirfull and magnificent sacrifice, bayth quhen he changeit   #
+te sacrifice 
It self and als quhen he did command him self to be offerit in  #
sted of 
brutale beistis, quhilkis war offerit in +te auld law."         #
[\(Lu)c. 22.; (1) Cor.
11.\] Hidderto Chrisostome. He wrytis in ane vther place        #
[\(ca.) 4. De 
(Di)gnitate (Sac)erdotali, (lib.) 3\] , sayand: "O grit gude    #
will of God
towart vs! O miracle! He +tat sittis apon +te rycht hand of     #
+te Father in 
hevin abuif is contenit in mennis handis in tyme of +te         #
sacrifice." Alsua he 
sayis in ane vther place: "Do we nocht offer sacrifice daylie?  #
We do offer, 
bot doing it in rememberance of Christis deyth [\(Lu)c. 22.;    #
(1) Cor. 11.\] .
And +tis hoist is ane, nocht mony [\(He)b. 9. et (10).\] . How  #
is it ane, and 
nocht mony? And +tat oblatioun was anis offerit in to hevin.    #
Bot +tis 
sacrifice is ane exemple of +tat. We do  offer +te samyn self   #
thing. We offer 
nocht +te day ane lamb (Christ) and +te morne ane vther, bot    #
evir +te samyn
self thing. Quhairfoir +tis sacrifice is ane; or ellis, be      #
+tat ressone +tat it is 
offerit in mony places, ar +tai mony Christis? Na thing les,    #
bot thair is ane
Christ oure all quhair, being heir all haill and thair all      #
haill: ane body.
For as  +tat quhilk is offerit In everie place is ane body,     #
evin sua it is ane 
sacrifice. Bot he is oure bischop, quhilk offerit ane sacrifice
makand vs cleyn. We do offer +te samyn, and +tat quhilk was     #
than offerit 
can nocht be now conswmat." Hidderto Chrisostome, oute of       #
quhais 
wordis mony notable lessouns may be collectit In contrar +te    #
railling 
ressoning and mischeant mokrie off vane men in +tir dayes       #
aganis +te mess. 
   (^Ambrose,^) ane anceant doctour approvin be +te kirk of     #
God, Alevin 
hundreth threscoir and sextene +geiris bypast, wrytis on +tis   #
maneir 
[\Ambrosius, (in) Psal. 38.\] : "We haif seyn +te prince of     #
princis cum
onto vs, we saw him and hard him offer for wss his blude. Lat   #
vs, preistis, 
follow as we may offer sacrifice for +te peple, althocht we be  #
waik be oure 
deserving, +git we ar honorable throucht +te sacrifice          #
[\A. 1.\] . For albeit 
Christ is nocht seyn to be offerit, nevir +teles he is offerit  #
apon +te erth quhen 
<P 168>
his body is offerit. +ge, he is declarit planelie to offer it   #
in vs, quhais wordis
makis halie +te sacrifice quhilk Is offerit. Hidder to Ambrose.
   (^Augustyne,^) ane excellent doctour approvin be +te kirk,   #
alevyn hundreth
fiftie sex +geiris bypast, reprevit Aerius as ane heretyk       #
[\August., li(b. de)
Heres. Heres. (53.)\] , becaus he said (as mony sayis now of    #
sobir knawlege)
+tat men suld nocht pray for +te deid nor offir sacrifice for   #
+tame. He wrytis 
+tis concerning +tat mater [\In Enchirid(ion), ca. 110.\] :     #
"It is nocht to be 
denyit +tat +te saullis of men departit ar relevit throucht     #
+te godlines of +tair
freyndis on lyf, quhen +te sacrifice of oure mediatour Christ   #
Is offerit for
+tame." Hidderto Augustyne. He wrytis in ane v+tir place        #
[\Sermo 11, De 
Sacra...\] , sayand: "Quhen +te sacrifice of +te altare or      #
almous is offerit 
for +te deid quhilkis war baptizate, +tai ar thankis gevin for  #
+tame +tat be 
verray gude peple; and for +tame quhilkis ar nocht verray       #
evill, +tai ar 
propiciatiouns or purchasingis of mercy and favour of God." He  #
writis in 
ane vther place [\A.2.; Sermo 32, De Verbis A(postoli.)\] ,     #
sayand: "It is 
nocht to be douttit bot +te saullis departit ar helpit be +te   #
halie 
kirkis  prayeris and +te sacrifice of saluatioun and almous,    #
quhen +tai ar 
gevin for +tame at God suld deill mair mercifullie with +tame   #
+tan thair
synnis had deserwit". Hidderto Augustyne. - Mark how +tis       #
godlie doctour 
and bischop affirmis +te sacrifice of +te mess to be            #
propiciatorie and helplyk
for thais +tat be departit. 
   According to +te samyn wrytis ane excellent and anceant      #
father, (^Tertuliane^) ,
thretteyn hundreth fourescoir and sexteyn +geiris bypast        #
[\(Ter)tulianus,
(C)orona Militis.; (O)bet mess.\] : "We mak oblatioun, for      #
thais 
quhilkis ar departit, +geirlie +te day of +tair departing."     #
[\B.\] Hidderto 
Tertuliane. 
   (^Gregour,^) ane godlie doctour approvin be +te kirk of God, #
nyne hundreth 
threscoir +geiris bypast, writis on +tis maneir [\Gregorius     #
Magnus, Hom.
(37). in Evang.\] : "Lat ws send (brethir) onto God oure        #
messingeris be 
weiping, gevin almous, and offering of +te halie hoistis. For   #
+te sacrifice of 
+te halie altare, offerit vp with weiping and devotioun of      #
mynd, dois singularie
help onto oure absolutioun fra sin. For als oft tymes as we     #
offer onto 
him +te sacrifice of his passioun, sua oft do we repair and     #
apply to vs his 
passioun for oure absolutioun." Hidderto Gregour.- Mark how     #
+tis godlie 
doctour dois affirme +te fructis of Christis deyth and          #
passioun to be applyit 
be +te sacrifice of +te mess. 
   Gif I wald call to rememberance all +te sayingis of +te      #
godlie fatheris 
quhilkis treittis according +tis purpose, (^oure colloquium^)   #
and ressoning suld
exceid +te boundis and grow to ane grit werk. Quhairfoir, will  #
we now 
schortlie reherss +te sayingis of +te maist notable generale    #
consellis towart 
this purpose. 
<P 169>
   (^The consel Nicene,^) quhylk was +te first generale concell #
eftir +te tyme of +te 
apostlis, approvin in all ageis, tuelf hundreth tuenty sex      #
+geiris bypast 
[\Histo. Trip., (lib.) 2., ca. 1.\] , writis and sayis on +tis  #
maneir: "Disponand
oure selfis onto +te godlie table, lat vs nocht luke            #
sclendirlie apon +te breid 
and coupe set befoir vs, bot lat vs lift vp our mynd be fayth,  #
vndirstanding 
in +tat halie table to be +te lamb of God taikand away +te      #
synnis of +te warld, 
offerit be +te preistis without blude. And we, ressaifand       #
veralie his preciouse 
body and blude, aucht to beleif +tame to be +te plege of oure   #
resurrectioun."
[\A.\] Hidderto +te concell.
   (^The generall^) concell haldin at Ephesus alevin hundreth   #
tuenty aucht 
+geiris bypast (quhair into wass condempnit +te errour of       #
Nestorius) wrytis 
on +tis maner [\Concilium Ephesin(um)\] : "We do offer ane      #
vnbludy 
sacrifice. Alsua we cum onto +te halie sacrament, and ar maid   #
halie beand 
part takaris of +te halie body and blude of Iesus Christ,       #
quhilk wass maid 
redemar of vs all: nocht ressaifand It as conmwne flesche (God  #
forbid
+tat), nor as +te flesche of ane man maid halie and Iwnit       #
onto +te Sone of God
be ane vnite of  worthines or ellis as being ane mansioun  of   #
God, bot as +tat 
quhilk veralie geifis lyf onto mennis saull and was maid        #
propir onto Goddis 
awin Sone him self." Hidderto +te concell. - Mark how +tir tua  #
anceant
concellis dois appreif +te sacrifice of +te mess, and als +te   #
reale presence of +te 
lordis body in +te sacrament of +te altare. 
   (^I.^) Treulie, +te sayingis of +te auld wrytaris, and als   #
+te sayingis of +te 
generale concellis ar verray propir for +gour purpose           #
concerning
+te sacrifice of the mess.  Quhairfoir I wald pray +gou +tat    #
+ge will mak ane 
schorte rehers of +te effect and substance of +gour ressoning,  #
specialie 
declarand +te forme of +gour confirmatiouns, quhilk wilbe ane   #
grit eiss for 
my memorie. 
   (^Q.^) For satisfactioun of +gour desyr, +ge sall consider   #
+tat +te markispoinct 
of oure ressoning is to knaw gif +te mess be ane sacrifice      #
Institute be Iesus
Christ oure salueour in +te latter supper. For +te mair perfyt  #
vnderstanding 
of +te samyn I diffinit +te mess; and to preif +te              #
diffinitioun +tairof, I groundit
me apon +te wordis of +te latter supper, quhair oure salueour   #
gaif command 
to his apostlis - and all vtheris faythfull ministeris in his   #
kirk - to offer his 
body and blude in sacrifice, sayand [\Luc. 22.\] : "Do +tis in  #
rememberance 
of me." And to be assurit +tat +tis is +te trew mynd and        #
vndirstanding 
of +te wordis In the latter supper:
   (^First^) I callit to rememberance the sayingis of +te       #
prophet Malachie
[\Mala. 1.\] , quhairby we ar instructit +tat +te sacrifice of  #
+te auld testament 
(quhilk was according to +te ordour of Aaron) ceissit and ane   #
cleyn sacrifice 
succedit in +te place of It, institute be oure salueour in +te  #
latter supper, 
<P 170>
quhilk is +te sacrifice of +te new testament according to +te   #
ordour of Melchisedech,
callit +te mess. 
   (^Secundlie,^) I confirmit +te wordis of +te latter supper   #
and als +te sayingis of 
+te prophet Malachie to be vndirstand as said is be +te wordis  #
of the apostle
sanct Paull [\Heb. 7.\] , and als +te sayingis of +te prophete  #
Dauid [\Psal. 
109.\] , quhair +tai do affirme oure salueour to be ane preist  #
according to 
+te ordour of Melchisedech, be quhais sayingis we ar compellit
to affirme +tat oure salueour offerit his body and blude vnder  #
+te formes of 
breyd and wyne in +te latter supper, or ellis he was nocht ane  #
preist according 
to +te ordour of Melchisedech. 
   (^Thridlie,^) we confirmit +te mess to be ane sacrifice be   #
+te figure of +te 
paschale lamb [\Exod. 12.\] , quhilk was nocht onelie ane       #
figure of +te 
sacrifice of redemptioun maid on +te croce, bot als ane figure  #
of +te sacrifice 
of commemoratioun institute be oure salueour in +te latter      #
supper [\Math. 
26.\] .
   (^Feirdlie,^) we confirmit be diuers testimoniis of +te new  #
testament [\1.
Pet. 3.; Galat. 4.\] +te figuris of +te auld testament to be    #
sufficient confirmatioun
of +te sacrifice of +te mess, lyk as +tai ar sufficient         #
confirmatioun 
of vtheris misteriis concerning +te fayth.
   (^Fiftlie,^) we confirmit +te sacrifice of +te mess be +te   #
Interpretatioun of +te
scripturis according to +te doctryne of +te auld fatheris. 
   (^Sextlie,^) be Invincible ressouns aggreable with +te       #
scripture [\Luc. 24.; 
Io. 10; Ireneus, (lib.) 3., ca. 3.\] we previt +te              #
interpretatioun of +te auld 
fatheris towart +te supper of +te lorde to be sufficient        #
confirmatioun and 
preif of +te sacrifice of +te mess. 
   (^Last^) of all, we confirmit +te sacrifice of +te mess be   #
+te deliberatioun and 
sayingis of +te maist notable generall concellis                #
[\Concili(um) Nicenum, 
Concili(um) Ephesin(um)\] quhilkis evyr hes bene sen +te tyme   #
of +te 
apostlis, to quhome It appertenis (deulie convenit) to tak      #
ordour in all 
materis doutsum concerning +te fayth. 
   And sua I beleif +tat +tir confirmatiouns ar sufficient to   #
preif +tat +te mess 
Is ane sacrifice according to +te ordinance and institutioun    #
of Iesus Christ 
oure salueour in +te latter supper. Gif +tair be ony man        #
offendit 
with +tir sayingis and ressouns, lat +tame mark +te place or    #
testimonie of 
scripture allegeit or applyit be me Impropirlie for             #
confirmatioun of +tis 
caus, and mak +te redar to vndirstand +te samyn be o+teris      #
scripturis and 
ressouns propirlie allegeit and applyit in +te contrar.
   (^I.^) I persaif, quha evir will Impung +gour sayingis       #
towart +te confirmatioun 
of +te sacrifice of +te mess, thai sall nocht haif +gou onelie  #
to +tair partie, bot 
als +tai sall haif thais quhilkis war disciplis to +te          #
apostlis, to gidder with +te 
<P 171>
rest of +te anceant fatheris and generale concellis to be in    #
+tair contrar, quhilk 
is na litle mater to ony pryvate man to attempt, specialie      #
quhair questioun 
is for +te vndirstanding or +te profund misteriis of +te        #
scripture. Nocht+teles, 
I will speir +git ane questioun at +gou, albeit It be           #
Impertinent to +te purpose, 
sua +ge will nocht be offendit. 
   (^Q.^) Treulie, brother, I lyk nocht digressiouns, specialie #
in sa wechtie ane 
mater as we haif in hand. Nocht+teles, I will heir +gour        #
questioun.
   (^I.^) Quhat is +te caus of +tis grit variance of opinioun   #
quhilk is rissyn 
laitlie amangis christin men for maters of the fayth? [\B.\]
   (^Q.^) +gour questioun is mair difficle to anser to nor ony  #
questioun +git 
proponit; It comprehendis sua mony heidis. 
   (^I.^) I heir say +tat preistis, monkis and freiris, and +ge #
abbottis, priouris, and 
bischoppis hes bene +te first Inventaris of +tis dangerous      #
danse cumin 
amangis vs temporale men, sua +tat +ge kirkmen has +te haill    #
wyte of all +te 
cummyr amangis vs temporale men for +te fayth. 
   (^Q.^) +ge sall wit +tat thare Is kirkmen evin as Iudas was  #
ane apostle, sua 
+tat +te speciall caus, eftir my Iugement, of all kynd of       #
variance in 
religioun and mischeif amangis christiane men for +te fayth,    #
Is +tat princis 
has vendicat dispositioun of benefices, disponand +tame to      #
vnqualifeit men 
ass temporale revarde. Haif we nocht seyn in oure dayes Ane     #
bletour stert 
vp to be ane bischop, Ane awn to be ane abbote, Ane pultroun    #
to be ane 
priour, ane pelour to be ane persone, Ane veill to be ane       #
vicar, Ane kow 
to be ane curate? Quhen sic monstruous ministeries, blindit     #
in Ignorance,
drownit in lustis, ar appoinctit to haif authorite in +te kirk  #
of God, quhat wonder
is it +tat +te warld be confundit with hereseis, factioun, and  #
opinioun as it 
is? For I dar bauldlie say: sua lang as we haif sic pestilent   #
precheouris to 
be oure pastouris, sic Ignorant awns to be oure abbottis, sic   #
prowd pultrouns 
to be oure priowris - quha, vnder +te pretense of +te liberte   #
of +te 
evangell, seikis onelie +te liberte of +tair flesche, takand    #
na thocht to subuert
+te haill ordour, policie, and religioun of christindome sua    #
+tai may suage 
+tair insaciable sensualite -, sa lang sall +tair nevir be gude #
ordour nor 
quietnes in +te kirk of God. As to me, I will say na thing,     #
bot thankis to God 
+tair is nane sic in +tis realme, as +te experience daylie      #
techis vs.  Lat vs +tairfoir
returne to oure purpose. 
   (^I.^) I can say na ferther to +tis purpose pertenand to +te #
mess presentlie. 
Bot I pray God, gif all thais in +tis realme quhilkis ar        #
perturbate with 
factioun and opinioun had harde and vnderstude oure ressoning,  #
+tan, I 
think, +tair suld nocht be sa mony criaris oute aganis +te      #
blissit sacrifice of 
+te mess, calland It Idolatrie, nocht knawand quhat +te mater   #
menis. 
   (^Q.^) I will geif +gou ane persuasioun contenand thre       #
heidis, quhairby
<P 172>
+ge salbe assurit +tat +te mess is nocht Idolatrie. (^The^)     #
first heid salbe
groundit on +te auld testament. (^The^) secund heid on +te new  #
testament. (^The^) 
thrid on ane notable doctryne set furth be ane anceant wrytar   #
callit 
(^Vincentius^) Lirinensis, alevin hundreth +geir syne and mair. 



<B SHIST1> 
<Q SC1 NN HIST HBOECE> 
<N MAR LODGE BOECE> 
<A BOECE HECTOR> 
<C SC1> 
<O DATE C 1533> 
<M MEDIUM MS> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T HISTORY> 
<G TRANSL> 
<F LATIN> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X MALE> 
<Y X> 
<H X> 
<U NET DOCUM/PUBLIC> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I X> 
<Z NARR NON-IMAG> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^THE MAR LODGE TRANSLATION OF THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND BY  
HECTOR BOECE. ED. GEORGE WATSON. VOL. I. 
SCOTTISH TEXT SOCIETY, THIRD SERIES, 17. 
EDINBURGH AND LONDON 1946.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 158.1-187.20
SAMPLE 2: PP. 257.1-286.20^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 158>
[}HOW CLAUDIUS WERIT APOUN ORKNAY; OF +TE COMMODITEIS
OF +TE CUNTRE, AND HOW HAVING THE KING
CAPTIVE HE TRYUMPHIT ON +TE ORKNAYIS.
CAP=O= XIJ=O=}]

Hereefter the Emprioure Claudius providing +tat without
presoneris and blude of inemyis he suld nocht returne
to Rome, +tat +tarethrow his tryumphale suld be les glorios~
+tan he belevit, inflammyt alanerlie be desire of victorie, he
devisit with awfull ordinance vesy +te Ilis of Orknay, +te      #
extreme
and vtmest of +te occiane, allegiand +te Orknayis, (quham he
belevit be sobir bargane mycht be vincust), had in +te weris
precedent assistit to +te Albianis contrare Romanis. Syne
within few dayis furnist in all necessaris for +te expedicioun
apoun Orknay, and ordering all his affaris in Britane, takand
with him plegeis, fyndand fare wynd and gude weddir for +te
saill, ffra Britan he departit towart Orknay. Quhen he
approchit to +te ilis, be contrare tydis in Pichtland Firth, in
stark stremys rynnyng betuix +te promontoure of Dwne and
Orknay, naroly he evadit drownyng. Ffinalie with grete
laubouris, nocht without dangere of his liffe, he wan +te land
of Orknay. Na man in +te ile quhare he first arrivit was sene,
ffor the inhabitantis, (quhilk at cuming of Romanis ran to
+te coist syde), war affrayit be multitude of +te navyn and     #
fled
fra +te sey, lurkand in cavernys and cavis amang craggis.
Leiffand +tis ile as denude of pepill, with his army he salit
to +te Ile of Pomonia, (now Kirkwale), quhare landing his
folkis and waling ane convenient place for +te camp, he tuke
with him Vespasiane to ane hicht to explore the nature of +te
ilis. Quhen be skurreouris he was certifyit the ilis aboundit
abone estimacioun in schepe, nolt, hors~, gate, cwnyngis,
swannys, crannys, herons, pluvaris, capons, geis~, dowis and
mony vthir sortis siclike, for +te vse of men; and how in
Orknay was nowder wolf, fox, taid, serpent nor vthir noysum
vnbeist; the fertill ground producit cornys of diuers~ sortis
quharewith +te feildis war plennyst for +te present; in +te     #
sey,
beside aboundit fisch, quhilk be litill lauboure mycht be       #
takin;
<P 159>
inhabitantis grewe weill in age, liffit mony +geris, passit     #
+tare
tyme with gude heill of persoun, and +tarefore vse of           #
medicinaris
was almaist amang +tame vnknawin; he ammervellit
mekill and thocht +tat +te Ilis of Orknay for fertilite,        #
temperate
and halesum are, mycht be preferrit to mony vthir
regiouns be testifying of famous~ authouris apprisit. On +te
morne +te emprioure, be certane captivis of rurall bodijs, was
certifijt within xij mylis fra +te Romane camp was ane castell,
be craft and naturall situacioun strenthy and strang. In the
samyn was Ganus, king of Orknay, the quene and his barnys.
Tharefore he send ane cumpanye of weremen to assege +te
fortalice. Romanys apoun +tare vyage saw apoun ane hill
beside, to +te nowmer of ij=m= inhabitantis quhilkis had cumin
fra +te ilis adiacent, cavernis and covis quhare +tai had all
nycht lurkit. At +te strange sicht of Romanis the Orknayis
war affrayit. Bot Romanis persewand and Orknayis seand
na place to fle, +tai tuke hardyment and with terribill         #
schowtis
ruschand apoun Romanis the batell, scharp and kene ane
quhile was +te bargane. Ffinalie +te inhabitantis war rebutit,
and all for +te maist parte slane or takin. Ffew +tat evadit
fled to +te nixt castell. Be +tis victorie Romanis reiosing     #
tranoyntit
to +te castell, assail+geing it with ane strang assege.
Certane dayis +te garnison within be grete force sustenit +tare
assaltis. Ffynalie, quhen nowder be +tare pussance mycht
+tai resist, nor nane esperance was to haue reskew fra          #
nychtbouris,
wilfully to Romanis +tai become randerit. In +te castell
tane was Ganus king, +te quene and his barnis, and in irenys
led to +te schippis. In +te castell Claudius certane dayis      #
remanit,
and vesyit +te vthir ilis. Sone eftir, findand wynd and tyde
convenient, with his armye fra thyne he departit and on +te
aucht day arrivit at Calice, quhare Romanis landing, becaus
be batellis, weris, walking and saling, +tai war wery, be       #
tollerance
of +te empriour +tai gaif +tame certane days to rest. In
+tis sort the Orknay weris fynissit, be ane licht bargane       #
without
mekill blude. The Empriour Claudius to Rome returnit,
quhare with mekill pompe he tryumphit, having Ganus, king
of Orknay, his barnis and v+teris captivis, with the plegeis of
Britan led in tryumphe before his chariot. Of +tis expedicion
<P 160>
made be Claudius, first in Britan, syne in Orknay, authouris
ar Swetonius Tranquillus, Ewtropius and Bede; amang
vtheris mare recent, Schir Iohne Campbell and Cornelius
Hiber. This tyme +te apostill Petir fra Antioche went to
Italie, eftir he had constitute grete nowmer of kirkis in Asia,
and in Rome preicheand +te ewangell, began +te origin of the
kirk militant, and siclike was +te Assumpcion of +te glorios~,
incontamynate Virgine Marie, moder of our Saluatoure,
Ihesus, to +te celestiall glore in +te v +gere of +te Empriour
Claudius and oure Redempcion xlvij. Now to our historie
lat ws returne.

[}HOW ARVIRAG REPUDIAT HIS QUENE AND SPOUSIT ANE
ROMANE LADY; HOW WALIS AND VTHIR SCHIRIS CONTRARE
HIM CONSPIRIT, AND WAR VINCUST. CAPTO XIIJ=O=}]

Arviragus, (as said is), be authorite of +te empriour regnyng
in Britane, repudiat and incarcerate his iust spous~, Voada,
sister to Caratak, king of Scotland, eftir apoun hir he had
gottin ane onelie son and twa dochteris, syne be incestuos~
mariage copulate to him Genissa, ane nobill Romane woman.
It was plane this divorce was made be slicht and polecy of
Aulus Planctius, be quhais avise and counsell all thingis war
done within Britan, +tat quhen the affinite betuix King         #
Caratake
and Aruyrag war dissoluit, gif Britouns wald ony tyme contrare
Romanis rebell, thay suld lippin na supple fra Scottis. The
heris of Walis and Tegenis, (quhilkis of +te commoun weill and
honoure of +tare prince tuke grete cure), knawing +te repudie
of +te quene, weying hevily +te lichtlynes done to +tat nobill
woman, euer lauboring for weill of +te Britan kinrik, and +tat
+tare king without avise of his counsell had myxt his kyn and
blude with Romanis, be mony resouns tendit persuade him
to resaue of new Voada, his derrest spous~, quhilk mony +geris
had liffit with him in iuste matrymone, and excluding +te
Romane adulterare suld intertenye his lady of +te blude royall,
as efferit ane princes, memorative of +te fare barnis apoun hir
procreate +tat to thame na thing mortall may be to men          #
preferrit,
<P 161>
and suld in mynde revolue quhat vtilite mycht follow
apoun affinite with nychtboure naciouns gif be aventure inemyis
wald invade, and suld be vigilant +tat be flatterie of Romanis
he suld nocht birn in wilfulnes to his awne dammage,            #
quharethrow
he and his liegis mycht be seperate fra +tare confederatis
and freyndis be ane new pestilent fantasie of ane corruptit
woman. Quhen be +tir persuasiouns and diuers~ vtheris thay
had lang tyme in vane assayit +te kingis mynde, and be his
wordis and doingis +tai fand nocht ellis bot be plesuris of his
new spousage he wald without respect to honeste or gude
maneris rage in his blind affectioun, on nycht +tai brak +te
presoun and tuke +te quene and hir barnys to Walis. Arvirag,
knawing +te cais~, aduertist +te nobillis of his realme how his
liegis of Tegenis and Walis, in quhom he confidit maist and
quhare he was borne and nurist, had dispitefully vsit apoun
him fellony, becaus with +te quene Voada he had maryit ane
vthir Romane lady: like as to him war vnlefull to haue
pluralite of wyiffis at his plesure, howbeit sic actis nowthir  #
be
ritis or lawis of Britouns war defendit. Be rage of lufe he was
nocht hereto kendillit, bot erare +tat Britouns suld multiply
and incres~ in ane ferme and solid nacioun with Romanis, to
quhom on nede +tai behuffit obey. He besocht +tame gif +te
Tegenis and Walis wald fail+ge fra him and Romanis +tai suld
defend the affaris of Britane and fidelite latelie to Romanis
promyst. Be +te heris of Britons was ansuerit: it was nocht
lefull to Arvirag without avise of his wyse barons to induce
ane new lady apoun his first spous~; iniuris done to +te quene
war to +tame richt displesing, allegiand +te samyn thing        #
almaist
as did Tegenis and Walis. Arvirag, knawing how Britouns to
him war myndit for his recent mariage, thocht na tyme to
defer +te mater and at persuasioun of Planctius, (erare be his
command), haistelie assembling his folkis, movit apoun Tegenis
and Walis, quhilkis with na les diligence contrare him gaderit
power. On athir partie quhen ane stark armye was reddy,
King Arvirag and Romanis convoyit be Planctius, chiftane,
contrare inemyis straik +te bataill. To +te Tegenis and Walis
was +te bargane sare and cruell, ffor sum parte of +tame war
slane and +te remanent chaissit. On +te morne Arvirag and
<P 162>
+te lieutenent Planctius war certifijt how contrare him and
Romanis conspirit war the Icenis and Lobwnys. Thir pepill
for +te tyme inhabit Darbyschire, Lancastre and +Gork, with
rowmys adiacent, as before is said. Herefore Arvirag and
Planctius, fering inemyis suld invade Kentschire and est
partis of +te realme, devisit returne to Londoun to defend      #
+tare
gudis within +te ciete. To London quhen +tai come Planctius,
confiding litill in Britons, send in Gallia for supple of twa
legiouns; syne, stuffing +te strenthis with stark mvnycioun,
passit his tyme in +te camp with the armye.

[}HOW THE NOBILLIS OF WALIS AND V+TIR SCHYRIS CONDESCENDIT
+TAT TO CARATAKE, KING OF SCOTTIS, SULD +TE
GOUERMENT OF +TE WERIS BE REFERRIT AND HOW HE ACCEPTIT
+TE SAMYN. CAP=O= XIIIJ=O=}]

Quhill Planctius was intent to sic thingis the heris of
Walis, Tegenis and Icenis convenit at Corymyne, (now
Schrewisbery), to consult quhat best war to be done in +tis
mater sa full of trubill and danger. At +tis convencioun was
concludit +tat all +te pepill of Tigenis, Icenis and Walis,     #
abill
to bere wapynnys, with haill pussance contrare Romanis suld
debate, owthir to expell +tame Britane, or ellis stoutlie all
atanis offer +tame self to dede. Siclike in this convencioun
war messagis decretit to solist +te pepill of Cornwell,         #
Candalis
and Damonis, (occupying in auld tymes the boundis of Kendale,
Carlele and Durame to +te march of Anandale), with +tame to
be participantis. In the hervist following the chiftanis of
Cornwell and Carlele, saling +te sey fra Cornwell deviding      #
Walis,
come to Schrewisbery, quhare +te ilk tyme war cumin the heris
and nobillis of Candale, now Westmarland, and at convencion
plene+git lang and hevilie the iniuris of Romanis, blamyng
+te inconstance and myscheant goverment of +tare king quhilk,
contempnyng his awne nacion, desirit erare be servand and
sclaif to Romanis +tan be king of Britons; concludit with all
+tare study and pussance to were apoun Romanis: +tai war sa
inflammyt to recovir liberte and glore in armys as +tai war in
<P 163>
vse afore. Syne amang the nobillis was questioun to quham
suld be committit +te goverment of +tir weris, ffor euery       #
nobill
attemptit to reserve this prerogative to him self. Than Comws,
gretest of Walis, said: "Freyndis, we may contract lichtlie
ane armye of oure folkis and freyndlie nychtbouris mare
strenthy +tan be ony force may be resistit, sua be discipline
and ordoure of were our affaris be rewlit, becaus in reule and
ordoure standis onelie baith honour and victorie in weris. To
ordoure and reule sa contrarios~ ar division, debate, discorde
of chiftanis and ambicioun of governouris +tat, quhare ony
of +tir premiss~ amang weremen has place, na ordoure, band
of amyte, nor freyndschip may be obseruit; howbeit to werelike
discipline +tir concernis maist becaus without +te samyn
na victory apoun inemyis may be conquest. Quharefore all
ambicion is to be removit, contencions and debatis slokynnit,
and ane man, on nede, be all oure votis mon be chosin, to
quham we all sall obtempir, and, be directioun of +tis          #
chiftane,
+tis instant were mon be dressit, gif we desire victorie and
wald tryumphe honestlie apoun inemyis. Now sen I persave
nane of ws in +tis cais~ sall refer to vthir, becaus diuers~ of #
ws
ar almaist equale in blude and substance, I think best, gif +ge
assent hereto, ane message be send to Caratake, cheif of
Brigancia and king of Scottis, becaus he bure euer cruell
haterent contrare +te Romane name, praying he will with ws
revenge +te dispitis done to his sister Voada, him self and his
kinrik be Arvirag, king of Britouns, and, be force of armys,
defend +te caus of his nevo, quham +te king, his fader, be
persuasioun of Romanis tendis defraude of his iuste heretage.
The cais~ to him be law of nature pertenis, and herefore +te
maist parte of Britons has contrare Arvirag conspirit, and,
gif he will at oure request accept +te charge of +tis were, the
tutory and goverment of his nevo, quhill +geris of perfectioun,
to him sal be committit, and we sall promytt to obtempir to
him in +tir present weris. I beleif +tir premis~ mare eselie    #
may
be impetrate at +te king of Scotland, (sua +ge condiscend       #
hereto),
+tat to his sister and nevo, his gude lufe and kyndenes was
euer naturalie applyit." Britouns, following +tis sentence of,
Comws, haistelie to Caratake directit ambassiatouris, beseking
<P 164>
him for +te thingis be Comws said. The king, benynglie resaving
+te ambassiatouris and hering +taim peticioun, ansuerit, he
weyit nocht +te dishonoure done be Arvirag to his sister and
nevois samekill as quhen, in hurt of him and kinrik, he
spousit ane Romane woman iniustlie: Romanis be +tare
inveterate consuetude of dissymulit amyte had in vse be
diuers~ policyis and fraudulent wayis on far and on dreich
to invaid kinrikis and of crownys and scepteris dispule+ge
princis providing nocht +tare fraude and mak +tame subiectis
and tributaris: at +te first signis of were he suld with        #
Britouns
be present with his folkis in werelike wedis contrare Romanys
to pas~ in quhat partis +tai plesit, and suld employ all his    #
pussance
for weill of his sister, nevoyis and felicite of +te            #
inhabitantis
Albion: doutles of him and his liegis +tai suld beleif
nocht ellis.

[}HOW CARATAKE OF SCOTLAND CONVENIT WITH THIR NACIONS
FORESAIDIS ORDORIT +TE ARMY OF ALBIANIS AND STRAIK +TE
BATELL CONTRARE ROMANIS CAP=O= XV=O=}]

Ambassiatouris, departing within schort tyme, to Schrewisbery
returnit, schewand +te ansuere of Caratake and his
counsell. The wynter following on all partis fra weris was
abstenit. At +te first signis of somer +te heris of             #
Schrewisbery,
Tegenis, Walis, Cornwell, Damonis and vthir naciouns,           #
rebellaris
contrare Romanis, appoynting ane meting, decretit that all
men abill to weild wapynnis and armoure suld convene, proponyng
pane of dede gif +tai disobeyit +te charge. To +te
meting +tai assignit ane speciall day and place quhare +te
power of Scottis and Pichtis, solistit afore be ambassiatouris
to defend +tare liberte, suld convene, and apoun +tame with
grete esperance awatit. At day prefixt in +te feildis beside
+Gork, of Britons favoring +te partie of Tegenis and Walis      #
abone
auchty thowsand assemblit. Siclike come Conkist, king of
Pichtis, with his noblis, and Caratake of Scotland with stark
power, to debate +tare commoun liberte and lawis. Be +tare
cuming Britouns war sa kindillit in curage +tat nocht onelie
<P 165>
to batell bot erare thocht +tai past to tak +te Romanis         #
presoneris,
as +tai had bene vincust and ouresett. Syne +te Britane         #
nobillis
to +te twa princis randerit grete thankis for benevolence       #
schewin
to +tame, lauboring in sa dangerus estate for +te present, and,
as before was decretit, consentit to commytt +te gouerment of
the weris to Caratake, king of Scotland. He, resaving the
reule, to haue +te weris be wisdome and strenth convoyit,
ffirst to +te armye distribute capitanis, to quham he chargit
+te remanent suld obey, beseking euery man attend baith to
+te singuler and commoun weill and nocht, neclecting +tare
liberte, becum randerit in handis of inemyis to be pynyt at
+tare plesere, memorative of +te vassalage of antecessouris
quhilkis fra Albion expellit Iulius Cesare, of all Romanis +te
maist vail+geant chiftane. Be +te weill convoyit and maist
prudent wourdis of King Caratake +te Albanis, in curage         #
erectit,
with glade continence and full of esperence contrare Romanis,
inemyis of +tare liberte, procedit. Quhen to Alvirag, king of
Britouns, and Planctius, +tir premiss~ be skurreouris and       #
fugitivis
war schawin, with na les~ diligence +tai devisit +tare          #
ordinance.
Nocht+teles Planctius thocht nocht expedient to fecht
incontinent in ordorit batell contrare sa copios~ multitude
of inemyis, knawand weill weremen of all gadering war cruell
and wald postpone all perillis, ffor of sic men aboundit the
oistis of Albianis, and had bot litill prectik in wourthy       #
discipline.
Quharefore be productioun of tyme, laubouris, walking
to quhilk +tai war nocht accustumyt and penurite of thingis
necessare, +tai war to be tyrit. Be +tis way, (as he belevit),
inemyis, but grete effusioun of blude, mycht be ouresett. To
Arvirag and his folkis +tis devise was plesand. Quharefore
diuers~ dayis +tai maid continence of batell. Howbeit +tai
delayit +te samyn vnto +te tyme +te confusit multitude of 
Albianis grew wery and nowdir mycht be reulit nor war sufferit
to seik victualis in +te cuntre. Grete parte of +tame,          #
+tarefore,
compellit be penwrite of viueris, leiffing +te armye, privelie  #
on
+te nycht haue returnit. Of +tame sum parte happynnyng
amang Romanis, tane and to Planctius led, schew how +te
armye be hungir, travell and walkyngis, to quhilk +tai war
nocht accustumyt, was cummerit, irkit and wery. Planctius,
<P 166>
on +te morne, ordoring his batellis towart inemyis, tranoyntit,
commanding his folkis but tary strike +te bargane. Caratake,
knawing quhat Romanis devisit, to his folkis gaif ane signe
to tak +te feild, devisit +te day precedent. Ffollowit ane      #
bataill
scharp and kene and mony woundis on athir partie war resauit.
Romanis in cast of dartis war mare exercit +tan inemyis,
Britons and Scottis in archerie and slungis, quhareby +te left
wyng, quhare Arvirag facht, apperit to be oursett. Bot
haistelie to +tame in sic perrell occurrit Planctius, with      #
fresch
power renewing +te battell. Doutsum indurit +te fecht quhil
+te late nycht had be myrknes removit all sicht, +tat on nede
+te fechtaris disseuerit becaus inemyis fra vtheris mycht nocht
be decernit. On +te morne at spring of day na thing was sene
quhare +te feild was stirkin except +te carions of men slane    #
+te
day before; ffor athir army to vthir gave place and leiffing    #
+te
feild fled at the stragill to +te montanis. Planctius,          #
attempting
to renew his armye, mycht nocht haue his intent, his folkis,
fra tyme first +tai gaif +te bak, war sa affrayit. Quharefore   #
with
grete tynsell of hors~men he departit towart Londoun. Be na
les~ mischeif Caratak was stirkin. +Tarefore, collecting +te
residew of his folkis, he tuke purpois~ suffer +tame depart to
+tare cieteis and townys, chargeing +tai suld at all tymes be
reddy to +te weris quhen proclamacions suld be made. He
went to +Gork and fra thyne, eftir he had remanit certane dayis
to refresche his curage, to Cariccioun. On all partis fra weris
was abstinence the remanent +gere, quhilk was +te fyft eftir
the Romane weris in Britan war begunin.

[}HOW PLANCTIUS BE AMBASSIATOURIS DESIRIT REDRES~ FRA
CARATAK, AND OF HIS RESPONS~. CAP=O= XVJ=O=}]

This quhile Aulus Planctius to King Caratak directit            #
ambassiatouris,
quhilkis suld say he was na litill amervalit +tat
he, prouokit be nane iniuris, suld infer batell to Romanis and
suppleit inemyis nocht anerlie with power of folkis bot als he
acceptit +te haill charge of +te weris, and richt vnfreyndlie
invadit the Romane province, nocht remembring +te beneuolence
<P 167>
schawin be Claudius, divyne emprioure, towart him and
his kinrik quhen he subdewit Britan and mycht lychtlie haue
removit him fra his sene+georie, +git he abstenit to iniure him
and his pepill of Scotland, turnyng all his werelie ordinance
apoun +te Orknayis, pepill euer to +te nacioun of Albion infest
and noysum: quharefore he suld redres~ the skaithis latelie
inferrit to him, +te Romane armye and v+teris, his freyndlie
nychtbouris, and abstene fra new iniuris: v+terwayis, +te
empriour and Romane senatouris suld repute Caratak and
his pepill mortall inemyis in tyme cuming. To +tis ansuerit
Carataik: The Romane legate had na caus~ to be amervellit,
how beit with all pussance and strenth he come in supple of
Britouns +tat Guiderius his nevo suld nocht be defraudit of his
regnne, iustlie to him pertenyng: he had mare mater to
amervell quhy Planctius impellit King Arvirage to +te repudie
of +te quene, Voada, ane woman of preemynent vertew, and
with dishonour kest hir in presoun; syne induceit ane brokin
Romane woman, extemyng na thing his iust spous~, to +te
effect +tat +te +gong prince Gwidere, (for lak of +geris,       #
deserving
of na man vnkyndenes), suld of his iuste heretage and regne
be dispule+gete: bot gif, eftir +te commoun opinioun, in sorte
of Romanis, led be insaciabill ambicion to invade kinrikis and
rowmys na thing to +tame pertenyng, he was oure desirous of
dominacion and devisit first to reif fra Britons +tare kinrik
and +te remanent of Albioun +tareeftir, he invadit nocht +te
Romane province bot defendit, (as was resoun), +te actioun of
his sister and nevo, fermelie beleving +te goddis eterne suld
revenge iniuris done to +tai innocentis quhen +te pussance of
erdlie men mycht nocht prevaill: and how beit Claudius,
Romane emprioure, eftir subiectioun of Britan, turnit his
weris fra Scottis and Pichtis, he menit na benevolence to +tame
+tarethrow, bot erare becaus he knewe gif it aventurit +tame
be vincust, without cruell bargane +tai mycht nocht be          #
ouresett:
he passit apoun +te febill, rude pepill of Orknay, na thing     #
expert
in armes, +tat quhen +tai war lychtlie ourethrawin he mycht
dispule+ge +tare ilis and turs~ +te pray to Rome, avanting +tat #
he
was ane mychty emprioure and vincust +tai febill bodyis and
brocht +tame in tryumphe +tat sua, be purchest glore eftir sa
<P 168>
grete weris, he mycht mare glorioslie enter in Rome: be +te
contrare the recent and ald iniuris of Romanis done to Scottis
and Pichtis aucht to be amendit, +tai suld departe clenelie fra
Albion and leif +te samyn fre to +te inhabitantis: vthir wayis
+tai suld in tyme cuming be assurit +tat Scottis, Pichtis and
Britouns, of all +te warld maist remote pepill, quham sa        #
of[{t{]
+tai had contempnit, throw naturall affectioun to the liberte
of +tare kinrik and lufe to +tare native goddis suld to Romanis
be perpetuale inemyis. The ambassiatouris departing, quhen
to +te Romane heris +tai had reportit as +tai herd,             #
indignacioun
kindillit the mynde of Planctius +tat +te Scottis pepill,       #
nowder
potent in weris nor opulent in riches, suld sua contempne +te
Romane pussance, and in +tare folie hardyment sua confiding
+tat lippynnyng mare in +tare awne strenth +tan all v+tir       #
pepill
of +te warld, thocht +tai mycht nocht to +te Romane Impire
be subdewit. Quharefore, testifying +te goddis in presens of
mony nobillis, he schorit to revenge thir outrageous iniuris.
Siclike avowit diuers~ v+tiris, be exempill of Planctius,       #
kindillit
be +te presumptuos~ and contumelios~ wourdis of Caratake in
reproch of the imperiall maieste and Romane pepill. About
+tis tyme Arvirag, king of Britan (thinking gif his power with
the haill pussance of Albiouns war conionit, Romanis mycht
be vincust and expellit +te ile), desirous to recovir his       #
liberte
and honorabill name, leiffing Planctius he past with +te        #
nobillis
of his realme to him assisting, to Schrewisbery, in Walis to
Comws, (of quhom before is rememberit). His cuming was to
Comws and vpir heris of Tegenis and Walis, (quhilkis for +te
tyme convenit in counsell at Schrewisbery), richt thankfull
and erectit +tame in ferme beleif to recovir +tare liberte.     #
Quhen
hereof certifijt was Genissa, the Romane lady, graif with
chylde, (how scho was intertenyit be Arvirag in place of his
iust spous~ is schawin), vnderstanding how scho was contempnit
and of matrimoniall dett defraudit, be suddane displesoure scho
departit with hir birth; quharethrow followit haisty dede.
Than Aulus Planctius daly thinking he mycht confide na
thing in Britouns (quhilkis howbeit +tai testifyit inmortall
goddis, had sa oftymes violate +tare fidelite promyst to        #
Romanis),
with stark garnisoun and victualis he stuffit castellis,        #
mwnyciouns,
<P 169>
fortalicis, burrowis and cieteis to +te Romane domynioun
obeysant; syne haistelie to +te Emprioure Claudius send
writingis, pleyn+geing mekill +te dissate of Britouns +tat      #
nowder
be gude dede of Romanis, remembrance of amyte nor be grete
aithis, quhareto +tai war astrictit, mycht +tai be kepit at
fidelite: now vniuersalie with all pussance, studie and         #
substance
+tai war intent to were contrare Romanis and +tareto
had rasit Scottis and Pichtis, felloun, inhwmane and cruell
pepill, be quham Romanis in +te last iournay tuke na les~
myscheif +tan to +tame +tai inferrit: nocht alanerlie had +tai
now ado with Britons bot with all inhabitantis Albion throw
+tare solistacion and wayis: he suld herefore consult apoun +te
Romane affaris in Britane, tending to sic dammage +tat be
multitude and perseuerant audacite of +tat barbare pepill,
amangis quham was na place of lawte, honeste, reuerence of
goddis, nor men in erde, +tai suld nocht suffir sum notabill    #
and
haisty harme. Quhen +tis to +te Empriour Claudius was
schawin, he devisit with diligence to suple Planctius and
Romanis with him in Britane. Herefore be decrete of senatouris
Vespasiane was chosin chiftane, to dant +te rebellioun
and defend +te Romane sene+georie in Albioun.

[}HOW VESPASIANE RETURNIT TO BRITANE; HOW +TE KINGIS
OF SCOTTIS, PICHTIS AND BRITONS PERSEWIT HIM BE
BATELL AND WAR DISCUMFIST. CAP=O= XVIJ=O=}]

Nocht lang hereeftir Vespasiane with ane armye fra Rome
departit and be grete travell come in Gallia quhare,
waling new power, he augmentit his armye and to Britane
brocht +te samyn. Be diuers~ kyndis of honour Romanis in
Britane ressavit Vespasiane, becaus be weredis (as amang
+tame was opinion) +tai traistit for his excellent and singuler
vassalage he was sum tyme to be exaltit to grete honouris.
Vespasiane, knawing how +te Romane affaris stude in Britane,
employit all his diligence to reduce +tame to bettir forme.
Ffirst he convenit Aulus Planctius to knaw gif +te myscheif,
resauit latelie be Romanis contrare Albianis in batell, was
<P 170>
happynnyt be his myscheant gouerment, (as was +te brute),
and be necligence of weirlie discipline. Planctius for his      #
purgacioun
schew doingis and na wourdis, how castellis, quhare
remanit +te Romane garnisoun, be fowsyis, dykis and trenschis
war weill strenthit and with mwnicioun providit, conforme to
+te Romane vse, like as be inemyes +tai war incontinent to be
assegeit. In +te campe +te men of were be incredibill ordoure
war at sic reule, without all occasioun +tat mycht mak +tare
myndis effemynate or dolf, and all werelie ordinance sa wyislie
convoyit +tat the chiftane Vespasiane and his cumpanye gretelie
war amervellit. Herefore be Vespasiane was Planctius commendit,
belefing +tat be onelie convoyance of Planctius, how
beit nan vthir supple to Romanis had arrivit in Britane, all
inhabitantis Albioun mycht eselie be vincust. Sone eftir
Vespasiane chargeit ane expedicioun be preparit contrare
Arvirag and Britons quhilkis had violate thare faith and        #
fail+gete
fra Romanis. Arvirag, knawing quhat Vespasiane devisit,
commandit his noblis convene at +Gork, quhare be writingis he
knew Caratak of Scotland with +te nobillis of his realme was
to cum; and consulting, +tai decretit +tat at day assignit      #
nocht
all +tare folkis abill for were, as in +te +gere precedent,     #
suld
convene to resist +te violence of Romanis, bot certane of euery
regioun suld be walit, becaus be sic confusit multitude nowder
mycht +tai discerne +tare avne folkis nor haue victualis        #
sufficient
to +te armye. Thay commandit herefore +tat Carlele,
Kendale and +tai boundis suld furnis vj=m= men, the Tigenis
and Walis with +tare nychtbouris xij=m=, Kentschire and +te
pepill adiacent suld furnis elike nowmer, the Icenis and
remanent Britons obeying +te sene+geory of Arvirag, xxxv=m=,
and euery man suld with victualis for twa monethis be providit.
All thir completing +tare nowmer beside +Gork convenit,
quhare come King Caratake, (as before was devisit), with
xxx=m= Scottis; siclike Illithara, king of Pichtis, with na     #
litill
power. Syne to naciouns of euery regioun war maid
capitanis, be quhais convoying +te instant weir suld be
rewlit. Vespasiane, vsing +te counsell and giding of certane
Britouns +git to Romanis observing fidelite, be passagis        #
vnknawin
to Romanis passit apoun inemyis to debell atanis all
<P 171>
+te Albiane pepill for +te maist parte. Ffollowit ane batell
felloun, scharpe and sare. Albianis, becaus Romanis invadit
soner +tan +tai belevit, in myris and merressis, full of crag
stanis, nocht abone xij myle fra +Gork, cummersum to fecht in
sic place, with grete ferocite provokit +te batell. Apperandly
Romanis in +te richt wyng war liklie to be ourset. Vespasiane,
+tis persaving, send in +tare supple ane legioun, +git          #
vnfochtin,
be quhais cummyn Romanis to sic curage incressit +tat, how
beit +tai war woundit, +tai renewit in +tat parte +te bargane.  #
The
Albiane chiftanis inflammyt +tare folkis +tai suld stoutlie     #
stand
and nocht fle bot be vassalage sauf +tare honoure, cryand +tat
owther in +tat iournay +tai suld be victouris or ellis resaue
perpetuale seruitute. Vespasiane sic like kindillit his armye 
+tai suld be memorative of the Romane prowes and fecht with
hardyment; thare inemyis war bot barbare, rude pepill,
nakit almaist of wapynnys and armoure; +tai ran ourehede
to batell without ordoure and lichtlie mycht be vincust. Sa
kenelie stude +te Albianis in batell +tat, quhen +te vantgarde
and vtheris fechtaris in forefront war ourethrawin, thare
feris, standing on +te deid cariouns, sone+git nocht to fecht.
Vtheris, rvn throw with speris or transfixit with dartis,       #
lenand
apoun +te samyn sustenit +te bargane. Sum parte, fra quham
handis and swerdis at anis war strikin, with +tare teith        #
cruelly
raif inemyis quhare +tai fell abone +tame or vnder, +tat it     #
apperit
weill +tai faucht na les~ +tat day be haterent +tan be force    #
and
strenth. Bot nowder be multitude, perseuerance, strenth nor
nane v+tir vail+geandnes mycht fataill destanye be ourcummyn,
 - goddis aduersing, quhilkis for +te tyme decernit, as was +te
opinioun, to haue all realmes and nacions to Romanis subdewit.
And how beit +te Albianis omyttit na thing to vail+geant
chiftanis and stalwart men of were pertenyng, +git fechtand
almaist to extreme perdicion +tai war vincust finalie, and all
+tare folkis for +te maist parte slane, richt few evading +te
terribill slauchter. Arvirag, ouresett be intollerabill         #
displesour
be lois~ of samony nobill men, devisit put in his awne
persoun violent handis, thinking he wald lif na langare eftir
sa grete myscheif. Bot be servandis he was reseruit to bettir
fortune, (gif be goddis sum tyme it mycht be grantit), and to
<P 172>
+Gork was convoyit. Caratake with ane sobir tryne to Brigancia
(now Galloway) returnit. Thaara, king of Pichtis, irking to
lif eftir tinsell of his tendir freyndis, abiecting armes and
princelie cognossance, on ane stane sitting, wery and evill at
eis~, be Romanis persewing he was slane vnknawin.

[}HOW EFTIR ARVIRAG OF BRITANE BECOME RANDERIT HE WAS
SUFFERIT REGNE AS AFORE; HOW LAWIS AND AUTHORITE FRA
BRITONS WAR REMOUIT AND ROMANE RITIS INDUCIT.
CA=O= XVIIJ=O=}]

Aruirag and +te Britane nobillis, quhilk eftir +tis sare and
dedely iournay war liffand, thinking Romanis in tyme
cuming mycht haue nane impediment and he nor his assistantis
mycht haue na securite, devisit direct ane herald to Vespasiane
for pece, to offer +tame randerit, sen in +tis miserabill
calamyte of Britouns of lxv=m= men of were +tai war distroyit
to v=c= and mare cruelly afflictit +tan inemyis wald devise,
quharethrow +te favouris of goddis to Romanis was manifest
and plane, in +tare contrare; contrynyng +tame to sic calamyte
and myserie, +tat +tai mycht nocht be sufficient in tyme cuming
to defend +tare kinrik, nor nane war left to mak seruice to
inemyis, except +te febill vulgare pepill, and +tat Britouns
vincust for fidelite violate and Romanis victouris mycht be,
to all naciouns and pepill, perpetuall document of grace and
clemence, quhilk maist to +tame in sic caiss~ efferis.          #
Vespasiane,
hering +te herald report thir wourdis and mony vtheris siclike,
chargeit +tat Arvirage, denwde of princelie ornamentis, suld
cum to him on credence, promitting he suld haue na displesoure;
nor he wald here na tretie nor pece quhill Arvirag
war present. Arvirag, thinking force to obey, danting sum
parte to exaltacioun of his mynde, went to Vespasiane as he
desirit. Movit was Vespasiane be mysfortune of Arvirag,
quham he saw +te day precedent sa heich and potent, with
sa stark ordinance, and +tan had loist all his armye and,
destitute of kyn and freyndis, humlie imploring mercie and
kyndenes, come in powere of inemyis. Quharfore, nocht
refrenyng teris, he said: "Quhat mycht move +te, Arvirag, to
<P 173>
fail+ge fra fidelite of Romanis, quhilkis decorit +te with      #
regall
dignite and estate? With +te +tai myxt kin and blude, to +te
effect +tat +ti successioun, decorit be Romane blude, mycht
with all naciouns be comptit mare honest, mare illustir and
serene." Arvirag, prostrate at +te fete of Vespasiane, with
mony teris confessit his trespas, affermyng +tat apoun him and
his folkis it was be +te goddis sa scharplie vindicate +tat it
efferit erdlie men revenge na ferther: hereof he blamyt nocht
ellis bot his fidelite violate, his grete prosperite and        #
impwnyte
of goddis. He besocht herefore he wald vse grace apoun his
pepill, nocht as +tai had deseruit, bot sic as Romanis vsit to
naciouns to +tame subdewit, and at his plesoure be ony          #
tormentis
distroy his persoun, quhen it efferit him nocht to liff
eftir sa mekill truble and sorowe. His demeritis had deseruit
+te samyn. He wald have compacience on his spous~ and
childer, quham he had latelie iniustlie fra him expellit, to    #
+te
hurte of him and his kinrik. Vespasiane, hering his regrete,
nocht alanerlie was sterit to myseracioun bot, als of new, his
ene birst out in teris, and having consultacioun, demandit
quhat to Arvirag and captivis of Britane suld be done. Sum
Romanis said +tat Arvirag with his spous~, childer, landis,
cieteis, inhabitantis and all vthir his gudis, be lawis of      #
weris,
suld be pray to Romanis; he suld be send to Rome to submytt
him to the sentence of +te emprioure and Romane senaturis
+tat, be exempill hereof, vthir naciouns mycht knaw how
it is wikkit and grete folie to fail+ge in lawte and infer      #
weris to
Romanis. Vtheris, sterit be +te kingis present fortune          #
conferrit
with his first estate and be remembrance of ald kyndenes,
contendit +tat to Arvirag suld be grantit grace, becaus +tat be
manifest ire of goddis he was condingly punyst; he suld be
sufferit regnne as of before, and nocht be led to Rome, becaus,
howbeit he was vyncust, he was nocht tane be force bot on
credence wilfully come to +te Romane chiftane: nor Romanis
aucht nocht brek +tare faith to inemyis, sen +tare large empire
and sen+georye nowder be fraude, pride nor ambicioun bot be
clemence and mercy apoun subiectis euer was augmentit and
confermyt. Vespasiane, be innative clemence to pepill afflictit
and vincust following +tis counsell and refusing +te tothir,
<P 174>
remittit to Arvirag all offensis and levit him regnne as of
before, chargeing +tat all cieteis quhilkis fra Romanis had
fail+gete suld be skaithles, requiring and resaving new plegeis
+tat in fidelite of Romanis in tyme cuming +tai suld persevere.
Of +te plegeis Gwider, son to Arvirag, was cheif, quhilk        #
eftirwart
tending towart Rome with Vespasiane, in myddis his
iournay, with ane fever ouresett, deceissit. Hereeftir          #
Vespasiane
tuke fra Britouns all iuris and lawis be antecessouris
vsit and inducit Romane ritis. He chargit +tat Aulus Planctius,
lieutenent, and his deputis onelie suld of blude haue power.
To euery province of Britane he constitute presidentis quhilk,
conforme to +te Romane consuetude, suld exerce iustice and
at +tare fidelite contene the pepill. At brute and fame of +tir
premiss~, euery ane of the Britane nacioun, disparing in
pussance to ouresett the Romane armys, become to fidelite of
Vespasiane and fra thyne furth send to him riche presentis
and rewardis. Now approchit wynter and +te victorius army
was sufferit depart to +tare schelis. Vespasiane with King
Arvirag went to +Gork, quhare with mony Romane nobillis he
spendit +te wynter following.

[}HOW VESPASIANE WAN +TE CIETE OF CAMELODUNE; HOW
CARATAKE PERSEWIT ROMANIS WITH BATELL AND BE
PLANCTIUS WAS VINCUST; HOW HE WAS SPULE+GETE OF HIS
TRESSOURIS, AND HOW THE OFFERIS OF VESPASIANE BE HIM
WAR REFUSIT. CAP=O= XIX=O=}]

In the nixt somer Vespasiane bringing his armye fra +tare
wynter schelis preparit ane expedicioun apoun Scottis and
Pichtis, contracting stark power, movit apoun +te Ordolucis
and Derreis (now Berwic, Mers~, Tevidale and dalis remanent).
Of all Pichtis nacioun thir pepill war maist feirs~ in batell   #
and
nerrest +te bordoure of Britane, bot brokin mekill baith in
strenth and pussance be +te recent batell contrare Romanis,
and disparing of supple fra +tare nychtbouris of Pichtis,       #
wilfully
to Vespasiane +tai made fidelite. Following +tare exempil +te
remanent Pichtis without batell become randerit to Romanis.
<P 175>
Nocht+teles grete part of Pichtis, abhorring to be led in pray
to Rome gif +tai become in +te power of Romanis, fled to
Camelodune, quhare +tai belevit Vespasiane suld nocht cum for
+te cummersum viage. Quhen +tis to Vespasiane was schewin,
he brocht his armye be haisty iournais, and stranglie assegeit
the sammyn. At his cuming Pichtis within +te towne, how
beit +tai ferit +tare livis, gudis and +te maieste of +te       #
Romane
name, +git be ire and haterent +tai tuke hardyment, and         #
concludit
+tai wald defend +tare wallis. The assege langare lestit
+tan +te assegearis belevit; quharethrow quhen to sustene +tare
multitude within, victualis fale+git, be hunger and indigence   #
+te
cietenaris had grete pane; ffinalie, brokin be penurite of all
necessaris, ourset be thrist and hungir, +tai become randerit
and to Romanis made +te portis patent. Vespasiane nowder
sufferit +te ciete be distursit nor nane v+tir thing with       #
violence
be done. In +tis ciete kingis of Pichtis had +tare regall       #
ornamentis,
ane crowne of gold sett with variete of precios~ stanys,
ane swerde having plwmet and hiltis of gold with ane purpure
skawbert mervellus craftelie wrocht. In all expediciouns
+tareeftir Vespasiane vsit +tis swerde, takin sum               #
coniecturacion
of ewros~ fortune +tarethrow. He sufferit +te nobillis, quhilk
thidder had fled, departe salflie to +tare castellis and        #
landis,
first resaving +tare plegeis. He taryit at Camelodune and first
+tarein causit Romane morpeis, (quhilkis war agit soldeouris),
remane, +tat perpetually +tare suld duell pepill to +te Romane
sene+geory obeysant. Thay suld haue Romane iuris and lawis
and in +te samyn suld instruct +te cieteneris and rude pepill.
Syn in the opposite of Camelodune, apoun +te river of Carron,
he beildit ane tempill in honoure of +te Empriour Claudius,
erecting +tarein twa ymagis to be anournit with +te pepill. Of
+tir ymagis ane was of +te empriour foresaid, the tothir of +te
goddes Victoria, quhais dedicacion, be mony devote prayeris,
he maid conforme to +te rite of Gentilis. Quhill in +tis sorte
Vespasiane at Camelodune was intent to policie and religios~
ceremonis of Gentilite, be exploratouris he was certifyit how
King Caratake had renewit his armye and fra Brigancia (now
Galloway) departit, tending to be revengit of +te skaith        #
inferrit
be Romanis. At +tis message, be command of Vespasiane, his
<P 176>
lieutenent Aulus Planctius, with ane strang armye contrare
Caratake procedit, leiffing na litill power of folkis with      #
Vespasiane
for his defence. Planctius was nocht fer fra Brigancia
quhen be fugitivis he was aduertist how Caratake was nocht
+te space of foure mylis distant with ane huge oist of Scottis,
Pichtis and Britons. Planctius, +tan fen+geing him affrayit     #
like
as he wald tary +te cuming of Vespasiane with +te remanent
armye, in ane plane beside tuke his campe, syne, in +te quiet
nycht rasing pal+geouns, convoyit be exploratouris and          #
figitivis
knawing +te ground, in arrayit batell past apoun Caratake,
quhilk suspectit na thing les~ +tan to be invadit be Romanis,
becaus of straitnes of +te grond. Wachis, persaving +te cuming
of Romanis, rasit +te schout and sustenit +te assail+ge of      #
inemyis
quhil +tare folkis mycht be anarmyt. Bot at +te first countir
all +te wachis war slane. Ffollowit +te batell scharp and kene,
quhare mony grevous woundis on athir partye war resauit.
Ffinalie, quhen fra +te dawing +tai had fochtin quhil myd day,
the victorie inclinit towar[{t{] Romanis (with na litill        #
slauchter
of +tare folkis). In +te feild still remanit Romanis. Sum
parte of Scottis, Pichtis and Britons, (quhilkis evadit +te
slauchter), affrayitly ran to strate erdis and montanis.        #
Vtheris,
finding botis and veschell, fled to +te Ile of Mon. King        #
Caratake,
sare woundit, with certane servandis apoun him awating,
with grete travell went first to Argathele, fra thyne to +te
castell of Evon (Downstaphage for the present). Be brute of
+tis batell aduersare, to Romanis come grete confl[{u{]ence of
Scottis, Pichtis and Britons quhilkis +git to Vespasiane had
promist na fidelite. The inhabitantis Brigancia, disparing      #
+tare
strenthis and mwnicions, fled to strate erdis and desertis,     #
with
wyiffis, barnis, bestiall and store quharein stude +tare riches
for +te tyme. Planctius, +te feird day following, with his army
refreschit, to +te ciete of Carictoun movit, quhare he herd was
+te cheif habitacion and palace of Caratake, his regale         #
ornamentis
and thesauris, and, occupying the ciete sonare +tan
was belevit, amang his weremen distribute +te pray. Be ane
herald +te mene tyme he aduertist Vespasiane of +tis victorie:
Brigancia with regions adiacent was in handis: inhabitantis
had promyst randering: it suld be honorable to his name gif
<P 177>
he war present at +geilding of +te pepill vnvincust euer afore,
and herethrow he mycht haue excellent lawde of victory.
Vespasiane apprisit +te gude mynde of Planctius towart him
and rade incontinent to Caricton. At his cuming all             #
inhabitantis
Brigancia +tat war vnfled, become randerit with all
+tare gudis to Romanis as lordis and maisteris of +te warld.
On +te morne Vespasiane, movit be mysfortune of Caratak,
quhilk for his liberte and kinrik had fochtin, (the goddis as
apperit aduersing), almaist to finall destructioun, directit to
him ambassiatouris quhilkis suld say: Na langare was to
be resistit to eternall goddis, to quhais plesoure all          #
victorie,
all power to regnne, all impire and sene+geory on nede ar       #
subiectit.
Thay had decretit +tat all pepill and nacions to Romanis
suld be subdewit, as be +te fyne mycht be knawin, quhilk
confermyt +tare respons~. Quharefore gude it war he and his
pepill obeyit +te Romane sene+geory sen be mony vnchancy
batellis, be manifest ire of goddis, +tai war afflictit. Gif    #
hereto
he wald consent, he suld regne sauflie as afore and be namyt
freynd to +te Romane senatouris in tyme cuming. Vthir wayis,
gif he wald vnwiselie to his awne distruction in batell         #
persevere,
he suld fra his regne be removit and with all his pepill
be brocht haistelie to rewyne. To +tis ansuerit Caratake:
It war presumptuos~ folie +tat mortale men suld to +tame
ascrive the prescience of weirdis or destanye, to goddis onelie
famyliare. Be benignite of goddis, habitacioun to him and
his pepill was grantit in Albioun. Romanis, be ambicion and
insaciabill desire of wrangwis conquest, provokit be nane
iniuris, infestit him with weris. He expellit iniuris and       #
inferrit
nane. Be his opinioun goddis war nocht sa iniuste +tat +tai
wald to +te movaris of iniust weris grant happy fyne of batell.
He couth never vndirstand Romanis wald salflie kepe him in
his realme, of quhilk +tai attemptit sa oftymes to haue him
dispule+git, and had fra sa mony kingis iniustlie reft +tare
regnis. The amyte and societe of Romanis war to be desirit
gif it mycht conduce to his honour and suretie. Now it is
to be refusit, becaus gif it war procurit, it menit nocht bot
grete hurt to him and his kinrik. To him pertenit +te realme
of Scotland, as to +te emprioure, pepill of Rome and senatouris
<P 178>
pertenit the Romane kinrikis. He repute +tame worth als
grete reproche +tat defendit nocht +tare awne rownes as the
invasouris of vtheris. He wald herefore persevere in weris
contrare Romanis to +te end of his life for his liegis, kinrik,
liberte, native goddis and sepulturis of progenitouris to       #
quhilkis
be invocacioun of +tare spiritis he had recours~ as to extreme
and onelie refuge. Of him Romanis suld beleif nocht ellis.
Vespasiane, resaving this respons~, wounderit mekill the        #
constant
curage of Caratake, quhilk sa stiflie determyt resist to
+te Romane armye, all vthir princis of Albion submitting +tame
to Romanis. First he devisit persewe him with ane armye.
Bot, certifyit +tat for mos~, myris, merres~, intractabill      #
montanis
and penurite of viueris in +tai partis quhare he tendit,
without hurte and dammage of +te Romane armye, he mycht
nocht mak sic persute, changeing purpois~, he garnist with
mwnicioun strenthis of Brigancia; syne to +te sey, regarding
Ireland, convoyit his armye, tending +tarefra to invade +te
Ile of Mon, nocht be mony mylis fra the mane land separate.
To assail+ge +te ile before his cuming he had send certane      #
Pichtis
and Britons, figitivis fra +tare native princis. This ile, as   #
said
is, betuix Ireland and Albion is situate. To this iournay
certane new schippis war made and v+tir veschel fra +te coistis
sone war contractit to cary +te armye to +te ile.

[}EFTIR DEPARTING OF VESPASIANE CARATAKE INVADIT
ROMANIS BE BATELL AND WAS VINCUST; PLANCTIUS
DECEISSIT, AND OSTORIUS THE NEW LEGATE WAS IN HIS
PLACE DIRECTIT TO BRITANE, CAP=O= XX=O=}]

To Vespasiane this tyme was schewin how the inhabitantis
of Kentschire and +te Ile of Wicht had slane the Romane
garnisoun in +tai regiouns and +te maist parte of +te Britane
boundis direct opposite to Gallia had rebellit; incertane gif
be impulsion of Gallis +tis was done. To +tis apperand skaith,
Vespasiane tending haistelie occur, committing stark power
to +te goverment of Planctius lieutenent, to conserue +tat
parte of Albion at fidelite of Romanis, omytting +te            #
expedicioun
<P 179>
apon +te Ile of Mone, be grete iournais he movit to
Kent. At his cuming be licht iupartyis he dantit +te rebellioun
of inhabitantis. Syne eftir he had pwnyst the begynnaris
+tareof, at command of +te Empriour Claudius, eftir all his
affaris in Britan brocht to prosper fyne, in few dayis with
na litill lawd and glore he returnit to Rome. How sone King
Caratake knewe Vespasiane departit, he addressit to recover
+te landis of Brigance and Pichtland, be persuasioun of +te
barouns of Pichtland and fugitivis to the Ile of Mon. Ffra
all partis of Albion resortit to him grete confluence, movit
be desire of liberte to be deliuerit fra iniuris of Romanis. Of
+tame Caratake haistelie collecting ane armye, be esperance
of bettir fortune he movit apoun Romanis, quhilkis with na
les~ diligence ordorit +tare batellis. Be grete hete syne was
fochtin, Scottis contending at +tare power to recovir the parte
of +tare kinrik loist afore and Romanis tending to kepe +te
rowmes conquest be grete laubouris. Certane tyme doutsum
was +te bargane. Ffinaly, practik of were and wisdome to
Romanis preparit victorie. Scottis war discumfist and chasit
and, as was +tare custume, ran or euer +tai ceissit to moss~,
merress~ and strate erdis. This batell sa vnchancilye was
fochtin +tat contrare Romanis to renewe bargane thay had na
mare belefe. Romanis, inexpert of +te ground, na ferder
persewit +te flearis. Caratake, weying hevily his mysfortune,
collecting +te residewe of his folkis as he mycht best, reterit #
to
+te castell of Evon, quhair schortlie +tareeftir convenyng his
nobillis, consultit how +te kinrik contrare Romanis mycht be
assurit. Caratake desirit +tat fra all regiouns of Scotland and
Ilis all persons abil to bere armour or wapynnys suld be
assemblit and suld purches power and supple fra Ireland,
quhare fra descendit Scottis nacioun; and herethrow, gif in
gude ordoure +tai wald fecht to +te extreme, owder suld
Romanis be defait, or Scottis suld all de atanis: be +tis way
and nane vthir suld +te lang weris be fynnyssit. Vtheris, fra
quham +tare votis war requirit, thocht +te kingis devise nocht
convenient as stude +te cais~, (quhareof consideracioun first
suld be had), becaus it was oure dangerus to iupert +te chance
of +te haill kinrik to ane onlie iournay be Scottis, sa oft
<P 180>
tymes ouresett contrare Romanis, sa mekill be fortune favorit,
bot erare to suffer +te pepill sa lang brokin and supprisit be
contynuall weris tak rest for ane tyme and incres~ to strenth;
Romanis be diuers~ skarmuschis and nocht be plane batell war
to be resistit +tat be+gond Brigancia +tai suld nocht extend    #
+tare
boundis; dalie +tai suld solist Britouns, (euer desirous of new
sene+gorie), to conspire contrare Romanis, quharethrow mycht
follow +tat quhen Romanis war restrenit fra forraying +te
cuntre for +tare viueris +tai suld be sa dantit with hungir     #
+tat
owder suld +tai remove fra Brigance or ellis be constrenit
to vnhonest randering. Sua on +te morne ane walit cumpany,
having wise and expert chiftanis, was directit fra inemyis to
defend Saluria, (now Carrik, Kyle [^SIGN OMITTED^] ), nixt      #
adiacent to Brigancia.
In +tis sort twa +geris following be diuers~ skarmuschis
and iupartyis on a+tir partie without mekill slauchter +te were
was prolongit. During +tis tyme Aulus Planctius, be ane lang
continewit flux hevilie torment, quhen nowther in cure of
medicine nor in strenth of nature he had confidence, he wrate
to Emprioure Claudius how ane grevous malade apoun him
invalescit and grew, sua +tat +te naturall poweris of his body
+tarethrow war oursett: sa lang as strenth in his persoun
remanit he was vigilant for weill and augmentacioun of +te
Romane Impire, bot now destitute of all helpe, baith of         #
medicinaris
and nature, he taryit dalie the dede: praying, herefore,
he suld provide +tat in +tir provincis conquest be sa grete     #
laubouris
and dangeris na rebellioun in defalt of ane legate suld
be movit of new, and +tat ane man of +te anciant blude, expert
in weris, grave in age and maneris, suld in Albion be send and
maid lieutenent: be his gouerment +te pepill, to +te Romane
sen+georye obeysant, suld at fidelite be conseruit. The         #
emprioure, resaving +tis message, directit to Britane Ostorius
Scapula, ane nobill man, excellent in grete actis in pece and
weris, of +te Romane affaris to haue +te gouerment. Sone
eftir his cuming Planctius at Camelodune deceissit. His corps,
conforme to +te Romane rite, was brynt. With grete pompe
Romanis placit the powder of his body in ane vrne or boist
within +te tempill dedicate be Vespasiane to Claudius Cesar
and +te goddes Victoria, as before is remembrit. Herethrow
<P 181>
come in consuetude amang Scottis and Pichtis, (as sum
writis), to birn the bodyis of +tare freyndis deceissit. Hereof
in thir our dayis mony signis +git are sene, ffor in +te +gere
of our Redempcioun j=m= v=c= xxj, in +te towne of Ffindour
in +te Mernis, v mylis distant fra Abirdene, ane ald sepulture
was fundin quharein was twa veschell, like laym piggis, of
strange fassoun, replete with powder and ass~, and apoun
+tame baith war Romane lettrez gravin. How sone +tai war
producit to +te aire, incontinent +tai war dissoluit in powdir.
Siclike in ane towne in Mar callit Kenbatten, ten mylis
fra Abirdene, about +te samyn tyme be pleuchmen twa
sepulturis war fundin, of square assillare and hewin stane.
In +tame war foure vrnis half full of powder, wrocht of
siclike craft, of +te samyn quantite and siclike lettrez as of
+te to+tir twa is remembrit. Diuers~ vtheris siclike            #
antiquiteis
to testify +tis consuetude has oftymes bene sene in diuers~
partis of Albion, like as antecessouris has left in             #
remembrance;
bot lat ws return quharefra we made degressioun.

[}OFF THE FORTUNATE GESTIS OF OSTORIUS; OF HIS CRUDELITE;
HOW CARATAKE BE HIM WAS OURSETT, TAKIN AND SEND
PRESONER TO ROME; OF HIS RETURNE AND DECEISS.
CAP=O= XXJ=O=}]

The cuming of Ostorius in Britan knawin, +te pepil of
Cambria, Tegenis, Damonis, Icenis, (now Walis, Cornwell
and nychtbouris adiacent in +te west partis of Britan),
gretelie molestit Romanis, beleving, be cuming of ane new
chiftane nocht acquentit with +te Romane armye nor accustumyt
with +te Britan ritis, +tai mycht without difficulte
recovir +tare liberte. To haue +tare intent +tai solistit v+tir
nychtboure naciouns to fail+ge fra fidelite of Romanis, like as
Kendale, Anandale, Kyle, Cwnynghame and all +te nacions of
Pichtis togiddir with +te Scottis of Brigancia, aduertising     #
King
Caratake be writingis he suld haue respect to +te commoun
weill; tyme was now to recovir +tare liberte, reft fra +tame
afore, ffor to his chargis +tai suld gladelie obtempir. Quhen
<P 182>
hereof certifijt was Ostorius, knawin weill +te vassalege of
ane new chiftane at +te begynnyng suld nocht be hid, he invadit
inemyis or +tai mycht convene. At +te first counter he skalit
+te Tegenis and Walis and chasit +tame nocht without felloun
slauchter: syne movit apon the Icenis, ane stark pepill and
robust, of all this conspiracion begynnaris. Quhen +tai         #
persauit
it was force to fecht, +tai walit ane place for batell, hegeit
with ane feild dyke and ane strait entres~, +tat to Romane
hors~men it suld nocht be patent. Bot haistelie Romanis
bett downe +te fald and within +te dykis gretelie perturbit +te
Britouns. Quhen to fle +te Icenis persauit na place, standing
dourlie in bataill, almaist al atanis +tai war slane. The sobir
remanent, vnslane, war in power of inemyis randerit. Be         #
myscheif
of Icenis +te Kendalis with vthir nychtbouris affrayit
become +goldin to Romanis. Ffra thyne Ostorius went to
Carlele, ane tovn in Kendale, in +te parte now callit           #
Cummyrland,
nixt Annandale and Galloway. Schortlie +tis towne
was takin, the landis adiacent waistit and be pray disturssit.
Siclike he dantit +te conspiracioun of Britons, to +te Kendalis
nychtbouris, and, slaying +te resistaris, with all his          #
ordinance
fra thyne departit to Pichtland. In his v+tage be mare myscheif
+tan was herd afore he supprisit +te Syluris (now Kyle, [^SIGN  #
OMITTED^] ),
cruell and vnmercifull pepill, quhilk, abone +tare naturale
forocite, confidit in pussance of +tare prince, Caratak, quham
+tai knew was to recounter Romanis in bataill gif weris aganis
+tame war movit. Thus Romanis, birnyng cornis stakkit or
in barnys, murdrissing agit men and women, innocent barnis
and all vtheris +gong persons, indifferent quham +tai mycht
apprehend, subdewit +te inhabitantis to seruitute mare vyle
+tan mycht be excogitate or devisit. Caratake sa hevily weyit
this recent oppressioun made be Romanis +tat, to be revengit,
he wald expone his live to +te extreme aventure of fortune.
At his cuming to Pichtland convenit grete confluence fra all
partis of Albioun, tending owder to revenge the Romane
iniuris or ellis de in batell and end at anys baith iniuris and
thirlage. Or Caratake +te army assemblit of his awne liegis
and nychtbouris, contenit to +te nowmer of xl=m=, quham he
ordorit in +tis sorte, +tat behind +tai suld haue +te depe      #
ryver
<P 183>
quhare na furde nor passage was knawin, to +te effect (as we
may beleif) +tat nane suld lippin securite in fleing; at +te
skirtis of +te armye on athir side, he placit +te gentill       #
wemen,
(of quham grete nowmer come to feild to se +te fyne of batell),
with cryis and schowtis to walkin +te curage of +te fechtaris,
to strike stoutlie +te bargane: apoun inemyis +tai suld cast
stanis, and euer as Romanis war dung downe +tai suld cutt
throttis and sla. Wemen, +gong and stark, war ordorit to fecht
anarmyt, myxt amang +te men. Attour, all +te chiftanis exhortit
+te armye to batell, confort +tare corage, removit all fere and
drede and inflammyt +tame in esperance and gude hope,
transcurring in all partis with +te king, affermyt +tat day     #
+tat
batell suld begyn to +tame liberte and fredome or ellis         #
perpetuall
seruitute and thirllage; syne maid invocacioun of +te namys
of antecessouris, quhilkis douchtely expellit Iulius Cesare
empriour, and to +tat tyme had conseruit +tare liberte and
salfit +tare persouns haill inviolate fra tribute and Romane
ceremonis. Quhen +tir exhortacions or siclike war remembrit
be +te capitanis, the pepill war sa reiosit +tat euery ane      #
avowit
+tat in defence of the cuntre and liberte +tareof, nowder
wapynnys nor armour suld gar him fle. This feirs~ and glaid
continence of Scottis, +tare copios~ nowmer, +tare strang and
strange fervoure to fecht, astonyst gretelie +te Romane         #
chiftane
and Romanis, +tat diuers~ abhorrit +te fyne of +te batell,      #
nocht
ignorant it was na litill danger to recounter pepill constitute
in extreme dispare. Caratake, chiftane of all +tis armye, or
he gaif +te signe to ione +te feild, proponit for +tare         #
guerdoun
perpetuall liberte. Ostorius with mekill wisdome, as +te
Romane chiftanis accustumyt, ordoring his folkis, to exhort
was nocht swere, vsing ane vehement vrasoun: thay suld
remember +tai war Romanis, dantaris of princis, pepill and
naciouns; +tare partie quham aganis +tai contendit war bot
fulehardy, vnmanerlie, barbare pepill, separate fra all         #
humanite
and +tarefore be wise nature, (parent of all thingis),          #
constitute
in maist extreme partis of +te warld. Syne on athir partie was
commandit to ione +te batell. Incontinent be sic ire and hete
+tai recounterit, +tat never with greter amang na naciouns      #
afore
was fochtin. Doutsum betuix hope and drede certane tyme
<P 184>
+tai faucht. Ffinalie, lang experience and vse in were to
Romanis dressit ane reddy way to victorie. Albanis to +te
montanis fled, Romanis scharplie persewand. Excellent and
notabill was this victorie, ffor takin was +te spous~ and       #
dochter
of Caratake and his bredir +goldin. The king, (as commonlie
in aduersite is na securite), seing +te feild tynt, socht       #
refuge
at Cartwmandua the agit quene, his gude moder, quhilk eftir
deceis~ of Cadallane his fader had maryit Venwsius, ane nobill,
(bot of subtell and dissatefull mynde towart +te commoun
weill), and be hir was deliuerit bundin to +te victouris in +te
nynte +gere eftir Romanis had begunnyn were in Albion.
Quhen be his takaris he was led to Ostorius, reuerendlie in his
meting rising, +te Romane chiftane, as to ane nobill prince,
deiectit fra +te hiest gre of dignite, at his first cuming he   #
birst
out in teris, with his richt hand syne apprehending +te king,
said: "This cais~, King Caratake, equallie is to be sufferit,   #
ffor
how beit fra +te favoure of fortune +tow be abiectit, of        #
vertewe
+tow art nocht destitute. Thow art now becummyn in +te
handis of Romanis. Thow has na mater to be eschamyt how
beit +tow be pray to Romanis, quhilkis has in vse to leid afore
+tame in tryumphe sa mony nobill princis and chiftanis captive,
eftir of realmes and scepteris +tai ar denwde." To +tir wourdis
with sare sichis ansuerit +te king: "I confes~ it is force to   #
me
suffir +tis cais~, how beit contrare my mynde. Bot I wey it
nocht sa hevily as I do fortune, sa cruell inemye to our        #
affaris,
+tat before +tine ene scho suld produce me for exempill of hir
instabilite and variance. Thow has me presoner, vincust mare
be policie and fraude +tan force. Sa lang as pussance remanit,
I contendit contrare Romanis. Be fraude of my wikkit gude
moder Cartwmandua (to quham eftir my armye discumfist I
gaif credit of my life), I am cumin in +ti handis. Nocht+teles~
it efferis me obtempir to +te quhilk is victorie, and submytt
me to ples~our of my inemye, sen be oure goddis it is sua
providit. And to +te pertenis vse +te cais~ of ane victoure,
providing all way +tow be nocht denwde of clemence and
mercye, maist excellent vertwis in ane chiftane, be quhilk
vertewe na captivis ar in sa extreme myserie deiectit, bot +tai
beleif sum grace." Quhen +tir wourdis be Caratake war said,
<P 185>
be command of Ostorius he was to ane tent convoyit and
honorably intertenyit as ane prince. Eftir certane days, with
his spous, douchter and brethir he was had to Rome to be
present to +te emprioure. The brute of his renowne was sa
honorabill in Italie, vthir ilis and provincis, +tat all        #
inhabitantis
addressit to obserue +te way, desiring to se +tat prince
quhilk sa mony +geris contempnit +te Romane pussance.
Attoure, in +te ciete of Rome +te name of Caratake was na
litill magnifyit. The pepill as to solempnit playis war warnit.
Men of armys stude in cumpanyis in +te feild to +te camp
adiacent. Than +te kingis familiaris preceding, +te chenis and
harnessingis, conquest in +te Britan weris, war borne. Syne
the bredir, spous~ and dochter of Caratake and his self last
was schawin. The captivis for fere and terroure made bot
sobir requeist for grace. Bot Caratake schew him nocht
deiectit in +tis extreme cais~ of fortune and, nowthir be sad
contynance nor be wourdis requiryn mercy, quhen to +te
empriouris throne he assistit, said in +tis sorte: "Gif +te
prosperite had bene moderate, conforme to +te nobilite and
fortune of me descending of sa nobill antecessouris and having
sene+gorie abone sa mony pepill, sua +tat I had deyn+git to     #
bynd
societe and be resoun +tareof tak pece with Romanis, I had
cumin to +tis ciete as ane freynd erare +tan presoner. This
present cais~ of myne, as it is to me vnhonest, rycht sua,
Cesare, it is to +te richt honorabill. I had sum tyme men,
hors~, armoure and riches~ and it is na mervell gif contrare
my will all +tir be loist and, gif +ge Romanis will abone all
naciouns haue sene+georie, it followis +tat all vtheris mon be
+gour servandis. Gif I had als sone randerit me as +te Romane
armye come in Albion, nowder +ti glore, Cesare, nor +git my
myschance had bene sa notabill to +te warld. And now, gif
+tow slay me, thy presonere, haistelie with my dede I sall
be for+gett; and gif +tow will I salflie departe, I sall be     #
perpetuall
exempill of clemence of +te empriour and Romane pepill."
At thir wourdis Cesare to him, his spous and bredir, grantit
grace and haistelie +tai war lowsit of bandis. Hereeftir the
senatouris convenit quhare, twiching +te captiuite of Caratake,
mony and grete materis war dispute, concluding +te act was
<P 186>
na les~ honorabill +tan quhen Siphax be Scipio, Perses be       #
Lucius
Paulus, and vthir siclike chiftanis and princis war vincust be
Romanis. To Ostorius +tai decernit +te ornamentis of tryumphe.
Caratake, making +te grete aith to obserue amyte and fidelite
to +te emprioure, senatouris and Romane pepill, leiffing in
Rome his eldest broder and dochter in ostage, be tollerance
of +te empriour returnit to Scotland. In +tis +gere latelie,
or Caratake with all his pussance last recounterit Romanis,
mony ferlyis on +te feildis of Scotland war sene. Ane batell
of hors~men in myddis the plane was sene kenelie fecht,         #
apperandlie
be felloun slauchter on athir partie debating, and incontinent
all evanyst sa clene +tat quhare +te batell was sene na
takin remanit. Alsua it is haldin +tat ane heird of wolfis
assemblit +te day precedent or Albianis contrare Romanis
debatit, and on +te nycht following invading +te wachis,        #
haistelie
bereft ane and bure him to +te forest beside, in +te dawing     #
suffering
him sauflie departe. Ane barne in Carictoun was borne
with ane crawis hede, v+tirwayis in na parte deformyt. Thir
ferlyis before +tis infortunate feild war to the pepill         #
terribill,
becaus~ divinouris interpret +tame to +te dammage of Caratake
and his kinrik. Bot eftir fyne of +te weris quhen Caratake was
haill and sound, all war interpret to +te bettir sens~. At his
returne, grantit be clemence of +te Empriour Claudius, +te
pepill obseruit +te wayis and stretis with incredibill          #
honouris,
convoying +tare prince to Carictoun. This ciete togiddir with
Brigancia (now Galloway), and Syluria (now Kyle, [^SIGN         #
OMITTED^] ), to
him be command of +te empriour was restorit. Hereeftir
quhen he had gude pece he perseuerit faithfull freynd and
marrow to Romanys, spending his remane[{n{]t dayis in rest and
eis~, coft be grete laubouris and pyne. Oftymes reduceand to
mynde the incommoditeis and skathis of were, he waryit
batellis, employing all his cure to obserf pece and fidelite to
euery man in tyme cuming. Quhen be writingis of Ostorius,
legate, +te empriour knew +te gude parte he kepit, he remyttit
his dochter quham he held in oistage at Rome, langing sare
to se hir fader. To +te space of twa +geris continewit +tis     #
pece
and weris on all partis war stanchit. Syne at Carictoun         #
deceissit
+tis vail+geand prince, Caratake, worne and consumyt mare
<P 187>
be laubouris +tan age, in +te xxij +gere eftir deceis~ of his   #
eme
Metellane. His sene+gory mare be force +tan felicite was        #
governit.
Off all Scottis princis before him regnyng +te maist nobill,    #
and
maist vale+geand in weris of all vtheris liffing in his tyme,
becaus he directit all +te cast of his life to defend his       #
kinrik
contrare Romanis, lordis and maisteris of +te maist parte of
+te warld, and, fynalie, gaif his cure +tat his pepill in       #
honest
ritis and gude maneris suld be instructit. His regne durit to
+te xiij +gere of Claudius, Romane emprioure, and of mannis
Redempcioun +te liiij +gere.
   About +tis ilk tyme at Rome liffit men of excellent ingyne:
Persius, Iuvenale, athir vsing +te style of satiris, Lucane,    #
+te
poet maist preclare, Seneca of +te Stoic opiniouns and          #
eftirwart
be Nero slane. Sanct Ierome, for epistillis writtin be Sanct
Paule to Seneca and be Senec to Paule, apperandlie ascrivis
him to the Catalog and nowmer of Sanctis. Alsua throw all +te
warld infidelis be preiching of +te haly apostillis began to
ressaue the verite of +te ewangell and +te fraude of devillis
was
made manifest quhilkis illudit man kynde mony +geris afore.
   ffollowis the ferde buke of the Scottis historijs.

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 257>
[} (\LIBER QUINTUS.\)
OFF THE CORONACIOUN OF LUGTHAKE; OF HIS VICIS AND
CRUELL SLAUCHTER; HOW EFTIR HIM SUCCEDIT MOGALL:
OF HIS VERTEWIS; HOW HE WAS PROUOKIT BE ROMANYS
TO WERIS, AND HOW HE HONORIT THE FIGURE OF KING
GALDE. CAP=O= J=O=}]

The memorabill sene+georie of King Gald was endit in
sorte foresaid, and how mekill his gouernance was
apprisit, +te mysgiding of Lugthak his son eftir
him regnyng was als fer detestabill and odios~, ffor he
was degenerit baith in witt and maneris fra his fader,
corruptit be idilnes and sensuall lustis; without discrecioun
he spule+git diuers~ grete men, be fene+geit crymes, of +tare
gudis. He committit the cure of iustice to mysgidit men
quham he knew cruell and covatus, and of +te lukir and
importance wald gif him compt. Ffollowit throw all +te
realme reiff and wrang without correctioun, the kingis
authorite +tareto resisting; quhilk was in caus~ +tat vicious~
men and of evil condiciouns war authorist and vtheris,
quhilk for +tare dignite aucht be cherist, planelie war opprest
at plesour of sic vile persouns. Nobill men +tat be fene+gete
and socht occasiouns war convictit of sobir crymes, war put
to violent dede, or be vpir servile +tanis cruelly afflictit,   #
to +te
effect he mycht haue +tare gudis to his vse applyit. In         #
conuenciouns
or writingis he vsit stile sic skaffaris and rubbaris
his tendir freyndis and bredir, thinking him never sa weill
applesit as quhen he fand ony new devise of extorcioun. The
remanent of his wikkit dedis ar sa abhominabill to mennys
eris +tai suld be concelit and nocht schawin, how he defoulit
his antis, moder sisteris, his sisteris germane, necis, and at
+te last his awne dochteris, repenting na thing samekill as     #
+tat
<P 258>
he mycht nocht defoule all his cousyness~ in +te sammyn sorte.
The nobillis sufferit sic horribill vicis of +tare mysgidit     #
prince
towart +te space of twa +geris. Bot na thing commouit +tame sa
mekill as to se him abuse his maieste in scornyng his barons;
ffor he wald reddily myssay his agit lordis of gude mynde to    #
+te
commoun weill and administracion of +te realme, in lichtlynes
reproching to +tame +tare age, calland +tame chowpand auld      #
fulis
and vtheris sic wordis of contempcioun, syne made rutouris,
piparis, menstralis, ruffeanis and v+tir sic harlotis of        #
obscure
origin and evill condicions (quham he held in daynte and
extemit mekill) officiaris and reularis, beleving +tat be sic
kynde of gouerment all suld be done to his plesure. Bot +tis
myschevus folie mycht nocht be lang vnpunyst, ffor at ane
convencioun at Evon (now Downstaphage) +te king commandit
+tat diuers~ grete men as movaris of rebellion suld be          #
arreistit,
becaus with mony persuasiouns +tai detestit +te wikkit mysgidit
of +te kinrik. Incontinent, as +te nobillis had devisit, +te    #
king
be men of armes was handillit, and regnand in +te thrid +gere
was cruelly slane with grete parte of his myn+geouns to quham
he gaif credit of his life and kinrik. Nochtwithstanding, +te
nobillis, memorative of +te recent meritis of his fader, causit
bery his corps with princelie pompe and honoure and +te
remanent be cassin on +te feildis to be with beistis revyn.
Eftir Lugthak was distroyit, Mogall (nevo to +te nobill king
Gald of his dochter) be consent of +te estatis tuke +te crowne.
Mogall in begynnyng of his regne, memorative of the glorios~
actis of his gudeschir, studyit to ensew his maneris and sorte
of gyding, with diligent cure obseruyng fidelite to Romanys
and Britouns as was appoyntit, to contene his liegis in pece
with plesand rest and to remove all sedicion and debatis
within his realme; and quhare ony thing was neclectit during
+te regne of his eme Lugthak he reformyt with besy cure;
and, comprehending his remanent myn+gons quhilk at +te last
convencioun evadit, causit iustifye +tame to dede, becaus~ +tai
corruptit him with sinister counsell contrare +te commoun
weil. Quhare he fand ceremonis and sacrifice concernyng
goddis neclectit or nocht reuerendlie tretit in tyme of Lugthak
be perversit counsalouris, with devote laubouris he restorit
<P 259>
+tame to +te first state, as be antecessouris and haly          #
bischoppis
in tyme bipast was obseruit, beleving he providit sufficientlie
+te prosperite of him self and kinrik gif he stude in           #
benevolence
of his goddis, quham Lugthak be his wikkit dedis hielie had
provokit contrare his realme and subiectis. Scottis herethrow
tuke curage with esperance of bettir fortune, seand +tare       #
prince
addressit his life to follow +te vertuos~ gyding of his         #
gudeschir
and to vesy his realme, tending reforme +te sammyn with
policye and bettir maneris. His liegis resauit him with als
hertlie kyndenes as +tai welcummyt nobill Gald quhen he had
expellit Romanis be lauborios~ batell and weris. In +te meyne
tyme ambassiatouris of Pichtis come to +te king, humlie
requiring him with supple contrare Romanis and Britouns
quhilkis with power conionit had haistelie invadit Pichtland,
distroyand all be fyre and swerde, to +te hevy skaith of        #
inhabitantis
to +tare force resisting. The samyn tyme +te Galloways,
callit Brigantis before, hevilie plene+geit +te iniuris of      #
Romanis
+tat eftir Anandale ourethrawin, +tai oppressit Galloway
siclike, and fra +te samyn of men and bestiall draif ane huge
pray. The king having his ingine gevin nocht onelie to domestic
and religious actis, bot als~wele to fatis of were, inflammyt   #
be
glore of his gudeschir, reiosing mekill +tat +te mocioun of     #
were
was provokit be inemyis and +tat he suld nocht begyn
sic wrangwis weris, he directit first ambassiatouris to         #
Romanis,
desiring redres~ of iniuris according to +te lyig. Quhen to +te
Romane legate ambassiatouris had schewin +tare charge, thay
war ansuerit with grete pride and derisioun +tat Scottis and
Pichtis, maist abiect of vthir barbare naciouns, war skant sa
mekle be Romanis extemyt, as sufferit mak seruice like vile
sklavis: howbeit +tai wald be wilfully randerit, and gif        #
Romanis
wald suffir +tame liff, +tai war sparit onelie to kepe +tare    #
bestiall
and driffe +te samyn to +tare campe for +tare wynter            #
provisioun,
togiddir with +tare dochteris and wyiffis to be abusit at       #
ples~our
of +te weremen: and gif it war anys menyt +tai wald refuse
sic seruice, heviare chargis suld be to +tame laid, to caus~    #
+tame
vnderstand quhat inconvenientis mycht follow contrare lordis
of all +te warld to contend. At +tis ansuere King Mogall        #
commovit,
testifying goddis Romanis had violate +te pece and contempnit
<P 260>
his message, besocht +tai suld apoun +tat nacioun bring
+te haill myschefe of +te were, +tat first +tareof maid         #
provocacioun.
Nocht lang eftir, preparing all necessaris for hoisting, he     #
departit
fra Siluria quhare +te power of Scotland convenit, and convoyit
his armye to Galloway, quhare with the maist nobill of his
folkis he vesyit the tovmb of illustre Gald, his gudeschir,
with sacrifice accustumyt and vthir ceremonis. Quhen with
solempnit pompe he had completit +te funerall seruice, in       #
presens
of +te kirkmen (callit Drwidis for +te tyme) with devote        #
supplicacioun
and prayere conforme to +te rite of Gentilis, prostrate
to ground he said: "Nobill Gald, maist victorios~ prince,       #
quhilk
vmquhile eftir sa mony aduersiteis of fortune be thy importune
laubouris restorit +te realmez of Scottis and Pichtis, almaist
distroyit be +te Romane armye, and abiecting +te +goik of       #
seruitute
expellit fra +te realme potent inemyis, lordis and conquerouris
of +te warld, and be favoure of goddis, vincust +tame
in bataill, now we, quhilk baith in pece and were war reddy
to lufe and serue the with mare ardent cherite +tan may be
expremyt, prostrate, in presence of +ti honorable towmb,        #
perpetuall
refuge to all Scottis in aduersite, constitute now in
grete danger, with lamentable voce we incall +ti beryit corps
(bot erare +ti quyk and liffand spirit) to be propiciant to ws,
persewit be +te samyn inemyis quham +tow vincust in +tis
place; humelie beseking, gif +tow has owdir divine vertewe or
power, +tat quhen we +ti posterite, molestit with iniust weris,
sall strike +te bargane, thow suffir nowder oure inemyis,       #
brekaris
of +tare faith, haue victorie, nor +ti honour be fule+geit be   #
+tare
outrage, quhom thow before ourethrewe and of benevolence
sufferit depart sauflie with life and gudis, quharefore +ti     #
name
mon on force be to all Romanis terribill." Quhen Mogall
had said +tir wourdis, the multitude present, with clamour
and confusit sound beseking +te goddis to +te sammyn effect,
enbrasit +te ymage of Gald flourit and ourefrett with           #
garlandis,
as was +tan +te custume at funerall likis, and with devote
wourdis of haly ceremonis conforme to +te maner of Gentile
ritis sacrifyit to haue fortune ewros~ baith in +tare passage
and returne. Siclike +te religios~ wemen present with +te
preistis at +te sacrifice, dingand +tare flesch with skurgis to
<P 261>
appere mare devote, with bittir maledictiouns heiffing +tare
handis towart +te hevin, cruelly waryit and cursit +te empriour
and al +te Romane sene+geory.

[}HOW KING MOGALL WITH +TE KING OF PICHTIS STRAIK ANE
FEILD CONTRARE ROMANIS AND WAR VICTOURIS.
CAP=O= IJ=O=}]

Hereefter King Mogall tranoyntit to Anandale, quhare he
fand Vnipane, king of Pichtis, reddy with his armye as was
devisit. Sua with power conionit +tai invadit Westmareland
and Cumbirland for +te tyme obeysant to +te sene+geory of
Romanis. Herying +tai boundis be fire and swerde, +tai          #
distroyit
all +tat mycht nocht be eselie caryit nor removit. The
inhabitantis herethrow affrayit, fled to strenthis quhare +tai
mycht haue refuge. Romanis quhilk kepit castellis and           #
fortalicis
fled to Lucius Anthenous, legate, at +Gork for the tyme,
to plene+ge +te iniuris of Scottis and Pichtis. Lucius,         #
contracting
ane armye throw all Britan, haistelie with strang power
occurrit to inemyis. King Mogall, knawing ye cuming of
Romanis, and fering +tai suld haistelie invaid his folkis       #
skalit
on +te feildis, convenyng +tame be sound of trumpett, to +tame
said as followis: "To convoy oure affaris with honoure
(maist vail+geand campiouns) with all exhortaciouns, I fynd     #
first
suld be schewin to oure armye. Na thing may sa mekill avance
stalwart men to conques~ lawde and glore as stoutlie to repell
+te iniuris of inemyis quhen +tai persewe, and erare or +tai be
subiect to +te +goke of vile seruitute and lif in thirllage, to #
fecht
in defence of liberte and native cuntre, quhill +tare life may
lest. Hereof we haue suthfast exemplis nocht onelie of oure
forebearis bot of vthir naciouns. Be how grete force and
wisdome, traist +te, King Eder, fortifying Cassibilane, king of
Britan, lauborit to expell Iulius Cesare, first chiftane of     #
Romanis,
invading Albion, quhen he tendit fra Britouns reif +tare        #
liberte;
how beit frustrate of his purpois, he departit like ane fleare.
Herethrow Eder to him and his posterite conquest perpetuale
lawde and honoure. Werelie vassalage and fortitude with na
les~ lawde and glore has decorit illustre King Caratake, quhilk
<P 262>
in mony iournayis be variabill fortoun contending for his
liberte, quhen be inemyis he mycht nocht be vincust, he was
desauit be fraude of his wikkit cousines, Cartwmandua,          #
deliuerit
to inemyis and led captive to Claudius, Romane emprioure,
becaus in sic aduersiteis his mynde was euer invincibill,
debating his kinrik to the extreme. How beit he was vincust,
he was mare extemyt +tan inemyis victouris, and be benevolence
of Cesare deliuerit to liberte, was restorit to his realme      #
exempill
doutles of excellent fortitude to +te posterite. Siclike we
remember his broder germane, King Corbreid, of als gude
mynde in defending his liberte and lauboring quhil he was
nere consumyt be weris, to drive fra Albioun +te pridefull
domynion of Romanis, quhilk sa mony +geris be cruell weris
molestit oure cuntre. Finalie inemyis to sic miserie war
brocht +tat howbeit +te maist parte of his nobillis war in      #
batell
slane, +git be him +te Romane pussance was sa extenuate and
feblit +tat, during his life, +tai mycht na way supprise +te    #
boundis
of Scottis and Pichtis. It sall nocht bene vnplesing to         #
remember
in +tis place the illustre prince King Gald my gudeschir, maist
nobill and vail+geand of all vtheris in his days, twichit with
sa mony infortunate caiss~, in sa mony dangeris contending
contrare Romanis bot erare fortune, and sa oftymes be aduersite
+tareof vincust, sa oftymes chaissit, tynyng of hors~men
and futemen, +te maist parte cummerit with infinite calamyteis
mony +geris, be discumfiture of diuers~ armyis ilk ane eftir
vthir, he persewit, euer constant in his opinioun, nocht brokin
be mysfortune, susten and stoutlie all aduersite, quhill        #
fortune,
wery throw lang debate contrare vertew (gif sua be lefull to
speik), to +tat vail+geand prince gaif place, and finalie       #
almaist
was constrenit behald him with ane mare freyndlie e. Sua
quhen finalie he had dung Romanis with vntelland myscheif
bakwart to +tare campe eftir +tai war thryis~ vincust in
batell, and thirllit to sic subiection +tat howbeit latelie     #
nowthir
+te haill warld nor +te out ilis to +tame war sufficient,       #
naroly
within +tare strenth +tai mycht defend +tare livis. This king
saw +te sicht quhilk neuer before happynnyt to mortall man
(how beit in opulence and vail+geandnes excelling) +tat humelie
asking grace, at his fete lay ambassiatouris of +tat pepill to
<P 263>
quham sa mony kingis, vail+geand chiftanis and governouris
of diuers~ naciouns war subiectit and glaid to haue grant of
mercye, resauit baith lawis and condiciouns of pece at his
plesere; nochtwithstanding to +tame all nacions for +te maist
parte obtemperis and obeyis. Attoure +te place quhare conquest
was +tis memorabil victorie, is callit fra him Galdia, in
remembrance to +te posterite of +tat glorios~ act quhil +te
realme of Scottis sall lest. Thir premiss~ conducis mare to
+te glore of +te illustre prince Gald and to all Scottis nacion
that with sic force he debatit sa extremelie and sa lang        #
contrare
Romanis sa opulent and expert in weris. Now, freyndis
and cumpan+geons, quhilkis owdir war present or ar discendit
of vail+geand forebearis at weris with +tis nobill prince,      #
consider,
I beseik, quhat partie +ge haue in +tis iourneye. Trewlie +ge
haue ado bot with sic pepill as +ge vincust, chasit and         #
discumfist
afore, and sufferit bot at +goure ples~our to liff. Siclike I   #
wald
+ge considerit quhat +ge ar treulie. +Ge ar victouris           #
vnful+geit
in curage, protectouris of +gour cuntre, liberte, wyiffis,      #
childer,
lawis and native goddis, nocht kindillit be ambicioun of
sene+geory to fecht, nor be covatice to reif rowmys fra         #
vtheris,
bot be constant manhede to strike the bargane. Attoure
remembir quhat dishonoure is to think +tat Romanis sa oftymes
vincust, may nocht now be ourethrawin. Beleif weill +ge haue
now +te samyn vertewe and strenth, with als gude fortune as
in tyme precedent. Quharefore, maist vale+geand campiouns
(to quham +te victorie is reddy at hand), pas fordwart and
strike doun +goure inemyis, afore be +gow fule+gete, and dryfe
+tame to flicht, sen in nocht ellis +tai haue esperance. Stout
curage onelie is requirit, and doutles be +goure manhede +ge    #
sall
haue +gour intent." Be thir wourdis or siclike the king         #
kindillit
+te curage of his folkis with grete fervoure to strike +te      #
bargane.
Nor Lucius Anthenous, Romane legate, was na les~ diligent
with ane vehement vrasoun to exhort his armye desirus of
batell, persuading +tat, be exempill of forebearis, +tai suld   #
with
manlie curage do +tare devoure, memorative be quhat laubouris
+tai war hantit in weris to ouresett, discumfis~ and ourethraw
the strang ordinance of inemyis; als +tai suld remember +tai
had now ado bot with barbare and vndantit pepill without
<P 264>
resoun, sterit only be furie and rage; off quhilk rage the
effect is to distroye the poweris baith of body and mynde,
to kyndill men abone mesure, to attempt interprisis of folie
and quhen maist stranglie is to be fochtin, +tare curage        #
fail+geis
and in ane schort moment brokin. Fferder, he exhortit +tai
suld haue confidence in +te innative vassalage of Romanis,
and nocht exteme inemyis, cruell, inhumane and vnmercifull
quhare +tai mycht be maisteris amang +tame self, lauboring in
contynuall discorde without exterioure provocacion, assembling
now for na lufe +tai haue to vtheris, bot for haterent of
inemyis: howbeit amang +tame self was auld fede, lurkir
with mekill vthir rankoure and fede: quharefore be grete
confidence +tai suld mak for batell, fermlie beleiffing to      #
ourethraw
+tare fais; for without disceptacioun +tai suld wyn
excellent glore becaus +te rowmys, be sleuth of Trebellius in
Albiane loist, be +tare manhede to +te Romane Impire suld be
restorit. In +tis sorte endit Lucius his exhortacioun. Syne
on a+tir partie incalling +tare goddis, with greter hete +tan   #
may
be extemyt +tai ionit +te batell. Apoun oure folkis Romanis
schot grete nowmer of arrowis and kest dartis, quharethrow
mony war woundit. Oure archearis agane schott arrowis and
with slungis and stanis did grete mischeif. Wemen in copios~
nowmer faucht myxt amang oure armye, and eftir incredibill
multitude of stanis warpit apoun Romanis, vsit weill +tare
wapynnys, turnyng +tare womanlie and dolf curage in ire,
fering na wapin, armoure nor perrell, and +te sarare +tai war
woundit, war mare egir in cruelte, excelling +te men of were.
The place quhare +te feild was gevyn was avantage to oure
folkis and na litill skaith to Romanis, ffor +te cuntre was to
+tame vnkend, quharethrow +tai happynnyt, amang haggis,
sewchis and vthir sic brokin gatis, +tat on force +tai war      #
sinderit,
contrinit almaist in rowtis and cumpanyis to fecht. The
bargane on athir partie was cruell, bot maist dangerous~ in
+te myddill warde quhare +te chiftanis faucht, ffor be grete
manhede athir partie in curage was kindillit. Romanis thocht
+tai suld nocht be vincust be sic barbare pepill, maist abiect
of all +te warld, quham sa oftymes +tai had contempnit: Scottis
and Pichtis be +te contrare, thinkand quhill +tare life mycht
<P 265>
indure +tai suld nocht leis~ +te name of victorie with sa grete
laubouris conquest. Athir army kepit +te feild quhare +te
batell began, irkit and wery, inflicting grevous woundis,
saciate ilkane be slauchter of vtheris. Ffinalie eftir lang
fechting +tai devodit swerdis and tuke knyffis. Quhen           #
innowmerabill
war slane, nowthir partie apperit leif +te feild. Chiftanis,
behalding sa horribill slauchter, repentit in ane parte
+te bargane, seand +te fall of sa mony wicht men on athir side.
At last Scottis and Pichtis be innative ferocite contrinit
Romanis remove, nocht as flearis bot withdrawe +tame softlie
fra +te feild, sustenit na langare +te multitude and force of
inemyis. This aduerting Lucius, and with grete schowtis
exhorting his folkis to returne, praying +tai suld nocht gif    #
bak to
+tare barbaris, nor +tat day defile +te glore of +te Romane     #
maieste,
he was woundit with ane arrow be schot of ane fute man
and departit of +te feild. Apoun him followit grete multitude
of +tame in speciall quhilk desirit erare behald +te bargane,   #
+tan
fecht. +Te remanent, persaving +tare feris fle, gaif haistelie  #
+te
bak and to salf +tare livis to +te nixt woddis spedelie ran.    #
Sum
Romanis quhilk without dangere of +tare life for inemyis
mycht nocht wyn +te forest returnit, vthir wayis throw          #
ignorance
of +te ground, incertane quhare +tai mycht be salf. Now
was +te son declynyng and +te victorios~ army of Pichtis and
Scottis at blast of trumpet left +te chais~, returnyng to +te   #
feild,
quhare with plesand singing, incredibill blythtnes and clamour
+tai draif the nycht to end. On +te morne collecting +te        #
spule+ge
and +te kingis with nobillis of athir nacioun consulting, +tai
war aduertist be exploratouris, how Romanis fleing afore in
ane rout war assemblit within twa mylis, impeschit be ignorance
of watteris, bankis, sewchis and brayis, nocht knawing
quhare to pas~. To persewe +tame ane cumpanye of gudelie
men was chosin, and quhen +tai come in sicht, Romanis           #
vnabasitlie
drewe to ane know reddy to fecht and erare be slane
than be randerit. Quhen Scottis and Pichtis considerit
Romanis sobir in nowmer and pussance addressing for batell,
thay had miseracioun, persuading +tame to devode wapynnys
and wilfully be randerit, allegeand +tare chiftane was present,
reddy to gif +tame grace +tat +tai mycht sauflie to +tare armye
<P 266>
returne. Romanis refusit, thinkand grete dishonour eftir sa
terribill myscheif in subiectioun to lif vnder the barbaris.
Sua quhen +tai wald nowthir be randerit nor desire grace at
+te kingis bot obstinatelie wald fecht, +tai war ilkane slane   #
be
Scottis and Pichtis in haterent and ire, hevilie contrare +tame
commovit. How beit mony abhorrit sa grete crudelite. On
+te morne, conforme to +te rite of Gentilis, quhen sacrifice    #
eftir
+te victorie was maid, the kingis causit +tare folkis convene   #
of
newe, quhare +tai commendit mekill +tare curage, rewarding +te
maist vale+geand and vtheris as +tai had deseruit and borne
+tame in batell; syne consultit lang how +te remanent weris
suld be reulit.

[}HOW THE EMPRIOURE ADRIANE COME IN BRITANE AND
EXTENDIT ANE DIKE BETUIX +TE WEST AND EST SEYIS; OF
+TE TYRANNYE AND VICIS OF KING MOGALL; OF HIS SLAUCHTER
AND VTHIR INCIDENTIS. CAP=O= 3=O=}]

Lucius Anthenous, Romane legate, in +te mene tyme send
ane messagere to Rome, aduertissing Adriane empriour
of +te batall aduersare in Britane: how Romanis planlie war
vincust be barbaris, maist cruell pepill of all v+tiris         #
fechting
in batell all atanis without excepcioun, and mare kenelie
wemen +tan men: he besocht him send supple in Britane to
defend +te province, v+tirwais it was force owder obey +te
barbaris or be slane, or schamefully leif +te cuntre. Quhen
this in Rome was schawin, Adriane emprioure incontinent
made his expedicioun towart Britan and with grete iournayis
come in Gallia, and fra thyne with difficill saling be Calice   #
to
Albion. At his cuming he was certifyit be inhabitantis that
Scottis and Pichtis, proude abone mesure of +te recent          #
victorie,
with mare power +tan afore had invadit the province of Romanis,
distroyit all be fire and swerde, nowthir sparing +gong nor     #
auld,
wemen nor men, drevin bestiall away, disturssit +te cuntre of
insicht and victualis sa mekil as +tai mycht cary, and brynt
the remanent cornis, townys and vthir thingis, and laid all
waist to +te ryver of Tyne. At thir thingis +te empriour        #
commovit,
<P 267>
desirus to revenge sic iniuris to +te Romane armye,
adionit +te power contractit of Gallis and Britan, and with
all his ordinance movit towart +Gork, quhare mare commodioslie
to haue his intent he restit ane litill, quhil euery man had    #
providit
victualis for twa monethis. Syne tranoynting towart
inemyis, and with difficulte passing the flude of Tyne, the     #
feird
day he come to feildis denwde and bare of all thingis necessare
to +te vse of man. Quhen he had travellit ane day and ane
vthir, seand nowthir bestiall, corne nor nane liffand thing,
knawand how +te inhabitantis war fled to strenthis, and
certifijt be exploratouris and vtheris spule+gete of +tare      #
gudis,
of +te condiciouns of Scottis, how +tai war mare lesty and      #
durabill
in weris +tan ony vthiris to ly in wynter on +te plane without
palliouns or covertouris, remanyng in boggis and merress~ as
in strenthis, amang frost, snaw and haill, and quhen vthir
pepill in wynter maid +tame for rest, +tai wald nocht skaill
+tare armye bot fle, gif inemyis persewit, to +te montanis
intractibil and horribill be intemperance of weddir, and to
follow +tame in sic strate erdis war cummyr abone mesure
without experience of +te ground, and nowthir in schort tyme
nor without grete hurte of +te Romane armye +tai mycht be
vincust. And als he tendit vesy all +te Romane provincis,
maturely discussing he mycht nocht lang tary in Britan, he
left +te persute of Scottis, thinking he had done eneuch for
weil of +te empire and his honoure gif in his expedicioun he
had dantit sum parte the rebellioun of Britouns and relevit
+te Romane provincis fra molestacioun of barbaris in tyme
cuming. Quharefore +tat +te invasiouns of Scottis and Pichtis
apoun Britan suld +tareeftir be stoppit, in +tat parte of       #
Albioun
obeying Romanis, he was +te first +tat gart big ane thik strang
wall of dovettis and faill, grete and heich as ony hill, with
ane depe and braid foussye before +te samyn ffra +te mouth
of +te river of Tyne extendit to the wattir of Esk and fra +te
est sey to +te west. Eleus Spartanus, famous writare of +te
Romane actis, haldis +tat +tis dyke had iiij=xx= mylis in       #
lenth.
Oure croniklis schawis it was begunnyn be Adriane and eftir
certane +geris completit be +te Empriour Severe; quharefore I
beleif that +te commoun writaris of oure historyis has tane
<P 268>
occasioun to call it the Wall of Severe. Bot following +te
opinioun of Romanis and Veremond, quhare we write of it
eftirwart we will call it +te Dike of Adriane, first begynnare  #
of
+te sammyn. Quhen +te empriour had dressit all his affaris
in +tai partis as +te tyme requirit he departit to Westmorland
and fra thyne to Walis, becaus he herd +te heris +tareof had
conspirit. Comprehending and punyssing +tame with litill
lauboure, he repressit all sic mociouns. Ffra thyne he movit
towart Kentschire. Tarying at Londoun quhil +te barouns of
Britan convenit to +te Romane felicite to applawde, he resauit
+tame plesandly, rewarding +tame with riche giftis +tat fra
thyne furth +tai repentit nocht +tare subiectioun to Romanis.
Ffra Londoun but tary he passit to Gallia (now Ffrance),
having with him Lucius Anthenous legate, sare with infirmite
vexit be intemperance of +te Britan are, and in his place       #
constitute
Aulus Victorinus legate. Victorine, eftir +te emprioure
departit, incontinent disponit stark power in all castellis and
strenthis nixt +te dike, quhilk latelie is remembrit, to stop   #
+te
violence of Scottis and Pichtis fra molestacioun of             #
inhabitantis
+tai boundis. Quharethrow Britouns certane +geris liffit
at securite vnder +te Romane lawis. Scottis and Pichtis amang
+tame dividit +te Britan landis waistit afore and assignit +te
est parte to Pichtis, the north and west partis to +te Scottis;
syne appoyntit of new, ald fale+gete castellis and strenthis    #
+tat
war nere +te dyke, stuffing +tame with garnisoun and mwnicions
to stop +te iniuris of Romanis and Britouns fra +te new         #
inhabitantis.
Ffra thyne +te regne of Mogall was relevit fra domestic
and exterior weris. Bot how beit he conquest glorios~ victorie
apoun Romanis, lordis of all +te warld, he mycht nocht (bot
erare wald nocht) reule nor tempir him self, abone mesure vsing
lustis and plesuris, +tat he grew to foule vicis and age baith
attanis; he gaif him self to lustis and avarice in his age,     #
+tat
he eschamyt nowdir of plane reif nor vthir inhoneste, abusand
elike +te wyiffis of nobillis and commouns. He wald planelie
revis~ and defoul wemen at his ples~our, abstenyng nowder
fra wedois nor virginis. Attoure he pervertit all iustice,      #
suffering
mysdoaris quhilkis had owthir few gudis or nane, mak
reif and rubery without correctioun; and gif men of substance
<P 269>
in sobir crymez war deprehendit he causit +tame be slane, and
confiskit all +tare gudis. Ffirst of all vthir princis he       #
decretit
+tat quhen ane man be +te lawe was put to dede or to +te horne,
his gudis, without respect of wiffe, barnys or creditouris,     #
suld
be eschetit, quhen before +tat tyme, gif ane man for ane        #
crymynall
actioun was condampnit to dede, his wyfe and childer
mycht of law bruke his landis, biggingis, insicht, with all his
vthir gudis. This law, representing +te insaciabill auarice of
+tis king, is with diligence obseruit in +tis realme to +te     #
rigoure
quhil +tis day. Bot sic abhominable vicis mycht nocht be lang
vnpunyst (the goddis +tareto aduersant), ffor nobillis and      #
commouns,
be +tir grete iniuris inflambit, devisit distructioun of
+te king, and to perfurnis +tare intent, constitute certane men
in armes and devisit tyme and place convenient. The king,
knawing him culpabill, suspectit gretelie +te coniuracioun.
Incertane gif he knew it be warnyng of wichis, mekle extemyt
in +tai dayis, or be aduertising of freyndis +tat knew +te      #
mater,
ffering his life he devisyt fle to +te Ilis. To awate           #
oportunite, in
+te dirk nycht he fene+git seiknes and bownit him sonare to
bed +tan he accustummyt. Quhen all was at rest he tuke his
halkrik, bow and scheif, and convoyit with twa servandis
passit to +te forest beside, leiffand all +te remanent, in      #
quham
he confidit litill, as commonlie ane crymynale conscience in
creature can haue grete confidence. On +te morne +te            #
conspiratouris,
knawing +te king fled, haistelie followit. And he,
tending to declyne +tare scharpe persute, be aventure happynnyt
amang inemyis apoun him awating, be quham he was slane
with mony grevous~ woundis, +te xxxvj +gere of his regnne,
quhilk was of oure Redempcioun j=c= xlviij +geris; Anthonius    #
Pius
brouking +te Romane Impire and Phyat Alb regnand abone
Pichtis. Quhare +te king was slane +tai straik of his hede,
quhilk apoun ane spere be ane rebald to +te nixt village was
borne, with derisoun and skorne, quhare ane grete multitude
was tarying +te fyne of +te mater. Sum devisit his carioun suld
be cassyn to wylde beistis to be rent and revyn, for his        #
demeritis
requirit +te samyn. Bot +te nobillis, memorative of +te         #
virtuos~
actis of King Gald, defendit sic crudelite, and causit the hede
and corps be beryit with princelie pompe, nocht for+getting
<P 270>
+tat preclare actis of nobill men suld be honorit. Mogall in
+tis sorte tuke ane cruell and vnhappy end, obscuring, sa fer
as was in him, +te glore of Gald his nobill gudeschir. Betuix
deceis~ of Dardan king and +tis tyme mony famous men war
liffand, in +te quhilk tyme succedit to +te crowne thre kingis
liniale of +te blude of Gald. Ffor to Gald succedit his son
Lugthak, and to Lugthak +tis Mogall, dochteris son to Gald.
Thir famous cunnyng men war Quintiliane, oratoure and
rhetoure maist preclare; Serapio, philosophoure apprisit
abone all vtheris; Philo +te Iow, philosophoure and oratoure,
of quham falslie is vsurpit +tat owthir Plato fene+geis him
Philo, or ellis Philo schawis him Plato; Plinius +te secund,
quhilk wrate +te Naturale Historyis na les trewlie +tan         #
cunnynglie,
contenyng xxxvij volumys; Cornelius Tacitus, historiographoure,
quham in +tis mater we haue oftymes with
diligence followit; Cecilius Plenius +te Secund, oratour;       #
Suetonius
Tranquillus; Ptholome +te astrolog, famous in his tyme,
quhilk as sum apprisit authouris writis ordorit with new        #
addiciouns
the discripcioun of +te erde, compilit be Ptolome callit
Phaladelph, king of Egipt; Lucius Apuleius, Affrican oratoure;
Aulus Gelius; Plutharcus Chironeus, philosophoure. Sum
writis Egisippus, historiographoure of +te actis of Cristianis
and Iowis, liffit +tis tyme. By thir war mony famous poetis, as
Iuuenale, Sillius Italiane, Marciale, and diuers~ vtheris       #
cunnyng
men, excelling in doctryne and vertewe. About +tis tyme
Romane empriouris throw all +te warld persewit cruelly all
Cristianis and slewe Lyne, Clete, Clement, Anaclete, Auarist
and Alexander papis; siclike Domicilla, Euphrosina, Theodora,
virginis; Hermagora bischop, discipill of Sanct Mark            #
ewangelist;
Nichomede preist; Ffortunate Archidene; marthiris
and vtheris without nowmer, confessing +te name of Criste,
nocht aduerting of quhat strenth and vertew was +te Catholic
faith quhilk, how mekill it was ourethrawin be crudelite of
tyrannys, samekle it incressit and be persecucioun was starker.
Now to oure mater lat ws returne.
<P 271>

[}HOW CONARE WAS CROWNIT; OF HIS MYSGIDING; HOW
HE WAS PRIVATE OF HIS CROUN AND INCARCERATE; HOW
ARGADE WAS MADE GOUERNOURE; HOW FOR HIS MYSGIDING
HE WAS ACCUSIT AND +TAREEFTIR VERTUOUSLIE GOUERNIT
+TE KINRIK. CAP=O= IIIJ=O=}]

King Mogall, as said is, in begynnyng of his regnne mycht
of resoun be comptit amang vthir nobill princis, bot
finalie he abusit sua his goverment +tat he was vnwourthy to
bruke owder life or crowne and made sic end as said is. Nor
his son Conare eftir him gidit litill bettir, nor had na bettir
fortune, for be tresoun in his faderis persoun (persuading
secretelie his slauchter) he gat +te crowne and in begynnyng of
his regne dissimilit his vicis to quhilkis he was halely gevin.
Quhen eftirwart he had +te realme stabill, in voluptuosite he
consumyt all rentis and revennous~ annext to +te crowne, gevin
large possessiouns and landis to vicios~ persouns quhilkis be
flatterie (as oftymes is sene) commendit his corruptit maneris
and detestit vertew, gif he vsit ony. Be counsell of +tir       #
persouns
without avise of his wise barouns all was reulit, tending to
induce new invencioun of bankettis and delicate chere without
regarde to +te temperate diet of antecessouris. Quhen be
mony infamous vicis he had consumyt all substance annext to
+te crowne, at convencioun of +te nobillis, be ane lang and
tedious~ proposicioun he schewe mony thingis concernyng +te
splendoure, honeste and multitude of +te kingis houshald of
fryant chere and ordoure +tareof, and of +te honeste of his
tabill, like as grete vertew had bene in sic thingis, how beit
doutles +tai ar grete parte of seruitute, and becaus +te kingis
propirte mycht nocht sustene +te samyn, he desirit ane          #
taxacioun
be maid +tat euery man eftir his faculte suld assigne
ane porcioun of his gudis to his expens~. It was ansuerit be
+te counsell +tai couth nocht (nor +git efferit nocht) decerne
haistelie in sa grete mater, strange and vnknawin to +te pepill
afore; it requirit grete consultacioun and avisement; +tai
suld convene on +te morne in +te samyn place and gif ansuere.
The nycht following +tai concludit secretelie to apprehend +te
<P 272>
king, and denude him of princelie estate, as his vicios~ and
mysgidit lyfe requirit. To +tis effect +tai devisit men in      #
armys.
On +te morne ane was chosin to ansuere in +tis sorte: "The
barouns and heris of +te realme amervellis how +te king regnyng
in pece and rest can nocht be sustenit be his rentis, of        #
quhilkis
mony princis preclare baith in pece and were (how beit +tai
war molestit be inemyis) war content afore, without exactiouns
of +tare liegis. Gald the king, redemer of his kinrik, to quhom
for contynuall weris grete expens~ behuffit ythandlie be        #
furnyst,
vsit na exactiouns in extreme necessite, knawing weil how
odious~ sic thingis wer to +te pepill. And his giding was nocht
elike to +te vsis of Conare oure prince, ffor +tat with mare
vigilant cure Gald mycht vaik to govern his realme, he removit
fra him and his pepill all voluptuos~ plesuris and with grete
laubouris gaif him to defend his kinrik and expell inemyis
+tarefra, debarring fra his army tavernaris, cukis, wemen of
sporte, ruffianis and all vtheris, sic plesouris as mycht       #
effemynate
or soft +te curage of his folkis. Be +te contrare, Conare
oure prince, drownit in lustis, vsis cumpany of harlottis and
vthir vicious~ persouns to him plesing, hevy with ws to be
sufferit. Be +tare counsell he dressis +te grave materis of +te
realme, effering bettir men of wisdome, and quhen +tai haue
conquest riches and landis, +tai desire invenciouns to disturs~
baith nobillis and commouns of +tare gudis, and eftir mony
hevy chargis, has fynalie excogitate ane taxt strange and
odios~ to +te pepill of Scotland; and hereof maid +te king
begynnare, +tat of all +te realme +tai may bruke +te substance.
Bot +tai salbe finalie of +tare purpois~ dissauit, as +tai haue
begilit mony vtheris lang tyme afore, and sall be brocht to
sic poynt +tai sall myster exactiouns na mare, ffor +tai salbe
condampnit to +te gallous~ and +tare gudis eschete for +tare
crimes. The king be decrete of +te nobillis salbe in sure       #
keping.
The giding of +te realme salbe assignit to sic men as +te       #
counsell
fyndis maist ganand, quhil +tarefore be providit, gevin         #
exempill
baith to sic vile persouns how grete folie is, to abuse +te     #
kingis
authorite, and als to +te king how evill is to be mysgidit
baith in his awne persoun and liegis." Skantlie had he endit
his wourdis quhen +te king with ane hie voce cryit: "Mischeant
<P 273>
men, how dar +ge presume to myssay me with sic
reproche? Gif +ge haue contrare me devisit tresoun, on +goure
self it sall be sene and sall be haistelie revengeit with       #
punycioun
for cryme of leis~ maieste requirit." Thareto ansuerit +te
barouns, he was nocht wourthy to bruke +te sete of King         #
Ffergus~,
becaus servile and vnwourthy persouns at +tare ples~our
oppressing +te pepill, be his sleuth and voluptuosite, had      #
supprisit
gude men langare +tan enewch. At +tir wordis was
rasit ane cry be +te parte of +te barouns. Syne certane         #
stalwart
men laid handis on +te king and led him fra +te counsell
to ane chalmer. His myn+geons be quhais counsell he abusit
+te commoun weill war bundin, and eftir diueris~ panys, at
command of +te barouns hangit. Eftir this +tai create ane       #
nobill
man, Argade, cheif of Argathele, gouernoure, to vse +te kingis
authorite, quhil v+tir wayis war decernit how +te king suld be
gidit. Argade, in +te begynnyng takand grete laubouris with
wisdome, authorite and avise of +te barouns, dantit reiff,
stouth, slauchter and vthir crimez, with sic discrecioun, +tat
be sleuth nor rigour na thing was done, displesing nane in his
defalt, exemplare to all vthir princis, war +tai neuer sa       #
vertuous~.
Bot eftir certane +geris (as is +te custume of mortaill
men) prosperite abstractit his mynde fra iustice, quhen         #
for+getting
his vertuous~ maneris and postponyng to consult in grave
materis with +te barouns, he reulit all sic thingis be private
counsell, fostering sedicioun and discorde amang +te clannys.
And +tat +te noblis to him suld euer hafe recours~, he maid
concorde betuix partys debatabill and discorde of newe as
he plesit. Be choussing and affinite he drewe to him +te heris
of Pichtis and tuke in mariage ane nobill woman of Pichtis
blude, dochter to +te prince of Otoline (now Fiffe), sua +tat   #
his
pussance and +taris concurring, he mycht liff in mare securite.
The nobillis hevily weyit the vicis and dissymulacioun of
Argade, and scharplie accusit him in counsell +tat, how beit
be +tare avise he was create governoure for his vertewe, and
+te king for his mysgidit vicis was private of +te crowne, be
multiplicacioun of crymes he followit +te liffing of +te        #
abiectit
king, he contractit mariage with ane aliene and myxt his
dochteris with +te blude of Pichtis, nowthir be avise of +te
<P 274>
nobillis, nor taryand decrete of prudent barouns, best myndit
to +te wele of +te realme; bot be his private counsell, in      #
hurte
of +te pepill, he ministerit all grave materis; quharethrow
with grete dishonoure tynand his gude name he had in +ge
first +geris of his goverment, to +te pepill venerabill for     #
preemynent
vertewis, his excellent ingyne, sum tyme gevin to
sic vertewis as efferit ane nobill prince, was now applyit to
thingis quharein was nowthir honeste nor gude maneris. [^SIGN   #
OMITTED^]
Argade, hering +tis scharpe accusacioun eschamyt, nocht
contenyng fra weping, quhen be na way he couth purge his
cais~ how beit he multiplyit wourdis, besocht +tai suld remove
pane corispondent to his demeritis, leif +tare ire, be to him
favorable, and nocht punys~ him as he had deseruit; ffor
peraventure be his gude bering he mycht eftirwart remove
the dishonoure incurrit be his mysgiding, and suld reddres~
all iniuris sufferit be nobillis or commouns throw his culpe
and sleuth. Syne prostrate to grond, he referrit his persoun
and substance to +te will of +te barouns, to be disponit        #
+tareapoun
at +tare plesere. The noblis be weping and gude
wourdis of +te governoure, movit of piete, consentit he suld
vse his office as afore and his consalouris suld be removit
and incarcerate. Thareeftir he did nowthir public nor private
act without avise of barouns. Abstenyng fra all domestic
counsell, he gaif him with diligence to minister equite and
iustice, and put ordoure to schireffis, capitanis and vthir
officiaris, decreting +tai suld haue power to correct onelie    #
small
crymez, and remytt correctioun of grete crimez to +te iustice.
How beit, fra +te begynnyng of +te Romane weris to +tis tyme
the kingis sufferit schireffis and vtheris officiaris punys~    #
all
crimes indefferentlie at +tare plesere; syne ceirssand thevis,
reiffaris and sornaris trubling +te cuntre (of +tir in +te      #
Ilis,
Argathele and cuntreis adiacent war grete nowmer) quhare
+tai mycht be apprehendit war deliuerit to +te burreoure to be
slane. Alsua he statute +tat all officiaris and reullaris of    #
+te
cuntre suld abstene fra thingis provocative to drunkynnes,
sua +tat +te reullaris of +te pepill suld nocht myster mare     #
keping
+tan vtheris: to brekaris +tareof na les pane +tan dede was
proponit. Tavernaris, common cukis, and vthiris sic kynde
<P 275>
of folkis, devisit mare to +te voluptuosite +tan necessite,     #
inflammyng
men to delicatenes aganis the temperance of antecessouris,
war banyst, thare gudis confiskit and +tare biggingis
distroyit. The governoure, be +tir and sic vthir actis of       #
polecy
honorabill, lauborit parte be authorite parte be favouris to
caus~ +te pepill abstene fra iniuris of vpiris. Quharethrow
within schort tyme, evill avisit persouns become gude
men, and men weill gevin afore daly procedit to bettir.
Syne +te viij +gere of his authorite Conare king, quhilk (as    #
said
is) be decrete of +te nobillis was in keping throw lang         #
incarceracioun,
molestit with seiknes gaif +te gaist, the xiiij +gere eftir
he had tane +te crowne of Scotland, quhilk regne fell in +te
tyme +tat Anthonius Aurelius, philosophoure, broukit +te
Romane Impire; and +te history followand salbe of Ethod
quhilk eftir deceis~ of Conare regnit.

[}HOW ETHOD WAS CROWNIT, AND ARGADE MADE LIEUTENENT
OF SCOTLAND; HOW HE RECOUNTERIT ROMANIS IN BATELL,
AND QUHAT AVANTAGE HE HAD; HOW VICTORYNE THE
ROMANE LEGATE WAS DISCHARGIT, AND TO HIM SUCCEDIT
CALPHURNIUS; HOW HE INUADIT SCOTLAND AND REPARIT
+TE GRETE DIKE; HOW EFTIR DIUERS~ IUPERTEIS, CALPHURNUS
DEPARTIT TO ROME; HOW TREBELLIUS SUCCEDIT LEGATE,
AND OF HIS DISSYMULACIOUN. CAP=O= V=O=}]

Ethod, sister son to King Mogall, of quham lately is made
mencioun, be authorite and votis of +te noblis and pepill
and in speciall of Argade, be lyniall successioun resauit +te
crowne. Quhen he was declarit king, at parliament in estate
royall, thanking +te barouns of his creacioun, with lawde and
honoure apprising the goverment of Argade, rewarding him
with landis and riche possessiouns, made him grete lieutenent
of his realme, to vse authorite of iustice abone all v+tiris    #
vnder
his crowne. The convocacioun dissoluyng, +te king, vesiand
all partis of his realme as new princis war accustumyt, salit
to +te Ilis. At his cuming was schewin how +te cheif clannys
of Insulanis recentlie be discorde of certane lymmaris war
drawin to partyis and grete slauchter was made. Quharefore,
<P 276>
be avise of the barouns, he send Argade to ceirs~ the movaris
+tareof and bring +tame to +te law, how beit +tai wald resist.
Argade in botis and galiouns, sonare +tan +te transgressouris
mycht be aduertist, tuke +te ile quhare be exploratouris he
knewe +tai remanit. Quhen sum parte be force war takin,
and vtheris wilfully randerit, all war led to +te king, and     #
quha
be +te law war fund movaris of +tis trubill war put to dede.
The remanent war punyst in +tare gudis and landis at ples~our
of +te king and counsell. In +tis sorte +tis sedicion was       #
happelie
repressit. Eftir +te Insulanis war pecifyit the king returnit   #
to
Albion, and passing his tyme at Innerlochte in Lochabir, he
was aduertist be Scottis and Pichtis, bordoraris, how Romanis
had brokin down the new dyke beildit be +te Emprioure
Adriane and with stark power had invadit +te landis, and
driving the pray, happynnyt amang Scottis and Pichtis gaderit
to resist +tare force. On athir partie cruelly was fochtin.
Romanis war victouris, bot nocht without grevous slauchter,
ffor +te maist parte of nobillis recountering inemyis war       #
slane.
The king at brute of +tis message send ane herald to Victorine,
Romane legate in Britan, to ask redres~ conforme to tenoure
of +te pece: gif he refusit, to denunce were +ge xv day         #
+tareeftir.
It was ansuerit be +te Romane: How beit Scottis and
Pichtis euer amang +tare self lauborit in discorde, at +te last
forray +tai confiderit for evill of +tare nychtbouris, and fra  #
+te
Romane province draif ane pray and siclike Romanis fra
+tare landis: the confederate naciouns, contempnyng +te pece,
first brak +te dyke and biggit ane strang bastil+ge of tre: and
about +te samyn of stanis and dovatis ane strang barmkin,
and isching +tarefra had oftymes invadit the Romane provincis,
committing thift, reiff and slauchter diuers~ tymes, daly
almaist; redres~ was askit invane fra +te wardanis, +tare       #
heraldis
war contempnit and evill demanit; tharefore richtuislie +tai
had begunnyn +te brek. Be this ansuere +te king commovit,
be wretingis aduertist his broder of Pichtis hereof, exhorting
he wald concur with him to revenge +te recent iniuris done be
Romanis and reproche of +te contumelios~ wordis of the legate:
he suld bete doun +te dyke apoun his bordouris, be fyre and
swerde distroy the Romane landis, and tary +te army of
<P 277>
Scottis, quhilk doutles to him suld be sped. The king of
Pichtis, thanking +te messagere, promyst he suld with gude
hert vse his counsell. Quhen Romanis be exploratouris war
aduertist hereof, +tai preparit strang ordinance for batell.
Scottis and Pichtis, sloppand +te dyke in diuers~ partis, first
in +te Romane province maid apon commons terribill slauchter.
Romanis in nycht passing +te camp of innemyis, come to
Pichtland, tending +tarethrow to retere and drawe inemyis
fra +te Romane boundis. The kingis, of +tare intencioun be
wachis certifyit, with power conionit in +te mornyng towart
+tame movit. Quhen +tai approchit to sicht, athir armye
occurrit in meting of vthir, quhare was haistelie fochtin with
variant victorie and equale avantage, ffor +te richt wyngis war
victouris and +te left wyngis supprisit. The myddill warde
sustenit sa lang +te batell, quhill myrknes~ removing +te       #
sicht,
nowthir of +te armyis apperit gif place to vtheris. Quhen
+tus was fochtin, athir armye discumfist, lossing hors~men and
vtheris in grete nowmer, on +te nycht, for fere of vtheris      #
sindering,
fled to strenthis. On +te morne wemen quhilk followit
Scottis and Pichtis to +te feild (as was +te maner) nowder      #
having
sicht of inemyis nor freyndis, at +tare eis~ gaderit +te        #
spule+ge.
Be this batell, to athir partie aduersant, pussance and strenth
was sa ful+gete, +tat +te +gere following +tai desistit fra     #
batell.
In +te present tyme Victoryne legate wrate to +te Emprioure
Marcus Anthonius Aurelius how Scottis and Pichtis, inhumane
and wylde pepill, agane +te vertewe of trewis had bett downe
+te dike, be Adriane biggit to debar +tame fra +te Romane
provincis, and oftymes had made invasiouns, slauchter and
hereschip with grete crudelite apoun +tare subiectis; the
Romane armye had new mellit with +tame in batell, grevous~
slauchter was made on athir partie, euery armye as discumfist
gave place to vthir; thay war departit to Pichtland and
Galloway to renewe +tare power; litill confidence mycht be
gevin to Britouns, elike myndit as Scottis and Pichtis to be
at liberte gif +tai mycht se tyme; beseking herefore ye
emprioure for supple to +tir grete weris; giff he refusit,      #
Romanis
mycht nocht lang sustene the force of inemyis. The emprioure
resaving thir writingis, suspecting +tat, be sleuth and dolf
<P 278>
curage of Victorine in batell and his necligence, +te Romane
affaris prosperit nocht in Britan, dischargeing him of          #
authorite,
he providit in his place ane nobill man Calphurnius Agricola,
quham he directit with ane armye in Britan to contynewe
+te weris contrare +te barbaris as afore. This Calphurnius (as
sum men writis) was nevo to Iulius Agricola, maist nobill
chiftane of Romanis +tat euer come in Albion, as said is. Quhen
Calphurnius come in Britan, with power of Britouns ionit to
his armye he tranoyntit to debell +te barbar pepill quhill he
come to +Gork, ffra quhilk eftir sacrifice maid in +te rite of  #
Gentilis
for prosper expedicioun, he movit towart +te river of Tyne.
Quhen he had passit baith +te flude and +te grete dyke of
Adriane he fand all waist, without corne or bestiall, and       #
nowthir
village nor towne, bot all distroyit and birnt be Scottis and
Pichtis, that inemyis in +tai partis suld fynd na refuge.       #
Calphurnius
persewand ferder with his armye come to Ordoluce
and throw Dere (now Mers~, Berwik and Tividale) to Pichtland.
Quharefra eftir he had waistit +te cuntre and birnt +te
cornys, with townys and villagis, knawing wynter approchit
and his army was to be send to +tare wynter schelis he returnit
to +Gork, quhare with his armye he passit his tyme +te wynter
following in +te campe. The somer nixt, eftir strang ordinance
contrare Scottis and Pichtis was made reddy, Calphurnius on
his viage to Scotland was certifijt how +te inhabitantis of
Walis with nychtboure naciouns had movit rebellioun contrare
Romanis; cieteis and townys war dispul+geit; officiaris,
capitanis and soldeouris quhilkis war distribute in garnisoun   #
to
defend +te pepill obeying Romanis, war dispituouslie slane. At
+tis message Calphurnius, fering gif he had employit all his    #
cure
to subiect ane parte of Albioun, he suld to +te skaith of +te
Romane Impire los~ greter parte conquest be antecessouris
be sa grete laubouris, leiffand +te persute of Scottis, gaif    #
him
to repare and big +te dike be +tame and Pichtis for +te maist
parte sloppit and bet down. He causit +te fowsyis be clengit
of newe and towris with strenthis be biggit to stop inemyis
fra incursiouns apoun provincis obeying Romanis. To perfurnis
+te werk, he causit craftis men fra all partis be brocht.
Quhen samekill was biggit as was distroyit before, levand
<P 279>
power to defend the towris, with his armye he passit apoun
Walis. His cuming was terribill to +te inhabitantis. Ffinalie
+tai recounterit him in batell and without sare fechting war
nocht vincust. This rebellioun was nocht weill repressit quhen
ane vthir be inhabitantis +te Ile of Wicht begouth of newe, +te
maist parte of Britan noblis to +tame assisting. Nocht+teles~
be grete laubouris of Calphurnius +tai war ouresett and         #
begynnaris
of +te rebellioun to dede punyst. Quhill Calphurnius
in this sorte was molestit be sedicioun and batell intestyne,
Scottis and Pichtis at hame remanit, abstenyng to iniure
Romanis. For having consideracioun of +te tyme, +tai wald
nocht provoke the Romane armye, fering mekill +te grete
name of Calphurnius Agricola, memorative how his gudeschir,
Iulius Agricola, eftir subiectioun of Orduluce, Deer (now
Berwik, Mers~, Tevidale [^SIGN OMITTED^] ), Pichtland,          #
Galloway, Siluria (now
Kyle, Carrik, Cunynghame) with boundis adiacent, and            #
distruction
of +tare armyis in batell, had past throw Calidone
Wod and brocht +te Romane armye to Horestia (now Angous~).
Sua fering siclike fortune in his nevo, +tai abhorrit nocht     #
litill
during his authorite to recounter Romanis. Quhen Calphurnius
was certifijt how Scottis and Pichtis had skalit +tare
folkis, like as +tai had renuncit the weris and bene subiect,
he was glaid +tat the barbaris, as he belevit, without blude
war stoppit be +te wall and fowsyis to molest +te provincis of
Romanis, and tuke cure to mak vnyte and concorde amang
Britouns at divisioun for +te tyme. Ffinalie, +te legate having
all rancoure amang +te grete men mitigate and the province
in gude reule, he was callit to Rome be Anthonius Commodus
emprioure, quhilk to Marcus Aurelius Anthonius in the impire
succedit. Sua fra Britane he departit to Gallia, and fra thyne
be land iournais to Italie. Eftir him at command of +te
emprioure, Publius Trebellius in Britan was maid legate,
quhilk gaif him to follow +te goverment of Calphurnius, vsing
+te avise of Britan nobillis in graif materis, and sua he gidit
him mydway in +tare plesere in +te begynnyng; referring his
honouris to +te King Lucius, quhilk be authorite and favoure
of +te emprioure, regnit in Britan with lawde and honoure,
commending him to +te empriour and senatouris, affirmyng
<P 280>
him of gude mynde to the Empire, and na thing to him was
sa thankfull as +te prosperite of +te samyn; inemyis of Romanis
war to him odios~; he had punyst diuers~ in the realme contrare
him conspiring. Eftir thir and vthir grete lovingis of
Lucius to +te emprioure and senatouris, quhen be sic flattery
he had maid him to +tame gracios~, he began to opin his lang
dissimulit mynde, schewin him gevin to vicis and insaciabill
auarice, and within schort tyme, in presens of +te pepill,      #
accusing
men of substance be fene+geit causis, and to satisfy +te
rankoure of vtheris, gart +tame be put to dede. Vtheris he
exilit +te cuntre, and at his ples~our but respect to honeste
or schame intromettit with +te gudis of +tame and vtheris
quham he couth nocht accuse be ressoun. Ffinalie +tis           #
oppressioun
made +te legate odios~ to the pepill, quharethrow sedicioun
had bene movit gif Lucius king, quhilk favorit Romanis, be
supple and counsell had nocht fortifyit his affaris.

[}HOW SCOTTIS AND PICHTIS BE BATELL SUPPRISIT TREBELLIUS;
HOW THE COMMONIS OF BRITANE CONTRARE ROMANIS CONSPIRIT,
AND WAR VINCUST; HOW TREBELLIUS WAS REMOUIT
AND PERTINAX MADE LEGATE; OFF +TE HUMANITE AND
VAIL+GEANDNES OF PERTINAX; HOW HE WAS COACTIT TO
ACCEPT +TE IMPIRE. CAPO=O= VJ=O=}]

Scottis and Pichtis knawing how Britouns war myndit to
+te legate, thinkand tyme approchit (sen Calphurnius was
removit) to revenge ald iniuris, gaderit +tare folkis, with     #
grete
force brak down +te dike and on +te Britoun landis maid spreith
and spule+ge. Thir novellis inflammyt +te legate to pas~ with
stark ordinance contrare sa cruell inemyis, aganis quham in
batell fechtand he was destitute in +te feild be Britons and
Gallis, quham he trowit suld fortify his partie. Sua +te legate
with armye discumfist tynyng +te feild, naroly evadit           #
slauchter.
This felloun plaig distroyit grete parte of Romanis and na
litill nowmer of Scottis and Pichtis. Trebellius collecting +te
residew movit to +Gork, tending to renewe his power. How
beit grete nowmer of Scottis and Pichtis war slane, +git throw
<P 281>
+te recent victorie +tai grewe mare cruell to revenge slauchter
of +tare freyndis, and salfit na presonere in handis.           #
Thareeftir
at +tare ples~our thay opprest Westmorland, Kendale and
Cumbirland, and spule+geing +te cuntre abstenit fra na cruelte,
+tat +te rurale pepill war sa agast, +tai lippynnyt nocht ellis
bot dede. Nochtwithstanding +tat +te legate with hie            #
indignacioun
was hereat commovit, he durst nocht recounter inemyis
in plane batell, thinking it mycht hurt +te Romane sene+geory,
becaus he crynit mare +te tresoun of Britouns +tan +te manifest
invasioun of Scottis. Sua declynyng +te batell, quhare without
cummyr he mycht apprehend inemyis skalit in +te cuntre he
put +tame to dede, and within mvnyciouns and wallit townys
contenit him self and his armye. In +te ilk tyme ane servile
conspiracioun, movit be +te commouns of Britan, perturbit
mekill +te Romanis. Ffor +te commouns, almaist daly ouresett
be Scottis and Pichtis, disparing of reddres, be assistance of
diuers~ grete men fail+gete fra +te emprioure, in furoure and   #
ire
making for weir, thay cheissit Caldor chiftane, ane native
Picht, becaus he had amang +tame diuers~ +geris conversit,
accustumyt with +tare maneris and dispitefully hatit +te
Romane name. Sua with haiste expedicion +tai movit contrare
Trebellius and his armye. Trebellius, knawing +te fail+ge of
Britouns, and +tat +tis were was mekill mare dangerus +tan
contrare Scottis and Pichtis, avisit sadlie with freyndis be
quhat way he mycht evaid the appering dangere. Eftir mony
consultacions he devisit first mell with Britouns, fering gif
Scottis with +tame concurrit, without grete slauchter +tai
mycht nocht be ouresett. Quharefore he movit contrare
Britons. At +te first sicht +te name of +te Romane legate was
terribill to +te confusit multitude collectit of divers~        #
regiouns;
and als +te constans of Romanis, the glance of +tare glitterand
armoure, reft fra +tame almaist baith curage and hardyment.
Bot be persuasioun and diligence of +tare chiftane, to quham
the rebellioun of Britouns was plesing, +tai war kepit in array
and cruelly ionit +te bargane quhilk +te Romanis provokit.
Cruell and hardy was +te first counter, doutsum ane quhile to
quham the victorie suld inclyne. Britouns finalie be Romanis
(stoutlie doand +tare devoure) with grete slauchter war
<P 282>
defate. Caldoure, chiftane, with vthir complicis of his         #
counsell,
haistelie fra the feild fled to Pichtland, reiosing nocht       #
litill +tat
be his industrie sa grete slauchter was maid apoun Romanis
and Britouns. Sum Britan noblis in sobir arrayment as rude
pepill, feyn+geing +tame boyndis, quhen +tai persauit Romanis
abstenit nocht fra slauchter of commons, fering +tai suld be
siclike in +tat furoure slane, ffynalie revelit +tare           #
dissymulacioun,
how +tai war grete men, quharethrow evading slauchter, +tai
war takin be Romanis. Trebellius, knawing +tare dissymulacion
and how +tai began all +tare faction, in presens of +te armye
gart draw +tame on +te gallous. This crudelite abone mesure
inflammyt Britouns contrare Romanis. On +te nycht following,
Britouns war tane downe and elike nowmer of Romanis hung
apoun +te gebatis, be quhat persouns incertane. The legate be
certane coniecturaciouns knawand danger on all part is          #
apperand,
wrate the tressoun of Britouns to +te empriour and iniuris
of Scottis and Pichtis, requiring him to provide haisty remeid
to mete +te dissate and fellony of all thir nacions             #
ffail+geing. It
mycht aventure +tat Romanis, tynyng +tare conquest in Britane
suld on force be expellit +te ile. The Emprioure Anthoun
weying in how mekill dangere +te Romane affaris war constitute
in Britan, send Partinax, ane nobill man and consul
afore, quham +te weremen mekill extemyt, and with grete
lawd extollit be +te senatouris (as Iulius Capitolinus writis)  #
to
dres~ all materis in Albion. Trebellius removing fra authorite
at his cuming, he schew him meik, sobir and humane to +te
pepill. Ffirst to Lucius, king, he was acceptabill, danting +te
rebellioun of Britouns mare be benevolence +tan violence
slaying sum parte conspiratouris of litill estimacioun, be
iugement of euery persoun deserving weill +te dede; syne
assale+geing Scottis and Pichtis with mekill slauchter, draif
+tame be+gond +te grete dike to remane, persewand +tame na
ferder. He was contirmandit [^SIC^] to Rome be +te senatouris,  #
and
eftir +te Empriour Commodus be familiare tresoun murdrist,
he was coactit to accept +te impire, quhilk to him wilfully was
offerit. Sua Trebellius creat legate of newe in Britan,         #
Partinax
to Rome returnit.

<P 283>
[}HOW TO DANT THE MOCIOUN OF INSULANIS, ARGAD WITH
ANE ARMYE WAS DIRECTIT; HOW HE WAS SLANE AND TO
QUHAT POYNT OF MISERIE INSULANIS +TAREFORE WAR BROCHT;
HOW KING ETHOD INSTITUTE LAWIS OF HUNTING; HOW BE
ANE MENSTRALE HE WAS SLANE. CAP=O= VIJ=O=}]

Quhill thir actis war in doing, Ethod, king of Scottis, had
trubill in his realme. Insulanis hevily weyand +te slauchter
of +tare freyndis be Argade, as afore is remembrit, with stark
power invadit Argathele, cruelly dispule+geing +te cuntre,
sparing nane estate, man na woman, bot indefferentlie vsing
cruelte apoun +te pepill. To stanche +tis trubill, Argade with
power was send in Argathele. The king with ane army taryit
nere the grete dike, reddy to resist gif inemyis wald           #
assale+ge.
Insulanis knawing +te cuming of Argade, occurrit in his meting.
Ane litill afore +tis tyme ij=m= Ireland men war arrivit in     #
Argathele
to forray +te cuntre. Thir Iberniens~, to fortify the Insulans
contrare Argade, hid +tame amang thik rammell and buskis
in buschment, and how sone Argade with his folkis war passit,
haistelie +te buschment with terribill schoutis invadit         #
Scottis.
Argade, persaving him invironit in front and at the bak be
inemyis, changeing all fere and raddoure in ire, walkynnit
the curage of his folkis to +te bargane on nede to be sustenit,
sen he mycht nocht deliuer +tame fra inemyis on all partis
assale+geing. Quhen amang +tame inclusit he mycht na langer
sustene the force of +tat sare bargane, nocht without strang
fechting he was ouresett and slane, and with him to +te nowmer
of ij=m= Scottis. The remanent affrayit and skalit, be flicht
salfit +tare livis. Tythingis of +tis infortunate batell movit
+te king abone mesure contrare Insulanis, and schortlie chesing
ane armye of xx=m= throw all +te realme, with lauborios~        #
iornais
he passit in Argathele to dant +tare rebellioun. Be vehement
stormys of seyis Insulanis, impeschit of +tare passage, war
contrynit tary his cuming. The king, providing the weill of
his folkis, be licht iupertyis and wisdome mare than force did
grete skaith to inemyis. Ffinalie be oportunite of tyme and
place, knawing how Insulanis within ane forest war hid, he
<P 284>
parkit the samyn with fowsyis, and schortlie brocht +tame to
sa scharp poynt +tat eftir victualis consumyt, be branschis and
chattis of treis, herbis and rutis certane tyme +tai sustenit   #
+te
miserabill life. At last ouresett be hunger, with difficulte    #
+tai
impetrate at +te king he wald pleis~ gif eris to +te messagere,
quham +tai war to direct; at quhais cuming the king grantit
pece, be condicioun +tat +te chiftane and vtheris ij=c= quham   #
he
wald cheis~, suld be deliuerit to punycioun as +te counsell     #
wald
devise; the remanent denwde of wapynnys and armoure suld
departe salflie to +te Ilis. To +te multitude afflictit be      #
extreme
penurite, thir condiciouns war plesing, and haistelie ij=c= war
deliuerit cheif of +te rebellioun with the principale chiftane,
and at command of +te king and counsale war all put to dede.
The Insulanis, hevily weyand sic crudelite, furiouslie (becaus
+tai wantit wapynnys and armoure) warpit stanis as men in
rage apoun +te oist, quhilk weill anarmyt eschewit +te stanys,
and slew of Insulanis grete nowmer. The residew evading,
fled to +te montanis. Ffra thyne the brule+geis of Insulanis
pecifyit and Romanis with difficulte at fidelite conserving
Britons, certane +geris Scotland was mare peciabill, without
were amang +tame or be inemyis. During this tranquillite
the king vesijt all +te regiouns in Scotland and constitute
officiaris and iugis to gyde +te cuntre be equite and iustice.
And +tat in his age he suld nocht grow dolf be idilnes he gaif
his studye to hunting, as +te rite is of oure cuntre, and as in
barneage he was exercit, diligentlie providing +tat na thing
concernyng sic gammyn vsit be antecessouris suld be omittit.
He decretit +tat be nettis, girnys or vthir sic thingis, nane   #
fra
thyne furth suld tak ane hare nor +git with staff, schot of     #
arrow
or vthir instrument, vnwerly sla hir in hir sete; and gif scho
evadit the houndis throw spede or war wery forrvn, scho suld
nocht be ceirsit ferder to be slane, sen +te hare is euer in    #
continuall
raddoure, scho rynnys ithandlie and may sone be slane
be sic wayis; alsua +tat na stalkaris suld sla ane hart be      #
schot
nor hound ane baggit hynde, bot abstene fra +tare persute
all +te wynter and grete parte of vere, sa lang as depe snaw
coveris +te erde, quhen on force be penurite and hungir +tai
mon draw fra forestis and montanis; and +tat +te hynde calf
<P 285>
and fowne suld euer be salf fra +te huntaris. Thir actis the
king causit be obseruit, detesting na thing mare +tan be sic
murthure to defraude him and men of gude of sic plesand
solace. Quhen he vakit fra hunting he gafe him to vthir
honest plesouris as +te tyme requirit, and luffit weill honest
musicianis and plesing singaris, specially schawmaris and
trumpettis. Bot finalie be tresoun of ane menstrale of +te
Ilis, his secrete cubiculare, he was murdrist on +te nycht. The
wachis, hering +te schout in +te kingis chawmer, comprehendit
the tratoure, and accusing him of +te kingis slauchter, how
beit he gaif to him credit of his liffe. Quharefore suppois~ he
was comptit amang +te kingis traist familiaris afore, he        #
behuffit
now like ane tresonabill inemye be pynyt with exquisite
tormentis, in exempill till vtheris, how wikkit cryme is to
pollute +tare handis in +te sacrate blude of +te king. To +tis
ansuerit +te menstraill: "The king be extreme rigoure in
Argathele distroyit grete parte of my freyndis, and now be
vengeance +tareof I haue satifyit my furios~ mynde, as I        #
devisit
mony dayis before. Be this folie interprise I haue now swageit
+te vehement affectioun quhilk sa hevilie troublit my mynde.
I am satifyit and in my mynde the vehement desire of vengeance
is mytigate. I covate nocht to lif. Wirk on me +goure
plesure with all crudelite and tormentis. My mynde is now
als constant to sustene +te dede, as it was afore to murdris~
+goure king. I sall nocht be sa sare torment, bot in +te        #
extreme
poynt of dede I sall reiose +tat I haue revengit the iniuris
done be +tat wikkit king to my freyndis and kynnys~men."
Quhen sic wourdis war said, at command of +te barouns his fete
war knyt to sindry hors~ quhilk, drevin in contrare partis,     #
raif
his body in pecis. Eftir Ethod tuke +te crowne he regnit
xxxiij +geris. His corps with princelie pompe (as was +te       #
maner)
was beryit in +te feild of Evon. His regnne durit to the tyme
of Septimius Seuerus, Romane empriour. Mony nobill men,
excellent in vertewe and cunnyng, war liffand quhen Ethod
brukit +te crowne: Galen medicinare, decoring +te werkis of
Hippocrace, of grete fame in his dayis bot mekill mare famous
to +te posterite. In oure tyme diuers~ bukis of medicine ar
sene be him intitulit. Apollyne +te famous oratoure, quhilk
<P 286>
becaus in commendacioun of +te name of Cryst he made ane,
plesand harrang, was crownit be marthirdome, ffor sic thingis
amang Gentilis was na les~ pane na dede. The bischop Dionise,
of Corrinthie native, quhilk wrate mony thingis to +te vse of
oure faith, with diuers~ v+tir nobill men. The Catholic faith
and name of Criste was mekill augmentit and spred, +te samyn
tyme Cristianis in all partis having rest and pece. In sindri
regiouns and provincis mony detesting +te errour of Gentilis,
war to +te trew faith convertit. This tyme Eleuther, +te xiiij
fra Sanct Petir, occupijt the sege of Rome. With him +te
king of Britouns, Lucius, was contemporane (as before is said),
quhilk, certifijt be Romanis in ordinance with Trebellius and
Partinax legatis, of +te mirakillis and godlynes of Cristianis,
optenit be writingis fra +te Pape +tat with his folkis he mycht
be ascrivit to +tare nowmer. The Pape directit in Scotland
twa haly men, Ffugace and Damyane, quhilk baptist +te king
his houshald and +te maist parte of his realme. Sua eftir
ydolatry and sacrifice to devillis war removit, the faith of
Criste was inducit amang Britouns in +te +gere of oure          #
Redempcioun,
as +te cronikillis rememberis, j=c=lxxxvij.



<B SPRIV1>
<Q SC1 XX CORP PWAUSLET>
<N WAUS CORR>
<A WAUS PATRICK>
<C SC1>
<O DATE C 1540>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^CORRESPONDENCE OF SIR PATRICK WAUS OF BARNBARROCH, KNIGHT, 
1540-1597.
ED. ROBERT VANS AGNEW.
EDINBURGH: DAVID DOUGLAS, 1882.
PP. 2.8-6.19.^]

<P 2>
[} [\LETTER FROM PATRICK WAUS FROM SCHOOL TO HIS MOTHER, 
3D JANUARY.\] }] [\HOLOGRAPH.\]

   Most louing mother, efter my hairtlie commendaciounis, ye
sall vit that I am in good helth, praissit be god, vissing this
sam to yow, and all youris. Ye sall vit that I am verie skant   #
of
linine cloth of sarkis and aurlairis [\Neckcloths.\] I haiue    #
vrytin verie oft to
yow about them, and ye haiue never send me ane anser. I pray
yow vat [\That.\] ye vaild send me sum mo schankis, for them    #
that I
haiue vill be schone doine.
   I mervell that ye send vs not out the ssingill suollit       #
schone,
quhilk ye promissit to send them out till vs. nocht ellis, bot
commitis you to god. and my most hairtlie commendaciounis
to your self, and to my sisteris the thrid day of Januar.-      #
Your
louing sonne,                              patrick Vaus.
To my louing mother this
Be derecit.

[} [\LETTER BY PATRICK WAUS WRITTEN FROM SCHOOL.\] }]
[\HOLOGRAPH.\]

   The count of the silver quhilk I haiue receauit from Jhamis
Challmiris.

   Item mair reseuit from Jhamis challmiris xxiiij=s= for till  #
bay
ane ovid. Item mair iiij pundis for till giue for iiij pair of
schoune, quhilk I gait or ever Vattie Scot furnishit me at your
avine command. Item mair receiuet xxx=s= for till bay ane boue.
<P 3>
the quhilk boue the tuteris sune brack hir bifoir yor mother or
ever I cam out of the toune, and Jhamis challmiris gaiue for
ane vther xxx=s=, and for vi arouis everie arow iiij=s=. Item   #
mair
receiuit xxxx=s= for till bay ane hait and ane string. Item     #
mair
iij pundis for till bay thrie pair of bleue hois, quhilk I haid
nene quhill I gait them. Item receuit from Jhamis challmiris
viii pundis for till giue for the buckis, quhilk I and robert   #
gait
quhen ve var in edembruch; the quhilk buckis mundork [\The      #
laird of Mundork\] was
chasoune [\Caution (i.e. security)\] for them. Item mair        #
receuit from Jhamis challmiris
xxiiij=s= for till giue him that liris me musik. Item mar       #
receaiuid
xxxii=s= for ane neu testament and ane sam buck. Item
mair receuit xxviii=s= for ane silva. Item mair receuid         #
xviii=s= for
the commenteris of ceser. Item mair for ane salust xii=s=. Item
mair for ane half dusane of arouis to me and sandiris xx=s=.
   The soum xxix pundis.

   Louing father, efter my heairtlie commendaciounis Ye sall    #
vit
that I am in gud helth, praissit be god, vissing this sam to    #
yow
and all youris. Ye sall vit that I haue receuit your letter,    #
and I
am verie sorifull that ye haiue bine haldin in sick a stet,     #
and ye
sall vit that I haiue receuit xxx=s= from the birer. father, I
requist yow for crystis schaik till haiue pitie vpon your pour
brother villam, quhilk is now beth modderles and fatherles,     #
and
giue ye tack a chair [\Care\] of him, and bring him vill up,    #
he vill be a
scoller; and is [\As\] till his cloths, he hes verie girt       #
mister beath of
sarkis and vther cloths, vith sum aurlairis [\Ourlay, a         #
cravat\] and nepkinis, and ye
man send him silver for till bay buckis. And as for the gud
man, the tuter is in auchten him mair nor ain hunder pundis,
quhilk he promist till haiue send him in ane hundrith markis a
foir pais, [\Easter\] . quhilk now he vill be in auchten him    #
ane hunder
pundis, quhilk now he luckit for at vitsunday, quhilk hes
doune the gudman angir, and now the gudman requistit me to
gar yow send it out vith our hunder pundis, quhilk they ar beth
aughtand; and the gudman luckit for mair nor this, bot he
<P 4>
prayis yow send out his tua hunder pundis, for hest girt        #
mister
of it, for all thingis is verie dire. ye sall vit ve get        #
yeirlie for
villie sum vovy, [\Meaning not known\] , quhilk he luckis that  #
ye vill send out with the
silver. And he prayis yow send out the silver vithin aucht or
ten dayis, and resarvis all the leiue till your mittine and     #
his.
Ye sall vit I am verie scant of arouis, and ye man send me sum
silver for till bay them.
   I pray yow remember vpon the gudmanis turnis, and I pray
yow send the maister his quairter pement, and the docteris, and
him that liris me to sing musick.
   Nocht ellis, bot commitis yow to god. from Mussilbruch the
xvi day of June. -Your soune,         patrick vaus.
   
   Dorso: To my louuid father the laird of barnbarroch this be
dereckit.

[} [\LETTER BY PATRICK WAUS FROM SCHOOL AT MUSSELBURGH TO HIS
FATHER, 7TH DECEMBER.\] }] [\HOLOGRAPH.\]

   Richt loving father, Ye sall vmderstand that I have recevid
your letteris this vii vodnisday, being the vii day of          #
December,
<P 5>
diret vpon the xxix day of november, quhairin ye virt to me
inquyring quhat garis that the guid man virt not to yow the
conditiouns of my burding. Ye sall knowe that virt to yow
vith your avin man tamsonne that he vald vryt na anser, for he
said that he kenis ne conditioune bot as vtheris ar. thair is
thrie lib auing the gud man for schoune and bukis now; lykvys
they say they vill not send nae conditioune quhill they meitt
with your self. the mester and the doctoris is satisfied for    #
the
half yeir that is bypast, for ye geaiue James foster sax pundis
to giue the maister, and xxiiij=s= to giue the docter, quhilk   #
vas
satisfactioune for the speis of the half yeir bypest. Do as ye
think mit for the tyme cumming; quhether ye think mites to
send it out vith the first at cummis, or satisfiye the maister  #
at
your out cumming. my half yeir is rune out in this hous that I
am in. Do as your wisdome thinkis gud. Caus my mother
send me sum linning auirleris, and sum nepkingis. nocht ellis,
bot committis yow to god - from mussilbruch the vij day of
december.- J Youris louing sune,         patrik vaus.

[} [\LETTER FROM PATRICK WAUS TO HIS FATHER, WRITTEN FROM SCHOOL
AT MUSSELBURGH, 5TH FEBRUARY.\] }] [\HOLOGRAPH.\]
   Most louing father, my deutie allvayis being rememberit,
with my mest hertlie commendatiounis to yourself, my mother,
<P 6>
and sisteris, the lord giue vs ane ioyfull mitting, Ye sall vit
the gud man hes resevid the forti punds, qhair vith he is       #
content,
bot yit thair laikis bot the [\A word seems to be missing.\] of #
oue [\Wool.\] for the buntha [\Bunta, so for bounteth.\] ,      #
quhilk
ye man not forget to be vnpeyit; it is all ane quhether ye sen
siluer for it, or the oue. I haue givine the maister sax        #
pundis,
with four pundis to my self, bot they vantis to the docter      #
xxiiij=s=
for the rest of the half yeir that is to cum; With four pundis  #
to
giue James foster, quhilk ye promist him, vith sum silver to by
bouis and arous; With thri pundis to the gud man, that is
aving him, quhilk I boruit to by schoune and vther thingis;     #
also
four pundis quhilk aboruit send syne, quhair with I bocht       #
schune
send syne, nocht ellis, bot I am haill and fre; committing yow
to god. - Youris sonne,  patrik vaus.
Muscilbruche the fift
day of feburvart.
   (\Post scriptum\) . - forget nocht the servandis quhen ye    #
send out
the rest of the thingis aboue vrytine.
   This be delayverid to my louing father the laird of          #
barnbarroche.



<B SOFF1>
<Q SC1 XX CORO ANGUS>
<N DOUGLAS CORR>
<A EARL OF ANGUS>
<C SC1>
<O DATE 1515-1521>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET ROYAL>
<E DIST UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^FRASER, SIR WILLIAM.
THE DOUGLAS BOOK. 4 VOLS. CORRESPONDENCE (VOL. IV) EDITED
BY THE AUTHOR.
EDINBURGH 1885. (SAMPLES 1-2).

THE SCOTTISH CORRESPONDENCE OF MARY OF LORRAINE, 1542-1560.
ED. ANNIE I. CAMERON.
SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY, THIRD SERIES, 10.
EDINBURGH 1927. (SAMPLES 3-9).

SAMPLE 1:  PP. 67.24-68.8 (ARCHIBALD, EARL OF ANGUS)
           PP. 75.28-76.36
           PP. 77.27-79.8
SAMPLE 2:  PP. 68.9-72.32 (GAVIN DOUGLAS)
           PP. 75.1-75.27
SAMPLE 3A: PP. 114-117 (PATRICK BOTHWELL)
           PP. 189-190
           PP. 191-191
           PP. 204-206
           PP. 207-207
           PP. 271-272
           PP. 284-284
           PP. 303-303
           PP. 319-320
           PP. 362-363
           PP. 368-369
           PP. 440-440
SAMPLE 3B: PP. 272-272 (PATRICK BOTHWELL)
SAMPLE 4A: PP. 84-85 (GEORGE DOUGLAS)
           PP. 88-89
           PP. 94-95
           PP. 104-105
           PP. 108-113
           PP. 338-339
SAMPLE 4B: PP. 21-22 (GEORGE DOUGLAS)
SAMPLE 4C: PP. 89-92 (GEORGE DOUGLAS)
SAMPLE 5A: PP. 95-97  (ALEXANDER GORDON)
           PP. 102-104
           PP. 224-225
           PP. 227-231
           PP. 239-240
           PP. 269-269
           PP. 286-291
           PP. 311-315
           PP. 317-317
           PP. 385-386
SAMPLE 5B: PP. 213-214 (ALEXANDER GORDON)
           PP. 315-316 
SAMPLE 6A: PP. 6-6 (ROBERT MAXWELL)
           PP. 50-52
           PP. 53-53
           PP. 73-74
           PP. 344-345
           PP. 349-351
SAMPLE 6B: PP. 133-134 (ROBERT MAXWELL)
SAMPLE 7:  PP. 119-120 (HENRY METHVEN)
           PP. 132-133
           PP. 134-136
           PP. 138-139
           PP. 208-211
           PP. 234-235
           PP. 237-239
           PP. 240-243
           PP. 244-245
           PP. 248-251
           PP. 274-274
           PP. 317-318
           PP. 437-438
SAMPLE 8A: PP. 35-36 (ADAM OTTERBURN)
           PP. 47-48
           PP. 57-58
           PP. 59-59
           PP. 75-76
           PP. 92-94
           PP. 169-169
           PP. 170-177
           PP. 179-182
           PP. 183-189
SAMPLE 8B: PP. 53-55 (ADAM OTTERBURN)
           PP. 190-190
           PP. 192-194
SAMPLE 8C: PP. 161-162
SAMPLE 9:  PP. 20-21 (WOMEN)
           PP. 46-47
           PP. 130-131
           PP. 148-150
           PP. 157-158
           PP. 280-281
           PP. 291-292
           PP. 295-297
           PP. 341-342
           PP. 369-370
           PP. 393-395
           PP. 437-437
           PP. 438-439^]


<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 67>
[} [\57.\] }]
[} [\ARCHIBALD, SIXTH EARL OF ANGUS, 
TO KING HENRY THE EIGHTH, EDINBURGH, 29TH OCTOBER 
(CIRCA 1515).\] }]

SCHIR, Pleissit zoure guyd grace to wit, that I haue comonit    #
with zour seruitour, 
Edward Cuyk, and vndirstand his credence at lenth; and in guyd  #
faith my
mynd was set to the fulfilling of the samen or euyr I knew zour #
mynd, lyk as I 
was greitly indettit therto, and now aldyrmaist be caus that I  #
se zour guyd
grace traistyd me. And, schir, I promyt fathfully to fulfill    #
the samyn, and haue
send my traist seruitour, Dauyd Menzeys, with my haill mynd,    #
instrukit lyck as
zour seruitour Edward Cuyk and the said Dauid knawis. And to    #
the fulfilling
<P 68>
of the said credence, zour guyd grace fulfilling the samyn to   #
me that the said
Edwart haue promyttit one zour behalfe, I oblis me, be this my  #
vriting, to keip
and fulfill, vndir the seill of my armys, subscrivit with my    #
hand; and forther, 
at zour guyd grace will geve credence to the berer. Schir,      #
pleisit zour guyd 
grace to pass to London, or quhare ze pleis, and tak na thocht  #
of thys mater, for
it sall be endit at zour dissyir. Vrittin at Edinburgh, the     #
xxix day of October.
   Zoure
   Erl of Angus.

<P 75>
[} [\64.\] }]
[} [\ARCHIBALD, SIXTH EARL OF ANGUS, TO KING HENRY EIGHTH,
DALKEITH 19TH OCTOBER (1519).\] }]

MAIST excellennt, maist hie, and maist michty Prince, in the    #
maist humyll and 
lawlye manere, I recommend my service unto zoure maist redowtit #
gude grace,
quhom plesit knaw laitlye is cumin in this realme ane venerable #
 religious fader,
freir Henry Chardworth, minister generall of the freris minoris #
callit observante,
<P 76>
within zoure realme of Ingland, directe fra zoure hyenes towart #
the Qwenis grace,
zour deirest sister, my souerane lady, quhilk has sa wele and   #
wiselye convoyit
and performyt the mater quhairfor he was sent, that hir hyenes  #
is full hartlye
applesit to resort and remane with me, hir husband and          #
servitour, according and
conforme to all ressoun and lawis, baith of God and haly kirk.  #
Maist excellennt 
and redoutit prince, it lyis not in my little possibilite to    #
rendir thankis unto
zoure maist nobill hyenes, that has intendit and procurit sa    #
excedand wiselye
this my pure causs, quhilk elikewiss is Goddis causs, and alsua #
the honour and 
weillfare of youre deirest sister, the Qwenys grace forsaid,    #
and with that richt
weiray acceptable till every wele myndit personage of gude zele #
within this
realme. Quhairfor, besyde the rewarde of God, quhilk I doute    #
nocht bot zoure
grace sall ressaif for sa meritable labour, I sall endevour and #
abandoune
perpetually my pure service in every behalf and sort to me      #
possible, unto zoure
maist nobill excellence, abuse all uther prince or creature     #
levand, myne allegeance
to oure souerane lord, zoure deirest nevo, alanerlye exceppit;  #
and salbe all tymes
reddy eftir my pure power, allthocht it war sua that zoure      #
hienes commandit me
furthwith to pas one fute to Jerusalem, and fecht with the      #
Turkis to the dede for
zoure causs. And I beseke the eternall God to graunt me that    #
grace that I may
doo sum poynt that may be plesand or acceptable unto zoure      #
hyenes or I pas of
this warld. Alsua, maist excellent, maist hye, and maist mychty #
prince, plesit
zoure grace understand that my brothir germane, George Douglas, #
has bene twa
zheris bypast and mair in France, at the commande of our        #
governour Duke of 
Albany, to his hevy cost, and to na plessur nothir to him nor   #
his frendis, and is
haldin thare but ony causs or offence, as is notourlye knawin   #
to all this realme.
Besekand thairfor zoure maist noble excellence, that it wald    #
pleiss the samyn 
to send zoure gracious letters alswele to the king thare in     #
France as to our
said governour, to the effecte that my said brothir may be      #
deliverit and send
hayme in this realme, and quhat service or uther thing that I   #
or ony me belangis,
eftir oure pure poweris may doo, acceptable to zoure hyenes, we #
ar and sall
remane all tymes under the obeysance of zoure grace, as said    #
is; and thus, maist
excellent, maist hye, and maist mychty prince, the Eternall and #
Allmychty God
preserve zoure maist noble Maieste in lang prosperite and ...   #
At Dalketh, the
xix day of October, subscrivit with the hand of
   Your humble servytour, Erl of Angus.
To the maist excellennt, maist hye, and maist mychty Prince,    #
the King of
Inglandes maist ryal gude grace.
<P 77>
[} [\66.\] }]
[} [\ARCHIBALD, SIXTH EARL OF ANGUS, TO CARDINAL WOLSEY,
KIRK OF STYLE, 13TH DECEMBER (1521).\] }]

MY LORD, in my maist humyll maner, I recommend my lauchful      #
service to zoure
grace, quhom plesit understand I and utheris has presentlye     #
directe this berar.
<P 78>
my deirest uncle, my Lord Bischop of Dunkelde, towart the       #
Kingis grace zoure
soueraine, apponne certane necessare instructiounes, the        #
quhilkis I traist salbe acceptable 
baithe unto his hienes and zoure grace. Quhairfor, at the       #
uttermaist of my
powere, I beseyk zoure grace at my said uncle be thankfullie    #
ressavit, and to 
have gude and haisty expedicioune of his materis and            #
directiounes; and at zoure
grace plesit schew zou his gude lorde and ouris in that behalf, #
and to geif to him
na less credence in every thyng than to myself presentlie in    #
persoune, for it is na
lytill besynes causis him mak sik travale now at sik poynt of   #
necessite, quhen I 
and all his frendis in thir partis mycht sa evill waunt his     #
help and gude counsale.
Nevertheless, baith we and he, fullie assurit in zoure gudenes  #
and hys wisdome,
beleving fermlye that his passage towart the Kingis hyenes and  #
zoure grace mycht
avale gretumlye nocht alanerly to himself and us, bot alsua to  #
the weilfare of this
realme and surtye of the Kingis persoune my souerane, deirest   #
nevo to the Kingis
hienes zoure maister, has presentlye directit him fullye        #
instructit in that behalf
unto his Maiesty, as said is. Beseking zoure grace to tak gude  #
hede to the mater,
and quhat stede, plessour, or lauchfull service I may doo, or   #
procure to be done to 
zoure plessour in thir partis, I salbe glayd to fulfyll the     #
samyn at the commande
of zoure grace, as knawis oure Lord God, quha have zoure grace  #
in his blissit
keping eternalye. At Kyrk of Steyll, the xiij day of December.  #
Subscrivit
withe my hand.
   Zouris withe his lauchfull service,
   Archbald Erl of Anguss
To my Lord Cardinallis grace of Inglaund.

[} [\67.\] }]
[} [\ARCHIBALD, SIXTH EARL OF ANGUS, AND LORDS HOME AND
SOMERVILLE, TO KING HENRY EIGHTH, KIRK OF STYLE, 
14TH DECEMBER 1521.\] }]

PLESIT zoure grace, wee haif, be the avise and counsale als     #
wele of oure self as of
my Lord Dunkelde, has send unto zoure grace oure said Lord of   #
Dunkelde, to
sollist certane materis for the well and suretye of the King    #
oure souerane Lord,
be way of commissioune and instructioune. To quhom it will      #
pleiss zoure grace
to geif ferme credence als wele for us as we war present.       #
Beseking zoure grace
that wee may be adverteist of zoure plessour, in als convenient #
haist as may stand
<P 79>
withe zoure gracious plessour; in quhome, be oure apiniounes,   #
standis the surety
of oure souerane Lorde zoure nevo. And the blessit Trinitee     #
preserve zoure
maiestee. At the Kyrk of Steyll, the xiiij day of December.     #
   Zouris withe oure humyll and lauthfull service,
   Archibald, Erl of Angus.
   George, Lord Hom.
   Jon. Somerwell.
To the richt hyee and richt excellennt Prince the Kingis grace  #
of Inglaund.

<S SAMPLE 2>

<Q SC1 XX CORO GADOUGL>
<N DOUGLAS CORR>
<A DOUGLAS GAVIN>
<C SC1>
<O DATE 1515-1518>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST EQUAL>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 68>
[} [\58.\] }]
[} [\GAVIN DOUGLAS, POSTULATE OF ARBROATH, 
TO ADAM WILLIAMSON, PERTH, 18TH JANUARY (1515).\] }]

BROTHERE Master Adame, I commend me to zou in my harty wyss.    #
And ze sall
knaw that sene my last wrytyng of Perth, the last day of        #
Decembere, quhilk I
trast ze haf ... and hard forthare all thingys be Ser James.    #
The Byschep of
Dunkeldone is decessyt this Mouneday the xv day of January.     #
And becaus zonn
evyll mundyt Byschep of Morray trublys all our promociones, and #
hes sped Sanct
Andros to hymmself, wyth Dumfermlyng, Arbrocht, Legacy and      #
other facultyes
quhilkis ar nedfull and all ways man be retretyt, zit nocht the #
less sene syk
debatis and controversyes ar costly and doutuus, in all         #
aventour the Quenys grace,
myself and frendis thynkis nedfull I be promovyt to that seyt   #
quhilk now is
vacand, and but pley, and ane rycht gud byschepry of            #
[\? rent\] , and the thryd seyt
of the realme. And to that effect hes the Quenys grace wrytyne  #
for me to the
Papis halynes, and cardynalis, quhareof ze sall wyth this       #
ressave the copy, to solyst
syk lyke wrytyngis fra the Kyngis grace hyr brother. And be     #
nocht hyr lettyris
obeyt in the curt of Roume, ze solyst evyll zour memoryall,     #
less than the Kyng
wyll do nocht for his systyre as I knaw the contrary, bayth in  #
deyd and wryte,
I dout nocht bot ze wyll solyst my materis alss trewly as zour  #
awyne, thocht the
Quenys grace had nocht wrytyne for me. And as I wrate to zou    #
laytly, the
promotione of her servandis and frendis is hyr weylfare and     #
autorisyng, and 
hyndyryng of hyr adversaryes; I pray zou at a word sped thir    #
lettyris to Flandris
as thai ar dyrectyt and sped wyth thaim the Kyngis wrytingis.   #
And gyf ze
kouth do so mekyll as causs the Kyng mak a post therfore, I war #
bedyttyt to his
grace and zou for ever. A wyse frend is soyne chargeyt.
   Item, ze sall knaw that me Lord Erll of Huntlye was heyr at  #
the Quenys grace,
and wyll go hyr way, and bryng mony of the other Lordis to hyr  #
opynione;
<P 69>
and wyth hys avyss scho hes mayd proclame a parlyament in this  #
toune, to 
be haldyne and begyne in this toune the xij day of March,       #
quhare we trast tyl haf
all thyngis redressyt. I wald nocht ze leyt the Byschep of      #
Morray nor zonn Duk
steyll hyddyr by zou, as now latly his clerk, Master Johne      #
Sauquhy, hes doyne,
and landyt at Leyth furth of a Franch shyp, and brocht with     # 
hymm the bullys of
Sanctandros, and publyst the sammyne one his maner in Edynburgh #
this last
Twysday, the xvj day of Januare, bot I beleve he sall nocht haf #
possessyone this
zeyre. Nedfull it is, and that is a speciall punct of zour      #
memoryall, to caus the
Kyng wryte ta the Kyng of Frans heyre apone, to the effect that #
by hys ways the
Kyng our soverane lord be nocht hurt in his prevylegis and      #
faculteys, for that war
to byreif hymm hys croune, nor that his gud systyr the Quenys   #
grace ocht therby
mynyst in hyr autorite, bot raythare mantenyt and defendyt by   #
hymm in the
sammyne. And ocht hes beyne doyne by hys wrytyngis in the       #
contrary othyr
in favoris of zonn Byschep of Morray or ony otheris, that the   #
sammyne, be hys
ways and solistatones, be reversyt agane, that therby na        #
prejudyce may happyn
to the Kyng nor this hys realme, now in tyme present, nor zit   #
in tyme cummyng,
by evyll example, so that syk doyng nor attemptatis be na       #
preparatyve to otheris
in tyme to cum. And kouth the Kyng solyst hys brothyre of Frans #
to haf that
byschep rendyrryt to hymm othyr be pollycy or other ways, that  #
he mycht thereftyr 
be demanyt as efferis, all thir thre realmmys I trast war       #
brocht to grete rest, 
ffor he is and hes beyne the instrument of mekyll harme, and I  #
dreyd sall zit be of
mayre and he be nocht snybbyt. Tent to hymm and zonn Duyk gif   #
the Kyng
thare luffis the weylfare of hys systyr and mast tendyr nevois, #
and alss the quyet
of hys awyne realme. Hast ansuere agayne and be solyst as ze    #
haf beyne in 
tymme bypassyt. And God keyp zou. Of Perth, the xviij day of    #
January, wyth the hand of 
   Zour frend,
   Gawyne Douglas.
   
   The Queyne thynkis ze haf beyne over slowthfull, that sa     #
lang tyme ze beand
in Ingland, ther hes beyne nocht doyne noyther in Roume nor the #
curt of Frans
aganis zonn wykkit Byschep of Morray, and byddis zou mend that  #
falt. Item,
at ze solyst the Kyng hyr brother, that na lettres pass throw   #
hys realme to ne fra,
that belangis ony Scottis man, less than he haf hyr speciall    #
wrytyngis and request
therfore, for syk lettres hes ellis doyne gret harme, and was   #
the fyrst caus of all
the truble anent the promotiones, and is daly a preparatyve to  #
solyst zonn Duyk
of Albany to cum hyddyr. Remembyr my salve conduct and sped the #
sammyne
to me as I wrayt to zow latly. And gif any of my wrytyngis or   #
pertenyng the
<P 70>
Queyne cum furth of Flandres or Roume to zour handis, na fors   #
that the Kyng se
or knaw the contentis therof, that thai maybe the bettyr and    #
mare hastyly sped to
hyr grace or me, for I wayt hys henes wyll stop nane of hyr     #
lettres nor myne, 
quhilk salbe cum to his ples ... honour and avayle.

[} [\59.\] }]
[} [\THE SAME TO THE SAME, PERTH, 21ST JANUARY (1515).\] }]
[^GAVIN DOUGLAS TO ADAM WILLIAMSON^]

BROTHYR Master Adame, I commend me hartly to zou, and hes       #
ressavyt zour layt
wrytyng and credens fra zour companzeone Ser James; and be ze   #
suyre the
Queyne and we all wald be glad to follow the Kyngis mind thare, #
and thankis
hys henes alss lawly as we may of the grete enteyre luf and     #
kyndness profyrryt and
schawyne to us; for the quhylkis we beyne addettyt to be hys    #
trew servandis
before all otheris our alleyegans to our soverane lord hys nevo #
only exceppyt. Ze
may weyll considdyr it is nocht to us possybyll that ze devys,  #
for albeyt my lord
and I, with other frendis, mycht cum to tha partis quhere we    #
plesyt, it suld nocht
be possybyll to cary the Kyng nor hys brother thyddyr, thocht   #
peraventour, and
that full hard wyth gret defyculte and nocht honestly, we mycht #
bring the Queyne
thyddyr in habyt onknawyne and dysagysyt, bot nayne other ways; #
and therfore
ther mane be thocht sum other remed, for my wyt kann nocht      #
attayne quhow
that may be at this tyme; and alss we be in na syk danger at we #
neyd leyf
the cuntre, I wrate to zou layt that the Kyngis wrytingis wald  #
stanch all this
debayt, for I trast thai suld be alss weyll obeyt heyre as in   #
Lundone, wyth the
mast partis of the Lordis. Lat nocht the Kyng therfoare feyre   #
that and he wald
cum wyth hys army or send hys pyssans in this realme, and       #
declare to the
pepyll his actyone war to haf justyce, and gud reull, and to    #
caus the Kyng hys 
nevo, and Queyne hys syster, be obeyt as thai aucht, bot        #
cummand one this
wyss, and notyfyand the sammyne to our commonys be              #
proclamatone,  bot he suld
fynd mony to tak hys part; for I assure zou the pepyll of this  #
realme ar sa
oppressyt for lak of justyce, by thevys, rubry, and other       #
extortiones, that thai
wald be glayd to leyf ondyr the gret Turk to haf justyce. Ze    #
wryte that the
Kyngis grace thare hes wrytyne twyss to Royme agains Glasgow,   #
bot I had lever
he had wrytyne agains the Byschep of Morray, and zit nyedlyngis #
he mane wryte
aganst hym tyll all hys promotione reversyt, lyk as at mayre    #
lenth the Quenys
grace hes wrytyne to the Kyng hyr brother therapone. Master     #
Adame brother, 
f ... nocht to solyst and convoy weyll my promotione to         #
Dunkeldene, as ze luf
<P 71>
me, for I haf gevyne the monye quhare ze bad me, lat se quhom   #
ze kann ...
convoy syk a matere fore zour frend, and I sall do mekyll, bot  #
I sall spek wyth
zou in Lundone of Pasch, for I haf mony devyses that I wald     #
fayne encloss to the
Kyng thare, quhylkis I wyll nocht wryte; and gyf it be          #
possybyll that ther may
be fund ony tymme to performe the Kyngis plessour and desyre,   #
as ze haf wrytyne
with Ser James, I sal do my devour and full best to convoy      #
that mater at all
punctis, bot I kann nocht hastely beleyf as zit quhow it may be #
less than the Kyng wald cum hymm self in this realme, and       # 
th... mycht he do quhat hymm
lykyt, for he wald fynd lytyll or na resystans, and be ze souer #
the grettest of
our adversareys crynys hymm gretly at this hour, one syk wyss   #
that thai wald
geif mekyll of ther valzeand to haf his favouris. Gyf the Kyng  #
of Frans be
ded it is rycht evyll for bayth thir realmmys. Bot heyre is     #
arryvyt a Franch
schip, the xv day of this moneth instant, quhilk proportis na   #
thyng therof, and
therfore I wondyr quha suld haf schawyne my lords of consell    #
ther syk tythyngis.
Gyf we had money I trast we suld debayt weyll eneuch our        #
adversaris in thiz
partis quhyll the sommyr sessione, quher the Kyng mycht moyf    #
quhat army hym
lykyt, and than I trast alsso we salbe mare pyssant than we ar  #
now. I amm
surely informyt furth of Frans the Duyk dysponys hymm nocht     #
hydder quhyll
this nyxt moyne, less than this decess of the Kyng of Frans     #
causs hym ... eyne
the tymme, and zit I trast the Kyng thare, and hys wyss consell #
hes provydyt
mayr warly in all aventoris, so that the Dalphyne is alss weyll #
bund to observe the
pace in all punctis therof as was the the Kyng. And I trast he  #
dar nocht brek the
trewys nor pace astablysyt, to send the ilk Duyk agayne hys     #
oblysyng, and gyf
he wald lat ilk frend mak pace wyth other, quhyll we be all     #
revengyt one Frans,
for God knawys quhat thai haf doyne to us. I haf gud hope and   #
is in convoyng
a mater of dyscord amang our party adversary, one syk wyss that #
I trast ze sall
heyre quhow this promotone now imprecat be zonn dyssatfull      #
Byschep of Morray
sall turne to our weyll, and causs bayth hymm and zonn Duyk     #
cum in evyll
consayt over all this realme, quhylk man nedways redund to our  #
profyte and sall
purches us ma frendis; and I dred nocht bot quha sa ever by     #
Kyng in Frans, he
salbe mayr glad to haf pace and amite wyth the Kyng of Ingland  #
than hys grace
salbe to except the sammyne. I pray zou schaw this wrytyng to   #
my Lord Dacre, 
and the contentis therof to the Kyngis grace. God keyp zou.     #
Wyth my hand,
in hast, at Perth, thyr xxj day of Januar.
   (\Tuus totus,\)
   Gawinus Douglas.

<P 72>
[} [\60.\] }]
[} [\THE SAME TO THOMAS, LORD DACRE, PERTH, 
21ST JANUARY (1515).\] }]
[^GAVIN DOUGLAS^]

MY LORD, I commend me to zour lordschip, in my mast hartly      #
wyss, and as towart
the Kyngis desyre and instructiones send to the Quenys grace    #
wyth Ser James Inglys,
hire henes hes wrytyne heyre wyth ansuere to the Kyng hyr       #
brother and to zour 
lordschip. And in sum part, as I kouth thynk eftyr my lytill    #
wyt, I haf wrytyne
tyll Master Adame, to be schawyne to zour lordschip, and to the #
Kyngis grace
thare, quhow soyne he sall cum to his presens; and be ze suyre  #
the Quenys
grace, my Lord, and we all wald be alss glad to fulfyll the     #
Kyngis desyre, gif it
war to us possibyll, as wyth hard of mynd may be devysit, and   #
kann nocht sa
mekyll as we beyne addettyt for our part rendyr thankis to his  #
heynes therof,
and nocht the les of a thyng he salbe suyre that our servys     #
salbe hys before all
uther mann levyng, our alleygens to our soverane Lord hys nevo  #
alanerly exceppit.
My Lord, ze sall knaw ther is ane byschep latly deid in this    #
land, callyt the
Byschep of Dunkell, and for alsmekyll as thir other benefycis   #
be now in pley and
debayt be this Byschep of Morray, therfore the Quenys grace, my #
soverane lady,
hes wrytyne hyre especiall writyngis to the Papis halynes for   #
my promotone
therto, and forthare, hes by thire hyre wrytyngis solyst the    #
Kingis grace, hyre
brother, to wryte and lawbour effectuusly to the sammyne        #
effect. Quharefore I
beseyk zour lordschip that the sayd lettrez mycht be convoyt    #
with deligence, and
gyf zour gud assistans and commendatone to the Kyng for me,     #
sene our houssys
ar of the auld allyat, and mekyll tendyr aquentans and kyndnes  #
hes beyne betwyx 
thaim of lang tyme, as approvyt weyll be my grandsyr at the     #
sege of Nawart, and
I beleyf that aye mayre and mayre tendyrnes and amyte sall daly #
incres amongis
thaim. Gud it war ze suffyrryt na other lettrez to haf passage  #
throw the
realme but syk as salbe send fra the Queyne the caus quhy I haf #
wrytyne to
Master Adame, and gyf ther be ony sted servys, or plessour I    #
may do to zour
lordschip, I salbe at command, as knawys God, quha haf zour     #
lordschip in hys
blysyt kepyng. At Perth, the xxj day of Januare, wyth hand of
   Zour cousyng, and at all his power zouris,
   Gawyne, Postulat of Arbroth.
To my Lord Dacre's gud lordschip.

<Q SC1 XX CORO GADOUGL>
<N DOUGLAS CORR>
<A DOUGLAS GAVIN>
<C SC1>
<O DATE 1515-1518>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET OFF>
<E DIST UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 75>
[} [\63.\] }]
[} [\GAVIN DOUGLAS, BISHOP OF DUNKELD, AND TWO OTHERS,
AMBASSADORS FROM SCOTLAND IN FRANCE, TO CARDINAL WOLSEY, 
ABBEVILLE, 27TH JUNE (1518).\] }]

MAIST reverend in God, efter dew salutacion. We suppois that it #
is knawin to
zour lordschip how, be command of oure soverane lord and master #
the King of
Scottis, we ar directit, nocht anerly for peax and amite betuix #
the realmis of
France, Ingland, and Scotland, bot als for universale concorde  #
in the kirk of God,
with sufficient auctorite and speciall commande gevin to us, to #
transport us quhare
it sall be expedient for the premisses; and thereapon we in     #
thir partis have spokin
with the King of France, and now we understand that the Duc of  #
Albany, Governour 
of Scotland and tutour to oure soverane lord, is discendit in   #
Bertaigne, quhais
secretare, Gualtere Malynny, as we belevit, suld have cummyn    #
throw Ingland, and
brocht to us ane sauf-conduct. We therfor thocht necessare to   #
advertiss zoure
lordschip this tyme, to effect that we micht have the said      #
sauf-conduct according
to oure supplicacion for the samyn, quhilk we send to zoure     #
lordschip hamely,
becaus we knaw weill zour lordschip may greitly further, and is #
of gude mynde
towart peax amangis Cristin princis for rest and unite of       #
Cristianite; and this
we pray zour lordschip at this tyme, as we beleif zour          #
lordschip will, for the grete
confidens we knaw the said lod Governour has in zoure           #
lordschip. Maist
reverend fader in God, the Haly Gaist have zou in his keping.   #
At Abbayweill, 
the xxvij day of Junii. Be zoure gude and laulye frendis,
   Ambassadouris of Scotlaund,
   Gawyne, Bischep of Dunkeld.
   Robertus E. Ross.
   Patricius, Regius Secretarius.
To the maist reverend in God, Archbischop and Cardinale of      #
Zork, Chancellare 
of Ingland, Legate of the Sege apostolicque.

<S SAMPLE 3A>

<Q SC1 XX CORO BOTHWELL>
<N CORR M LORRAINE>
<A BOTHWELL PATRICK>
<C SC1>
<O DATE 1544-1556>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET ROYAL>
<E DIST UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 114>
[} [\LXXXIX\] }]
[} [\BOTHWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Crichton, 4th November (1544).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Plesit unto your hienes, I have at lencht commonit with
the potingar, your grace servitour, tweching sundry
<P 115>
thingis quhilkis he hed in directioun from your hienes,
and now the passage is sa full perrellis that I durst
nocht send writingis to accompleis your grace gud mynd
in suche affearis as I have doun and yett laborand at my
powir to putt fordwart your hienes besines: and sua I
have schawin to the berar my mynd in your grace commandmentis
quhilkis I sall fulfyll at my hichtast power,
and in all thingis it will pleis your hienes to gyf credens
unto him as to my self. Almychty God have your hienes
in evirlesting keping. At Crechtoun, the iiij day of
November be
Your hienes humill and subjet servitour
ERLE BOTHUIL.
[\Endorsed:\] (\Le conte du Baudouel.\)

[} [\XC\] }]
[} [\BOTHWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Crichton (c. November 1544?).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Plesit unto your grace, I have witht gret labouris brocht
my lord Borthuik unto your grace service, your hienes
doand to him as I have apponcted, of quhilk this berar
will gyff your grace informatioun. My lord Borthuik
wilbe no ways content without sickirnes be your grace
hand writ and seill, and me and my landis oblist for the
samen; sua it will pleis your hienes to send ane commissioun
to me wnder your hand writ and seill to end
with him in this behalf and to tak him oblist to your
grace service only for all the days of his liff. This beyng
doun, it wilbe occasioun to the residew of the gentill men
of cuntra to cum haill youris for suche gratitudis as your
henes plesis to do to tham. The berar can schaw how
<P 116>
defissill it wes to me to bring him to this purpois becaus
of the grett proffittis promissit to him be the governour
and cardinall quhilk I have stoppit as yit and sall do,
your grace haistand the commissioun as said is to me.
Madam, I am dayly cummerit with the offeris from the
governour of gret profitt bot always I sall serve your
hienes conforme to my power and honour at your grace
plesour in thir premis; and uther besines I have schawin
my mynd unto this berar quhom to it will ples your grace
gyff credens and to haist this berar with your grace mynd,
quhen I sall addres me towart your hienes. Almychty
God have your grace in keiping. At Crechtoun, be
Your grace hwmill and subjett servitour
P. ERLE BOTHUILE.

[} [\XCI\] }]
[} [\BOTHWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Crichton, 7th November (1544).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Plesit unto [{your{] grace, this vij day of November
I resavit your grace writingis wytht ane commissioun
selit and subscrivit. Madame, I sall fulfill your hienes
commandmentis at my power; and with suche diligens
as I ma mak salbe in Striveling at your grace but ony
inpediment that ma happin, I beyng levand: howbeit
that Ingland with the assistans of my unfrendis in Taviotdaill
hes brynt heryt and distroyt my haill landis in
Taviotdaill, and now on Woddinnisday hes tane my place
of Ancrome and purpossis this nixt Sonday to sege my
<P 117>
hows of Langnewtoun; and to the samyn effect Sir
Rawff Everis remanis now presently in Jedburgh weill
tretit with the lardis of Farnyhirst and Sesfurd and
utheris cuntre men. I am this day advertist surly that
the governour and his frendis purposs to ly for me in the
passage, bot nother he nor the tribull I have in Taviotdaill
sall be ony stoip to me: besekand your grace hwmilly
that ye stop na thing in your grace purpos bot put it
fordwart, nocht dowting bot all salbe as at your henes
plesour. In suche uther thingis as occurris I have schawin
my mynd unto this berar quhom to it will ples your grace
gyf credens. Almychty God have your hienes in sur
keping. At Crechton, the vij day of November be
Your grace hwmill and subjett servitour
P. ERLE BOTHUILE.
[\Endorsed:\] (\Du Conte de Baudouel.\)

<P 189>
[} [\CXXXVIII\] }]
[} [\BOTHWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Blackness, Wednesday, 13th July (1547).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Eftir maist humyll recommendatioun of service, plesit
I haif send my servitoure Oliver Sinclare to youre grace
<P 190>
with my mynd at lenth tuicheing all besyness concernyng
me at this tyme; quhom to ye pleis gif credence. And
almychti God preserve youre grace eternalie. Of the
Blakness this Wednisday the xiij of Julij be
your graces humill subjett servitour at power
AMIRALL.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M. de Baudeuel.\)

<P 191>
[} [\CXL\] }]
[} [\BOTHWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Blackness, 25th July (1547).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRAICE.
   Madame, it will ples your graice that I haiff causit meyn
me divers tymis to your graice and my lord governour
that I am in ward at his plesour for na falt making aganis
the quenis graice our soverane lady the comone weill or
hym as salbe knawin, God willing, to your graice, all
wtheris off the realme and wther princis. My said lord,
as I hard of divers of my freindis, pat me in hoip that I
suld be put to fredome eftir the returning of this army.
   Madame, your graice and my lord governour ar now in
Sanctandrois with divers wther lordis and baronis of the
realme: prayand your graice to haif e to my mater that
I am ewill done to, and in speciall that I am abstrackit
fra the service of the quenis graice and realme at sic ane
tyme, and that your graice will counsall my lord governour
that I ma be fred of my ward to serve as wther baronis
of the realme dois. I beleif your graice will do for me
effectuislie as your servand. My caus is honest, thairfoir
your graice may laubour with your honour therintill.
Wer it wtherwayis I suld nocht put your graice to sic pyn;
for, Madame, the service that I ma do salbe ever reddy
to your graice of the auld maner. Ples your grace gif
credens to this berrer your servitour. Madame, eftir
maist hartlie and hwmyll commendatioun of my service
to your graice, I pray almychty God mot haif the samyn
in his ever lesting keping. Off the Blakness, the xxv day
of Julij.
Yowr graice humyll servitour
AMIRALL.

<P 204>
[} [\CXLIV\] }]
[} [\BOTHWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 7th October (1547).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Plesit youre grace I haif direct my freind and servand
Oliver Sinclare towart youre grace with my mynd at
lenth in all behalffis, to quhom it will pleis your grace gif
credence as to my selff thair anent. And the haly Gaist
<P 205>
mot haif youre grace in keping. At Edinburgh, the vij
day of October.
Be your graces humill and obedient servitour
AMIRALL.
[\Endorsed:\] (\Le conte de Bauduol.\)

[} [\CXLV\] }]
[} [\BOTHWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 26th November 1547.\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Youre grace will pleis, eftir the humill commendatioun
of my service, to be advertist that I have send thir twa
gentilmen, the lard of Elphingstoun and Oliver Sincler,
my traist freindis and servandis to desire youre graces
counsale and advisment for the avoiding of thir grete
apperand parrellis and dangeris that ar like to be addressit
to the grete hurt of me and my freindis. Quhairfore
humilie I beseke youre grace to consult with thir said
gentilmen in all thir caiss and to gif thame credite in all
thingis as gif I wer present at your grace; beleving swa
youre grace to tendir my wele as I am evir of gude mynd
to youre graces service as treulie knawis God, quha mot
<P 206>
evir preserve youre grace. At Edinburght, the xxvj day
of November 1547.
Your graces humyll servand
AMIRALL.

<P 207>
[} [\CXLVII\] }]
[} [\BOTHWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Berwick, 6th December (1547?).\]
Yowr grac will ples, eftyr the hwmell commendacion of
my serwet, to be adwartest of my cumin to Birwick the
fyft day of this monayth instant according to my promest
for the stop of gret inconwenyentis that war at[{drest?{]
wpoun the disstrwkcion of me and my freindis, swa that
yowr grac sall haif experiens to jug my meneng ever to be
the preserfwacion of this owr common weill with yowr
gracis serwet be me at all tymmis; refarring credens to
thir beraris quha will awertes me of yowr gracis miend
quhi[{l{]k I am rady to fowfull at thwtyrmest of my powar.
At Birwik, the vj day of Discember
be yowr gracis hwmell serwitour
AMIRALL.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M. de Baudeoul.\)

<P 271>
[} [\CLXXXV\] }]
[} [\BOTHWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Langtoun, 25th October 1548.\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Plesit unto youre grace, the dewite of my humyll service
promisit, this is to signefy unto youre gude grace that
eftir lang laubouris and panis I am tholit tocum in Scotland
frelie; quhair I purposs, God willing, to do my
dewite of service unto your grace, by the quhilk I think
to accomplies your graces mynd in thiis thingis as may
<P 272>
gudelie stand with my powar. And sen I will nocht
impeche youre hienes in reding of my lang lettris, to
declare forthir myne affaris I have directit this berare
unto youre grace to schew my mynd at mair lenth, as I
have gevin him informatioun in thiis behalf, sa that it
will pleis youre grace to gif him credence accordantlie:
and thus I pray the almychty God to have youre gude
grace in governing. From Langtoun, the xxv day of
Octobre 1548.
Your graces humyll and obedient servitour
P. ERLE BOTHUIL.
[\Endorsed:\] (\Conte de Baudouol.\)

<P 284>
[} [\CXCV\] }]
[} [\BOTHWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Crichton, 19th January 1548-9.\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Plesit unto your grace to have remenbrans as quhair
your grace gaiff in command to monsieur Dosell, ambassatour,
to deliver to my servand in Frans twa thowsand
crownis of the sone, monsieur Dosell glaidlie acceptit to
do the samyn, and at my servandis cummyng to him in
the court of Frans said unto him he hed your grace discharge,
quhairby I have ressavit na money as yitt in that
behalf. And my lord Huntlie hes baid unto me to pass
in to the northland and thair to remane certane tym at
your grace plesour, and albeid I be myndit therto and
all uther service your grace will ples command, yit I have
nocht at this tym money to mak my furnessingis as afferis
me to do, quhairfor hwmillye I pray your grace now in
my neid to support me with this said money quhilk my
servand suld have ressavit in Frans, that I may ordour
me tweching my passage accordanlie to your grace will.
Thus the eternell God have your grace in keping. Of
Crechtoun, the xix of Januar 1548.
Your grace hwmile and subject servitour
AMIRALL.
[\Endorsed:\] (\Du conte de Baudouol.\)

<P 303>
[} [\CCXI\] }]
[} [\BOTHWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Perth, 28th April (1549?).\]
TO THE QWENIS NOBILL GRACE.
   Plesit wnto your excellens, I have send my cousing dene
of Dunkeld wnto your grace for sic bissynes I have ado
with your grace at this tyme. Becaus I am layth your
grace suld be melestit with lang writin I have schawin
him my haill mynd, quhom to pleis your grace giff credens
as to my self, and gyf your grace pleis to command me to
ony service in to the partis quhare I am bown to I salbe
reddy at your gracis charge in the auld manere; besekand
Christe to conserve your grace eternally. Of Perth, the
xxviij day of Aprile
be your grace moste humill servitour
ERLE BOTHUILE.
[\Endorsed:\] (\Le conte de Baudouol.\)

<P 319>
[} [\CCXXIII\] }]
[} [\BOTHWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 13th December (1549?).\]
TO THE QWENIS GRAICE.
   Plesit unto youre graice I haiff ressavit youre excellence
commandment to meit youre graice in Faulkland the
xiiij day of this monethe instant to pas with youre graice
to this conventioun, and I haiff gottin latlye ane writing
fra my lord gowernour to sped furthe schippis upone
thir Inglismen that lyis in the Fyrthe with diligence
possible: and uther gret besynes I haiff ado of my awn
instantlye, quhilkis can nocht be done without my awin
presens as youre graice sall clerlye knaw her efter. Her
for I besek youre graice to appardone my absence, sua
that I may put forwart my besynes at this tyme to that
effect, that I may await ther efter at grettar lasar upone
youre graicis service. Forther this berair will schaw your
graice the causis of my carye at gretter lenthe, quhamto
it plesit youre graice gyff credence; praying the eternall
God ever to preserve [{your{] graice. Of Edinburgh, the
xiij day of Decemb[{e{]r instant
Be youre graicis maist humill and subget servand
AMIRALL.
[\Endorsed:\] (\Conte de Baudouel.\)

<P 320>
[} [\CCXXIV\] }]
[} [\BOTHWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Langnewton, 24th December, 1549.\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Pleis it unto your grace I have spokin the dene of
Dunkeld and the lard of Wauchtoun my freyndis directit,
be thair report, be your grace, desyring me to sindrie
thingis, - the quhilk I thoucht nocht nedfull in the tyme.
And becaus I hard be thame thai wer nocht in redynes
to repair towart your grace I have send me freynd and
servand maister Willame Broune to knaw your graces
mynd and will in the said thingis, with sindrie uthair
thingis I have commandit him to schew unto your grace:
to quhome it will pleis your excellence to gif him credit,
desyring your grace to command me with sic service as
lyis in my powar, quhilk salbe reddy at all tymes as your
grace will pleis to charge. Thus Crist preserf your grace
in helth and prosperite. At Langnewtoun, the xxiiij day
of December 1549.
Be your graces humyll servitour
P. ERLE BOTHUILL.
[\Endorsed:\] (\Du conte de Baudouol du xxiii=me= de decembre,
1549.\)

<P 362>
[} [\CCXLIV\] }]
[} [\BOTHWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Newcastle, 20th November 1552.\]
TO THE QUENES GRACE.
   Plesyd your grace to have in rememberaunce whow
alswell duringe all my continewaunce in Scotlande (as in
other places) I was ever at my small power addictede to
your graces service, of the which I am not yet penitent,
and beinge of this lounge tyme solicitant and travailinge
to be reconcielede to the favour of my own naturall realme
(as your grace knoweth) wherby I myght the more honorabillie
spend my dayes, and contynew my poore service to
the kinge of Fraunce and your grace. In woorkinge
wherof I perceyve not onlie my good hart and affection
cowldlie taken, but also under pretence of a wayke suretie
to leis the certaine for the uncertaine, and to have my
bodie in daungere by those whom I have not offendede,
nor hath no just cause, onles jolisie be taken, that I have
and wilbe to earnestlie bent to serve your grace, which to
my small power for no threatninges, losses nor displeasouris
I will not leave so lounge as your grace pleaseth to
accept the samyn. Most hwmblie prayinge your grace
to contynew my good lady and to weye the premissis and
the state of my poore cawses, as to one of your graces
owen servauntes, and labour my revocation in that realme
(which I most desyre) as best may stande to my poore
honor and suretie yf the samyn can be obteygnede, seinge
my offences deserveth no suche extremitie. Or in defalt
therof, that it wyll please your grace with eirnest effect
wryt to the kinge of Fraunce in my favour to addres his
highnes wrytinges to my lorde gouvernour and counsell of
that realme to restore me to my landes, heretaiges,             #
possessions,
rowmes and fealls which I had of the authoritie
at my departour furth of Scotland. And also that yt
wolde please your grace to declare unto his majestie by
<P 363>
wrytinge the effection that I have borne to his highnes
service at all tymes; and now speciallie wolde be most
glaide to serve him at his warres, yf it wolde please his
hieghnes to exceptyd: not dowbtinge but your graces
lettres thus in my favour to his majestie shalbe so in
effect as his hieghnes maye weall perceave your grace ys
my good prences. And thus I shall pray almightie God
to preserve your grace in most longe lyef with prosperous
succes in all your graces effaires. From Newcastell, this
xx=ti= of Novembre 1552.
By your graces most humble and obedient servitor
P. ERLE BOTHULLE.

<P 368>
[} [\CCL\] }]
[} [\BOTHWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Crichton, 12th November 1553.\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   It may pleis your gude grace that eftir gret storme off
wedder and hevy laboris be the see I arrivit heir in Lawdiane
quhair I remane as yit, willing with trew hai[{s{]t to offer
and do to your grace my detfull dewite of service, and
becaus I am by violent tempest and storme on the see
<P 369>
sumpart crasit and alterit in my persoun and not sa habill
at this present to do sic service as my will commandis and
steris me to. Sua, to excuis my unhabilnes unto your
grace and to have your grace directioun quhat I sall do
presentlie and quhair I sall addres me to cum to your
grace presens I have send this berar my cousing of Trakwair
to have your grace mynd and command towart me
heirintill. And sen I will nocht impesche your grace with
reding off lang letter, this berar will schaw your grace at
mair lencht lik as I have gyffin to him in charge, suo it
will pleis your grace gyff him credens. And thus prays
the almychting God to have your grace in keping. Off
Crechtoun, the xij day of November 1553.
Your grace hwmyll and obedient servitour at power
P. ERLE BOTHUILE.
<P 440>
[} [\CCXCIV\] }]
[} [\BOTHWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Crichton, Saturday (Before 1556).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, plesit unto your grace I resavit your grace
letteris reporting that I have writin sumpart scharpe unto
your grace. Madame, I wrait all anerly the tym requirit
and displesand deid followit therefter. Your grace twychis
me sumpart scharpe, remembring me upoun my honour
and promes maid unto your grace. Madame, I traist
surly that your grace weill kennis that I have mair regard
to my honour thane to all erdly riches or landis, and sall
faythfully serve your grace unto the end of my lyff as the
process off tym, how evir it cum, sall mak wele knawin
unto your grace. And quhat skayth and displesour I
have sustenit presently this berar will schaw unto your
grace at lentht, quhomto plesit your grace gyff credens.
Almythe God have your grace in evirlesting keping. Off
Crechtoun this Saterday efter nowin be
Yowr grace hwmill and subjett servitour
PATRIK ERLE BOTHULE.

<S SAMPLE 3B>

<Q SC1 XX CORO BOTHWELL>
<N CORR M LORRAINE>
<A BOTHWELL PATRICK>
<C SC1>
<O DATE 1544-1556>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET OFF>
<E DIST UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 272>
[} [\CLXXXVI\] }]
[} [\BOTHWELL TO THE GOVERNOR\] }]
[\Langtoun, 26th October 1548.\]
   My lord, eftir humyll comendationis of my service
unto youre grace, this is to signify unto your grace that
eftir lang laubouris and gret panis I am sufferrit tocum in
Scotland fre, quhair I purpos, God willing, to do my dewite
of service unto your grace, by the quhilk I paus nocht bot
to satisfy and accompleis your mynd in quhatsumevir
thingis as may gudelie stand with my pyssance, nocht
dowtting bot to ressave recompance at your graces handis
upon gude desertis. And to declair forthir myne effaris
I have directit this berare to schew my mynd at mair
lenth as I have gevin him informatioun in that behalf.
Sen I will nocht molest your grace in reding my lang
letteris, sa that it will pleis youre grace to gif him credite;
thus the almychty God mot have your grace in keiping.
Of Langtoun, the xxvj day of October 1548.
Your graces servitour at powar
P. ERLE BOTHUIL.
[\Endorsed:\] (\Monsieur de Baudouol.\)

<S SAMPLE 4A>

<Q SC1 XX CORO GEDOUGL>
<N CORR M LORRAINE>
<A DOUGLAS GEORGE>
<C SC1>
<O DATE 1543-1550>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET ROYAL>
<E DIST UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 84>
[} [\LXVI\] }]
[} [\SIR GEORGE DOUGLAS TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Caldor, Monday, 26th May (1544).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Eftir recommendatioun of my maist humble service
unto your grace I did wrytt unto you be my cousing
Henry Drummond and send credence that I wauld be
at your grace als schortle as was to me possible and so
come furth of the Mers this Sonday and this day come
to Caldor accompanyt wyth part of gentilmen my freyndis
<P 85>
towart your grace; and for suche causis as this present
berar my trusty freynd will schew unto you I mycht
nocht gudelie come to you at this present, desiring your
grace not to thynk bot I am and ever salbe reddy to do
your grace service according to your honour and the
common welth of this reaulme at the uttermaist of my
power as knawis the eternall God; quha have your grace
in his tuitioun. Writtin at Caldor this xxvj day of Mayi
at foir houris eftir noine, most humbly beseking your
grace to give ferme credence to this berar as to my self
and I war present.
Be your gracis humble obedient servitour
GEORGE DOWGLAS.

<P 88>
[} [\LXX\] }]
[} [\SIR GEORGE DOUGLAS TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 11th June (1544).\]
TO THE QUEINNIS GRACE.
   After mest humble recommendations on to yowr grace
and plesit the samning that I hawe send on to yow this
berer Rose Harret for to go vith yowr lettris to the king
off Ingland and that ye vill mak vith all expedition yowr
letter and hest hym avay, for the suner he go the better
<P 89>
it is. Make his letter vasly and vith gentill vourdis. I
hawe send yow ane clarke off the signet vith syke newis
as inccurrit [\sic\] for the present, and qwhat service I ma
do for yowr grace sall be redde at all tayms as knawis the
Eternell qwham hawe yow in his kayping. Vraytting
at Edinbruchg at fowr efter nwne the xi day off Jun.
(\Post scripta\) : plesit yowr grace to remember to heste
...off yowris avay vith the fyrst schipe in France and that
...to the king off France dissayring hym that he sen[{d
na?{] maner off thing to the guvernur, bot adres all m[{ony
to?{] yowr grace and to yowr consell, for ye knaw qwh[{ow?{]
...it dede yow the last mony that com to the e[{rll off?{]
Lenos; ther for I vald not put the king off France . . .
schargis and than the mony to be put in yowr ennemis
handis to howrt yow vith. Gud it is that ye vrayt ane
letter to schir Jhone Campell dissayring hym to dress
yowr materis vith the king for he is yowr awne servand
and ville be trest anuch to yow.
Be yowr gracis wyt serwes
GEORGE DOWGLAS.

<P 94>
[} [\LXXIII\] }]
[} [\SIR GEORGE DOUGLAS TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Dalkeith, 17th June (1544).\]
TO THE QWEINNIS GRACE.
   Efter mest humblele recommendations off my service
on to yowr grace and plesit this saming that ther is ane
Scottis man callit Sanders Prinille, and is it is sede
betrasit all the men off the Mers to the Inglis men; and
ther sowld ane man off the lorde Hwmis callit Donalsonne
that mette the sade Sanders rayden towart the Inglis
men and ane sparde hors in his hand; and this Donalde
sade to Sanders Prynille that he sowld advertis the lord
Hwme and the gentill men off the Mers that he vas rayden
to be trese tham; and he sade he sowlde repente his
vourdis: and the nixte nycht comme ane compenne
<P 95>
towart xvi or xx Inglis men to the sed Donaltis hows and
hes sclen hym and his swne bethe. This vas ane crewall
decht, fyrst to commit tresson and sayne morther; ther
for if it ma stand vith yowr graceis plesur that ye vald
vith avaysse off yowr lordis off the consell gewe the sade
Sanders off Prynnillis eschite on to the lard off Blaketer
for he hes taking gret hurt at this tayme. He hes xl off
his men ten and sclain, he bein in yowr graceis service
vith me in Sterling. The sade Sanders eschite is vert
lytill or noucht, bot to punis hym to gew uders exemple
to do so abominable dechts. Qwhat service yowr grace
ville command me vith sall be redde at all tayms as knawis
God qwha hawe yow in his kaypping; at Dakecht the
xvij day off Jun
be yowr gracis humble serviture
GEORGE DOWGLAS.

<P 104>
[} [\LXXXII\] }]
[} [\SIR GEORGE DOUGLAS TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Dalkeith, 4th September (1544).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Heifter most humell commendation off my servece on
to your grace, this Turisday my lord Borthik cuming
frome the cardenall till his awn hows I wes in huntyng,
and ane part off my serva[{n{]dis fortunit tyll meit the
sad lord Borthik and stopit hym, and he is ramaning in
<P 105>
your graceis castall off Dalkycht and sall on tyll your
sad plesor be knawing; besekand your grace to ramembar
the ungentyll handling of your gracis servandis be the
governowr and his frendis, trastyng that my lordis being
bund on to your grace for the comonne weill weyll put
rameid in his unrasonable handlyng off yowr gracis
subeis [\sic\] ; and I is on off your gracis servandis sall
... langis to me efter my litill powar, disiryng your
grace [{advertise?{] me off yowr plesor and put ane charp
ordor in thir he at[{tenttatis?{] don to your gracis attorate,
or illis it weill nocht be ragardit. I weill nocht truble
your grace with lang wr[{it{]yng. Quhat service yowr
grace weyll commend me with sall be rady as knawis
God, quham presarf yow. At Dawlkycht, the fourt day
off Septembar
be yowr graces howmil servand
GEORGE DOWGLAS.

<P 108>
[} [\LXXXV\] }]
[} [\SIR GEORGE DOUGLAS TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\28th September (1544?).\]
TO THE QUEYNIS GRECE.
   Efter mest humble recommendasions off my service
[{unto{] your grece, I hawe rasavit your gentil letter vraytin
vith your awne hande quiche promittis to me ane thousant
crownis in pension for my service, quiche I hawe nocht
dissarvit so gret revarde; bot I sal be redde to serve
your grace at al tyms to the beste off my power, and sal
nowther spare for feir off layffe nor guddis to do that
thing according to my honner to the plesur off your grece
and common veil off this ralme. For if ther be bot two
men in Scotland that vil bayde at your opinion I sal be
one and this is nocht for your greceis geir bot for my
promes and h[{onner?{] , quiche I sal never fel quhil I be
alaife a[{s knawis?{] the eternel God, quho presarve your
grece. ... xxviii off September
be yowr gr ... nd
GEORGE D ...

[} [\LXXXVI\] }]
[} [\SIR GEORGE DOUGLAS TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Dalkeith, 13th October (1544).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Eftyr most humyll recommendations of my sarves unto
yowr grace, this Sonday, the xii of Octobar, I hayf rasavit
<P 109>
ane lettyr of yowr gracis fra the parson of Ryne my lorde
Boduallis sarvand, with ane wryting of the yerl of Glencarnis
and sartan arteklis of his counsall, quhilk counsall
me thynk werray gude. Yowr gracis lettyr was lang
of cummyng to me, bot now sen at the tyme is dwyne,
it is gud ye suffyr not langer, becaws the governor waxis
prowd and the cuntray fallis to hym mayr for feyr nor
for luf. He garris the word gang that he hes the yerll of
Huntly, the yerll Marschall, the yerll of Argylle bund
onto hym ... ken this nocht of werrate. He brutis
this to draw the [{ha{]rtis of the pepyll fray yow and to
hym. Now, gud it [{wer?{] me think that yowr grace
wret to all the nobyll [{men{] of Skotland that wildo for
yow, spretuall and [{temporal{] , and desyre thame to cum
to Styrlyng to yowr [{grace{] ... awht days befoyr the
parlament the gavernor hes [{proclamit?{] , and at ye may
with the adwyses of thay nobyll men [{pr{]osede forduart
apon thame that assestis to the governor; for and ye
suffyr the governor and thaym to convene befoyr yow
the mast part of Skotland will cum to hym and than
hawe ye lost yowr purpos to the grate deshonowr of yow
and all yowr part takars and the destrwksion of this hayll
rewlm [\?\] . And quhayr yowr grace wretis to me that I
suld send master John Ballantyn unto you with the
quarter seyll to derek precepts of the parlament, I send
hym to yow to Strewalyng: and quhy wald nocht yowr
grace than caws hym to dow that thyng thane at become
hym to dow or ellis hawe tane the seyll fra hym and put
ane wdyr in the office, for it was saide be yowr grace and
all the lordis that the clarkkis of redgastair and Jus[{tice
<P 110>
with?{] all the hayll rest suld hawe bene send for, and if
thay had nocht cum the day at ye apontit thayme, thay
suld had beyn deschargit of thayr offecis and [{wderis put?{]
into the sam[{en{] and the selis suld hawe beyn ...; and
gif thai had dissobeyt thay suld hayve beyne ... and
new sells mayd. All thyr thyngis war spokin ...
nathing is dwyne. The schame is gret bot the s...
mayr aperandly be the slak handlyng of thyr aff[{airis?{]
... help yit and be deligent and gyf the lordis will ...
yow gar thame cum in ane substantiall manyr ... may
set fordwart thys mater with stranth and ... to return
haym agayn quhyll that thay stabyll ... ate at thay
hawe promest to yowr grace ... to lois owr lywes forfat.
Lat nodyr ca ... be sparit bot charge all manyr of
man ... and thay that cummys, hald thayme as yowr
[{freindis?{] ; thay that dowis the contrary, exteme thaym
[{ennemeis?{] to the quenis grace yowr dohtter and yow
and brak[{arris?{] of the commonn weyll of this rewlm.
Your grace sall wit me lord of Angus is raturnit fra the
bord[{aris{] and hes performit his promes maid to yowr
grace and the lordis ... trastyng all the nobyll men at
was pr[{esent?{] well dow the samen, for we sall nocht fayll
to perform the rest be the grace of God. It sall nodyr be
for fayr words nor proffet that sall gar ws menis ane
grane of owr honor nor promes maid onto yowr grace.
Thayr is gret delygens mayd be the [{governor{] and cardenall
to brek the lordis and nobyl men fray yow and
large proffetis offerit thame; and gyf thay can nocht get
thayme to thayr purpos, offeris thayme proffet to ramane
at hame; and als thay labor at all thayr frendis handis
that ar gentilmen to thame to solest thay lordis and
offerris thame ... that is of souerte. Thayrfor yowr
grace, with awys of the lordis, man wret awtentyk letteris
to all the nobyll men and send wise gentilmen with the
<P 111>
sayd letteris to parswade bayth lordis and gentilmen to
yowr gracis purpos. This day thayr is ane presep of
parlament derekit be the governor to my lord James
and ane wdyr is cum to the yerll of Mortown. A am
swyr thay ar derekit owr all the realm in lyk manyr, and
thayrfor pro[{sede?{] as ye thenk caws with deligens. I
will trwbyll yowr grace na mayr with wretyng at this
present ... this[{?{] desyring yow to apardoun my rude
dytyng bot fors constraines me swa to dw, as knaws God,
quhaw consarwe yowr grace in gud halth. At Dalketh,
this Monunday, the xiii of this mowneth of Octobar
be yowr grases ... servand
GEORGE DOWGLAS.

[} [\LXXXVII\] }]
[} [\SIR GEORGE DOUGLAS TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Tantallon, 18th October (1544).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Efter most humell commendasion of my serwis to [{your{]
grace, I rasaifit your wryttyng with the pressep[{is of{]
parlament the xvij of this instant and sall acor[{dingly{]
adres the said pressepis, and in lykmaner sall ... me
lord of Angus acordyng to your grace ... It is fair west
to the erllis of Angus Bothwel [{and me?{] to bryng owr
folkis to Styrlyng for y[{our grace{] and the nobeill men that
cumis to yow most mu[{ster?{] towart Edynbruch. We
sall fors the gufu[{rnor and{] hes part takaris to cum furth
to the feilddis and f[{echt{] with us or ellis we sall hungar
tham to deith. W[{ithin{] vj dayis ane of ws thre sall be
with your grace agan the conwenssion of the lordis. I
<P 112>
beseik yowr grac to be delegent and spar nodyr for cost
nor lawbor at this pressent; for geif this maitter cum [\?\]
forwart with you ye weill haif no mor trubell be no Scottisman.
Plesit your grace I haif ... wryttyng that com
fra ane kynis man of the lord Grayeis quho schawis on
to me that the cardenell makis gr[{et{] lawbor tell haif the
said lord bund on to him [{and{] to be inimye to your grac.
I wald it suld sta[{nd with{] yowr plessur to wrytt on to
the lord Gr[{ay and{] Jhon Charturrs and send ane cradabell
g[{entilman{] with yowr wryttyngis and offar tham proffattis
[{gyf the?{] maitter sall be drest tuchyng the town
[{of Sanct?{] Jhonstown at the sycht of me lord Mar
[{shal?{] . Geif yowr grac well send ane wys man I tr[{est
it{] maye be drest to your graceis purpos. It war ane
greit weill to yow to haif tham, for the card[{inal{] has no
man to tak hes part bott tham. [{Gyf?{] this matter
wald be down in hast and delegentle, mye cussyng Harre
Drummuntt war ane meit man to send to me lord Graye
and Jhon Charturrs for he hes greit cradens of [{th{]am.
He man ryd wyssle; the guffornor and cardenell luffis
[{na{] man wars. I sall wrytt to the said lord and Jhon
Charturrs [{quhi{]lk I trest sall do gud. Your grac sall
dres ane diffarrans betuex me lord Ruffane and tham and
that sall be gret well for the haill contra. I haif nocht
hard how [{me{]e lord Argyll Glencarn and Cassillis and the
westland men deid at ther tryst in Air, for geif tha be
sur to yowr grace and bryng ther frendis with tham your
matter well ga with yow: for me lord of Huntle Marchell
<P 113>
and Arrell as wrytten on to me that tha well kype promes
on to yowr grace. Gef ye haif the lord Graye ye haif fra
Taye north. Gef yowr grac well gar me lord Askin sand
for the lard of Lochleifin and at he Cum and speik with
yow and se geif ye maye haif hem to be yowrs, for he is
bath throw and manle and well kyp that he promissis;
it is said me that erll of Rothes well be the cardenellis,
and the lard of Lochleiffin and he well nocht be bath on
ane syd as [{I{] beleif. I wald yowr grace wald send for
the lard of Rath and caus hem to speik with all the
gentilmen of Fyf and mak tham yowrs. I well trubell
your grace no mor with this pressent. Quhat serwis ye
well command me with sall be rade is knawis God, quhom
haif yow in kyppyng. At Thamtallon, the xviij of
Octobar
be yowr graces sarwand
GEORGE DOWGLAS.

<P 338>
[} [\CCXXIX\] }]
[} [\SIR GEORGE DOUGLAS TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 18th June (1550).\]
TO THE QWENNS GRACE.
   Efter mest humble recommendations off my service
unto yowr grace, ye sal vit that the guvernur hes send and
dissayrit to speik vith me; and I vas contentit, he coming
<P 339>
to Dakecht; and so he dydde. He cowme to Dakecht
on Munday at nycht, fowre hors vith hym. I commund
vith hym at lencht as I sall forder schaw yowr grace at my
spayking vith yow. Yowr grace hes horde off the taking
off the provest off Edinbruchg; and the balyes and the
honest men off the towne send to me and dissayrit me to
cowme and support tham off my consell, and so I cowme
to the towne this Twisday at vi owrs and this Vednisday
ves in the Frers vith the conselle off the towne, qwhar ther
vas offers and dissayris betwix the guvernur and tham.
And so the towne hes dissayrit that tha ma hawe ther
provest fredde betwix this and Frayday apon surtes or
plegis, and he to mak ansur till ony thing that ma be
sedde to hym off resson: and gew the guvernur vill nocht
fre hym betwix this and Frayday tha ville schyse ane
nuder provest. This is the newis that incurris for this
present. Qwhat service yowr grace ville command me
vith sall be redde at all tayms, as knawis God, qwham
hawe yowr grace in kaypping. At Edinbruchg, the xviij
day off Jun.
Be yowr grasis wyt serwes
GEORGE DOWGLAS.

<S SAMPLE 4B>

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<N CORR M LORRAINE>
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<P 21>
[} [\XVIII\] }]
[} [\SIR GEORGE DOUGLAS TO CARDINAL BEATON\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 16th August, 1543.\]
   Plesit your gud lordschip that I com to my lord
governour this Thurisday the xvith of August at efter
noune and hes declarit your gud mynd unto his grace
and therefter in his presence has schawin to all the counsall
the writing maid betuix your lord and ws, and it was wele
acceptit be my lord governour and all the counsall. And
his grace with all diligence has directit furth proclamacionis
<P 22>
accordinglie as was commonit betuix your lord and
ws and has scalit the fute band; and sa all thingis is and
salbe performit on my lord governouris part conforme
to oure promis, nocht doubting bot your lord will in
symlable maner do for your part, and the rest of my lordis.
Praying your gud lord to advertis me of the samyn
that I may the mair directlie speik in thai effaris. And
according to your lordschippis plesour I have spokin with
my lady, quha has commandit me to writt to your lord
that the samyn salbe sur of hir gud mynd, trasting that
ye will stand gud unto my lord governour hir housband
quhilk I have said larglie on your behalve unto hir. And
als my lord governour has writtin for all the lords to be
in Edinburgh the twenty day of this instant that his
grace may have thare advise and counsale for the setting
forwart of the materis of England according to your
lord communicacioun and myn. Thar sall na tym be
pretermittit in all the busynes (as your lord and I commonit
at lenth) on this part, desyring your wysdom to
pacify all materis for your part and to have in your
rememberance God and the common welth of this realme,
nocht doubting bot your gud lord will. Praying for
advertisment of thir premissis in writing with your lordschip
gud counsale quhilk I sall glaidlie fulfill to my litle
power as knawis God, quha have your lord in his eternale
tuitioun. Writtin at Edinburgh the said xvi day of
August 1543.
Be your lord wyt serves
GEORGE DOWGLAS.
[\Endorsed:\] To My gud Lord, Cardinall of Sanctandrois.

<S SAMPLE 4C>

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<A DOUGLAS GEORGE>
<C SC1>
<O DATE 1543-1550>
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<P 89>
[} [\LXXI\] }]
[} [\SIR GEORGE DOUGLAS TO WILLIAM BELL\] }]
[\Dalkeith, 16th June (1544).\]
TO MY CUSING VILZAM BELLE.
   Cusing, efter hartly recommendations I resavit yowr
vrayting this Sonday the xvi day off Jun vith ane letter
fra the qweinis grace, qwhar be I parsawe that hir grace
maynd is that I sould returne towart Sterling to gew hir
may aways and consell for the sending bode in Ingland
and in France and gud it var that hir grace be awayss off
<P 90>
the lordis dereckit away the harret in Ingland vith hir
vrayting on to the kingis mageste and that the letter be
vaysely med and vith gentill vourdis: the clarke off the
register can make it veille and he ville at commendement
off the qwein gar vrayt it. And als swa I valde it stude
vith hir grace plesur for to send avay ane trest servand
off hyrs to the king off Franse maken mension qwhow
the guvernur wsis hym and qwhow schw hes junde to
geder all the nobille men off the rawme for the serving
off the qwennis grace hir doucter and diffense of
this rawme agennis the alde ennemis, and qwhow hir
grace is put in authorite hir selfe, and declare on to the
kingis grace of France all maters as tha hawe procedit
at this tayme dissayring his graceis gud consell vith
supportasion off syk niscessers as hir grace and the
guvernur hes vrayting for vith hir imbassaturs, and at
the support that tha mycht hew sowlde be hestit on to
hir grace, and that mension be mede on to the king off
France that hir grece hes all the helle nobille men off the
rawme unit togeder qwhilke vas never afor sen the dyde
off the kingis grace qwham God assolze, and ville be redde
bode sche and tha for to do the king off France bode
plesur and servis as fermely as ewer the king off Scotland
vas. Thir presentis rehers in the qwennis letter qwhilk
I doute nocht bot schw ville do better nor I can dewayse
ane gret deylle. Nocht the les this is my pure consell
according to my mest bundent dewte qwhilk sall ewer be
redde to do hir grace servis: and if ony prewet person
syk as the guvernur or the cardenell valde vrayt to the
king off France in contrare off hir grace, he beand advertiste
<P 91>
afor qwhow vaysely sche hes orderit hir maters he
vill nocht estime ther infurmasion nor disdynis leis.
This is may dewaysse and consell and gewe I var vith hir
grace I cowld do no more, and make ye may excuse that
I cum nocht presently that the sychte off hir graceis
letter for I hawe mony gret maters ado and I vald put
sowm order or I departit towart hir and tham to remen
according to hir mest gracius plesur. Ther is taking at
this rede dyvers gentillmen off the Mers beand my
freindis and servandis; ther is taking the lard off Cokburne
and his broder, the lard off Langton broder vith
dyvers uder gentill men and ane gret numbre off tham
and ther for I most in the Mers to se gewe I can helpe to
borro thir men onder bandis and I hawe ane syster sown
off my awne, the lard off Vedderburneis broder taking,
and gew I sowld nocht helpe thir men now in ther neide
tha vald nocht serve me eftervart qwan I mistert tham;
thar for I pra yow mek may excuse on to the qweinnis
grace or I sall be at hir grace schortly and dispeche my
bissenes vith als gret diligence as sall be to me possibille
and ther efter cwm and ramen vith hir grace as lang as
hir plesur is, preand yow to advertis me off the sam
qwhilk I sall fulfille to the utermest off my power as
knawis God, qwham hawe yow in his kaypping. Vrayting
<P 92>
at Dakecht the xvi day off Jun. I dissayre yow to schaw
hir grace this letter be caus I rafarre all maters to yowr
vrayting.
Be yowr cowseng
GEORGE DOWGLAS.

<S SAMPLE 5A>

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<D CSC>
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<T LET NON-PRIV>
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<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET ROYAL>
<E DIST UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 95>
[} [\LXXIV\] }]
[} [\ALEXANDER GORDON TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 1st July (1544).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madam, I besyk your grace hald this wryting sacrit.
Your grace sall pleis wit I was redde to depart on Fryday
at fyf howris on the mornnyng that the governouris
sarvandis cryit the proclamacion, quhay met me be the
<P 96>
way rydand and inquirit me quhayr I was rydand;
quhayr efter, seand I culd nocht weill ewayd, I ansurit
and said I was passand to my lord governour for certan
besines I had ado. Quhayr efter my cuming to hym I
dysirit his ansuir to the kyngis grace of France be rason
that I was to depart to his grace, quha ansurit and said
he was to depart to Homilton and thair efter wald depart
to Sanctandrois and suld thair gyf me ane ansuir be my
lord cardenall dewis at my dysir, assurand me of on
thyng - that he suld debait the ald alliens of France
and was determit, he beand sarply put at, to deliver the
strenthis of Scotland in the kyngis grace of France handis.
Forder he dysirit me to hawe passit with ane sarvand of
his to my brother the erll of Huntly to hawe dysirit hym
to hawe bein his and debatit his querall or at the lest for
tyll lyin by and bein equall, offerand many wayin profferis
quhylk is nocht nessessar to wryt to your grace. I ansurit
sayand I culd nocht mell me with syk materis be reson
I was the kyng of France sarvand, bot quhat his lordship
wald charg me to do for the comon weill of the realm or
sustenand the ald allya of France his lordship suld fynd
me redde efter my powar. Quhayr I departit plesandly
fra his lordship and said I suld meit his lordship in           #
Sanctandrois
to rasawe my ansuir. Thair efter I past fordward
to Tamtallowin to hawe spokin with my lord of Angws
quha was nocht thair, bot I spak with his brother George
in the Quhyt kyrk, quhom I fynd gyfin to sarf your grace
trewly; and hes comond with hym at lenth as I sall schaw
your grace at metyng. He is departit to Pebylis to met
my lord his brother and hes casit me to ramayn in this
thown quhyll ther cowmin to Dacayth, quhair he sais
that I sall hayf his brotheris my lord of Angus ansuir to
<P 97>
my disyr. Quhayr efter I salbe at your grace and adverteis
your grace of the novellis I fynd or hyr. Ther is
ane schyp cowm furth of Denmark quhay sayis the kyng
of Denmarkis armey ar departit to Swedin in feir of weir
and is surly appointit with the emprior. Prayand God,
madam, efter my hartly commendacion [{of{] my hwmyll
servis, preserf your nobyll grace eternely. Writtin at
Edinburg the fyrst day of July
be your grace maist h[{u{]myll and maist
obeyssant sempill servitour
A. GORDON.

<P 102>
[} [\LXXX\] }]
[} [\ALEXANDER GORDON TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\St. Andrews, 6th August (1544).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, yowr grace sall pleis witt my lord cardinall
send ther synry writyngis to me to Innerpeffry, prayand
<P 103>
me to cum and speik with his lordship, and in his last
writyng advertesand me off writyngis wes cum owt off
France fra (\monsieur\) de la Croix, writyne the ix day off
Junij; quhowm fray I rasawit ane, schawand off his
gud passag, and referritt all nowellis to my lord cardinall
writyng and the ambasadouris. My lord cardinall advertist
me off yowr grace credit quhilk wes gyffin to master
Jone Hay, the gentilman that cowm laitlye owt of Denmarkthe,
to schaw his lordship, off the quhilkis he hes
maid yowr grace ansour in my [{lord cardinallis{] ambasadouris
writyngis. Madame, we ar advertist for sowr that
(\monsieur\) de Wauldry is tyn presoner and is in Berwyk,
the quhilk is greitt damnage; quharfor, gyf yowr grace
and the ambasadour thynkis necessair for the weill off
this realm and service off the kyngis grace my master to
send ony uthyr haistelye in France, I sall be reddy at
command for ther is ane schip hyr in this towyn that will
be reddy to depart vithin xi or xii dais. Fordar I refer
all uther newellis to my cummyng to yowr grace. Prayand
God, Madame, efter my maist h[{u{]myll commendacion
off hartlye service, preser yowr nobill grace eternaly.
Writyn at Sanctandrois, the sext day off August
be yowr graice maist h[{u{]myll servitour
A. GORDON.

<P 104>
[} [\LXXXI\] }]
[} [\ALEXANDER GORDON TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\St. Andrews, 20th August (1544).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, efter my maist h[{u{]myll commendacion off
hartlye service pleis yow[{r{] grace I am her with my lord
cardinall quhar I can do yowr grace better service as with
yowr grace, assurand yowr grace I sall do my detfull
diligence to hald my lord cardinall at the best opinion
for yowr grace affect; bot att the list my beyng hyr sall
be to yowr grace awantage as yowr grace sall knaw at
metyng at mair lentht. The end will schaw quha dois
yowr grace best service; quhowm I pray God hawe
yowr grace eternaly in his keppyng. Writyn at Sanctandrois,
the xx day of August
be yowr grace maist h[{u{]myll sugget and servitour
A. GORDON.
   I spaik with my brother, the erll off Huntley, quha I
am asswritt will nocht faill to keip ane gud part to yowr
grace by all the wardyll as yowr grace will knaw.

<P 224>
[} [\CLVIII\] }]
[} [\ALEXANDER GORDON TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\(c. March - April 1548.)\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, efter the closyng off this mas I gatt ane
writtyng fra my lord quhilk yowr grace ples resave. We
hawe derekit Kempe away agane to my lord to entyrteny
the pwrpos quhill fordar remeid be fownd; and at Kemppeis
retwrnyng yowr grace salbe advertist. I hawe
maid ane wreittyng to my lord quhilk I am content he
schaw, makand mention quhow at the last convention
yowr grace had aggreitt all the nobill men, quhou ar
determit to debait the mater to the utyrmast of thar
p[{o{]war; and sik lyk off gret support that is cum and
cumand owt off France, in the best manere my wyt culd
extend the mater. I thynk (\monsieur\) de Laya hes nocht
bene at the cowrt or the departyng off my lord ambassadour,
bot dowttis nocht efter Laya speikkis with the
<P 225>
kyngis grace bot his grace wilbe advertist off my service
quhilk I remit haill to yowr grace, in quhame trewly is my
haill hoip.
   Be your grace maist humyll and maist obedient
servant
CAITH[{N{]ES.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M=e=\) Alexandre Gordon.

<P 227>
[} [\CLXI\] }]
[} [\ALEXANDER GORDON TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 21st April (1548).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, pleis yowr grace witt the man hes failzeit trist
and we ar makand new prowision to se the maneir and to
affix ane new trist. Fordar, madame, at my cummyng
to this toune I deliverit nocht yowr grace writyngis to
my lordis governour nor Dunkell becais all wes done and
orderit as yowr grace wald or my cummyng; therfor hes
send the writyngis to yowr grace agane. My lord ambasadour
wes schawin he hed wreittyng to my lady
Hwntlye fra the kyngis grace; as to that behalf I refer
to yowr grace and dowttis nocht bot yowr grace will
asswre my lord ambasadour of my lord my brotheris part
quha hes na mair p[{o{]war of hym self, nor may nocht lyf
<P 228>
with honour to failze, for the quhilk I will set my hand.
And, fordar, yowr grace sall pleis rasave ane writyng of
my lordis awyn hand quhair he commandis me to mak ane
end, sayand he is content for his part; quhilk wreittyng
I pray yowr grace keip. I am haldyn hyr with proces
afoir the lordis aganis my compeditour, quhair I sall do
yowr grace as greitt service as I wer in yowr grace presence,
as yowr grace sall knaw at meittyng.
   Fordar, madame, prayand allmythye God, efter my
maist hw[{m{]yll commendacioune off service, preser yowr
grace ever. At Edynbrucht, the xxj day of Aprille, be
the hand off
Yowr grace mast hwmyll and maist obedient servitour
CAITHNES.

[} [\CLXII\] }]
[} [\ALEXANDER GORDON TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 25th April (1548).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, efter maist hwmyll commendacioune off
hartlye service praya[{n{]d yowr grace to aperdon me off
my lang tarry to wreitt to yowr grace; nochtwithstandding,
yowr grace may considdyr be thir synry writyngis
my vigilance. Madame, the mater standdis now in this
maneir. I thynk nocht the man may be ony way enschew
be rasone thar is ane greitt suspitione, quhilk quhen the
man schaw that hys keipparis wer advertist, hestely maid
prowision in this sort: he cawsit Jhone Wymmis your
grace master howshaldis sone that wes capitane off Dunbar
say that ther cowme ane man fra my lord governour
<P 229>
and bayd Jhone Wemmis pray my lord gyf he mycht
enschew to cum away on hors bak, quhilk he wald say
that he refwsit. And tharefter my lord schew to his
keppar quhow Jhone off Wemis schew hym sic lyk and
that he refwsit the samin. Swa Jhone off Wemis is pwt
and haldyn in ane schalmer and takis the haill mater on
hym, sayand he schew sic thynkis to my lord as my lord
governour send hym word to do; and thus my lordis part
is haldyn gwd. And suppois the schyp be thayr I trow
it be nocht possib[{i{]ll to my lord to eschaip. Thair for,
madame, I man on force pas to my lord and gyf yowr
grace thynkkis expediane I cum to yowr grace or my
departyng, I sall do the samen. Uthyr wayis I sall pas
fordart and do sa, God willyng, as I sall answer to yowr
grace. Allwayis, madame, I am contrynit to schaw your
grace quhow I can gett na way off sylver fra my gud
sister my lady Hwntlye; and trewly, madame, schew
can nocht instantlye hawe price nor sell of gwddis be
merchanddis. And as to my awyn benefice, ingudfayth
I gart never ane plak sen my cummyng in Scoitland.
Quhow sone I may hawe of my awyn yowr grace sall nocht
be molestit. I am determit to aggre with my compeditour
quharthrow I may have sa suir lyffyng, bot in the myn
tym I hawe na uthyr esperance bot only in yowr grace:
remittand the answer in this behalf to yowr grace plesouris.
I knaw your grace is ampill anewcht advertist quhow all
<P 230>
materis standdis hyr, quharin I asswre yowr grace Robert
Car[{n{]egy dois hys dewoire. I fynd ws sum part cald in
the mater bot trewly it is rycht abill [{to{] cum to ane
tw[{i{]llze. My lord of Dunkell schaw hym lyk ane nobill
man. My lord of Angus wald fane hyr of commonyng.
Your grace knawis quhair in the feir lyis. Wald my lord
governour tak the haysort it war the better as I trow he
sall, thocht he be laycht therto. I pray God help all;
quha preser yowr grace eternally. At Edynbrucht, the
xxv day of Aprille, be the hand off
Yowr grace maist hw[{m{]yll and maist obedient
servitour
CAITHNES.
   I beseik yowr grace ryff this bill efter it be red becas
of the first part that twychis my lord.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M=e=\) Alexandre Gordon.

[} [\CLXIII\] }]
[} [\ALEXANDER GORDON TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 29th April (1548).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, pleis yowr grace witt I have rasavit ane
writyn fra my lord my brother sen my last writyng to
yowr grace, quhilk ye sall pleis rasave; quhairby yowr
grace may knaw his greit desyr is I cum to hym with
diligence, and becais the last berare I send to yowr grace
is nocht retwrnit I have derekit this berare off new. My
lord is at the pointt as I wreitt to yowr grace and man
schortlye declair hym self; therfor, madame, the sonair
the better that I depart ; quhair efter my retwrnyng yowr
<P 231>
grace sall hawe na fordar cummyr in that behalf for my
lord is determit to ramane presunir quhill God send
better. Besekand yowr grace, sawend greteir besynis,
advertys me gyf yowr grace ples command me ony wthyr
service and to sopport me or my departyng as yowr grace
thynkkis expedane, for trewly, Madame, ther is myster.
I dowt nocht bot yowr grace is better advertist of our
doyngis nor I can wreit, bot always I feir we do lytyll at
this tym. The sonair yowr grace cumis it wilbe the better.
Prayand God, Madame, efter maist hwmyll commendacione
off hartlye service, preswer yowr grace eternally.
At Edynbrwcht, the xxix day off Aprille, be the hand off
Yowr grace maist hwmyll and maist obedient servitour
CATHNES.

<P 239>
[} [\CLXXI\] }]
[} [\ALEXANDER GORDON TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\(c. May - July 1548?).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, I wreitt to yowr grace affoir with my servand
and is hartlye myscontentit to hawe so neidfull occasione
to molest yowr grace with my pwre adverseteis, quhilk
I am constranit do, haweand na wthyr, ondyr God, for
my releiff, - for only, beand weill rememberit, the occasione
off all this trebill I swstyne is my laboris and attendence
to hycht besynes concernyng this Realm and my pwre
hows, and hes mellit sa far thairin that I cwld nocht retyre
me from daly service bwt tynsell off my procedyng and
jopart off my honour, quhilk hed alwayis bene owt off
recowerance wer nocht yowr grace help. And in this
myn tym my pwre leyffyng wes possest with my compeditour,
and can hawe na apoinctement: that now
am I onhabill to obtyn possession without greitt inconwenience,
far les abill to await on service, for gyf I pas
northrt to obtyn possession it salbe occasione to hald
syndry frome yowr grace service, quha, beand nocht will
<P 240>
mynddit, wald be glaid off that occasione. And wanttane
my leyffyng, I hawe nocht to awaitt on service, quhilk,
gyf I mycht do, I wer sewr off reward; or, gyf I mycht
with yowr grace wreittingis obtyn the kyngis grace
presence or be fwrnyst therto, I dowt nocht releyff. In
gud fayth, Madame, I hawe rowine my self sa far at oudyr
that I may nether fwrnys me self to serve, nor sic remeid
quhar it may be hed. Swa that, trewly, better wittit men
nor I mycht abill syk gretair inconvenience [\sic\] , beand
at this poinct, nor I sall, God willyng; asswerand yowr
grace I gatt offerris at my last beyng in Ingland to hawe
cawsit ane pwre man hyr, bot alwayis that adversete nor
feir of deid sall never cum to me that sall gar me offend
yowr grace nor my honour: for, suppois powyrty banys
me your grace service, ryches sall nocht caus me offend.
Wald God my pwissance wer conforme to my will. Bot
werst off all, thocht I wald waire my self to obtyn honor,
I want substance to pwtt me therto. Exorting yowr grace
aperdon my hardines in my familiar wreittyng, quhelk
procedis only off affection to do yowr grace service. And
gyf yowr grace pleis lat me knaw yowr will and mynd,
I sall yit do diligence to fwfill the samin, and wthyrwayis
salbe na way offend.
   Prayand almychtye God, efter my maist hw[{m{]bill
commendatione off hartlye service, preserve yowr nobill
grace in lang haill and wylfair. Wreittyn by the hand off
yowr grace maist hwmyll and maist obedient servitour
CAITHNES.

<P 269>
[} [\CLXXXII\] }]
[} [\ALEXANDER GORDON TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Innerpeffry, 8th September (1548).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, effter maist hwmyll commendacioune off
hartlye service, pleis yowr grace witt I have bene hayfely
vexit with seknes sen my departyng fra yowr grace, and
now intendis to depart to speik with my lady my sistyr.
I am advertist my lord of Combas is cowme, thairfor I
thoycht necessair to advertys yowr grace to knaw gyff
yowr grace will assuir me lady off sylver to hailp hyr
passyng in Ingland, or gyff yowr grace pleis command me
ony wthyr thyng. Allwayis prayis yowr grace lat me
knaw gyf yowr grace wald ony fordar for assuirty off my
lordis service to the kyngis grace owr mastyr, quhilk I
will tak on hand to obtyn quhairthrow I may fynaly end
my promys maid to our forsad mastyr and kyng, withowt
quhais help be yowr grace laborris owr powre hows can
nocht stand. And becais I will cummyr yowr grace with na
langair writyngis I refer the rest to this berare yowr grace
servand and answ[{e{]r as will pleis yowr grace command me;
quham almychtying God preser in sawl and body. At yowr
grace hows of Inerpeffry, the acht day of September be
Yowr grace maist hwmyll and maiste obediant serwitour
CAITHNES.
   My lady my modyr commenddis hyr maist hwmyll
and [{obedient{] service to yowr grace, and in lyk wayis
the lord yowr grace serwitoris humyllis. [\sic\]

<P 286>
[} [\CXCIX\] }]
[} [\ALEXANDER GORDON TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Jedburgh, 20th February (1548-9).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, efter maist hwmyll commendacioune off
hartlye service ples yowr [{grace{] witt, sen our departyng
I ramanit and doid syk service to my lord Desse and the
<P 287>
army as lay in my p[{o{]war. The strangerris and specially
the suddarttis hes heid greitt necessite off wiweris            #
nochtwithstanddyng
ony laboris cwld be tane. My lord at
his cummyng hyr patt ordour to the toune and gart mak
proclamatiounis in the cuntray for fwrnysyng off the
army, quhilk was neverwelws dificille to be doune. Bot
now I hoip in God the warst is past, for ther is prowisione
maid that the gentill men off the cuntray sall furnys daly,
ilk ane conforme to ther bownddis, sa mony marttis
mwtone quhytt and malt as the army thynkkis may
staik  tham, and beliwis swrly with the help yowr grace
will gar mak off Edynbrwcht we sall hawe wewerris att
will. At my lordis cummyng the capitaine off Farnyhe[{r{]st
thoycht tyll [{haf{] eschaippitt, wer nocht my lord
gart hald ane stark wache, quhair effter thay desirit to
randyr the hows being sawe at ther efter thar lyffis
alennyrly sawe [\sic\] , the quhilk my lord thoycht nocht best,
bot entyrtenit tham quhill the cummyng of (\monsieur\)
Desse, quha thoycht it werray necessair to be done,
thynkand it culd nocht be haid bwt greit tynsell off men.
Bot all wayis my lord past hym self and mannit the laycht
place with certane Frenchte men and Scoittis men and
fell to the carmwschte, quhair capitane Pearre long with
twa wderis war hwrt, and ane callit Cranstoune shoyt
thorycht the schwlder; quhair throw we culd nocht hawe
<P 288>
patience to byd of fordar prowision, bot laid fiyre to the
irne yett and handelit tham swa scharply as we culd
quhill ane serwand of the lerd of Balclwtht wes slane - 
ane callit Twlloycht, quha wes the first that antrit in
Howme - off the quhilk my lord wes hychtly commowitt,
and ther effter send for mair hagbwtarris to (\monsieur\)
Desse and altelyery. Quha cowme hym selff with all
the gentillmen off the army, my lord ambassadour with
the first that my lord hym selff passit with tham to
the wallis, quhilk I belieff wes by the commyssion and
promys he maid to my lady and wes by my awice. All
wayis it wes sa scharply handelyt that thay cryit at all
tymis for mercy, and in the myn tym we wroycht with
pykkis and mattokkis quhill the wall wes cwttit, and swa
schortlye the capitane wes crwely slane and ane greitt
part off the sowldarttis that I belyff thay sall few cum
to cownt. And on Monunday we twk ane interpris to
pas in Ingland and to hawe cawsit the clannis of the
cuntray fyll thayr handdis on the enymeis, and beleyffit
na les nor tyll hawe haid at the lyst twa thwsand Scoittis
men. Bot on the morrow, marchand forwart, we fand
ws faire by that nwmyr, quhar in the myn tyme my lordis
spy mett hym be the way, schewand quhow the Inglis
army wes awaittand on our cummyng, quhilk wes off
trewtht. Than my lord gart tak moustryrris to se quhat
nwmyr we culd be off Scoittis men, quhar we fand na
pwrpos to pas fordwart, remembyryng the baittaill wes
hasertws. And gyf ony inconv[{enie{]nt had happinit the
occasioune therof hed bene thoycht in my lordis defalt,
quhilk commowit my lord hychtly, by the ewill weddyr
<P 289>
that cowme in swc sort that, gyf we had passit fordwart,
we had lossit ane greit part of our army and byne in
danger of fordar inconve[{n{]ient. Quhilk beand considerit
my lord excusit the mater, sayand we had sclepitt
to lang, and gart mak ane red on est Tavydall to redwire
the rebellis to obedience, quhilk of threwcht wes werray
necessair; and [{at?{] our retwrnyng sett fordwart the
makkyn off ane fort, seand nay wthyr way to bryng the
cuntray to obedience; quhilk effter lang disputatioune
culd nocht be thoycht possibille becais the asseatt wes
swa incommode that on force we behwffit to mak twa
forttis - ane to answour and defend the wdyr - quhilk hed
bene to lang. Yit my lord twk (\monsieur\) de Wyngallome
and passit abowt the tone, and at the last hes fwnd ane
assyett on the swtht syd of the tone, mekill mair necessair
and off les trawaill and expensis; and ther effter broycht
fowrtht the rest of the capitainis, quhar we haid lang
dispwtacioune,
and (\monsieur\) de Wyngallome debaitit the
mater with sik rasonis that the place wes thoycht gwd;
and ther effter the mater wes dispwtit in consell and
hoppit of na deliberacioune, swa that (\monsieur\) Desse and
my lord ambassadour with the rest off capitainis and
gentilmen woittit ilk ane for ther awyn part; bot at the
end my lord ambasadour broycht it to that fyn that
the haill army wald do that thyng culd be thoycht be my
lord governour and the consell necessair for the service of
the Realme. Quhareffter off trewtht my lord doid his
part, bot effter we haid concludit and I reddy to hawe
<P 290>
schawyn the conclusion and delibratioune off my lord
governour and the consell in presence of the haill nobill
men off the army, my lord governour start schortly abak,
quhilk maid ws all attonyst. Alwayis my lordis Hwntlye
and Dunkell followit my lord governour and effter greitt
flytyng maid hym contentit and deliverit to mak ane
stryntht, prowydyng that my lord wald promys to byd
with hym, quhilk he doid, and maid ane prowision quhow
we mychtht recowyr thre thowsand pwnddis, becais
(\monsieur\) de Wyngallyone twk on hym to compleitt the
stryntht in thretty dayis hawand ane thowsand pionerris,
quhilk had bene to sair to hawe lositt this cuntray in falt
off sa sobyr ane sowme. Swa, madame, we hoip in God
with pane and laboris our wayage sall be profitabille to
yowr grace service. I hawe maid this lang dischowrs
knawand yowr grace hes nocht greitt besynes, and to gyff
yowr grace to knaw the haill procedyngis sen our departyng.
Twychand my lorddis besynes towart the kyngis grace he
refferris the haill mater to yowr grace as yowr grace
thynkkis expedient and hes wreittyin to maister Jhone
Hay, nocht w[{ith{]standdyng he send hym of Londone
the effett of the apponctement gyffen hym be yowr grace,
that the samen be refferrit to yowr grace advertiss[{m{]enttis
and the kingis grace plesour. Fordar prayis yowr grace
speik to thir gentillmen to remembyr the kyngis grace on
my pwer service quhilk salbe fwnddyin, God willyng, to
yowr grace contentacioune and commandement; prayand
God gyf yowr grace lang heill with contentacioune off yowr
desyrris. Wreityng at Jegbrwcht, the xx day of Febrware,
be the hand [{off{]
Yowr grace maist hw[{m{]yll and maist obedient servitour
CATHNES.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M.\) de Catenes.

<P 291>
[} [\CC\] }]
[} [\ALEXANDER GORDON TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Jedburgh (c. 20th - 26th February 1548-9.)\]
Madame, pleis yowr grace witt, sen my last wreittyng
our purpois wes changit, as my lord ambasadour will schaw
yowr grace. My lord hes wreittyn to the kyngis grace, my
lord constable, and to my lordis duk of Omall and
cardinall off Gwys, quhilk ar bot generall writyngis off
creditt: ther is na mention off ony besynes. Yowr grace
will do in that behalf as ye th[{i{]nk best, asswrand yowr
grace my lord may do na mair for the contentacioune of
[{yowr{] grace service nor he dois, as the end will schaw. I
will [{nocht{] cummyr yowr grace with langar wreittyng,
desyrand yowr grace hwmily to estyme me as yowr grace
hwmyll and pwre servitour; prayand God preser yowr
grace eternaly. At Jegbrwcht, be the hand off
yowr grace mast hwmyll and maist obedient servitour
CAITHNES.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M.\) de Catenes.

<P 311>
[} [\CCXVII\] }]
[} [\ALEXANDER GORDON TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\(c. September 1549?).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, efter my maist hwmyll commendacioune of
service I hawe send ane servand to await on yowr grace
serwand, lord of Fynletter, for the wreittyngis yowr grace
<P 312>
ples send to the quenis grace yowr grace dochtyr, and
wtheris as yowr grace thynkkis cawis. I hawe deliverit
yowr grace writyngis to the lord of Downe. Madame, as
to the lord of Finletterris besynes, I hawe broycht to ane
gwd end that my lord my brother hes assurrit me to aggre
with hym at his retwrnyng heir, quhilk trewly, madame,
wer ane meretable thyng to help, and to the greit weill of
our pwre hws, and to seis the scandell. And, fordar, as
to my part I sall, God willyng, mereitte to be estymit ane
of yowr gracis hartly servitoris: referrand the rest to
yowr grace plesour and command, quhame God preserve.
Be the hand of yowr grace
Maist hwmyll and maist obed[{i{]ent servitor
CAITHNES.
[\Endorsed:\] Cattenes.

[} [\CCXVIII\] }]
[} [\ALEXANDER GORDON TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Dumbarton, Tuesday (8th October 1549).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, efter hartlye commendacione of himyll service
ples witt I come to Dumbartane this Monunday to the
schyp, quhilk as I can persaive will nocht be reddy to
mak saill this sex dayis; q[{u{]harfor gyff yowr grace pleis
<P 313>
command me ony uthyr service in the myn tyme yowr
grace wyll fynd me in Dumbertane. Fordar, efferris to
your grace nobill mynd and plesour. At Dunbertrane
this Twysday, be the hand off
Yowr grace maist h[{u{]myll and obedient servitour
CAITHNES.
[\Endorsed:\] (\Monr.\) Alexandre Gordon.
[} [\CCXIX\] }]
[} [\ALEXANDER GORDON TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Dumbarton, 8th October (1549).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, efter maist hwmyll commendacione off service
ples yowr grace witt I deliverit yowr grace wreittyngis to
my lord governour and culd be nay way get his wreittyngis
to the kyngis grace, albeit I maid thaim in dew forme or
my departyng off Edynbrwcht. And fordar, becais he
suld hawe na suspicion, I opinit yowr grace wreittyngis
and cawsit the byscoip of Galloway reid the samin,
quhilk culd nocht help; bot he desirit me abyd my lord
of Sanctandrois cumyng, quhilk I mycht nocht do, and
swa I gat na wreittyngis bot ane to my lord govern[{ou{]ris
sone and ane udyr to Miwlyns. At my cummyng to
this tone I fand the kyngis schyp departit viij dayis or my
arrewyng, yit as plesit God, sche wes pwt bakwart be
storme off weddyr, and becais I fand ane contrariws wynd
I send ane serwand bakwart to Hwmyltone with ane
<P 314>
wreittyng to my lord of Sanctandrois, quhairof I hawe
send the copy to yowr grace serwand, master Walter Kyr,
to schaw yowr grace. I send yowr grace ane cyphyr quhilk
I deliverit to yowr grace secretair. I hawe wreittyn at
lyntht to my lordis Hwntly and Argill, and dowttis
nocht bot yowr grace sall fynd tham effekit to the              #
contentacione
of yowr grace only. And efter my cummyng
to France sall labour and obtyn wreittyngis of the kyng
yowr grace brethyr and my lord constabill with the report
that I sall mak my self that thay salbe spwrrit sic sort
to serwe that the affarris and cummerris salbe fordair
releyffit of yowr grace nor affoir. Madame, I can nocht
gyf yowr grace sufficient thankkis, nor merite be my
service yowr grace gwd mynd and help towart me. Allwayis
will asswre yowr grace that the pwre witt and mynd
God hes gyfin me sall be vigilent to that thyng that I can
estyme to be fordest to yowr grace plesour and will by
the rest of the wardill; and, God willyng, yowr grace sall
hawe fordar experriance. I haid nocht gottin yowr grace
wreittyngis to the quyn yowr grace dochtyr and soverane
nor the Scoittis lordis at the makkyn of this present.
I fynd this cuntray folkis makand diligence to the ost
<P 315>
at my cumyng to this tone. Ther cowme ane greitt bill
of complantt to the capitane of Dumbartane of the
spwlzeing of the Ill of Cumray, quhilk partenis to the
rewenew of the castell, done be marinoris of the kyngis
schyp; and thay twk in this towne foir or fyf Bretonis
that thay allegit wes at the samen faitt, and pwt tham
in [{the{] castell. Allwayis I lowsit tham on souerty and
sall do diligence to apleis the capitane to the satisfactione
of baytht the partis, and sall tak ane serwand of the
capitanis with me in the schyp and pwt the best ordour
therto we may. Alwayis ther wes sckaytht done, bot
nocht sa greitt as thay mak the brwt. The capitane at
my desir relyf [\sic\] tham owt of the castell and schew hym
gwd in the mater; bot I said sa far in the mater that I
beleyf he sall be laytht in tymis cumyng to mell with
Frencemen in that maneir. I refer the rest to that thyng
yowr grace ples command. Wreityn at Dumbertane, the
viij day of October be the hand off
Yowr grace maist hw[{m{]yll and obedient servitour
CATHNES.
[\Endorsed:\] Levesque de Cattenes.

<P 317>
[} [\CCXXI\] }]
[} [\ALEXANDER GORDON TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Cumbrae. On board ship, 10th October (1549).\]
TO THE QWENIS GRACE.
   Madame, efter our schyp wes ondyr sell I rasawit this
present fra my lord my brother, quhowme I fynd hartlye
mynddit to do yowr grace trew service. He desiris me
be at yowr grace command as rasone is - quhilk I will newyr
refws quhill I may lest - and be reddy to do my lord
governour plesour, thocht trewly, Madame, I have bene
bot sobyrly regardit at this tyme and man hawe patience.
I se na help bot be yowr grace and hoppis na udyr; quhilk,
gyf God ples, I sall mereitt efter my pwer p[{o{]war with
humyll service, and is glad to[{b{]e nottit as yowr grace
only pwre servitour, for at the lyst my lord governour will
be gwd to me efterwart for yowr grace saik. Thus will I
nocht pwt yowr grace to fordir cummyr, bot sall trewly
imploy my pwre witt to do yowr grace service, referrand
the rest to yowr grace commandement. Pray[{a{]nd God,
Madame, efter my mest hwmyll commendatione of service,
preser yowr nobill grace eternaly. Wreittyn at Cummray
onder sell, the x day of October be the hand of
Yowr grace rycht hwmyll and rycht o[{bey{]sant
servis [\sic\]
CAITHNES.
   I gat na answer fra yowr grace at the makkyn of this
present.

<P 385>
[} [\CCLVII\] }]
[} [\ALEXANDER GORDON TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Inchaffray, 24th June 1554.\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, pleis your grace sen my hamecuming I have
veseit my comptis put in ordour be my servandis or thay
lyik as I gaif charge at departing; and findis me, quhowbeit
I had rady payment of the four thousand merkis
your grace obligatioun bearis, sofar superspendit be interesse
of schifting silver to interteine meself and sending
to Rome for thir Iles, by sum auld debtis, that I couth
<P 386>
nocht have iii=c= merkis to the gud. Madame, I belevit
upon ane promis of my chanonis to have had sum releif
of thir chargis be setting of ane few, quharin I am frustrat,
for they will consent tharto in na sort quhowbeit it be to
na hurt nother of the place nor tennentis. I am instantlie
sa handlit that I wait nocht quhair to turn me
except your grace preif the gud maistres at this tyme as
ye have evir done hitherto: quhilk salbe in ane reasonable
and easy maner to your grace as I have chargit this
present berar to schaw your grace at mair lenth, quhairto
it will pleis your grace gif credence and ane answer, for
your grace may be well assurit that it is extreim necessite
causis me to molest your grace at this tyme. Thus prayis
thalmychtie God, Madame, efter my maist humil and
maist obedient commendatioun of humil service, to preserve
your grace eternalie. At Inchaiffray, the xxiiij day
day of Junij 1554.
Your grace maist hwmyll and maist obedient servitour
A. GORDON.

<S SAMPLE 5B>

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<C SC1>
<O DATE 1544-1554>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST EQUAL>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 213>
[} [\CLI\] }]
[} [\ALEXANDER GORDON TO THE EARL OF HUNTLY\] }]
[\Stirling, 18th January (1547-8).\]
TO MY LORD.
   My lord, efter himyll commendacione off service pleis
witt I wreitt to yowr lordschip owt off Bretainzze affoir,
and sen my cummyng in this realm I haid nocht the
oportunite to wreitt quhill now, and yit dar nocht be plane
in this wreittyng, becais I feir it haippin in vrang handdis.
Bot yowr lordschip salbe assurit, with owt it be that
thyng that God will nocht permit, this realme wilbe
debaittit to the owtraist quhill we may lest: quh[{i{]lk is
concludit, and we have all reddy sic moyance bayth off
force off men off wyr strangerreris and mony with all
wthyris munitiones necessaires; and planely, my lord, or
we be swa cruelly owrthrawin in this maneir we will
randyr to the Twrk rathyr nor to be onrewangit. All
christyn prenccis dispiccis this fasson off wyr that is to
slay nobill men efter thay be randeritt, and thay that ar
presonerris will nocht put thame to ransome. Thocht
<P 214>
the wysdome off Ingland be extemit greitt, thay gane
nocht the rycht way to mak unuon off thyr twa realmis.
Gyf thay thynk to hawe hartlynes, thay suld traist ws
moir tendyrly. For as twychand your lordschip quhilkis
is now in [{thar{] handdis, plesit thay condisand on ane
ransone and pleggis beand laid therfor, I waitt yowr lordschip
mycht do mair for the commond weill off bayth thyr
realmis nor ever ye sall or may to byd thar presoneir;
bot gyff thay will nocht, far les may we lyppin efter
kyndnes quhen thay wer masterris: for thay may will
consyddyr it can nocht be yowr lordschip only pwysance
quhilk may mak this realm tharis, bot mekle mair yowr
laboris and pwyssance wer ye beand present, considerane
the samen to be to our commone will. Thayfor gyf it be
swa that thay will be na maneir off vay consent to yowr
lordschip releyff, as yowr lordschip thoycht it necessaire
I wald gladly haweand ane pasport to cum and gayne
cum to yowr [{lordschip{], prayand yowr lordschip all wayis
advertis me quhat yowr will pleis command me in all
behalffis. I hawe wreittyn to my lady synry tymis sen my
cummyng haym and sall ryd haym effter this woyage off
Dunde quhar I traist in God your lordschip sall hyr off
scharp neippyng. Fordar refferris to yowr lordschip as
yowr lordschip hes oportunite, prayand yowr lordschip
tak this adversite in patience. I trast in God the Lord,
and all hald fowrt yowr lordschip sall have hesty releyff,
quham conser yowr lordschip in sawlle and body. Writyn
at Styrueling, the xviij day of Januar be the hand off
yowr lordschip brother and hartlye servitour
CAITHNES.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M=e=\) Alexandre Gordon.

<P 315>
[} [\CCXX\] }]
[} [\ALEXANDER GORDON: COPY OF A LETTER TO ARCHBISHOP
HAMILTON\] }]
[\(Greenock, c. 8th October 1549).\]
TO BE SCHAWIN TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   My lord, pleis your lordschip I optenit my depesche of
the quein, quhilk I exped with the grater deligens for to
<P 316>
haif mair suir passaige with the kingis schipe, quhilk I
haif ourtakin be chance, for scho wes departit, bot this
contrarius storme hes put hir abak to Grenok quhair scho
abydis the wynd and will tary on na man efter the wynd
serve hir. War nocht that, I suld haif returnit my self
to your lordschip. Therfor gyff my lord or ye wretis,
prayes [{your{] lordship mak the grater deligens.
   And conforme to the quenis grace writtingis send with
me I causit hir secreter dyt thir uther writtingis to be
subscrivit be my lord, and, forther, oppinnit the quenis
writting and leit my lord of Galloway se the samin:
beseikand your lordschip humilye, gyff thir be nocht maid
as efferis - be ressoun my lord of Galloway plengzeit apon
the ortographye of thaim, quhilk wes the falt of Jakis,
your lordschip servant quha wret thame, - to gar mak
utheris as ye pleis, with quhat uther service my lord or
your lordschip pless command me. My hoipe wes that
his grace wald haif done me that honour by all generall
effaris. All haif gewin me sum speciall credet for divers
utheris resp[{e{]ctis, thocht I be nocht worthy therfor. It
is difficil to his grace or your lordschip to knaw ony mannis
service quhill experience be had therof. Always quhill
his grace be myndit therto, sall mereit his gud mynd with
humile service as ony sall in this realme of my powar and
estait. Praying God, my lord . . .
[\Endorsed:\] The coppy of my lord governouris writting.

<S SAMPLE 6A>

<Q SC1 XX CORO MAXWELL>
<N CORR M LORRAINE>
<A MAXWELL ROBERT>
<C SC1>
<O DATE 1542-1551>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET ROYAL>
<E DIST UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 6>
[} [\II\] }]
[} [\LORD MAXWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Carlisle, 4th March (1542-3).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame in the moist humyll commendatioun of my
service it will ples your grace that I convoyit your gracis
servant Anatint to Carlell and thair the warden send his
sone wyth hym onto the kingis grace of Ingland; and
ilikwis your wther servand Otinze come to Carlell and the
warden causit ane servand of his to pas and conwoye
him to the duke of Suffolk in New cassell, and howe sone
as I have libertie to pas oute of Ingland I salbe at your
grace in all haist; and almychtye God have your grace
in keiping eternalie. At Carlell, this fourth of Marche.
Your gracis maist laulie servand
MAXWELL.

<P 50>
[} [\XL\] }]
[} [\MAXWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh Castle (December 1543).\]
   Madame, plesit your grace to be remembrit how I am
heir haldin in ward in the castell of Edinburcht at command
of my lord governour and hes remanyt heir this lang
<P 51>
tyme for quhat caus I knaw nocht, and now, Madame,
the tyme of parliament is now present, and gif I have
committit ony faltis I am content glaidly to underly the
sensament therof and gif I be culpable to [{be{] punissit,
and utheris wayis gif I be innocent. I beseik your grace
for the service that I haif done to yow and sall do at my
power all my lif, that your grace will speik to my lord
governour and lordis of oure soverane ladyis counsale
that I may be putt to fredome and restorit to my fame
and to that effect I haif gevin in ane byll at mair lenth
to my lord governour and lordis of counsale, praying your
grace to caus reid the samyn with ane deliverance therupoun
according to resoun, for I think werray hevy to
be abstractit fra making of gude service to our soverane
lady your dochter and hir realme and specialie at sik
tymes as this. And almychti God to keip your grace
eternaly.
Be your graces maist laulie servand
MAXWELL.
[} [\XLI\] }]
[} [\MAXWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 25th December (1543).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Mademe, eftir humill commendatioun of my maist
lawly service thankand your grace of the laubouris it
plesit your grace to tak for me your servand for my releif
out of this ward and presone I am in quhen your grace
was last in this toun of Edinburgh, and with the grace
of God your grace sall nocht laubour for me for na shamefull
caus. How beit it hais plesit my lord governour be
wrang informatioun to put me in captivite as knawis
<P 52>
your grace, I wald besik your grace as I haif done afore
that ye will stand my maist gracious lady in the helpin
of me to my releif that I may serf the quenis grace our
soverane lady your grace and hir realm quham I haif
servit trewly and evir sall do induring my lif: and forthir
I pray God conserf your grace eternaly. At Edinburght
this yuill day at ewin
Be your gracis maist lawly servand
MAXWELL.

<P 53>
[} [\XLIII\] }]
[} [\MAXWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Callander, 1st January (1543-4).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE
   Quharfore I wald beseik your grace . . . that it wald pleis  #
your grace
to mak my lord governour and the laif of the lordis nou
being with your grace to that effect [\i.e. to restore him to
liberty\] and geif thai tak ony suspicioun of me that I will
nocht be the man to serf our soverane lady hir realm and
yow als trewly as sall ony u[{ther{] gentilman of Scotland,
I pray your grace to be sa gu[{d and{] gracious lady to me
that ye will tak it apon yow that I sall be the samyn man
and I promis yow be my fayth geif it cumis to ony punct
of scharpnes your grace sall fynd me the samyn: and
gef thai wald postpone this tyme and nocht put me to
my liberty to the intent foresaid I will nocht desyre your
grace to laubour mair eftirvart be me, bot thankis your
grace humely of it that ye haif done and sall byde till
God send me bettir fortoun; and Jhesu to preserf your
grace evermair. In the castell of Calendar this new yeir day
Be your gracis maist lawly servand
MAXWELL.

<P 73>
[} [\LVI\] }]
[} [\MAXWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Hamilton, 21st April (1544).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Mydame, plesit your grace I rasavit your gracis writyne
this xx day of Aprile. I thank your grace that hes
writyne to my lord governour in my fawyr, and als sayand
me in your gracis writyne that ye will be my gud and
gracius lady sa that I be trew and serff the quenis grace
your dochter and the autorite lyke as I haiff promist to
your grace and your grace hes promist the samyn in my
name. Mydame, or your grace faund it utherwaiis nor
<P 74>
sa or ony lewand man mycht mak it gude, I had lever
do the maist wile deid in this warld ; for and I haiff done
utherwaiis nor I haiff promist to your grace I will haiff
na uther ponitione bot deid. Mydame, thar will na man
sa utherwais as I beleiff for I had na thocht that tyme
I was put heir bot to serwit [\sic\] my lord governour the
quenis autori[{t{]e aganis ony man that wald asorpit aganis
the same, quhilk I sall be ay rady to wair my liff in that
caus. Your grace knaws quhat pount I am at and alswa
sall clerlie onderstand that I haiff maid na faill and hes
na uther to do for me; bot quhat your grace will do to
me I am hartlie content of the samyn. And fardar my
wiff hes schawyn your graces mynd quhow your grace
standis to me quhar of I hwmilie thankis your grace;
prayand almychty God to be your kepar ever mair. At
the castell of Hamiltone this xxi day of Ap[{ri{]le be
Your gracis maist lawly serwand
MAXWELL.

<P 344>
[} [\CCXXXIV\] }]
[} [\MAXWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Jedburgh, 27th February (1550-1).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
(\A LA ROYNE DESCOSSE.\)
   Plesit your grace to be advertist, efter my cuming to
Scotland I raid to Jedburghe quhair I fande my lord
governor at the Justice airis accumpanit with munsur
Dosee and aparte of the Franche men: quhair thay tuik
greit pane to pute ane guid ordour in the country, the
quhilk wilbe done lik as I traist your grace salbe contentit
with. Gife it lik your grace, at my cuming heir I
harde ane sclanderus bruit how thair vas to cum this
somer in Scotland ane greit nomer of men of were, and
as swm metientis did juge, to prevein the tyme of the
governouris office afore the quenis cuming to perfite age.
Wpon this bruit I t[{h{]ocht it neidfull to breik with my
<P 345>
lord governour gife he harde ony thing of this sclander or
gawe ony credit thairto. His answire vas: I knew the
natoure of the maist parte of the Scottis men vas to juge
efter thair awne fantaseis, bot as to him he regardit nor
gave credit to na sik thing, for he dowtid nocht bot the
kingis maje[{s{]te and your grace vald keip in all sortis
according to your promis and appoyntment, lik as he
sulde do for his parte. Morover he schew me the king
hade exsperience afore of his doingis touart his grace, and
he vas myndit to proseid safwrthe that the king and ye
baith sulde have ever the langer the better oppenyon in
him. I assourit his grace of my puir life and honour it
vas the best to proseid in that sorte of guidnes, for thair
vas nathing menit to him ther bot ane verry treuthe, and
your grace to be his ernist freind lik as he valde finde be
deidis. I knawe of na newe novationis to advertis your
grace of, for this realme is in guid quhietnes. As to my
awne part ye sall fynde me of the awlde maner redy to do
your grace service at the wtermost of my lytill power. In
the meintyme gif it chance that munsere Dosee or ony
of the kingis frindis have to do heir thay sall fynde me
redy to do service or pleswre, for I dowte nochte bot your
grace wilbe contentid thair with. Thus I beseik God to
gewe you lang guid helthe. Fra Jedburghe, the panulte
of Fabruerij.
Your graces with lawly service
MAXWELL.

<P 349>
[} [\CCXXXVIII\] }]
[} [\MAXWELL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\14th June (1551).\]
   Plesit your grace to be advertist, the maister of Erskine
hes schawne me at his departing from your grace ye
delyverit him xij hunder frankis,the quhilk ye appontid
<P 350>
to gewe me. Moreover he schew me ye had providit me
sekirnes of viij=c= frankis mair, swa my ... attait suld be
twa =M= frankis, and I to be ane of the gentilmen in the
[{ki{]ngis chalmer - the quhilk rowme I think me mair
adettid to serve [{the{] king and you for, nor ye hade providit
me thre =M= frankis vithout [{the{] office. I have
occatioun to say I have servit ane trew and constant lady
and knawis I am not able to recompence your guidnes.
Nottheles I salbe redy to serve at the utermost of my lytell
power quhair it sall pleis the king or you to command me,
and sall think my selfe the mair happy gif I be callit therto,
for I sall reserwe nathing to my parte bot only my allagence
to the quene my soverane your gracis dochtir. Thair is
litill occatioun of newis to advertis your grace of in thir
partis.... (\Monsieur\) Lausake will schawe you the proceding
with the commesioneris [{of{] Ingland, quha as I beleve
h[{as?{] ... the dowble of the contrauct to ... ffiote[{?{]
He was ane of the commesioneris for the part of Scotland
him selfe, [{and u?{]sit him therin vary honestly, alsweill
towart the service of the kinge [{as th{]e veill of this        #
country.
Madame, I persave by your gracis litter [{Georg{]e Dowglas
hes informit your grace that I have persewit the thrid
part of the erle of Mortounis landis by resoun my vife is
ane of his aris, and that your grace is nocht contentid
<P 351>
therwith becaus the said Gorge is now in your gracis
service. I have done nathing in that mater at this
present bot as stande with the plesure of his brothir and
his awne soun as thay schew me, for thay wer baithe
present at the serving of my wiffis breiffis as ane of the
thre airis to the erle of Mortoun. I have acclamit na
landis albeit I traist my wife hes rycht to the thrid part
of the erldom of Mortoun and I am myndit to persew it
safer as may stand withe justice at your gracis cumin in
this cowntry, and nocht to waill na tyme in Gorgis absence;
for I dowte not that I have deservit ony wther to your
grace bot ye will forder me in my.... Thus I besyche
God to presarve you in guid [{heill, and to ?{] forder yowr
jwrnay swne in Scotland ... this xiiij of June
Your gracis hw ...

<S SAMPLE 6B>

<Q SC1 XX CORO MAXWELL>
<N CORR M LORRAINE>
<A MAXWELL ROBERT>
<C SC1>
<O DATE 1542-1551>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET OFF>
<E DIST EQUAL>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 133>
[} [\XCIX\] }]
[} [\ROBERT MAXWELL TO THE GOVERNOR\] }]
[\Dumfries, 5th (May 1545).\]
TO MY LORD GOWRNOUR.
   My lord, efftir all humill commendation wnto your grace
[{pleis you?{] to be advertissit that efftir my departing off
Edimburcht [{fra?{] your grace or I com to thir west
bordouris the erell off Leonax wyth lord Quhartom, warden,
<P 134>
war departit at the poist to London; and thareffter the
hale cuntreth off this west wardanry off Ingland hes daly
thir x or xii days last bipast preparit and maid redy all
thair wittalis and hes brocht the samyn, sic as quheit ry
malt, to Carlell and is daly makin wyth all expedition alle
bere breid and furnissing that is in thair possibilte. And
as I can be advertissit or gett knaulege furth off Ingland
thai ar to inwaid thir partis off this west bordour wyth
ane gret army ... wter distruction and that wythin
x or xij days. [{Thar{]fore I pray your grace that I may
have part [{of artill{]yery and puldir for keping off thir
houssis ... certane gunnaris furnist, for wythout [{fail
we?{] will be inwadit. And als that your grace ... the
xx=ti= gunnaris that is in the towin off ... be anssuerit and
payt off thair last monethis [{wages?{] last bipast quhilk I
have payt on my auin: and a[{ls{] that your grace wald
caus the hale realm nixt adjacent to be in redines to supple
ws incace off gret invasion at thir partis; and we off this
cuntreth salbe, wyth Goddis grace, in redines to supple
ony wthir part that sall happin to be inwadit, efftir your
graceis advertissment: and that your grace wald nocht
forgett thir promissis becaus it concernis the hale commoun
weile off this realm: and, wyth the grace off God, your
artalzery puldir and gunnaris salbe wele warit, qua
[{preserve{] your grace evirmare. Off Dumfres this fyfth
day off ...
be your gracis servitour
ROBERT MAXWELL.

<S SAMPLE 7>

<Q SC1 XX CORO METHVEN>
<N CORR M LORRAINE>
<A METHVEN HENRY>
<C SC1>
<O DATE 1542-1550>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET ROYAL>
<E DIST UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 119>
[} [\XCIII\] }]
[} [\METHVEN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\25th November (1544).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRAICE.
   Madame, pleis your grace
To remembir my service don unto out soverane lord
your umquhill deirest spous quhar of his graice had             #
consideratioun
and myndit to have rewardit me giv his graice
had convelessit. Madem, pleis your grace to remembir
my service consernyng our soverane lady your deirest
dochtir in stopping the transporting. Secundlie, the
stopping of effusion of blud that apperit to be betuex the
lordis and utheris barronis and leigis. Thridlie, how my
lord governour com unto your graice and sen that tym
has ussit him be your graice and counsall beand wyth you
than chossin. Madam, in all the poyntis forsaid and
mone utheris concernyng the commone weill I haif at
all tymmis don my haill cuer, quharfor I sustenit greit
exspenssis throw the quhilk I am greitly superexspendit.
Madem, I informyt your grace befoir alsweill how my
leving was of small importance yerly, and that my confidence
was your grace suld at gud tym mak me help of
mone for recovering of my superexspenssis maid in maner
forsaid, and als sum yerly help quhar throw I mycht the
bettir await apon your graice service. Madem, this my
rememberance of service and report maid unto your grace
pleis except in gud sort as of your maist humell and
<P 120>
obedient lawly servitor wyth haill power sa lang as lif
induris; na les thinkand than be your gud graice humanite
your honor and consideratioun my help in maner forsaid
to be fynellie adressit, quhilkis beand, I sall do sic service
unto our soverane lady your grace and realm that nayn
of my power sall do bettir. Forthar, pleis your [{graice{]
your servitour, this berar, will mak informatioun of caus
quhy I com nocht presentlie unto your grace to await
apon your graice service. The eternell God haif your
graice in his evirlesting governament. Writin this xxv
day of November
be your grace maist hummill servitour
LORD METHVEN.
Madem, pleis your graice I hald your servant my brothir
Allexander, this berrar, belevand to haif cummyn my self
unto your grace, besekand your grace to pardoin hym.

<P 132>
[} [\XCVIII\] }]
[} [\METHVEN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Sunday (April 1545?).\]
TO THE QUENIS GUD GRAICE.
   Pleis your gud graice.
I purposit till have awaytit apon your graice service at
this tyme of conventioun war nocht impediment, quhilkis
your graice servitour Allexander my brothir will schaw
your grace.
   Madem, your graice is prinsipall mediatrix to lawbour
concord betuix all lordis and greit men that cummis to
this conventioun and to solist tham to mak unyte and
concord wythin all thar boundis, ilk an for thar awn part,
and in speciall my lord of Huntle and my lord af Argaill,
<P 133>
and to solist tham and every uther lord and greit barroun
to caus ces all opressiounnis; and your graice and all my
lordis to recounsall in tendir maner all greit gentilmen
that be innorance is of ill mynd towartis haly kirk, becaus
it is now dowtsum to punes be the law as the sammyn
requiris. Madem, gif the varyance betuix my lord
Ruthven, Crage and Muncref on the tan part, and the
lord Gray, Jhon Charteris, and Kilfawnis mycht be
reconsalit, it war an principall thing to unite thir partis.
The eternell God conserf your grace. Writin this Sunday
be your grace maist hummill servitor
LORD METHVEN.
[\Endorsed:\] M. de Metfan.

<P 134>
[} [\C\] }]
[} [\(METHVEN) TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Perth, 6th May (1545).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madam, eftyr maist humble commendacioune of my
service [{unto your grace{] thyis is to advertis your grace
<P 135>
that I haif spokyn this ... man quhylk is laytlye cumin
out of Yngland ... cuntre als fer as Doncastell quhar
he saw ... the makyng of thare mostrys and the men
all [{furneisyt to?{] cum fordwartis to the bordoris. The
mony and thesawrar is cum fra [{?{] Donkcastell to pay
the wageouris, and this is the maner of thar ordore as he
sayis. Thar cumis xl=m= men be land to the est bordour
and als mony to the west bordoure, and then thosand men
be se to land quhar thai thynk best apon the est hand
and othir x=m= wyth the erll of Lenoxe quhylk sall land other
at Dumbertan or in Argyll as thai thynk best; and baythe
thir armys, as thai purpos, sall june togyddyr and meit at
Sterlyng. Thar is of this forsaid army to the nomyr of
xvj=m= lansknychtis, Ytaleanis and Spanyardis. Thar
is gryt prowysyon makand in Carleill to rasaif the army
at cummis in at that bordoure. All the quhyt and malt
of Cummarland, Westmurland and Kendell is cumand as
fast as hors ma cary it to Carleill. And abufe lx of
myllaris, ... mony wrychyttis and fleggearis to dres
arrowys and bow[{is ar{] cumin thar wythin thir vj dayis.
Nocht wythstand[{ing of ther pre{]mysys [{?{] thai ar begone to
cast ane gryt fo[{ussay about the?{] thown of Carleill and
makis ane plat for [{reparation?{] of the setadell. Thay
haif ane profecy that the [{town?{] of Carleill and castell
salbe won bot nocht the setadell, and therfor thai mak
all the strenthe thai can to keipe the samyn. As anent
the pece at your grace hard tell suld haif bene tane for iij
<P 136>
monethys betuix France and Yngland be the empryouris
cast, all that is bot falset and collusyon tyll abus the kyng
of France, to hald abak the kyng of Francys helpe fra Scotland
ondyr hope of aggreance quhyll thar army ma be rady
to cum apon Scotland. And quhom be I haif this word
your grace sall knawe at my cumin to yow and other
thyngis quhylkis I wyll nocht wryt at this tym; praying
God to conserfe your grace. At Perth, the vj day
of Maye be
Your ...
[\LORD METHVEN\]

<P 138>
[} [\CII\] }]
[} [\METHVEN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Methven, 28th May (1545?).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame pleis your grace
It is writin to me how your grace hes gottin the eschete
of William Edmistoun quhilk is veray proffetable unto your
grace becaus all enteres and clame that William Edmistoun
allegit to have of your grace is now indowtit youris:
maist hummelie beseking your grace, nocht withstanding
ony laubouris of our contray partiis, that thair be na part
therof disponit to thame bot at all the samyn remane
haill in your grace handis, quhilkis doand is your grace
honour and proffett; and als your grace may the mair
esely help your servitouris, my brutheris wyff and bairnis.
<P 139>
Becaus of les pane to your grace of lang wryting, pleis
to heir your grace servitour maister William Steward to
informe and remember your grace heirupon. Madame,
it will pleis your grace to do for the deliverans of your
servitour my bruther gif he may [{be?{] had ony way
without promit of favouris to our parti, for and I wer in
his place I suld tak aventur of lyff and deid or the party
had ony releiff uther wayis than the rigour of justice.
Madame, we your grace hummele servitouris hes suir
confidence in your grace concernyng the premiss and all
uther ressoneble efferis. The eternall God conserve your
grace. Of Methwen, this xxviii day of May instant
be your grace maist humell servitour
LORD METHVEN.
   Madame, pleis your grace, that all thingis parteinand
to my bruther sone of rycht, that your grace will keip the
samyn in your handis and na part therof to be disponit
to na uther persoun mair nor till our partiis.
[\Endorsed:\] M. de Metfan.

<P 208>
[} [\CXLIX\] }]
[} [\METHVEN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Perth, 31st December (1547).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRAICE.
   Madem, pleis your graice to be advertisit and rememberit
that befoir the asseg foirst of Sanctandrois my lord
<P 209>
governour was informit that the personis haldaris therof
wald maik appoyntment and gif our the samyn how son
my lord governour com to the samyn. Alsua my lord was
informit that the castell mycht haif beyn won be force
of the sobir arttalzerij that was brocht to it. The poyntment
com nocht to effect, nor yet the castell gottin, and
greit tyme tynt and expensis inlykwys, and the personis
wyth haldaris of mair curage to perseveir in tharis hei
contentemtioun [\sic\] , and was greit occasioun to nuris
and fortife thar intelligens wyth Inglismen and was greit
confort to all thair fauvoraris and greit dispair till gud
trew leigis, and in a part nocht honorabill that my lord
governour suld depart but his intent. And thair efter
quhen the sam casteill was ordourlie persewit, culd na
way be defendit be the wyth haldarris and in maist honorabill
sort was had and schortlie don. Madem, the asseg
of Bruchtie procedit of lycht report: as informatioun
maid to my lord governour that gif his gracie wald cum
to it and bring the cunterfeit of arttalzerij Bruchty wald
be gevin to him, and the dereck contrar was fwnd in deid
and my lord constarnit to want his intent and to depart,
quhilkis has caussit the Inglis be heycht and to get new
support and mak of new mair strang fortifeying of Bruchty
and do nychtlie greit troublis and skaythis be fyr heirschippis
ravising of wemen borning of abbayis and
halding of the legis in conte[{n{]wall lawbouris exspenss and
feyr; and traistis that sen first my lord governour gat
nocht the hous be asseig that now be my lord lyutenent
it sall nocht be asseigit be fors of arttalzery bot salbe
deffendit, and inlykwis intendis to haif the toun of Dunde
hastile sa strynthe [\sic\] that tha ma defend the samyn.
Pleis your graice to consider all the poyntis abon writin;
<P 210>
the harmis sustenit therthro and yet nocht remeiddit; and
how the Inglis is an thousand men of ordinance hakbutteris
and peikkis, and of greit arttalzerij substantiousle
providit; and how this nobill man has excepit this
lyiutenandry allanerlie for the recover [{of{] Bruchty and
Dunde pesefeing of the legis and ministratioun of justic,
quhilkis he intendis to do wyth all possibilite: and heirffor
that your graic be your greit wisdom pleis to caus all
thingis concerning the asseg of Bruchty, as greit arttalzerij
puderis bullattis gunnarris and hagbutterris and
uther men of weir and peonarris be larglie furnest, and
abon in all sortis rather nor under. Madem, of necessite
is requirit part of the cappidennis that is cum out of
France quhilkis has intelligens of ordour of men on the
feildis; alsua is to be had of the cappidens that has best
intelligens to asseg and ordouring arttalzerij and that
can mak the samyn to be weill and perfitlie ussit. Pleis
your graice, for surty I traist and this purpos exceppit
be my lord Argaill be substa[{n{]tiousle providit, the hous
and toun sall nocht faill to be gotten and the legis put to
quiatnes and the Inglis utirle repulsit fra thir partis.
And be the contrair, gif this substantious help and provisioun
be nocht speid delygentlie heyr, sall nocht be
possibill that my lord Argaill and the remenent heyr ma
do his purpos quharfor he cum in thir partis, bot man
heyr of ennymis daly tryumphe and ma nocht put remeid
therto, quhilkis salbe mayr discurag to all the legis than
befor, and occacioun to Ingland to perseveyr in thar
contenwaill suppley sending to thaim, and causing the
<P 211>
legis in thir partis to dispar and apoynt wyth tham and
to delyver tham ma strynthis. Besekand your graice
now to schaw your wisdom as your graice has ay don,
for all is weilwilling heyr: and tak tym quhill tym is
oportun. The langer our ennymeis be contenwat the
starkar ar thai, and salbe the grettar fors that sall repuss
tham and put tham away. Madem, becaus I ma nocht
gudly tak sa greit payn as in tymes past I haif ben at all
tymmis humelle to writ unto your graice the best I can,
and now presently writtis of verrite efter my understanding.
The eternell God conserve your grace. Of
Pertht this last of December be
your graice maist humill servitour
LORD METHVEN.

<P 234>
[} [\CLXVI\] }]
[} [\METHVEN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Methven, 8th May (1548).\]
TO THE QUENNIS GRAICE
   Madem, pleis your graice the erll of Huntlie has dissirit
the erll of Sothirland to cum to Ingland and speik wyth
him; quhar of the erll of Sothirland is rycht displessit
and will nocht pas nor will haif na traist nor intelligens
wyth Ingland. He will nocht schaw this playnlie to ony
person uther than to your graice. Alsua I wait he is and
wilbe your graice servand and do his haill power to the
wele of our soverane lady and the common weill of this
realm, and will nocht be brokin therfra. Herfor your
graice suld do for him and now anent his takkis, quhilkis
is bot an small mater in respect of the service he ma do,
that your graice wilbe speciall pryncis mastres to him
and that he ma fynd your graice do the samyn; quhilkis
your graice gettand to him, I sall adres efterwart all
thingis to your graice intent; - and the may[{r{] greit
men the bettyr. I haif nocht schawin him ony thing
pertenand sacret nor will nocht quhill I spek first wyth
your graice, bot I sall, will God, thar efter do all as your
graice wald. Ples your graice that nayne se this writing
<P 235>
bot your self; and almychty God keip your grace. Of
Methven, this viij day of May
be your grace maist humell and obedient servitour
HENRY LORD METHVEN.
[\Endorsed:\] M. de Meftan.

<P 237>
[} [\CLXIX\] }]
[} [\METHVEN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Cupar, 22nd May (1548).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRAICE.
   Madem, efter all hummill commendatioun of service
ples your graice I resavit your graice writing fra master
William Steward this xxij day of May. I sall do the
best I can to consall the erll of Sotherland ws him wysle
and alwayis to your graice plesour: - and siclyk all utheris
that I ma one way haif creditt to sa unto, wyth all service
I ma possibill evir. And ferther, ples your graice to thir
effectis to gif credens to master William Steward; and the
eternell God conserve your grace. Of Couper this day be
youris grace maist humell and obedient servitour
HENRY LORD METHVEN.
[\Endorsed:\] M. de Meffan.

[} [\CLXX\] }]
[} [\METHVEN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Methven, 1st June (1548).\]
TO THE QUENNIS GRACE.
   Madem, eftir all hummill service pleis your graice I
haif spokin wyth the erll of Sotherland your graice trew
<P 238>
servitour, and he has promyttit to do his utir delygens in
thay partis for gud rewill and concord, and to caus all
the folkis be in armour and wappines and to sarve the
auttorite. And he has sic confidens in your graice that
he belevis na person sall get the takkis of Mwrray uther
than him self, and sen your graice has evir ussit greit
wisdom and don evir for the commoun weill persever;
and trewille, madem, I assur your graice it is mair the
commoun weill your graice dispon thay takkis to the erll
of Sotherland nor till ony utheris. And howbeit he be
my gud son, I writ to your graice the best for the weill
of tha cuntrayis and weill of your graice honour and
service. Madem, as to my lord of Argaill I traist ther is
nayn in this realm that is sa greitlie gevin to sarve your
graice and my lord governour trewille and substantiouslie,
quhilk wilbe understand perfitle to your grace. I am
gudle informyt that he spairis nother landis nor guddis
to draw all the legis in all partis to concord and to be
abill to cum to the army, as ferther my lord of Cowper
your graice rycht trew servitour wil mayr largele inform
your grace; and inlyk wys of all utheris thingis in thir
partis. Quhat service I can or may is evir at command
<P 239>
of your graice. Of Methven, this first of Junij. The
eternell God conserve your grace evyrmair.
be your grace mast humill and obedient servitour
HENRY LORD METHVEN.
[\Endorsed:\] M. de Meffan.

<P 240>
[} [\CLXXII\] }]
[} [\METHVEN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Methven, 3rd June (1548).\]
TO THE QUENNIS GRACE.
   Madem, eftir all hummill service pleis your graice I
have promittit to your graice service trewille quhilkis I
<P 241>
think to kep, and to that effect sall evir be playn your
graice efter my understanding. I haif freyndis in all
partis in this realm, at quhom I haif maid delygent
lawbouris to haif intelligens quhat is the caus that Inglis
men is fawvorit and the auttorite nocht obeyit nor servit.
I fynd ther is sum prynsipall thingis quhilkis is the
caussis. In the first, part of the legis has tayn new           #
apoynzionis
of the scriptour and has don agan the law and ordinance
of haly kirk. Secundlie, utheris the legis has for
feyr - tham on bordouris and dry merchis, and utheris
apon the schoirris of the sey or burrows apon the se of
this realm - for safty of tham, thar wyf barnis and guddis
has fawvorit and beyn famylliar and assistit to Inglis.
Thridly, otheris of the legis has throw insolence and regard
of particular prophet has assistit and tayn part wyth
Inglis. Ferdly, utheris the legis has apon leis understanding
and inprudentlie tayn consait that thai mycht
leif at mair quyatnes and justice under the Inglis nor our
awn natioun. And becaus thir sort of personis is an greit
nombyr thai think and this realm cum till an stabill way,
thay and ilk an off tham wilbe pwnest according to justice;
and till eschew and pwt by justice tha think mair souer
is to tham that this realm be nevir at perfit hwnyte nor
at perfit justice, for dreddour of thair pwnissioun. And
for remeid herof, and to caus all thir personis to be of luf
trewilly to sarve the attorite and be faithfull subjectis
and obydyent, your graice to remembir how the kingis
graice, quhom God assolze, your spous, seand the greit
men and uther the legis standand in feyr of justice for
falttis and crymmis don in his mynorite, gaif tham ane
fre remessioun be ane act of parlyament; quhilkis
apperandly war presentle best to be don.
   Madem, I traist that thir caussis was the tynsall of the
jeornay of Penke in an grait part, and misordour of the
<P 242>
army, and our greit haist but ordour. Madem, best is all
gud wayis and gud dress be maid in dew tym that be
apperance ma put feyr fra the legis and mak unyte and
concurrans. Madem, I besek your graice, as ye luf the
weill of our soverane lady your self and the common weill
of this realm, to tak tent herto and to be avysit wyth the
ambassadour and (\monsieur\) la Schappell; and gif it
ples your grace, to schaw to tham ilk part herof. Madem,
alswa conform to my promes of trew service I man advertice
your grace of all utheris thinkis that apperandlie
is to be don: The lordis that is greit men and uther lordis
and barronis to be cherisit fawvorable wyth your graic
and wyth all the prynsipall men of gud quhay that cummis
out of France heyr, for the nater of this pepill is of this
realm; first to be gentillie don to, and that tha persaif
luf and all gudnes in the kingis graice of France. And als
this realm is pwyr and the greit men can na way beyr
greit exspens of thar awn leving. All greit men in this
realm has, and utheris efter thair greis has, folkis to sarve
tham in thair awn bowndis but ony mone bot allanerly
gud tretyng and greit houss to be haldin of daly exspens
ordynar of meyt and drynk; bot to remayn lang out of
thair awn boundis apon thair awn exspenssis thai ma na
way do the samyn wythout tha be suppleyit and helpit
be substance. I traist tha ma abid wyth thar vittellis
brocht wyth tham for schort tym; and fra that be gayn
and spendit tha may nocht tary but help.
   Madem, as to my self your graice kennis the greit service
I maid to the kingis heynes umquhill your spous, quhay
has rewardit me gif he had levit, and sen his deces, to your
grace and my lord governour, and ther throw superexspendit
greitly; and how I haif an sobir leving and als
how I am subject to sum infermyte of gravaill, and dolour
<P 243>
of stayn, as I trast quhar throw I ma nocht gudly awayt
apon lawbouris and service and I ma nocht gudly be daly
resedent in your grace service, I think I man writ oft and
hamille as your awn sobir servitour, concernyng all sic
materis and effeiris as I can think for the weill of our
soverane lady your grace and the commoun weill of this
realm. And efter, as I fynd ony advertysing gud to writ
to yowr graice, I sall do the samyn. The eternell God
consarve your graice. Of Methven, this thrid of Junij
be youris graice mast humill and obedyent servitour
HENRY LORD METHVEN.
   Madem, word was at Brochty thre dayis passit that this
arttalzery suld away, of quhilk tha ar exseding blyth.
The toun of Pertht and all this cuntray is in dispar and
sayis planly that an part of the France army suld be ferst
in this watter of Tay or this gret arttalzery war had away,
quhilkis was thar haill hoip and lippining of deffence.
Alsua, madam, the erle Argaill had and has the charg
to answer for this arttalzery, and is requyrit he had ben
warnyt; quhai I wayt wilbe glad and tha wair his awn
to sped tham to your grace. Avice herupon, and as your
grace advertiss agan, salbe don wyth all delygence.
[\Endorsed:\] M. de Meffan.

<P 244>
[} [\CLXXIV\] }]
[} [\METHVEN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Methven, 10th June (1548).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madem, efter all humell service pleis be advertissit this
x day of Junij I resavit my lord governouris writing and
<P 245>
my lord of Dunkeld writing dissirand me haist the arttalzery.
Madem, Duncan Dundas cum heyr apon
Tuisday the v day of Junij and departit the Wednisday
next therefter, the vj day of Junij, and I caussit begin
and yolk of my awn oxin xiiij=xx= and caussit draw the
arttalzery throw my boundis and throw the lord Ruthven
bowndis to gif gud exempill to the laif of the barronis [{to{]
do syklyk. Madem, howbeit I wrait unto your grace
and to my lord governour to inform of the comfort of the
enymeyis and the discomfort of the legis and als how
resun requyrit that the erll Argaill suld haif discharg
and requyrit that I had discharg becaus I gaif the erll
Argaill my hand writ of resait of the arttalzery. Yet
nochtwythstanding I ussit and caus ws all delygens in
maner forsaid, and on the next day ayrle efter I resayt
charg and that Duncan Dundas cum, the arttalzery
departit fra me. Madem, it is rycht lamentable and
displesand till ony trew hart that has don gret service
and evir remanand still and thinkis, will God, to do trew
staid and aw of na creator for my lawte to serff weill and
get nother thank nor yet luf nor reward. Madem, I meyn
nocht this be your grace bot be my lord governour
quhom unto I haif writin his wikednes, for I haif ben and
thinkis to be als trew as him self saffand his estait and
gree all uther wayis. Besekand your grace mast humelle
to excus me that I ma na uther wais do bot evir to be
playn unto your grace; and the eternell God conserve
your grace evirmayr. Of Methven, this x day of Junij
be youris grace maist obedient and humell servitour
HENRY LORD METHVEN.

<P 248>
[} [\CLXXVI\] }]
[} [\METHVEN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Camp at Haddington, Thursday, 4 A.M. (5th July 1548).\]
TO THE QUENNIS GRAICE.
   Pleis your graice
This Wednisday the suthwest bastalze condamnit that
na defence is maid in it: the bastalze at the Freir kirk all
brokin except an litill part to the west: the meid bastalze
apon ther tren[{c{]he at the west part, the an half of the
gabionis and a part of the bastalze dwng away; the
<P 249>
northt west trencht is condamnit all except the roum that
an small peice lyis in, quhilkis I trast salbe condamyt all
this day. Daly and nychtlie is at all ouris carmosche of
hakbuttis. Thai ussit nocht sen Tuisday efter non.
This nycht continwall carmosche fra the sun past till this
day at iiij in the morning wyth hakbuttis; and all nycht
all our greit artallzery lawborit and has dong the tolbutht
and reft an pece that lay betuix it and the kirk of the
freyris. This nycht our peonaris has wroucht owr tryncht
wythin ferty futtis to thar trinsche that is rycht befor
that meid bastalze. Ther is v=c= workmen to cum out of
the gallions to cast this nycht in the trensche. I trast
this nycht salbe sein mair besynes to the Inglis men, or
ellis the morn at the furrist. I beleif that few Inglis has
sleppit this last xxiiij houris in speciall. Tha mak greit
defence on thar fassun, and trewille tha haif fortefeit the
toun in greit sort at the begining, and in the nycht workis
as tha may. I put na dout thay will tyn the toun hastile.
This Wednisday lait an Scottis boy com out at the est
port of the toun and is haldin, quhilkis sayis Wilstrop the
principall capiden is slayn, and his lyutenent bayth;
nocht the les thar is na credeit gevin therto. Madem,
thar is Scottis men quhilkis spak wyth part of tham
wythout owr thar trenchis, quhilkis my lord governour
has caussit tak, quhay sayis thay ar all in deidly feyr and
wald randyr bagsaif and livis and nocht to be haldin as
preso[{n{]aris. Bot ther is no dout of the wyning of [{the{]
town and all therintill, will God, quhay conserve your
<P 250>
grace evir. Of the camp this fersday at iiij houris
arly.
Your grace mast humill and obedient servitour
METHVEN.
   The boy sayis ther is on Tuisday and We[{dn{]isday last
ii=c= men slayn wyth our artallzery.
[\Endorsed:\] M. de Mestafan.

[} [\CLXXVII\] }]
[} [\METHVEN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 17th July (1548).\] 
TO THE QUENNIS GRACE.
   Madem, this xvj day of Julij the cannonis was reterit
fra the seg be command of (\Monsur\) Dasse. He remanys
still yet at the seg, and daly and nychtly the carmosche
cessis nocht. Mone slayn in the toun, and part of France
men. The France men and Count Rangraif wald haif
givin the sout, and (\Monsieur\) Dasse of gud mynd therto,
and the hour of the sout effext. In the present tym the
word com be post out of Ingland at xij houris in the nycht
that the lord Gray wyth an greit army wes apon Coldingam
mwr, xviij myllis fra Hadington, and than it was considerit
<P 251>
that gif the sowt wer givin that thai mycht nocht
eschaip greit slachtyr, and bettir was and mayr gud aperance
to contenew the sawt and to mak for battall. And
apon that purpos the greit arttalzery was reterit to Leith
and Edinbrught, and the small arttalzery remanand still
in the camp. Alswa the Scottis army was departit, and
my lord governour was na greit company. This day the
erle Sotherland and the northtland folkis departis of
Edinbrogh to the camp, - xvj=c= men, and, as tha say, ma
is cummand. I com to this toun yestren wyth the greit
arttalzery and caussit cary sex cannons of (\Monsieur\)
Dasses to Leyth, and, wile God, I depart to the camp the
morn ayrly. I put all the gret arttalry in redynes that
quhen it chargit [\sic\] to cum forward agan (\Monsour\) Dasse
wile yett sowt the toun, quhilk he sad to the beschop
Dunkeld and to me. Ther is a vote passand that the
lord Gray has reterit to Berwyk to get ma folkis, and
intendis to send part of lycht hors to refresche the toun.
I trast all salbe the bettyr that your grace be heyr. God
almychty consarv your grace evir. Of Edinbrugh, this
xvij day of Julij.
Your grace mast humill and obedyent servitour
METHVEN.
   (\Monsieur\) Dasse will camp still and intendis nocht to
reteyr, and my lord governour siklyk.
[\Endorsed:\] M. de Meffan.

<P 274>
[} [\CLXXXIX\] }]
[} [\METHVEN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Methven, 8th November (1548).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRAICE.
   Madem, pleis your gud graice.
I have resavit your graice lettir fra Rosay. And howbeit
I have kepit my beid maist part sen your graice being
in to Pertht, and specialle sen Allow evin, I sall, God         #
willing,
be at your graice on Monenday next but ony forther delay
except allanerlie seiknes; and traist weill, madem, I was
it, and thinkis to me [{be ?{] your graice trew servitour but
ony meyn way. Forther, the eternell God consarve your
graice. Of Methven, this viij day of November
be your graice maist hummill and obedient servitour
LORD METHVEN.
[\Endorsed:\] M. de Metfan.

<P 317>
[} [\CCXXII\] }]
[} [\METHVEN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Methven, 24th October (1549?).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madem, eftir all hummill and obedient service pleis
your graice, sen your grace departit of Pertht the erll of
<P 318>
Huntle spak wyth the lord Ruthven for gud dres of this
slachtir committit laitlie on an servand of the lard            #
Tulibardin.
The lord Ruthven schew his innocence, and
that he had promittit unto your grace to do therin as
your grace pleissit command him. The erll of Huntle
send for me, and caussit the erlls of Arroll and Athoill
and me to pas to Tulibard[{in{] quhar we commonit at
lyntht wyth the lard and his utheris freyndis, quhai on
his part inlykwys sayis he will do the ordinance of your
graice. Madem, sen your graice has evir ussit perseverand
lawbouris for the common weill of this realm, now
reconsaill this caus, and now presentlie at the cummyng
of the erll of Huntle and Argaill your graic and my lord
governour to dysyr tham to speik wyth the lord Ruthven
and the lard Tulibardin and wyth thar freyndis, and ther
efter your graic and my lord governour to mak fineill
concord quhilk suld perseveyr constantlie and of luf in
tym to cum. This beand, thai wyth thar kyn freyndis and
servandis ma the bettir serve the auctorite; and gif it
pas ony lang tym nocht reconsallit, ma cum to greit             #
inconvenyentis
quhilkis salbe impediment to the service ther
of. Madem, as ane of your grace humell servitouris I
thocht best to advertice your grace herof, beseking the
eterneill God to consarve your graice evir. Of Methven,
this xxiiij day of Octobeir
be your graice maist hummill and obeisand servitour
HENRY LORD METHVEN.
[\Endorsed:\] M. de Metfan.

<P 437>
[} [\CCXCI\] }]
[} [\METHVEN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\(Before 1550?)\]
[\ ... \] concernyng the mater I maid informatioun of unto your
<P 438>
grace at my last departing of Steriviling.

<S SAMPLE 8A>

<Q SC1 XX CORO OTTERBUR>
<N CORR M LORRAINE>
<A OTTERBURN ADAM>
<C SC1>
<O DATE 1543-1547>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET ROYAL>
<E DIST UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 35>
[} [\XXVIII\] }]
[} [\SIR ADAM OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 13th October (1543).\]
TO THE QWENYS GRACE.
   Madame, plesit youre grace that thir lordis that hes
bene here hes callit me and the men of gude of the toune
sayand that thai will lauboure for restitutioun of the
schippis and gudis, desyring ws to send oure writingis
to the king of Ingland with ane nychtboure of our aune
and thai wald send ane of thairis to lauboure in the mater:
quhilk we thocht verray gude. Nochtwithstanding we
will nocht send oure writingis without your grace my
lord governoure and the lordis being with yow se and
consider the said writing of the quhilk we have send the
copy presentlie, and to have your help and avis heirinto;
praying your grace that ye will gife youre help in the
mater and sollist all the lordis to that effect for the skaith
sustenit be this toune is mervalous greit and as I can
persaiff thare is litill hoip of remeid or restitutioun, becaus
I spak with this ambassatour of Ingland quhilk schew
me ane artikill send fra the counsaill of Ingland berand
in effect thir wourdis: The kingis majestie of Ingland
can be content, upoun oure gentill and humyle persute,
to grant ws restitutioun of oure schippis and gudis swa
we will favoure him and be of his party and mak protest
therupoun hes he will devis. This wordis I red in the
writingis send to this ambassatoure fra the counsaill of
Ingland and becaus we can nocht condiscend to sic unresonable
desyreis I have na hoip of restitutioun. Forther
plesit youre grace that my lord governoure hes writtin to
<P 36>
me to gife na credence to thame that said his lordschip
reportit evill sayngis of my lord cardinale anent me
howbeit thai be ma nor thre men of gude that herd the
contrare. As to my lord cardynale I beleiff surelie that
he wald never faill to me considering my gude mynd to
do his lordschip trew service. I am verray sary at my
herte to se samony that suld be noble men gevin to mak
lesingis. Madame, quhen it plesis youre grace to command
me with ony service I salbe reddy therto with all my
harte. Praying the virgyne Mary to preserve your grace.
Of Edinburgh the xiii day of octobre
Be your gracis humyll servitour
AD OTTERBURN.

<P 47>
[} [\XXXVII\] }]
[} [\SIR ADAM OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 26th November (1543).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, efter maist lawlie commendatioun of hartly
service, plesit your grace to be advertist that the erle
of Angus send to ane gentil man of this toune to knaw
my mynd gif I wald suffir him to cum heir accumpanyt
with his frendis to the noumer of thre thousand hors
quhilk I refusit and wrait that he behufit till haif patience
for divers causs. George Douglas hes bene in Beruik all
<P 48>
this last oulk doand as I suppone litil gud. The erle
Bothuel com to this toune of Friday with sextene or
twenty hors and we are chargit to concur with him in
halding furth of convocationes houbeit he is nocht accumpanyt
in that sort, quhilk wes nocht weil regardit.
We had befor our toune to keip, and now we haif nocht
anerly the toune bot ane noble barroun and young gentil
man to keip fra his inymeis. I wil nocht infest your
grace in this mater forthir at this tyme bot with the grace
of God sall do the best I can to the plesour of God the
service of our soverane your dochter and of your grace.
I think it veray strange that the erle of Angus and that
sort suld mak ane greit convocatioun without your grace
my lord governour and cardinale knaw the samin and
war in als grete reddynes as thai; assuring your grace
that ther cuntre folk ar strikand men and nocht like the
folkis that my lord governour mett last with, tharfor the
gretar cur wald be takin in all behalfis. Madame I thocht
I wald adverteis your grace of sic thingis as occurris heir
being sur that I am and salbe your graces faythful servand
ay reddy at command, prayand God to preserve your
grace. Of Edinburgh this Mononday the xxvj day of
November
Be your graces rycht humyll servitour
AD. OTTIRBURN.

<P 57>
[} [\XLVII\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 16th January (1543-4).\]
TO THE QWENIS GRACE.
   Plesit your grace to be advertist that I haif been sa
occupyt nicht and day that I had na lasor to write to your
grace quhar for I desir hartlie to be excusit. The besinis
ar swa procedit that your grace and we all hes mater to
thank God and ascribe na thing to our doyngis bot to
Him that governis all to his plesour. George Douglas
at the writing of this bil is enterit in the castel of          #
Edinburgh
and the uther plegis to be enterit as is devisit
with hartlie obedience, and dout nocht bot all is weil and
suirly done to your plesour. This uther sort has but fail
tynt Ingland quhilk is grete rejosing. My lord governour
and the lordis heir wilbe at your grace incontinent and
mak the finale resolutioun and ordour with your graces
avys and consale and lois na thing bot at your plesour.
The lard of Cesfurd hes unvorthely takin ane hous of
my lord Bothuellis in Tyvedale callit Ancrum quhilk
hous nocht beand haistely deliverit my lord governour
with all his cumpany wil pas to the recoverance therof.
Madame, gif I haif servit [{truly?{] the deid schawis;
praying your grace to hald me that man that wil by na
vyis mak lesingis nor mak hiech promisis bot, will God,
<P 58>
my deid salbe ay abone my sayingis and salbe reddy to
serve your grace at all tymes as ye sal ever mair knaw
be deid. And God almychty preserve your grace. Of
Edinburgh this xvj day of Januar
Be your gracis humell servitour
AD. OTTERBURN.

<P 59>
[} [\XLIX\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 27th February (1543-4?).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame,plesit your grace to be advertist I have maryit
ane dochter laitlie and as youre grace knawis sik materis
requiris coist and expensis quhairfoir I wald desyre youre
gracis supporte in that mater gif ye may gudelie ; and
gif your grace be nocht disposit at this tyme I will ever
mair stand content to abide youre pleser. Ferthir I dout
nocht bot sir Johnne Campbell of Calder hes schewin
youre grace quhat comunicatioun was betuix my lord
cardinale and me at his departyng out of this toun.
Nochtwithstanding I have had writtin fra his lordeschip
sen his departyng in cotures and gentill maner.
[{With commendations of service{] Of Edingburgh the
xxvij day of Februar
Be your gracis humyll servitur
ADAM OTTERBURN.

<P 75>
[} [\LVIII\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 28th April (1544).\]
TO THE QWENIS GRACE.
   Plesit your grace that upoun Setterday that last wes
my lord governour direckit ane writing under the signet
and his subscriptioun to charge me to warde quhilk
<P 76>
writing his grace at the sollistatioun of my lord of Orknay
principaly dischargit. I traist your grace and my lordis
will think that sic charge suld nocht haif bene gevin
without your avis, bot at this tyme thair hes bene counsalouris
that hes bene planely in my lord governouris contrar.
I neid nocht to write all at lenth how the mater hes
procedit and be quhais menis : your grace wilbe sufficientlie
advertisit be utheris. Your grace salbe assurit
that as to my particular actioun I never offendit to na
erdlie man sen I com to mannis aige. And as for the
commoun actiounes of this toune thai salbe fundin honest,
and gif your grace findis utherwyis quhen the verite is
knawin ye sall help to our punitioun: and gif we be
fundin honest men baith towart God and our princes your
grace will defend our honest querelis as accordis, and to
be to my simpilnes as my gud maisteres, I alwyis being
fundin honest.
   Madame, the blissit Virginie be your support. Of
Edinburgh this Monenday the xxviij day of Aprile
Be your graces humyll servitour
AD. OTTERBURN.
[\Endorsed:\] A Sire Addam Hotbourne.

<P 92>
[} [\LXXII\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 16th June (1544).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Pleis your grace to be advertist that George Douglas
come to my hous of Reidhall that samin nycht that I
departit fra your [{grace?{] and remanit quhill on the
morne that he had dynit I commonit with him in all
materis at lenth and fand him verray weill myndit to
serve your grace and to stand ferme at your opynioun
and alswa to be ane gude Scottis man. Bot his mynd
is that your grace seik be all menis pece of Ingland, and
gif it can nocht be obtenit to defend stoutly aganis thair
ire. Youre grace may weill undirstand that he wald
rathar have peax nor were, gif it mycht be had, for divers
causis as your grace can weill considder. Thairfore it
is verray necessare that ya direct ane herald with all
diligence to the king of Ingland for ane conduct to             #
ambassiatouris
and to insert in the writing to be send to him
that your grace exhortis him to grant the said saufconduct,
and at thair reparing to his grace thai sall have sic           #
comissioun
with thame that his grace of ressoun salbe satesfyit.
   Forder thair is ane Flemyng schip that wes tane be
Franchemen reddy to departe in Flandris and the merchandis
of Dunde and this toune hes thocht rycht hevy
that thair nychtbouris ar lyand in presoun in Flandris
and ar abill to peris and de in presoun without help.
Thairfore thai have desirit your grace humlie to direct
<P 93>
my lord of Sanct Johnis incontinent for delivering of
the sadis presoneris and thair gudis; and, gif the said
lord can nocht be na wayis be sped away, to send for
Snawdoun herald and direct him to excuse all materis
and to schaw the impedimentis quhairthrow our ambassiatouris
mycht nocht cum: bot is neidfull that the said
lord pas for the comoun weill, for at the fyne the said
lord or sum uther grete man man pas. It is mair expedient
to mak ane expensis nor to mak doubill and alsua our
erandis will nocht be perfitely endit and sped be ane
herald.
Alswa pleis your grace to be advertist that the erle
of Levenax is forgane the north coist havand twa schippis
quhilk come with him furth of Dumbertone about the
Ilis. I spak with the man that saw him. Your grace
sall beleif surelie that he will byde at the avys and
counsale of George Douglas quhilk I knaw perfitely.
Thairfore it is verray expedient that your grace send with
all diligence to the said George to solist the said erle to
remane in the contre for the weill of the samin and to
accept gude wayis and to concur with your grace and the
remanent of the lordis. The said George is in Dalkeith
and I sall send writing to him to solist him to the samin
effect, and the rathare that the said George hes schewin
me his mynd in that mater of befoir. Your grace and
counsale had grete neid to be besy for the weill of the
realme. I saw ane bill that come fra James Henrisoun
furth of the New castell, makand mentioun that he wes
sary for the damnage that we had gottin of Ingland bot
mekle mair trist and sorrowfull for the damnage tocum,
counsaland thairfore his companzeoune, Francis Aikman,
<P 94>
nocht to repair nor big his hous for this yeir for we stand
at ane evill poynt. My lord governour sayis he sall seik
help at hell or he want his purpois; and alswa the mater
standis hevy to me for my parte, for as George Douglas
hes schewin to me that he sayis he sall entir throw the
castell and sla me, and gif the toun resyst he sall byrn the
remanent of it that is unbrynt.
   Madame, thair is ane certane of mysdoaris in Domglas
quhilk levis apoun reif and spoilze. Gude it war that your
grace wrait to George Douglas and caus my lord Boithuile
to cum here and stanche thift and to keip the cuntre fra
thevis and tratouris. I assure your grace ye ar in gude
estimatioun with all the haill cuntre and thairfore ye man
be all menys to help the pure cuntre and repres thevis.
Madame, the blissit Virgin Marie conserve your grace.
Of Edinburcht the xvj day of Junij
Be youre gracis humyll servitour
AD. OTTERBURN.

<P 169>
[} [\CXXI\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\(c. August 1546).\]
TO THE QWENYS GRACE.
   Madame, it is of verite that thair is ane condict writtin
for to the lordis Ruthven and Paslay and secretar, and
that Brunstoun suld have passit in cumpany with Paslay.
And the impedimentis and argumentis that the secretar
maid aganis the comprehentioun was to the effect that thir
personis mycht have past and interit in ane trewis or
peax with Yngland be oure awin way, bot thai ar marvilus
displesit that knawlege is gottin of this mater and hes
send to Dunbar for the messinger to returne; and quhidder
it be to brek that purpois and to ressave the supplicatioun
agane that was send for that condict or nocht, I can nocht
say. I sall writ to your grace as I can fynd occasioun.
Madame, the virgyn Marie be your supple.
Be your gracis humyll servitour
AD. OTTERBURN.
[\Endorsed\] (\M=e=\) Adam Hotbourne.

<P 170>
[} [\CXXIII\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Wemyss, 26th September (1546).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, plesit youre grace my lorde governour send
me twa divers writtingis to cum to Sanctandrois: and
<P 171>
the effect was to pas in Yngland, and the secreter and
I to be in commissioun and gif we agre nocht, he to pas
in France to knaw the kyng of Francis mynd.
   Madame, I am agit and seiklie throw my prisamynd and
evill tretin, and is unable divers wayis, as God kennis.
I have nocht accepit that charge as yit nor will nocht
without your graces avis and command, praying your
grace to send me your mynd heirto and to excus me, I
cumin nocht my self, becaus force it is, to speik with your
grace or I departe out of this cuntre.
   Madame, the glorious Virgyne be your kepar. Off the
Wemys, this Sunday, the xxvj day of September.
Be your gracis humyll servitour
AD. OTTERBURN.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M=e=\) Adam Hotbourne

[} [\CXXIV\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 20th October (1546).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, plesit your grace to be advertist that I ressavit
your writting direct to my self and ane uther direct to
the king of Yngland quhilk is nocht closit, and the use of
this realme is to send all letteris closit quhowbeit thai be
<P 172>
letteris of credence; thairfoir, madame, I have send the
writting agane to your grace to be closit gif your grace
think is expedient, and to send it agane in all haist. Your
credence I have put in writting.
   Madame, thair was grete solistationis and fair hechtis
bayth with hors and geir to tak this mater on hand: I
have gottin na hors and na money that will furnis me to
Mussilburght. And suppois thai luke to na honeste that
hes devisit me to this lawbour, yit nocht theles and I suld
pas upoun my fute I sall do my parte, and at my power
procure the plesour of God and wele of this realme: and
gif I de in the pane, my dede salbe meretable and honest.
And God preserve your grace in prosperite. Off Edinburgh,
the xx day of October.
Be your graces humyll servitour
AD. OTTERBURN.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M=e=\) Adam Hotbourne.

[} [\CXXV\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\London, 5th December (1546).\]
TO THE QWENIS GRACE.
   Madame, plesit youre grace tobe advertist that efter
your directioun I movit sik thingis to the king of Yngland
as ye commandit and findis litill effect to my purpois as
yit. He said he cutht mell with na persoun in Scotland
sa lang as my lorde governour was in autorite. I persaif
his grace luffis yow the war that ye ar in ane accorde with
my lorde governour. We have writtin tweching our
besynes at grete lenth to my lorde governour quhilk wilbe
schawin to your grace. Schortlie, my counsale is yee
writt with deligence to the kyng of France to luke weill
on oure materis: for other it will cum to that poynt that
<P 173>
the comprehensioun may be exceptit, as thair is litill
apperance therof; or ellis enter in ane new pece quhilk
the counsale of Yngland desiris; or ellis seik outwart
alliance. We have writtin all reddy to the kyng of France
of the proceding heir, and quhow it is said heir that the
comprehensioun was maid conditionalie, and ferther hes
referit the rehers of the mater to the ambassatour of
France quhilk was present at our disputatioun togidder
with the empriouris ambassatour quha schew him party.
I refer all uther thingis quhill my returning. I traist ye
may have writtingis to France be this ambassatour than
to send be see. I pray your grace remember to help me
with expens; and God kepe youre grace. Off Londoun,
the fyft day of December
be your gracis humyll servitour
AD. OTTERBURN.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M=e=\) Adam Hotbourne.

<P 174>
[} [\CXXVI\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\London, 4th February (1546-7).\]
TO THE QWENIS GRACE.
   Madame, sen the departing of Cumbo with quham I
wraitt at lenth to my lord Erskyn, the kyng of Yngland
decessit on Wedinsday at nycht the morn efter Sanct
Paulis day; and within thir xx dayis the young kyng
beis crounit and the auld kingis beriall be solempnisat.
He hes ordanit in his letter will that the erle of Heirfurde
salbe governour to the young kyngis persoun and protectour
of the realme of Yngland, and nammyt xvj personis
to be counsalouris be quhais awys all thingis salbe orderit.
We spak on Thurisday the thrid day of Februar with the
erle of Hertfurde in his logyn, and na persoun with him
except Pigett, secretar, and findis as we fand at all tymes
that thai wald be at ane trety of pece with sum trety of
the mariage bot nocht with sa strait and rigorus conditionis
as was in the first contract. I fynd that thai will
nocht suffer the secretar pas in France. I pray your grace
gif it be thocht that we suld nocht trete upoun pece that
ye will counsale to mak provisioun, and spetialie for the
strenth of Edinburgh and the qwenis housis of Lothiane,
<P 175>
for gif thai be wele regardit thair is na danger of conquest
or that thai will wesy youre grace at Striveling. Quhat
is done of Sanctandrois I can nocht say bot that ambassatouris
of Sanctandrois ar wele herd heir and labouris
for the plesour of Yngland as befoir or the concorde. I
wrait to my lorde Erskyn with (\monssieur\) Cumbo quhairof
your grace is sufficientlie advertist be the said lorde. I
traist your grace sall have gude caus to be content with
my service quher I may avance your honour or plesour;
and God almychty kepe your grace. Off Londoun, the
ferde day of Februar.
Be your gracis humyll servitour
AD OTTERBURN.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M=e=\) Adam Hotbourne.

[} [\CXXVII\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\London, 8th March (1546-7).\]
TO THE QWENIS GRACE.
   Madame, pleis youre grace I have spokin with (\monsieur\)
Cumbo this berar; becaus he was to cum in Scotland I
thocht it gude to salute youre grace with this bull. This
Setterday the fyft day of Marche my lorde secretar
departit furth of Londoun. Thair is nyne schippis of
this cuntre past to the see and as I can have informatioun
to avait upoun oure Scottis schippis. I mak na lang
lettres becaus I wrait laitlie to your grace. I wait nocht
<P 176>
quhow it sall succede betuix France and Yngland bot
the ambassatouris of France ar wele tretit and as freyndis
and we as inymyis.
   Madame, gif youre grace will command me with ony
service ye sall fynd me obedient; praying God to conserve
youre grace in prosperite. Of Londoun, the viij
day of Merche
Be your gracis humyll servitour
AD. OTTERBURN.
[\Endorsed:\] Adam Hotbourne.

[} [\CXXVIII\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\London, 14th March (1546-7).\]
TO THE QWENIS GRACE.
   Plesit youre grace to be advertist that heir is rycht
evill tithandis. I think the (^Lyon^) be tane and mony of
the men slane. Dryburgh is saif. My lorde governour
was sufficientlie informyt that thair was ten schippis of
weir maid to the see. As for uther besynes, your grace
sall surelie understand that the pece betuix France and
Yngland was contractit for the kingis and thair successouris,
and now the samyn is renewit within thir thre
dayis and, as the ambassatour sayis, we are comprehendit
as of befoir; bot we ar nocht off counsale thairto. The
empriour triumphis in Almanye and thairfoir I beleev
<P 177>
that France and Yngland hes jonyt thame self in mutuale
kyndnes mair surelie than of befoir; and, as I suppone,
for feir of the said empriour we stand in ane hevy cais.
Thairfoir your grace man tak the mair labour to gif gude
counsale. I assure your grace that I persaif sik kyndnes
betuix France and Yngland that France will nocht displeis
thame. (\Monsieur barron de lay\) Garde and ane Blanchet
hes sped thair erandis heir and ar departit glaidlie. This
that I writt to your grace is verray treuth. The secretar
is now with the courte of France. And gif your grace
will command me with ony service, advertis me; and
almychty [{God{] preserve your grace. Off London, the
xiiij day of Marche
Be your gracis humyll servitour
AD. OTTERBURN.
[\Endorsed:\] Adam Hotbourne.

<P 179>
[} [\CXXX\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\(London, April 1547.)\]
TO THE QWENIS GRACE.
   Madame, plesit your grace to wyt that ther is ane
servand cum in fra my lord secreter and brocht me ane
letter makand mention that his commission is tynt and
that he hes spokin with this young kyng of France. He
hes writen this mater be syfferis, quhobeit it nedit nocht
<P 180>
for the protector hes the commission, and it is na mater
of secreitnes to schaw that he spak with the kyng of France.
He hes nocht writen ony uther thing to me and I ame
content to ken na forther for he that kennys na thing may
keip consell. This servand sayis that your freyndis ar
gret consaloris and reularis. Lord Dernly is in curt
and the ald reularis baitht men and women ar passit. I
cane writ your grace na thing of the emprior, bot sum
sayis he is deid and sum utheris that he is seik. As for
tydingis heir, I see na thing bot as the ald kyng wer
levyng and ilk day I heir of our infelicite. My lord
Maxwell and Driburgh ar lik to go mad, quhobeit Driburgh
is heir daly with me bot he hes ane kepar and at
gret charge. I had gret pane to gett this litill liberte to
him. I cane gett na help to M. Johne Hay and the
utheris. I have writen to my lord governour that I will
cum hame for I have nocht ado heir. I am seikly and is
nocht abill to wait apon curtis and specialy in this cuntre.
I pray your grace humlie that yee wald sollist my lord
governour to suffer me to returne for saifty of my liff.
I think that my lord secreter may uis ane commission heir
as in France, for I ame nocht in haill nor uther wayis to
tary apon ther lang besynes. I pray Jhesu that all be
weill rulyt to the weill of our pur realme. Madame, I ame
<P 181>
reddy with all the humyll service that I cane or may do;
praying God to conserff our masteres and your grace in
prosperite
Be yore gracis humyll servitour
AD. OTTERBURN.
[\Endorsed:\] Adam Hotbourne.

[} [\CXXXI\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\London, 29th April (1547).\]
TO THE QWENIS GRACE.
   Plesit youre grace, I have writtin to yow of all sik
thingis as heir occurrit and doutis nocht bot or the cuming
of this gentilman youre grace is wele advertist of the kyng
of Francis dede als wele be my letteris send to youre
grace as to my lorde governour with uther sik thingis as
occurrit; and for this tyme I have nocht to writt bot it
is rycht neidfull ye tak grete deligence to await apoun
oure doyngis that hes commissioun in uther cuntreis.
It is nocht neidfull to declair all thingis at lenth. As for
tydingis heir, I think thir men sall nocht invaid oure
realme this yeir bot thai mak grete preparatioun in all
partiis, quhilk the protectour allegis done for na invasioun
bot to kepe thair cuntre bot I tak nocht my jugement
apoun thai sayingis.
   Madame, I am rycht seiklie and remanis heir without
ony besynes, quhairfoir I beseik youre grace that ye wald
dedene to solist my lorde governour to suffer me to return
hame that I may de amangis my freindis. My lorde
secretar may do all that I persaif is tobe done.
   Madame, gif thair be ony service I may do to your
gracis plesour I salbe reddy at my power; praying God
<P 182>
almychty to preserve youre grace. Of London, the penult
day of Aprile.
Be your gracis humyll servitour
AD. OTTERBURN.
Master Henry Bannayis and capitane Borthuik ar
cumin to this tone. I dreid sayr the end of this mater of
Sanct Androis.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M=e=\) Adam Hotbourne.

<P 183>
[} [\CXXXIII\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\London, 17th May (1547).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, pleis youre grace to be advertist that (\monsieur\)
Cumbo like ane honest gentill man hes done his divore
tweching Driburgh and his servandis like as your grace
wilbe ferther advertist. The said (\monsieur\) Cumbo hes
declarit your gracis gude mynd towart me quhairthrow
I think me gretelie oblist to do your grace all service to
<P 184>
me possible. And as for this cuntre I se na thing as yit
bot stabillite like as the auld kyng war on lyve. This
cuntre preparis for weir aganis ws and it is for certane
that thair is daylie wappynschawyngis in the cuntre.
Preistis of small leving ar compellit to fynd harnes for
ane man, quhether it be to invaid or defend I can nocht
say. I marvell that capitane Borthuik and doctour
Durame war sufferit to cum heir. As for master Henry
Balnavis, he is wele servit be se and land and is returnit
in Scotland with the best gunnar in Yngland. I drede
sair Sanct Androis. It is quietlie said heir that thai
brocht with thame the writtingis of xxvij noble men
oblising thame to this kyng: quhilk I beleve nocht tobe
of verite, quhowbeit the ambassatour of France hes writtin
to the kyng that sik thingis is of verite and schew me ane
tykket of the names of thre grete men. I traist that
efter the cummyng hame of my writtingis your grace sall
knaw the verite quhairthrow ye may advertis the kyng
of France, quhilk is verray necesser to be done, with grete
diligence for the honour and wele of our realme, for I
suspect thir lesyngis be maid to put ws out of consate
with France. I have writtin sum parte of this mater to
my lorde governour bot nocht sa plane as to your grace,
makand na rehers quhat this ambassatour of France hes
<P 185>
writtin. Uther materis I refer to my lorde Erskyn and
Driburcht.
   Madame, I am sa evill tretit mony wayis that it is bayth
schame and pane to rehers, and war nocht that sum Scottis
men induellaris of Depe happynnit to cum heir I had
sauld my hors for fawlt of money, for I have na credence
heir becaus the Inglismen dar nocht do me na curtesse:
bot your grace salbe assuryt that I sall rather suffer
poverte than to be abandonyt to ony in this realme for
quhatsumevir necessite.
   Madame, I am and salbe reddy with all faythfull service,
praying the eternall God to preserve your grace. Of
London, the xvij day of Maij
Be your gracis humyll servitour
ADAM OTTERBURN.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M=e=\) Adam Hotbourne.

[} [\CXXXIV\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\London, 4th June (1547).\]
TO THE QUHENIS GRACE
   Plesit youre grace to be advertist that I ressavit
writtingis fra my lorde governour to the kyngis hienes
heir for delivery of the presonaris as your [{grace{] knawis,
quhilkis I presentit to the protectour and counsale quha
sayd thai wald avys and thairefter gif me anser. And on
that samyn day thair come ane gentilman fra the kyng
of France with commissioun to present our acceptatioun
<P 186>
of the comprehensioun and for delivery of Driburght and
master Johnne Hay, and swa oure erandis was to ane
effect; bot the gentilman hed sum thing ellis in commissioun
anent the bildin at Bullonze by thair trety. The
said gentilman had anser that thai wald nocht ressave
the said acceptatioun nor gif documentis therupoun for
mony caussis litill to effect. Nocht theles thai said thai
wald observe the said comprehensioun and wald move
na weir, we doand siklike; and as for the presonaris thai
gaif anser that thai wald be contentit that thai war
deliverit fyndand cautioun athir to enter or to pay ane
ressonable ransone. This was ane anser of deservance
and quhen I offerit tobe cautioun sua I mycht return
hame or I war requirit for ther interes thai wald nocht
agre therto bot that or evir I suld departe out of Yngland
the saidis abbot and master Johnne suld be enterit agane
or ellis pay ane ressonable ransone, and swa I to remane
as ane plege quhilk war to me ane myscheif and dishonour
sundry wayis. Sa fer as I can considder be thair procedingis
and sayngis according therto thai tak na cure
of ony prince or natioun. Quhow it will stand betuix
France and Yngland I can nocht say bot it apperis nocht
to be unite betuix thame. The Inglismen hes biggit ane
wall of xix or xx fute thycht at the hevin of Bullonze on
the Frenche syde. The cardinale of Lorane with uther
grete men of the realme hes vesit the said wark and I
traist be nocht content therwith. I have informyt my
lorde governour quhow thir folkis wald I suld return
hame and laubour for ane commissioun for my self and
utheris to treit upoun peax. I traist this war ane ganand
way to put all thingis to delay; and in the menetyme to
avys the best the gentilman departit the secund day of
Junij towart France.
The kyngis grace heir hes writtin ane anser to my lorde
governour of sik writtingis as was send heir for delivery
<P 187>
of the prisonaris bot I think thai salbe fund strange and
rycht hicht.
   Madame, I am your humyll servitour reddy to do your
graces command in ony thing that lyis in my power,
praying God to conserve your grace. Off London, the
ferd day of Junij
Be your gracis humyll servitor
ADAM OTTIRBURN.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M=e=\) Adam Hotbourne.

[} [\CXXXV\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\London, 4th June (1547).\]
TO THE QWENIS GRACE.
   Madame, plesit your grace that efter the closin of my
letter the ambassadour of France send ther letteris
quharby your grace may persaiff that I did deligence, as
I have done at all tymes. I wald rather cheis ony pane
of my body or I suld faill to do your grace all the service
that my body mycht suffer. Madame, I beseik the
glorius lady be your supple. Of Lundon, the ferd day
of Junij
Be your gracis humyll servitour
ADAM OTTIRBURN.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M=e=\) Adam Hotbourne.

[} [\CXXXVI\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\London, 29th June (1547).\]
TO THE QWENIS GRACE.
   Plesit your grace tobe advertist that ther is na apperance
of motion in this cuntre except aganys ws. Ther folkis
<P 188>
proposis to bryng graitht and werkmen to sett up fortilis
quhar thai think best in Fiff or Lothiane and quhar thai
have moniest fawveraris, of the quhilkis I dreid thai have
our mony. Thair hes bein ane Italiane twyis in Sanctandrois
to devis quhar it is mest ganand to byg in Fiff on
the see cost. He is laitlie returnyt, and as I cane be
advertist he hes pete in his hart of our cuntre and of the
ordour therof: I pray God put remeid. This Italiane
seand tham that ar innymis to the realme at gret liberte
and weltht he marvilis. My lord sec[{r{]etar hes send ane
writen to me sayand that he wes to gett his anser about
mydsomer. I dreid and we speid ws nocht hestele we sall be
convoyt with greter cumpany then we brocht with ws heir.
   Madame, I ame and salbe reddy at all tymis to do your
grace all humyll service at my power, praying God to
preserff your grace. Of Lundone, the penult day of Junij
Be your gracys humyll servitour
ADAM OTTERBURN.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M=e=\) Adam Hotbourne.

[} [\CXXXVII\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\London, 13th July (1547).\]
TO THE QWENIS GRACE.
   Plesit youre grace tobe advertist that this Tuisday the
xij day of July the protectour of Yngland did send for me
and complenit of mony and divers attemptatis done be
Scottismen aganis Yngland bayth be se and land, and efter
lang altercatioun he desirit me to writ to your grace and
the counsale, makand mentioun that the kyngis hienes
and counsale of this realme was content to depute certane
commissionaris apon the bordour to tak and mak redres
of all attemptatis committit on other syde sen the trete
of pece betuix France and Yngland and the comprehension
<P 189>
of ws contenit thairinto; and in the menetyme thai
sall purches the empriouris consent to the foirsaid
comprehensioun,
quhilk he understandis salbe eiselie optenit
becaus the empriour led the waris aganis ws for thair
caus alanerle; and hes nemmit the bishope of Durame
and sir Robert Bowis to be commissionaris for the parte
of Yngland; and ferther the said protectour and counsale
hes offerit to treit pece with ws in sik sorte that of resson
we suld be content and to send commissionaris to the
bordouris to that effect.
   Madame, I can nocht say of quhat intention the protectour
hes proponit thir materis bot gude it is to tak cure
for the defence of the realme. I writt nother to perswaid
nor disuade, bot anerlie for descharge of my dewite.
   Madame, I beseik your grace for Godis saik to laubour
that I may return hame for I am heriit and distroyit mony
wayis. And almychty God conserve youre grace. Off
London, the xiij day of July.
Be your gracis humyll servitour
ADAM OTTIRBURN.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M=e=\) Adam Hotbourne.

<S SAMPLE 8B>

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<N CORR M LORRAINE>
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<C SC1>
<O DATE 1543-1547>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST EQUAL>
<J INTERACTIVE>
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<Z X>

<P 53>
[} [\XLIV\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE EARL OF BOTHWELL\] }]
[\Reidhall, Friday (4th January 1543-4?).\]
TO MY LORD ERLL BOTHUELL.
   My lord, eftir maist hartlie recommendatioun of my
service, plesit your lordschip to remember of our commonyng
<P 54>
betuix Corstorphin and Edinburgh and that I wes
determit to do you service and follo your consaill. I
assur your lordschip quhen it come to the poynt I mycht
nocht fynd iii=xx= personis to debait the mater. The thing
I did wes for gude quhowbeit I be murmurit saikleslie.
It was far ware done to gyf our the towre of the abbay
and leif it afore or I maid me to ony appoyntment. My
lord the men of gude and dekynnis send honest men to
me desyrand me to cum to the town and tak the cure on
me, and therupon I past to the town this Thurisday and
spak with thaim all quhem I fand weill myndit and to
serve me in that cure abone ony man; nochtwythstandyng
I have gevin gude wordis and deferrit the mater quhill
I have your lordschip consall and help accordyng to the
promis maid betuix ws. Your lordschip knaws quhow
my lord gowernour hes done to me and therfore I dreid
he be my wnfreind. I beseik your lordschip to declair
my part as I heir ye have done lyke ane nobill and trew
lord and schaw my part to the qwenis grace and, will
God, your lordschip gyff ewir I may do ony steid sall fynd
me ane trew servand; and to send me answeir and your
awys the sonest ye may. This mornyng George Dowglas
is ryddyng by my place, quhether to Strevelyng or to
speik with the governour I can nocht weill say, bott the
<P 55>
governour desyrit George to cum and speik with him
wyth mony gude wordis as is writtin to me. God conserff
your lordschip. Of the Reidhall this Friday
Be your lordschip servitour
AD OTTERBURN.
[\Endorsed:\] Adam Hotberne.

<P 190>
[} [\CXXXIX\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE GOVERNOR\] }]
[\London, 17th July (1547).\]
TO MY LORDE, MY LORDE GOVERNOURIS GRACE OF SCOTLAND.
   My lorde, sen the closing of my writing I am informyt
that thair is ane Spanyert send in Flanderis to bring
Flemyngis in our contrar; and attour I am surelie informyt
that Flemyngis cummis of thair awin plesour in
our contrar. I repent sair that ther is sa grete respect
to particular proffeit and na respect to the common wele.
We provoke all the warld in our contrar, like as I wrait
in certane articulis to your grace of befoir. I can say na
mair, bot I pray God keipe your grace and saif the puir
realm of Scotland. Off London, the xvij day of July
Be your graces humyll servitour
ADAM OTTERBURN.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M=e=\) Adam Hotbirnne.

<P 192>
[} [\CXLI\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO THE GOVERNOR\] }]
[\London, 10th August (1547).\]
   My lord, plesit your grace to be advertist that on Sonday
that last wes I past to Hamtoun Court quhair I spak
with the kingis majeste and the protectour with utheris
the lordis of consale, quha thocht that it wes nocht conforme
to ressoun nor consuetude observit betuix princis
that I suld remain in tyme of hostilite without I wald
proppone concord and had power therto. And becaus I
saw afoir my eis verray gret preparatioun of weir, and
actualie the gret hors the harnes the hagbutaris and all
gorgious reparrale set forwart towart our realme I wes
desirous to haif my leif, quhilk I obtenit fra the kingis
hienes: and efter my licence to depart I spak with the
protectour and requirit of him gif he wald na uther way
bot to invaid ane pupill and hir realme. He answerrit
that the kingis majeste wes dishonerit be the taking of
the Langholme quhilk wes conquest in tyme of weir and
his just dominioun, and als of the invasioun and persute
of the kingis freindis, with mony uther sayingis that he
couth say na further in that matter bot to proceid to the
interprise devisit be the counsale; sua I tuke my leif.
<P 193>
And to rehers all sayingis als wele on my part as theris,
it wer our tedious to rehers and lang to write. And on
Mononday efter none Peter Thomsoun come heir with
your gracis writingis and immediatlie thereftir ane
messinger of court come to me desiring that I suld return
to Hamtoun Court on the morn, to the quhilk desire I
obeyit: and howbeit I had nocht bene requirit, your
gracis lettres constrenit me to pas. I come to the said
place out of London at ix houris in the morning and first
schew the protectour your writingis, quhu maid faith and
tuke upoun his honour that he wes myndyt to kepe the
comprehensioun and to tak and mak redres, bot the
materis betuix the realmez ar alterit sensyne and the
kingis honour grevously hurt be Langholme and uther
injuris: quhair for he thocht nocht to proceid as he wes
myndyt of befoir. And efter lang debait anent your gracis
instructionis with forther mair deip communication [{?{]
in thai materis the protectour said to me: Sir, ye remember
ye desirit at me on Sonday gif I wald persever in proceiding
aganis Scotland, or gif ther mycht be uther gude wayis
adressit for the eis of bayth the realmez; and sensyn,
sayis he, I haif pausit upoun better wayis to be had than
the effusioun of blude and distructioun of the pure pupill,
and according therto I desire ye to send the herauld be
post to Scotland and declair that I am ane man gevin
alwayis to pece and quiet without I be provokit to the
contrar, and gif it pleis the governour of Scotland to tak
gude wayis quhilkis salbe to his honour his proffit and the
wele and commodite of baith the realmez I salbe conform
therto. And that the materis may be the mair esele
brocht to pas and mair amplie oppynnit he desirit that Sir
George Douglas wald repair to the New castell the xxvij
day of this moneth, quhair he suld be present and opin
thir materis to him, sua that he mycht refer to your grace
and counsale and tak resolutioun therto for the commoun
wele of thir tua realmez and eschewing shedding of cristin
blude.
<P 194>
   My lord, I can do na les than to schaw your grace all
sic wechty causis quhilk wald be profoundlie considerit
and pausit upon. I think, for my pur wit, your grace and
counsale suld nocht lichly thir sayingis bot heir tham,
and to send the said sir George to that effect peraventur
thingis may be commonit and brocht to sum stay without
tinsale of freindis. I haif schewin to the ambassatour
of Fraunce all thir materis and I traist the king of France
sall haist advertisment be post and answer at your grace
haistelie. My lord, I pray God that your grace and
consale answer wele for the honour of God and commoun
wele of the realme.
   Forther, my lord, and it pleis your grace luke upon
mony and divers writingis send be me to your grace thir
mony dais past declarand this army tobe set forwart be
sey and land in the end of this moneth, ye sall find you
sufficientle advertist; and merwellis that ye war nocht
satefiit therinto, for I abhorrit awayis lesingis learis and
flatteraris. I dreid ye will nocht gif credence quhill ye
se thame cum in at the dur. And, further, Peter will
declair to your grace quhat he seis; and almychty God
conserve your grace. Of London, the x day of August.
Your gracis servitour
ADAM OTTERBURN.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M=e=\) Adam Hotbourne.

<S SAMPLE 8C>

<Q SC1 XX CORO OTTERBUR>
<N CORR M LORRAINE>
<A OTTERBURN ADAM>
<C SC1>
<O DATE 1543-1547>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 161>
[} [\CXX\] }]
[} [\OTTERBURN TO CARDINAL BEATON\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 8th April (1546).\]
TO MY LORD CARDINALL OF SANCTANDROIS AND LEGAIT.
   My lorde, I commend my hartlie service humlie to your
lordschip quham plesit to wit that I ressavit your writting
<P 162>
makand mentioun that ye ar aggreit with Oliver Sinclare
of the quhilk I am content and desiris that all men satisfy
and pleis your lordschip in all behalffis: and quhair your
lordschip writtis that Oliver Sinclare menis him to your
lordschip that I am scharpe to him, quhilk is nocht of
verite, for thir twa yeris bipast I have assolzeit him fra
day to day and moneth to moneth in hoipe of payment
and gif this be scharpnes your lordschip may juge: and
quhair your lordschip thinkis I suld tak his land in payment
I knaw nocht quhair he hes land in Scotland, and suppois
he had land I wil tak nane becaus I have bene sua demanyt
in the kingis grace tyme and sen syne divers wayis quhilk
war lang to rehers that I have na gude to pay my dettis
and my dochteris tocher quham I have mariit laitlie
except that det. And as to my lorde Borthuik he hes
sauld his woll to men that hes put it in Ingland like as all
the merchandices and vittales on this syde of the watter
passis thair and the said lorde gevis your lordschip litill
thankis of thingis past, and Oliver his wyffe and he lyis
cursit and aggregit quhilk I traist thai wald nocht do
without the hoipe of sum way by my satisfactioun. My
lorde I have bene and wilbe als trew to your lordschip as
ony kynnisman or servand your lordschip hes. Beseiking
your lordschip that ye will nocht gif ane absolutioun
without I be satisfiit, for and ye do, ye will put me to uter
hirschip quhilk I wait your lordschip will nocht do to me
quhilk is your trew servitour. And almychty God
preserve your lordschip. Off Edinburcht the viij day of
Aprile
Be your lordschip himyll servitour
AD. OTTERBURN.

<S SAMPLE 9>

<Q SC1 XX CORO WOMEN>
<N CORR M LORRAINE>
<A WOMEN WRITERS>
<C SC1>
<O DATE 1544-1571>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X FEMALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET ROYAL>
<E DIST UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 20>

[} [\XVII\] }]
[} [\COUNTESS OF HUNTLY TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Huntly, 16th August (1543).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, I commend my hartly service to your grace.
It pleis your grace I have resavit your grace writing fra
<P 21>
your servand this berar, makand mentyoun that my lord
governour hes rasit ane cursing on my lord and done be
his awyn avyce to stop that he cum nocht to your grace
at this tyme as your grace is informyt. Madame, I assuyr
your grace ye will fynd that informacioune als fals as
utheris quhilkis hes bene maid to your grace abefoir.
Thair is na syk lettres cumin on my lord as yit as ye wrayt;
bot my lord wes informyt that syk lettres wes to cum
and hes gottin ane absolucione fra my lord cardinall in
aventuyr of the samyn. Madame beleif na uther thing
bot my lord wilbe the samyn man he promist to your
grace, and hes gottin greyt laubouris be the governouris
waye to brak hym fra your purpois: and had tha bene
any alteratioun of purposis I suld nocht haf falit till
adverteis your grace with deligens and aye salbe redy to
do your grace syk plesuyr and service as I ma at all tymes,
as knawis God quha mot have your grace in keping eternalye.
At Huntlie the xvj daye of august be
Youris grace humill servatrice
ELIZABETH COUNTESS OF HWNTLYE.

<P 46>
[} [\XXXVI\] }]
[} [\CATHERINE BELLENDEN (WIFE OF OLIVER SINCLAIR) TO THE 
QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 23rd November (1543).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, efter maist humill commendationis of my
puir service to your hienes I am adverteist that your grace
belevis that my husband and I ar awand greit soumes of
money to your grace for Orknay and Zetland and will
nocht pay your grace, and to that effect maister Thomas
Makcalzen your graces man of law hes arreistit our schip
and guddis and haldin the samyn this moneth bygane,
quhairthrow we haif tynt the mercat that we suld haif
maid money of our penny worthis to our greit skaith and
dammage be ressoun that I mycht nocht cum to get
souerte to lows the said arreistment becaus I haif bein
under greit seiknes and wthir trublis this lang tyme
bygane; the quhilk I traist and your grace had bein
weill informyt your grace wald nocht haif gart trubill
our geir in the maner as it was. Madame, your grace
sall wnderstand we haif nocht tane wp ane penny of
Orknay nor Zetland nor will nocht get quhill efter this
nixt Belten and we are informyt your grace hes set the
saidis landis to my lord of Huntlie the quhilk purposis
to be thair or than, and to tak wp the saidis frutis gif
sabeis we suld pay na thing; thairfor, will your grace be
sa gracious to ws as to ratife our fyve yeris tak quhilk
our maister quhom God assoilze set to ws, we sall mak
<P 47>
your grace thankfull payment at your grace plesour as
I wrait to your grace of befoir, for we think greit lak to
gang fra our native rowmes quhilk my husband and his
surname hes brukit thir thre or four hundreth yeris,
considering that we ar in will to mak als gude payment
to your grace as ony that can dissyre it. Beseikand your
grace to schaw this gentill man, the berar of this bill,
quhat your grace intendis to do to ws and quhat we sall
lyppin to; and Eternall God keip your grace and your
graces successioun in all haill and weilfair. Writtin at
Edinburgh the xxiij day of November be
Your gracis humill servatris
KATHERINE BELLENDEN.

<P 130>
[} [\XCVI\] }]
[} [\COUNTESS OF MORAY TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Elgin, 14th March (1544-5).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Mademe, efter humill commendatione of my service to
your grece I thank your grece of your guid mynd and deid
schawyn to me be my eme of Caldar. As yit I am nocht
obeyit of my hwis of Darnway nor yit of your grecis
hwsis of Ros, nochtwithstandyng the quenis grecis your
dochteris schargis wsit on the withhaldaris of the said
hwsis, quhilk causis me to be ewill obeyit of my hwsbandis
restis awcht to your grece and wderis. Nochtwithstanding,
I haif wrytin owir to merchandis of Edinburgh
to caus your grece be answerit of thre hundret punde of
<P 131>
mwnye and the lawe salbe had with diligens. Quhowbeid
I had mwny in this cuntre I durst nocht send it owir be
ressone of my serwandis at war spwilzeit be the get.
Quhow swne I haif putt ordir heir sall hest me to your
grece and mak compleit payment of all restis bygane.
I haif ane tryist with my lord of Huntlie in this wlk to
se gyf I may pleis his lordship, and ther efter sall adverteis
your grece of all thynges; quhome God mot haif in his
kepyng. At Elgyne, the xiiij day of Marche be
Your grace at command and service
ELIZABETH CONTAS OF MURRAY.

<P 148>
[} [\CX\] }]
[} [\COUNTESS OF MORAY TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Dingwall, 21st November (1545).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Mademe, efter maist hertle commendatione of my
service to your grace, rasavit ane writting of your grace
this xx day of Novembere daitit at Stryvelyng the xv day
<P 149>
of Octobere, desyrand me to mak gud and haiste payment
of this Martymes terme. I beleif the maist effek of the
Martymes terme in money is dischargit to me be your
grace assingnaisions maid to Sir Watter Ogilby and the
knycht of Cauder, quhilk is in the haill v=c= mark, quhilk
thai haif tayne payment of at my hand, by uther allowans
that is ordiner, quhilk your grace sall knaw at my comptes.
As for your grace fermes, it is weill knawin the tyme of
yeyr is nocht as yeit to sell ony fermis and merchantis
nocht travalyng in the cuntreth as in pesable tyme,
therfor can nocht get the money therof haistelie without
I do my self gret inconvenyent and skayth, quhilk I wait
your grace desyris nocht considerand [{the{] gret cost and
cummer I haif tayne and maid in putting [{your{] grace
landes and tennandis in rest and peis, quhilk I trast [{I
hai{]f done conformand to your grace mynd at my departing.
[{Nocht?{] the les, the money I may get sall do delygens
and send to you. As for preceptis, beseikis your grace to
send nayne to me bot sik as will gif me day that I may
mak payment one [{without?{] hurting me, and sall mak
als thankfull payment to your grace as ony uther serwis
you, will God, quha haif your grace in eternall keiping.
At Dyngwall, this xxj day of November be
Your grace at command of my service
ELIZABETH CONTAS OF MURRAY.

[} [\CXI\] }]
[} [\COUNTESS OF MORAY TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Cawdor, November (1545).\]
Mademe, eftere humle commendatione of my service to
your grace, I haif bene doand part of besynes and service
<P 150>
consernyng your grace and hes put your landis of Ros to
the best poynt I mycht, swa that all the landit men and
utheris inhabetaris of the landis of Ros are rade to do
your grace service and honour as thai be chargit. And
hes maid provesione for keiping of your tennandis fra
oppressione and sorny[{ng{] the best I could, howbeit the
same hes bene costlie to me as your grace may consider,
quhilk I req ... that ... consider[{yng?{] your grace
mynd schawing to me at departing ... understand
that the martymes terme in money will be na thing ...
effek by your grace assingnations and the wittall sillver
of this ... in the yard may nocht be payit to eftere
candillmes that schipis may haif passaig without ony
gret skayth, quhilk I traist your grace desyris nocht.
Therfor I beseikis your grace send na preceptis for na money
to me quhill the said tyme, for I am weray layth to disobey
ony thing ye will desyre me do, as knawis God, q[{uha{]
mot haif your grace ever in his keiping. Of Cawder, this
... Novembere.
Your grace at command of my service
ELIZABETH CONTAS OF MORAY.

<P 157>
[} [\CXVI\] }]
[} [\COUNTESS OF ATHOL TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Dunkeld, 14th January (1545-6).\]
   Mademe, eftir maist hummill service and prayaris unto
your graice, pleis be remembrit how your graice wrait to
my lord governour and to my lord cardinall in favouris of
your graice trew servitour Sir Adame Otirbourn and be
your graice request that tym Sir Adem was contenwat.
Mademe, ples your graice ther is laitle an sommondis of
tresson raissit on Sir Adem and apon his son Jhon Otirburn
quha mariit the erle Athollis cister, and surle Sir Adem
is haldin innocent and sic thingis allegit be his small
freyndis. Mademe, he is agit and of greit exsperienc and
haldin evir [{in{] tymis passit of wisdom, quharfor it suld
<P 158>
no[{cht{] be an presumption nor synister information [{that{]
suld hurt sic a man in his faym nor [{gud?{] is: attour, he
is now veseit be infirmite. And for his son and your grace
servitrice his s[{pous{], thar can nocht be imput to tham,
quha suld [{nocht?{] be trowblit. Thir premiss beand
considerit [{be?{] your grace gret wisdom, we all your
grace servitouris, the frendis of Sir Adem his son and his
spois, traistis surle in your grace help, and that now as of
befor your grace will be his gracios pryncis and gud
mastres, quham in to is his and ouris your servitouris
confidens to get him and his son dischargit of all sic
trowblis; quhilkis we maist hum[{i{]lle besek your grace
to do for his innocence and our pwre service. The eternell
God conserve your grace. Of Dunkeld, this xiiij day of
Januarye
be your grace mast humell servitrice
COMPTAS OF ATHOLL.

<P 280>
[} [\CXCIII\] }]
[} [\LADY HOME TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 28th December (1548).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madem, I commend my hartly servis to your grace,
ples your grace to ramemer of my wryting my dochter
broht, - it is fulfald lossing to God. My son Alexander
had cumit to your grace wyth the ferst tidengis bot my
lord Huntle said he sold send, and ther efter be at your
<P 281>
grace hem self. My son Andro was at the plas woning
prenssipall, and his cusing John Hom wyth hem the lard
of Coldonknous and young Alexander Hom and the lard
of Melarstanis. Thar wald na uder of the garesonis pas
vyth my son. Well plis your grace to cum to Edenbrught
vyth all delygens and lay garisonis in the Hom,
ther salbe uder thingis doun, wel God. And ilk man wilbe
wellmyndit, ther wilbe few Inglis men in Scotland be lyf.
Your grace mon cas gret delygens be mad for support to
the plas of adventour it be put at be Inglis men. Had the
hale garisonis past vyth my son Andro, Kelso had beyn
won to. All our asperans is in your grace, thar for do
as your grace plessis. Your grace ramemeris I dysirit
part of support quhen your grace thinkis expedyent. I
wald ye gef it to my dochter to send to me for I haf gret
mister. Quhat your grace list command, wryt and it sall
be doun, well God, quha preserve your grace eternally.
Wretin of Edenborght, the xxviij day of Dyssembar be
your graceis humell servetour
MARYON LADY HOM.
[\Endorsed:\] (\M. le conte Mareschal.\)

<P 291>
[} [\CCI\] }]
[} [\LADY HOME TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Home, 9th March (1548-9).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRAS.
   Madem, I comend my hartly serwis to your grace.
Pleis you to be advertesit that thar is cumit serten of
<P 292>
Inglis men to Beryk ma nor wes of befor, bot I belef tha
well nocht all be thre thousand men. Caus wait one the
fortht of Inaresk sa mony as is nedfull, and maik for
suir advertisment in tha parttis, that tha be nocht stoun
on. Als sua I beseik your grace to caus my son and all
uder Scottis men that ye ma forga to cum in this cuntre,
for ther welbe besyn[{e{]s about this toun or ellis in som
uder pairt in this cuntre. The French men that wes heyr
cald not agre with the capeden wes sent to tham, and said
to hem they aucht na servis to the king, and we haf caussit
hem to send for uderis sa mony as plissis hem, and pout
tham away. This last rad was mad in Ingland has doun
na gud, bot maid our inimeis harde, and quhill it be mendit
the Inglis men well never trast to geit skath. Your grac
maun be vere scherp batht on the Franch men and on the
Scottis men or it will nocht be weill; yet ader to do as
aferis to tham or lat it be, tha mecht never getin sa gud
ane tym. Pardon me that writtis sa hamly to your grac,
for in gud feth it cumis of ane gud hart as than [\sic\] that
loifis bath the honour of Scotland and Frans. Forder,
God keip your grace. Writin of Hom, the ix day of
Merch be
your gracis servetour
MARION LADY HOM.

<P 295>
[} [\CCV\] }]
[} [\LADY HOME TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Home, 20th March (1548-9).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madem, I commend my hartly serves to your grace,
sertifying your grace that the hors men of ther parttis of
Ingland that wes at Hatington past by this plas on
Tysday. And it is said be part of Inglis men, had the
Franch men in Dombar beyn half parte to tham, thar
had few Inglis men past away. I exort your grace to
caus the French men that sold cum heir to this plas of
Hom to be heir wyth delygens and that tha be honest
men that will anser of ther lyf and honnour to the kingis
henes of Franc and your grace, and that tha breng na
man wyth tham to be thar sudaris and servetoris bot
quhilk is well gifin: for your grace is knawin of Inglis
men the mallis tha haf to Scottis men, and prenspale to
us, and tha well nocht spair noder for cost nor travell to
haf this plas. And thar is four of the French menis
<P 296>
servandis that is now in this plas past to Ingland and ane
of them toik capeden Nicollayis blak hors vyth hem, and
tha ar in Northam. Your grace moun caus vevaris to
cum vyth the Franch men both of weyn and flour and
uder nessesares, for thar is lytell to geit in this cuntre, and
tha ma sell it agayn to the soudarttis and brew beir to
tham, and tak up thar wagis thar for, and by in to tham
agayn, sa thay well be well fornist and your grace to haf
na tensall. Efter that the French men cum to this plas
to raman, and the cuntre brokin fra all assirans and som
punist for offenssis doun, I well cum and speik vyth your
grace, quhar your grace sall knaw all thingis conserning
this cuntre. And God preserv your grac. Of Hom, the
xx=ti= day of March, be
your gracis servatour at command
MARYON LADY HOM.
[\Endorsed:\] (\Le conte mareschal.\)

[} [\CCVI\] }]
[} [\LADY HOME TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Home, 28th March (1549).\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madem, I commend my hartly servis to your grace.
Plis your grace that the Inglis men is marwelis dysplessit
of this last carmis that my son our threw tham, and tha
wellien contant, and dystrow all this cuntre, quhar for
I pra your grace caus the leutenand wyth the garisonis
to sped tham our. Als sua I beseik your grace to be gud
<P 297>
prenssis to the Spangyarttis and lat tham cum agayn, for
tha do lyk noble men, and als suay the Mour. He is als
scharp ane man as rydis, beseking your grace to be gud
prenssis unto him. I wald your grace caussit the Franch
men to cum to this plas. Thar is not xxx in to it, and
tha ar our few quhan the Scottis men ridis forth; and
gar vevaris cum to tham. Forder as accuris I sall adverttis
your grace. The Spangya[{r{]ttis is awand bath mony that
I caussit men len tham and als to the pur wyfis in this
toun for ther expenssis, and the Franch men in lyk maner
to the wyfis, that the pur folkis ma furneis na mar wyth
out tha geit payment, as your grace ma well conseder. I
dout nocht bot your grace well caus all to be payit. And
the eternell God pryserw your grace. Wrytin of Hom,
the xxviij day of March be
your gracis humell servetour
MARYON LADY HOM.

<P 341>
[} [\CCXXXII\] }]
[} [\LADY GRAY TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 18th November (1550).\]
TO THE QWENIS GRACE DROWRIARE OF SCOTLAND.
   Eftir maist humill commendatioun of service unto your
grace pleis the samin, your grace being rememberit how
oft tymes I spak for the releif of my husband, that I and
his bairnis mycht haif ane lyfe, and my spous to serve the
king of France and your grace, as our soveranis maist
derest moder, and now sen youre graces depairting of
Scotland my said spous is deliverit in my lord ambassatouris
and lieutennentis keping in the castell of Blaknes,
 - quhair your grace may mak me and my bairnis to haif
<P 342>
support be releving of my said spous. Beseiking your
grace for merite of God and the service that his blude and
myne may do, that your grace wilbe gracious quene and
lady to him at this tyme, owthir tobe relevit undir quhat
plegeis and conditionis your grace will think expedient,
and to remane in Scotland, or to be relevit and cum in
France to serve as the kingis majestie and your grace will
gif command; for we ar aluterly herriit in tymes bigane,
as your grace knawis ane pairt therof. I neid nocht
truble your grace with lang lettir, for all the mater hes
bene sa oft reheirsit that ye knaw the samin, and now
without your help I and my bairnis wilbe herriit and distroyit
be povirte for evir, quhilk your grace pleis help and
our prayeris and service salbe evir to your grace as knawis
God, quha preserve your grace in lang lyfe and prosperous
estait with the hevin at your depairting. Writting of
Edinbrucht, the xviij day of November be
Your graces maist humill servant
MARION LADY GRAY.

<P 369>
[} [\CCLI\] }]
[} [\LADY OF BUCCLEUCH TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Edinburgh, 28th January 1553-4.\]
TO THE QUENYS GRACE.
   Madame, eftir maist humyll commendatioun of service,
empleis your grace be advertisit I have tareit heir thir
aucht days bipast in houp of your cumyng to this towne:
awating thaireupone to haif spoking your grace at lenth in
all my necessar besiness, for my suyr traist and asperance
is onelie in your grace above all utheris of this realme.
And I with all frendis pertening me salbe your trew servitouris
in all sic behalfis as ye pleis command ws. Besekand
your grace to send me advertisment gif ye intend to be
heir schortlie or nocht, for I will await yit ferder upone
your cumyng. I haif committit sum part of my mynd
be toung to my broder the berar heirof, quhairto pleis
your grace geif credit. And God almychting preserve
<P 370>
your grace eternalie. Off Edinburgh, the xxviij of Januar
1553.
be your oratrix
JANAT BEATOUN LADY OF BWKCLWTHT.

<P 393>
[} [\CCLXII\] }]
[} [\COUNTESS OF ERROLL TO THE QUEEN REGENT\] }]
[\Perth, 14th November (1554?)\]
TO THE QUENIS GRACE.
   Madame, eftyr maist hwmyll commendatione with
serveis and prayarris, your grace plais wit that,
nochtwithstending
<P 394>
the promissis my lord my husband maid to
your grace - that I in all behalffis suld be wssit and
traittit as his wyff and according to my facultye - he
nevertheless at this tyme is far chengit frome that purpois
and frome the keping of his said promissis. He hes laid
to my charge and desyrit me to refar me to freindis twiching
the modefeing of my sustentatione. I was contentit
that he suld wis the counsall of his awin freyndis as he
thocht best; bot as for my pairt I wald refar that matter
to nane udyr bot to your grace. And sen syne he hes
requyrit me na fordyr, and gyff he continew in the sammyn
mynd he is in, on fors I man cum and tak my sustentatione
of your grace quhyll your grace provide sum way
that I may have my honest leving. Quhilk being providit,
considderand my lord is nodyr desyrus nor contentit
with my companye, I will cum and spend the
sammyn in your gracis serweis. Attour, this Wednisday
I haif spokin [^EDITOR'S EMENDATION ha[{if spo?{]kin^]          #
with my lord quhay hes declarit his mynd
to me, sayand that he can in na [^EDITOR'S EMENDATION           #
[{in n?{]a^] way stand content
with me, allegand me to be participant and fortefiar of
your brokin men quhilk maid the spoilze upone his guddis.
It may be weill knawin that I wald desyr na skayth nodyr
to hym me nor my bernis, seing that his skayth is bayth
myne and my bernis als weill as his. Swa I have na
refuge bot unto your grace, and without your grace put
sum remade to this besenes I persave na wder thing bot
the wtter confusione of his hous me and my bernis. And
as to the furnissing of me, the maister my sone will schaw
your grace of that and all wdyr my affairris, to quhome
your grace plais gyff crydens. Besekand your gud grace
to adverteis me with my said sone quhat your grace
thinkis best that I do in all behalfis: and the Lord God
<P 395>
haiff your gude grace evir in his twischione and keping.
At Pe[{r{]tht, the xiiij day of November be
your gracis humble servitrice at command and powar
MARGARET COWNTES OF ERROLL.

<P 437>
[} [\CCXC\] }]
[} [\COUNTESS OF MONTROSE TO THE QUEEN DOWAGER\] }]
[\Kincardine, 6th April (1547 or earlier).\]
[\ ... \] the twa hundretht
crounis I lent your graice, that I may heff tham now agane
in my mistir .... And it vill pleis your graice deliver
tham to the berar. [\ ... \]
be your grace humille servitrice at hir wter powar
COMITACE OF MONTROS.'

<P 438>
[} [\CCXCIII\] }]
[} [\LADY HOME TO THE QUEEN'S GRACE\] }]
[\Thorntoun, 5th July (after 1550).\]
TO THE QUENEIS GRACE.
   Madam, efter maist hertlie and hummill commandatioun
of service I haif resavit ane writting fra yowr grace
the thrid day of this instant moneyth of July, makeand
mensioun that Johne Otterburne of the Ryd hall hes said
that he hes the landis of Monynettis in herytege. His
father and he hes had thame in lang possessioun. Trowth
it is my lord my husband set that steiding to his father
to haif doun him sertane profeitis and plesur, quhilk wes
<P 439>
nocht yit doun as yowr grace sall knaw at mair lenth.
Quhair he sayis that I alege that his tennandis hes rewin
the cowmoun of Thornetown, it is na alegeance bot in
werray deid that he hes tane in in sewerall to him self in
corne and gyrs neir twa myle off eird, and this said cowmoun
partenis to the lard of Innerweik and the lordschip of
Feirstoun and me. And I desyrit the tennandis thir twa
zeir by past to desyst fra brekin of the ground and thai
promeist that thai sould proseid na forther. Nochtwithstanding
thai haif menurit, quhilk is contrare ressoun
and gud quentence. And quhair he sayis that I intend
to mak conwocatioun of our soverane ladyis legis with
thair catell and hors to eit and destroy the corneis, trewlie
I never intendit sic ane thing, howbeit that it mycht be
doun of rason. I traist in yowr grace that ye will caus
me haif justyce quhensumever that I will complene of
him or of ony wtheris, and I sall never make occacioun
of ony inobedyence to yowr graceis awthorate, bot sall be
glaid to set it furth als far as is in my possabelyte.
The tennandis of Johne Otterburneis tuke in this land
in the tyme of the Inglismen quhen thai war assurit, and
did me mekill mair skayth he and his frendis in that tyme,
as yowr grace sall knaw at mair lenth. Thai haif bayth
maid me the falt and the fyrst plent. I never maid faill
to na creature nor never sall, with the grace of God, quha
mot preserve yowr grace in saule and body. Writtin of
Thornetoun, the fyft day of July, be
yowr graceis hummill obedyent servitor
MARYON LADY HOM.



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[^THE NEW TESTAMENT IN SCOTS. BEING PURVEY'S REVISION OF
WYCLIFFE'S VERSION TURNED INTO SCOTS BY MURDOCH NISBET.
ED. T.G. LAW. VOL. II.
SCOTTISH TEXT SOCIETY, 49.
EDINBURGH AND LONDON 1903.
PP. 2.1-22.11 (I,1-V,40)^]

<P I,1>
[}OF SANCTE JOHNNE THE FIRST CHAPTURE.}]

   In the begynnyng was the word, and the word was
at God, and God was the word. This was in
the begynnyng at God. Al thingis war made be
him, and without him was made na thing. That thing
that was made [\made ADDED IN MARGIN, MS\] in him was lijf: and #
the lijf was
the licht of men: And the licht schynes in mirknessis,
and mirknessis comprehendit nocht it. A
man was send fra God, to quham the name was
Johne. This man com into witnessing, that he suld
bere witnessing of the licht, that al men suld beleue
be him. He was nocht the licht, bot that he suld
bere witnessing of the licht. Thare was a verray
licht, quhilk lichtnys ilk man that cummis into this
warld. He was in the warld, and the warld was
made be him, and the warld knew him nocht. He
com into his awn thingis, and his resauet him nocht.
Bot how mony euire resauet him, he gafe to thame
powere to be made the sonnis of God, to thame that
beleuet in his name; The quhilkis nocht of bludes,
nouther of the will of flesch, nouther of the will of
man, bot ar born of God. And the word was
made man, and has duelt amang vs, and we haue
seen the glorie of him, as the glorie of the aan begottin
sonn of the fader, full of grace and of treuth.
Johnne beris witnessing of him, and cries, and
sais, This is quham I said, He that sal cum eftir
me, is made before me, for he was before me;
And of the plentee of him we all haue takin,
and grace for grace. For the law was gevin be
Moyses; bot grace and treuth is made be Jesu Crist.
Na man saw euir God: bot the aan begottin sonn
that is in the bosum of the fader he has tald out.
And this [{is{] the witnessing of Johnne, quhen Jewis
send fra Jerusalem preestis and deknys to him, that
thai suld ask him, Quha art thou?
<P I,20>
And he knawlechit, 
and denyit nocht. And he knawlechit, For I 
am nocht Crist. And thai askit him, Quhat than?
Art thou Hely? And he said, I am nocht. Art
thou a prophet? And he ansuerd, Nay. Tharfore
thai said to him, Quha art thou? that we geue ane
ansuere to thir that send vs. Quhat sais thou of thi
self? And he said, I am a voce of a criar in
desert, Dresse ye the way of the Lord, as Esaie, the
prophet, said. And thai that war send war of the
Phariseis. And thai askit him, and said to him,
Quhat than babtyses thou, gif thou art nocht Crist,
nowthir Hely, nouthir a prophet? Johnne ansuerde
to tham, and said, I baptyse in watir, bot
in the middis of you has standin aan that ye knaw
nocht; He it is, that sall cum eftir [{me{] , that was
made before me, of quham I am nocht worthi to lows
the thuang of his scho. Thir thingis war done in
Bethany beyond Jordan, quhare Johnne was baptysand.
Ane vthir day Johne saw Jesu cummand
to him, and he said, Lo! the lambe of God;
lo! he that takis away the synnis of the warlde.
This is he that I said of, Eftir me is cummin a
man, quhilk was made before me; for he was rathare
than I. And I knew him nocht, bot that he be
schewit in Jsrael, tharfor I am baptizing in watire.
And Johnne baire witnessing, and said, That I saw
the spirit cummande doun as a dow fra heuen, and
duellit on him. And I knew him nocht; bot he
that send me to baptize in watire said to me, On
quham thou seis the Spirit cummyng doun, and duelling
on him, this is he that baptizis in the Haligaast. 
And I saw, and baire witnessing, that this is the
sonn of God. Ane vthir day Johnne stude, and
twa of his discipilis, And he beheld Jesu gangand,
and said, Lo! the lambe of God. And twa discipilis
herd him spekand, and followit Jesu. And
Jesus turnit, and saw thame followand him, and said
to thame, Quhat seke ye? And thai said to him,
Rabbi (that is to say, Maistir), quhare duellis thou?
He sais to thame, Cum ye and se. And thai com,
and saw quhare he duellit; and duelt with him that
day. And it was as the tent houre.
<P I,40>
And Andro,
the bruther of Symon Petir, was aan of the twa that
herde of Johnne and had followit him. This fand
first his bruther Symon, and he said to him, We
haue  fundin Messias, that is to say, Crist; And he
ledde him to Jesu. And Jesus beheld him, and
saide, Thou art Symon, the sonn of Johanna; thou
salbe callit Cephas, that is to say, Petir. And on
the morn he wald gaan out into Galilee, and he
fand Philip, and he sais to him, Follou thow me.
Philip was of Bethsaida, the citee of Andro and of
Petir. Philip fand Nathanahel, and said to him,
We haue fundin Jesu, the sonn of Joseph, of Nazareth,
quham Moyses wrate in the law and the prophetis.
And Nathanahel said to him, Of Nazareth may sum
gude thing be? Phillip said to him, Cum and se.
Jesus saw Nathanahel cumming to him, and said of [\of WRITTEN   #
ABOVE to DELETED\]
him, Lo! verralie a man of Israel, in quham is na
gile. Nathanahel said to him, Quharof has thou
knawne me? Jesus ansuerde, and said to him, Before
that Phillip callit thee, quhen thou was vndir
the fig tre, I saw thee. Nathanahel ansuerde to
him, and said, Rabbi, thou art the sonn of God, thou
art king of Israel. Jesus ansuerde, and said to
him, For I said to thee I saw thee vndir the fig 
tre, thou beleues; thou sal se maire than thir thingis.
And he said to thame, Trewlie, trewlie, I say to
yow, ye sal se heuen opnyt, and the angels of God
ascending and cummyng doun on mannis sonn.

<P II,1>
[}THE SECUNDE CHAPTURE}]

   Ande the thrid day weddingis war made in the
Chane of Galilee; and the moder of Jesu was thare.
And Jesus was callit, and his discipilis, to the weddingis.
And quhen the wyne failyeit, the moder
of Jesu said to him, Thai haue nocht wyne. And
Jesus said to hir, Quhat to me and to thee, woman?
my houre com nocht yit. His moder sais to the
mynistaris, Quhat euir thing he say to you, do ye.
And thar war set sex staan cannis, eftir the clengeing 
of the Jewis, haldand ilkaan ij or thre metretis.
And Jesus sais to thame, Fill ye the pottis with
watire. And thai fillit thame vp to the mouth.
And Jesus said to thame, Draw ye now, and bere
ye to the architriclyn. And thai baire. And quhen
the architriclyne had taastit the watir made wyne,
and wist nocht quharof it was, bot the ministaris
wist that drew the watire, the architriclyn callit the
spouse, And sais to him, Ilk man settis first gude
wyne, and quhen men ar fulfillit, than that that is
wers; bot thou has kepit the gude wyne into this
tyme. Jesus did this the beginnyng of signes in
the Chane of Galilee, and schewit his glorie; and his
discipilis beleuet into him. Eftir thir thingis he
com doun to Capharnaum, and his moder, and his
brether, and his discipilis; and thai duelt nocht thare
mony dais. And the pasche of Jewis was neire,
and Jesus went vp to Jerusalem. And he fand in
the tempile men selland oxen, and schepe, and dowis,
and changeris sittand. And quhen he had made as
it war a scurge of smal cordis, he draue out all of the
tempile, and oxen and schepe; and he sched the
money [\money WRITTEN ABOVE mony DELETED\] of changeris, and    #
turnit vpsadoun the burdis.
And he said to thame that sald culueris (or dowis),
Tak away fra hyne thir thingis, and will ye nocht
mak the hous of my fader ane hous of merchandice.
And his discipilis had mynd, for it was writtin,
The feruent lufe of thin hous has eten me. Tharfor
the Jewis ansuerd, and said to him, Quhat takin
schewis thou to vs that thou dois thir thingis?
Jesus ansuerd, and said to thame, Vndo ye this
tempile, and in thre dais I sal raase it.
<P II,20>
Tharfor
the Jewis said to him, In fourty and sex yeris this
tempile was biggit, and sal thou in thre dais raase it?
Bot he said of the tempile of his body. Tharfore
quhen he was risen fra deid, his discipilis hadde
mynd that he said thir [\thir CORRECTED OUT OF this: thingis    #
ADDED ABOVE THE LINE\] thingis of his body; and
thai beleuet to the scripture, and to the word that
Jesus said. And quhen that Jesus was at Jerusalem
in the pasche, in the feest day, mony beleuet
in his name, seand the signes he did. Bot Jesus
trowit nocht him self to thame, for he knew al men;
And for it was nocht nede to him that ony man
suld bere witnessing, for he wist quhat was in man.  


<P III,1>
[}THE IIJ CHAPTURE.}]

   And thar was a man of the Phariseis, Nichodeme
be name, a prince of the Jewis. And he com to
Jesu be nycht, and said to him, Rabbi, we wate that
thou art cummyn fra God maister; for na man may
do thir signes that thou dois, bot gif God be with
him. Jesus ansuerde, and said to him, Treulie, treulie,
I say to thee, bot gif a man be born agane, he may
nocht se the kingdome of God. Nicodeme said to
him, How may a man be born quhen he is ald?
quhethir may he entir agane into his moderis wambe,
and be born agane? Jesus ansuerd, Treulie, treulie,
I say to thee, bot a man be born agane of watir and
of the Haligast, he may nocht entir into the kingdome
of God. That that is born of flesch, is flesch; and
that that is born of the spirit, is spirit. Wonndir thou
nocht for I said to thee, It behuves you to be born
agane. The spirit inspires quhare he will, and thou
heris his voce, bot thou wate nocht quhar fra it
cummis, na quhare he gais; sa is ilk man that is
born of the spirit. Nicodeme ansuerde, and said to 
him, How may thir thingis be done? Jesus ansuerde,
and said to him, Thou art a maistir in Jsrael, and
knawis nocht thir thingis? Treulie, treulie, I say
to thee, for we speke that that we wate, and we 
witnes that that we haue seen, and ye tak nocht oure
witnessing. Gif I haue said to you erdlie thingis,
and ye beleue nocht, how gif I say to you heuenlie
thingis, sall ye beleue? And na man ascendis into
heuen, bot he that com doun fra heuen, mannis sonn
that is in heuen. And as Moyses raasit a serpent in
desert, sa it behuves mannis sonn to be raasit, That
ilk man that beleues in him perise nocht, bot haue
euir lasting lif. For God luvet sa the warld,
that he gafe his aan begottin sonn, that ilk man that
beleues in him perise nocht, bot haue euirlastand lif.
For God send nocht his sonn into the warld that
he iuge the warld, bot that the warld be sauet be
him. He that beleues in him is nocht demyt; bot
he that beleues nocht is now demyt, for he beleues
nocht in the [\AFTER the, aan begottin DELETED\] name of the    #
aan begottin sonn of God.
And this is the dome, for licht com into the warld,
and men luvit maire mirknessis than licht; for thar
werkis war euile.
<P III,20>
For ilk man that dois euile hatis
the licht; and he cummis nocht to the licht, that his
werkis be nocht repreuet. Bot he that dois treuth,
cummis to the licht, that his werkes be schewit, that
thai ar done in God. Eftir thir thingis Jesus
com, and his discipilis, into the land of Judee, and
thare he duelt with thame, and baptizit. And
Johnne was baptizand in Ennon, beside Salem, for
mony watris war thare; and thai com, and ware
baptizit. And Johnne was nocht yit send into presoun.
Tharfore a questioun was made of Johnnis discipilis
with the Jewis, of the purificatioun. And thai com
to Johnne, and said to him, Maister, he that was with
the beyonde Jordan, to quham thou has born witnessing,
lo! he baptizis, and al men cummis to him.
Johnne ansuerde and said, A man may nocht tak
ony thing, bot it be gevin to him fra heuen. Ye
you self beris witnessing to me that I said, I am
nocht Crist, bot that I am send before him. He
that has a wif is the husbande; bot the frende of
the spouse that standis, and heris him, joyis with joy
for the voce of the spouse. Tharfor in this thing my
ioy is fulfillit. It behuvis him to wax, bot me to be
made lesse. He that com fra abone, is aboue all;
he that [\AFTER that, spek DELETED\] is of the erde, spekis of  #
the erde; he that
cummis fra heuen, is abone alle. And he witnessis
that thing that he has seen, and herde, and na man
takis his witnessing. Bot he that takis his witnessing,
has confermyt that God is suthfast. Bot he quham
God has send spekis the wordis of God; for nocht to
mesure God gevis the spirit. The fader luvis the
sonn, and he has gevin althingis in his hand. He
that beleues in the sonn, has euirlastand lif; bot he that
is vnbelefull to the sonn, sal nocht see euirlastand lif,
bot the ire of God duellis on him.


<P IV,1>
[}THE IIIJ CHAPTUR.}]

   Tharfor as Jesus knew, that the Phariseis herde,
that Jesus makis and baptizis ma discipilis than Johnne,
Thouch Jesus baptisit nocht, bot his discipilis, He
left Judee, and went agane into Galilee. And it behuvit
him to passe bee Samarie. Tharfore Jesus
com into a citee of Samarie, that is said Sychar,
beside the place that Jacob gafe to Joseph, his sonn.
And the well of Jacob was thare; and Jesus was
wery of the journay, and sat thus vponn the well.
And the houre was, as it war the sext. And a
woman com fra Samarie to draw watir. And Jesus
sais to hir, Gefe me drink. And his discipilis war
gaan into the citee to by mete. Tharfore that ilk
woman of Samarie sais to him, How thou, sen thou
art a Jew, askis of me drink, that am a woman of
Samarie; for Jewis vsit nocht to mele with Samaritanis.
Jesus ansuerde, and said to hir, Gif thou wist the
gift of God, and quha is he that seis to thee, Gefe
me drink, thou perauenture wald haue askit of him,
and he suld haue gevin to thee quick watir. The
woman sais to him, Sire, thou hast nocht quharin to
draw, and the pitt is deep; quharof than has thou
quick watir? Quhethir gif thou art gretare than oure
fader Jacob, that gafe to vs the pitt? and he drank
tharof, and his sonnis, and his beestis. Jesus ansuerde,
and said to hir, Ilk man that drinkis of this watire
sal [\sal...watire ADDED IN MARGIN\] threst eftsone; bot he     #
that drinkis of the watire
that I sal gefe to him, sall nocht threst withoutin end;
Bot the watir that I sal gefe to him salbe made in
him a well of watir, springand vp into euirlasting lif.
The woman sais to him, Sir, geue me this watire,
that I threst nocht, nouther cum hiddir to draw.
Jesus sais to hir, Ga,  call thin husband, and cum
hiddir. The woman ansuerde, and saide, I haue naan
husband. Jesus [\AFTER Jesus, ansuerd and said DELETED\] sais   #
to hir, Thou said [\said CORRECTED OUT OF sais\] wele, That I 
haue naan husband; For thou has had five husbandis,
and he that thou has now, is nocht thin husband. This [\AFTER   #
this, tho IN MS\]
thing thou has said trewlie. The woman sais to
him, Lord, I se that thou art a prophete.
<P IV,20>
Oure
fadris wirschippit in this hill, and ye say that at
Jerusalem is a place, quhare it behuvis to wirschip.
Jesus sais to hir, Woman, beleue thou to me, for
the houre sal cum, quhen nouthir in this hill, nouthir
in Jerusalem, ye sall wirschip the fadere. Ye wirschip
that ye knaw nocht; we wirschip that that we knaw;
for heil is of the Iewis. Bot the tyme is cummin,
and now it is, quhen trew wirschipparis [\wirschipparis IN      #
CATCHWORD\] sal wirschip
the fader in spirit and treuth; for alsa the fader sekes
sic that wirschippis him. God is a spirit, and it
behuvis thame that wirschippis him, to wirschip in
spirit and treuth. The woman said to him, I wate
that Messias is cummin, that is said Crist; tharfore
quhen he cummis, he sall tell vs al thingis. Jesus
sais to hir, I am he, that spekis with thee. And
anon his discipilis com, and wonndrit that he spak
with the woman; neuirtheles na man said to him,
Quhat sekis thou, or, Quhat spekis thou with hir?
Tharfore the woman left hir watir pott, and went
into the citee, and said to tha men, Cum ye, and
se ye a man that said to me all thingis that I haue
done; quhethir gif he be Crist? And thai went
out of the citee, and com to him. In the meynquhile
his discipilis prait him, and said, Maister, ete.
Bot he said to thame, I haue mete to ete, that ye
knaw nocht. Tharfore the discipilis said togiddir,
Quhethir gif ony man has broucht him mete to ete?
Jesus sais to thame, My mete is that I do the will
of him that send me, that I performe the werk of
him. Quhethir ye say nocht, that yit iiii monethis
are, and ripe corn cummis? Lo! I say to you, lift
vp youre een, and se ye the feeldis, for now thai ar
quhite to schere. And he that scheris takis hyre,
and gadris fruit into euirlasting lif; that bathe he that
sawis, and he that scheris, haue ioy togiddir. In
this thing is the word trew, for ane vther is that
sawis, and ane vthir that scheris. I send you to
schere, that ye haue nocht labourit; vther men haue
laborit, and ye haue entrit into thare trauales. And
of that citee mony Samaritanis beleuet into him, for
the word of the woman that baire witnessing, That
he said to me althingis that I haue done.
<P IV,40>
Tharfor
quhen Samaritanis com to him, thai prait him to
duelle thare; and he dwellit thare ij dais. And
mony ma beleuet for his word, And said to the
woman, That now nocht for thi speche we beleue;
for we haue herde, and we wate, that this is verralie
the saluatour of the warld. And eftir twa dais
he went out fra thynne, and went into Galilee. And
he baire witnessing, that a prophet in his awn cuntre
has na honoure. Tharfore quhen he com into Galilee,
men of Galilee resauet him, quhen thai had seen
althingis that he had done in Jerusalem in the feest
day; for alsa thai had cummin to the feest day. Tharfore
he com eftsone into the Chaan of Galilee, quhare
he had made the watire wyne. And a litile king
was, quhais sonn was seke at Capharnaum. Quhen
this had herde, that Jesus suld [\AFTER suld,com DELETED\] cum  #
fra Iudee into
Galilee, he went to him, and prait him, that he suld
cum doun, and heil his sonn; for he began to dee.
Tharfore Jesus said to him, Bot gif ye se taknis
and gret wonndris, ye beleue nocht. The litil king
sais to him, Lord, cum doun, before [\before ADDED ABOVE THE    #
LINE\] that my sonn dee.
And Jesus sais to him, Ga, thi sonn levis. The
man beleuet to the word that Jesus said to him, and
he went. And now quhen he com doun, the seruandis
com agane him, and tald to him, and said, That
his sonn levit. And he askit of thame the houre in
quhilk he was amendit. And thai said to him, For
yistirday in the vij houre the feuer left him. Tharfore
the fader knew that the ilk houre it was in quhilk
Jesus said to him, Thi sonn levis; and he beleuet, and
al his hous. Jesus did eftir this secund takin, quhen
he com fra Judee into Galilee.
  
<P V,1>
[}THE V CHAPTURE.}]
 
   Eftir thir thingis thar was a feest day of the Iewis,
and Jesus went vp to Jerusalem. And in Jerusalem
is a [\AFTER a, duelling DELETED\] wesching place, that in      #
Hebrew is namet Bethsaida,
and has five porches. In thire lay a multitude 
of seekmen, blynd, cruket, and dry, abidand the mouyng
of the watire. For the angell of the Lord com
doun certane tymes into the watire, and the watir was
mouet; and he that first com doun into [{the{] cisternn,
eftire the mouyng of the watire, was made haal of quhat
euiur seeknes he was haldin. And a man was thare,
having aucht and thretty yeris in his seeknes. And
quhen Jesus had seen him liand, and had knawne that
he had mekile tyme, he sais to him, Will thou be made
haal? The sekeman ansuerd to him, Lord, I haue
na man, that quhen the watir is mouet, to put me into
cisterne; for the quhile I cum, ane vthir gais doun
before me. Jesus sais to him, Ryise vp, tak thi bedde,
and ga. And anon the man was made haal, and tuke
vp his bedde, and yede furth. And it was sabot in
that day. Tharfor the Iewis said to him that was
made haal, It is sabot, it is nocht leefful to thee to
tak away thi bedde. He ansuerde to thame, He
that made me haal said to me, Tak thi bedde, and 
ga. Tharfor thai askit him, Quhat man is that that
said to thee, Tak vp thi bedde, and ga? Bot he
that was made haal, wist nocht quha it was. And Jesus
bowit away fra the pepile, that was sett in the place.
Eftirwart Jesus fand him in the tempile, and said to
him, Lo! thou art made haal; now will thou nocht
do synn, or perauenture ony werse thing befall to thee.
That ilk man went, and tald to the Iewis, that it
was Jesus that made him haal. Tharfore the
Iewis persewit Jesu, for he did this thing in the
sabot. And Jesus ansuerde to thame, My fader
wirkis till now, and I wirk. Tharfor the Jewis
soucht maire to sla him, for nocht anly he brak the
saboth, bot he said that God was his fader, and made
him euen to God. Tharfor Jesus ansuerd, and said
to thame, Treuly, treuly, I say to you, The sonn may
nocht of him self do ony thing, bot that thing that he
seis the fader doand; for quhat euir thingis he dois,
the sonn dois in like maner tha thingis.
<P V,20>
For the
fader luvis the sonn, and schewis to him althingis
that he dois; and he sal schew to him gretar werkis
than thir, that ye wonndir. For as the fader rases
deidmen, and quiknis, sa [\sa CORRECTED OUT OF so\] the sonn    #
quiknis quham he
will. For nouther the fader iuges ony man, bot he
has gevin ilk dome to the sonn, That almen honour
the sonn as thai honour the fadere. He that honouris
nocht the sonn, honouris nocht the fadire that send
him. Treulie, treulie, I say to you, he that heris
my word, and beleues to him that send me, has euirlasting
lif, and he cummis nocht into dome, bot passis
fra deid into lif. Treulie, I say to you, for the houre
cummis, and now it is, quhen deidmen sal here the voce
of Goddis sonn, and [\AFTER and, that DELETED\] thai that heres #
sal leef. For as
the fader has lif in him self, sa he gave to the sonn, for      # 
[\for ADDED ABOVE THE LINE\]
to haue lif in him self; And he gave to him powere
to mak dome, for he is mannis sonn. Will ye nocht
wonndire this, for the houre cummis, in quhilk almen
that ar in birielis sal here the voce of Goddis sonn.
And thai that haue done gude thingis sal ga into
agane rising of lif; bot thai that haue done euile
thingis, into agane rising of dome. I may do
nathing of myself, bot as I here, I deme, and my
dome is iust, for I seek nocht my will, bot the will of
the fadere that send me. Gif I beire witnessing
of myself, my witnessing is nocht trew; Ane
vthir is that beris witnessing of me, and I wate that
his witnessing is trew, that he beris of me. Ye
send to Johnne, and he baire witnessing to treuth. Bot
I tak na witnessing of man; bot I say thir thingis, that
ye be saaf. He was a lanterne birnand and schynand;
bot ye wald glaid at ane hour in his licht. Bot I
haue maire witnessing than Johnne, for the werkis that
my fader gave to me to parforme thame, tha ilk werkis
that I do beres witnessing of me, that the fader send
me. And the fader that send me, he baire witnessing
of me. Nouthir ye herde euir his voce, nouthir ye
saw his liknes. And ye haue nocht his word duelling
in you; for ye beleue nocht to him, quham he send.
Seek ye scripturis, in quhilk ye gesse to haue
euirlasting lif; and tha it ar, that beres witnessing
of me.
<P V,40>
And ye will nocht cum to me, that ye
haue lif. I tak nocht clernes of men; Bot I
haue knawne you, that ye haue nocht the lufe of God
in you. I com in the name of my fadere, and ye
tuk nocht me. Gif ane vthir cum in his awne name,
ye sal resaue him. How may ye beleue, that resaues
glorie ilk of vthir, and ye seek nocht the glorie that is
of God allaan? Will ye nocht gesse, that I com to
accuse you anentis the fadere; it is Moyses that accusis
you, in quham ye hope. For gif ye beleuet to
Moyses, peraueuture ye suld beleue alsa to me; for
he wrate of me. Bot gif ye beleue nocht to his
lettris, how sal ye beleue to my wordis? 



<B SPARL2> 
<Q SC2 STA LAW ACTS2> 
<N PARLIAMENT ACTS> 
<A X> 
<C SC2> 
<O DATE 1587-1621> 
<M MEDIUM MS> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T LAW> 
<G X> 
<F X> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X X> 
<Y X> 
<H X> 
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I FORMAL> 
<Z STAT> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^THE ACTS OF THE PARLIAMENTS OF SCOTLAND, 1124-1707,  
VOLS. I-XII. EDINBURGH 1814-1875.

SAMPLE 1: PP. III, 492.52 (1ST COLUMN) - 498.45 (2ND COLUMN)
SAMPLE 2: PP. III, 506.20 (1ST COLUMN) - 509.52 (1ST COLUMN)
SAMPLE 3: PP. III, 516.8 (2ND COLUMN) - 518.58 (1ST COLUMN)
SAMPLE 4: PP. III, 569.22 (1ST COLUMN) - 581.24 (1ST COLUMN)
SAMPLE 5: PP. IV, 281.14 (1ST COLUMN) - 300.8 (2ND COLUMN)
SAMPLE 6: PP. IV, 612.20 (1ST COLUMN) - 615.34 (1ST COLUMN)
SAMPLE 7: PP. IV, 623.1 (2ND COLUMN) - 629.14 (2ND COLUMN)^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 492.C1>
[}RATIFICATIOUN TO S=R= PATRIK WAUS OF
BARINBARRAUCH KNYCHT PN~TLIE ANE OF THE
KINGIS AMBASSADOURIS IN DENMARK .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD efter his lauchfull and
perfite aige of xxj +geiris compleit and generall revocatioun   
w=t= auis~ of his thre estaittis of parliame~t
<P 492.C2>
Ratifies and apprevis and for his hienes and his
successouris perpetuallie co~fermis the charter and infeftment
maid be his hienes w=t= auis~ of his hienes
comptrollair for +te tyme to his weilbelouit and
familiar counsallo=r= S=r= patrik Waus of barinbarrauch
knicht ane of +te senatouris of his hienes college of
Justice and pn~tlie ane of his hienes ambassado=r=~
direct to +te king of denmark and to +te said s~=r= pat~kis
airis and assignais spe~it +t~in Off all and haill the landis
of knoktane kildarroch kirrywaltane and fyve merk
land of kereburne Liand within +te s~refdome of wigtoun
auld kyndlie poss~onis to the said s~=r= patrik and
his predicessouris As the samin infeftment of +te dait
at halyruidhous~ the xxvij day of November The
+geir of god J=m= v=c= fourescore tua +geiris at mair
lenth proportis And decernis and ordanis +te said infeftment
to be als effectuall and valiable to +tame for
bruiking and Josing of +te saidis landis as gif +te same
had bene gevin and sett be his hienes efter his said
lauchfull and perfite aige of xxj +geiris compleit and
generall revocatioun foirsaid

[}RATIFICATIOUN TO M=R= GEORGE +GOUNG OF
THE ARCHIDENRY OF SANCTANDROIS}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD w=t= auis~ and consent of
the thre estaittis and haill bodie of +tis pn~t parliame~t
Ratifies and apprevis and for his hienes and his successouris
perpetuallie confermis the pn~tatioun collatioun
and haill p~uisioun of his daylie s~ruand M=r=
george +goung in and to the archidenry of Sanctandrois
Togidder w=t= the lr~e of tak sett be him to James
reid of all and haill the personage and vicarage of
rescobie for +te space of Nyntene +geiris payand +tairfoir
+geirlie the sowme of aucht scoir m~kis vsuall
money of +tis realme As in the said lr~e beiring +te
dait the [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] day of Maij The +geir of god     #
J=m= v=c=
fourescoir sevin +geiris mair fullelie is expressit Willing
and granting and for his hienes and his successouris
decerni~g and ordaning the said prouisioun and
lr~e of tak To haif bene fra +te begini~g and to be in
all tymes cuming ferme valide and effectuall to +te
said~ M=r= george and James and his assignais induring
+te said space without ony pane or danger of nullitie
or deprivatioun to be incurrit be +tame +t~foir Notw=t=standing
q~tsumeuir act~ of parliament or vther
co~stitutioun generall of spe~ale maid or to be maid in
the co~trair q=r=anent his hienes w=t= aduis~ foirsaid dispenss~
and dirogattis all force and executioun in +t~
behalffis And for +tat the said M=r= George being subiect
to +te daylie and co~tinuall attendance vpone his
Ma=tie= can not convenientlie be spairit out of his s~uice
to discharge him of the cure quhairvnto be his p~uisioun
foirsaid he may appeir to be astrictit and thairw=t=
all that co~science and ressoun craves that the
kirkis p~teni~g to his benefice sall not be frustrat of
sufficient ministeris THAIRFOIR his hienes w=t= auise
and consent foirsaid Ratifies apprevis and perpetually
confirmis the dispensatioun grantit to him be his
<P 493.C1>
hienes w=t= auis~ and consent of his secreit counsall in
Julij The +geir of god J=m= v=c= lxxxv +ge=r=~ And ordinis
+te same to be valide and effectuall to him in euery
poynt expressit within +te same Prouiding +tat he
allow and ans~=r= sic tua mi~steris as salbe pn~tit to him
fra tyme to tyme be +te kirk of als grite +geirlie
stipendis as hes bene grantit be assignatioun to +tame
in ony tyme preceiding And siclyk w=t= auise foirsaid
frethis and relevis the said M=r= George of quhatsumeuir
impost taxatioun or subsidie to be raisit at ony
tyme heirefter for quhatsumeuir cause or occasioun
Induring his said lyvetyme discharging all and sindrie
his hienes co~missioneris appointit or to be appointit
for tryall and ordo=r= taking w=t= non residentis collecto=r=~
of taxationis and subsidies and quhatsumeuer
v+ter his hienes Juges and ministeris of lawis of all
calling persewing or p~ceiding againis +te said M=r=
george for +te causs~ foirsaid~ trubling or executing
ony of his hienes lr~es aganis him +t~foir and of +t~
offices in +t=t= p~t .

[}RATIFICATIOUN TO M=R= GEORGE +GOUNG AND
JOHNNE ANDRO}]

ITEM The kingis Ma=tie= w=t= aduise of +te estaittis of
+tis pn~t parliament efter his lauchfull and perfite aige
of xxj +geiris compleit Ratifies apprevis and confermis
the tua giftis and dispositionis maid be his hienes
The ane of tua hundreth merkis money of this
realme to M=r= George +goung assignit to be payit
+geirlie of +te reddiest of his Ma=ties= custumes of +te
tron of Edinburgh duri~g all +te dayes of his lyvetyme
and +te v+ter of tua hundre=t= m~kis to Johnne
andro assignit to be payit +geirlie of +te reddiest siluer
maillis of +te fischeingis of +te abbacie of kinlos~ assumit
in +te thrid during alsua all +te dayes of his lyvetyme
In all and sindrie pointis and clauss~ +tairof
decerning and ordaning that the said~ giftis is not
nor sall not be comprehendit in ony in his bipast
revocationis present or to cum Bot spe~alie exceptit and
res~uit furth of +te samin lyk as his Ma=tie= be +tir pn~tis
speciallie exceptis and res~uis the foirsaid~ giftis furth
of +te said~ revocationis As alsua for +te saidis persounis
furder securitie of new gevis gra~tis and disponis
to +tame during +t~ lyvetymes as said is the samin
pensionis With power to +tame be +tame selffis and +t~
s~uandis in +t~ names to crave ressaue intrometw=t= and
vptak the said~ pensionis fra +te perso~nis addettit in
payment +tairof +geirlie during +te said space and +tairvpoun
to dispone at +t~ ples~=r= Siclyk and alsfrelie as +tai
vsit at ony tyme bigane preceiding the dait heirof
dischargeing his hienes comptrollair collecto=r= generall
and +tair deput~ and offi=r=~ of all craving ressaving or
executing of ony lr~es aganis the p~sonis addettit in
payment of +te saidis pensionis and of all stope truble
or impedime~t making to the saidis M=r= George and
Johnne in vptaking of the same +geirly during the
said space and of +tair offices in +tat p~t decerning and
declairing alsua the same pensionis on na wayes
<P 493.C2>
to be subiect to ony his Ma=ties= reuocationis to be
maid heirefter .

[}ACT IN FAVO=R= OF THE LADIE BURLY AND HIR
BAIRNIS .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and his thre estaittis of
parliame~t haif at lenth sene considerit and vnderstand
The act maid in +te parliament haldin at halyruidhous
the last day of aprile The +geir of god
J=m= v=c= lxxiij +geiris contenand the grant of +te             #
pacificatioun
than co~cluidit and ratifiet in parliament concludit
at perth vpoun +te xxiij day of februar The
+geir of god J=m= v=c= lxxij +geiris And ratifiet in parliament
haldin in +te same moneth of aprile J=m= v=c=
lxxiij +geiris To vmqle S=r= James balfour of pettindreich
knicht and als his hienes lr~es vnder +te gryte
seill of +te dait at halyruidhous~ the xxj day of
december J=m= v=c= lxxxiij +geiris And siclike ane decreit
ordina~ce and declaratioun maid and gevin be o=r=
souerane lord and lord~ of his hienes secreit counsall
of the dait at halyruidhous~ the xxiiij day of Januar
The +geir of god J=m= v=c= lxxxiij +geiris foirsaid declarand
and decernand the signato=r= vpoun the qlk +te
said v+ter lr~e vnder his hienes grite seill past to haif
bene iustlie and ordourly grantit And ordaning the
samin to be insert in +te buikis of secreit counsall and
to haif +te strenth of ane decreit +t~of / And alsua
ordaning +te said signato=r= and lr~e to be past and exped
throw +te seillis as +te same wes direct~ according
to +te ordo=r= vsit in sic caiss~ as the said ordinance
decreit and declaratioun of the dait foirsaid at mair
lenth beiris Togidder w=t= +te v+ter act~ maid in o=r=
souerane lord~ parliament haldin at ed~=r= the xxij day
of Maij The +geir of god J=m= v=c= lxxxiiij +geiris And
ane v+ter act maid in the parliament haldin in the
grite hall of +te palace of linly=t=gw the tent day of
december the +geir of god J=m= v=c= fourescoir fyve
+geiris Ratifeing and appreving the act~ Immediatlie
preceiding all tending to +tis effect That o=r= said souerane
lord w=t= aduis~ of his secreit counsall and thre
estaittis of parliame~t decernit and declairit that the
proces~ and sentence of foirfalto=r= led aganis the said
vmqle s~=r= James for +te allegeit crymes +tairin contenit
wes deulie and ordourlie retreittit be +te said pacificatioun
maid and accordit vpone at the burgh of perth
vpoun +te said xxiij day of februar The +geir of god
J=m= v=c= lxxij +geiris and Ratifiet and apprevit in the
said parliament haldin at halyruidhous~ the last day
of aprile The +geir of god J=m= v=c= lxxiij +geiris And +tat
+te said vmqle S=r= James fra the tyme of the reduction~
+tairof to his deceis~ abaid and remanit o=r= said souerane
lordis loyall and dewtifull subiect and +tairfoir
that his bairnis and his posteritie sould not be hurte
nor harmit be +te said proces and dome of foirfalto=r=
led and gevin aganis him nor be act maid in o=r= souerane
lordis parliament haldin at Edinbur=t= in the
moneth of october The +geir of god J=m= v=c= threscoir
nyntene +geiris Be the qlk the said vmqle S=r= James
<P 494.C1>
bairnis and posteritie wes declairit to be vnhable to
brouk heretages hono=r=~ landis rowmes or possessionis
within this realme for the causs~ and ressonis co~tenit
in the saidis actis lr~es decreit and ordina~ces / Quhilkis
all and sindrie actis and euery ane of +tame in safar
as +te samin micht co~cerne the bairnis and posteritie
of the said vmqle S=r= James Oure said souerane lord
and his saidis thre estaittis of parliament decernit and
declairit to haue bene and to be of na~ avale force nor
effect As als o=r= said souerane lord and his thre
estaittis of parliament be +te tenno=r= of +te said act of
+te dait at ed~=r= the said xxij day of maij The +geir of
god J=m= v=c= lxxxiiij +geiris ratifiet and apprevit in the
said parliame~t haldin at linly=t=gw the tent day of
december the +geir of god J=m= v=c= lxxxv +ge=r=~ decernit
and declairit +tat the said~ bairnis and posteritie of +te
said vmqle s~=r= James ar and salbe able to bruik and
Jose all landis heretageis rowmes and poss~onis acquirit
or to be acquirit be +tame and v+teris to the qlk
+tai may succeid be +tair said vmqle fader +t~ moder or
onie of +tame or q=r=unto euerie ane micht succeid as airis
to v+teris to quhatsumeuer v+teris p~sonis siclyk and
als frelie as ony v+ter o=r= souerane lord~ lieges may
conqueis~ and acquire landis rowmes heretage and
poss~onis or succeid +tairto within +tis realme And
forder his hienes w=t= aduis~ and consent foirsaid for
him and his successo=r=~ renu~cit and dischargeit +te
actionis +tat his grace my=t= haif or pn~d aganis the said
vmqle S=r= James his memorie airis and posteritie for
the causs~ co~tenit in +te said sentence of foirfalto=r= as is
mair amplie co~tenit in the said lr~e vnder +te greit seill
of +te dait the xxj day of december The +geir of god
J=m= v=c= lxxxiij +geiris foirsaid Quhilk lr~e decreit and
declaratioun Oure said souerane lord now efter his
perfite age of xxj +geiris compleit Ratifies apprevis
and for him and his successouris perpetuallie co~fermis
willing and gra~ting that the haill tenno=r=~ +t~of be
haldin as expressit in this pn~t act~ and ordanis the sa~
to be at lenth ingrossit +tairin gif neid beis qlkis his
hienes and his thre estattis of parliament in pointis
clauss~ and circumstances +t~of affermis to be veritable
and trew and +tat +tai salbe of sufficient force and
effect in all tymes heirefter / As forther his hienes
and thre estaittis of +tis pn~t p~liament of new haif
retreittit rescindit cassit reducit and annullit and be
+te force of +tis pn~t act~ of new retreittis rescindis
cassis reducis and a~nullis the said pretendit p~ces~ of
foirfaltour led aganis the said vmqle s~=r= James w=t=
quhatsumeuir actis following +t~eftir dishabilling his
bairnis and posteritie w=t= all +tat hes followit or may
follow +t~upon~ and be +tir pn~tis decernis and declairis
thame and +tair successouris to be als~ hable to bruik
landis honouris heretage rowmes and possessionis
within +tis realme be conqueist or successioun as ony
v+teris may within +te same And like as +te said pretendit
proces~ of foirfalto=r= had neuir bene led and as
+te saidis actis maid in hurt of his posteritie had neuir
bene maid In lykmaner o=r= said souerane lord w=t= expres~
avise of his saidis thre estaittis of parliament
Now efter his said perfite aige of his proper motiue and
<P 494.C2>
certane knawlege of new renu~cis all actioun suit
clame and challange that his hienes his predicesso=r=~
him selff and his successouris had hes or micht haif
or ony wys~ in tyme cuming may pn~d aganis +te said
vmqle S=r= James his memorie his relict~ bairnis and
posteritie +t~ landis heretages guidis geir rowmes and
poss~onis for the allegeit crymes co~tenit in +te said proces~
of foirfalto=r= or for ony v+ter actioun or caus~ bipast
qlkis o=r= said souerane lord for him and his successouris
(\simpl~r\) renu~cis and discharges in all tyme cuming .

[}ACT IN FAVOUR OF THE LADY BURLIE CONCERNI~G
LANDIS GEVIN FOR CASTELLIS}]

ITEM quhair as +te act maid in the parliament haldin
at Edinbur=t= the xxiiij day of october The +geir of
god J=m= v=c= lxxxj +geiris Ratifiet and apprevit w=t= ane
additioun in +te parliament haldin at lynlithgw in the
great hall of +te palace +tairof in +te moneth of december
The +geir of god J=m= v=c= lxxxv +geiris Gevis
actioun for repetitioun of quhatsumeuir land~ and
heretage gevin and disponit to keparis of o=r= souerane
lordis castellis for randering of +te samin to +te ressaveris
+tairof It being verefiet +tat +te said~ landis
heretages and poss~onis wer gevin for the cause foirsaid
Oure souerane lord and his thre estaittis of parliament
hes declairit and declairis +tat q=r= thair is or
salbe ony landis or heretage repetit and gevin for +te
caus~ foirsaid the said caus~ salbe sufficientlie verefiet
be write To wit a+t~ be +te infeftmentis and euidentis
of +te said~ land~ co~tenand +te said caus or be ane
v+ter autentick writt and euident vnder the subscriptioun
of +te pairtie ressaver of +te said~ landis and
heretage Grantand +tat +te saidis landis and heretage
war gevin and ressauit for +tat caus~ And +tat in repetitioun
of landis and heretage for the causs~ foirsaid~
Na vther verificatioun nor probatioun salbe ressauit
bot be +te said~ autentick writtis and euidentis as saidis
And +tis declaratioun to haif place in repetitioun of
land~ and heretage allanerlie The remanent poyntis
of +te foirsaid additioun and ratificatioun +tairof
standand in +te same forme as +tai wer co~sauit befoir
and to be reullit be +te co~moun law at +te discretioun
of +te iudge .

[}ACT IN FAVOUR OF THE LADY BURLIE TUECHING
+TE PRIUILEGE OF REFYNIT SALT .}]

ITEM forsamekle as +te refynit salt vtherwayes callit
salt vpone salt is verie necess~=r= and proffittable for
salting of salmound keilling ling and v+t~s grite fisches
qlk can not be maid or dressit w=t= the small salt qlk
now is accustumat to be maid and hes bene maid befoir
within +tis realme And +tairfoir the saidis fisches
behovit to be maid and saltit w=t= gryt salt brocht
within +tis realme fra hispanie and britannie vpoun
large cost and expenss~ and sumtymes be perrellous
viages at vther tymes pairtlie for +te trubles in france
<P 495.C1>
and pairtlie quhen wedder not seasounable +tair wes
na salt to be gottin in brita~nie and v+teris p~tis q=r= +te
samin co~mounlie vsis to be maid Be +te qlk the trafficq~
of fisches hes sumtymes ceissit and +te said gryt
salt wes at gryte derth And seing +tat dame Margrett
balfour lady burly haifing sum co~moditie of coillis
and pa~nis within the lordschip of pittinweme and
s~refdome of fyff for the weilfair and commoditie of
the realme hes vpoun hir large cost and expenss procuirit 
the knawlege of the making of refynit salt
vtherwayes callit salt vpone salt qlk will s~rue for the
samin vseis for the qlk greit salt s~ruit befoir ffor           #
furthering
and setting furth of the quhilk wark scho
man bestow and employ grite sowmes of money for
making of houss~ salt pa~nis vtheris Instrumentis
necessare and intertenement of servantis Quhilk
for a large space wilbe mair costlie nor proffittable
to hir Oure souerane lord and his saidis thre estaittis
in parliament haifand consideratioun how proffittable
the said salt salbe to the haill realme be this Industrie
to be begun be the said dame margaret and being
nawayes of mynd That for hir gude inte~tioun and
meani~g scho suld be onywayes damnefeit Thairfoir his
hienes w=t= aduise of his saidis thre estaittis hes gevin and
gra~tit and be +te tenno=r= of this pn~t act gevis and grantis
full libertie and priuilege to the said dame margaret
hir airis assignais s~ruitouris and factouris haiffand          #
co~missioun
and power to hir to mak and caus be maid
the said refynit salt vtherwayes callit salt vpoun salt in
ane vther maner nor the samin wes maid in this realme
of befoir To sell and dispone the samin in small or
grite at +t~ plesour during the space of sevin +geiris
nixtocum efter the dait heirof during the qlk space
it sall not be lauchfull to ony of his hienes lieges and
subiectis of +tis realme nor ony stra~ger repairand
within the samin to mak or caus be maid the said
refynit salt vtherwayes callit salt vpoun salt in the
maner quhairby the samin salbe maid be +te said dame
Margaret and hir foirsaid~ and gif it salhappin to be
maid be +tame during the space foirsaid co~trair the
tenno=r= of this Inhibitioun the samin salbe escheit to
+te said dame margaret hir airis and assignais as thair
awin propir guidis to be intromettitw=t= and disponit
be +tame at hir ples~=r= And the pa~nis houss~ and landis
quhairvpone the samin salbe maid salbe confiscat to
o=r= souerane lord And to +tat effect Oure said souerane
lord and his saidis thre estaittis be +tir pn~tis gevis full
power to the said dame margaret to mak sercheouris
ane or ma quha may serche and intrometw=t= the said
refynit salt to be maid be vtheris personis co~trair the
tenno=r= of this priuilege and to dispone +tairvpone as
said is And gif the said~ sercheouris in executioun of
thair offices salhappin to be deforceit The committaris
of +te said deforcement salbe rigorouslie punissit as gif
+tai had deforcit o=r= souerane lordis officiaris in executioun 
of his office That is to say be escheit of thair
guidis moveable and be punishement of +tair personis
to the will and plesour of o=r= said souerane lord .

<P 495.C2>
[}ACT IN FAVOUR OF JOHNNE ACHESOUN .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD w=t= auise of the thre
estaittis in +tis pn~t parliament knawing perfitelie +tat
Johnne achesoun sumtyme his hienes M=r= cun+geo=r= had
contractit diuers~ and grite debtis throw his hienes
s~=r=uice and become cautioner and souirtie for williame
erle of gowrie thesaurair for the tyme to diuers~
merchandis and v+teris his creditouris and at his
co~mand become bund and oblist to thame To content
and pay to +tame for +te said vmqle erle grite sowmes
of money vpoun conditioun to haif bene payit of +te
first and reddiest proffittis of the said cun+gehous / lyk
as also +te said Johnne ressauit his obligatioun for his
releif q=r=throw the said Johnne hes incurrit grite skaith
and wraik and incais~ o=r= said souerane lord and his
estaittis foirsaid~ supporte not +te said Johnne quha
mereittis gude thankis rewaird~ and support for his
guid will and s~ruice done to o=r= said souerane lord and
his hienes the=r= for the tyme he is able to decay and his
landis wilbe comprisit And our said souerane lord
and thrie estaittis foirsaid~ having pietie of the said
Johnne quha is able to wrak for na deid nor occasioun
co~mittit be him bot rather for seruice and guid
will schawin and done to his hienes and his offi=r=~ for
the tyme in the parliament haldin at linly=t=qw the
tent day of december The +geir of god J=m= v=c= fourescoir
fyve +geiris hes statute and ordanit the said
Johnne to haue executioun vpoun the landis qlkis
pertenit to +te said vmqle erle of gowry for payment
of the said sowme of ten thousand pundis q=r=foir +te
said Jo=n= become cautioner for the said vmqle erle
except samekle as he suld be fund be iust calculatioun
to be fred and relevit of and +tat Johnne suld have
execu=o=un of horni~g poynding and comprising aganis
James now erle of gowry and his land~ and leving as
gif he war enterit air to his said vmqle fader be
breves As at mair lenth is co~tenit in +te said act~
Quhilk act and benefite co~tenit +tairintill Oure said
souerane lord and thre estaittis foirsaid~ nawayes
willing to preiuge or derogat hes ratifiet and approvin
the samin lyk as his Ma=tie= and thre estaittis foirsaid~
Ratifies and appreuis +te samyn And decernis statuitis
and ordanis +te same to stand in full force strenth and
effect Notwithstanding ony act or benefite particulerlie
gra~tit in favour of +te said erle or his moder in
+tis pn~t parliament or v+ter gn~all act or statute qlk
may in ony wayes derogat or preiudge +te said act

[}ACT CONCERNING THE AIRIS OF MONYWAIRD .}]

ANENT the supplicatioun pn~tit to +te kingis Ma=tie=
and lordis of articles of this pn~t parliament be Jeane
toscheoch and [^BLANK^] toscheoch lauchfull dochteris
and appeirand airis to edwart toscheoch of monywaird
and Johne campbell of laweis thair guids~=r= for
his interes~ Makand mentioun That q=r= +tair wes
<P 496.C1>
mariage lang tyme bipast contractit and solempnizat
betuix the said edwart toscheoch and meriorie campbell
dochter to +te said Johnne campbell +tair moder
of the qlk mariage +te said~ complenaris ar procreat
and +tairby nerrest to succeid to +t~ faderis haill landis
and leving fail+geing of airis maill gottin of his bodie
qlk being weill knawin and vnderstand to the said
edward Neuirtheles be instiga=o=un of certane +t~ vnfreind~
hes bene movit in his hienes minoritie To
mak ane charter of tail+gie of his haill landis and
leving Namelie of monywaird~ mekvene The frie
forrest of glentorrett and certane vtheris mair at
lenth spe~it in +te said charter of tail+gie and +tat in        #
favouris
of duncane toscheoch barroun of pittin+gie and
and certane v+ter p~sonis in quhais favo=r= the said tail+gie
is maid q=r=upoun he hes obtenit in his grace minoritie
confirma=o=un and for his better securitie Intend~ now
efter his g / maioritie to obtene +te samin ratifiet a+t~ in
his parliament or heirefter knawing perfitely that +te
samin co~firmatioun fallis directlie vnder reuocatioun as
being ane confirmatioun of ane tail+gie maid in preiudice
of the airis famell interponit in his g / minoritie
to the hurte of his hienes conscience Quhairthrow
necess~=r= it is +t=t= prouisioun be maid in +te said           #
complenaris
favouris that as +te said confirmatioun fallis
directlie vnder his g / revocatioun In lykmaner spe~ale
ordina~ce be maid that na new confirmation salbe
grantit heirefter That his g / the=r= and +t~ deputtis be
(\simpl~r\) dischargeit +t~of And incais ony salbe grantit
that +te samin salbe decernit and declairit now as than
to be null and of nane avail And +tairfoir des~rand
his hienes and lord~ of articles to haif consideratioun
of the premiss~ And in respect that +te said~ complenaris
my=t= haue spe~ale act and ordinance maid in
+t~ favouris dischargeing the thesaurair and his deputtis
the keiparis of his grite and priuie seillis fra
all passing of ony confirmatioun purchest or to be
purchest of the said charter tail+gie heireftir as +tei will
ans~=r= to his g / vpoun +tair dewetie and obedience
And gif ony salhappin to be purchest decerning and 
declairing the samin to be null and of nane availl w=t=
all +t=t= hes followit or may follow +tairvpoun As at mair
lenth is co~tenit in the said supplica=o=un Quhilk being
sene and considerit be o=r= said souerane lord and lord~ of
articles Thay haue remittit and remittis +te decisioun
and ans~=r= to be gevin to the said supplicatioun To +te
lord~ of counsall and sessioun efter +tat the pairtie be
lau=lie= wairnit +tairto as effeiris and his defenss~ had
+t~vpoun and ordanis thame to proceid and do iustice
+t~intill to baith +te said~ pairties as +tai will ans~=r= to   #
his
hienes and in the meantyme dischargis his g / thesaurair
and his deputtis The keiper~ of +te grite and
p~vie seillis of all passing of ony co~firmatioun purchest
or to be purchest of +te said charter tail+gie qll the end
and decisioun of the foirsaid pley be +te said~ lorde~
of sessioun .

<P 496.C2>
[}ACT IN FAVOUR OF JAMES AND JOHNNE MEN+GEISS~ .}]

ANENT +te supplicatioun pn~tit and gevin in to o=r=
souerane lord and lord~ of articles be James men+geis
of foird and Johnne men+gies his sone Makand mentioun
That quhair +tai ar denu~cit o=r= souerane lord~
rebell~ and put to his hienes horne at +te instance of
sum personis quha vpoun pretens~ +tairof Intend~ to
seclude +tame fra all compeirance in Jugement in
p~sute and defenss~ of diu~s~ actionis pn~tlie depending
befoir +te lordis of sessioun and v+teris iudges qlkis
ar of grite wecht and consequence To +te recoverie
of the qlkis actionis Releiff of +te said horning and
satisfactioun of +tair creditouris Seing it is necess~=r= that
+tai be hard in Jugement be thame selffis and +t~ procurato=r=~
And thairfoir des~ring o=r= said souerane lord
w=t= aduis~ of his said~ estaittis To dispens w=t= all and
quhatsumeuer hoirni~gis or v+ter actis of parliame~t
maid in the co~trair led aganis +te said~ James and
Johnne men+gess~ at the instance of q=t=sumeuir persoun
or personis for ony caus or occasioun bigane preceding
the dait heirof vnto +te [^BLANK^] day of [^BLANK^]
nixtocum To +te effect +tat +tai be +tame selffis or +t~
procurato=r=~ may persew and defend in +t~ iust actionis
and +t~by recouer releif of the said~ hoirningis and in
the mentyme +tat +tai may lesumly resorte w=t=in the
realme in doing of +t~ lauchfull bissines Ordaning
heirfoir the lord~ of counsall and sessioun to suffer
and p~mit +te said~ personis be +tame selffis and +t~ pro=r=~
to do and defend in +tair said~ actionis Notwithstanding
of the said~ horni~g~ or ony thing +t~in co~tenit maid
in the c~trair Anent the qlkis it will pleis~ his hienes
and thrie estaittis to dispens~ as at mair lenth is c~tenit
in +te said supplicatioun Quhilk being harde sene and
considerit be his Ma=tie= and lord~ of articles and +tai
+t~with being ryplie aduisit Oure said souerane lord
w=t= aduis~ and consent of +te said~ estaittis of parliame~t
dispenss~ w=t= all and q=t=sumeuer hoirni~gis or actis of
parliament maid in the co~trair led aganis +te said~
James and Johnne Men+geiss~ at the instance of q=t=sumeuir
p~son or p~sonis for onie caus~ or occasioun
bigane preceiding the dait heirof Sa far and in the
samin maner as +te lordis of counsall and sessioun hes
dispensit alreadie w=t= +te foirsaid~ hoirningis To +te
effect +te said~ James and Johnne men+geiss~ be +tame
selffis and +tair procuratouris may persew and defend
in +tair iust actionis and +tairby recover releif of the
said~ hoirningis And in the mentyme +tat +tai may
lesumlie resort within +te realme in doing of +t~ lauchfull
bissines als amplie and frelie in all soirtis as +te
said~ lord~ of counsall and sessioun hes grantit +te
samin to +tame of befoir .

<P 497.C1>
[}ACT REMITTING THE LARDE OF DURRYIS SUPPLICATIOUN
TO THE KINGIS MA=TIE= .}]

ANENT the supplicatioun pn~tit to o=r= souerane lord
and lord~ of articles be margaret stewart sister and
air to vmqle george stewart of Rossyth and Robert
dury fear of +tat ilk hir spous for his interes~ Makand
mentioun That q=r=hary stewart +te said mergarettis fader
bru+t~ hes pn~tit ane supplicatioun to his Ma=tie= and ll /
des~ring ane ratificatioun and confirmatioun of all
pretendit tail+gies maid be his hienes predicessouris
in +t~ minorities / qlkis ar takin away be +te gn~all           #
revocatioun
maid be his hienes maist noble predicessouris
and quhairvpoun +te said Margaret hes su~d~ of reductioun
insta~tlie dependand befoir +te lord~ of sessioun
for a~nulling of +te samin for diu~s~ verie guid necess~=r=
causs~ lyk as scho is seruit and retourit as air in gn~all
to hir said vmqle bru+t~ And +tairthrow hes vndoutit
richt in and to the said~ haill landis and leving of
rossyth q=r=intill hir said vmqle bruther deceissit last
vest and seisit as of fie and +tairby having spe~ale
interes as pairtie Na sic article or ony v+ter thing qlk
may onywayes tend to +te hurte and preiudice of +te
said margarettis heretable richt of +te said~ land~ qll
scho as pairtie and hir said spous for his interes be
be first callit to +tat effect Beseikand +tairfoir his g /
and lordis of articles +tat na article anent the ratificatioun
of +te said~ tail+gies or ony vther thing qlk may
ony wayes tend to +te hurte and preiudice of hir said
richt be onywys~ gra~tit to +te said harie qll +te said
margaret and hir said spous (as lauchfull pairtie co~tradicto=r=
to him in +te said mater) be first lauchfullie
callit to +tat effect and +t=t= +t~efter be productioun and
inspectioun of hir said~ richtis iustice may be indifferentlie
mi~strat +t~intill as accord~ of +te law as at mair
lenth is co~tenit in +te said supplicatioun Quhilk being
hard sene and considderit be his hienes & lord~ of
articles The said~ lordis of articles remittis +te foirsaid
supplica=o=un co~tentis and des~=r= +tairof to o=r= said        #
souerane
lord to be decidit be his hienes according to law
conscience and ry=t= and howsoeuer his Ma=tie= sall pronu~ce
and decerne +t~intill The samin to haue als grite
stren=t= force and effect as gif +te samin had bene p~nu~cit
and decreittit be his hienes w=t= aduis~ of +te said~ estaittis
of +tis pn~t parliame~t And to +tat effect~ the foirsaid~
lord~ hes interponit and interponis thair auc~tie to
+te premiss~ and to his Ma=ties= proceidingis +t~anent

[}ACT IN FAVOUR OF THE LAIRD OF ROSSYTH .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD now efter his perfite
aige of xxj +geiris compleit w=t= aduise of the thrie
estaittis of +tis pn~t parliament having consideratioun
of +te auncietie of +te hous~ of rossyth and of +te
gude s~ruice done to his Ma=ties= predicessouris be +te
heretable proprietairis of +te samin and +tat +te samin
sall not pas fra +te surname in his Ma=ties= tyme speciallie
<P 497.C2>
be ony occasioun or questioun that his Ma=tie= may
querrell the samin for him selff and his successouris
Ratifies and apprevis all and quhatsumeuer infeftmentis
of tail+ge gevin be vmqle dauid stewart of
rossyth to vmqle williame stewart of baroyhill his
airis maill and assignais of all and haill +te baronie and
manis of rossyth w=t= +te toure fortalice milne fischeingis
dowcattis annexis co~nexis pairtis pendicles and p~tinentis
+tairof The land~ of cragie gartpor thrid p~t
land~ of fordell culbate and straburne The land~ of
leucheld~ pitravy wester cleische dunduff colstoun
balnamvill and monctoy w=t= the p~tine~t~ lyand within
the s~refdome of fiffe The land~ and baronie of durisdeir
liand within +te s~refdome of dumfreis The landis
of corbies bacquhandies laitgrene w=t= +te pertinentis
liand within +te s~refdome of perth all vnit and annext
in ane baronie callit +te baronie of Rossyth and als of
all and haill +te land~ and baronie of schambodie
lyand within +te s~refdome of Clackmanna~ with +te
co~firmatioun gra~tit be his hienes predicessouris of
guid memorie king James +te ferd +t~upoun Togidder
w=t= quhatsumeuir v+ter infeftmentis of tail+ge past sensyne
be ony of his Ma=ties= predicessouris to dauid
stewart sone to +te said williame stewart of barryhill
and his airis maill and of tail+ge of all and haill +te
land~ and vtheris abonew~ttin or to henry stewart of
Rossyth sone to +te said dauid or to Robert stewart
sone to +te said henry or to george stewart sone to +te
said Robert and +t~ airis maill and of tail+ge co~tenit
+tairintill past a+ter vpoun resignatioun or co~firmatioun
notwithstanding +te samin ar grantit be his Ma=ties=
predicessouris in +t~ minorities Togidder w=t= seisingis
following +t~upoun And willis and declairis +t=t= the
samin salbe of als grite strenth and force as gif +tai
had bene gra~tit be his Ma=ties= predicessouris in +t~ maioritie
Notwithstanding of ony reuocatioun qlk his
hienes for him selff and his successouris of his certane
knawlege hes renu~cit and renu~cis for euir w=t= all
actioun that his Ma=tie= may haue aganis +te said~ landis
for ony caus bigane To +te effect +tat the samin may
remane w=t= hary stewart now pn~t proprietair +t~of and
his airis maill and of tail+ge in all tyme cuming dischargeing
his hienes aduocat~ pn~t and to cum of all
calling trubling or querrelling of +te said harie stewart
vpoun the validitie of +te title of onie of +te said~           #
infeftmentis
or of his awin pn~t infeftme~t and ry=t= +tairof
for onie of +te said~ causs~ and of +t~ offices in +t=t= p~t .

[}ACT IN FAVOUR OF JAMES STEWART SONE TO THE
VMQUHILL ERLE OF BUCHANE .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD now efter his lauchfull
and perfite aige of xxj +geiris compleit w=t= aduis~ of
the thre estaittis convenit in +tis pn~t parliame~t Ratifies
apprevis and confermis the lr~es of gift and pensioun
maid be his Maiestie to James stewart and christiane
strang his spous during +t~ lyftymes of sevin chalderis
aittis assignit to be payit out of +te reddiest of +te
superpl~ of the bischoprik of Sanctandrois In all and
<P 498.C1>
sindrie pointis clauss~ and articles thairof decerning
and declairing be +t~ pn~tis That +tai sall bruik Jois~
posses~ and vptak the said pensioun +geirlie in tyme
cuming during the space foirsaid Siclyk and als frelie
as +tai vsit in ony tyme bigane preceding +te dait
heirof Notwithstanding ony his Ma=ties= revocationis
bipast or pn~tlie maid be his hienes in this pn~t parliame~t
Quhilk gift his Ma=tie= willis and declairis sall
nawayes be comprehendit +t~in bot spe~alie exceptit
and res~ruit furth of +te samin lyk as his Ma=tie= exceptis
and res~ruis +te said gift fur=t= of +te same revocatioun
Declairing this pn~t exceptioun to be als~ sufficie~t
as gif it wer speciallie insert and ingrossit +t~in
Prouiding alwayes +tat +tis pn~t ratificatioun sall nawys~
be preiudiciall to the tak alreddie maid be his hienes
to Jhone and James meldru~is so~nis lauchfull to James
meldru~ of Sagy +gounger Of certane victuallis of the
superpluss~ of +te archiebischoprik of Sanctandrois /
bischoprik of dunkeld and priorie of hadingtoun
specially co~tenit in +te same tak qlk his hienes w=t=
aduis~ of his estaittis Ordanis to haif full force and
effect during the +geiris +t~of q=r=unto +tis pn~t Ratificatioun
nor his hienes revocatioun sall make na 
derogatioun .

[}ACT IN FAVOUR OF DAUID FERGUSSOUN OF GLENSCHY~ROCH~}]

ANENT +te supplicatioun gevin in and pn~tit to o=r=
souerane lord and thrie estaittis of +tis pn~t parliament
be Dauid fergussoun of glenschy~roch~ eldair and
dauid fergussoun +gounger Makand mentioun That
q=r= they intentit actioun befoir +te lord~ of sessioun
aganis Johnne erle of mortoun lord maxwell and
Robert charteris of kelwod ffor the wra~gus violent
and m=r=full spoliatioun fra thame of diuers~ and sindrie
nolt scheip nagis plenissing gold siluer writtis
and evidentis extending to diuers~ availlis qua~tities
and prices co~tenit in +te su~moundis raisit +tairvpoun
Quhilk being admittit to +tair probatioun and diuers~
termes assignit to +tame for preving +tairof and +te said
erle and Robert charteris persaving that +tai wald
preve +te samin aganis +tame Compeirit be +tair procuratouris
and allegit +tat +tei sould be assoil+geit +tairfra
In respect of +te act of parliament maid at linly=t=gow
The tent day of december The +geir of god
J=m= v=c= fourescoir fyve +geiris Be the qlk all deidis
wrangis oppressionis and v+teris faultis allegeit co~mittit
and done be +te said erle or ony vtheris co~tenit in
+te said act~ sen o=r= said souerane lord~ coronatioun suld
be remittit and dischargit and +te said spuil+gie wes
co~mittit within +te samin tyme and +tairfoir the samin
suld be takin away To +te qlk it wes ans~rit for +te 
said~ dauid fergussoun elder and +gounger That +te
said allegeance aucht not to be hard Seing +t~ is               #
litiscontestatioun          
maid in +te cause lang of befoir and +t~
summound~ admittit to +tair probatioun Notwithstanding
+te haill defenss~ proponit be +te said erle and
robert and sindrie witness~ examinat in the caus~ lang
<P 498.C2>
of befoir the said act of parliament and als +te said
act of parliament can nawys~ be extendit to p~ticulair
pairties actionis qlkis proceidit not vpoun the
co~moun causs~ betuix +te maxwellis and Johnestonis
And seing the said~ dauid fergussoun eldair and
+gounger wer nawys~ pairtakeris w=t= the said co~moun
trubles The same act of parliament vpoun gude conscience
can not be extendit to tak away the said
spuil+gie Quhilk allegeance w=t= +te ans~=r= maid +tairto
being sene and considerit be +te said~ lordis They
remittit the decisioun of the said allegence foundit
vpoun +te said act~ of parliament to oure said souerane
lord and thre estaittis of +tis pn~t parliament for geving
of his hienes declaratioun and interpretatioun
gif +te said act maid in favouris of +te said erle takis
away the said spuil+gie and qll the samyn be done hes
superceidit all forder proces in +te said mater as ane
act maid thairvpoun beiris Quhairthrow +te saidis
complenaris ar heavelie damnifiet & skaithit throw
+te want of +tair haill guid~ and geir intromettitw=t=
be +te said~ erle and robert and can gett na proces~
nor iustice in +te said mater without o=r= said souerane
lord and thre estaittis foirsaid~ prouide remeid Requiring
thame +t~foir seing +te said mater nawayes
concernis the said act of parliame~t That his hienes
will tak triall +t~into and remit +te samin to +te sessioun
to be discussit be +te lord~ +tairof Commanding
+tame to proceid and do iustice +t~intill and all vther
actionis persewit or to be persewit be +te said~ dauid
elder and +gounger aganis the said~ erle and ro=t= charteris
Or ony v+teris the said~ erlis s~ruand~ spuil+gearis
of +t~ guidis and geir fra thame Notwithstanding
the said act~ of parliame~t As at mair lenth is co~tenit
in +te said supplicatioun Quhilk being hard and~ considerit
be o=r= said souerane lord and his said~ thre
estaittis They haue remittit and remittis +te decisioun
of +te foirsaid allegeance and ans~=r= maid +t~to grou~dit on
+te said act of parliament maid in favouris of +te said
erle of mortoun and his dependaris w=t= +te actionis and
materis pn~tlie dependand befoir the said~ lord~ betuix
+te said~ pairties To +te lord~ of counsall and sessioun
q=r= the samin tuke first bygy~ning and ordanis +tame
to p~ceid and do Justice +t~intill vnto +te finall end and
decisioun +t~of As +tai will a~s~=r= to god and his hienes
vpoun the executioun of +tair offices .

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 506.C1>
[}ACT INHIBITING THE BURROWIS TO SELL OR DISPONE
THAIR FREDOMES WITHOUT CONSENT OF THE ESTATES
IN PARLIAME~T .}]

FORSAMEKLE as it [{is{] not lauchfull to ony of +te
kingis vassallis to sell and a~nalie +t~ landis in preiudice
of his Ma=tie= +t~ superio=r= Evin sa it is fund expedient
statute and ordanit be o=r= souerane lord and thre estaittis
in this pn~t parliament That it sall not be lauchfull
to ony of his hienes frie burrowis To sell or a~nalie +t~
fredome and priuilege in haill or in pairt to ony vther
bur=t= or v+t~wys~ q=t=sumeuir / without expres licence and
consent of his hienes & thrie estaittis in p~liament
vnder the pane of amissioun and tinsall of +te fredome
of +te burgh othir byand or selland +te said~ fredomes
in haill or in p~t as said is .

[}ACT IN FAVOUR OF THE GOLDSMYTHIS .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD w=t= auis~ and consent of
the thrie estaittis of +tis pn~t parliament Ratifies and
apprevis +te gift grantit be his hienes vnder his priuie
seill of +te dait +te thrid day of Januar The +geir of
god J=m= v=c= lxxxvj +geiris To +te deacone and M=r= of +te
goldsmy=t= craft and +t~ successo=r=~ and haill priuilegeis
liberties and Immvnities +tairin spe~it concerni~g the
said arte and craft Prouiding alwayes the samin gift
and ratificatioun +t~of in +tis pn~t parliament onnawayes
salbe preiudiciall to +te appointme~t and decreit arbitrall
laitlie gevin and p~nu~cit be his hienes and certane v+t~s
Juges arbitrato=r=~ betuix +te merchandis and craftismen
of Edinburgh And siclyk +tat the powar grantit to
+tame +t~in for c~vening of q=t=sumeuer p~soun co~travener
of +t~ actis & c~ On na wayes salbe forder extendit bot
to sic p~sonis +t=t= duellis remanis and c~travenis ony of
+t~ actis w=t=in the said burgh of ed~=r= libertie &            #
Jurisdictioun
+t~of .

<P 506.C2>
[}RATIFICATIOUN TO THE BURGH OF BRINT ILAND .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD vnderstanding +tat +te
creatioun and erectioun of the port and toun of
brint Iland in ane frie burgh regall is not onlie very
co~modious and c~venient for +te policie and decoirment
of +tis realme Bot also is and hes bene maist
proffitable alsweill to his hienes subiectis as to v+t~
strangearis for suir harbrie and saulftie of +tair schippis
veschellis and guid~ reparing to the same As also
considering +tat his hienes in +te lait charter of co~firmatioun
and erectioun of the said burgh hes in the
word of any prince faithfullie promittit to ratifie and
appreve the erectioun and creatioun of the said bur=t=
and port be ane spe~all act of parliament efter his p~fyte
aige Heirfoir w=t= advis~ of the thre estaittis and haill
body of +tis pn~t parliament his hienes now in his
perfite aige for him his airis and successo=r=~ be +tir
pn~tis ratifies apprevis and confermis the lr~es of dimissioun
resignatioun and owergeving maid be vmqle
George archiedene principall of sanctandrois and
co~mendatair perpetuall of +te abbay of Dunfermling
and convent +tairof In favouris of his hienes derrest
guids~=r= king James +te fyft of maist noble memorie
his airis and successouris Of all and~ haill +te said port
and heaven of brintyland (callit +te port of grace) and
of +te stane hous~ toure and fortalice sumtymes callit
+te abbotishall w=t= +te land~ nixt adiacent +t~to quhairvpoun
+te said toun is biggit as +te said~ lr~es at lenth
beiris Item +te charter infeftment precept and instrument
of seising grantit be +te said king James +te fift
of +te said burgh to the provest baillies burgess~ and
Inhabitantis +tairof Erectand makand and constituand
+te samin ane frie port and burgh regall w=t= all priuilegeis
fredomes and liberties of ane frie burgh Togidder
with +te lait act of parliament maid w=t= aduis~ of the
thre estaittis +t~upoun at linly=t=gw +te [^BLANK^] day of      #
december
(\a~no\) & c~ lxxxv +geiris and +te ordinance co~tenit
in oure said act~ anent +te ressauing and admitting of
+te co~missioneris of +te said burgh in all parliamentis
c~ventionis counsallis and assemblies q=r= burrowis hes
voit alsfrelie as +te co~missioneris of ony v+ter burgh
w=t=in this realme w=t= all thingis +tat hes followit +tairvpoun
And in speciall w=t= auis~ foirsaid Ratifies and
apprevis for his hienes and his foirsaid~ the said lait
& new charter of co~firmatioun dispositioun end erectioun
laitlie grantit be o=r= said souerane lord w=t= avys~
of +te lord~ of his hienes secreit counsall To +te prouest
baillies counsall and co~munitie of +te said burgh and
thair successouris heretable of all and haill +te samin
burgh and port land~ teneme~tis burrow ruid~ and~
co~munities +tairof and +t~ haill liberties and p~tinentis
w=t= all boundis methis and fredomes clauss~ circumstances
and articles co~tenit +t~intill as +te said charter
beiris Togidder w=t= +te lr~es of ratificatioun and approbatioun
of the haill premiss~ maid be patrik M=r= of
gray than co~mendatair of +te said abbay of dumfermling
and convent +tairof for +tame and +t~ successouris
<P 507.C1>
with +te renu~ciatioun and discharge contenit in +te
samin lr~es of all actioun ry=t= title or clame qlk +tai or
+t~ successouris had or may haif aganis the said port or
burgh or onie pairt +t~of in fauo=r=~ of +te said~ prouest
baillies counsall & co~munitie and +tair successouris
And all v+teris pointis and clauss~ co~tenit in +te samin
lr~es reg~rat in his hienes buikis of [^BLANK^] beiris
And ordanis +te same to be effectuall in all tymes
cuming And als w=t= advis~ foirsaid ordanis +te burgess~
and fremen of +te said bur=t= admittit and to be admittit
To be vsit acceptit and handlit in all p~tis and
places of +tis realme Siclyk and als frelie in all respectis
priuilegeis and liberties as +te burgess~ and fre men
of ony v+ter burgh within +tis realme .

[}ACT IN FAVOUR OF THE BURGH OF CARRAILL}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and thre estaittis of +tis
pn~t parliament vnderstanding +tat +te burgh of Craill
is infeft of auld be his hienes vmqle derrest predicessour
Robert king of scottis in +te libertie priuilege
and fredome of ane fre burgh boundit betuix +te mid
watter of levin to the burne of putekin w=t= ane fre
m~cat to be haldin vpoun sonday as +te extract of +t~
infeftment vnder the greit seill at mair lenth proportis
And his Ma=tie= haifing co~sideratioun +t=t= all mercattis
haldin vpone soundayes ar dischargit be act of parliame~t
Thairfoir o=r= said souerane lord w=t= aduise of +te
thre estaittis of +tis pn~t parliament alteris and changes
+te said mercat of craill qlk wes haldin vpoun sonday
of befoir To be haldin now and in all tyme cuming
vpoun satterday dischargeing be +tir pn~tis all v+t~ mercattis
to be haldin to burgh or to land betuix +te said
mid watter of levin and the burne of putekin foirsaid
outwith +te said burgh of craill for euer Quhilkis
bound~ is the proper libertie and priuilege of +te said
burgh of craill grantit +tairto of auld be +te said infeftment
and now fundin and declairit be +tis pn~t
act to be sufficient in all tyme cuming vnder the
pane of escheiting of all maner of guid~ +tat salbe
apprehendit to be sauld at ony p~t within +te said~
bound~ vpoun ony day q=t=sumeuer outw=t= the said 
burgh of Craill for euir The ane half to his hienes
vse and +te vther to +te co~moun guid of +te said
burgh And ordinis lr~es to be direct +t~upoun in
forme as effeiris

[}ACT IN FAVOUR OF THE TOUN OF ANSTRUTHER .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD vnderstanding +tat in +te
Parliame~t haldin in december The +geir of god J=m= v=c=
fourescoir fyve +geiris Thair wes ane act maid erecting
the toun of anstruther in ane frie burgh regall
w=t= all priuileges belanging +tairto qlkis priuileges +te
inhabitantis +tairof haif bruikit conforme to +tair said
libertie and ar maist willing to co~tribute and beir
siclyk charges for +t~ p~t (\pro rata\) as v+ter frie burghis
of ryalities having the lyk Immvnities grantit to
<P 507.C2>
+tame Thairfoir his hienes w=t= aduis~ of +te estaittis of
+tis pn~t parliament considering how proffittable +te
said erectioun hes bene to +te co~moun weill and lieges
of +tis realme spe~alie to +te burrowis +tairof in paying
of extentis and impostis w=t= +tame Hes +tairfoir creatit
erectit and co~fermit the said bur=t= of anstruther in
ane frie bur=t= royall w=t= all priuilegeis liberties and
Immvnities grantit +t~to to be bruikit be the pn~t inhabitantis
within +te same and +t~ successouris in all
tyme heirefter alsfrelie as ony v+t~ frie bur=t= of ryaltie
is within +tis realme Quhilk ratificatioun o=r= said souerane
lord and thrie estaittis foirsaid~ declairis be +t~
pn~tis sall nawayes be preiudiciall nor hurtfull to +te
rychtis of v+ter baronis

[}PROTESTATIOUN OF JAMES GEDDY BURGES
OF CARRAILL .}]

THE QUHILK DAY in pn~ce of o=r= souerane lord
and thre estaittis of parliament Comperit James
geddy burges of +te burgh of carraill And +t~ in
name and behalf of +te same burgh protestit solempnitlie
That +te erectioun creatioun and confirmatioun
of +te burgh of anstruder in ane frie bur=t= royall Suld
onnawys~ be hurtfull or preiudiciall to +te said bur=t= of
carraill anent +te richtis liberties and priuileges of +te
same Bot +tat +tai my=t= be hard to propone +t~ richtis
ressonis and defenss~ quhensoeuir +tai or +t~ successouris
suld happin to persew +t~ ry=t= And als +t=t= +tai my=t= be
hard to vs~ +t~ remeid competent befoir the estaittis at
+te nixt p~liame~t Or vtherwys~ quhen oportunitie of
tyme suld be offerit And +tairvpoun askit actis &
instrumentis .

[}ACT IN FAVOUR OF THE CRAFTISMEN FLEMY~GIS}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and thrie estaittis of
+tis pn~t parliame~t vpoun +te humill supplicatioun of
Johne gardin philp fermant and Johne banko flemyngis
strangearis and warkmen haifing consideratioun
+tat the said~ strangearis ar cum within +tis
realme to exercise +tair craft and occupatioun in
making of searges growgrams susteanis bombesies
stemmi~gis beyis coverto=r=~ of beddis and v+teris appertening
to +t~ said craft and for instructioun of +te said~
liegis in +te exercise of +te making of +te warkis and hes
offerit to o=r= said souerane lord and haill co~moun weill
of +tis realme the experience and suir knawlege of
+tair laubo=r=~ / qlk will tend to ane perpetuall floresching
of +te said craft within +tis realme Thairfoir oure
said souerane lord and thre estaittis foirsaid~ hes tho=t=
ressounable and expedient and for the co~moun weill
of +te realme hes aggreit and~ concluidit w=t= the said~
craftismen and strangearis foirsaid~ vpoun +te particulair
heid~ and articles following That is to say +te
said~ craftismen sall remane w=t=in this realme for the
space of fyve +geiris at +te leist efter the dait heirof
and salbring within +tis realme the nowmer of xxx
<P 508.C1>
personis of wabsteris walkaris and sic v+teris as may
wirk and p~forme +te said wark as alsua ane litstair or
ma for litting and perfitting of +tair said~ warkis and
+t=t= thai and~ +t~ s~ruand~ walkaris wobstaris and litstaris
to be brocht hame be +tame Sall mak and p~fite +t~
steikis and peeces of warkis according as +te samin ar
or hes bene maid in flanderis holland or Ingland
kepand lenth breid and fy~nes conforme to +te rule
and stile of the buik of +te craft foirsaid pn~tit befoir
his Ma=tie= be +te saidis craftismen Sene co~siderit allowit
markit and authorizit be his hienes and deliuerit in
keping to +te superintendent of +te said craft and
keipare of his hienes seill +t~of efterspecifiit .

ITEM the saidis craftismen ar oblist be +t~ir pn~tis to
tak na prenteiss~ bot scottis boyis and madinnis of this
realme and befoir onie vtheris the burges bairnis of
Edinburgh to be preferrit and acceptit vpoun +te conditionis
following To wit to be prenteiss~ be +te space
of fyve +geiris and +tat +te said~ strangearis sall learne
+tair prenteiss~ sum pairt of +t~ craft q=r=by +t~ laubouris
may be worth +t~ meat and clething within the space
of halff ane +geir efter +t~ entrie and +t~efter +te said~      #
m=r=~
sall instruct +tame in the haill pointis of +t~ said craft
within +te space of fyve +geiris and sall hyde na pairt
+t~of fra thame and alsua sall furnishe +tame ressounablie
in meit drink clething bedding wesching and
wringing ffor the qlkis causs~ to be performit be +te
said~ strangearis to +t~ prenteiss~ during the said space
of fyve +geiris The saidis prenteiss~ and ilk ane of +tame
sall pay to +t~ m=r=~ for ilk ane of +t~ prenteisseis the
sowme of fourty pundis scottis money (as is co~mounlie
gevin w=t= the prenteiss~ of craftis w=t=in Edinburgh /)        #
[^THE PRECEDING TEXT IN BRACKETS CROSSED OUT IN THE TEXT^]
(for Ilk man cheild and twenty pund for ilk madin) [^THE        #
PRECEDING TEXT IN BRACKETS INSERTED IN THE MARGIN^]
alsua +te said~ strangearis ar oblist be +t~ pn~tis not to
suffer ony personis of +tair awin natioun and vocatioun
to beg or trouble this cuntrie for povertie and
+tat +tai sall interteny thame be +t~ warkis and furnessing
conforme to +te ordo=r= obs~ruit be +t~ natioun in
Ingland and +te price of the said~ seillis to be payit
be +te byaris of +te said stuff

ITEM to +te effect +tat his Ma=ties= lieges be not dissauit
nor preiudgeit be +te said~ strangearis vnsufficient
wark bot +tat +te samin wark and euery peice and parcell
+t~of salbe als sufficient as ony v+ter siclyk stuff that is
maid in +te said~ cuntries of flanderis holland or Ingland
according to +te reull and forme of +te buik of
+te said craft producit and m~kit as said is Thairfoir
his Ma=tie= w=t= auis~ foirsaid hes appointit constitute and
ordanit ane honest and discreit man Nicolas vduart
burges of Edinbur=t= to be visito=r= and o=r= sear of +te
said~ craftismen haill warkis steikis and peeces and
to try the sufficiencie +t~of and to keip his hienes seill
stamp and Irne for marking +tairof ffor the qlk seill and
furnessing of Irnes and lead +tairto as alsua +te timmer
and lomes quhairvpoun +tai stent the said stuff The
said Nicolas salhaue sic dueties as is co~tenit w=t=in the
said buke and as is co~mounlie vsit to be payit +t~foir
in flanderis holland or Ingland~ Quhilk office his
Ma=tie= w=t= auis~ foirsaid Gevis and disponis to the said
<P 508.C2>
Nicolas during his lyvetyme and be +t~ pn~tis exemis
him fra all exte~t~ watcheing wairding and v+teris
chairges and Impositionis quhatsumeuer alsfrelie as
+te said~ strangearis ar exemit +t~fra and +tat for guid~
co~siderationis moving his Ma=tie=

AND his Maiestie willing to gratifie the saidis strangers
for thair gude offices foirsaidis hes grantit And
be thir pn~tis grantis to the saidis strangers and
workmen ane patent place within the burgh of
Edinburgh or within ony vther burgh w=t=in this
realme quhair thay sall remane vpoun the ordinar
m~cat dayes of the said~ burrowis to sell thair maid
steikis and peces of stuff to the lieges of this realm~
Prouiding that thay sall sell na wool nor worsett
befoir the same be put in wark Alsua that the burgh
quhair thay duell and vsis thair craft sall appoint
thame sufficient places to sett vp treis draw and dry
thair stuff and vther neidfull thingis for thair craft
vpoun ressonable payment conforme to the ordo=r= of
thair said buke

ITEM his hienes with auise foirsaid be thir pn~tis exemis
the saidis strangers thair cumpanyes seruandis
and prentiss~ fra all taxationis subsideis tributis impositionis
watching warding stenting and vtheris chargeis
quhatsumeuir within burgh or owtw=t= the same
And ordanis that the magistrattis of the burgh of
Edinburgh and vtheris quhair thay sall remane To
mak thame burgess~ of thair burgh and grant thame
the libertie thairof gratis during thair remaning And
als his Maiestie grantis to thame the libertie and
priuilege of naturalizatioun And to be als fre within
this realme during thair remani~g as gif thay wer
borne within the samyn And that thair lauchfull barnis
sall brouke the saidis priuilegis as gif thay wer naturalizat
or borne scottismen

ALSUA his Maiestie Ordanis the prouest and baillies
of Edinburgh and of the vther burrowis quhair the
saidis strangers salhappin to mak residence To furneis
and deliuer to Ilk ane of the saidis thre workmen
ane sufficient worklwme to begyn thair work and na
further .

ITEM it is permittit that strangers may bye the
saidis personis steikis of work in the oppin mercat
allanerlie And alsua that thay may cheis~ to thame
selffis within the said burgh of Edinburgh and libertie
thairof or ony vther burgh of this realme ane
convenient place for the vse of wattir to thame and
thair servandis and to ane walker and littistair Conforme
to thair said buik And that thair servandis
and prentiss~ that sall cum within this realme salbe
exemit fra all exactionis as said is And alsua salbe
rebursit and payit of +tair expenss~ and passage cu~ing
be sey be the Magistrattis of the burgh quhair thay sall
arryve and mak residence / thay being alwyse craftismen
hable to exercise the said vocatioun .
<P 509.C1>
IT is alsua grantit be his Maiestie with aduise foirsaid
That the saidis flemyngis craftismen and thair cumpanyes
quhen thay ar ane sufficient nowmer and sall
require ane kirk and mi~ster to be the kirk of thair
natioun~ That the samyn salbe permittit to thame
vpoun thair expenss~ ressonable for mantenyng of the
kirk and sustenyng of ane mi~ster thairat as thay can
aggre with the parteis Prouiding that thay and
thair congregatioun of the said kirk salbe subiect to
the disciplene and professioun of the kirk of scotland~
and to the ecclesiasticall and ciuile lawes thairof

AND lykewyse It is permittit be his Maiestie That
the saidis craftismen may bring within this realme
and interteny within the same ane wricht of thair
awin cuntrie for making of thair worklwmes /
quha salbe exemit and brouke thair liberties foirsaidis
as thame selffis .

AND for the bettir furtherance of this gude and
godlie interprise / his Maiestie with aduise foirsaid
gevis and assignis to the saidis thre strangers and
thair cumpanyes The sowme of ane thowsand merkis
money of this realme To be payit to thame of the
first and reddiest of the guidis qlkis salhappin to be
maid be thame for the dewtye of his Maiesties custume
qlk salbe ressauit of Ilk steik and pece of thair
work and laboure And that to be payit efter the said
nowmer of threttie workmen be brocht in and
plantit within this realme

ITEM his Maiestie with aduise of the saidis thre
estaittis declaris and ordanis That ilk steik and pece
of the saidis craftisme~is work sall pay to his hienes
be the workers thairof for his Maiesties custume of
the same Sic custumes and dewetye as is payit thairfore
in flandirs holand or england~ Conforme to the
said buik and valoure of the said stuff as salbe gevin
in table to the said Nicolas vdwart Quhome his
Maiestie alsua be thir pn~tis constitutis ressaver of the
said custume and dewetye during the space foirsaid .

AND the saidis strangers and workmen pn~tlie within
this realme or that salhappin to cum within the same
To the effect foirsaid Salbe bund and obleist to pn~t
thame selffis befoir the prouest baillies and counsale
of the saidis burrowis Befoir thay be admittit to
brouke the priuilegis abonewrittin And thair gif
thair aythis for obs~ui~g of the lawes of this realme
spirituall and temporall and for dew obedience to his
Maiestie and his successouris thair Jugeis and officiaris
thair superintendent and owersear as accordis to
the lawes of this realme And that thay sall remane
within this realme at thair work and sall not vaig
thairfra during the said space of fyve +geiris
and further during thair remani~g within this realme .

<S SAMPLE 3>
<P 516.C2>
[}ACT IN FAVOUR OF THE +GOUNG LAIRD OF KYNFAWNIS .}]

THE QLK DAY in presence of +te kingis Ma=tie= and
thrie estaittis of this pn~t parliament Comperit persounallie
harie charteris now fear of kynfawnis sone
adoptive to Johnne charteris of kynfawnis And conforme
to ane contract and appoyntment maid betuix
ane noble and michtie lord Dauid erle of craufurde
and +te said harie his lauchfull brother On +te ane
pairt And +te said Johnne charteris of kynfawnis on
the vther pairt of +te dait at Edinburgh +te tuentie
sevint day of september The +geir of god J=m= v=c=
foure scoir four +geiris Reg~rat in +te buikis of Counsall
vpone +te fyft day of september The +geir of god J=m= v=c=
foure scoir fyve +geiris The said harie brother aboneno~iat
acceptit +te said surname of charteris Togidder
w=t= +te armes of the hous of kynfawnis specifiet in +te
said co~tract efter +te forme and tenno=r= thairof and
infeftmentis following thairvpone And maid faith
solempnitlie that he sall obs~rue +te samyn conforme
+t~to Quhairvnto o=r= souerane lord thrie estaittis and
haill lordis of parliament presentlie convenit interponit 
+t~ auc~tie in +te best and maist suir forme And lykwayes
ratefiet apprevit and confermit +te foirne~mit
contract~ Togidder w=t= all and sindrie charteris infeftmentis
dispositionis alienationis and donationis maid
gevin and gra~tit be +te said Johnne charteris of kynfawnis 
To +te said hary his sone adoptiue and brother
germane to +te said erle of craufurde and +te said
haryes airis of all and haill +te landis and baronies of
kynfawnis petfyndie craigtoun lu~fannan~ cangnoir
chartourishall and of all v+teris +te said Johnne charteris
landis leving heretage and v+teris quhatsumeuer
mentionat in +te said contract Infeftmentis dispositionis
and v+teris abonerehersit w=t= +te claus of adoptioun
+t~in contenit quhairby +te said Johnne charteris
adoptit the said harie bruther abonementionat To be
his sone and to succeid +tairthrow to his haill landis
heretage rentis possessionis and v+teris quhatsumeuer
pertening to him q=r=euer +te samyn~ ly within this
realme Togidder w=t= all v+ter clauss~ and prouisionis
contenit in the foirsaid contract and infeftmentis
decerni~g and declairing +te samyn to stand and be
obs~uit perpetuallie in all tymes cu~ing efter +te forme
and tenno=r= thairof Quhairvpone +te said harie askit
actis and instrume~tis .

<P 517.C1>
[}CO~MISSIOUN TO TREAT FOR DEFENCE OF THE
REALME IN TYME OF WEARE .}]

THE KINGIS MAIESTIE and thrie estaittis of this
pn~t parliament gevis and grantis full power and
co~missioun to his trustie and weilbelouit counsallo=r=~
and vtheris w=m= lord hereis~ Maister robert dowglas
prouest of lynclouden~ collecto=r= generall williame ker
of cesfurde andro ker of fawdounsyde S=r= James
home of coldenknowis knicht alexander home of
hutounhall and alexander home of northberwick
manis Or ony fyve four or thrie of thame To convene
togidder in quhat place and als oft as +tai think
expedient betuix and +te first day of october nixtocum
and to aduise vpone +te best and maist liklie
meanis that may be vpo~ sic of +te actis of parliament
and vtheris anent custumes and sic thingis as +tai
may gadder vpone +tair awin experience for defence
of +te realme in tyme of wear and quieting of the
bordo=r= in tyme of peax and to mak overtures +tairvpone
at +t~ guid discretioun and~ bring and pn~t the
samin befoir his Ma=tie= and lordis of his secreit counsall
betuix and the said day To be sene and considerit
be thame To +te effect that further ordo=r= may be
takin +t~anent as appertenis And that lr~ez be direct
heirvpone gif neid beis in forme as effeiris

[}CO~MISSIOUN FOR SETTING OF THE ORDOUR OF
THE TAXATIOUN ON ALL ESTAITTIS}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and thrie estaittis of
this pn~t parliament vnder +te complaintis of diuers~
his hienes subiectis toward +te vnequall stenting in
sindrie taxationis that hes bene raisit of lait +geiris for
his hienes seruice and co~moun effairis of the realme
Sum lamenting that +tai ar now taxt qlkis wer neuir
in vse to be taxt of befoir Sum left vntaxt mair able
to pay nor thay that ar taxt Sum becaus that +te
taxationis qlk sould be payit be +te prelattis and frehaldaris
thame selffis is layed vpo~ the puir laubourairis
of +te ground Sum becaus thay ar burdenit w=t= far
greittare releif to +te prelattis nor of equitie and ressone
+tai aucht And pairtlie becaus of the alteratioun
liklie to be throw erectioun of sum pairtis of +te
kirkrentis in temporall lordschippis with prouisioun
that +te same sall taxt w=t= +te estait of +te baronis in
tyme cu~ing and sindrie vther occasionis ffor remeid
quhairof o=r= souerane lord w=t= auise of the saidis estaittis
gevis grantis and co~mittis full power and co~missioun
of parliament To adame bischope of orknay
alexander co~mendatair of pluscardin Robert lord
boyd James lord of doun m=r= Johne lindesay persone of
menm=r= m=r= Dauid carnegie of culluthie Johnne arnot
burges of edinburgh and williame flemy~g burges of
perth~ To convene within the burgh of ed~=r= quhen +tai
salbe requirit +t~to Or find maist co~modious tyme
thairfoir at ony tyme betuix and +te first day of Junij
<P 517.C2>
nixtocum And thair to consider +te occasionis of +te
saidis complayntis Sie +te retouris and auld stent rollis
alsweill of +te spiritualitie as temporalities and burrowis
quhat wes +te ancient forme of setting of taxationis
in tyme bigane And how far the same differis
fra +te forme vsit within this realme thir few +geiris
bigane And +tairefter at +t~ gude discretioun to sett
and establishe sic a forme and ordo=r= of taxatioun of
+te lieges of this realme in tyme cu~ing as sall appear
to thame maist equitabl~e and indifferent for all
estaittis With power alsua to +te saidis co~missioneris
to heir +te complaintes of all pairties having interesse
in setting of +te said forme of taxatioun and to decide
+t~in su~marlie as +tai sall think maist agreable w=t= equitie
and iustice And to mak actis and ordinances
thairvpone Quhilkis being dewlie formed and subscriuit
w=t= +te handis of ony fyve of thame his hienes
ordanis to be delyuerit to his clerk of register to be
reg~rat in +te buikis of parliament and publissit Salhaue
lyk force and executioun as gif +te same wer
done be o=r= souerane lord and his thrie estaittis in full
parliament Ay and qll +te nixt parliament And thairefter
qll +te foirsaid ordo=r= be dischairgit .

[}CO~MISSIOUN FOR SETTING OF THE QUANTITIE OF
THE BUL+GEOUN TO BE BROCHT TO THE CUN+GEHOUS
OF ALL CUSTUMAT GUIDIS .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and thrie estaittis of
this pn~t parliament gevis and grantis full power and
co~missioun to his weilbelouittis S=r= Robert meluile of
murdocairnie knicht thesaurare depute S=r= ard~ naper
of edinbellie knicht generall of his hienes cun+gehous
Johne achesone his hienes last m=r= cun+geo=r= and
thomas achesone pn~t maister of his said cun+gehous
w=t= ane or tua of the counsall of edinbur=t= Or ony
fyve four or thrie of +tame the said S=r= Robert meluile
alwayes being ane To convene als oft as +tai sall
think expedient betuix and +te first day of Junij nixtocum
And to sett and appoynt quhat dewtie of
bul+geoun / his hienes aucht to haue brocht to his
cun+gehous for all maner of guidis custumable passand
furth of this realme And quhateuer the saidis co~missioneris
decernis and ordanis to be done in the
p~miss~ Thair ordinance being deulie maid subscriuit
be thame or ony thrie of +tame (the said s~=r= robert
being ane of +tame as said is) The same to have als
greit executioun force and effect as gif +te same wer
done be his hienes and his estaittis in full parliament
Ay and qll +te nixt parliame~t and qll +te said ordina~ce
be dischairgit or alterit be parliament .

[}ACT IN FAVOUR OF THE TOUN OF DALKEYTH}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and thrie estaitis of
parliament vnderstanding +t=t= how his Maiestie vpone
gude considerationis moving his hienes and estaittis
of parliament for +te tyme in the parliament haldin
<P 518.C1>
at Edinburgh the penult day of november The +geir
of god J=m= v=c= fourescoir ane +geiris alterit and changeit
the mercat day of +te said toun and burgh of
Dalkeyth fra the sonday to be haldin oulklie in tyme
cuming vpone the thurisday and for supporting of +te
said toun and burgh and +te inhabita~tis thairof assignit
and grantit ane fair +geirlie to be haldin w=t=in +te said
burgh vpone +te tent day of october in all tymes
cuming w=t= all fredomes liberties priuileges and co~modities
siclike and alsfrelie in all respectis as ony
fair day is grantit to ony burgh of baronie within
+tis realme And also decernit ordanit and declarit
that it salbe lesum to his Maiesties lieges resorting
and repairing to +te hous of the mure with scheip
nolt and v+teris guidis on thurisday oulklie To bring
+te guidis +tat sall rest vnsauld +te said day on fryday
thairefter to +te said burgh of dalkey=t= thair to be
sauld for furnessing of his hienes and his lieges resorting
+t~to as at mair lenth is contenit in +te said act
Thairfoir hes ratifiet and apprevit and be +te tenno=r=
heirof ratifies apprevis and confermis +te said act
grantit to the said burgh~ in all heidis articulis pointis
and clauss~ thairof Efter +te forme and tenno=r= of the
same And ordanis lr~ez of publicatioun to be direct
heirvpone gif neid beis in forme as effeiris .

[}ACT IN FAVOUR OF THE TOUN OF POLWART}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD Remembring how
cairfull his Ma=ties= maist noble progenitouris hes bene
in appoynting of particulair fairis and mercat dayes
to be +geirly haldin in certane townis and places
within this realme maist necessare to the co~moun
wealth +tairof and inhabitantis within +te samyn
quhairto his Ma=tie= bering the lyk gude will and considering
how necessare it is to haif tua particulair
fairis and mercate dayes to be sett and assignit ilk
+geir in +te toun of polwart within +te s~refdome of
berwick for bying and selling of nolt scheip cornis
guidis and v+teris accustmat to be coft and sauld
within +te saidis boundis to +te greit proffeit and co~moditie
of the inhabita~tis w=t=in +te same and v+teris
resortand to +te said toun for bying and selling of +te
saidis guidis quha man be ressett and interteneit vpone
+tair expenss~ within +te said toun qlk lyis in the maist
co~modious and frequent pairt within +te said s~refdome
Quhairfoir o=r= souerane lord w=t= avise of the
thrie estaittis of this pn~t parliament hes prescriuit
appoyntit & assignit and be +te tenno=r= heirof prescriuis
appoyntis and assignis tua seuerall and particulair
fairis and mercat dayes to be haldin +geirlie in +te said
toun of polwart vi~z +te ane +tairof vpoun +te tuentie
four day of august and the v+ter vpone the threttene
of Januar To be callit and namit in all tyme cu~ing
+te fair dayes of +te said town~ of polwart Sua that all
his hienes lieges may resort and repair +t~to for bying
and selling of all sic guidis and merchandice And
ordinis lr~ez to be direct heirvpone for publicatioun
of the premiss~ within +te saidis boundis in forme as
effeiris

<S SAMPLE 4>
<P 569.C1>

[}ANENT THE AIGE AND QUALITIES OF THE LORDIS OF
SESSIOUN}]

BECAUS the nobilitie Erllis lordis and baronis
auncient heretouris of landis levingis and possessionis
/ vnderstude the institutioun of the college of
iustice and lordis of sessioun / To haue bene fra
the beginni~g for decisioun of all ciuile actionis /
vnto the qlk decisioun thair haill heretages land~
levingis and possessionis ar subiect / And +tat his
hienes progenito=r=~ institut the said college of cu~ni~g
and wysemen / Quhilk his Ma=tie= willing to continew
according to his forbearis gude intentioun / And to
foirsie the corruptioun increscand in the said college
in this later and declyni~g aige Declaris his hienes
mynd be act of p~liame~t that in all tymes theireftir /
quhen ony place suld waik in the sessioun That his
Maiestie suld pn~t and nominat thairto / ane man
fearing god / Off gude lr~ature practiq~ Jugement and
vnderstanding of +te lawes / off gude fame / having sufficient
leving of his awin / and quha culd mak guid
expeditioun and dispatch on materis tuiching the leigis
of the realme / And +git that it is requirit that his hienes
guid intentioun be mair speciallie expressit toward the
complaint of the chesing of +goung men / w=th=out grauitie
knawlege and experience vpoun the said
sessioun nocht having sufficient leving of thair awin /
THAIRFOIR Oure said souerane lord w=t= avise of the
estaitis of this pn~t parliament / declaris that Nane salbe
ressauit to ane place of ane senato=r= in the college
of iustice / Except he be sufficientlie tryit and knawin
be his hienes and haill lordis of the sessioun That the
said persoun to be pn~tit and ressauit haue in +geirlie
rent propirlie perteni~g to him selff / the sowme of
ane thowsand markis vsuall money of this realme /
or els Tuentie chalderis of wictuall / And that his
experience qualitie and conversatioun may be the
bett~ tryit / that he be of the aige of tuentie fyve
<P 569.C2>
+geris at the leist compleit in all tyme cu~ing / vtherwayis
his pn~tatioun and admissioun to be null Annulland
all presentationis gevin and grantit be his Ma=tie= sen
his hienes coronatioun to q=t=sumeu~ persoun or personis
no=t= beand of the aige foirsaid Ratifeand neuirtheles~
and apprevand~ alwayes all actis maid be his maiesties
predecessouris and his hienes self of befoir vpoun the
institutioun of +te said college and reformatioun of the
abuses thairof .

[}TUICHING THE AUTENTICKE DAITING AND REGISTRING
OFF SIGNATURES}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD w=t= auise of his estaitis /
hes statute and ordanit that na signatour sall pas the
registeris of his ordinar officiaris of estait vnderw~ttin /
except the dait thairof be fillit vp w=th= the handes of
the thesaurair collecto=r= comptrollar the=r= of augme~tationis
and secretar / of thair principall clerkis awin
handes / And that the Reg~ra=o=un of the signato=r= or lr~e
beir no=t= onlie vpoun the bak of it (Registrat) bot the
day and dait of the registra=o=un w=th= the nowmer of
the leiffis of the buik q=r=in it is registrat /Quhilk buik
salbe markit be the hand of the clerk of reg~r or his
depute constitut~ to that effect / And siclik that the
kepair of the signet sall write on the bak of +te signatur
the speciall day that he affixit the signet / And
the wreittar kepair of +te privie seill sall write lykwayis
vpoun the bak of the lr~e the day that he
wreittis and passis the same the privie seill / Quhilkis
warrandis sua markit salbe maid furthcu~and to ony
pairtie int~essit for triall of +te antedaite be the kepairis
of the signet and privie seill / And that the tryall of
the saidis antedaittis sall no=t= be ressauit w=th=out verie
greit adminicles and certane circumstances of falsett /
And that the sowme consignit for Improbatioun be
maid veray greit / The forme of the Improbatioun
sall onlie be ressauit be the writtaris of +te signatoures /
the principall officia=r=~ thair depuittis or clerkis keparis
of +te registeris keparis of +te signet privie seill and
thair s~vandis writtaris of +te precept and writtars to
+te grett seill and keparis of +te same / and na vtheris /
And +te pvnischeme~t of sic falsett giff ony beis fund
and tryit salbe pvnisched w=t= the pane of falsett and
lesema=tie= / And thre pairtes of +te land~ and guidis of 
+te offendar to be adiugeit to +te king / and the fourt
p~t to the pairtie greved .

[}FOR ESCHEWING OF FAULSETTIS IN REDUCTIOUN OF
DECREITTIS OF REDEMPTIOUN .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and the estaitis of parliament
/ Vnderstanding that the fabricating forgeing
and devysing of fals euidentis and wreittis w=th=in this
realme produceit and furnessit Innumerable and Infinite
actionis and pleyis amongis his leigis To the hurt and
preiudice of his hienes faithfull and trew subiectis /
ffor remeid and eschewing quhairof OURE SAID
<P 570.C1>
SOUERANE LORD w=t= aduise and consent of his saidis
estaitis and haill bodie of this pn~t parliament ffindis
decernis and declaris / That it sall no=t= be lesum to
ony persoun or personis w=th=in this realme +t~ airis and
successouris or vtheris personis quhatsumeuir having
richt proceding fra thame / to persew for reductioun
or vtherwayis to call in questioun ony decreit of
redemptioun of landis teindis coillis coilheuchis
woddis mylnis fischingis castellis towris fortalices or
ony pairt thairof obtenit at the insta~ce of quhatsumeuir
persoun or personis / aganis quhatsumeuir persoun
or personis at ony tyme befoir +te dait heirof / be vertew
or vnder pretext of quhatsumeuir dischargis of
reuersioun or reuersionis / posterio=r= infeftme~tis / or
vtheris contractis quhatsumeuir / qlkis may evacuat
and tak away the said~ decreittis of redemptioun
or ony of thame And this act onlie to haue place in
decreittis of redemptioun proceding vpoun lauchfull
premonitioun maid be the parties lau=t=full contradicto=r=~
qlkis wer also deulie su~mond to +te geving of the
saidis decreittis / And for obedience thairof / hes             #
lau=t=fullie
renu~ceit the landis and~ vtheris specifiet in the
same decreittis of redemptioun and quha hes bene
at sindrie tymes su~mond~ and convenit befoir the
lordis of sessioun at the instance of his hienes aduocattis
and partyis for thair entress~ ffor productioun
and Improbatioun of all dischargis of reuersioun or
reuersionis posterio=r= infeftmentis vtheris richtis and
securities q=t=sumeuir qlkis micht preiuge or mak dirogatioun
to the reuersioun or reuersionis / q=r=vpoun
the said~ decreit~ of redemptioun or ony of thame
hes followit / and producit na dischargis / posterio=r=         #
infeftme~tis
nor na vtheris wreittis / Quhilkis micht tak
away or reduce the saidis decreitt~ of redemptioun
or preiuge or mak dirogatioun to +te reuersioun or
reuersionis quhairvpoun the said~ decreittis of redemptioun
or ony of thame proceidit Sua that the
said~ personis lauchfullie warnit and su~mond in
maner foirsaid / micht pretend na ignorance of the
said~ decreittis of redemptioun .

[}ACT IN FAUO=R= OF REDEMPTIOUN OF LANDIS BE
QUHATSUMEUIR PERSONIS}]

FORSAMEKLE as the exorbitant and Immoderat
entres~ and proffite tane be diuers~ leigis of this realme
for lent money oftymes exceding sex bollis wictuall
of +geirlie a~nuell for ane hundreth markis / hes bene
and is the caus of the wrak and decay of mony
auncient levingis w=th=in this cuntrie / qlk hes procedit
pairtlie vpoun the greit exces~ of the said vnlauchfull
proffite / And pairtlie vpoun the Minoritie of the
personis addettit in the saidis a~nuellis / Quha nocht
being hable to pay the said~ a~nuellis in respect of the
lyverent of the francteneme~tis ar secludit fra thair
levingis be the warding thairof during thair Minoritie
or vtherwayes negligentlie governit be the Improuident
cure of thair tuto=r=~ and curato=r=~ haif sufferit
the same to rin sa lang vnpayit / That the same hes
<P 570.C2>
comprysit the haill auld levingis / Quhilk being the
the maist vngodlie and vnlauchfull conqueis~ in it self /
It is nocht onlie condempnit be the expres word of
god / Bot also be the lawes of all nationis / lyk as his
hienes and estaitis of the last parliame~t haldin at
Edinburgh the Tuentie nynt day of Julij the +geir of
god J=m= v=c= fourscoir sevin +geiris Considdering the
manifald abuses following thairvpoun / hes moderat
and taxt the said~ +geirlie a~nuellis / To ten pundis / or
fyve bollis wictuall for euerie hundreth pundis / And
proportionallie for greitar and smaller sowmes / And
sua hes repressit the said vsurie in tyme cu~ing / And
now his hienes and estaitis being movit w=t= the hard
estait no=t= onlie of the saidis minoris / Bot also w=th= the
greit skaith and preiudice sustenit be vtheris his
hienes leigis be nocht payment of the said~ a~nuellis
throw the occasionis foirsaidis / And being cairfull to
provyde sum ordinar remeid / for thair releif in
payme~t of the saidis exorbitant a~nuellis / DECLARIS
statutis and ordanis that it salbe lesum to all personis
quhatsu~euir alsweill minor~ as maioris addettit in payment
of the +geirlie a~nuellis / qlk~ ar redemable to redeme
all maner of a~nuellis ather wictuall or siluer sauld
or a~nalijt be thair predecessouris furth of ony pairt of
thair landis in tyme bygane / be payment or consignatioun
of the principall sowme contenit in the reuersioun
or reuersionis / Togidder w=th= the byrun a~nuellis
thairof / Quhilkis byrun a~nuellis his hienes and estaitis
liquidattis and modifies to ten markis for euerie hundreth
markis allanerlie / FINDING and declaring the
redemptioun of the said~ a~nuellis / to be lauchfull
be payment or consignatioun of the saidis principall
sowmes / Togidder w=th= ten markis for euerie hundreth
markis thairof / for the byrun proffeittis of the
same Conforme to the infeftmentis maid thairvpoun
nochtw=t=standing quhatsumeuir contractis bandis obliga=o=nis
infeftmentis decreittis or vtheris securities
quhatsumeu~ maid to thame of greitar a~nuellis nor
ten m~kis for the hundreth markis / To the quhilkis
and euerie ane of thame / this pn~t act makis diroga=o=un
insafar as the same may be extendit to the 
saidis +geirlie a~nuellis .

[}ANENT THE VALIDITIE OF NEW BOUNDAND EUIDENTIS}]

BECAUS It is cleirlie vnderstand that the baronis of
this realme and vtheris heretable possesso=ris= haldand
thair landis of oure souerane lord or vtheris superio=r=~
ar heichlie preiudgeit in thair heretages and co~mounties
apperteni~g thairto / be new infeftmentis gevin to
the personis mercheand with thame vpoun thair awin
resigna=o=nis / In the quhilkis new infeftmentis be thair
bound~ and m~chis specifiet thairin thay may include
the propirtie of the landis nixt adiacent / qlk +tai
neuir haid of befoir in greit preiudice of the landis
adiacent to thame / as als thay may include the land~
perteni~g in co~montie to vtheris baronies of landis
nixt adiacent / and be thair awin resigna=o=un w=t= the
boundit infeftment following may move questioun
<P 571.C1>
vpoun the propirtie of all landis co~tenit in thair
boundit infeftment / qlk may breid ane greit stryff to
all o=r= souerane lord~ leigis FOR REMEID quhairof /
It is statute ordanit and decernit be his hienes and
estait~ of his parliament / That the boundit infeftment
quhatsumeuir ather grantit or to be grantit be
o=r= said souerane lord or ony of his successouris / or be
ony vther superio=r= to his awin heretable tennent / be
the said heretable tenne~t~ resigna=o=un / albeit the
samy~ contene ane new gift w=t= supplement of all faultis
/ qlk onlie respectis the superio=r= grantand +te said
infeftme~t And nawayis suld be extendit to the preiudice
of the thrid persoun that the said infeftment
past vpoun the resigna=o=un of the tenne~t sall wirk na
preiudice anent the saidis boundis or merches / ather
in propertie or co~mountie to ony vther persoun Bot
the questionis arrysing vpoun the richt and possessioun
of the said propirtie and co~mountie / salbe det~minat
/ and Jugeit be the lordis of counsaill and vtheris
inferio=r= Jugeis and Ministeris of the lawes in the samy~
sort and maner as gif thair wer na me~tioun of boundis
and merchis contenit in the infeftment past vpoun
the said resigna=o=un .

[}CONCERNING PENSIONIS NOCHT AUTHORIZIT
BE DECREIT OR POSSESSIOUN}]

FORSAMEKLE as thair being dyuers~ pensionis
alleagit disponit furth of the benefices and prelacijs
of this realme To the greit hurt and preiudice thairof
and +te successo=ris= albeit na possessioun is followit
nor comprehendit thairvpoun in the prelattis lyftyme
allegit / disponeris thairof / Quhairthrow the samy~
fallis of the law / and Manifestlie apperis to be bot
forgeit and counterfute tytillis / and be ressone of the
corruptioun of this ty~e and the greit hurt and preiudice
of o=r= souerane lord and the successoris sustenit
thairby IT is statute and ordanit be the lait act of parliament
maid anent a~nexa=o=un of kirklandis to o=r=
souerane lord / that quhatsumeuir pensionis disponit
furth of +te prelacijs and nather auctorizit w=t= decreittis
nor possessioun befoir the said act suld fall and be
null [{and of{] nane availl force nor effect / Quhilk act
his hienes w=t= auise of +te haill estait~ ratifies / apprevis
confermis / and declaris and ordanis that all and
quhatsumeu~ pensionis alleagit to be disponit furth of
prelacijs And nather authorizit be decreit nor possessioun
Quhether the same be of the temporalitie or
spiritualitie / Quhairvpoun nather decreit nor possessioun
hes followit in the p~lattis lyftyme / And befoir
the said act of a~nexa=o=un salbe null sand of Nane availl
force nor effect in all tymes bygane and tocum .

<P 571.C2>
[}AGANIS VNLAWFULL CONDICIONIS IN CONTRACTIS
OR OBLIGATIONIS}]

AS IT IS no=t= lesum to vse and co~mit vsurie / sa it is
no=t= lesum to ony privie man be his awin Inventioun
and auc~tie to astrict or burding ony of o=r= souerane
lordis liegis w=t= vnlawfull And impossible conditionis
Aganis all law equitie / ressone and gude forme / Albeit
thair necessitie for +te tyme constraine thame to
+geald thairto As quhair sum personis gevis furth thair
money vpoun proffite vpoun contractis or obligationis /
Thay prowyd~ that the parties ressaveris thairof /
quhairsoeuir thay duell in the farrest partes of +te
realme salbe chargit to mak payment onlie be oppin
proclama=o=un at the marcat croce of ed~=r= vpoun sa schort
and suddane warni~g as probablie and possiblie It can
no=t= cum to the knawlege of +te personis sua chargeit /
And that the denu~ciatioun of the horni~g Salbe at
the same marcat croce / and the horni~g reg~rat in
the s~reffis buikis of edinburgh makand the same als
lauchfull / as gif the personis wer chargit personallie
or at his duelling place / And the executioun of
horni~g vsit at +te marcat croce of +te heid burgh of +te
schire quhair +te parties duellis / And the horni~gis
reg~rat in the s~reff~ buikis thairof To the greit hurt
and preiudice no=t= onlie of +te parties sa denu~cit bot
of oure souerane lord and his leigis To quhais knawlege
probablie the saidis denu~ceationis of horni~gis can
no=t= cum / THAIRFOIR his hienes w=t= aduise of his
estaitis in parliament / statutis ordanis and declaris / that
na sic vnlawfull and Impossible conditionis be maid in
contractis or obliga=o=nis amongis ony of his hienes
subiectis in tyme cu~ing / And in cais~ ony denu~ceationis
of horni~gis salhappin to be maid at the said marcat
croce of edinburgh onlie vpoun chargis vsed
thairat proceding vpoun the vnlawfull and Impossible
conditionis abonespe~it / The same chargeis and denu~cea=o=un
of horni~g / sall no=t= be repute lau=t=full / Bot the
parties vsaris thairof salbe chargit To caus charge
and denu~ce of new according to the forme vsit and
obs~uit be the co~moun law / and consuetude of the
realme .

[}PRESCRIPTIOUN OF THE ACT OF REPOSSESSING}]

FORSAMEKLE as in the pacificatioun concludit in
the parliament haldin in the greit hall of the palice
of linlithgw the Tent day of december the +geir of
god J=m= v=c= fourscoir fyve +geiris Ratifiet and apprevit
in the parliament haldin at Edinburgh in the moneth
of Julij J=m= v=c= fourscoir sevin +geiris / ffor vnioun of
all his hienes subiectis to his obedience / Thair wes
ane gn~all pacifica=o=un maid and concludit conteni~g
dyuers~ heidis and articles Speciallie that all and
sindrie personis being on lyve and the aris of thame
quha wer deid and wer dispossessit of thair landis and
possessionis throw and be +te occasioun of the co~moun
ciuile truble occurring of befoir suld~ be effectuallie
<P 572.C1>
repossessit fra the croip and proffite of the +geir of
god J=m= v=c= fourscoir fyve +geiris Including the mertimes
terme thairof / Sen the qlk tyme it may appeir
that all the personis quha wer dispossessit haue socht
the remedie of the said pacificatioun be +te repossessioun
aganis quhatsu~eu~ possesso=r= howbeit the possesso=r=
aganis quhome the repossessioun wes socht wes nocht
alluterlie the same persoun quha dispossessit thame /
And be the rigo=r= of the same Act the personis
seikand the said repossessioun hes obtenit the vttermaist
byrun proffeitt~ continwallie sen the said
feist of mertimes inclusiue the +geir of god J=m= v=c=
fourscoir fyve +geris / albeit the said repossessioun
wes no=t= socht frome thame ane lang space +t~eftir
And sum personis in the meantyme estemit
thame selffis to haue bruikit (\bone fide\) THAIRFOIR
oure souerane lord and estaitis of this pn~t parliame~t
statutis and ordanis that all actionis competent
to quhatsumeuir persoun or personis be vertew of
the foirsaid act of repossessioun be intentit and persewit
befoir the Juge ordinar w=th=in +geir and day
nixt eftir the publicatioun heirof at the Marcat croce
of ed~=r= / with certifica=o=un that tyme and space being
expyrit neuir to be hard thaireftir To intent or
persew actioun vpoun the said benefite of repossessioun
And fforder that be reasone of the tumultis occurring
in the saidis co~moun troubles / IT hapnit that
sum personis wer foirfalt denu~cit rebellis and put to
the horne or trublit for the co~moun caus~ and for the
same caus wer dispossessit be sic personis as wes schortlie
thaireftir foirfalt put to the horne or trublit be reasoun
of certane variences arrysing in the said co~moun
trubles be changeing of factionis and parties as +tai
thocht occasioun requirit THAIRFOIR IT wes statute
and ordanit be the said pacifica=o=un / that he quha wes
first dispossessit be reasone of the first truble suld be
effectuallie repossest aganis all vtheris / Be the qlk it
was planelie menit That the persoun quha dispossessit
the vther being thairfoir dispossest him selff
suld neuir be hard to acclame ony repossessioun of
that qlk he acquirit be the said~ trubles Seing it
manifestlie appearis be +te former act that the acclaming
of +te reposs~ioun be him quha wes dispossessit in
the secund place / can no=t= stand w=t= the effectuall          #
repossessioun
of him / quha wes first dispossessit THAIRFOIR
his hienes w=t= aduise of the said~ estaitis decernis
and declaris / that the persoun quha obtenit his possessioun
throw the foirfalto=r= / horni~g / rebellioun or
truble of ane vther persoun for +te co~moun caus
sall neuir be hard to clame repossessioun nather agains
the said persoun / quha wes first dispossest nor againis
ony vther persoun quhatsumeuir / Bot that the persoun
quha wes first dispossessit his airis assignais and
successouris sall effectuallie bruik his said possessioun
w=t=out ony truble to be movit to thame be virtew
of the said pacifica=o=un and repossessioun thairin contenit
/ And sall neuir be quarrellit be the persoun dispossessit
/ in the secund place But preiudice of ony
partijs richtis to be decydit be the Juge ordiner / as
is appointit be the said act .

<P 572.C2>
[}ACT ANNULLING THE BANDIS AND CONTRACTIS OF
PERSONIS BEING IN CAPTIUITIE}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and estaitis of +tis pn~t
parliament declaris that vnderstanding sindrie of his
hienes trew and faithfull subiectis / during the tyme
of +te lait trubles w=th=in this realme / hes bene movit
during the tyme +t=t= thay wer detenit and kepit in
captiuitie / To renu~ce thair heretagis / takkis possessionis
/ and to dispone and assigne thair richtis of
wardis nonentress~ releiffis and maraiges / to sindrie
personis to +t~ greit hurt and preiudice / And als
Remembring of the greit Iniuries done to sindrie
of thame in the +geir of god J=m= v=c= fourscoir foure
+geiris be warding of thair personis ather w=th=in his
hienes propre castellis and strenthis vpoun the desyre
and sute of thair parties or w=th=in the propre castellis
and houss~ of sic personis quha takand occassioun of
the trublis than being w=th=in this realme socht be all
meanis to caus sic personis co~mittit to ward / To
renu~ce thair heretages landis and possessionis in thair
fauo=r=~ expres aganis all law and guid conscience FOR
REMEID quhairof Oure said souerane lord being of
mynd to redres~ the saidis enormities and to releif
his subiectis thair aris successouris / executo=r=~ and
cautionaris of all contractis obligationis renu~ceationis
or ratificationis thairof maid be ony of his faithfull
leigis / in the said +geir of god J=m= v=c= fourscoir foure
+geiris during the tyme of thair remani~g in ward~ or
at ony tyme thaireftir in the said fourscoir foure
+geir of god~ / qll his hienes parliament haldin vpoun
Tuentie nynt day of Julij J=m= v=c= fourscoir sevin +geiris
at his perfite aige of tuentie ane +geris In fauo=r=~ of
the personis be quhais moyen thay wer co~mittit to
ward~ / Or in fauo=r=~ of the personis in quhais propre
causs~ thay ar wardit kepit and detenit be thame
thair s~vandis and dependaris in thair names THAIRFOIR
Oure said souerane lord w=t= aduise and consent
or the said~ estaitis and haill bodie of this pn~t parliament
ffindis decernis and declaris all and quhatsumeuir
contractis bandis obligationis renu~cea=o=nis ratifica=o=nis
or approba=o=nis thairof maid be quhatsumeuir
persoun or personis w=th=in this realme thair barnis or
cautionaris vpoun the richt of thair landis heretages
and possessionis to and in fauo=r=~ of quhatsumeuir persoun
or personis be quhais moyen thay wer co~mittit to
ward / or in quhais propre houss~ thay wer wardit
kepit and detenit thairin Or in ony vther houss~ perteni~g
to thair s~vandis or dependaris / Induring +te
tyme of thair being in ward or at ony tyme thaireftir
in the said +geir of god J=m= v=c= fourscoir foure
+ge=r=~ and qll the said parliament haldin in Julij J=m= v=c=
fourscoir sevin +geiris / To be null and of Nane availl
force nor effect / And retreittis cass~ and a~nullis the
samy~ To +te effect that in all tyme cu~ing the saidis
personis +git on lyfe / And the aris and successouris of
thame that ar deceissit may peceablie bruik thair
said~ heretages landis a~nuelrentis and possessionis / siclyk
<P 573.C1>
and als frelie as gif the said~ contractis bandis
renu~ceationis / and ratificationis thairof haid neuir
bene maid / And siclyk his Maiestie and estat~ foirsaidis
/ Retreittis rescindis cass~ and a~nullis / all and
quhatsumeuir renu~cea=o=nis / dispositionis / alienationis /
assignationis and translationis maid be quhatsumeuir
persoun or p~sonis To and in fauo=r=~ of quhatsumeuir
persoun or personis / off landis takkis poss~ionis giftis of
wardis / Mariages and releiffis or ony of thame / during
+te tyme that the said~ personis makaris and
granteris thairof wer detenit and kepit in ward /
And findis decernis and declaris the samy~ renu~ceationis
dispositionis alienationis assigna=o=nis and translationis
/ to haue bene fra the beginni~g to be now and
in all tymes cu~ing null and of nane availl force nor
effect / PROWYDING alwayes that na persoun or p~sonis
be hard to vse the benefite of this act / vnto +te
tyme that thay refund sic sowmes of siluer to the
personis fra quhome the samyn wes ressauit qlkis wer
trewlie reallie and w=t= effect payit and deliuerit for
making of the saidis renu~ceationis dispositionis assignationis
and translationis / And that this act be no=t=
extendit to +te bandis and suirties maid be bordera=r=~
or hieland or Iles men for thair obedience and payment
of his hienes rentis .

[}THAT THE COPIES OF LR~ES OR CHARGIS BE SUBSCRYVIT
BE THE EXECUTOR THAIROF .}]

ITEM IT is statute and ordanit that in all tyme cu~ing
all copys of su~mond~ and lr~es qlkis salbe deliuerit
to ony pairtie / be subscryuit be the officiar
executo=r= thairof

[}ANENT DENUNCIATIOUN OF PERSONIS TO THE
HORNE VPOUN LR~ES CHARGEING ALL AND SINDRIE /
GENERALLIE .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD w=t= avise of +te estaitis
of parliament vnderstanding that ane of the greit
causs~ of +te pn~t confusioun Is the Multitude of rebellis
at the horne for ciuile causs~ / And that the occasioun
thairof Is the directioun of lr~ez of horni~g in
beneficiall materis generallie aganis all and sindrie /
quhairby it occurris dalie that the beneficit man his
takismen ane or ma pensioners his ma=ties= collecto=r=~
ane or ma sindrie ministeris ane or ma donato=r=~ to
the monkis portionis first fruittis and fyft pe~nie Ilk
ane w=t= thair gn~all lr~ez charge ane tenne~t addettit in
payment to the prelatt for his dewtie quhairby diuers~
double poindingis cu~is in befoir the lord~ of sessioun /
and the saidis tenne~tis is oftymes forcit to pas to the
horne no=t= beand~ able to pay owr thair dewtie sa oft to
samony parties or to abyd the expenss~ of pleying w=t=
thame all / FOR REMEID quhairof hes statute and
w=t= auise foirsaid ordanit in tymes cu~ing Na charges
nor lr~ez of horni~g salbe gn~allie directit aganis all and
sindrie except it be aganis ane burgh college or
co~mwnitie qlk representis ane bodie at the leist it
<P 573.C2>
sall no=t= be lesum to denu~ce ony particular pairtie to
the horne vpoun sic gn~all lr~es except gif the said
partie be first lau=lie= and speciallie callit To heir and
sie the said~ lr~es direct aganis him / for a speciall and
certane dewtie or fact / And for this effect that all
giftis of pensioun monkis portionis / Ministeris assigna=o=nis
of thriddis & c~ the spe~all landis / Names of the
tenne~tis and qua~titie of +te dewties assignit assumit or
disponit be p~ticularlie contenit and that ane dewtie
be no=t= disponit to tua sindre parties qlk is (\crimen
stellionatus\) of +te law / Prowyding it salbe lesum to
ony beneficit man to seik gn~all lr~es conforme to his
prouisioun To corroborat the same and to s~=r=ue for
a publica=o=un and Intimatioun thairof / bot nawyis to
s~rue or be sufficient to denu~ce ony man to the
horne / no=t= beand spe~allie callit / and his dewtie expressit
+t~in as said is .

[}THAT COMPENSATIOUN (\DE LIQUIDO AD LIQUIDUM\)
BE ADMITTIT IN ALL JUGEMENTIS .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and estaitis of parliament
statutis and Ordanis that ony debt (\de liquido
ad liquidum\) instantlie verifiet be wreit or aith of the
partie befoir the geving of decreit be admittit be all
Jugis w=th=in this realme be way of exceptioun Bot no=t=
eftir the geving thairof / In the suspensioun or in
reductioun of +te same decreit .

[}ANENT DAMNAGE AND EXPENSS~ OF PLEY}]

ITEM IT is statute and ordanit that damnage enteres~
and the [^BLANK^] expenss~ of pley maid and sustenit
be +te parties / be altogidder admittit and liquidat be
+te decreit befoir all Jugeis w=th=in this realme / And
spe~allie quhen as the libell / clame or petitioun ar provin
be wreit contenand~ da~nage enteres~ and expenss~ /
and vpoun registrat bandis obliga=o=nis and contractis
/ su~mondis berand for the coistis and skaithis
Quhilk will stay parties to be wilfull and obstinat
pleyaris / And this to be extendit alsweill to the defendaris
obtenand absoluito=r= / as to the partiis p~sewaris
obtenand decreit condampnito=r= .

[}THAT THE OBTENARIS OF GIFTIS OF ESCHEATIS PAY
THE DEBT CONTENIT IN THE HORNING QUHAIRVPOUN
THE GIFT PROCEDIT .}]

ITEM it is statute and Ordanit that all intrometto=r=~
w=t= ony ma~nis escheat be gift assignatioun or vtherwayis
takkis possessioun of ony pairt or portioun of
+te denu~cit personis landis guidis or geir in onywayis /
salbe haldin to pay the debt contenit in the horni~g /
quhairvpoun the gif of eschaet procedit and fell /
And that lr~es be direct su~marlie aganis the donato=r=~
assignais or intrometto=r=~ w=t= ony pairt of +te escheat /
at the p~ties instance / vpoun sex dayes warni~g to
heir the samyn decernit / Or els to alleage ane
caus quhy . & c~ .

<P 574.C1>
[}RATIFICATIOUN OF THE CO~MISSARIAT OF
EDINBURGH~ .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and estaitis of this pn~t
parliame~t Considdering that the Jurisdictioun ecclesiasticall
belanging to the officiallis of auld~ Is and
wes diuoluit in the co~miss~=ris= chosin and noi~at be o=r=
souera~e lord~ darrest mother to that effect and that
the matrimoniall caussis and bastardies w=t= the rest of
+te wechtiest and grytest materis of the said iurisdictioun
wes co~mittit to the co~missaris of ed~=r= according
to the spe~all institutioun and erectioun of the said
co~missariat maid be o=r= said souerane lordis mother
maid in the monethe of [^BLANK^] the +geir of god
J=m= v=c= lx +geiris / Be vertew quhairof the said~ co~missaris
of ed~=r= and thair p~dicessouris w=t= the rest of the
inferio=r= co~miss~ris w=th=in this realme / hes bene in vse
and possessioun of thair said iurisdictioun in spirituall
causs~ / And hes faithfullie and diligentlie dischargit
thair dewties in the administra=o=un of iustice to +te
leigis / Thairfoir his hienes & estaitis of this pn~t p~liame~t
Ratifies and apprevis the said~ institutioun of the
said~ co~missaris / erectioun and institutioun thairof
w=th= the Iniu~ctionis gevin to thame / thair giftes and
p~uisionis to the saidis offices eft~ the forme and
te~nour thairof / w=t= all vtheris liberties priuilegis and
Immvnities belanging to thair said iurisdictioun
Decerni~g and declaring the said iurisdictioun to be
als ample of the same force and auc~tie w=t= the iurisdictioun
of the saidis officiallis to quhome +tai succedit
/ and to haue bene fra the beginni~g thairof and to
be in all tyme cu~ing / ane lau=t=full and ordinar Jugement
sait / and to bruik all the priuilegis thairof /

[}FOR PVNEISMENT OF THE RESSETTARIS OF TRATOURIS
AND REBELLIS}]

BECAUS of +te co~moun Contempt In ressetting and
suppleing of declarit trato=r=~ and rebellis owir all
partis of the realme mony pretending excuse of
ignorance and misknawlege of +te personis and altho=t=
thay be knawin +git dois na diligence to apprehend
and pn~t thame to iustice gif it be in thair power / Nor
+git to mak tymous aduertisment to the ordinar
magistrattis or vther personis of power w=th=in the
schire and boundis nixt adiacent To the effect the
said~ tratouris and rebellis may be followit and still
persewit / qll thay be takin or Expellit furth of +te
realme / ffor Remeid quhairof IT is statute and ordanit
be o=r= souera~e lord w=t= aduise of his estaitis in this pn~t
parliame~t / That all former lawes and actis of parliament
maid of befoir / Aganis ressettaris of tratto=r=~ and
rebellis / and pvnisement of thame qlk contempnandlie
remanis at the horne salbe put to dew executioun
in all pointis / And speciallie quhen euir ony declarit
tratouris or rebellis reparis in ony pairt of this
realme / Nane of o=r= souerane lord~ leigis sall presum
<P 574.C2>
to ressett supplie or interco~moun w=t= thame / Or to gif
thame meit / drink / hous~ harbrie or ony releif or
confort vnder the same pane / for qlk thay ar foirfalt
or put to +te horne And that Immediatlie vpoun
knawlege of +tair repairing in thay boundis / That all
his hienes obedient subiectis do thair exact diligence
at +te vttermaist of thair power In serching seiking
taking and apprehending of +te saidis declarit trato=r=~
and rebellis / and pn~ting of thame to iustice or in following
of thame quhill thay be takin or expellit and
put furth of +te schire and Immediatlie to mak intimatioun
to the Magistratis and personis of power
and auc~tie in the nixt schire Quhilkis salbe haldin to
do the lyk exact diligence without delay And sa fra
schyre to schire / quhill +tai be apprehendit and brocht
to iustice or expellit and put furth of the realme
And further quhen euir ony maner of tratouris
rebellis or vnknawin men vagabundis happy~nis to
repair in the cuntrie / All his hienes leigis knawing
thame Or amongis quhome thay resort / sall w=t= all
possible speid Certifie his ma=tie= or sum of his secreit
counsaill or sum of the cheif personis of auc~tie and
credite duelling w=th=in the same schire That sic personis
(gif thay be knawin) ar w=th=in the samyn / And gif thay
be vnknawin schawand thair taky~nis and for quhat
caus~ thay pn~d thame selffis to be wandering athort the
cuntrie or lurking in ony pairt vnder +te same pane that
the tratouris rebellis and vagabundis aucht to haue
sustenit in bodies or guidis thame selffis in cais~ +tai
haid bene apprehendit pn~tit and convict~ be iustice .

[}ANENT THE ESCHAETIS OF REBELLIS}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD w=t= auise of his estaitis
in this pn~t parliament Statutis and ordanis that na
assigna=o=un or vther euident alleagit maid in defraud
of +te credito=r= salbe a valiable titl~e to persew or
defend w=t= / gif it salbe than instantlie verifiet be wreit
that the cedent remanis rebell and at the horne for
the same caus vnrelaxt / Nor na gift of eschaet assignatioun
or vther richt proceding thairof alleagit maid
in defraud of the credito=r= and In fauo=r= of the rebell
salbe valiable title to persew or defend w=th= gif it salbe
than insta~tlie verifiet be wreit / that the rebell remanis
still at the horne for the same caus~ As alsua it salbe a
relevant exceptioun aganis ony pn~ding title be assignatioun
or gift of escheat of the rebell / To alleage
that the said rebell him self his wyff barnis or neir
freindis remanis in possessioun of his takkis and
guidis to his awin vse and behove / AND In cais~
escheattis or lyfrentis salhappin to be gevin ony
vtherwayis / nor to the behuif of the pairtie offendit
the thesaurair salbe haldin to mak the dispositioun to
a responsall persoun quha salbe debto=r= to +te pairtie at
quhais instance the horni~g is led for his debt / Or the
thesaurair (gif he think gude) sal tak guid sufficient
Cautioun for his releif And incais~ the donato=r= sall
no=t= be found responsall in landis or guidis / Oure souerane
lord w=t= auise of his estaitis declaris the gift to
<P 575.C1>
be null / AND BECAUS personis convict or standand
rebellis for treasone murthe=r= slauchter or vtheris
odious crymes co~mounlie hes the fruitioun of thair
guidis debtis takkis steddingis and possessionis Thair
houss~ still bruikit and possest be +t~ wyiffis barnis
or tendir freindis to +te defraud of the law / of the
proffite of the croun and encowrageing of wicket
men efter co~mitting of mischevous deidis / And
that vnder pretens~ and cullo=r= of fraudfull dispositionis
or assigna=o=nis maid be thame selffis or giftis
of +tair escheattis simulatlie purchest or transferit in
fauo=r= of thame selffis thair wyffis barnis tendir freindis
or weilwillaris / to +tair co~moditie and behuif . FOR
REMEID quhairof Oure souerane lord w=t= auise of his
estaitis statutis and ordanis that the saidis fraudfull
and simulat dispositionis of escheatis or ony thing
following thairvpoun Sall no=t= s~=r=ue to nurische and
sustene the saidis tratouris and rebellis in thair contempt
and rebellioun Bot that it salbe lauchfull to his
hienes and his thesaurair to intromettw=t= and vptak
the saidis eschaet guidis geir and debtis remani~g in
the possessioun of the persoun be quhais deid and
occasioun it fell / or of his wyff barnis famelie or tendir
freindis quhatsumeuir vpoun the ground and
w=th=in the houss~ occupiet and possest be him befoir he
was declarit or put to the horne / Or in cais~ he haue
bene ressett in the same hous~ at ony tyme efter his
foirfalto=r= or denu~ceatioun to +te horne No=t=withstanding
ony fraudfull dispositioun or assigna=o=un or simulat
gift or richt of eschaet purchest of +te same in fauo=r=
or to the behuif of the said~ trato=r=~ or rebellis of befoir
/ Q=r=throw the houss~ and possessionis of +te saidis
tratouris and rebellis sall nawyis be suff~rit to cum to
thair vse or co~moditie directlie or indirectlie during
the tyme of +t~ rebellioun And the vptaking of +te
saidis eschaet guidis and debtis / and laubouring of the
said~ takkis and poss~ionis during the continwance of
+te said~ trato=r=~ and rebellis in thair rebellioun / Sall
nawyis be Imput to the said thesaurair or vtheris
havand his richt or directioun as ony actioun criminall
or ciuile Exonering and dischargeing thame
of the same foreuir And that the said the=r= or his
depuittis caus the houss~ of the p~sonis co~mittaris of +te
crymes foirsaidis be detenit and kepit vpoun the
expenss~ of the reddiest of +te saidis eschaet guidis .

[}AGANIS GRANTING OF RESPEITTIS AND REMISSIONIS .}]

FOR FURTHERING of the pvneisment of slauchteris
fyre rasingis and vtheris odious crymes sa co~mounlie
co~mittit in dyuers~ partis of the realme thir sindrie
+geris bygane vpoun sett purpois and foirtho=t= fellony
To the offence of god and contempt of o=r= souerane
lord~ auc~tie his hienes followand the lovable exampl~e
of his maist noble progenito=r=~ in lyk cais~ of his speciall
fauo=r= and at +te instant request of his estaitis in
this pn~t parliame~t gra~tis / and in the word of a prince
faithfullie promittis / That he sall clois~ his handes and
ceis~ fra granting of ony respeitt~ or remissionis for
<P 575.C2>
ony maner of slauchter fyre rasing or vtheris odious
crymes that salbe co~mittit vpoun auld feid and foirtho=t=
fellony for the space of fyve +geiris nixtocum
eftir the dait heirof / That in the meantyme the
realme may be put in peace / and his leigis maid to
leive in suirtie / Except the said respett or remissioun
salbe cravit to +te offendo=r= be +te wyff barnis or narrest
freind of the persoun that hes ressauit the offence /
or that a sufficient lr~e of slanis sene and perfectlie
considderit be his hienes counsaill / And gif ony respeittis
or remissionis salhappin to be grantit for auld
actionis / That it be expremit in the same that the
trespas~ wes co~mittit befoir this pn~t parliament / And
that his hienes and his counsaill hes sene / q=r= the
pairtie is assythit vtherwayis declaris the same respeitt
or remissioun to be null and of nane availl / And Incais~
ony sic remissionis or respeittis (as god forbid)
salhappin to be grantit and past / Ordanis and co~mandis
his hienes iustice iustice clerk and +tair depuittis
to proceid and do iustice vpoun the personis
vsaris thairof / No=t=withstanding the saidis remissionis
and respeittis / as gif the samy~ haid neuir bene grantit
or p~ducit / And ordanis all personis that hes alreddie
obtenit respeittis for the saidis crymes / sen his hienes
acceptit the govername~t of the realme in his awin
persoun To be callit to vnderly the law for the same /
at +te instance of the p~tie offendit gif thay pleis to
persew / And~ althocht thay insist no=t= / at the instance
of his hienes thesaurair and aduocatt / And the personis
offendo=r=~ comperand / and vsand the said~ respeittis
or remissionis / To caus thame find gude and
responsall suirties actit in the buikis of adiornall for
satisfeing of the pairtie as law will / at the modifica=o=un
of the lordis of counsaill and sessioun / quhome his
hienes ordanis and co~mandis To proceid / and minister
vpricht iustice in modifeing of condigne and
sufficient assythme~tis for +te saidis slauchteris / and
vtheris odious crymes according to +te gravitie and
circumstances +tairof / as +tai will ans~=r= to god and his
hienes thairvpoun / And for the furtherance heirof
That his hienes thesaurair and~ iustice clerk caus collect
the Names of all personis that hes gottin respeittis or
remissionis for slaucht~is or vtheris odious
crymes / sen his hienes acceptatioun of the governament
in his awin persoun / and~ pn~t the same to his
hienes and his privie counsaill w=t= all expeditioun~ .

[}FOR PVNEISMENT OF THE WILFULL SETTING OF FYRE
IN COILHEUCHIS .}]

FOR the better puneisment of the wickit cryme
of setting of fyre in coilheuchis be sum vngodlie
personis vpoun privat revenge and despite / IT is statute
and Ordanit That the co~mitting of the said
cryme in ony tyme heireftir / Salbe treasone / And
that the co~mittaris thairof Being ordourlie convict /
sall suffer sic pvneisment in bodies landis and guidis
as is dew be the law in causs~ of treassone .

<P 576.C1>
[}FOR PVNEISMENT OF MASTERFULL BEGGARIS AND
RELEIF OF THE PUIR}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and his estaitis in this
pn~t parliament Ratifies and apprevis his hienes Act
of parliament maid for pvneisment of strang and Idle
beggaris and prouisioun for releif of +te puir and Impotent /
And Ordanis the same to be put in executioun
in all partis of +te realme as it hes alreddie tane
effect w=th=in the partis of the burgh~ of edinburgh /
And becaus sum of the s~refdomes ar of wyd~ and lang
boundis / quhairthrow it wilbe difficill To convoy
vagabundis and personis offending to the co~moun
prisonis of the heid burrowis of the schyres THAIRFOIR
Ordanis and co~mandis all s~reffis stewartis ballies
lordis and ballies of regalities and thair depuittis /
and provest and ballies w=th=in burrowis To mak prisonis
stokkis and Irnis no=t= onlie at the heid burgh bot
also at the principall throuche fair townis and paroche
kirkis w=th=in the haill boundis of the schire alsweill to
burgh~ as to landwart / And to constitute ane or tua
s~reff depuittis of honest and zelous men of best
credite and power in the boundis w=th=in or nixt adiacent
to the saidis burrowis throuche fair townis and
paroche kirkis / To put the effect of the said act of
parliament in executioun / or gif the saidis s~reffis or
vther Juges ordinar beis fund remis~ or negligent /
Givis and grantis full power charge and auc~tie To
the Ministeris eldaris and deaconis w=th=in the boundis
of euerie parochin or of samony parochy~nis as will
concur togidder To Nominat and elect ane tua thrie
or ma personis of the best habilitie zeale and discretioun
w=th=in the same parochin or boundis / quhome his
hienes makis and constitutis Justices and co~missionaris
in that pairt To the effect vndirwrittin / Gevand
grantand and co~mittand to thame co~iunctlie and
seuerallie full power / charge and auc~tie To execute
the said act of parliament concerni~g the pvneisment
of strang and Idle beggaris and vagabundis / And
prouisioun for releif of the puir / and Impotent / And
to that effect / To fens~ and hald courtis / creat officiaris
su~mond~ assyis~ / Ilk persoun vnder the pane of fyve
pundis / vnlawis and panis To tak vplift and rais~ /
and for the same gif neid beis To poynd and distren+gie
/ and to the vses contenit in the said act apply /
And generallie all and sindrie vther thingis to do
exerce and vse / that to the full executioun of the same
act of parliament w=th=in the saidis bound~ is necessarlie
requirit / And Incais~ the saidis Jugeis Ordinar or thair
depuittis or the saidis personis to be nominat and
elect as said is Is constitute iustices and co~missionaris /
be the auc~tie of this pn~t act of parliament salhappin
to refuis or delay to accept / and vse the said co~missioun
/ Or having acceptit the same / salbe fund remis~
or negligent in executioun thairof / thay sall incur the
pane of ane vnlaw appointit aganis Jugeis and magistratis
be the said act of parliament / quhairvpoun dittay
salbe vptakin and +tai callit and accusit thairfoir at
<P 576.C2>
generall iustice airis or particuler dyettis / Or then
lr~ez salbe direct be delyuerance of the lordis of
Counsaill and sessioun chargeing alsweill the saidis
Jugeis ordinar and thair depuittis as the saidis personis
to be noi~at and electit and constitute iustices
and co~missionaris be this pn~t act of parliament vpoun
the sicht of the act and testimoniall of thair nominatioun
and electioun To put the said act of parliament
to executioun in all pointis efter the forme and tenno=r=
thairof within xl dayes nixt eftir +te charge / vnder the
pane of rebellioun and putting of thame to the horne
and gif +tai fail+gie thairin / the saidis xl dayis being
bypast / To denu~ce the disobeyaris rebell~ and put
thame to the horne / and eschaet and inbring all thair
moveable guidis to his hienes vse / for thair contemptioun
/ And for the bettir tryall of co~moun fornaris
vagabundis and maisterfull beggaris fein+geit fuillis
and counterfute egiptianis / and to the effect / thay
may be still persewit quhill +tai be compellit to setl~e
thame at sum certane duelling or be expellit furth of
the cuntrie / that the s~reffis and vtheris Jugeis ordinar
and thair depuittis and vther Justices and co~missionaris
abonespe~it Tak inquisitioun be inquest at the
heid courtis +geirlie of the names and taky~nis of thame
And mak denu~cea=o=un of +tame to the nixt ordinar
Jugeis and parochy~nis in the four halffis about As
also to o=r= souerane lord and his secreit counsaill w=th=in
xl dayes efter the saidis heid courtis / vnder the pane
foirsaid .

[}AGANIS FOIRSTALLERIS AND REGRAITTARIS}]

FORSAMEKLE as sindrie actis of parliament hes
bene maid for pvneisment of foirstallaris and regrattaris
being veray pernitious memberis in the co~moun
weill +git becaus it hes no=t= bene expressit quhat wes
forstalling and regraitting Thair [{foir Oure{] souerane
lord w=t= auise of his estaitis in this pn~t parliament /
declaris statutis and ordanis that quhaeuir by or
causs~ by ony merchandice victuall or vther thing
cu~ing be land or watter toward ony fair or m~catt
in burgh or in landwart to be sauld in the same frome
ony partis beyond sea or w=th=in the realme / Or makis
ony c~tract or promeis~ for the having and bying
of the same or ony pairt thairof befoir the said~
merchandise victuallis or vther thing / salbe in the fair
or marcatt place in burgh port or raid ready to be
sauld Or sall mak ony motioun be word write or
message for raising of the prices or deirar selling of
ony of the thingis abonementionat Or els dissuaid or
move ony persoun cu~ing to the fair m~cat or toun to
bring ony of the thingis aboneme~tionat to the m~cat
fair or toun Salbe estemit and Jugeit ane foirstaller
And quhaeuir gettis in his possessioun in ony fair or
mercatt ony corne victuall flesche fische or vther
viueris that salbe brocht to be sauld / And sellis the
same agane in ony fair or mercat haldin in the same
place or ony vther fair or mercat w=th=in four mylis
thairof Or quha gettis in his hand be bying contract or
promeis~ the growand corne on the feild~ salbe repute
<P 577.C1>
a regrattair / And becaus thair hes sa little effect followit
in +te executioun of +te said act~ be the magistratt~
w=th=in burrowis to quhome the executioun
+t~of wes co~mittit Thairfoir it salbe lau=t=full in tyme
cu~ing to o=r= souerane lord~ thesaurar or aduocat To
call and persew all personis suspect and dilatit of foirstalling
and regraitting Incais~ they salhappin to prevene
be apprehending intenting and executing first
alsweill as the saidis magistrattis in burrowis / And it
sall no=t= be lesum to the magistrattis w=th=in burgh To
replege ony personis challengeit or persewit be the
thesaurair or aduocatt befoir his hienes iustice or his
deputt~ at iustice airis or particuler dyettis / And~
albeit thair be na speciall dittay bot that the foirstallair
and regraitar be onlie accusit of co~moun foirstalling
or regraiting / sa repute and haldin +git the libell
in +t=t= generallitie sall stand relevant and the personis
accused to be put to the knawlege of ane assyis~ / and
gif +tai cum in will or be convict be ane assyis for
co~moun foirstalling & regraiting of mercattis / They
sall incur for the first falt the pane and vnlaw of
fourtie pundis / And sall find souirtie to abstene in
tyme cu~ing vnder the pane of ane hundreth markis /
And gif he fall agane in the secund falt / the principall
and his souirtie to incur and pay the said sowme of
ane hundreth markis / And for the thrid falt the
offendar being convict or cum in will / To tyne and
foirfalt all his moveable guidis to be inbro=t= to o=r=
souerane lordis vse as escheat / And that iustice courtis
or aris for the effect foirsaid~ be haldin euerie +geir
twyis~ .

[}AGANIS CARYARIS OF NOLT AND SCHEIP FURTH OF
+TE REALME}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD with aduise of the
estaitis of parliame~t vnderstanding the greit wrang
done to the co~moun weill be certane privat personis
for thair awin co~moditie transporti~g in england +geirlie /
woll / scheip and nolt / abone the nowmer of ane
hundreth thowsand pu~d~ quhairby sic derth is rasit
in the cuntrie that ane mutton buck is deirar and
far surmou~t~ the price of ane boll of quheit FOR
REMEID quhairof hes statute and Ordanit That na
woll scheip nor nolt be transportit in england vnder
the pane of escheating no=t= onlie of +te said woll
scheip and nolt qlk salbe fund passand to england /
Bot also of +te haill moveable guidis of +te actuall
transportaris / And als the merchandis caussaris and
principall doaris of +te said transporting / Albeit
simulatlie / they caus the same to be done be puir
folkis / The ane half of the saidis escheatis to appertene
to the apprehendar of the saidis guidis and
woll / Incais~ he may sufficientlie verifie and try the
same And the vther half to o=r= souerane lord / And
to be intromettitw=th= be the wardane kepair s~reff
stewart or baillie / quha salbe comptable to his Maiestie
for the same / And forder the saidis Offendo=r=~
salbe pvneist in thair personis be warding for the
space of sex monethis and vtherwayis at his hienes
<P 577.C2>
plesour / lyk as o=r= said souerane lord hes statute and
Ordanit / That it salbe lesum to ony s~reff wardane
kepair or ony vther barroun or officiar havand the
thesauraris power and directioun To stay and arreist
tak and apprehend the saidis guidis and personis /
and to pn~t thame befoir the wardane / s~reff / stewart /
baillie / or kepair / Or bring thame to edinburgh To
be pn~tit to the iustice and his depuittis / And to
vnderly the law for the said offence / qlk being tryit
the offendo=r=~ sall tyne thair haill moveables to be
devydit as said is / And als salbe pvneist in thair
p~sonis as is abonew~ttin / at the kingis ples~=r= to the       #
terro=r=
of vtheris / And the samyn penalties to be extendit
aganis quhatsumeuir personis w=th=in this realme that
sall sell ony nolt & scheip to quhatsumeuir Inglisman
or vther ather abydand w=th=in the boundis of england /
or that traffikis within this realme / IT being tryit
that the persoun byar of +te same guidis sellis or transportis
the same in england~ / And~ Oure souerane
lord~ w=t= auise of his said~ estait~ a~nullis all liciences
grantit or to be grantit in contrair heirof / And Ordanis
that the penaltie of +tis act sall stryk aganis the
transgressouris thairof / no=t=withstanding the saidis
licencis purchest or to be purchest .

[}ANENT DEFORCEING AND TRUBLING OF THE KINGIS
OFFICIARIS OF ARMES}]

ANENT the supplicatioun gevin in to the kingis
Maiestie and estaitis of parliament be his hienes aduocat
in name of his Maiesties faithfull and trew 
subiectis w=th=in this realme / Makand mentioun that
nocht onlie his Maiesties offi=r=~ of armes in putting of
decreittis obtenit befoir the Juges ordinar to executioun 
ar heavelie trublit be deforceing of thame in
executioun of thair offices and stryking of thame to
the effusioun of thair bluidis In hie and manifest
contemptioun of o=r= souerane lord~ and his hienes auc~tie
and lawes / Bot also ane new vnaccustumat contempt
is laitlie cropin in and enterit w=th=in this realme /
That na persoun w=th=in the same nather officiaris of
armes s~reffis in that p~t may travell w=t= frie acces~
to execute ony su~mond~ and lr~es direct furth in his
Maiesties name for su~moni~g of ony persoun or personis
To compeir befoir the lordis of the college of
iustice or vtheris Jugeis w=th=in this realme without
hazard~ and p~rell of thair bodies / To the greit hinderance
of iustice and preiudice of the trew subiectis
of this realme quha ar willing to leve vnder his
hienes obedience and~ to repair wrangis and Iniuries
done to +tame be ordo=r= of law / Beseikand heirfoir
his Maiestie and estatis foirsaidis To haue considera=o=un
of +te premiss~ and to sett doun be act of +tis
pn~t p~liame~t / That all personis / salbe harmeles~ and
skathles in executing of ony su~mondis / lr~es or p~cept /
and in putting of decreittis to executioun vnder sic
panis and pvniseme~t / as his Maiestie and the saidis
estaitis thinkis maist expedient for the ma~tenance of
iustice and pvnischement of +te contempnaris thairof /
<P 578.C1>
As the said supplica=o=un at mair lenth proportis / Qlk
being red~ hard~ and considderit be his hienes and the
said~ estaitis / and thay thairw=th= being ryplie aduysit
Oure souerane lord and his estaitis convenit in this pn~t
parliament / ffor remeid of +te dalie hurtis and Iniurys
ressauit be offi=r=~ of armes or s~reffis / in +t=t= p~t /      #
executand
lr~es or p~ceptis in o=r= souerane lord~ name and auc~tie /
Statutis and Ordanis that incais~ ane offi=r= of armes or
s~reff in +t=t= p~t / or vther persoun q=t=su~euer the ty~e of
+te executioun of ony su~d~ lr~es or p~ceptis direct be
his hienes or vtheris Jugeis w=th=in this realme Or in
putting of decreittis to dew executioun / be deforceit
in doing of +te same / or be molestit Invadit or p~sewit
to +te effusioun of +t~ bluid be +te p~soun or p~sonis
quhome +tai sall be v~tew +t~of su~mond or charge / or
ony vtheris of thair caussing and co~mand The deforcearis
and p~sewar~ of +te offi=r=~ and v+ter~ foirsaid~ sall
foirfalt amit and tyne all and q=t=su~euir +t~ guid~ and
geir moveable / And the ane half thairof sall ap~tene
to o=r= souera~e lord as eschaet And +te vther half to +te
p~tie at quhais instance the saidis su~mond~ lr~es and
p~ceptis ar direct & purchest Qlk~ executionis o=r= said
souerane lord and estat~ foirsad~ decernis and declaris
to be lau=lie= and ordo=r=lie execute / no=t=w=t=standing
the said deforceme~t and Invasioun of the said~ officiaris
and v+t~r~ abonew~ttin to be co~mittit in maner foirsaid
/ the deforcement being first verifiet and prowin .

[}CONCERNING THE RELEVANCIE OF LYBELLIS IN
CAUSS~ CRIMINALL}]

ITEM It is Statute and Ordanit / seing that diuers~
exceptionis and~ obiectionis rysis vpoun criminall
libellis And pairties frustrat of iustice be alleagit           #
irrelevancie
thairof That in tyme cu~ing all criminall libellis
sall contene that the personis complenit on ar airt
and pairt of +te cryme libellit / quhilk salbe relevant to
accuse thame thairof sua that na exceptioun or obiectioun
tak away that pairt of the libell in tyme cu~ing .

[}ANENT THE LIBERTIES OF FRIE BURROWIS}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and his estaitis of parliament
/ for the gratious luif and fauo=r= / quhilk his
maiestie bearis to the burrowis of this realme / eftir
his perfite aige of tuentie fyve +geiris compleit Ratifies
and apprevis all and quhatsumeuir actis richtis
priuilegis / ordinances and constitutionis maid of befoir
/ be his maiestie and his maist nobl~e progenito=r=~
for mantena~ce of the liberties of frie burrowis conforme
to the saidis actis and constitutionis in all
pointis / And foirsamekle as be diuers~ actis of parliament
maid of befoir in the dayis of his mayst noble
progenito=r=~ / Is is statute and Ordanit that na persoun
w=th=in this realme suld exerce the traffiq~ of merchandice
/ bot the burgess~ of frie burrowis Quhilkis
haue no=t= bene nor +git ar obs~uit be reasone that thair
is na penaltie irrogat to the personis contravenaris
<P 578.C2>
thairof / THAIRFOIR oure said souerane lord~ and haill
estaitis of this pn~t parliament / confirmis ratifies and
apprevis the saidis actis constitutionis and euerie ane
of thame / WITH this additioun / that quhasoeuir
exerceiss~ the said traffiq~ of merchandice no=t= being
frie burges~ / Thair haill guidis and geir sall becum in
eschaet / the ane half to o=r= souerane lord / and the
vther half to the burgh quhais co~missioner and collecto=r=
sall first apprehend the same And to the effect
that the saidis eschaet may be vpliftit / his maiestie
and estaitis foirsaidis / Gevis and grantis full pouer
and auc~tie to euerie ane of the saidis frie burrowis
be thame selffis or thair co~missioner / and collecto=r= /
quhome thay sall haue power to depute in that behalf
/ To serche and seik the guidis and geir of the
saidis vnfremen traffiqueris / To intromett thairw=th= as
eschaet / and to deliuer the ane half thairof to his
hienes thesaurair / and the vther half to the burgh /
quhairof he salbe appointit co~missioner or collecto=r= /
Quhether it be w=th=in this realme / or in ony vther
pairt / quhair the same may be challengit / And~ To
arreist the saidis guidis / call follow and persew thairfoir
befoir vnsuspect ballies or depuittis / quhome
thay salhaue power to creat to that effect And ordanis
the ane half of the said eschaet / to be intromettit
with be the said co~missioner or collecto=r= as said is
be applyit to the co~moun weill of the said burgh~
quha sall first apprehend~ the saidis eschaet guidis /
Off the quhilk half of the said eschaet guidis thair
salbe +geirlie compt maid as is appointit of the
co~moun gude of the burgh / Prowyding alwayes that
this pn~t act be nocht preiudiciall to noblemen baronis
or vther landit men To bring or caus bring or
haue merchandise to thair awin particuler vse and
behuif Sua that thay sell nocht the same / or mak
merchandise thairof agane to o=r= souerane lord~ leigis /
Quhairin incaice the saidis noblemen baronis and
vtheris abone writtin be found or apprehendit culpable
/ They salbe repute haldin and estemit as vnfremen
traffiqueris / And it salbe lesum to the saidis
frie burrowis or thair co~missioner and collecto=r= foirsaid
To intromett w=t= thair haill guidis and geir as
eschaet / And dispone vpoun the same / as w=t= the
saidis vnfremenis guidis in maner abone writtin .

[}ANENT THE TAXATIOUN OF BURROWIS}]

ITEM seing the Taxatioun and stentis vpoun the
realme is multiplijt quhairw=t= the burrowis ar verrie
grytlie burdy~nit / Thairfoir IT is statute and Ordanit
that all maner of personis inhabitantis of burrowis
exercesand ony maner of traffiq~ merchandice or having
change w=th=in the same / Sall beir thair pairt of
all taxtis stentis and taxationis watching and~ warding
in all dewties and s~uices perteni~g to o=r= souerane lord~
the weill of +te realme and the vtilitie of +te burgh /
And that w=th=out ony respect to be haid to ony priuilege
discharge or executionis grantit be o=r= souerane
lordis predicessouris or be his hienes selff / or to be
<P 579.C1>
grantit in tyme cu~ing be his maiestie / Or his successouris
/ To quhatsumeuir persoun or personis of quhatsumeuir
qualitie / Or for quhatsumeuir caus~ And~ Ordanis
this to haue executioun Aganis all personis / exerceand
the trafficq~ of merchandise or vther change in
ony of the burrowis of +tis realme / quhether thay be
admittit frie burgess~ thairin or no=t= / Prowyding alwayes
that it salbe lesum to his hienes no=t=withstanding
of +te said act / To exeeme frome the saidis taxationis
/ watching and warding Ane persoun of ilk
craft for his hienes particuler vse and~ s~uice Incace his
maiestie find it guid and expedient to be done And~
siclyk that this act be no=t= p~iudiciall to the me~beris of
the college of iustice and to thair priuilegis and Immvnities
grantit vnto thame / Or quhairof +tai haue
bene in vse in tymes bygane .

[}AGANIS SIC AS EXERCESIS CRAFTIS IN SUBURBIS
ADIACENT TO BURROWIS}]

ITEM forsamekle As the exerceis~ of craftismen in
the subvrbis of the frie burrowis Is no=t= onlie hurtfull
to all o=r= souerane lordis liegis for the insufficie~cie
of the wark / Bot als ministrattis greit occasioun to
prenteiss~ and s~vandis in frie burrowis vndewtifullie
to leive thair maisteris / And to remane and~ abyd in
the said suburbis Thairby substracting thame selffis
fra the iurisdictioun of +te provest and ballies of +te
said~ burrowis / And als the frie craftismen resident
w=th=in the said~ burrowis / ar gritlie da~nifijt / seing
thay beir ane greit pairt of +te chargis of the burgh /
And the advantage of the wark that suld releif thame /
Is drawin away to the said~ suburbis / THAIRFOIR
Oure souerane lord and haill estaitis of +tis pn~t parliame~t
statutis declaris and decernis / that in all tyme cu~ing
/ Thair salbe na exerceis of craftis in the suburbis /
adiacent to the said~ burrowis / Bot that the samyn
sall ceis~ in all tymes heireftir And +tat it salbe lesum
to +te provest and ballies of +te said~ burrowis / and
thair depuitt~ and officiaris To intromett w=th= all the
warkis that salbe fund wrocht or in wirking /
Quhether the materiallis thairof appertene to the
craftisman him selff / or to quhatsumeuir vther
persoun / And to eschaet +te samyn~ to be applyit to
+te co~moun warkis of the burgh nixt adiacent to the
said~ suburbis .

[}AGANIS TRANSPORTING OF WEILL AND KID
SKYNNIS FURTH OF +TE REALME}]

THE KINGIS MAIESTIE and estaitis of this pn~t
parliament / Vnderstanding the greit hurt that his
hienes subiectis dalie sustenis throw the transporting
and carreing furth of the realme / off +te calf sky~nis /
hudderonis and kid sky~nis / be merchantis and traffiquer~
of this cuntrie / sua that throw the scairsitie
thairof / nane can be haid for making of parchement /
pointis / stringis / and vtheris necess~ris / and beside
<P 579.C2>
ane greit nu~ber of pur craftismen ar layid~ Idle FOR
REMEID quhairof in tyme cu~ing / Oure souerane
Lord~ w=t= auise of the saidis estaitis inhibitis and dischargis
all and sindrie merchandis trafficqueris and
vtheris his hienes leigis quhatsumeuir off all transporting
and~ careing furth of +tis realme / Off the saidis
calf sky~nis hudderonis and kid sky~nis / packing and
peilling thairof in tyme cu~ing vnder the pane of
confiscatioun of the same to his maiesties vse / Co~manding
his maiesties sercheo=r=~ and custumaris To
serche and seik the saidis sky~nis / And incais~ ony
beis fundin transporting To intromett thairw=th= and
inbring the same to his hienes vse / And Ordanis
lr~ez to be direct for publicatioun heirof in forme
as effeiris .

[}CONCERNING THE STREITTIS AND PASSAGES OFF
BURROWIS}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and the estaitis of parliament
Ratifies apprevis and c~f~mis the act of parliament
maid be Quene marie drowriar of +tis realme
in the moneth of Junij 1555 +geiris / Intitulat Anent
the co~moun passages to burrowis / Be the qlk it wes
statute that all co~moun hie gaittis that frie burrowis
hes bene in vse off proceding ather for passage fra thair
burgh or cu~ing thairto / and~ in speciall all co~moun hie
gaittis fra frie dryburrowis to the portis and heavy~nis
nixt adiacent or proceding to thame be obs~uit
and kepit / And nane mak thame Impediment or
stop thairintill / and gif ony dois to be callit and~
accusit for oppressioun and pvnist thairfoir according
to the lawis / as in the said act at mair lenth is 
contenit / Quhilk act w=th= the haill clauss~ and conditionis
thairof / his ma=tie= w=t= auise foirsaid / willis that
the samyn salbe haldin as expressit thairin / and to be
put to dew executioun in all tyme heireftir w=t= thir
additionis following / That forsamekle as it is sufficientlie
vnderstand be his maiestie that dyuers~ malicious
personis vpoun deliberat malice / stoppis and Impeidis
publict passages perteni~g to the frie burrowis
w=th=in this realme / namelie to the [{sey{] portis / qlkis
hes grytest occasioun of trafficq~ be casting of fowseis
and bigging of dykis for interclosing of the saidis
co~moun passages / and will no=t= suffer the inhabitantis
of the saidis burrowis and vtheris his hienes
leigis and trafficqueris towardis the saidis sey portis /
to haue or frequent the accustumat passage / vsit of
befoir / In transporting of wictuallis fewalis viueris /
merchandise and vtheris for interteynement of the
co~moun negotiatioun of +te cuntrie / Bot compellis
thame to pas ane myle or tua about / to the greit
hurt and preiudice of the said~ leigis Heirfoir his
maiestie w=t= auise foirsaid in corroboratioun of the
said former act and to the effect that the samyn may
be put to full executioun in tyme cu~ing / Statutis /
and Ordanis that nane presum or tak vpoun hand~
heireftir to stop or impeid~ the saidis publict and
co~moun passageis perteni~g to the saidis frie burrowis /
<P 580.C1>
and namelie to the saidis sey portis / And gif ony
salhappin to do in the contrair / The parties grevit
salhaue thair recours~ to the lordis of counsaill and
sessioun / quha sall grant su~mar lr~ez in thair fauo=r=~
vpoun sex dayis warni~g allanerlie / To caus and
compell the co~mittaris of the said oppressioun To
decist and ceis~ thairfra And to heir and sie thame
selffis decernit to haue done wrang in stopping of
the saidis passagis and to find cautioun actit in the
saidis lordis buikis / vnder sic panis as salbe modifiet
vnto thame /neuir to co~mit the lyk wrang be
thame selffis +t~ men tenne~tis or s~vandis and vtheris
quhome they may lett / The ane half of the said
penaltie to appertene to his hienes / and the vther
half to the p~tie grevit And the probatioun of the
said wrang in stopping of the saidis passageis to be
ressauit be famous witness~ allanerlie and~ no=t= be ane
assyis~ / and the tryall thairof to appertene to the
saidis lordis of counsaill / and all vtheris inferio=r=
Juges to be dischargit / fra proceding in the saidis
causs~ / nochtw=t=standing ony quhatsumeuir statute or
constitutioun maid anent molestationis in propirtie
or co~montie / In nowmer quhairof his hienes will nawayis
/ that the saidis oppressionis and staying of the
publict passages salbe comprehendit / And~ Ordanis
publicatioun to be maid heirof in forme as effeiris .

[}CONCERNING CERTANE ABUSES IN THE ADMIRALLIS
PROCEDINGIS .}]

FORSAMEKLE as it is heavelie complenit be the
haill burrowis of this realme / That thay and +te
haill townis lyand vpoun the sey cost / haue bene
greitlie opprest be +te admirall taking ane cullo=r=
vpoun the new infeftment maid to franceis sumtyme
erle bothuill of +te said admirallitie / In the qlk infeftment
thair is ane greit nowmer of strange clauss~ /
qlk~ wer neuir contenit in ony infeftment gevin to
ony admirall of befoir / ffor repressing of the quhilk
oppressioun IT is statute and Ordanit be o=r= souerane
lord~ and his estait~ of +tis pn~t parliament / that the
admirall of this realme / and his successouris in tyme
cu~ing / exerce nor vsurp na iurisdictioun / nather +git
exact nor crave ony kynd~ of dewtie / eschaet nor
casualitie Bot according to that qlk wes vsit to be
exercesit or takin be the admirall for the tyme befoir
the deceis~ of king James the fyft of noble memorie
nochw=t=standing ony greitar specialitie contenit in
any of the saidis admirallis infeftmentis bygane
or to cum .

[}RATIFICATIOUN OF THE BURGH OF
HADINGTOUN}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD w=t= auise of the estaitis
of this realme and haill body of +tis pn~t parliament
Ratifies / apprevis / and for his maiestie and his successouris
perpetuallie c~f~mis the Tua giftis vndir
<P 580.C2>
writtin / w=th= the confirmatioun past vpoun the secund
thairof maid gevin and grantit to and in fauo=r=~ of
the provest ballies merchandis burgess~ counsell and
co~mwnitie of hadingtoun / The ane / vnder the gret
seill be his hienes maist noble p~genito=r= James be the
grace of god~ king of scottis / To +te m~chandis burgess~
and co~mwnitie of the said burgh makand thame
and thair successouris Saulf frie and quite / fra all payment
of custume of salt and sky~nis vndirw~ttin callit
in the vulgar toung Scorlingis scaldingis futefaillis
lentrenvare lambsky~nis todsky~nis calfsky~nis cwni~g
sky~nis ottersky~nis and fwmartsky~nis / As at mair
lenth is contenit in the said gift / And the secund of
the saidis giftis gra~tit be vmqle richert guthre abbot
of the monasterie of Sanct thomas the martire of
abirb~ / qlk vmqle richart foundit the hospitall of
sanct laure~ce bewast the said burgh of hadingtoun /
And dotit sindrie rentis and possessionis thairto / Be
the qlk gift and fundatioun of the said hospitall / IT
is speciallie prouidit that furth of +te poss~ionis and
proventis of +te said hospitall / The m=r= thairof sall gif
+geirlie to the leprois of hadingtoun remani~g in the
leprois hous~ thairof / Ane chalder of wictuall meill
beir or quheit for thair sustenta=o=un and support / And
to be faithfullie payit to thame +geirlie at tua t~mes
be evin portionis / vi~z at witsonday in somer and
m~times in winter As in the said gift or fundatioun
conteni~g sindre vther dewties to be payit furth of
the said hospitall of S=t= laure~ce to the saidis leprois at
mair lenth is contenit / Quhilk was also ratifiet and
conf~mit vnder the greit seill be his hienes maist
noble progenito=r= vmqle James be the grace of god~
king of scottis As the samyn confirma=o=un in the selff
beris / In all and sindrie pointis heidis pass~ articles
clauss~ Immvnities priuilegis conditionis and~ circumstances
quhatsumeuir thairin me~tionat / alsweill no=t=
expressit as expressit And~ willis and declaris that
this pn~t ratifica=o=un is and salbe als sufficient / as gif
the foirsaid~ giftis and conf~ma=o=nis abone w~ttin past
vpoun the last thairof as said is wer at lenth ingrossit
heirin / And that the samy~ w=t= thir pn~tiz Ar and salbe
effectuall guid valide and~ sufficient to the saidis provest
ballies m~chandise and inhabitant~ of the said
burgh of hadingtoun and thair successouris / ffor
bruiking of thair priuilegis foirsaid~ concerni~g the
salt and sky~nis foirsaidis to be custumefrie / and all
vther priuilegis co~tenit thairin alsweill no=t= namit as
namit in all tyme cu~ing / As alsua that the funda=o=un
foirsaid~ co~teni~g the prouisioun abonewrittin maid~ in
fauo=r=~ of the saidis leprois / salbe effectuall sufficient
and guid securitie for the saidis provest ballies counsall and~
co~mwnitie and thair successouris To vplift
the foirsaid chalder wictuall furth of the rentis of the
hospitall abonewrittin and all vther dewties contenit
in the said funda=o=un / of all +geris bygane and~ to cum
nochtw=t=standing quhatsumeuir act statute or constitutioun
maid in the contrair / vnder the qlkis the premiss~
ar nor sall nawayis be comp~hendit lyk as his
ma=tie= w=t= auise foirsaid / renu~cis gevis grantis and
disponis fra him and his successo=r=~ to the said~
<P 581.C1>
provest ballies counsaill and co~itie / In name of +te
said~ leprois~ all richt titlie and clame of richt qlkis
his ma=tie= his predicessouris or successo=r=~ foirsaidis /
haid~ / hes / or may haue to the foirsaid chalder
wictuall or vtheris dewties me~tionat in the funda=o=un
foirsaid mortifijt to the said~ leprois as said
is for now and euir . BUT preiudice alwayes of the
infeftment of fewferme maid be the priores~ and~
sisteris of the schenis beside edinburgh To vmqle S=r=
lues bellenden of auchnoule knicht clerk of his
hienes iusticiarie his airis and successouris / Off all
and haill the landis callit Sanct laurence hous~ / lyand
at the wast end~ of the toun of hadingtoun / and~
within the constabularie thairof / Off the dait the xv
day of februar J=m= v=c= lxij +geiris / And~ Siclyk but
preiudice of ane vther infeftment off fewferme maid
be the said S=r= lues of the foirsaidis landis To m=r=
thomas craig aduocat and helene heriott his spous
in co~iunctsie / and the aris lau=lie= to be gottin betuix
thame / qlkis fail+geing to the said m=r= thomas airis
and~ assignais q=t=su~eu~ Off the dait the xxiij day of
marche J=m= v=c= lxxxvij +geris / with the seasingis and
confirma=o=nis following vpoun a+t~ of the said~ infeftmentis
as accordis of the law /

<S SAMPLE 5>
<P 281.C1>
[} (\IX DIE JULII.\) }]
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]

The haill actis following wer red voitit and
concludit be [{the Estait{]tis in plane parliament

[}ACT ANENT THE KINGIS MA=TEIS= PREROGATIUE .}]

FORSAMEKLE as the Estaittis and haill
bodie of this pn~t parliament Considering that
with the lauchfull discent in the persone of
oure most gratious Souerane of the richteous inheritance
of the famous and renowned kingdomes
of England france and Irland quhilk verie
far surpassis the wealth power and force of the
dominionis of ony of his progenitouris kingis of
Scotland God hes also Joynit ane wonderfull incresce
of Cair and burding ffor discharge quhairof he
hes endewed his ma=tie= with sa mony extraordinar
graces and maist rare and excellent vertues As he
is no=t= onlie knawin by daylie and Manifest experiences 
in materis of greatest difficultie and consequence
To the vnspeakable conforte of all his faithfull
subiectis To be capable of the happie gouername~t
of his saidis kingdomes Bot be his maist singular
Judgement foirsicht and princelie wisdome
worthie to posses and habill to gouerne far greater
dominionis and Numberis of people And inrespect
+tairof The saidis estaittis of parliame~t persaveing
that be his ma=teis= exaltatioun no=t= onlie in preeminence
and power bot also in all royall qualiteis
<P 281.C2>
requisit for the happie discharge +tairof God hes
manifestlie expressit his heavinlie will To be That
his ma=teis= Imperiall power qlk god hes sa gratiouslie
inlarged Sall no=t= by thame in ony sorte be Impared
prejudged or diminissed bot rather reverenced
and augmented sofar as possible they can THAIRFOIR
the saidis Estaittis and haill bodie of
this pn~t parliame~t all in ane voluntar humbill
faithfull and vnited hairt mynd and co~sent Trewlie
acknawleges his maiesties souerane authoritie
princelie power royall prerogatiue and privilege
of his Crowne Ouer all estaittis persones and
causs~ quhatsumeuir w=th=in his said kingdome And his
ma=tie= with expres~ advyse consent and assent of the
saidis haill Estaittis Ratefeis appreves and perpetualie
confermis the samyn Als absolutlie amplie
and frelie in all respectis and considerationis As
euir his ma=tie= or ony of his royall progenito=r=~ kingis
of Scotland in ony tyme bigane possessed vsed or
exerced +te same And lykwayes with consent foirsaid
Cassis a~nullis abrogattis retreittis and rescindis
All and quhatsumeuir thingis attempted enacted
done or heireftir to be done or Intendit To the
violatioun hurte derogatioun Imparing or prejudice
of his hienes souerane authoritie Royall prerogatiue
and privileges of his crowne or ony point or
pairt +tairof In ony tyme bigane or tocum And the
saidis haill Estaittis for thame selffis and +tair successouris
faithfullie promittis Perpetualie to acknawlege
obey mantene defend and advance the
lyfe hono=r= saiftie dignitie souerane authoritie and
prerogatiue royall of his sacred ma=tie= his airis and
successouris and privilege of his hienes Crowne
with thair lyves landis and gudis to the vttermest
of thair power And constantlie and faithfullie to
withstand all and quhatsumeuir persones poweris
or estaittis quha sall presume preas or Intend onywayes
to Impugne prejudge hurte or Impair +te
same And nevir to cum in the Contrair +tairof
directlie nor Indirectlie in ony tyme cu~myng .

[}ACT ANENT THE RESTITUTIOUN OF THE ESTATE
OF BISCHOPPIS}]

IN THE PARLIAMENT haldin at perth the
Nynt day of Julij the +geir of god J=m= vj=c= and Sex
+geiris be vertue of ane speciall co~missioun grantit
be o=r= souerane lord to that effect vnder the great
Seall of the date at hamptouncourt the aucht day
of februar J=m= vj=c= and four +geiris OURE SOUERANE
LORD now in his absens furth of his
kingdome of Scotland Ernestlie desyring sa to provyde
for the Just and politiq~ gouername~t of that
Estait / As his faithfull subiectis +tairof May perfytlie
knaw / That absens breidis no=t= in his royall
mynd oblivioun of thair gude Bot that he is daylie
mair and mair cairfull of sic thingis as may tend
Maist to the hono=r= proffitt and perpetuall stabilitie
and quietnes of the said kingdome / quhairin vnderstanding
religioun and Justice to be sa necess~=r= .
<P 282.C1>
fundamentis and pillaris / As by thame the authoritie
of the princes and quietnes of the peopill In all
tymes bipast hes cheiflie bene establischit and mantenit
quhill off Lait in his maiesteis +goung +geiris
and vnsetlit Estaitt The ancient and fundamentall
policie Consisting in the Mantenance of the thrie
Estaittis of parliament Hes bene greatumlie Imparit
and almost subuertit Specialie by the indirect abolischeing
of the Estait of Bischoppis by the act of
annexatioun of the temporalitie of benefices to the
crowne maid in his hienes parliament haldin at Edinburgh
in the moneth of Julij The +geir of god J=m= v=c=
fourscoir sewin +geiris Quhairby albeit it wes nather
menit by his ma=tie= nor by his Estaittis That the
said Estait of bischoppis consisting of benefices of
Cure and being ande Necessar Estait of the parliame~t
Suld onywayes be suppressit +git his ma=tie= by
experience of the subsequent tyme hes cleirlie sene
that the dismembering and abstracti~g frome thame
of thair levingis hes brocht thame on sic contempt
and povertie / that they ar no=t= hable to furneis
necessaris to thair privat familie Mekill les~ to beir
the charges of thair wonted Rank in parliame~t and
generall counsaillis: And eftir the example of thair
Predecessouris To assist and supplie +tair prince with
thair counsaill and gudis in tyme of peax and ware
The remede quh=r=of propirlie belangis to his ma=tie= /
Quhome the haill Estaittis of thair bundin duetie
with maist hartlie and faithfull affectioun humelie
and trewlie acknawleges To be souerane monarche /
absolute prince Judge and gouerno=r= ouer all p~sones
Estaittis and causs~ baith spirituall and temporall
within his said realme THAIRFOIR his Ma=tie=
with expres~ advyse and co~sent of the saidis haill
Estaittis of parliament being Cairfull to repone
restoir and redintegrat the said Estait of bischoppis
to thair ancient and accustomed hono=r= digniteis
prerogatiues privilegis levingis landis teyndis rentis
thriddis and Estaitt As the samyn wes in the reformit
kirk / maist ample and frie at onytyme befoir
the act of a~nexatioun foirsaid Be the tenno=r=
heirof Retreittis rescindis reduces cassis abrogattis
and a~nullis the foirsaid act of a~nexatioun of the
temporalitie of benefices to the Crowne maid in the
+geir of God J=m= v=c= fourscoir sewin +geiris as said is
In safar as the samyn may in ony sorte comprehend
or be extendit to the authoritie dignitie prerogatiues
privileges Touris castellis fortalices landis
kirkis teyndis / Thriddis or rentis of the saidis
bischoprikis or ony pairt +tairof with all vtheris
actis of parliame~t maid in prejudice of the saidis
bischoppis in the premiss~ or ony of thame with all
that hes followit or may follow thairvpoun / and all
actis for dismembring of particular kirkis of co~moun
kirkis of the saidis bischoprikis frome the
samyn or for separatioun of the thriddis of the saidis
bischoprikis frome the bodie titill and twa pairt of
the samyn To the effect the persones pn~tlie provydit
to the bischoprikis of scotland or ony of thame /
or that sall heireftir be p~vydit to the samyn May
<P 282.C2>
frelie quietlie and peciablie Injoy bruik and posses
the hono=r=~ digniteis privileges and prerogatives
competent to thame or thair estait / sen the reformatioun
of the Religioun / and all touris fortalices
landis kirkis / teyndis / rentis twa pairt thriddis
patronages and richtis quhatsumeuir belanging to
the saidis bischoprikis or ony of thame and vse and
exerce the samyn / and frelie dispone vpoun the
haill twa pairit and thrid temporalitie and spiritualitie
of thair saidis bischoprikis and all the premiss~
belonging to the saidis bischoprikis As the saidis
actis of a~nexatioun and remanent actis maid in onywayes
to thair preiudice in the premiss~ and euerie
ane of thame and all that followit +tairvpoun had
nevir bene maid nor done They allwayes Intertenying
the Ministeris serveing at the cure of the
kirkis of thair saidis bischoprikis vpoun the reddiest
of thair saidis thriddis according to the ordinar
ass~nationis maid or ressonable to be maid +tairane~t
ATTOURE becaus his Maiesteis Intentioun is
onlie To restoir the bischoprikis qlkis ar benefices
of cure And nawayes to alter ony thing done in
vther benefices quhilkis ar no=t= of cure And for the
better satisfactioun of his ma=teis= subiectis and faithfull
servandis quhome his ma=tie= in his princelie
liberalitie for diu~s~ gude respectis and causs~ moveing
him Hes beneficit rewardit and advanceit with
erectionis fewis patronages teynd~ and vtheris
Infeftmentis co~firmationes of landis Rentis teyndis
patronages and vtheris richtis of abbaceis Prioreis
and vtheris benefices no=t= being bischoprikis / And
to the effect they be no=t= prejudgeit nor put in
Mistrust by this act of thair securitie in the premiss~
His hienes with advyse of the haill Estaittis of parliame~t
Ratefeis appreves and for him and his successouris
perpetualie confermes The haill erectionis
Infeftmentis Confirmatiounes patronages / takkis
and vtheris securiteis of landis teyndis patronages /
richtis and rentis quhatsumeuir of the saidis haill
benefices foirsaidis or ony pairt +tairof (no=t= being
bischoprikis) Gewin disponit or confermit be his
ma=tie= during the tyme of the said parliament haldin
in the moneth of Julij J=m= v=c= fourscoir sewin +geiris
of befoir or sensyne Maid agreable to the lawis and
actis of the said parliame~t fourscoir sewin and vtheris
lawis and actis maid sensyne And faithfullie promittis
(\in verbo principis\) Neuir to querrell nor Impugne
+te sami~ directlie nor Indirectlie in ony tyme cu~mi~g
As alsua for +te weill & securitie of the tennentis of
the landis and teyndis of the saidis bischoprikis
Quha since the act of a~nexatioun hes debursit
diuers~ sowmes of money To his hienes Thesaurar
for making and confermyng to thame of thair Infeftmentis
takkis and securiteis of the saidis landis
teyndis and rentis of the saidis bischoprikis possessit
by thame And to the effect that the a~nulling of
the said act of a~nexatioun bereiff +tame no=t= altogidder
of the saidis landis teyndis and rentis of bischoprikis
acquirit be thame vpoun thair large charges
and expenss~ according to the law than standing
<P 283.C1>
And that vpoun the vther pairt The saidis bischoprikis
be no=t= altogidder maid vnproffitable be the
vnlauchfull dilapidatioun of +te rentis +tairof And
hurtfull conversioun of the victuall Caynis customes
and vtheris comoditeis of the sami~ for vnequall
and vnworthie prices Thairfoir his ma=tie= with
advyse of his Estaittis foirsaidis Ordanis the saidis
persones possessouris of the landis or teyndis of
bischoprikis be vertue of Infeftme~t~ Confirmatiounes
or takkis of the sami~ grantit or sett since
the said act of a~nexa=o=un and co~forme to the sami~
and lawis of the Realme at the tyme of the making
+tairof Sall haue the securiteis co~firmatiounes takkis
and richtis of the saidis landis and teyndis of the
bischoprikis foirsaidis renewit and grantit to thame
in sufficient p~fyte and valide forme be the bischoppis
possessouris of the saidis benefices The saidis 
fewaris Takismen and tennentis Payand to the
saidis bischoppis for gressum entres and compositioun
for renewing of thair saidis fewis of all landis
and vtheris belanging to the saidis bischoprikis and
als for ratificatioun of thair saidis takkis of all teyndis
Perteni~g +tairto / Off the qlkis at the day and
date heirof Thair is ten +geiris Croppis of the samyn
to ryn The doubill of the +geirlie siluer duetie co~tenit
in thair saidis fewis and takkis And the singill
of the victuall duetie and of all vtheris dueteis expressit
+tairin And that by and attoure +te +geirlie
duetie expressit in thair saidis fewis and takkis The
qlkis dueteis for gressum entres and Compositioun
The haill estaittis of parliament declairis Sall be
Payit be the saidis fewaris takkismen and tennentis
within +geir and day eftir they be lauchfullie Cytit
to that effect and for that samyn cause Or eftir that
Intimatioun of the samyn be maid to thame be the
bischoppis in thair awin courtis And incais of no=t=
thankfull payme~t of the doubill of the said siluer duetie
And of the singill of the said victuall and vtheris
dueteis within +geir and day Eftir the said citatioun
and Intimatioun as said is The saidis estaitis of
Parliament ffindis and declairis That the saidis
fewaris and takkismen Sall be astrictit to pay eftir
the expyring of the said +geir and day (Thankfull
payme~t no=t= being maid within that space of the
foirsaidis gressumes enteres and co~positioun Extending
to the quantitie abonewrittin) The quadruple
of the siluer duetie and the doubill of the said
victuall and vtheris dueteis foirsaidis To the saidis
bischoppis by and atto=r= +te +geirlie dueteis co~tenit
in thair saidis fewis and takkis as said is And the
saidis Estaittis declaris / That gif thair is no=t= ten
+geiris co~pleit to ryn of the saidis takkis of teyndis
pertenyng to the kirkis of the saidis bischoprikis
eftir the day and date heirof / In that cais~ +te Takismen
onnawayes sall be astrictit to pay ony gressum
enteres or compositioun for +te samyn To the saidis
bischoppis / bot they To be frie +tairof ATTOURE
the saidis Estaittis declaris That the said act & ordinance
of parliame~t Sall nawayes be extendit comprehend
nor prejudge ony fewis of bischoprikis
<P 283.C2>
lauchfullie sett and confermit befoir +te said act of
a~nexatioun qlk wes in the said moneth of Julij
J=m= v=c= fourscoir sewin +geiris EXCEPTAND and
Reserveand alwayes furth of this pn~t act All dispositionis
maid of quhatsumeuir Patronages of the
kirkis perteni~g to the saidis bischoprikis disponit be
lauchfull titularis and the kingis ma=tie= and Ratefeit
in parliament In fauouris of quhatsu~euir persone
or persones and nane vtheris And ffindis and declaris
all and quhatsumeuir dispositionis maid of
the foirsaidis patronages of all kirkis perteni~g to
bischoprikis disponit be the lauchfull titularis and
his ma=tie= / And no=t= confermit in parliament / To
be of nane availl Althogh the samyn Patronages
be grantit and disponit be the kingis ma=tie= and titularis
+tairof And lykway Exceptand and Reserveand
all co~moun kirkis perteni~g of auld to the saidis
bischoppis and thair chaptour in co~mountie quhilkis
ar disponit be his ma=tie= To quhatsumeuir persone at
ony tyme preceding +te date of this p~nt act / And
+te saidis Estaittis declaris that gif thair be ony
co~moun kirkis perteni~g to the saidis bischoprikis
and to thair chaptour of auld / That now pertenis
and fallis to thame vertew of this pn~t act / That
thairby the Ministeris quha ar lauchfullie provydit
To the saidis co~moun kirkis be pn~tatioun collatioun
and Admissioun and serveing thairat / Sall nawayes
be prejudgeit during +tair lyfetimes Bot that the
saidis p~uisionis sall be Sufficient richt and warrand
to the saidis Ministeris To bruik Jois~ and posses
thair Co~moun kirkis foirsaidis According as they ar
provydit +tairto for all the dayes of thair lyfetymes
No=t=withstanding of quhatsumeuir clause contenit in
this pn~t act or ony vther act of parliame~t that micht
mak ony derogatioun to the saidis provisionis /
EXCEPTAND alwayes and Reserveand +te Castell
of Sanctandrois and Castell +gairdis of the sami~ disponit
To George Erle of dunbar vpoun the resignatioun
of George Archibischop of Sanctand~ dissoluit
and dismemberit fra the said Archibischoprik
be oure said souerane lord and Estaittis with Expres~
consent and assent of the said Archibischop
Personalie Comperand on p~liame~t Quhometo oure
said souerane lord in place and recompence of the
said castell Hes gewin And disponit The provestrie
of kirkhill vicarage and Archidenrie of Sanctandrous
To remane with the said archibischop and his successouris
by and attoure ane +geirlie pensioun of thrie
hundreth merkis gewin to the said Archibischop
Sua that the said Castell and castell +gaird~ Sall nawayes
be comprehendit in this pn~t act nor +git sall
be comptit nor Estemit in ony tyme heireftir ony
pairt or portioun of the patrimonie of the said
Archibischoprik Bot sall remane w=t= the said George
Erle of dunbar his airis and successouris as thair
propir heretage lauchfullie disponit to thame And
dissoluit fra the said Archibischoprik And in lykmaner
the saidis Estaittis declaris that the foirsaid
act grantit in fauouris of the saidis bischoppis Sall
no=t= be extendit nor preiudiciall to the infeftmentis
<P 284.C1>
richtis and titillis Maid to s~=r= Robert melvill of
Murdocarnie kny=t= his airis and successouris mentionat
+tairin of the landis of monymaill and lethame
with the maner place +gairdis and biggingis of monymaill
and patronage of the kirk of monymaill Perteni~g
of auld to the archibischop of Sanctandrous
And declaris the samyn Infeftme~tis to stand in the
awin strenth no=t=withstanding of this pn~t act Provyding
alwayes that the said s~=r= Robert melvill
and his airis Sustene and interteny the Ministeris
serveing at the said kirk vpoun the fruittis of the
sami~ kirk / And no=t=w=t=standing of this pn~t act and
haill clauss~ +tairin co~tenit Oure said souerane lord
with advyse foirsaid haveing Considerit the fewaris
of the baronie of glasgow To be mony in number
And the Povirtie of the maist pairt of thame to
be suche As they ar no=t= abill to furnesche the
ordinary Charges for renewing thair Infeftmentis
Haif dispensit and be this pn~t act dispenss~ Anent
the foirsaid claus~ of renewing of fewis with
samony of the saidis fewaris As haue takin thair
fewis without diminutioun of the rentall and conversioun
of victuall & vtheris dueteis in Siluer And
quha sall obtene ane Ratificatioun frome Johne now
Archibischop of glasgow of the saidis fewis and Richtis
befoir the feist of Alhallowmes nixtocum And
declaris the fewis lauchfullie sett as said is to the
saidis persones valide & effectuall Thair airis successouris
and assignais Alwayes entering be +te said
Archibischop as thair Immediat superio=r= and be his
successouris to thair saidis landis rowmes and possessionis
be brevis rasit out of the said Archibischoppis
chancellarie Preceptis of clare constat resignationis
and confermationis as vse is And payand +tair few
maillis fermes multuris caynis and vtheris dueteis To
the said Archibischop and his successouris in all
tyme heireftir But preiudice To the lr~es of gift and
pensionis Grantit to the duke of lennox S=r= George
s~=r= James and s~=r= archibald Erskynnis Pensionis furth
of the fruittis of the said Archibischoprik of glasgow
To be bruikit be the said lord duik during +te said
Lord dukis lyfetyme alanerlie

[}ANENT FOIRFALTIT PERSONES}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD perfytlie vnderstanding
that the dew pvnischement Inflictit to
trato=r=~ and Rebellis / and +te rewardis richtlie distributit
to faythfull and weill deserveing subiectis
Incourages the better sorte in weill doing And is
ane terro=r= to the ewill disposit to give withgait to
thair Inclinatioun In consideratioun thairof with
advyse and consent of the estaittis of his hienes parliame~t
Ratefeis appreves and perpetualie confermes
the process~ sentences and domes of foirfalto=r=~ led
deducit and pronu~cit Aganis ffrancis sumtyme Erle
bothuell vmq=le= Johne sumtyme erle of gowrie and
vmq=le= maister alexander ruthven his brother thair
memorie Togidder w=t= the actis maid Ane~t the Inhabilitie
<P 284.C2>
of the posteritie of the saidis trato=r=~ And
decernis declaris statutis and ordinis That the gratious
restitutioun to be gewin be his maiestie or
ony of his successouris To ony persone or persones
alreadie foirfaltit sen his ma=teis= perfyte age or quha
in ony tyme cu~mi~g sall happin lauchfullie to be
foirfaltit be his maiestie or ony of his successouris /
Or to thair airis or thair successouris Sall nawayes
hurte or prejudge ony of his hienes subiectis in the
richt and securitie obtenit or to be obtenit be thame
or ony of thame of the landis possessionis takkis
richtis gudis or geir perteni~g to the saidis foirfaltit
Rebellis And fallin to oure said souerane lord or
his successouris / be thair rebellioun and foirfaltour /
Bot that the sami~ landis possessionis takkis richtis
gudis and geir quhatsumeuir fallin to his maiestie
in maner foirsaid and lauchfullie disponit be his
hienes or heireftir to be disponit be him or his successouris
To ony of his or thair faithfull subiectis
Sall perpetualie remane w=t= and appertene to the
ressaveris of the securitie and dispositioun +tairof
no=t=withstanding the said gratious restitutioun to be
obtenit be +te saidis foirfaltit persounes or thair airis
or successo=r=~ qlk salbe na forder extendit nor haue
na forder force nor effect bot for the rehabilitatioun
of thair persones alanerlie / And nawayes to be extendit
to the landis possessionis takkis richtis gudis
or geir perteni~g to thame befoir thair foirfaltour
And lauchfullie disponit to ony of his hienes obedient
subiectis At sic tyme as the Indoubtit richt
thairof stude in his hienes persone ffallin and becum
in his ma=teis= handis be vertue of the said foirfalto=r= /
And becaus the persones foirfaltit thair bairnis and
freindis In preiudice of his hienes donato=r=~ and
v+t~is his Maiesteis obedient and duetifull subiectis
Abstractis and absentis the evidentis takkis and
securiteis of the landis rowmes and possessionis of
the saidis foirfaltit persones IT is thairfoir statute
& ordanit that no=t=withstanding +te abstracting and
absenting be ony p~sones of the evidentis takkis 
and securiteis of the landis and possessionis qlkis
pertenit to ony foirfaltit Persones and q=r=of the
richtis being ather disponit or confermit be his
ma=tie= / The saidis dispositionis or confirmationes Ar
extant in his hienes register That the extract thairof
furth of the register Sall be als gude and sufficient
titill and richt to his ma=teis= donatouris and vtheris
his obedient and dewtyfull subiectis haveing richt
thairto ffor bruiking and Joising the saidis landis
and possessionis As gif the principall and originall
evidentis takkis or securiteis wer +git extant And
that the saidis evidentis and securiteis sall no=t= be decernit
to mak na faith or to be Imp~vin for no=t= p~ductioun
of the originall and principall The saidis
extractis or confirmationes being producit be his
ma=tie= or his donato=r=~ and vtheris foirsaidis And they
being co~tent to abyd at the veritie of the deid and
tryell no=t= onlie of the treuth of the co~firmatioun
Bot also at the treuth of the wrytt qlk is insert in
the confirmatioun q=r=of the prin=ll= is abstractit .

<P 285.C1>
[}ACT ANENT THE RIVERIS OF TWEID AND ANNAND~}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
parliament Vnderstanding that in the act maid in
his hienes parliame~t in the +geir of god J=m= and
sex hundreth +geiris quhairby the slaying of salmond
fische in foirbiddin tyme or of kipper smoltis or
blak fische at ony tyme wes declarit to be thifte
and the co~mitteris +tairof wer ordanit to be pvnishit
for the samyn as for thyfte The Riveris of Tweid
and a~nand wer than exceptit Becaus the saidis
Riveris at that tyme divydit at mony pairtis
the boundis of scotland & England adjacent vnto
thame / quhairby the foirberance vpoun the Scottis
pairt of the slauchter of salmond in foirbiddin
tyme and of kipper smoltis and blak fische at all
tymes / wald no=t= haue maid salmond ony mair
to abound in these watteris / gif the lyk ordo=r= had
no=t= bene than observit vpoun the Englische syd /
Quhilk impedime~t throw the Infinit mercie of god
being now removeit by the most happie vniting of
the Empyre of both the kingdomes In the royall
persone of his maist excellent ma=tie= / Indoubtit and
richteous monarche of the samyn Quhairby the Inhabitantis
of this haill Ile ar equaly subiect to his
sacred persone and lawes / and the remede of thair
harmes and Redres~ of thair abuses pvnischeme~t of
thair transgressionis and estableissing of thair vniuersall
weill belangis to his charge Thairfoir our said
souerane Lord and estaittis of his hienes parliament
cleirlie vnderstanding That the cause of the said
exceptioun Is now remowed Ratefeis and apprevis
the said act of p~liame~t Anent the foirbidding of salmond
kipper smoltis and blak fische in maner abonewrittin
And panis of thifte and death decernit
aganis +te Contravenaris thairof And retreittis &
perpetualy a~nullis and abrogattis +te said exceptioun
of the saidis watteris of tweid and a~nand And decernis
and ordinis that in all tyme cu~mi~g The controvenaris
of the said act or ony pairt thairof in the
watteris of Tweid or Annand or ony pairt of the
sami~ Sall vnderly the saidis panis of thift and death
according to the qualitie Rank and estait of the
co~mitteris +tairof And as gif the first act had bene
generall And +te said exceptioun had nevir bene
contened +tairin

[}ANENT THE CUSTOMES BETUIX SCOTLAND AND
ENGLAND}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of this
pn~t parliament statutis and ordinis that the farmeris
of the customes in scotland do keip ane originall
buik of all the gudis that ar enterit and schippit for
England The schippis name place and maisteris
name and to quhat porte the schip is bound And
to keip the entreis of euerie porte by thame selffis
<P 285.C2>
And euerie half +geir the farmeris of scotland To
send ane trew copie of the samyn buikis To the
farmeris of England And the fermeris of England
to do the lyk to the fermeris of Scotland And anis
+geirlie lykwayes to send the ane vnto the other all
the returnis quhilk come frome ather kingdome for
discharge of thair bondis To examine gif they be
no=t= falsifeit qlk being examinat sall be Returnit bak
agane Siclyk it is statute & ordinit that the coquett
do pas in the Names of the principall awneris of
the gudis ladin in euerie schip and no=t= in poore
me~nis Names scarslie knawin In England ITem that
ordo=r= may be takin that na geir nor merchandice
be sufferrit to pas by land frome scotland into
England nor frome England into scotland by the
waist ground~ and wasches IT is statute and ordinit
that all gudis caryit by land frome scotland to England
or brocht frome England to scotland May pas
onlie by the wayes of Berwick and Carlyle and by
no other way to prevent all fraude And that all
mercheandis do bring A certificate frome the fermeris
deputeis of Edinburgh To the farmeris deputeis
of berwick and Carlyle And also the farmeris deputeis
of berwick and carlyle To gif the lyk certificate
for all gudis passing those wayes for Edinbur=t= or any
vther citie or towne in scotland and to keip originall
buikis +tairof vnder the pane of warding of the persones
of thame quha sall contravene this pn~t act or
ony point +tairof And escheitting & co~fiscatioun of
the haill gudis geir and merchandice qlkis ony persone
or persones sall transporte betuix scotland and
England vtherwayes nor is prescryued in this pn~t
act .

[}ANENT GLEBIS IN PASTURAGE AND SOWMES GRAS~}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of this
pn~t parliame~t vnderstanding that be the act of parliament
Anent +te designatioun of manss~ and gleibis
to Ministeris IT is ordinit that thair sall be four
akeris of land designat to ilk Minister for his gleib
Nixt adiacent to the kirk / And seing that by the
Iniquitie of tyme and disordour of the bordouris
and hielandis of this realme in tyme bigane / Thair
ar sindrie kirkis within the sami~ qlkis hes na arrable
land adiacent thairto bot onlie pasturage Sua that
be the foirsaid act of parliament maid anent +te designatioun
of four akeris of land onlie for +te gleib
of ilk Minister and na forder The Ministeris serveing
the Cure at sic kirkis as hes na arrable land
adiacent +tairto bot onlie pasturage Ar greatumlie
hurte and defraudit FOR REMEDE q=r=of it is
statute and ordanit That in all tyme cu~mi~g Thair
be designit to the Ministeris serveing the cure at sic
kirkis quhair +tair is na arable land adiacent +tairto
four sowmes gres~ for ilk aker of the saidis four
akeris of gleib land Extending in the haill to sextene
sowmes for the said four akeris And that of
the maist co~modious and best pasturage of ony
<P 286.C1>
kirklandis lyand nixt adiacent and maist Ewest to
the saidis kirkis And ordinis lr~es to be direct aganis
+te possessouris +tairof for removeing thairfra in the
samyn forme as is appointit be +te foirsaid act of
parliame~t maid Anent designatioun of Manss~ and
gleibis of befoir

[}ANENT TEYNDING OF CORNES .}]

IT IS STATUTE and ordanit be o=r= souerane lord
and Estaittis in parliament That in tyme cu~mi~g in
all teynding of cornes That the samyn be teindit
At thrie seuerall tymes euerie +geir Gif the awneris
of the cornes sall think it expedient To wit the
Croft infeild corne at ane tyme The beir at ane
vther tyme / and +te outfeild corne at the thrid
tyme And declaris that fyftene dayes eftir the
Compleit scheiring of ilk sorte of cornes being outrun
That it salbe lesum To the awneris of at the said
fyftene dayes end To mak requisitioun vpoun sewin
dayes To gif thame Thankfull teynding / And gif
the awneris get no=t= thankfull teynding at the expyring 
of the saidis sewin dayes The saidis Estaittis
declaris That it sall be lauchfull to the awneris of
the saidis cornes to teynd and stak the sami~ thameselffis
Conforme to the act of parliame~t maid of
befoir anent teynding of Cornes in all pointis / And
sall incurre na danger thairthrow .

[}ANENT AULD DECREITTIS OF EIECTIOUN AND
SPUL+GIE IN THE BORDOURIS .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of this
pn~t parliament being cairfull that the satled and
peciable estait happelie begun in those pairtes of
this countrey quhilkis wer the lait bordo=r=~ foiranent
England May be so manteyned As all occasionis of
disturbans +tairof May be providentlie foirsene and
convenientlie remedeit And vnderstanding that nathing
is mair hable to bring divers~ of the Inhabita~tis
of the saidis lait bordo=r=~ To disperat courses
and turbulent enterpryses Than the rigorous executioun
of auld decreittis obtened Aganis thame or
thair predecesso=r=~ Tuentie +geiris befoir his ma=teis=
happie successioun to his crowne of England specialie
quhair the saidis decreittis of thair awin nature
may bring +te danger of the +geirlie violent proffeittis
vpoun the persones aganis quhome the saidis decreittis
wer obtened And thairby surmounting
often tymes thair haill valient gif they be put to
extreme executioun will gif the pairty occasioun of
suche dispair As may Induce thame to attempt so
dangerous remedyes As may disturb the generall
quietnes and renew or begin hotte and bloody
feedes amongis the pairteis / ffor remede quhairof
and to the effect suche auld decreittis of eiectioun
or removeing as wer obteyned Tuentie +geiris befoir
his ma=teis= co~ming to the crowne of England And
<P 286.C2>
na executioun socht and obteyned +tairvpoun during
the said space of tuentie +geiris preceding his
Ma=teis= obteni~g of the crowne of England May no=t=
vrge and dryve to dispair and miserie such as haue
these thrie +geiris bigane conteyned thameselffis in
all dewtifull obedience to his ma=teis= authoritie and
lawes THAIRFOIR his maiestie and Estaittis
foirsaidis statute and ordane that all suche decreittis
of eiectioun and removeing and all effect and executioun
that ony way may follow +thairvpoun sall
ceas~ and in tyme cu~mi~g be voyde / Except for obteyni~g
possessioun to the pairteis in quhais fauo=r=~
the saidis decreittis wes pronu~ced of the landis
thairin co~tened and payment to thame of the ordinar
proffeittis qlkis the saidis landis haue payit To the
persones aganis quhome the saidis decreittis wes
gewin of the +geiris since his ma=teis= going to England
alanerlie and of na vtheris +geiris preceding +te samyn
with speciall p~uisioun that Incais the persones aganis
quhome the foirsaidis decreittis of removeing or
eiectioun wes gewin salhappin heireftir to be lauchfullie
denu~cit rebellis and put to the horne for no=t=
obedience of the foirsaidis decreittis They being first
chargeit eftir the day and date heirof be all the
charges co~teyned in the lr~es rasit or to be rasit
vpoun the saidis decreittis To obey the sami~ In that
cais~ +te saidis Estaittis of Parliame~t declaris that the
persones obtenaris of the foirsaidis decreittis sall
haue sufficient actioun Aganis the persones defendaris
specefeit in the saidis decreittis for the violent
proffeittis of the landis mentionat +tairintill Continewallie
sen the obteyni~g of the foirsaidis decreittis
As accordis of the law no=t=withstanding of this pn~t
act

[}ACT ANENT DIRECTING OF LR~ES OF HORNYNG
ON S~=R=EFFIS STEWARTIS AND BAILLIES DECREITTIS}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of this
pn~t parliament ordinis for the greater forderance
and better executioun of Justice to all his Maiesteis
lieges And eschewing of the superfluous and vnnecess~=r=
charges quhilk they sustene by poinding on
decreittis obtenit befoir s~reffis stewartis and baillies
alsweill of Royaltie as regalitie That the lyk lr~es
and executioun of horni~g be direct and grantit be
+te Lordis of Sessioun vpoun all actis decreittis and
Sentences of schireffis stewartis and bailleis alsweill
of royaltie as regalitie As is grantit and direct
vpoun decreittis actis and sentences of provestis
and bailleis within burgh Conforme to the act of
parliament maid +tairanent and eftir +te forme and
tenno=r= of the samyn in all pointis .

[}ANENT COIL+GEARIS AND SALTARIS .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and estaittis of this
pn~t parliame~t Statutis and ordinis that na persone
within this realme heireftir sall fie hyre or conduce
<P 287.C1>
ony saltaris Coil+gearis or coilberaris without ane
sufficient testimoniall of thair Maister quhome they
Last seruit subscryuit with his hand or at leist sufficient
attestatioun of ane ressonable cause of thair
removeing maid in pn~s of ane baillie or magistrat
of the pairt quhair they come fra And incais~ ony
ressaue fie hyre supplie or Interteny ony of the saidis
col+gearis saltaris or coilberaris without ane sufficient
testimonie as said is The Maisteris quhome fra they
came challengeing +tair servandis within +geir and day
That the pairtie quhome fra they ar challengeit
Sall delyuer thame bak agane within tuentie four
houris vnder the pane of ane hundreth pundis to
be payit to the persones quhome fra they passit
And that for ilk persone and ilk tyme that they or
ony of thame salhappin to be challengeit and no=t=
delyuerit as said is And the saidis coil+gearis coilberaris
and saltaris to be estemit repute and haldin as
theiffis and pvnischit in thair bodyes vi~z samony of 
thame as sall ressaue foirwageis and feis And the
saidis Estaittis of this pn~t p~liame~t Gevis power and
Co~missioun to all maisteris and awneris of coilheuchis
and pannis To apprehend all vagabound~
and sturdie beggeris to be put to labour .

[}ACT ANENT SETTING OF FEWIS BE SUBVASSELLIS
OF WAIRD LANDIS .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
parliame~t haveing consideratioun of the act and
statute maid be his hienes predecessour king James
the secund of worthie memorie in the fourtent parliament
haldin be his ma=tie= and threscoir tuelf chaptour
of the said p~liament Anent the setting of landis
in fewferme As the act itself at lenth contenis vnder
the pretext and collo=r= quhairof diu~s~ persones
halding +tair landis of vtheris superio=r=~ for seruice of
waird and releif hes sett the saidis landis haldin be
thame as said is In fewferme To vtheris thair subvassellis
for payme~t of ane fewferme duetie quhairby
they do manefast preiudice to thair saidis
superio=r=~ in altering of the said first halding Expres~
repugnand to the meani~g of the said first act
Quhairas the said halding Can be nawayes alterit
be the vassellis without sum direct deid done be
thair superio=r=~ Tending to approve the said dispositioun
/ qlk may alter the nature and conditioun of
the said first halding ffor remede quhairof oure
souerane lord and Estaittis of parliame~t pn~tlie convenit
hes statute and ordanit and be the tenno=r= of
this pn~t act Statutis and ordinis in all tyme cu~myng
That it sall nawayes be lesume To the vassellis of
ony Erle Lord prelat / baroun or ony vther frie
halder within this Realme quha haldis +tair landis
of thair saidis superio=r=~ be seruice of waird & releiff
To sett thair saidis landis qlkis ar haldin be +tame as
said is To ony other persone in few ffor payme~t of
ane fewferme duetie in preiudice of thair saidis
ouer lordis quhome of they hald the saidis landis be
<P 287.C2>
service or wairde & releiff as said is without the
speciall advyse and consent of thair said superio=r=
had and obtenit to the setting of the saidis landis
in fewferme or purchessing of the saidis superio=r=~
co~firma=o=un to the said dispositioun gif ony salhappin
to be maid as said is And incais ony sic alienatioun
salhappin to be maid in ony tyme to come without
consent of the said~ Superio=r=~ or thair confirmatioun
obtenit to the samyn Oure said souerane
Lord and Estaittis of parliame~t ffindis decernis and
declaris all sic dispositionis to be Null and of Nane
availl force nor effect ather be way of actioun or
exceptioun .

[}ANENT LAYING OF LYNT IN LOCHIS .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
parliament finding that the laying of Lynt in 
lochis and burnis Is no=t= onlie verie hurtfull to all
fisches bred within the samyn And bestiall that
drinkis thairof / bot also the haill watteris of the
saidis lochis and burnis thairby being infectit Is
maid altogidder vnproffitable for the vse of man
And verie noysum to all the people duelland +tairabout 
Thairfoir statutis and ordinis that na persone
nor persones in tyme cu~mi~g lay in lochis and rynnand
burnis ony grene lynt vnder the pane of fourtie
schillingis (\toties quoties\) for ilk tyme they sall
controvene And als~ confiscatioun of the lynt To
be applyit to the puire of the parochin within the
qlkis the saidis lochis and burnis lyis And be the
tenno=r= heirof Geves power to the sessioun of the
kirk of ilk parochin To trye cognosce & put this
pn~t act to executioun And to vplift the vnlawis
and to co~fische and dispone vpoun the said lynt
to the weill of the pure of the parochin as said is /
And ordinis Lr~es of publicatioun to pas heirvpoun
in forme as efferis .

[}ACT IN FAUOURIS OF HIS MAIESTEIS VASSELLIS
FOR PAYMENT OF THAIR BLENSHE DUETIES .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
this pn~t parliame~t Remembering the great fauour
schawin and borne be his hienes and his predecessouris
To the nobill men barones and vtheris subiectis
of this realme and +tair predecessouris for thair
notable and memorable factis and services done to
his ma=tie= and his predicessouris In defence and
weilfair of the realme In making and granting to
thame of heretable Infeftmentis of thair landis
baroneis lordschippis Castellis touris fortalices woddis 
mylnis salmondfischeingis offices and vtheris
thairin contenit Haldin of oure said souerane lord
and his predecessouris in frie blenche ferme for Payme~t 
of certane blenche ferme dueteis expressit in
thair Infeftmentis no=t= as ony burding or +geirlie
duetie bot be way of acknawlegeing and recognoscence
<P 288.C1>
/ gif the sami~ dueteis beis requirit alanerlie /
And that no=t=withstanding +tairof within thir lait
and few +geiris the saidis noblemen barones and
vtheris oure souerane lordis liegis and subiectis
quha haldis thair landis and vtheris foirsaidis of
oure said souerane lord in frie blenshe Ar +geirlie
without ony Just cause burdenit vrgeit and compellit
be charges to mak payment in his hienes
chekker of certane sowmes of money As for the
prices and valo=r= of the saidis blenshe dueteis Thair
being na sic sowmes of money nor prices co~tenit in
thair saidis Infeftmentis ffor remede quhairof oure
souerane lord with advyse of the saidis estaittis
ffindis decernis and declaris That the noblemen
barones and vtheris liegis and subiectis quha haldis
thair landis and vtheris foirsaidis of his ma=tie= in
blensheferme Ar onlie Justlie addebtit in payment
of the blenshe dueteis expressit and sett doun in
thair Infeftme~tis gif the samyn be requirit alanerlie
And that they aucht nawayes tobe burdenit trublit
or chargeit for sowmes of money as prices for the
saidis blenshe dueteis And that no=t=withstanding
quhatsumeuir act or ordinance maid be the lordis
of his hienes chekker / or vtheris actis or ordina~ces
quhatsumeuir of quhatsumeuir +geiris bigane or
tocum To the qlkis this pn~t act sall mak and makis
full derogatioun / And thaireftir s~=r= Thomas ha~myltoun
of monkland kny=t= aduocat to o=r= souerane lord
in pn~s of the saidis Estaittis protestit in his hienes
name That the blenche dueteis and spaces thairof
Contenit in the foirsaidis Infeftmentis be co~forme
to the kingis maiestie and his successouris estaite
and dignitie And +tairvpoun the said Lord aduocat
askit Instrume~tis

[}ACT ANENT SAISINGIS TO BE GEVIN ON PRECEPTIS
OF +TE CHANCELLARIE}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
this pn~t parliame~t Ratefeis and appreves the act
maid of befoir be king James the fyft of gude
memorie quhairby it was statute and ordanit that
all seasingis gewin be vertue of ony preceptis direct
furth of the Chancellarie Suld be gewin be the
schireffs of the schires baillie or stewart quhair the
landis lyis thair deputtis and clerk As in the said
act of the date The Tent day of december The +geir
of god J=m= v=c= fourtie +geiris at mair lenth is co~tenit
In all & sindrie Pointis heidis articlis clauss~ and
conditionis of the sami~ Safar as the sami~ extendis
or may be Extendit To seasingis past vpoun Preceptis 
direct furth of the chancellarie vpoun Retouris
alanerlie And the saidis Estaittis of p~liament
decernis and declaris the sami~ act maid be king
James the fyft of the date abonewrittin To haue
been onlie maid for sic seasingis as ar gewin be vertue 
of preceptis that pass~ vpoun Retouris and to
nane vtheris seasingis direct vpoun ony vther precept
direct furth of the chancellarie

<P 288.C2>
[}ACT IN FAUOURIS OF THE BURROWIS REGALL .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
parliament Ratefeis apprevis and confermes all
actis of parliament and lawes with all fredomes
privileges Immuniteis & liberteis grantit to the
burghis regall within this Realme be oure souerane
lord or ony of his hienes predecessouris at ony
tyme of befoir And decernis and declaris the saidis
burrowis and euerie ane of thame to haue gude
richt to bruik thair saidis privileges & liberteis As
they wer wount to do of befoir .

[}ACT FOR STAYING OF ALL VNLAUCHFULL CO~VENTIONIS
W=T=IN BURGH AND FOR ASSISTING OF THE
MAGISTRATTIS IN THE EXECUTIOUN OF THAIR
OFFICES .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
this pn~t parliament Ratefeis and appreves all and
quhatsumeuir actis maid heirtofoir be his maiestie
and his hienes progenito=r=~ and the Estaittis of the
Realme for staying of all tumultis and vnlauchfull
meitingis and convocationis w=th=in bur=t= And ordinis
the sami~ to haue effect and to be put to dew executioun
aganis the controvenaris +tairof in all pointis
with this additioun that na persone nor persones
within burgh of quhatsumeuir rank qualitie or conditioun
they be of / presume or tak vpoun hand fra
this furth vnder quhatsumeuir collo=r= or pretext To
convocat or assemble thame selffis togidder at ony
occasioun Except they mak dew Intimatioun of the
lauchfull Causs~ of thair meittingis To the provest
and bailleis of that bur=t= / and obtene thair licence
+tairto / Sua that nathing be done or attemptit be
thame in thair saidis meitingis qlkis may tend to
the derogatioun or violatioun of the actis of p~liame~t
Lawis and co~stitutionis maid for +te weill and quietnes
of the saidis burghis Declaring be thir pn~tis the
saidis vnlauchfull meittingis and the persones pn~t
thairat To be factious and seditious and all procedingis
+tairin to be null & of nane availl And the
saidis persones to be pvnischit in thair bodeis gudis
and geir w=t= all rigour conforme to the lawes of this
realme And to the effect the saidis vnlauchfull
meitingis with all vtheris tumultis trublances and
pleyis that salhappin to fall out within the saidis 
burrowes may be substantiouslie suppressit Ordanis
the haill inhabitantis of the saidis burrowes at
all occasiones To reddelie assist and concur w=t=
the magistratis and officiaris +tairof for satling
of the saidis tumultis & trublances And pvnischeing
of the authouris and movearis +tairof And
sic as sall no=t= Assist and co~cur with the saidis
magistratis redelie / or thair officiaris for redding
and satling of the saidis tumultis and trublances as
said is Sall be repute & haldin as fosteraris and mantenaris
of the saidis tumultis and pvnischit +t~foir in
thair persones and vnlawit in thair guidis at the
<P 289.C1>
arbitrime~t of the Magistrattis and Counsaill of the
said burgh And ordinis publicatioun to be maid
heirof at the marcat croces of the saidis burrowes
that nane pn~d Ignorance +tairof

[}ANENT THE KEIPING OF THE KINGIS HOUSS~ .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
this pn~t parliame~t haveand ane speciall Regaird to
the mantenance and vphalding of his hienes castellis
pallaceis and houss~ As the sami~ hes bene keipit
and mantened thir mony +geiris bigane Decernis
and declaris that the haill fruittis and rentis assignit
grantit and disponit for costis and charges of the
Mantenance and keiping of the saidis castellis pallaces
and houss~ Sall remane with thame in all tyme
cu~mi~g no=t=w=t=standing quhatsumeuir act or statute
maid in this pn~t parliament ather speciall or generall 
qlkis may be hurtfull or prejudiciall to the
saidis fruittis and rentis assignit to the effect foirsaid
in onywayes

[}ACT ANENT THE TAXATIOUN AND COLLECTING
+TAIROF}]

FORSAMEKILL As the Estaittis convenit in this 
pn~t parliame~t vpoun gude and weichtie considerationis
moveing thame hes frelie and voluntarlie
offerrit and grantit to the kingis maist excellent
ma=tie= oure souerane lord for releif And payme~t of his
hienes debtis and reparatioun of his maiesteis houss~
Ane Taxatioun to be payit collectit and vpliftit in
maner and at the four termes following That is to
say ffor the barones and friehalderis pairtis of the
samyn Taxatioun Tuentie schillingis money to be
vpliftit of euerie pund land of auld extent within
this Realme perteni~g to erlis lordis barones frehalderis
and fewaris of o=r= souerane lordis propir landis
haldin be thame Immediatlie of his ma=tie= / and payit
at euerie ane of the four seuerall termes eftirspecefeit
That is to say Tuentie schillingis at the first
day of februar nixtocum in the +geir of god J=m= vj=c=
and sewin +geiris Tuentie schillingis at the first day 
of februar In the +geir of god J=m= vj=c= and aucht
+geiris Tuentie schillingis at the first day of februar
in the +geir of god J=m= vj=c= and nyne +geiris / and
tuentie schillingis at the first day of februar in the
+geir of god J=m= vj=c= and ten +geiris And for the
spirituall men and the burrowis pairt of the same
taxatioun That thair sall be vpliftit of euerie Archibischoprik
bischoprik abbacie priorie and vther
inferio=r= benefice and of euerie frie burgh within
this realme at euerie ane of the saidis four tymes
of payme~t The Just taxa=o=un of the sami~ and as
the sami~ haue bene accustomit to be taxat vnto in
all tymes bigane quhansoeuir the temporall landis
of this realme wer stentit to tuentie schillingis the
poundland of auld extent and the samyn taxatioun
to be payit at euerie ane of the four seuerall termes
abonespecefeit And for Inbringing of the barones
<P 289.C2>
& friehalderis pairtis of the sami~ Taxatioun and of
the fewaris and rentalleris of o=r= souerane lordis propir
landis pairt +tairof IT is statute & ordinit that
lr~es be direct chargeing all and sindrie s~reffis
stewartis and bailleis thair deputtis and clerkis /
fewaris chalmerlanis & ressaueris of o=r= souerane
lordis propir landis That they and ilkane of thame
within the boundis of thair offices Rais~ and vplift
the said sowme of tuentie schillingis money of
euerie pund land of auld extent Lyand within the
boundis of thair Jurisdictionis for euerie ane of the
four termes payme~t abonespecefeit And Inbring
and delyuer the samyn to James hay of kingask his
hienes collecto=r= generall appointit for ressaveing of
the samyn haill Taxatioun or to his deputtis and
officiaris in his name haveand his power to ressaue
+te samyn at the particular termes abonespecefeit
vnder the pane of rebellioun And gif they fail+gie
thairin at the bipassing of euerie ane of the sami~
t~mes To denu~ce and escheat & c~ And for thair
releif that lr~es be direct chargeing all & sindrie
Erlis lordis barones and frie halderis fewaris and
rentalleris of o=r= souerane lordis propir landis To
mak payme~t to the saidis s~reffis stewartis bailleis
and thair deputtis and clerkis chalmerlanis
and ressaveris of o=r= souerane lordis propir landis
Ilkane of thame for thair awin propir pairtis respectiue
of the said sowme of Tuentie schillingis money
for euerie pund land of auld extent perteni~g to
thame for euerie ane of the saidis four termes payme~t
within tuentie dayes nixt eftir they be chargeit
thairto vnder the pane of rebellioun & c~ And
gif they fail+gie to denu~ce and escheat & c~ And gif
neid beis that the saidis s~reffis bailleis stewartis
thair deputtis and clerkis chalmerlanis and Ressaveris
of o=r= souerane lordis propir landis poind &
distren+ge thairfoir As they sall think maist expedient
Provyding alwayes that the first termes
payme~t of the samyn Taxatioun be euir past befoir
the nixt termes payme~t be chargeit for And that
the saidis Erlis lordis baronis frehalderis fewaris and
Rentalleris of o=r= souerane lordis propir landis haue
lr~es for thair releif to charge thair vassellis subvassellis
Ladyis of terce co~iunctfearis and lyferentaris
To mak payme~t of thair pairtis of the sami~ Taxatioun
within Tuentie dayes eftir the charge vnder
the pane of rebellioun & c~ And gif they fail+gie To
denu~ce and escheat & c~ And gif neid beis to poind
and distren+ge And for the spirituall me~nis pairt of
the sami~ Taxatioun That lr~es be direct chargeing
all & sindrie Archibischoppis bischoppis Abbottis
prio=r=~ and vtheris beneficeit persones contenit in
the Taxt rollis thair chalmerlanis factouris and Intrometouris
with thair levingis To mak payme~t of
that sowme that they and euerie ane of thame ar
taxt vnto for euerie ane of the saidis four termes
payme~t To the said James hay of kingask his
maiesteis collecto=r= foirsaid his deputtis and officiaris
in his name haveand his power to ressaue the
samyn at the particular termes abonespecefeit vnder
the pane of rebellioun & c~ And gif they fail+ge to
<P 290.C1>
denu~ce and escheat & c~ Provyding alwayes that
the first termes payment of the sami~ Taxatioun be
euir past befoir the nixt termes payme~t be chargeit
for And that the prelattis and beneficit persones for
thair releif have lr~es chargeing thair vassellis subvassellis
ladyes of terce co~iu~ctfearis Lyfrentaris fewaris
takismen and pensionaris To mak payme~t of thair 
pairtis of the samyn Taxatioun (\pro rata\) within Tuentie
dayes nixt eftir the charge vnder the pane of rebellioun
& c~ And gif they fail+gie to denu~ce and
escheat & c~ And gif neid beis to poind & distren+ge
+tairfoir As they sall think maist expedient Alwayes
declaring that the productioun of sufficient horni~gis
Aganis the saidis fewaris vassellis takismen and pensionaris
sall be ane releif to the saidis prelattis and beneficeit
persones And sall exoner thame (\pro tanto\) fra
the payme~t of the sami~ Taxatioun Provyding that the
sami~ horni~gis with thair taxt rollis authentiklie
Maid & subscryuit be the saidis prelattis and beneficeit
persones And be thair vassellis takismen and
pensionaris Conteni~g the particular sowmes that
euerie ane of thame ar taxt vnto / be delyuerit to
the collecto=r= of the sami~ Taxatioun within the
space of fourtie dayes eftir ilk terme Vtherwayes
he sall be nawayes oblist to ressaue the samyn Nather
sall the prelate & beneficeit persones be exonerit
be productioun of the sami~ at ony tyme thaireftir
/ And forder that the saidis Prelattis and
vtheris beneficeit persones may haue thair releiffis
of thair saidis vassellis subvassellis ladyis of
terce co~iu~ctfearis lyferentaris fewaris takismen
and pensionaris to thair greater ease and les~
truble to thair saidis vassellis and vtheris foirsaidis
And to the effect that euerie man proportionalie
May Pay his pairt of the samyn Taxatioun According
to the quantitie & availl of the frie rent he
hes of his landis pensionis and Teyndscheves p~teni~g
to him Alsweill the prelat himself as the fewar
takisman and pensionar IT is thocht expedient
statute & ordanit that the saidis prelaittis sall euerie
ane of thame seueralie convene his haill fewaris
vassellis takismen and pensionaris at sic convenient
place as he sall think meitest And cause su~mond
+tame personalie or at thair duelling places to that
effect / And being convenit the saidis prelattis and
beneficeit persones Sall schaw to thair vassellis
fewaris takkismen and pensionaris the quantitie of
the said Taxatioun Imposit vpoun thame authentiklie
subscryuit be [{the{] Clerk of the samyn taxatioun
And they with ane consent sall distribute the
samyn To be payit be euerie ma~ Alsweill be the
Prelat as be the vassell fewar Takkisman and
pensionar according to the great or small quantitie
of his frie rent that he hes ather of his landis teyndis
or pensioun with certificatioun to ony of the
saidis persones fewaris vassellis takismen and pensionaris
that comperis not at the day appointit to the
effect foirsaid That sic as sall compeir with the said
prelat and beneficeit persone / sall procede in the
equall distributioun of the sami~ Taxatioun alsweill
<P 290.C2>
amongis thame that ar pn~t as amongis the absentis
/ qlkis sall be als~ lauchfull in all respectis As gif
the haill Number wer convenit And for Inbringing
of the burrowes pairt of the sami~ Taxatioun
That lr~es be direct chargeing +te provest and bailleis
of ilk burgh To mak payme~t of the Taxt and
stent +tairof To the said James hay of kingask his
hienes collecto=r= generall foirsaid his deputtis and
officiaris in his name haveand his power to ressaue
+te sami~ at the particular termes abonespecefeit
vnder the pane of rebellioun & c~ And gif they fail+gie
To denu~ce and escheat & c~ And for thair releif
That lr~es be direct chargeing all & sindrie Inhabitantis
within ilk burgh To convene & elect certane
persones to stent thair nichbouris And the said
electioun being maid To charge the persones electit
To accept the charge vpoun thame in setting of
the said stent vpoun the Inhabita~t~ of ilk burgh
And to convene & sett +te sami~ and mak ane stent
roll +t~vpoun As efferis within tuentie four houris
nixt eftir they be chargeit thairto vnder the pane
of rebellioun & c~ And gif they fail+gie to denu~ce
and escheat & c~ And siclyk the said stent roll being
maid and sett as said is To charge the burgess~
nichbouris and Inhabitantis of ilk burgh To mak
payme~t of thair pairtis of the said stent To the
saidis p~vest & bailleis co~forme to the taxt roll to be
gewin out thairvpoun within thrie dayes nixt eftir
the charge vnder the pane of rebellioun & c~ And
gif they fail+gie to denu~ce and escheat & c~ And gif
neid beis that the saidis provest and bailleis poind
and distren+gie +tairfoir As they sall think maist expedient
IT is alwayes provydit that na persone
quhatsumeuir be stentit or taxt within burgh Except
accordi~g to the availl and quantitie of his rent
leveing gudis and geir that he hes within burgh
Nawayes respecting his landis and possessionis qlkis
he hes to landward for the qlkis he will be oblist to
pay taxatioun to vtheris officiaris Provyding alwayes
that the first termes payme~t of the sami~ taxatioun
be past befoir the Nixt termes pay=t= be chargeit
for Attoure his hienes and the saidis Estaittis
decernis and declaris that the chargeis to be gewin
for payme~t of the sami~ Taxatioun sall be execute
befoir the termes of payme~t abonespecefeit for euerie
termes payme~t p~ticularlie be itself And that the
denu~ciatioun of horni~g following thairvpoun sall
no=t= be execute till the terme of payme~t be Bypast
Quhilk denu~ciatioun sua following vpoun the
charge gewin befoir the saidis termes of payment
The saidis Estaittis decernis and declaris to be
valide and sufficient Attoure his ma=tie= and the saidis
Estaittis Considering the great abuse that hes bene
vseit in all tymes bigane be sindrie of the liegis of
this Realme aganis all gude conscience in causing
thair puir fermoraris & laubourraris of thair ground /
being removeable quha ar subiect in verie deir fermes
paying To releif thame of the haill burding of
the sami~ Taxatioun / qlk hes bene the occasioun of
the Impoverisching of ane great Number of the
<P 291.C1>
saidis pure lauborraris and fermoraris and bringing
of thame to vtter wrak and ruyne / quhair as of
Reassoun the saidis Tennentis suld be altogidder
frie of the payme~t of ony taxatioun And the sami~
suld be payit be sic as hes frie rentis landis & gudis
of thair awin ffor remede quhairof IT is statute &
ordinit that na persoun quhatsumeuir exact or co~pell
his tennentis or fermoraris removeable quha
payis him ferme for his landis occupyit be thame
To pay ony pairt of this pn~t taxatioun or to sute
releif of the samyn at thair handis And gif the
sami~ beis fundin done be ony persones That they
sall be callit & convenit +tairfoir befoir his hienes
Justice and his deputtis As violent and m=r=full oppressouris
of his hienes subiectis and pvnischit +tairfoir
According to Justice

[}ACT ANENT THE GRANTING OF THE TAXATIOUN}]

FORSAMEKLE as the haill Estaittis of this pn~t
parliame~t no=t= onlie seis bot to thair infinite conforte 
by daylie experience feillis +te monyfauld
blessingis redounding to thame frome thair maist
gratious souerane The sinceritie of quhose intentionis
richteousnes and wisdome in his actionis and
zeall to religioun and Justice haveing procurit to
his hienes the Indoubtit fauo=r= of god and man / hes
thairwith also bred to this his natiue kingdome so
perfyte peax and vniuersall prosperitie that nather +te
experience of the pn~t nor memorie of ony bipast
age is able to recorde ony preceding exampill
quhairby ather the ordinar traffiq~ and repair of
people hes bene so frielie and co~modiouslie dispersit
to sa mony so far distant Nationes (qlkis heirtofoir
being onlie knawin to ws by name / Ar now
for the reverence and Lowe borne be all people to
oure most renowned king sa fauorable patent to all
oure co~merce As no people is more vniuersallie acceptable
and weilcum to all nationis) or that the
bowellis and haill boundis of this kingdome wer
euir so happelie purged of violence enormitie and
disordo=r= / And so vniuersallie blessed w=t= peace Justice
and christiane policie As by the exceding
cair provydent directioun and great charges of his
maist excellent Ma=tie= / Is now establissit so that we
want na pairt of o=r= wisched erthlie felicitie / bot the
desyrit presence of his most sacrede ma=tie= / qlk to
oure vnspeakable co~forte his hienes hes bene pleasit
by his wyfe / humane and most kind letter direct
to the estaittis gratiouslie to promeis maist willinglie
to remeid by his assured repair to this cuntrey
so sone as the necessar Impedimentis thairof can be
removed / In consideratioun of qlk so mony so great
benefittis The saidis estaittis trewlie acknawleging
how Justlie they ar bundin To gif maist hartie and 
continuall thankis and praise to god the autho=r= of
the same / and to thair sacred souerane his blessed
Instrume~t +tairof And ferventlie to beseik god long
to continew his foirsaidis graces with thame and
<P 291.C2>
thair most gratious souerane long and happelie to
Regne ouer thame And thairwith also being most
willing according to thair bundin duetie to mak 
effectuall demonstratioun of thair most gratefull
myndis to his excellent ma=tie= And to Indevoir
thame selfis so to remove all Impedime~tis and
ernestlie to advance all meanis & occasionis of his
ma=teis= resorte to this cuntrey as may beir witnes to
the world how thankfullie and dewtefullie they acknawlege
and foirsie the Infinite co~moditie and
contentment / qlk Indowtlie they sall ressaue be the
same Albeit they be no=t= abill to offer or performe
that qlk in ony degrie approches to the large proportioun
of his royall bounty and fauo=r= to thame /
+Git hopeing that his maiestie in his wounted gudnes
will gratiouslie accept of thair most faithfull affectionis
And in his princelie wisdome consider that
they now onlie present thair first fruittis of that satled
and peceable estait Quhilk being recentlie establessit
by his maiesteis fauo=r= and providence will
w=t= tyme incresce thair welth and abilitie And mak
it mair neirlie to approche nor at this tyme it can to
the full measure of thair most hartlie affectionis euerie
way to gratifie and serue his ma=tie= Thairfoir in
most humble maner The saidis haill estaittis of this
Realme ernestlie beseik his maist sacred ma=tie= gratiouslie
to accept this thair offer of ane Taxatioun /
qlk w=t= most faithfull hairtis as ane plege and arlis
of thair most loyall seruice humble obedience and
vnchangeable affectioun They offer to his ma=tie= to
be Imposit collectit and payit to his hienes be the
saidis estaittis in maner and at the four termes following
That is to say The erlis lordis and co~missionaris
of schires for the temporall estaite hes grantit
That thair sall be vpliftit of euerie pund land of
auld extent within this realme p~teni~g to Erlis lordis
barounes frehalderis and fewaris of his maiesteis
propir landis the sowme of Tuentie schillingis
money at euerie ane of the four termes following
vi~z the sowme of tuentie schillingis at the first day
of februar nixtocum in the +geir of god J=m= vj=c= and
sewin +geiris The sowme of vther tue~tie schillingis
at the first day of februar The +geir of god J=m= vj=c=
and Aucht +geiris The sowme of vther Tuentie
schillingis at the first day of februar J=m= vj=c= and
nyne +geiris And the sowme of vther tuentie schillingis
at the first day of februar J=m= vj=c= and Ten
+geiris The Archibischoppis and abbottis for the
spirituall estait hes grantit that thair sall be vpliftit
of all the archibischoprikis bischoprikis Abbaceis
prioreis and vtheris inferio=r= benefices w=th=in this
realme at euerie ane of the four termes abonespecefeit
The Just taxa=o=un +tairof And as they haue bene
accustomat to be taxit vnto at all the tymes bigane
quhansoeuir the temporall landis of this realme wer
stentit to tuentie schillingis the pund land of auld
extent And the sami~ Taxatioun to be payit at
euerie ane of the four seuerall termes abonespecefeit
And the co~missionaris of burrowes for thair
estait hes grantit that thair sall be vpliftit of all
<P 292.C1>
burrowes within this realme at euerie ane of the
four termes abonewrittin The Just taxa=o=un +tairof
And as they haue bene accustomit to be taxit vnto
in all tymes bigane quhansoeuir the temporall landis
of this realme wer stentit To tuentie schillingis the
pund of auld extent And the same taxatioun
to be payit at euerie ane of the four seuerall
termes abonementionat And inregaird that his
Maiestie hes erectit sindrie prelaceis in temporall
lordschippis quhairby the awneris thairof may clame
to be taxt with the barounes of the temporall estait
And thairthrow his hienes will be defraudit of A
great pairt of the sami~ Taxatioun Thairfoir it is
statute and ordinit that all erectionis of prelaceis in
temporall Lordschippis Sall in payme~t of the said
Taxatioun pay To the collecto=r=~ thairof Samekill of
the sami~ Taxatioun (\pro rata\) as gif they wer nawayes
erectit and As they wer subiect to do befoir the
erectioun of the same And siclyk it is statute &
ordanit that all dissoluit benefices within this realme
sall be subiect in payme~t of samekill of the sami~
Taxatioun (\pro rata\) As they wald haue bene subiect
to pay Sua the sami~ had no=t= bene dissolued And
forder the saidis estaittis a~nullis and discharges all
privileges and Immuniteis quhatsumeuir quhairby
ony p~sones May think thame selffis frie of payme~t of
this pn~t Taxa=o=un (Except alanerlie the privileges
grantit to the senato=r=~ and me~beris of the college
of Justice)

[}RATIFICATIOUN IN FAUOURIS OF THE ERLE
OF DUNBAR OF THE ERLDOME OF DUNBAR AND
VTHERIS LANDIS .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD Remembering the
long faithfull proffitable and most acceptable seruices
done to his hienes be his richt trustie weilbelouit
cousing and familiar counsaillo=r= George Erle
of dunbar lord home of berwick Cheif thesaurar of
Scotland Chancellar of the escheker in England & c~
quha frome his tender +gouth haveing dedicate his
bodie mynd and haill lyfe to his maiesteis seruice /
saiftie and honourable contentme~t hes sensyne so
constantlie perseverit in that honorable intentioun .
That in the +geiris of his ma=teis= minoritie quhan the
distractit factionis of his nobilitie and subiectis of
all Rankis within the kingdome of scotland no=t=
onlie trublit his royall estait Bot verie oft Indangerit
his most sacred persone He keythit than so cairfull
and waitchefull seruito=r= that rejecting +te pleasures
quhairwith men of that age ar vsualie delytit gif
no=t= ouercum And fixing his heart Eeis and solicitude
vpoun the espying discovering and remedeing
of his maiesteis dangeris Procurit to himself sic hatrent
of his maiesteis rebellious subiectis That they
cu~mi~g to his maiesteis pn~s with sic forces as culd
no=t= for the tyme be resistit be the small Number of
his hienes faithfull servandis being than in his grace
companie They resoluit no=t= to suffer him quhais
<P 292.C2>
treuth they knew to be vnchangeable frome his
Maister To remane ony langer in his grace companie
Bot forceit him to reteir and depairt fra Court
Quhair his enemeis haveing the passages of his retreitt
on all handis vnbesett for na vther querrell
bot his fidelitie to his prince and maister / he hardlie
escapit the danger of death And sua sone as his
ma=tie= had libertie to mak chois~ of his awin servandis
The said George being than callit bak be his ma=tie=
to his former place of seruice / he thairin continewit
so faithfullie and cairfullie that no=t= onlie within the
Realme of Scotland Bot als~ in the foraine pairtis
of Norway and denmark he gaif sic pruif and satisfactioun
to his ma=tie= be the exceding great & monyfauld
effectis of his wisdome secrecie & diligence in
materis of cheif mome~t heichlie concerni~g his grace
hono=r= and co~tentme~t That being thairby thocht
daylie moir worthie of Imployme~tis of greater hono=r=
& trust / his sufficiencie provit alwayes capable of
moir weichtie charges So that thaireftir no=t= onlie
in peciable & quiet tymes Bot also in the trublis
aryssing by the Rebellioun of bothuell and vtheris
He persevering alwayes constant in his faithfull
duetie They no sonner awovit and vtterit thair dissobedie~ce
to his ma=tie= Bot thairwith also professing
deadlie fead and hatrent to his said trustie Counsaillo=r=
/ his death wes ane of the cheif buttis of thair
craift and malice / Quhairfra being preservit be the
providence of god for his hienes better vse alsweill
in the administratioun of the office of thesaurie of
the said kingdome / Quhan his ma=teis= great debt and
charges forceit vtheris officiaris to renu~ce the burding
and cure +tairof And in handling of the greatest
and weichtiest affairis of that kingdome As in the
secrete dealing intelligence and concurrence by
counsaill & actioun with those quha wer most willing
and habill to prepair the lauchfull and necessar
menis of his Ma=teis= happie and peciable atteni~g to
the possessioun of his richteous Inheretance and
kingdome of the crowne of England IN CONSIDERATIOUN
of thois and mony vtheris his most
singular proffitable and worthie seruices done in
effect to his ma=tie= sen his passing to England To the
hurte of his bodie decay of his health and great
danger of his lyffe . His hienes being resoluit nevir
to leaf the faithfull demeritis of his long approvit
servandis vnreme~berit or vnrewairdit THAIRFOIR
with mature deliberatioun co~sent decrete
and approbatioun of the haill Estaittis of his ma=teis=
kingdome of scotland convenit in parliame~t vpoun
exact tryall cleir p~batioun and be thair manifast
Notorious and recent knawlege of all the premiss~
Acknawlegeing finding & declairing the sami~
to be great worthie and acceptable seruices effectuallie
continewit fra tyme to tyme And to be great
sene & ressonable causs~ Tending to the evident weill
of his Maiesteis persone crowne & estait his subiectis
and successouris of the said Realme ffor the qlk
Cause his ma=tie= with co~sent of p~liame~t May dispone
+te landis richt of patronages and vtheris particularlie
<P 293.C1>
eftirspecefeit In maner of halding & for the
+geirlie dueteis vnderwrittin Ordanis ane charto=r= to
be maid vnder his hienes great seall in the mair
forme Gevand grantand and heretablie dispona~d
lyk as be the tenno=r= heirof vpoun certane knawlege
and frie motive eftir all his hienes reuocationis generall
and speciall and eftir lauchfull dissolutioun
maid in parliament with consent of his hienes comptroller
collecto=r= generall & thesaurar of the New
Augmentationis and remane~t officiaris of estait
And s~=r= Johne Arnote of berswik knycht his grace
thesaurar depute in place of the said erle being now
thesaurar prin=ll= himself Gevis grantis heretablie
disponis and perpetualie confermis To his said richt
trustie and weilbelouit cousing and familiar counsaillo=r=
George erle of dunbar lord home of beruick
& c~ his airis & ass~nais All and haill the landis and
baronie of Greinlaw reidpeth Comprehending the
landis & baronie of grenlaw Toure maner place
houss~ co~moun mures Mylnis multuris a~nexis co~nexis
aduocatioun donatioun & richt of patronage
of the personage & vicarage of the paroch kirk of
the parochin of greinlaw The landis of brvmehill
and blaissinbraid with all thair pertinentis The
landis of Grenlawdene w=t= the myln +tairof mylnlandis
manerplace and astrict multuris of quhatsoeuir
landis vseit & wont to grind thair cornes at
the said myln The landis of polkehauch and blassinbraid
alias blassinberrie The landis of Tennendry
eist feild quhytsyd / Markis worth clay dub and all
+tair pertinentis The kirklandis of greinlaw All and
haill the burgh and towne of grenelaw w=t= all privileges
and liberteis thairof Contenit in the said Erle
his former infeftment of the sami~ The landis of
horsley w=t= the haill teyndis +tairof includit The
landis of grenewod w=t= the teyndis +tairof includit
And the landis of deringtoun w=t= the teyndis includit
All lyand within the s~refdome of berwick
vnitit and incorporat of befoir in the said baronie
of grenlaw reidpeth . All and haill the tennendrie
of crumstane Comprehending the landis & ground
quhairone the Castell of dunbar is situat The foirthis
castell steid and haill precinct +tairof with houss~
+gairdis and peices of land vseit and wont to p~tene
to the said Castell The landis and boundis of the
great loch of dunbar The landis of brovmepairk w=t=
medowes & hors~wardis The lynkis and cunnynger
of eistbairnis and all p~tinentis belanging of auld to
the lordschip and baronie of dunbar / Alsua all and
haill the landis of Rewlismaynis Sampsones wallis
crvmestane with the myln +tairof The landis and
akeris besyd and within the towne of duns~ with
the cottages +tairof The landis of Newtoun quhitsum
/ twa husband landis in hiltoun and landis callit
prestoun waris with all thair pairtis pendiclis a~nexis
co~nexis dependencis and pertinentis lyand in the
said s~refdome of berwick Togidder w=t= aduocatioun
donatioun and richt of patronage of the benefices
and chaplanries following vi~z The denrie of dunbar
including the personage and vicarage of the parochin
<P 293.C2>
of quhittingem The archiprestrie or vicarage
of dunbar including all the kirklandis and teyndis
vseit & wont of all & haill the parochin of dunbar
The prebendarie of duns~ including personage &
vicarage of the haill parochin of duns~ The prebendarie
of chirnesyd including personage & vicarage
of the haill parochin of chirnesyde The prebendareis
chanonreis or personages of dunbar pincartoun Beltoun
& pitcokis The chaplanreis callit the saull
preistis and all vtheris chaplanreis fundit of auld
within the college a~nexit thairto with the co~mones
or co~mountie teyndis depending vpoun the +geirlie
fruittis & co~moditeis of the foirsaidis as proper p~tinentis
of the samyn all vnitit and incorporat in
the foirsaid tennendrie of crumstane And forder
o=r= souerane lord with advyse consent approbatioun
and decrete abonewrittin Gevis grantis and disponis
to the said George erle of dunbar and his foirsaidis
all & haill the landis towne & baronie of fowlden~
with tour fortalice manerplace +gairdis mylnis mylnlandis
multuris tennentis tenandreis seruice of frie
tennentis pairtis pendiclis dependences and all thair
pertinentis with the richt of patronage aduocatioun
donatioun of the personage & vicarage of the kirk
of fowlden~ As alsua all and haill the landis towne
and baronie of Edingtoun with fortalice manerplace
houss~ orchard~ +gairdis The maynis mylnis mylnlandis
multuris & pertinentis +tairof Comprehending
alsua the la~d~ of clarebald Reidheuch ane housband
land in the towne and territorie of hutton Ane husband
land in the towne and maynis of duns~ with
tennentis tenandreis seruice of frie tennentis and all
thair pertinentis vnitit and incorporatit in the foirsaid
baronie of Ethingtoun all lyand in the said
s~refdome of bervick / And als~ all & haill the
heretable office of the keiping captanrie and constabularie
of the castell of Sanctandrous~ houss~
+gairdis +tairof with privileges liberteis and pertine~tis
thairof quhatsumeuir vseit and wont Lyand in the
citie of sanctandrous within the s~refdome of ffyf
with power to the said Erle and his airis To mak
creat and co~stitute capitanes keiparis and all vtheris
officiaris necessar for the custodie of the said castell
Togidder w=t= the +geirlie feall of sextene chalderis
victuall half quheat half beir gude and sufficient
stuf +geirlie to be vpliftit at the termes of payme~t
vseit and wont furth of the reddiest fermes
and rentis of the land~ of west barnis rig and fluris
lyand in the lordschip of dunbar w=th=in the s~refdome
of Edinburgh and constabularie of hadingtoun
Quhilkis haill landis baroneis castellis townis
mylnis & v+t~is particularlie afoirme~tionat Pertenit
heretablie of befoir To the said George erle of dunbar
with the richt of the patronage of the benefices
abonewrittin haldin be him Immediatlie of oure
souerane lord And qlkis wer purelie and simpl~ir
resignit be him and his p~cuto=r=~ in his name AT
quhythall in his ma=teis= handis with all richt titill
& c~ Lyk as the said castell of Sanctandrous wes
resignit frelie at Quhythall be George now archibischope
<P 294.C1>
of sanctandrous his p~cuto=r=~ and patent
lr~es in his grace handis w=t= all richt titill & c~
ATTOURE oure Souerane Lord in consideratioun
and remembrance of the faithfull seruices
abone rehersit beand great sene & wechtie cause
of the preservatioun and weill of his ma=teis= royall
p~sone crowne and estait evident co~moditie of his
successouris and lieges of the said realme with mature
delyuerance advyse and decrete of the saidis
haill estaittis of parliame~t as said is And alsua w=t=
co~sent of his hienes comptroller / collecto=r= gn~all /
thesaurar of the new augme~tationis and remane~t
officiaris of estait and s~=r= Johne arnote thesaurar
depute In place of the said Erle now cheif thesaurar
Hes of new gevin grantit In fewferme lattin heretablie
disponit and confermit for euir Lyk as be the tenno=r=
of this charto=r= gevis grantis and in fewferme lattis
heretablie disponis and perpetualie confermis To
his said trustie cousing and weilbelouit counsaillo=r=
George erle of dunbar his airis and assignais All
and haill The foirsaidis landis and baronie of grenelaw
Reidpeth containi~g +te saidis landis and baronie
of grenelaw tour manerplace houss~ co~moun mures
Mylnis multuris a~nexis co~nexis and richt of patronage
of the personage & vicarage of the said parochin
of grenlaw The landis of brovmhill and blassinbraid
with all thair pertinentis / The landis of grenelawdene
with the myln +tairof and astrict multuris
abonespecefeit The landis of polkehauch and blassinbraid
alias blassinberrie Tennendrie eistfeild quhytesyd
/ merkis worth cleidene and all thair pertinentis
The kirklandis of grenelaw All and haill burgh and
towne of grenelaw with all privileges +tairof The
landis of horsley grenewod & deringtoun with the
haill teyndis of the sami~ includit as said is All and
haill the said tennendries of crvmstane conteni~g the
landis Ground foirth precinct and castell steid of the
Castell of dunbar with all thair p~tine~tis The landis
and boundis of the great loch brovmepark medowes
and horswairdes The cu~nynger & lynx of eist bairnis
with dowcat and all thair pertinentis The saidis
landis of Rewlismaynis sampsoniswallis crumstane
and myln +tairof The landis and akeris besyd and
within the said towne of duns~ with the cottages
thairof The haill towne & landis of Newtoun quhytsum
with tenentis and tenendreis +tairof Twa husband
landis in hiltoun and prestoun wairis with all
pairtis pendiclis and pertinentis +tairof with aduocatioun
dona=o=un and richt of patronage of the denrie
of dunbar / The archiprestrie of dunbar The chanonreis
and prebendareis of duns~ Chirnesyd / dunbar
/ pynkertoun spott beltoun and pitcokis The
chaplanreis callit the Saullpristis and all vtheris
chaplanreis foundit or a~nexit of auld To the said
college of dunbar Togidder with the prebendarie of
the parochin of lyntoun including personage and
vicarage +tairof a~nexit and foundit of auld within
the sami~ college kirk of dunbar with the saidis
co~monis and co~mountie Teyndis Perteni~g and
depending vpoun the +geirlie rentis of the saidis
<P 294.C2>
kirkis as propir pertinentis of the samyn / And siclyk
all and haill the landis of lochend with medowes
and pertinentis +tairof The haill towne & landis of
mekill and litill pynkertownes Quhytrig and burt
with tennent tennendreis and all thair pertinentis
Perteni~g to oure Souerane lord being p~tis of his
hienes a~nexit propirtie & patrimonie of the Crowne
All and haill the saidis land~ towne and baronie of
fouldene with mylnis mylnlandis a~nexis co~nexis
and all thair pertinentis with the richt of the patronage
of the personage and vicarage of the said paroch
kirk of fouldene All and haill the saidis landis
towne & baronie of Edingtoun with the Maynis
mylnis and +te speciall landis abonewrittin vnitit and
a~nexit +tairto of befoir with thair pertinentis / The
said heretable office of capitanrie and custodie of the
said castell of sanctandrous with the said +geirlie feall
of sextene chalderis quheat & beir To be vpliftit in
maner abonespecefeit / And finalie all and haill the
landis and maynis of fastcastell or wester Lu~misden
dowlaw dudoholme alias cauldsyd auldtoun / newtoun
with the myln Multouris fischeingis and haill
teyndis +tairof includit with the castell and manerplace
of fastcastell and all thair pertinentis All and
haill the landis of flemingtoun callit the Natherayton
/ Reidhall Natherbyre Brovnisland and gvnisgrene
with the corne and walkmylnis Mylnlandis
multuris pairtis pendiclis and all thair pertinentis
with the haill teyndis +tairof includit The landis of
fernysyd and teyndis thairof includit All and haill
the landis of lamertoun / with mylnis pairtis pendiclis
and pertinentis +tairof with the haill teyndis
of the same includit / all lyand within the baronie
of coldinghame and s~refdome of Berwick vacand
now and become in his ma=teis= handis at his gift donatioun
and dispositioun be vertue of actis of a~nexatioun
of the temporalitie and kirklandis of the
priorie of coldinghame to the crowne be actis of
p~liame~t haldin in the +geiris of god 1587 or 1592 or
be quhatsumeuir vtheris actis and constitutionis of
the said kingdome of Scotland quhairby the saidis
kirklandis of fastcastell flemyngtoun fernysyd and
Lamertoun or teyndis +tairof Ar fallin and pertenis
onywayes to his hienes be q=t=sumeuir richt titill and
occasioun bigane MAIROUER OURE SOUERANE
LORD of certane knawlege with advyse
consent decrete and approbatioun of parliame~t
abonewrittin Geves grantis and disponis To the
said George erle of dunbar and his foirsaidis all
richt titill interes clame of ry=t= petito=r= & possesso=r=
baith propirtie and possessioun / qlk his ma=tie= his
predecessouris & successouris euir had hes or onywayes
may haue clame and pretend To all & sindrie
the saidis landis Townes baroneis castellis mylnis
woddis fischeingis teyndis tennentis tenandreis richt
of patronage of all benefices personages vicarages
chanonreis prebendareis chaplanreis and all vther
afoir descryvit with all thair pertinentis / or till ony
pairt or portioun of the sami~ Maillis fermes rentis
proffeittis and dueteis of quhatsumeuir +geiris and
<P 295.C1>
termes bipast Be ressone of waird releif nonentres~
escheatis foirfaltouris recognitionis purpresturis              #
disclamationis
bastardreis reductionis of Infeftmentis
seasingis retouris alienatioun of the haill or maist
pairt or Be vertue of quhatsumeuir actis of p~liament
lawes and constitutionis of the realmes for
wanting of originall and vtheris evidentis Infeftmentis
& securiteis or no=t= co~firmatioun in dew
tyme / or for no=t= payme~t of the byrun maillis fewfermes
and dueteis diminutioun of the rentall / or
be aliena=o=un alteratioun and changeing of the haldingis
no=t= obteni~g +te pn~t titularis co~sentis to this
infeftme~t of donatioun of the saidis benefices or be
ony vtheris lawes actis proclamationis and constitutionis
of this realme or for ony vtheris causs~
actionis and occasiones bipast preceding the day
and date heirof Renu~ceand quitclameand and
Transferand the sami~ w=t= all actioun and instance
thairof To and in fauo=r=~ of the said Erle and
his airis for euir (\Cum pacto de no~ petendo\) & c~
with suppleme~t of all faultis & c~ Promesing in
the word of a prince for his ma=tie= and his successouris
nevir to move actioun questioun nor pley
aganis thame +tairane~t / And also his ma=tie= of certane
knawlege and frie motive vpoun his royall
authoritie and princelie pover with co~sent and decrete
of p~liame~t vnitis a~nexis erectis creatis and be
+te said charto=r= for euir incorporatis all and sindrie
the foirsaidis landis townes and baroneis of grenelaw
reidpeth fouldene Ithingtoun pyncartounes
lochend fastcastell flemyngtoun fernysyd lamertioun /
the tenendrie of Crumstane The castell of
sanctand~ w=t= the fie +tairof vtheris castellis manerplaces
landis maynis mylnis Mylnlandis Multuris
fischingis medowis loches lynkis and all thair p~tinentis
and +tair teyndis includit Togidder with
the richtis of patronages of all personages
vicarages chanonreis prebendareis chaplanreis
and vtheris quhatsoeuir generalie and specialie
abonerehersit with all thair p~tinentis tennent~
Tennendreis pendiclis and dependences In ane
haill and frie erldome Lordschip of p~liament
and frie baronie To be callit in all tyme cu~mi~g The
erldome lordschip baronie of dunbar And that ane
seasing now to be tane be the said erle and be his
airis heireftir at the auld mano=r= of fouldene Sall
stand and be sufficient for all and sindrie the
foirnameit landis baroneis townes / castellis mylnis
fischeingis a~nexis co~nexis pairtis & pendiclis
with the Teyndis +tairof includit Aduocatioun
donatioun and richtis of patronages of the foirsaidis
kirkis prebendareis and vtheris respectiue
abone expremit No=t=withstanding +te sami~ lyis
no=t= togidder nor contigue bot in seuerall pairtis
& s~refdomes Als~ frelie amplie and largelie in all
respectis comoditeis liberteis and privileges quhatsoeuir
As ony Erle / lord of p~liame~t and baroun haldis
his landis erldome lordschip and baronie of his
ma=tie= within ony his kingdomes and dominionis
And specialie a~nexis the richt of aduocatioun donatioun
& patronage of all the particular benefices
<P 295.C2>
afoirme~tionat To the said haill landis & erldome of
dunbar and to euerie pairt and portioun +tairof
a~nexit +tairto (\per expressum\) as is befoir declarit TO
BE HALDIN and to be had all & haill the foirsaidis
landis townis and baroneis of grenlaw Reidpeth
/ fouldene Idingtoun pincartounes / lochend /
fastcastell flemyngtoun fernysyd Lamertoun The
tennendrie of crumstane The castell of sanctandrous
with the feall thairof / vtheris Castellis manerplaces
Maynis mylnis mylnlandis multuris
fischeingis medowes loches lynx tennendis tennendreis
and teyndis +tairof includit with the richtis
of patronages of all personages vicarages chanonreis
prebendareis benefices chaplanreis & v+t~is
quhatsoeuir specialie and generalie abone expremit
Togidder w=t= all privileges fredomes & co~moditeis
belanging and apperteni~g +tairto now vnitit a~nexat
& Incorporat in ane erldome lordschip and baronie
as said is To the said George erle of dunbar his airis
and assignais Off oure said sou~ane Lord and his successouris
in frie heretage frie erldome Lordschip of
parliame~t and frie baronie for euir be all richtis
meithis merches & c~ coill coilheuchis & c~ frie Ische
and entrie with fork sok sak thole theme infangtheif
outfangtheif pitt and gallows tennentis tenandreis
service of frie tennentis hillis valleis feildis
frie forrestis vert and venisoun escheatis and amerciamentis
of courtis aggreable to the lawis of forrest
wrak wair waith and all vtheris liberteis fredomes
privileges co~moditeis & c~ with full power to the
said erle his airis and assignais To reduce all and
sindrie infeftmentis richtis and titillis Maid to
quhatsumeuir persones of the foirsaid erldome landis
and patronages thairin co~tenit or ony pairt
+tairof for ony cause ground or occasioun competent
of the law And to dispone thairvpoun at thair plesure
And oure Souerane lord be thir pn~tis with
advyse of the saidis Estaittis of parliame~t dissoluis
+te saidis landis of pynkertounes lochend and vtheris
w=th=in +te Lordschip of dunbar and patronage of all
the benefices and vtheris foundit to the said college
thairof with the saidis landis of fastcastell flemyngtoun
fernysyd and lamertoun and teyndis of the
samyn and annexatioun +tairof ffra the patrimonie
of the crowne in all tyme cu~mi~g As the sami~ had
nevir bene a~nexit To the effect this his grace infeftment
of the foirsaid~ landis and patronages may
be effectuall and stand perpetualie valide to the
said erle his airis and assignais GEVAND +geirlie
The said George erle of dunbar his airis and ass~nais
To his ma=tie= and his successouris for the saidis landis
and auld baronie of grenlaw Reidpeth Towre fortalice
mylnis co~moun mures and for the saidis landis
of brovmehill and blassinbraid with thair pertinentis
Ane reid Rose at the castell of grenlaw in
the feist of sanct Jo=n= the baptistes birth day in
name of blenche ferme gif it be askit onlie And for
the richt of patronage of the said personage and 
vicarage of grenelaw ane quheat rose at the said
Castell the sami~ feist day in name of blenche ferme
gif it be requirit onlie ffor the said~ landis of
<P 296.C1>
Rulismaynis sampsonewallis crumstane with the
myln +tairof The landis and akeris in duns~ The
haill towne & landis of newtoun quhytsum The
twa landis in hiltoun and prestounwaris with the
said richt of patronage of the benefices chanonreis
prebendareis chaplanreis co~mounteis and vtheris
a~nexit and foundit within the said college kirk of
dunbar Tuelf penneis scottis money on~ witsonday
at crumstane in name of blenche ferme gif they be
requirit onlie / ffor the saidis landis Townis and
baroneis of fouldene & Idingtoun a~nexis co~nexis
and all thair p~tinentis with the richt of patronage
of the said kirk of fouldene Twa quheyt roiss~ ane at
the said castell of fouldene and ane vther at the said
castell of Idingtoun in the feist of sanct Johne the
baptist in Name of blenche ferme gif they be requirit
allanerlie And for the said office of keiping
of the said Castell of Sanctandrous~ with the +geirlie
feall abonewrittin Ane quhyte rose w=t= dew seruice
in administratioun of the office of captanrie and
constabularie of the said Castell at witsonday in
name of blenche ferme gif it be askit onlie PAYAND
also the said Erle and his foirsaidis To o=r=
souerane lord his successouris and comptrolleris for
the tyme for the said~ Landis of grenelawdene
Manerplace myln +tairof multuris The saidis landis
of polkhauch blassinbraid alias blassinberrie The 
landis of tenendrie of eist feild quhytsyd mark
worth and claydub with all thair pertine~tis And
for the said towne and burgh of grenlaw houss~
buldingis +gairdis killis barnis toftis croftis privileges
and liberteis of the sami~ The sowme of fourtie
sex pundis vij s~ vj d~ vsuale money of scotland with
four schillingis sex pennies in Augme~tatioun of the
rentall Extending in the haill to fourtie sewin
pund~ scottis money at witsonday and mertymes
be equall portiones in Name of fewferme alanerlie
And doubling the said fewdeutie at the entrie of
ilk air as vse is / And for the saidis landis forthes
& castell steid of dunbar houss~ barnis +gairdis great
loch medowes and +tair pertinentis Thrie pundis
scottis money at the saidis twa vsuale termes And
doubling the sami~ at the entrie of ilk air in name
of fewferme ffor +te saidis towne & landis of mekill
and litill pynkertounes burt and quhytrig w=t= thair
p~tinentis fyftie pundis scottis money at the saidis
twa termes of witsonday and mertymes with ten
schillingis of Augmentatioun in name of fewferme
And doubling the sami~ at the entrie of ilk air And
for the saidis landis of lochend with thair pertinentis
the sowme of fyftie thrie pundis vj s~ aucht
pennies scottis money at witsonday and mertymes
in name of fewferme alanerlie And for the saidis
landis of brvmepark and horswardis Twa chalderis
aittis with the measure vseit and wont And ane
peck aittis of augmentatioun of the +geirlie rentall
ffor the saidis Lynx of eistbarnis Auchtscoir cupillis
of cunynges as auld duetie accustomit +tairfoir
with fyve schillingis scottis in Augmentatioun of
the +geirlie rentall at the termes of payme~t of fermes
and cunyngis vseit and wont in Name of fewferme
<P 296.C2>
alanerlie Payand lykwayes the said erle
& his foirsaidis To oure souerane lord and his successouris
thair thesauraris of the new augmenta=o=un
and vtheris haveing richt for the tyme for the saidis
kirklandis of grenlaw Thrie pundis fourtene schillingis
scottis money And for the saidis landis of
horsley with the teyndis includit Tuentie tua pundis
/ ffor the saidis landis of grenewod and teyndis
+tairof includit fyftie schillingis / ffor the saidis landis
of daringtoun and teyndis includit ten schillingis
vsuale money foirsaid ffinalie for the saidis
landis of fastcastell with all +tair pertinentis and
teyndis of the sami~ includit / for the saidis landis of
flemyngtoun with mylnis and all thair pertinentis
and teyndis +tairof includit And for the landis of
fernysyde with thair teyndis includit The sowme
of threscoir pundis scottis money and for the said~
landis of Lamertoun with mylnis pendiclis & pertinentis
+tairof with teyndis includit the sowme of
fourtie pundis vsuale money of scotland at the saidis
tua termes in the +geir witsonday & m~tymes in winter
be equall portionis in name of fewferme alanerlie
ffor all vtheris dueteis burdingis questionis taxes
taxationis clames and wardi~g Services quhatsumeuir
that may be askit or requirit Off all & sindrie the
saidis townes landis baroneis castellis mylnis fischeingis
teyndis a~nexis co~nexis richt of patronages and
vtheris quhatsumeuir abone particularlie mentionat
Comprehendit in the said vnitit erldome lordschip and
baronie of dunbar or furth of ony pairt and portioun
of the sami~ in all tymes cu~mi~g MAIROUER his
ma=tie= and estaittis foirsaidis statutis decernis and
declairis That the rentall & +geirlie duetie abonewrittin
of the haill landis p~ticularlie befoir mentionat
sett doun and appointit to be payit be the said
George erle of dunbar and his foirsaidis / alsweill
haldin of auld of his ma=tie= / and his predecessouris
Immediatlie or being of his ma=teis= auld propirtie As
now p~teni~g to the crowne be gn~all or speciall actis
of a~nexatioun of temporall landis +tairto To his
ma=tie= & his successouris thair saidis officeris chalmerlanes
and vtheris haveing richt for the tyme to
ressaue +te same ffor all & sindrie the landis baroneis
offices mylnis fischeingis teynd~ castellis kirkis
and patronages afoir specialie descryveit / To haue
bene and to be the Just greatest best and maist
profitable rentall qlk euir the foirnameit landis
baroneis offices kirkis teyndis and patronages abone
rehersit payit to his ma=tie= and his predecessouris
And that the payme~t of the said rentall & +geirlie
dueteis in tyme cu~mi~g Is and sall be ane sufficient
rentall And sall defend and releif the said erle of
dunbar and his foirsaidis of all actioun clame
questioun and danger that may be pretendit vpoun
diminutioun of ony former greater rentall allegeit
payit +tairfoir To his ma=tie= or his grace predecessouris
in ony tyme bigane Lyk as his ma=tie= for him &
his successouris w=t= advyse co~sent and deliberatioun
of the estaittis with certane knawlege & of thair
frie motive Renu~ces and simpl~ir discharges all
actioun instance richt and persute qlkis they euir
<P 297.C1>
had hes or may haif aganis +tame for allegeit diminutioun
of the rentall or vtherwayes / ffinalie to
the effect that the said erle of dunbar & his foirsaidis
may with the mair perfyte securitie Inioy
and posses in all tyme cu~mi~g All & sindrie +te patronages
of the kirkis benefices prebendareis and chaplanreis
abonementionat Thairfoir his ma=tie= w=t= advyse
& co~sent of the saidis estaitis hes desoluit and be the
tenno=r= heirof expreslie desoluis the vnioun & a~nexatioun
of the patronages and aduocatioun of all &
sindrie +te saidis kirkis prebendareis chaplanreis and
co~mounteis w=t= thair p~tinentis p~teni~g of auld To the
college kirk baronie and lordschip of dunbar / and
vtheris kirkis benefices and patronages thairof particularlie
abonerehersit ffrome his ma=teis= crowne To
the effect the sami~ may be disponit heretablie and
effectualie be his ma=tie= w=t= advyse foirsaid To the
said Erle and his foirsaidis in maner abonewrittin
Lyk as be the tenno=r= heirof oure sou~ane Lord with
advyse & deliberatioun of the Estaittis foirsaidis
and vtheris officeris disponis to the said George erle
of dunbar All and sindrie the saidis patronages of
the kirkis benefices chaplanreis prebendareis and
co~mounteis with all thair pertinentis perteni~g to the
said college and Lordschip of dunbar and all vtheris
kirkis benefices and patronageis thairof p~ticularlie
abonewrittin Quhilk heretable dispositioun his ma=tie=
and estaittis foirsaidis declaris to be now and in all
tyme cu~mi~g als~ valide effectuall and sufficient to
the said erle and his airis as gif the saidis kirkis
and patronages thairof had nevir bene a~nexit to his
ma=teis= crowne / ATTOURE oure souerane lord and
estaittis foirsaid~ with expres~ Consent and Assent
of George archibischop of sanctandrous personalie
co~perand in p~liament Considering how necessar it is
to keip vphald and interteny the castell of sanctandrous
pn~tlie altogidder ruynous no=t= onlie for the
decorement and weill of the cuntrey bot also for
preserveing of the sami~ frome forenaris And that
the Archibischop of Sanctandrous Inrespect of the
great diminutioun of the rent +tairof is no=t= abill to
build repair and vphald the sami~ And that it is
Necessar that the said castell be in the custodie &
keiping of ane noblema~ of rank and friendschip
quha is hable to build repair and vphald the said
castell and resist the force & violence of forineris
ffor that effect his ma=tie= disponit the said castell &
castell+gaird~ To the said George erle of dunbar
vpoun the resignatioun of George archibischop of
sanctandrous To quhome o=r= said Souerane lord hes
gewin & disponit In reco~pans~ of the said castell &
castell+gairdis The p~vestrie of kirkhill vicarage and
archidenrie of Sanctandrous To remane w=t= the said
Archibischop and his successouris in recompence as
said is / And that by and atto=r= ane +geirlie pensioun
of thrie hundreth m~kis gewin to the said George
archibischop of Sanctandrous: Thairfoir and for the
said George erle of dunbar his better securitie Oure
said souerane lord & estaittis foirsaid~ with expres~
co~sent & assent of the said george archibischop personalie
<P 297.C2>
co~perand in p~liame~t as said is dissoluis and
dismemberis the said castell and castell+gairde frome
the said Archibischoprik in all tymes cu~mi~g To the
effect that the heretable richt and custodie of the
sami~ may remane w=t= the said George erle of dunbar
his airis & successo=r=~ in all tymes cu~mi~g /                 #
No=t=withstanding
+te sami~ [{pertenit{] of auld to the said
archibischoprik and no=t=w=t=standing of quhatsumeuir
provisionis and statutis and ordinances maid in fauo=r=~
of the said Archibischop ather in +tis pn~t p~liame~t
or at ony tyme of befoir And oure said souerane
lord and estaitis foirsaidis decernis and declaris that
thir pn~tis sall be ane sufficient warrand to the keparis
of his hienes signet seallis & registris to expede
the foirsaid charto=r= and Infeftme~t to the said erle of
dunbar of the foirsaidis haill landis patronages and
vtheris abonewrittin co~forme to the tenno=r= of this
pn~t act in all pointis .

[}ANE ACQUITTANCE AND DISCHARGE TO THE
ERLE OF DUNBAR OF THE KINGIS JEWELLIS AND
GARDROB}]

THE QLK DAY in pn~s of the haill estaittis of
parliament Comperit personalie s~=r= Thomas ha~myltoun
of monkland kny=t= aduocat to o=r= souerane lord
in his hienes name p~ducit this acquittance exoneratioun
and discharge vnderwrittin maid and grantit
be his hienes To his trustie and weilbelouit counsaillo=r=
George erle of dunbar Lord berwick thesaurar
to his ma=tie= of this realme And be vertue of
the co~mand gewin to the said Lord aduocat specefeit
thairintill desyrit the sami~ to be Ratefeit and
approvin be the saidis estaittis and to be reg~rat in
the buikis of parliame~t to haue the strenth force
and effect of ane act sentence & decrete of the parliame~t
of scotland in all tyme cu~mi~g The qlk desyre
the said~ Estaittis thocht ressonable And hes ratefeit
and approvin Lykas be the tenno=r= of this pn~t
act Ratefeis and appreves the said acquittance exoneratioun
and discharge grantit be his hienes in fauo=r=~
of the said lord of dunbar in the haill pointis articlis
& clauss~ thairof eftir the forme and tenno=r= of
the sami~ berand and contenand as is vnderwrittin
And decernis and ordinis the sami~ acquittance
exoneratioun and discharge To be actit and Reg~rat
in the saidis buikis of parliame~t To haue the strenth
force & effect of ane act sentence and decrete of the
said parliame~t of scotland in all tyme cu~mi~g to remane
thairin (\ad futura~ rej memoriam\) Off the
qlk the tenno=r= followes JAMES R . fforsamekill as
vpoun the Long and assured pruif of the faithfull
diligence cair and discretioun of oure richt trustie
and weilbelouit cousing and counsaillo=r= The erle of
dunbar maister of oure gardrobe in scotland we
haue Justlie Judged him worthie of greater truste
and Imployme~t in offices and seruices of hier credit
and Importance Quhairin him self considering that
the weiknes and infirmitie of his bodie culd no=t=
<P 298.C1>
permitt him sufficientlie to discharge the burding
of the saidis offices no=t=withstanding his exceding
willingnes and vttermost endevores thairane~t He
thairfoir humblie requesting ws gratiouslie to accept
in gude pairt his maist willing dimissioun of
the said office of maister of gardrobe To the effect
that we making choice of sum of oure faithfull
and approvit s~ruandes quha be thair health age and
greater leasure micht give ws satisfactioun in the
faithfull discharge of the sami~ / oure seruice suld
no=t= in ony sorte be dissapointit in his defaulte
Quhairby acknawlegeing that he preferrit the weill
of oure seruice to ane gude pairt of his awin co~moditie
and credite / And haveing at his desyre vpoun
the ressonable considerationis foirsaidis Acceptit his
dimissioun And thairvpoun provydit oure trustie and
weilbelouit s~ruito=r= s~=r= James hay knycht gentilman
of o=r= bedchalmer To the office of maister of o=r= Robbis
/ To quhome according to the charge of his office
The said erle of dunbar hes at oure speciall directioun
and co~mand delyuerit the particular Jowellis
robbis and apparrell specefeit in the said s~=r= James
hay his ticket of ressait of the sami~ / And becaus
the said erle of dunbar hes maid particular delyuerie
of the Jowellis eftirspecefeit q=r=of pairt ar layit in
the toure / and sum vther pairt ar contenit in the
said s~=r= James hay his note of ressait They are to
say / the Jewell callit +te H / with the chane +tairof
and als~ with the rubie of the samyn Item ane
Jewell of gold with lr~es J . A . R . crowned joyned
togidder in a knotte with a crowne ouer thame
fullie furnessit with diamondis of sindrie cuttis and
bignes with thrie round perlis pendant / Item ane
great Ring of gold enameled sett w=t= fyve diamondis
with hand in hand in the middis callit +te espousall
ring of Denmark Item ane cape band of gold
conteni~g tue~tie thrie peices tuelf with tua pearlis
in a pece / sex w=t= Lr~es garneschit with diamondis
and fyve with cinques of diamondis Item ane
croce of gold sett with fyve diamondis Quhilkis
being +te Jowellis of most importance and valew
that wer brocht furth of that oure kingdome with
us And no=t= onlie they but all vtheris oure Jowellis /
precious stones / pearlis / goldsmith wark and vtheris
quhatsumeuir qlkis come in the said George erle
of dunbar his handis and keiping at ony tyme
bigane / being all delyuerit be him furth of his
handis be oure speciall directioun and co~mand
Thairfoir we for ws oure airis executo=r=~ and successouris
exoneris quitclames frelie simpl~ir and perpetualie
discharges the said erle of dunbar his airis
executo=r=~ and assignais of all & sindrie oure Jowellis
particularlie abonerehersit for now and euir And
by these pn~tis faithfullie promittis in the word of
A prince To cause thir pn~tis be ratefeit / confermit
and approvin be the Estaittis of o=r= kingdome of
Scotland in the nixt ensewing sessioun of parliame~t
thairof To quhome this oure pn~t directioun and
co~mand sall be ane sufficient warrand for Ratificatioun
of the haill premiss~ Co~manding heirby oure
<P 298.C2>
trustie and weilbelouit Counsaillo=r= S=r= thomas ha~myltoun
of monkland kny=t= oure aduocat To compeir
in pn~s of oure co~missionar and estaitis of oure said
parliame~t of Scotland / and thair in o=r= name to
Present and delyuer this oure discharge to be Ratefeit
by o=r= saidis estaittis and to be registrat in the
Register of oure parliame~t To haue the strenth
force and effect of ane act sentence and decrete
+tairof in all tyme cu~mi~g In witnes q=r=of we haue
signit thir pn~tis with oure hand AT Whythall the
aucht day of aprile The +geir of god J=m= vj=c= and
sex +geiris .

[}ACT ANENT THE CHAPELL ROYALL AND EXCEPTIONIS
THAIRFRA IN FAUOURIS OF THE ERLE OF
DUNBAR AND LORD OF BALCLEUGH .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD being of intentioun
no=t= onlie to mantene the hono=r= prerogatiue and
ma=tie= of his crowne of this his native kingdome of
Scotland / bot also to repair and redres~ sic thingis
as ar done to the harme and preiudice of the sami~
To the effect that quhan it sall pleis god to gif his
ma=tie= and his royall successouris occasioun to resorte
to his said kingdome The dignitie and ancient
markis of soueranitie thairof may be so inviolablie
observit as may best stand with his ma=teis= hono=r=
The reputatioun of the cuntrey and deserve gude
reporte and estimatioun amongis strangeris / And
vnderstanding that his maist nobill progenito=r=~ of
happie memorie king James the fourt following
the co~mendable example of v+t~is civill & vertuous
princis / ffoundit ane chapell royall constitute of ane
sufficient Number of persones for serveing his ma=tie=
and his successouris in Musiq~ / And mortefeit doted
and disponit To the said chapell royall and memberis
+tairof diuers~ kirkis and rentis for thair leving
and Interteneme~t q=r=of the fundatioun is now sa fer
neglectit As thair is nather ony sufficie~t Number of
qualefeit persones appointit for service thairin /
Nather is the kirkis rentis and revenus thairof
keipit in thair awin integritie according to the
fundationis mortificationis dispositionis richtis &
securiteis maid to the said chapell royall and memberis
of the sami~ thairanent / Bot be the contrair
the saidis landis kirkis teyndis patronages proffeittis
and rentis Ar a~naleit dismemberit diminischit
and sa mony wayes enormelie hurte That his ma=tie=
and his successouris sall no=t= at thair cu~mi~g to this
cuntrey almaist find ony recorde or apperance of the
said fundatioun or ony monument of that Royall
institutioun The inlak q=r=of will breid dirogatioun
to the hono=r= of the realme / qlk onlie among all the
christiane kingdomes will be +te meane vant that
civill and co~mendable provisioun of ordinar Musick
for recreatioun and hono=r= of thair princis FOR remede
q=r=of and to the effect that be his ma=teis= exampill
the subiectis of the said kingdome may be the
forder encouraged To interteny thair fundationis of
<P 299.C1>
Musick scholis Quhairby +gouth may be Instructit
in that liberall science qlk quicknes the ingyne
gevis plesant and harmeles recreatioun to all Estaitis
and estaittis of persones / and is ane haly exercise
agreable to the religioun and co~mandit of god
for geving of thankis and prais~ to his holie ma=tie= /
OURE SOUERANE LORD with advyse and
co~sent of his haill estaittis of this pn~t p~liame~t Ratefeis
and appreves the said fundatioun and institutioun
of the foirsaid chapell royall / Insafar as co~cernis
the seruice of his ma=tie= and his successouris in
Musick and all vtheris thingis no=t= repugnand to the
trew religioun pn~tlie professit and be the law establissit
within this realme / And all landis kirkis teyndis
rentis and co~moditeis quhatsumeuir mortefeit
gevin and disponit to the sami~ or to ony of the memberis
+tairof / And becaus it is knawin that nather the
said seruice can be done vnles the persones appointit
for the sami~ have thair competent intertenement and
auld leving Nather can thair levingis be obtenit gif
the patronage of thair benefice be takin frome his 
ma=tie= / and the rentis thairof frome +te said chapell
and memberis of the sami~ . THAIRFOIR his ma=tie=
and Estaittis foirsaidis Retreittis rescindis cass~ and
a~nullis all alienationis and dispositionis of landis
kirkis and patronages of the kirkis and benefices
belanging or qlkis heirtofoir onywayes belangit to
the said chapell royall & patrimonie +tairof and
me~beres of the sami~ And all dispositionis takkis
rentallis pensionis and vtheris richtis titillis & securiteis
quhatsumeuir of the landis kirkis / teyndis
fruittis rentis dueteis and co~moditeis thairof a~naleit
disponit gewin or sett to quhatsumeuir persone in
hurte and prejudice of his hienes patronage of the
said chappell royall / or in diminutioun of the best
and greatest rentall thairof And decernis the Indoubtit
and full richt of the saidis haill Patronages
of all & sindrie kirkis qlkis in onytyme bigane wer
dotit or a~nexit to the said chappell / Sall now and
in all tyme cu~mi~g belang and pertene to o=r= said
souerane lord and his successo=r=~ And that the Maisteris
and memberis of the said chappell royall
alreadie establissit or heireftir to be p~vydit or establissit
be o=r= souerane lord and his successouris To
haue Indoubtit richt to the haill Landis kirkis
teyndis Rentis proffeittis dueteis or co~moditeis qlk in
ony tyme bigane belangit or Appertenit to the said
chapell royall and memberis +tairof And lykwayes
decernis and Ordanis that the Nullitie of the saidis
alienationis dispositionis & securiteis of the saidis
patronage or thair landis kirkis richtis and rentis
maid to thair preiudice To ony vther Persone in
maner foirsaid be ressavit be way of exceptioun or
reply without ony necessitie of actioun persute or
reductioun of the sami~ And that the sami~ sall no=t=
nor may no=t= in ony tyme cu~mi~g be Lauchfullie
possedit bot be the ordinar me~beris alanerlie of the
said chapell royall being astrictit to serue his ma=tie=
and his successo=r=~ in Musick and v+t~is godlie &
Lauchfull exerceis agreabill to the fundatioun &
<P 299.C2>
no=t= repugnant to the trew religioun pn~tlie professit
within this realme no=t=w=t=standing ony richt titill or
dispositioun thairof gevin or ratefeit in parliame~t
or vtherwayes in contrair the premiss~ in ony tyme
bigane qlkis his ma=tie= and estaittis foirsaidis declaris
to haue bene fra the beginni~g and to be in all tyme
cu~mi~g Null and of nane availl with all that hes followit
or may follow thairvpoun As gif the sami~
had nevir bene grantit nor maid . EXCEPTAND
alwayes and Reserveand the aduocatioun donatioun
and richt of patronage of the kirkis of the said chapell
royall qlkis wer disponit of befoir to George
erle of dunbar or ar disponit to him in this pn~t p~liame~t
Sua that the saidis kirkis fruittis rentis proffeittis
dueteis and emolume~tis of the sami~ / The
aduocatioun donatioun and richt of patronage thairof
Sall nawayes be comprehendit in this pn~t act /
bot sall remane w=t= the said george erle of dunbar
his airis & successouris as thair heretable patronages
As gif this pn~t act had nevir bene maid and no=t=w=t=standing
+te sami~ and all vtheris actis and statutis
maid of befoir and in this pn~t p~liame~t ffrome the
qlkis the saidis patronages is and sall be exceptit
AND ALS' EXCEPTAND and Reserveand
furth of this pn~t act and haill co~tentis thairof The
takkis of the teyndis of the kirk of Sanctmarie
Lowis and pendiclis thairof Set to walter Lord
Scott of Balcleugh / and all the takkis sett to him
of all v+t~is Teyndis of quhatsumeuir kirkis p~teni~g
to the said chapell Royall

[}CO~MISSIOUN ANENT THE ERECTIONIS}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
parliame~t Considering that thair is sindrie benefices
perteni~g of auld to abbottis prio=r=~ and Nu~nes
erectit to sindrie persones in this pn~t p~liame~t be his
hienes with advyse of the saidis estaittis In lordschippis
and baroneis And als~ that the patronages
of the kirkis p~teni~g to the saidis abbaceis prioreis
and Nunreis ar gewin and a~nexit To the sami~ lordschippis
and baroneis to the forsaidis persones As
alsua that thair ar sindrie vtheris patronages of benefices
gevin and disponit be his hienes w=t= advyse foirsaid
in this pn~t parliament to sindrie particular persones
And oure said souerane lord and estaittis
foirsaid~ being maist willing That thair be ane
+geirlie duetie co~tenit in euerie ane of the saidis
erectionis qlk sall be payit +geirlie to his hienes and
his successouris / As alsua being willing that the
Ministeris serveing or that heireftir sall serue at the
kirk~ of euerie p~sonage or vicarage q=r=of the patronage
is now disponit in this pn~t p~liame~t to quhatsumeuir
p~sone ather in thair erectionis or vtherwayes
be p~vydit of sufficient stipendis And that
the haill kirkis be plantit with sufficient Ministeris
to serue the cure at ilk kirk / sua mony of thame as
ar alreadie vnplantit . THAIRFOIR and that the
premiss~ may be performit oure Souerane lord and
<P 300.C1>
estaittis foirsaidis hes gewin and grantit and be this
pn~t act geves & gra~tis full power and co~missioun
To Johne erle of Montros~ great co~missionar alex=r=
erle of dunfermeling chancellar of this realme /
alexander erle of linly=t=gw George erle of dunbar the=r=
dauid Lord of Scone Comptroller Mark Lord Newbuttill
/ M=r= Johne prestoun of pennycuk Collecto=r=
gn~all S=r= thomas ha~myltoun of monkland kny=t=
aduocat S=r= Johne cokburne of ormestoun kny=t=
Justice clerk S=r= Richard cokburne of clerkingtoun
kny=t= lord privie seall and s~=r= Johne skene of Curryhill
kny=t= clerk of register or ony sex of thame the
said Lord co~missionar being alwayes ane of thame
To modefie decerne and declair the +geirlie duetie
to be co~tenit in euerie ane of the saidis erectionis
to be payit +geirlie to oure said souerane lord / and
to his hienes successouris And the sami~ duetie to
be insert be the Clerk of Register and his deputtis
in euerie act of erectioun grantit in this pn~t p~liame~t
And the saidis estait~ declaris that the +geirlie dueteis
to be modefeit decernit and declarit be the saidis
p~sones in maner foirsaid be vertue of this pn~t co~missioun
sall be als~ valide effectuall and sufficient in
the self As gif the sami~ +geirlie dueteis had bene
modefeit decernit and declarit be the saidis haill
estaittis and had pn~tlie bene insert and co~tenit in
euerie ane of thair erectionis . And siclyk oure said
souerane lord and estaittis foirsaid~ hes gevin and
grantit lykas be +te tenno=r= of this pn~t act geves and
grantis full power and co~missioun To the said Johne
erle of montrose great co~missioner the said alexander
erle of dunfermeli~g Chancellar Johne erle of wigtoun
Lord flemi~g George archibischop of sanctandrous
Johne bischop of glasgow dauid bischop
of Ros~ James bischop of orknay S=r= Robert melvill
of Murdocarny kny=t= eldar M=r= Johne prestoun of
pennycuk collecto=r= generall S=r= Thomas ha~myltoun
of monkland kny=t= aduocat S=r= Johne cokburne of
Ormestoun kny=t= Justice clerk M=r= patrik galloway
Maister James nicolsoun M=r= Andro Lamb or ony
aucht of thame The said lord co~missionar or the
said lord chancellar being alwayes ane To modefie
decerne & declair To euerie Minister serveing / or
that heireftir sall serve at euerie kirk the cure +tair
+geirlie stipendis in all tymes cu~mi~g / by thair Mans~
and gleib of all thair kirkis q=r=of the patronages ar
disponit be o=r= said souerane lord in this pn~t p~liame~t
in the erectionis of temporall lordschippis and baroneis or
v+t~wayes quhatsumeuir To the effect that
the haill kirkis baith alreadie plantit and as +git
vnplantit may be provydit to sufficient stipend~ in
all tyme cu~mi~g And that euerie kirk may be provydit
to ane Minister to serue +te cure at ilk kirk
And that they haue sufficient and competent stipendis 
provydit to euerie ane of thame to serue the
Cure in all tyme cu~mi~g as said is And oure said
souerane lord & estaittis foirsaid~ discharges the clerk
of Register and his deputtis of all buiking and
extracting of ony actis of the saidis erectionis or ony
vther act of this pn~t p~liame~t q=r=in patronages of benefices
<P 300.C2>
ar disponit And als~ discharges the keiparis
of the registeris and seallis To exped ony of thair
said infeftmentis vnto the tyme that oure souerane
lord~ +geirlie duetie And the Ministeris sufficient
and competent stipend~ be first modefeit decernit
and declarit be the p~sones foirsaidis Conforme
to the tenno=r= of this pn~t act of co~missioun in all
pointis .

<S SAMPLE 6>
<P 612.C1>
[}ACT IX .}]
[}ANENT GEVING OF LICIENCE TO BISCHOPES
TO SETT THAIR WARDE LANDIS IN FEWFERME}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
parliament vnderstanding That a guid number of
kirk landis pertening vnto bischoprickes and thair
cheptoures ar disponit of old to be haldin be seruice
of warde and releive w=che= forme of halding
+geildis no present nor constant rent and Commoditie
Bot is onlie a casualitie w=che= waiketh not often
And quhen it waikethe / is gifted and disponit by
the present titularis to thair awin particulare vse
w=t=out anye benefite to thair successoures Whereas
gif the said~ kirklandis wer sett in few ferme for a
competent +geirlie dewtie The same wald not onlie
augment and meliorat the estate off the benefice
Bot also diminische the occasione of applying of
kirk rentis to Particular vseis AND HIS MA'TEE
out off his royall Care and Princelie dispositioun
Intending the preservatioun~ of the estate Off the
saidis Bischoprikes and thair Chapto=r=~ and thairfore
being most eirnest to avoyde and remove this evill
his Ma~tie and Estaittis Statutes and ordanis +tat It
salbe Lauchfull for all bischopes and memberis of
Chapto=r=~ who have Landis haldin of thame by seruice
of warde and releiff To sett the same in fewferme /
for payment of a competent fewferme dewtie
and doubling the same at +te entrie of +te Air
prowyding that +te said fewferme dewtie be ans~rable
to +te retoured dewtie of the Landis And quhair
+te Landis hes not bene retourit That +te retoure be
rewlit according to +te Custome of retoures of landis
in the cuntrey of the Lyik valoure where the saidis
Landis ly And declairis that this present statute
sall remayne in full force and effect for the space of
thrie +geiris efter the dait heiroff onlie and no longer
quhill farder ordoure be takin thairanent

<P 612.C2>
[}ACT X .}]
[}ACT DECLAIRING SUMMES GRASSE GEVIN TO +TE
MINISTERIS FOR +T=R= GLEIBIS TO BE TEYNDFRIE}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
this Present Parliame~t Considdering in the fyift
parliament haldin be his Ma~tie vpoun the Tuentie
fyve day of Julij (\in anno\) J=m= v=c= [{three{]scoir auchtene
+geiris / Cap . 62 . His hienes with aduyse and consent
Off the Estaittis found and declared that +te
ministeris and reidaris aucht and suld pay no teynd
for thair gleibis and kirklandis extending to four
aikeris of land designit vnto thame Conforme to
+te act of Parliament / bot decernit and declared
thame to be frie of thair saidis teindis and dischargit
thame / simpliciter thairoff in all tyme Cuming
Lyikas in the Parliament haldin at Perth the nynt
day of Julij (\in anno\) J=m= vj=c= and sex +geiris Cap 7 .
It is ordanit That thair salbe designit to the Ministeris
serveing the Cure at kirkis q=r= thair is no
Arable Land adiacent thairvnto The number of
foure Sommes grese for everie aiker of four aikeris
of glebe extending to sextene Sommes grese for
the four aikeris of Land and that of +te most Commodius
and best pasturage of anye kirk landis /
Lying nixt adiacent and most ewest to +te kirk /
And Ordanit Lr~es to be directed for the removeing
the possessoures therefrome / In suche lyik forme as
aganis +te possessoures of manss~ and glebis . And in
respect That +te Ministeris gleibis ar teynd frie and
that by Consequence The soumes grese abonementionat
designit in sted thairof quhair no arable
Land is adiacent vnto kirkis aucht Lyikwayis of
all equitie and reasoun to be teyndfrie In respect
+te same is dedicated and appoyntit (\ad Pios vsus\)
HEIRFORE Oure said souerane lord with aduyse
and Consent Of the whole Estaittis of this present
Parliament by the tenno=r= heiroff declairis That +te
ministeris and reidaris aucht and suld pay no teynd
for thair soumes grese designit vnto +tame in place
of thair glebe quhair no arable Landis ar adiacent
to kirkis And decernis and declairis thame to be
frie of thair teyndis and dischargis +tame simpl~r of
all payment +tairoff in all tyme cu~ing

[}ACT XI .}]
[}RATIFICATIOUN AND ADDITIOUN TO THE
ACT OF PARLIAMENT MADE ANENT RESTITUTIOUN
OF CHEPTOURES}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and estaittis of this
present parliament Ratiefies and approvis the act of
parliament made in the monethe of Junij the +geir
of god J=m= sex hundereth and sevintene +geiris
Anent restitutioun of Cheptoures of Cathedrall
<P 613.C1>
kirkis in all +te heiddis clauss~ exceptiounes Limitatiounes
and restrictiounes thairoff And farder Ordanis
and declairis that all deiddis done sence the date
of the said act Or to be done heirefter whereby
any member of anye Cathedrall kirk being ane
office of dignitie hathe or salbe supprest or ony
Land personage viccarage or vther leving belonging
to +te said dignitie dissolued frome the same
without ane expres warrand frome his maiestie and
Consent of Parliament Ar and salbe with all that
have followed or sall follow +t=r=vpoun null and of na
force nor effect and salbe so fund in all tyme heirefter
be way of Actioun exceptioun or reply Prowyding
alwayes the merques of hammiltoun his
right to +te personage of hammiltoun and dalserff .
The Earle of mar his Right to +te personage off
Carnewathe and anye vther persone haveing Lauchfull
rightis Conforme to the Lawes of the Cuntrey
before +te act of Parliament in anno ane thousand
sex hundereth and sevintene +geiris be nowayes
hurt or preiudgit heirin .

[}ACT XII .}]
[}ANENT PACKEING AND PEELING .}]

FORASMUCHE as by dyuers actis of parliament
It is Statute and ordanit That no persone vse paking
nor peeling of woll hyiddis nor skynnes Los~
nor Layde outwithe free borrowes and priuiledgis
of the same nochtw=t=standing quhairoff dyuers~
strangeris and vtheris inhabitantis w=t=in this realme
do Continewallie resorte to the yles and v+ter places
thairabout with thair schippes barkis and crearis
and vtheris veschellis And do not onlie pack and
peell skynnes and hyiddis bot also do transport
frome thence butter Talloun and vther forbiddin
guidis to the gryit Contempt Off the saidis Lawes
In manifest defraud of oure souerane Lord his
Customes . FOR REMEID quhairoff Oure souerane
lord with aduise and Consent of the Estaittis
of the present Parliament Statutes and Ordanis
That no strangeris nor Inhabitantis within this
realme tak vpoun hand to pak or peell anye hyiddis
or skynnes in the saidis places Off the yles outwithe
the free borrowes nor that +tai transport tak
away or Carye furthe off this Cuntrey / anye butter
talloun / or vther foirbiddin guidis vnder payne
of tynsell and confiscatioun of the hyddes and
skynnes so packed and peeled by thame and of tynsell
and Confiscatioun of the schipe and whole
guidis that the awner of the saidis foirbiddin guidis
hath w=t=in the same AND ORDANIS the schirreffis
of the schyres and thair deputties and overlordis
off +te Landis where the saidis skynnes and
hyiddis ar packit and peeled Or frome whence the
saidis forebidden guidis ar transported to put this
pn~t act to executioun As they will ans~=r= vnto his
Maiestie vpoun +t=r= office and obedience .

<P 613.C2>
[}ACT XIII .}]
[}ANENT THE DISCHARGEING OF PROTECTIOUNIS}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
Parliament Vnderstanding That +tair may sindrie
protexiounes be socht by bankruptis and vtheris
who ar addettit in gryit soumes of money Q=r=by the
executioun dew vnto the Credito=r= by the Lawes
of the Cuntrey aganis the detto=r= may be frustrat to
the gryit damnadge of the credito=r= FOR REMEID
quhairoff IT IS Statute and ordaned That
heirefter the Lordis of Sessioun sall grant no Protectioun~
frome anye executioun dew and Competent
aganes any man of +te Law AND declairis
That gif anye salbe heirefter grantit The granter of
the same salbe subiect and Lyable Off the law
to the credito=r= for the sowme frome the w=che=
he hath grantit protexioun .

[}ACT XIIII .}]
[}ANENT PLAYING AT CARDES AND DYCE AND
HORSE RACES}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
Parliament Considdering the monyfold evillis and
inconvenientis w=che= ensew vpoun Carding and dyceing /
and horse races W=che= ar now over muche frequented
in this Cuntrey to +te gryit preiudice Off
the Liegis / And becaus honest men ought not expect
that anye wynning hade at anye of +te games
abonew~tin can do +tame guid or prosper Haue +tairfore
statute and ordaned That no man sall play at
Cairdes nor dyce in any Commoun hous toun ostlarye
or kuikis houss~ vnder the payne off fourtie
pundis money off this realme To be exacted Off
the keiper of the saidis Innes and Commoun houss~ /
for the first fault and Los~ of thair Liberties for the
nixt Mairouer that it sall not be lawfull to play in
onye vther private manis house bot quhair the
maister of the famielie playes him selff And giff It
salhappin anye man~ to win anye sowmes of money
at Carding Or dyceing Attoure the soume of ane
hundereth merkis within the space of Tuentie four
houres Or to gayne at waigeris vpone hors~ Races
anye soume attoure the said soume of ane hundereth
merkis The superplus salbe Consignit within
tuentie four houres +tairefter in the handis of
the thesaurer for the kirk if it be in edinburgh Or
in the handis of suche of the kirk sessioun in the
Cuntrey parochines as Collectis and distributis
money for +te Poore of the same . To be employed
alwayis vpoun the pure of the paroche Quhair
suche wynning sall happin to fall out And to +te
effect that ather exces~ in playe may be thus restrayned
Or at the leist that excessive winning may
<P 614.C1>
be employed as said is OURE SOUERANE
LORD by actis of his supreme Court of parliament
gevis full power and Commissioun to the
bail+geis and magistrattis of borrowes The schirreffis
and Justices of peax in the Cuntrie To persew and
Convene all suche persounes for all wynning at
Cardes or dyce and hors~ races w=che= salhappin to be
made by any persoun by and attoure the said
soume of ane hundereth merkis money foirsaid
And incace the magistrat informed +tairoff refuis to
persew for the same The pairtie Informer sall have
actioun aganis the said Magistrat for double of +te
lyik soume the ane half q=r=of to be gevin to +te pure
and the vther halff to +te pairtie informer .

[}ACT XV .}]
[}ACT DECLAIRING ALL TAKIS SET FOR LONGER
SPACE NOR THRIE +GEIRIS WITHOUT CONSENT OF
THE PATRONE BE PERSONES VNDER THE DEGRIE OF
PRELATTIS / SINCE 1594 TO BE NULL:}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and the Estaittis of
this present Parliament Vnderstanding that dyuers~
beneficed persounes vnder the degrie of prelattis /
haue takin occasioun vpoun the act made in o=r= late
parliament holden at Edinburgh The tuentie aucht
day of Junij ane thousand sex hundereth and sevintene
+geiris / Intitulated / Anent the setting of Takis
by prelattis and vtheris beneficed persounes To sett
takis and assedatiounes of the landis and teindis of
thair saidis benefices Or sum pairtes and portiounes
thairoff vnto dyuers~ and sindrie persounes for the
said beneficed persoun his Lyifetyme and for the
space off fyve +geiris efter his deceis without Consent
of +te patrone albeit +te said act of parliament geveth
no suche Libertie to anye beneficed persounes
vnder the degree of a prelate To sett suche takis
bot onlie declaireth for quhat spaces A Bischope or
v+ter prelate may sett and for quhat spaces a beneficed
man vnder the degree of a prelate may sett /
w=che= wes done by the Estaittis To restrict the vnbounded
Libertie vseit in setting off Takkis for
many lyvefrentis and nyntene +geiris and the said
declaratioun nowayes taketh away The Lauchfull
solemnities required to the setting of the saidis
tackis ather by Consent Off the Cheptoure or
patrone w=che= still remaynethe in the owen force
vnderogate vtherwayis It suld be Lauchfull for a
prelate To sett tackes for nynetene +geiris w=t=out
Consent of the Cheptoure w=che= is altogidder absurde .
And seing by ane expres act maid in o=r= souerane
Lordis fourtene parliament haldin at Edinburgh
The aucht day off Junij J=m= v=c= fourscore fourtene
IT IS fund and declaired That no beneficed
persone vnder a prelate within this realme may in
tyme +tairefter Sett Longer tackis of teyndis / Or
v+ter pertinentis of thair benefice without Consent
of thair patrounes bot for the space of thrie +geiris
<P 614.C2>
onlie w=che= act standeth in full force strenthe and
effect And is nawayis annullit nor takin awaye /
by the said posterio=r= act abonespe~it THAIRFORE
his Maiestye and Estaittis foirsaidis for eschewing
of all Controversie that may arryse vpoun the said
Last act Declairis that the said Last act Makis no
dirogatioun vnto the said first act . And that all
takis sett by beneficed persounes vnder the degrie
of prelattis sence the said aucht day off Junij 1594
Off anye pairt of thair saidis benefices Langer nor
for the space of the saidis thrie +geiris without Consent
of thair Patrones ar Null and off nane availl
Conforme vnto the said first act abone specified .

[}ACT XVI .}]
[}ANENT METTIS AND MEASURES}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
Parliament Considdering That by the act of Parliament
haldin in Junij 1617 Thair wes a Commissioun
grantit vnto certane persounes thairin nominat
for appoynting and establischeing a Constant
mett and measo=r= for bying and selling off victuell
within this realme / w=che= Commissioneris gave out
thair sentence and determinatioun declairing the
measo=r= and firlote of Linlithgow to be the Just and
onlie firlote qlk suld be vsed by all his Ma~ties
Liegis in buying and selling of victuell Nochtw=t=standing
q=r=off Thair ar manye and gryit abvses
Committit in this kingdome Contrarie to the said
act and determinatioun of +te saidis Commissioneris
To +te preiudice of his Ma~ties Liegis FOR REMEID
quhairoff his Ma~tie and Estaittis foirsaidis
Hes Ratiefied and approved and be the tenno=r=
heiroff Ratefies approvis and confermis The act
and statute rex=ue= abonewrittin in the haill heiddis
and conditiounes Of the same efter the forme and
tenno=r= thairoff And Commandis and chairgis All his
Ma~ties Liegis and subiectis To acknawledge embrace
obey and observe the same act & statute rex=ue=
in the haill heiddis and Conditiounes of the same in
forme and maner speciallie and particularlie mentionat
and sett doun +tairintill efter the formes and
tennoures thairoff vnder all hiest payne charge and
offence w=che= they may incur Throw +tair dissobedience
and as they wilbe ans~=r=able +tairanent

[}ACT XVII .}]
[}ANENT THE DISCHARGEING OF A PECK TO
THE BOLL .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis off
Parliament vnderstanding of the fraude and frequent
abvse Committed by many of his Maiesties
subiectis byeris and blokeris of victuell / who
knawing that thair ar constant and setled measures
<P 615.C1>
laufullie establischit / by the Lawes and statutes of
this kingdome by the w=che= all sortes of victuell
vniuersallie ought to be bocht and solde according
to the quantitie appoynted by the saidis mettis
without adding of anye quantitie to the same / or
diminischeing +t=r=frome +git no=t=theles when they mak
+tair barganis and conditiounes anent the buying of
anye particular quantitie of victuell They by thair
Indirect dealing manye tymes caus the Seller aggree
to superadde and delyuer vnto thame by and atto=r=
the trew quantitie that is bocht and solde at the
pryces convened vpoun sum certane farder quantitie
off victuell les~ or mair / as they may best move
the Seller to Condiscend to / And for the w=che=
They ar not subiect in payment of anye pryce to
the gryit preiudice of the liegis and +te manifest
abvse and elusioun of the law . FOR REMEID
q=r=off It is statute and ordanit That it sall not be
Lauchfull for anye of his maiestyes subiectis To
blok or aggrie vpoun the pryce of victuell more or
les~ except +tai first aggrie and condiscend vpoun +te
pryce of the first boll off the bargane w=che= being so
aggreit vpone The said pryce sall reull the haill
quantitie of the rest of +te bollis to be resavit by
the buyer who sall have no eik nor additioun of
anye farder quantitie except vpoun +te payment off
that same pryce As is conditionat for the said first
boll And gif anye persoun contravene this pn~t act
He sall pay the soume of fourtie schillingis for
everie boll of victuell ressauit by him Contrarie to
the tenno=r= of this act and that by and besyid the
pryces of +te victuell The halff of the said soume to
his Ma~tie and his thesaurer and the v+ter halff
thairoff to the pairtye dilato=r= of +te same

<S SAMPLE 7>
<P 623.C2>
[}ACT XX .}]
[}ACT ORDANING ANNUELRENT TO BE DEW EFTER
HORNING}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and estaittis of
Parliament Considdering the gryit preiudice w=che=
dyuers~ of his maiesties liegis sustene by the want
of +t=r= money lent and gevin furthe vpoun band or
contract or vtherwayis Justlie awand to thame by
thair detto=r=~ Quha haveing vseit all executioun
Competent to thame by law aganis thair detto=r=~ by
Chargeing and putting of thame to +te horne ar
forced efter many +geiris to receave thair principall
soume and penaltie without anye satisfactioun of
there annuelrent and Interes of thair money in the
meane tyme W=che= as it is a preiudice vnto the trew
creditouris so it is ane occasioun to the detto=r=~ to coneteme
his Ma~ties charges and Lr~es of horning who resolue
in end to pay na mair for releif of +te horning
eft~ manye +geiris delaye then they wer obleist vnto
at +te begynning FOR REMEID quhairoff His
Ma~tie with aduyse and consent Off the Estaittis of
Parliament Statutes and ordanis that whensoeuir
anye persone is denunceit rebell and put to +te horne
for not payment of soumes of money awand by
him be band Contract or vtherwayis That efter the
said denunciatioun The said persoun so denu~cit
salbe subiect in payment off annuelrent for the
saidis soumes for the w=che= he is put to the horne
and that off all +geiris and termes frome the date of
+te said denuncia=o=n vnto +te tyme of the payment off
the same and that nochtw=t=standing thair be no Pactioun
nor Conditioun of a~nuelrent maid betuix the
saidis pairties w=che= may bind +te said pairtie who is
denuncit rebell vnto the payment +tairoff and suche
persones as ar now standing rebellis and at the horne
this act sall not worke aganis thame (\(Quo ad preterita)\)
Bot sall have strenthe and force aganis
thame in tyme cuming frome the feist of martimes
nixt in this instant +geir of god J=m= vj=c= Tue~tye and
ane +geiris and They sall begyne to be subiect in
payment of annuelrent at that tyme and +geirlie
and termelie +tairefter vntill the payment of the
principall soume

[}ACT XXI .}]
[}ANENT SERVANDIS GOING LOWSE AND LEVING
THAIR MAISTERIS SERUICE}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittes of
Parliament vnderstanding the gryit streatis and
necessities q=r=into the pure Laboreris of the ground
ar drevin and constranit Especiallie by the fraude
and malice off servandis who ather refuis to be
hyired without gryit and extraordinarie waiges
promeisit vnto thame or vtherwayis Hyre thameselffis
<P 624.C1>
onlie frome mertimes to witsondaye efter the
quhilk terme of witsonday they Cast thame lowse
of purpois and intentioun to mak +tair gayne and
advantage by the extraordinarie warkis w=che= befall
in +tat seasone betuix witsonday and mertimes suche
as Casting and wynning of Peittis turves faill dovettis
building of fold dyikes scheiring in the harvest
for doing q=r=off they knaw the saidis husband
men who have necessarlie ado thairwithe wilbe
forced to hyre thame at daylie and oulklie wages /
and suche heigh raite as they pleis to the gryit
harme off the Laboreris of the ground and all his
Ma~ties subiectis FOR REMEID q=r=off It is statute
and ordanit That it sall not be lauchfull ffor anye
hyred servand frome mertimes to witsondaye to
leiff his maister at the said terme of witsonday and
to Rune louse in that seruice except he be hable to
verefie to +te Justice of peace or Constable of +te
boundis that he is hyred to ane vther m=r= frome the
said feist off witsonday to martimes thairefter /
And gif it be fund that he is not hyred to ane vther
m=r= Then and in that cace It is declared that it
salbe lauchfull vnto his present maister to keip and
detene him frome the said feast of witsondaye vnto
martimes for payment to him of sick wages as he
payit vnto him of before And gif he refuis to serve
That +te Justice of peax sall have power to Compell
him thairvnto And gif the said servand off the
qualitie foirsaid brek louse frome his maister It salbe
lauchfull for his maister to tak and apprehend him
wheresoeuir he findeth him and present him vnto
+te Constable or Justice of peace vpoun +te ground
q=r= he salbe fund who sall have power to Compell +te
servand to returne vnto his former maister (if it be
fund that he be maisterles and no vtherwayis) AND
siclyk his Ma~tie and Estaittis findes and declares
That it salbe Lau=ll= vnto all his Ma~ties liegis who
have necessarlie ado with Laboure To tak apprehend
and employe in thair warkis quhatsoeuir louse
and Maisterles men~ and wemen quhome they sall
find within thair awin boundis and siclyik that the
Justices of Peace and Constable sall have power at
+te instance and desyre of quhatsoeuir p~soun his
maiesties Liegis to force and Compell all and quhatsoeuir
louse men~ & wemene to serve for competent
hyre and wages

[}ACT XXII}]
[}ANENT COUNTERFUTEING AND MAKING OF
FALS WREATIS}]

FOR Eschewing the danger q=r=in manye of his
Ma~ties liegis stand by Counterfuteing and falsefeing
of euidentis IT IS statuted and Ordanit That whosoeuir
maketh and vsethe a false wreate or is accessorye
to the making thairoff Salbe punischeit w=t=
+te paynes dew vnto +te Committeris of falshoode
AND IT SALL not be Lauchfull for anye persoun
<P 624.C2>
Counterfuter falsiefer or accessorie q=t=soeuir To
declare in Judgement That he passeth frome the
wreate querrellit of falshoode Bot gif efter the tryell
The wreate querrelled be fund fals~ The passing
frome or declaratioun of the pairtie that he will not
vse the same sall nawayis freith him frome the
punischement w=che= is dew vnto those who Commit
falshoode

[}ACT XXIII .}]
[}A GENERALL PARDOUN FOR DEIDIS DONE
AGANIS PENALL STATUTES (SUM FEW EXCEPTED)
AND A DISCHARGE OF JAMES CRANSTOUN HIS
COMMISSIOUN}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis off
this pn~t Parliame~t Considdering the Complaynt
made by the barrounes Schirreffis Stewartis bail+geis
and vtheris friehalderis within this kingdome Concerning
the danger w=che= all o=r= souerane lordis liegis
do daylie vnderly for haveing transgressed penall
statutes w=che= have a pecuniall or arbitrarie payne
adiected thairvnto and the gryit hurte and preiudice
sustened by granting Commissiounes vnto private
persounes for executioun of +te same statutes w=che=
hath bene vsed amang the Commoun people at sindrie
tymes with Intollerable rigo=r= and exactioun of before
HAUE DISCHARGIT frielie pardonit and remittit
DISCHARGIS frielie Pardonis and remittis all
Contravenaris of anye of the saidis penall statutes
for all deidis done by thame Contrarie to +te tenno=r=
of the same statutes in tymes bygane / Except onlie
The statutes concerning wearing and beiring of
hagbuttis & pistoletis taking of vnlawfull vsurie
transporting of money and gold and slaying off Red
and blak fische w=che= ar nowayis dischargit by this
present statute nor Comprehendit heirintill AS
ALSO o=r= said souerane Lord with aduyse and Consent
of the saidis estaittis Statutes and declairis
That heirefter Commissioun for putting of penall
statutes to executioun Sall onlie be grantit vnto
honest men of gude qualitie who salbe sufficientlie
authorized by the lordis of secreit Counsell for dischargeing
of thair office . And absolutely dischargis
in tyme Cuming James Cranstoun his deputtis or
officiaris To call or convene onye persoun or persounes
for slaying of red or blak fische And frome
hence furthe declaires The power of his Commissioun~
grantit vnto him to +tat effect to be quyte extinguischit
and abolischit .

[}ACT XXIIII .}]
[}ANENT EUIDENTIS PAST THE GRYIT SEALE QLKIS
AR NOT REG~RATED .}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis off
parliament vnderstanding that thair ar sindrie infeftmentis
and vtheris wreatis w=che= pas his hienes
<P 625.C1>
gryit seale that in tyme bygane efter +te expeding
+t=r=off and appending of the seale thairvnto / haue
throw +te oversight and negligens off the ressaueris
+t=r=off in the not returning of the same to +te directo=r=
of his hienes chancelarie and his deputtis bene omitted
to be reg~rated in thair buikis and +te reg~ris appoyntit
for that effect And Considdering that +te
not registratioun of the same Infeftmentis and
wreatis tendeth to the gryit hurt and preiudice of
the persounes vnto quhome the same ar grantit and
pertene THAIRFORE Oure said souerane Lord
& estaittis of parliament for remeid heiroff Statutes
and ordanis That in tyme Cuming when ony Infeftment
or v+ter wreate or evident w=che= passis his
hienes gryit seale salbe formed and wreatin by the
directo=r= of his hienes chancellarye Or his deputtis
The same efter the wreating +t=r=off salbe delyuerit by
thame vnto +te pairtie ingevar of the saidis Infeftme~tis
Or v+ter wreatis foirsaidis to +te effect he
may get his hienes gryit seall thairvnto appendit at
+te delyuerie q=r=off the pairtie ressaver of the same sall
onlie be haldin and astricted to pay at that tyme to
+te directo=r= of +te chancelarie or his deputtis that one
halff of +te pryces allowit vnto him by the buike of
raittis for wreating of evidentis to the gryit seill
and that onlie in Consideratioun of +te paynes takin
in formeing and wreating of the saidis wreatis and
euidentis without paying before hand the v+ter halff
of the saidis pryces w=che= heirby is appoyntit to be
reservit vnpayit q=ll= the same be reg~rated in maner
eftermentionate w=che= infeftmentis and euidentis
being delyuerit to +te keipar of the gryit seale and
he haveing appendit the same seale thairto and
being satisfiet of the pryce dew to him +tairfore
Ordanis the keipar of +te gryit seall To returne and
redelyuer the same Infeftment Or vther wreat foirsaid
so sealled by him bak agane to +te directo=r= of
his hienes Chancellarie or his deputtis To the effect
+te same infeftmentis evidentis or v+ter wreatis foirsaidis
[{may{] be reg~rated by him in +te Reg~ris and
buikis appoyntit for that effect w=che= being so reg~rated
Ordanis the directo=r= of his hienes chancelarye
and his deputtis to delyuer the same to +te pairtie he
being satisfiet of the vther halff of +te pryce foirsaid
Reteined by the pairtie and vnpayit by him at +te
tyme of the wreating of +te saidis Euidentis to +te
gryit seall as dew for +te reg~ratioun +t=r=of in maner
abonew~tin AND ALSO oure said souerane lord
Statutes and ordanis all and quhatsoeuir persounes
who have anye Infeftmentis wreatis or securities
grantit vnto +tame and alreddy past the gryit seale
and w=che= ar not as +git reg~rated To returne the same
back agane vnto +te directo=r= of his hienes chancelarie
w=t=in the space of a +geir efter +te publicatione of this
pn~t act To the effect the saidis Infeftmentis & wreitis
may be reg~rated by the said directo=r= of his hienes
chancelarie and his deputtis and that gratis and
w=t=out anye payment to be geuin vnto him +tairfore .

<P 625.C2>
[}ACT XXV}]
[}ANENT BANQUETING AND APPARELL}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
Parliament Considdering the gryit hurt Cuming
vnto this Cuntrey / by the superflous vsage of vnnecessarye
Sumptuousnes / in meat apparell and
vtherwayis and that by all soirtis of pepill promiscuislie
without distinctioun of persounes / of rankis
or qualitie / ffor repressing the said abvse in tyme Cuming /
doe statute and ordane That nane of o=r= souerane
Lordis liegis of whatsoueir qualitie or degrie sall wear
anye Cleithing [{of{] gold or siluer cloathe or any gold
or siluer lace vpoun thair apparellis or ony pairt of
thair bodies heirefter and that no maner of persoun
salhaue anye apparell of veluote satine or vtheris stuffes
of Silk except noblemen~ lordis of parliament Prelatis
his Ma~ties Counsello=r=~ lordis off Sessioun baronis
of qualitie Haveing of frie +geirlie rent fourscore chalderis
victuell or sex thousand merkis of siluer And
the provestis off the principall borrowes within this
kingdome or these who have bene provestis w=t= suche
also as salhappin to be or have bene provestis bail+geis
deane of gild & thesaurer within the toun of
edinbur=t= Excepting also rectoures of vniuersities
AND IT IS Statuted and ordaned That these
persounes w=che= ar permittit to weare the saidis apparelling
of Silk sall nawayis have embrodering
or ony lace or pasmentis vpoun thair Cloathis
Except onlie a playne walting Laice of silk vpoun
+te seamis or bordo=r=~ of thair Cloathis With beltis
and hatbandis embrodered w=t= silk and siclyik That
+te said apparrell of silk be nowayis Cut out vpoun
vther stuffes or silk except vpoun a singill taffietie
And that +te wyiffes of +te saidis priuiledgit persounes
thair eldest sones and eldest dauchteris vnmaried
and the childrene of all noble men~ / be Licentiat /
to weare thair apparrell in maner aforesaid only
vnder +te payne of A thousand pundis (\Toties
quoties\)

2 ITEM that no persoun of whatsoeuir degrie salhave
pearling or Ribbening vpoun +tair Ruffes Sarkis
Neipkines and Sokkis except +te persounes before
priuiledged and +te pearling and Ribbening to be so
worne by thame (if anye be) To be of those made
within the kingdome of Scotland vnder +te payne
off Ane hunderethe pundis (\Toties quoties\)

3 ITEM that nane weare vpoun thair heiddis / or
Buskingis any featheris and no=t=w=t=standing it is permittit /
That anye persoun may weare Cheynis / Or
vther goldsmith warke haveing no staines nor
pearles within the same And that no persoun
Weare onye pearles / nor precious staines / except
the persounes before Priuiledgit / vnder +te payne
of ane Thousand merkis to be payit be +te Contravenaris
(\Toties quoties\)
<P 626.C1>
4 And it is statuted That no persoun nor persounes
except +te priuiledgit persones foirsaidis / weare Lanes
or Cambrike And that no persoun whatsoeuir weare
vpoun +tair bodies / tifneis Cobwebe / Lanes or Slyires
vnder +te payne off ane hundereth pundis (\Toties
quoties\) .

5 Neuirtheles The kingis maiestie Prince and thair
ordinarie houshald servandis ar exemit fra this act
and all the Clauss~ thairoff .

6 It is moreover statuted That no servantis men
or wemen weare anye Cloathing except those that
ar made of Cloathe fusteanis Canves or stuffes made
in the Cuntrey And that +tai sall have no silk vpoun
thair Cloathis / except silk buttones and buttoun
hoillis and silk garteris without pearling or Roses
vnder +te payne of ane hundereth merkis (\Toties
quoties\) :

7 It is alwayis declaired That it may be Lauchfull
for thame to weare Thair maisteris or mistressis /
olde Cloathis

8 It is heirby ordanit That no [{cloathes{] be guildit
with gold

9 It is also declared That herauldis pursevantis
And Lyikwayis Trumpeto=r=~ be exemit fra this act

10 Item it is siclyke statuted That minstrellis be
exemit .

11 Item It is farder statuted That nane / except +te
priuiledgit persounes foirsaid~ vse damask naprie
brocht frome be+gound sey vnder +te pane of ane hundereth
pundis (\Toties quoties\)

12 IT is lyikwayis Statute That no mae duilweiddis
be made at +te deathe off anye Earle or Countes
Bot tuentie four at +te maist Or for ane lord of parliament
or ane lordis wyiff bot sextene onlie / and
for all vther priuiledged persounes before named
Tuelff at +te maist And that nane except +te priuiledgit
persounes have any honoures Careit and these
according to +tair qualities and that no duillweidis
be givin to herauldis / Trumpeto=r=is or saullies Except
by the Earlis and lordis and thair wyffes And
the number of the saullies to be according to +te
number of duilweiddis vnder +te payne of Ane
Thousand pundis (\Toties quoties\)

13 IT IS STATUTED That the faschioun of
Cloathes now pn~tlie vsed / not to be Cheingit by men
or wemen / and the wearer~ thairoff vnder the payne
of foirfaultrie of the Cloathis and of ane hundereth
pundis to be payed be the weareris and asmuche
by the makeris of the saidis Cloathis (\Toties quoties\)
<P 626.C2>
14 IT is ordaned That no castor hattis be vsit or
worne bot be the priuiledgit persounes / vnder +te
payne of ane hundereth pundis (\toties quoties\)

15 It is farder inacted / That no Cloathis sall be
made efter the publicatioun of the act / bot according
to +te maner and conditioun before expremed .
And that nane of the former dischargit Cloathing
be worne be no persoun efter mertimes The +geir of
god J=m= sex hundereth Tuentie thrie +geiris vnder
the paynis rex=ue= abonesett doun (\Toties quoties\) .

16 Item it is ordaned That +te housband men and
Laboreris of the ground weare no Cloathing bot
grayes / Quhyit / blew / and selff blak Claithe maid
in Scotland and that +tair wyiffis and childrene
weare the lyik vnder +te payne of fourtie pundis
(\Toties quoties\) :

17 IT IS FURTHER Statuted and ordaned That
no persoun vse anye maner of deserte of wett and dry
Confectiounes at Banqueting mariages Baptismes /
feasting or anye meallis except +te fruittis growing
in scotland : As also feggis Raisingis plumdames
almondis and vther vnconfected fruittis vnder +te
payne of Ane thousand merkis (\Toties quoties\) Excepting
suche lyik the vse off the foirsaid foirbidden
confectiounes to be Lauchfull for +te intertenement
of his Ma~tie prince and thair traynes being within
the Cuntrey and for Ambassado=r=~ and strangeris off
gryit qualitie .

18 And it is Statuted moreover That no persoun
of quhatsoeuir qualitie vse anye feasting at buriallis
or offer of vther meatis except breid and drink As
lykwayis no persoun vse anye eating or drinking
at night wakingis or lyikwaikingis vnder +te payne
of ane thousand merkis (\Toties quoties\) .

[}ACT XXVI .}]
[}ANENT THAICKING OF HOUSES IN EDINBURGH
WITH SKLATE AND SKAIL+GEE}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
this present Parliament Considdering that sindrie
persounes of meane qualitie acquyre vnto thame
selffis the heretable right of sindrie Ruinous Landis
and wastes within +te toun of Edinbur=t= And for
want of meanes to build the same sufficientlie
Thaickes the same w=t= straye and daillis Quhairby
The landis nixt adiacent vnto the same / builded
vpone the gryit Chairgis and expenses of +te heritoures
ar oftentymes brocht in gryite hazert / and
sometyme to decaye in tyme of Suddane fyir
THAIRFORE and for further decoratioun Off
the said burgh being the heid burgh of this realme
Oure souerane lord w=t= Consent of +te saidis Estaittis /
<P 627.C1>
Statutes and ordanis that in all tyme to cum no
maner of persoun or persones salbe suffered or permitted /
to builde anye houss~ within the said burgh
of edinburgh Bot suche as salbe covered with
Sklaite or skail+gee leid / tyild or thakstane And also
statutes and ordanis That +te herito=r=~ of suche houss
as ar alreddye thaicked with Thack and straw (if +te
same Thack or straw Ruifes sall heirefter at anye
tyme becum Ruinous) salbe astricted To thaick +te
same agane w=t= Sklait or skail+gee / leade / tyild / or
Thackstone AND ordanis Lr~es of horning To be
directit heirupoun aganis the hereto=r=~ of the saidis
Landis in forme as effeiris . And siclyik ordanis the
provest and bail+geis of +te said burgh To put
this act to executioun .

[}ACT XXVII .}]
[}ANENT COMPRYSEING FROME APPEIRAND
AIRIS EXTENDIT ALSWEILL TO MENIS AWIN DETTIS
AS THAIR PREDICESSO=R=~}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
this pn~t parliament Ratiefies apprevis and Confermes
the 106 act of +te sevint parliament of king
James the fyift of worthie memorie Intitulated /
The credito=r= may persew him who is chargit to
entir and enterit not / in all the heidis articles and
Clauss~ thairof with additioun and explanatione
following That the same salbe extended vnto dettis
awing be anye persoun him selff as weill as to those
w=che= wer addettit by his predicessoures / for the
w=che= debt it salbe als lauchfull for a credito=r= To
charge anye persoun to entir air to his predicessoure
and with +te Lyik certificatioun~ as gif +te predicesso=r=
had bene detto=r= +t=r=intill Quhairvpoun Comprysing
may follow in maner specified in the said act

[}ACT XXVIII .}]
[}ANENT TAKING OF ANNUELRENT BEFORE HAND
TO BE VSURIE}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis off
this present Parliament Considdering That no=t=w=t=standing
vsurie and taking of vnlauchfull annuel
more then ten for ilk hundereth Hathe bene by
sindrie actis of before dischargit and foirbiddin +git
it hes bene vsuall by ane evill and Corrupt custome
To tak or retene the a~lrent the tyme of the borrowing
the money Quhilk in effect is ellevin of ilk
hundereth at least FOR awoyding q=r=off Statutes and
ordanis That no persoun who lendis or gevis out
money and ressavis annuel thairfore sall retene the
tyme of +te lending / exact / crave or ressave frome +tair
detto=r=~ the annuel of +t=r= Lent soumes vntill +te terme
of payment appoyntit by thair bandis be first cum
And it salbe Lauchfull at +te tyme of lending of
mo=ez= and making of bandis to ade the a~nuell vnto
<P 627.C2>
+te principall soume Prowyding alwayes nather
principall nor annuell be exacted or cravit before
+te terme of payment appoyntit to +te said band
and the Contravenaris of this pn~t statute salbe
punischit as vnlawfull vsureris

[}ACT XXIX .}]
[}RATIFICATIONE OF THE ACT OF SECREIT
COUNSELL AGANIS BAXTERIS BREWSTARIS FLESCHEO=R=~
AND CANDLEMAKER~ OFF EDINBUR=T=}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD w=t= aduyse and
Consent of the Estaittis off this present parliament
by the tenno=r= heiroff Ratiefies apprevis and Confermes
the act of Secreit Counsell of the date the
sevintene day of februare J=m= sex hundere=t= and auchtene
+geiris maid and sett doun by his Ma~tie w=t= Consent
of +te lordis of his hienes secreit counsell aganis
the baxteris browsteris flescheris Candlemakeris and
vtheris +tairin conteanit induellaris w=t=in edinbur=t=
w=t= +te publicatioun and proclamatioun following
+t=r=vpoun In all and sindrie heiddis poyntis passages
Circumstances and v+teris spe~it thairintill Conforme
to +te tenno=r= +t=r=off in all poyntis And willes & declaires
the same to have bene in all tyme bygane
since the making and publicatioun thairoff and to
be and stand in all tyme Cuming gude valiable and
effectuall in +te selff and to have the dew benefite
and executioun thairoff Conforme thairvnto aganis
all who haue transgressed or salhappin to transgres
and Contravene the tenno=r= of +te same Q=r=off the
tenno=r= followes

[} (\APUD EDINBUR=T= DECIMO SEPTIMO DIE
MENSIS FEBRUARIJ ANNO DN~I MILLESIMO SEXCENTESIMO
DECIMO OCTAUO\) }]

FORASMUCHE As The kingis Maiestie and
lordis of his previe Counsell Considdering the
dangerous and fearfull abvse w=che= hathe bene of
Continewance these many +geiris bygane w=t=in the
burghe off edinburgh by the Tollerance Connivance
and oversight / w=che= hathe bene gevin vnto
baxteris browisteris and vtheris to build and keip
stakkis of haither / brome / quhi~nes and v+ter
fewall in the heart of the said burgh and in the
vennallis and Closses of +te same q=r= sindrie of his
Ma~ties gude subiectis Inhabitantis of +te said burgh /
have w=t= gryit chairges and expenss~ builded many
guidlie houss~ / and buildingis to the Credit of the
said burgh and for the policie and decoratioun of
the same by the w=che= stackis of heather broome
Quhi~nes or v+ter fewall builded and keipt w=t=in the
said bur=t= not onlie ar the nightboures of +te nixt
adiacent pairtes thairvnto haldin in Continewall
feare & dreddo=r= and ar in verie great hazard / and
danger gif ather by negligens or wilfull malice (as
god forbid) fyre suld be sett in the saidis Stakes /
<P 628.C1>
as fell out by +te fyring of sum stackis in peibles
wynd in the 1584 +geir of god Bot a gryit number
Off pepill who ar inclyned and disposed to bestow
sum pairt of +t=r= estate vpoun building w=t=in the said
burgh ar with haldin therefrome for feare of +te
saidis stakkis And besyiddis this abvse w=che= is bothe
fearfull dangerus and hes produced manye Inconvenientis
and gryit skaithe frome tyme to tyme to
+te said burgh Thair is ane vther schamefull abvse
+tairin w=che= altocht it be not altogidder so fearfull
and dangerous as the vther +git it is noyesum to the
whole Civill and honest nightboures And to all +te
nobilitie and Cuntrey pepill w=che= cum hither for
thair privat adoes and with that It is detestable in
the sight of strangeris Corrupteth the air and
Cariethe manye disgracefull and schamefull Imputatiounes
aganis the said burgh as being a pudle of
filthe and filthienes To wit the oversight w=che= is
gevin vnto Candlemakeris to keip thair Chopes
and houss~ quhair they melt +t=r= Talloun and Craklingis
w=t=in the heart off the said bur=t= / And to
flescheo=r=is to keip +t=r= slauchter Choppes w=t=in the
toun and to toome the filthe of +te slauchterit
goodis vpoun the hie streittis and in oppin vennellis
& closses Q=r=by it often tymes falleth out That in
manye streittis and vennellis of +te said burghe
The filthe of slauchterit goodes is in suche abundance
exposed vnto +te view of +te pepill and +te
Closses and streittis ar so filled thairwith as +tair can
no passage be had throw +te same FOR REMOVEING
of the w=che= Tuo abvses so dangerus and disgracefull
to +te said burgh The kingis Ma~tie with
aduyse of the Lordis of his secreit Counsell hath resoluit
Concludit Co~mandit and ordanit That frome
the first day off maij nixtocum Thair salbe no stackes
of heather broome Quhynnes nor vther sewall
keipit nor sufferit to be in anye of +te vennellis
wyndes or Closses of +te said burghe nor within
houss~ nor vpoun the streitis of +te samen~ And that
no flescheris salbe sufferit by thame selffis thair servandis
or vtheris in thair names to keip anye
slauchterhouss~ w=t=in +tis burgh nor in anye wynd
Close or vennall of +te same nor to toome the blude
and filthe of +t=r= slauchterit guidis vpoun +te streittis
or in Closses or vennallis nor that no Candlemakeris
keip +t=r= melting houses w=t=in the said burgh
Bot that +te saidis stakis of hather broome Quhynnes
and vther fewall salbe caried [{and{] sett at some
remote pairtes of +te said burgh besyid the portis
wallis or northe loche syid where there ar no houss~
And that +te saidis flescheo=r=~ sall prowyid thame
selffis of slauchter houses at +te northe loche syid q=r=
they may have the vse of +te water for +te awaytaking
of +te filthe Off +t=r= slauchterit guidis and that +te
Candlemakeris prowyid thame selffis of houss~ for
melting of thair Talloun and Cracklingis at some
remote pairtis of the toun frome the Commoun
streitis Closses and vennellis of the same AND ORDANIS
Lr~es to be directit to mak publicatioun
heirof by oppin proclamatioun at +te mercate Croce
<P 628.C2>
of edinburgh Q=r=throw nane pretend ignorance of
the same And to co~mand Charge and Inhibite all
and sindrie persounes Inhabitantis w=t=in the said
burgh of quhat Tred~ or calling so euir they be
That they nor nane of thame / nor nane by thair
command and directioun found build or keip any
stakis / or Rukkes / of haither / broome Quhynnes
or v+ter fewall w=t=in anye of the Closses / vennallis or
wast places of the said burgh nor within thair
houss~ / And that +tai remove +te stackes w=che= they
alreddy have and builde the samen at sume remote
places about +te poirtis and wallis of +te said burgh
where there ar no houss~ or at +te north loche syid
betuix and the said first day off maij nixtocum
vnder +te payne of Confiscatioun~ of +te same hather
brome and quhynnes / so to be stacked aganis +te
meaning and intent of this act / and further vnder +te
payne of fyve hundre=t= pund~ to be payit by thame so
oft as they salhappin to faill and siclyik To co~mand
all & sindrie flescheoures inhabitantis within the said
burghe That +tai prepare thame selffis of slauchter
houses at +te north loche syid quhair they may have
the Commoditie of water for thair vse And that +tai
in nowayes presume nor tak vpoun hand efter +te
said day To toome the filthe or bloode of thair
slauchterit goodes vpoun the streittis nor in +te vennellis
Closses and wyndis of this burgh As also to
charge all Candlemakeris That +tai betuix and +te
day foirsaid prowyid thame selffis of houss~ for melting
of +t=r= Talloun and Craklingis at sum remote
pairtis of the toun frome the Commoun streitis
Closses and vennellis of the same vnder +te payne
of fyve hundereth pundis mo=ez= to be Incurrit by
everie persoun flescheo=r= or Candlemaker sa often as
they sall faill And siclyik to Command and charge
the provest and bail+geis of ed~=r= that +tai haue a speciall
care and regarde to see this pn~t act to be preceislie
and Inviolablie keipit as they will ans~=r= to his
Ma~tie and the said~ Lordis vpoun the dewtiefull
discharge of thair office .

[}ACT XXX .}]
[}ACT RESTRAYNING THE BYING AND SELLING
OFF CERTANE WYILD FOULLIS}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD with aduyse and
Consent of the Estaittis off parliament Considdering
the gryit abvse and Libertie w=che= hes bene vseit these
dyuers~ +geiris bygane by the subiectis of this realme
in buying & selling of wyild foulles of +te particular
species following To wit of powtis pertrikes murefoulles
blakcokes gray hennis termigantis quail+geis
Caperkail+geis & c~ FOR Restrayning of the w=che= abvse
in tyme Cuming Oure souerane Lord w=t= aduyse and
consent foirsaidis Statutes and ordanis That no persone
quhatsoeuir w=t=in this realme presume nor tak
vpoun hand to buy nor sell at anye tyme heirefter
anye wyild foulles Off the species foirsaid vnder +te
<P 629.C1>
payne of ane hundere=t= pundis mo=ez= to be incurred
by the Contravenar thairoff buyar or sellar And
ordanis this pn~t act to have the strenthe and force
of ane act of parliament To be inviolablie obseruit
in all tyme heirefter ay and q=ll= the same be lau=lie=
dischargit or altered .

[}ACT XXXI .}]
[}ANENT HOUNTING AND HAULKING}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
this present Parliament Statutes and ordanis That
no man hunt nor haulk at anye tyme heirefter
quha hes not a pleughe of land in heretage vnder
the payne Off ane hunderethe pundis Ordanis his
Maiestie to have the ane halff of the penaltie of the
Contravenaris of this present act / and the dilato=r= to
have the vther halff of the said penaltie .

[}ACT XXXII .}]
[}ANENT THE HARREING OF HAULK NESTIS / AND
HOUNTING IN SNAW}]

OURE SOUERANE LORD and Estaittis of
this pn~t Parliament Ratifies and approvis The act
of Parliament maide be king James the third off
worthie memorie in the sevint parliament anent
the vnlaw of Stealing of haulkis houndis pertrickis
and duickis In all & sindrie poyntis heiddis articles /
and clauss~ thairoff w=t= this additioun that +te payne
and penaltye of ten poundis +tairin conteanit Salbe
now in all tyme cu~ming augmentit aganis the contravenaris
of the said act vnder the payne of Ane
hundereth poundis money of this realme AND
ALSO Ratifeis and approvis all actis of Parliament
maid of before by his Maiesties most noble progenitoures
Anent +te slaying and hounting of Hairis
daes and Rayes in tyme off Snow And statutes
and ordanis +te payne and penaltie aganis the Contravenaris
thairoff To be vnder +te payne of ane
hunderethe poundis money (\Toties quoties\) as they
salhappin to Contravene +te same / And ordanis the
one halff of +te payne to be incurred by the Contravenaris
of this present act to be gevin vnto his
Ma~tie / and the vther halff to +te persounes dilatoures
of +te Contravenaris of +te same .

[}ACT XXXIII .}]
[}ACT (\SALUO JURE CUIUSLIBET\) }]

FORASMUCHE As in this present Sessioun off
Parliament Thair ar many Ratificatiounes and
actis in fauoures of Particular persounes past
Quhairin dyuers and new Clauss~ ar Insert / w=che=
<P 629.C2>
may be preiudiciall to particular pairties Rightis              
and dirogative vnto manye and sindrie lawes lawfullie
made and establisched of before Albeit +te
meaning of the Estaittis be at this tyme / as it wes
evir in all preceiding parliamentis That by no act
of Ratificatioun / or act grantit to anye particulare
persoun / Any v+t=r= pairtie suld be hurt or preiudgit
FOR REMEID q=r=off / It is Statuted and ordaned
That no Ratificatioun nor vther act / made in
fauoures of any particular persoun salbe preiudiciall
to anye private pairties Right / Bot that +te
saidis Ratificatiounes and actis made in fauoures
of particuler persounes be alwayis vnderstude
(\SALUO JURE CUIUSLIBET .\)



<B SREC2A> 
<Q SC2 STA REC STIRL2> 
<N STIRLING RECORDS> 
<A X> 
<C SC2> 
<O DATE 1600-1608> 
<M MEDIUM MS> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T LOCAL RECORD> 
<G X> 
<F X> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X X> 
<Y X> 
<H X> 
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I FORMAL> 
<Z STAT> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^EXTRACTS FROM THE RECORDS OF THE ROYAL BURGH OF STIRLING, 
1519-1752. VOL. I. ED. R. RENWICK.
GLASGOW 1887.
PP. 94.10-120.10^]

<P 94>
[} [\20 FEBRUARY 1600.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall of the said burgh, convenit this   #
day, findis that
Robert Allexander, merchand, hes dispossessit thair liberties   #
in teilling down
of ane part of thair libertie of the peice land lyand besyd the #
Winschelhauch,
appointit for drying of the fischaris nettis repairing thair,   #
quhairof thaj war
in possession within certan merchis quhilk war set thairintill; #
tharfor, all in
ane voice, condescendis that the merchis raisit be the said     #
Robert in the saidis
landis salbe set in agane, and all the boundis betuix that and  #
the walter of
Forthe be keipit in commontie as it wes past memor of man, and  #
usit be the
fischaris in drying of thair nettis, ay and quhill thai be      #
callit and lauchfullie
put thairfra be the law; and to this effect that the haill town #
pas and lay
ouer the ground agane newlie revin out within the boundis       #
forsaidis, to the
effect abon writtin, and thaj to be warnit be the sound of      #
drum; and ordanis
the said Robert Alexander to be warnit to compeir to ansuer for #
contravening
of the former act maid heiranent.

[} [\29 FEBRUARY 1600.\] }]
   The counsall ordanis the first tua entressis of burgessis    #
and gild that
salhappin to be enterit in this burgh to be gewin to maister    #
Patrik Simpsone,
thair minister, for releiffing of him of sum dettis awand be    #
him.

[} [\21 JULY 1600.\] }]
   Comperit Robert Forrester of Boquhan and delyverit and       #
frielie gaiff to
Johnn Gawie, ane of the maistiris of the hospitall, the sowm of #
fiftie merkis,
to be wairit, imployit, and laid on land for yeirlie annuelrent #
to be gottin thairfoir,
<P 95>
to the utilitie and commoditie of the hospitall of the said     #
burgh and puir
being thairintill, present and tocum, be the advyse of the      #
provest, baillies and
counsall of this burgh, and that for the zeill, favour and gud  #
will, quhilk the said
Robert Forrester hes and beiris to this burght and puir of the  #
said hospittall.
   The counsall present, with advyse and consent of sindrie     #
utheris honest
nychtbouris inhabitantis in the said burghe, is content and     #
consentit that
thair libertie be menteinit and summondis of reductioun raisit  #
at thair
instancis for reductioun of the rychtis maid and grantit be our #
Soveran lord
to the townis of Airth and Falkirk, in prejudice of the         #
liberties of this burght,
and thairefter electit and cheisit, the maist pairt of tham,    #
that Archibald
Alschunder, dene of gild, and Johne Hendirson, convenar, sall   #
pass to Edinburgh
to caus with all diligens lybell ane summonds of reductioun.    #
And the
haill craftmen dissasentit fra directing of ony commissioner to #
the effect forsaid
except ane craftisman be direct commissioner, in all tym        #
cuming, for this
burght, with ane uther commissioner, and thairwpon thaj tuik    #
instrument.

[} [\20 AUGUST 1600.\] }]
   The counsall ordanis the thesaurar to pay to Walter Neische  #
the sowm of 
fourtie pundis, debursit be him for ane unlaw for his non       #
compeirance befor
the lordis of chekkar to mak the comptis of this burght at the  #
day appointit.

[} [\15 SEPTEMBER 1600.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall hes electit and nominate Johne     #
Williamson,
schereff clerk of Striviling, in commoun clerk and nychtbour of #
the said burgh,
in place of umquhile Andro Buchannan, last clerk and possessour #
of the said
office, for the space of ane yeir nixtocum.... And the said     #
Johnne sall
caus advyse all questionable processis upoun his expenssis that #
sall occur within
the said burgh during the tyme of his said service.

[} [\24 SEPTEMBER 1600.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall, present, nominates and appointis  #
Archiball
Allane, merchand, and Johnne Henrysoun, convenare,              #
commissionares to pas to
Edinburgh, with all diligence, and thair, by advyse of men of   #
law and jugement,
to caus libell and rais ane summond of reductioun at the        #
instance of the
provest, baillies, counsall, deacones of craft, and haill       #
commounitie of the said
burgh, for annulling the richtis and erectiones of the tounes   #
of Falkirk and Airth.

<P 96>
[} [\3 DECEMBER 1600.\] }]
   Johne Broun, induellare of the Cannogait, producit and gaif  #
in the
letter undirwrittin, quhairof the tennour followis:-
   REX: Provest and baillies of our burgh of Striveling. It is  #
our will
that ye ressave heirwith tua quarteris of the lait erle of      #
Gowry and his
brother, our declairit traitouris, and caus thame be sett up on #
the maist
eminent and usuall places within your toun, according to the    #
dome pronuncet
aganest thame be the thrie estaittis, quhairanent this salbe a  #
sufficient
warrand to yow. Subscrivit with our hand at Haliruidhous the    #
xxvij day of
November 1600. (\Sic subscribitur\) : JAMES, REX. And siclike,  #
the said 
Johnne Broun deliverit to the saidis baillies the saidis tua    #
quarteris of the
foirsaid vmquhile Erle of Gowry, and his said brother. For      #
obedience of the
command of the quhilkis letteres, the saidis baillies and       #
counsall ordinit the
saidis tua quarteris of the said umquhile [{erle of Gowry and   #
his{] brother to
be sett up on the stipell of the tolbuith of the said burgh as  #
the maist
eminent place within the same.
   Robert Seytoun, brother to the laird of Touche, is enterit   #
to the libertie
and fredome of ane burges and gild brother of this burgh, quha  #
maid faith
(\more solito\) ; and that frelie, without any compositione     #
payet or to be payed be
him thairfoir, inrespect of the grite panes and travellis tane  #
be the said Robert
in the beitting and repairing of the brig of Tullibody, quhilk  #
he undertuik at
desyre of the baillies and counsall of the said burgh.

[} [\20 DECEMBER 1600.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall convenit, voites, nominates and    #
apointis,
Archibald Alschunder and Williame Edmond, baillies, with all    #
diligence, to
pas to the burgh of Perth and thair eirnestlie to insist and    #
deale with the
provest, baillies and counsall thairof, for the len and use of  #
the commoun
charter and evident granted to the merchandis and inhabitantis  #
of the haill
frie burghis of this realme be King David the [\Second\],       #
quhilk is of the dait
the [\28 March, 1364\], to the effect the said evident may be   #
producit and used
befoir the lordis of sessioun in the actioun and caus of        #
susspensioun persewit
<P 97>
be the induellaris of the villages of Falkirk and Airth aganes  #
the provest,
baillies, and counsall of the said burgh of Striveling,         #
concerning the lait erectiones
of the saidis villages in burghis of baronie.

[} [\25 DECEMBER 1600.\] }]
   Archibald Alschunder and Williame Edmond, for reporte of the #
commissioun 
gevin to thame upoun the xx day of December instant, producet   #
and
deliverit to James Schorte, deane of gild, and George Norwell,  #
thesaurare, in
name of the haill counsall, the commoun charter and evident     #
grantet be King
David the [\Second\] to the haill merchandis of frie burghis    #
within this realme,
quhilk wes in the handis and custodie of the provest, baillies, #
and counsall of
the burghe of Perthe, fra quhome the saidis commissioneris, in  #
name and
behalf foirsaidis, hes borrowit and resavit the same, for the   #
caus and effect
specifeit in the said commissioun, off the quhilk charter and   #
evident the saidis
James Schorte and George Norwell, in name and behalf of the     #
said counsall,
grantis the ressait fra the saidis commissioneris, and          #
discharges thame thairof
for ever, in respect the saidis Archibald Alschunder and        #
William Edmond ar
bund and obleist to redeliuer the said evident agane to the     #
saidis provest, baillies,
and counsall of the said burgh of Perthe, betuix and the last   #
day of Februar
nixtocum.

[} [\28 JANUARY 1601.\] }]
   [\The baillies and counsall, "Robert Forestare of Boquhane,  #
ald provest," and
seven others,\] being convenit in the counsalhous of the said   #
burgh to confer and
intreate upoun the commoun effairis of the said burgh, all in   #
ane voce, for
thair awin pairtis, voitit and concludet to prosequute and      #
defend the actioun
and caus persewit and depending befoir the lordis of counsall   #
at the instance
of the inhabitantes of the villages of Falkirk and Airth aganes #
the provest,
baillies, and commountie of the said burgh, anent the           #
erectiones of the saidis
villages in burghes of baronie; and for that effect the saidis  #
baillies, counsall,
and deacones of craft, and uther persones forsaidis, agreit,    #
votet and concludet,
all in ane voce, for thair awin pairtes, to provyde, lift and   #
uptak the soume of
tua hundreth pundis money as the samyn may be maist             #
convenientlie had,
viz., that the saidis foure baillies, upoun thair awin          #
obligatione, borrow the said
soume of tua hundreth pundis for profite quhair it may be had,  #
quhill the
feist and terme of Witsonday nixtocum, to be deliverit be thame #
to the commissioneris 
<P 98>
of the said burgh as salbe apointit for defence of the said
caus; [\of which personal obligation for four bailies are to be #
relieved out of
the common good.\]
   The saidis baillies and counsall gevis power and commissioun #
to the
moderator and remanent brether of the presbyterie of            #
Striviling, for the better  
provissioun of ane secund minister within the said burgh, to    #
travell with Sir
Thomas Erskene of Gogare, knicht, for the dispositione of his   #
richt, title and
kyndnes, of the burrow mylnes of this burgh, upoun the          #
conditiones offired be
him to thame of befoir.

[} [\28 APRIL 1601.\] }]
   Anent the merche stanes laitlie revin up be Robert           #
Alschunder betuix
the landis of Winschelhauche perteining to the said Robert, on  #
the ane pairte,
and the schoir rowme of the cobill fisching of this burgh be    #
west the brig, on
the uthir pairte, quhairby the said Robert thinkis to           #
appropriate the said schoir
rowme to his saidis landis of Winschelhauche, and sua to mak    #
the said fisching
altogidder unprofittable to this burgh, notwithstanding that    #
the provest,
baillies, and counsall of this burgh, and thair fischeares in   #
thair names hes
bene in possessioun of the said schoir rowme thir mony yeiris   #
bygane past
memorie of man; the baillies and counsall convenit, being weill #
and ryplie
avysit thairanent, decernis and ordinis that, with all          #
diligence, the saidis
merche stanes be of new inpute agane betuix the saidis landis   #
of Winschelhauche
and the said schoir rowme of the cobill fisching of this burgh, #
quhair
they wer of befoir, and for that effect ordinis the haill       #
inhabitantis of this
burgh to be warnit this day eftir none, be sweshe or bell, to   #
accompany the
saidis baillies and counsall in setting and placeing of the     #
saidis stanes agane
in maner foirsaidis.

[} [\1 May 1601.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall, convenit, nominates and apointis  #
Archibald
Allane, younger, commissionare to pas to Edinburgh, for finding #
cautioun,
souirtie, and lauborrous, actit in the buikis of counsall and   #
sessioun, for
Williame Foirlie [\and others\] contenit in the letteres of     #
lauborrowis raised
and execute be Robert Alschundir aganes thame for his 
indempnitie.... 
[{And also{] to raise ane summondis of contraventioun aganes    #
the said Robert
Alschundir for altering and raising of the merche stanes betuix #
the landis of
Winschelhauche and the fisching shoir rowme of this burgh be    #
west the brig.

<P 99>
[} [\5 MAY 1601.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall, convenit, ordinis tua sufficient, #
apt and
qualifeit doctouris, to be provydet to the grammer scole of     #
this burgh, for
the bettir instructioun of the youthe thairof; and continues    #
the provisioun of
thair fies and sustentatione, with the rest of the ordour       #
requisite to be had for
reformatione of the said grammer scole, unto the auchtene day   #
of Maij instant.

[} [\16 SEPTEMBER 1601.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall, convenit, for eschewing and       #
preventing of all
farder trouble and inquietnes of this burgh betuix the baxteris #
and maltmen
thairof, ordinis the persones underwrittin, alswell of the      #
baxteris as of the
maltmen, to be charget, with all diligence, to enter thair      #
persones in waird
within the tolbuith of this burgh, and to remane thairintill,   #
upoun thair awin
expenssis, ay and quhile they becum actit and obleist in the    #
commoun buikis
of this burgh, ilk ane for thair awin pairtes, viz., the saidis #
persones of the
baxteris for thame selfis and for the remanent baxteris of this #
burgh, baith
maisteris, prentessis, and servandes, and the saidis persones   #
of the maltmen
for thame selfis and for the remanent maltmen, baith maisteris, #
prentessis, and
servandis, that ather of the saidis craftis, thair wyffes,      #
bairnes, servandis, 
assisteris, and pairt takeris, salbe harmeless and skaithles of #
utheris, and
on nawyis to be molestit nor troublit be utheris, nor na        #
utheris of thair causing,
sending, hounding out, causing, command, assistance, or         #
ratihabitione, quhome
they may stop or lett, directlie or indirectlie, uthirwyis nor  #
be ordour of law
and justice, quhill the auchtene day of October nixtocum, under #
the panes 
following, viz., ilk maister under the pane of fourtie pundis,  #
and ilk prentes
and servand under the pane of tuentie pundis, the ane half      #
thairof to the
saidis provest and baillies, and the uther half to the pairty 
grevit; and gif
thair be ony of the saidis baxteris or maltmen, ather           #
maisteris, prentessis, or
servandis, for quhome the maisteris following will nocht tak    #
burding nor
obleis thame selfis as said is, the saidis baillies and         #
counsall ordinis thair
names to be gevin up to thame, that thairefter they may be      #
apprehendit and
put in waird thame selfis, to remane thairintill ay and quhill  #
they find
cautione and souertie for thame selfis in maner and to the      #
effect foirsaidis.
Followis the names of the saidis maisteris:- For the baxteris,  #
Andro Andersone,
James Archibald, James Michell Christopher Cairnes, Robert Waird
<P 100>
and Alexander Robesoun; for the maltmen, James Stenesoun,       #
Walter Muresoun,
Johnne Layng abone the porte, Duncane Patersone, James          #
Thomesoun
and Alexander Thomesoun.

[} [\18 DECEMBER 1601.\] }]
   Nominates and apointis James Schort commissioner to pas and  #
visie the
toun of Glasgw, and to reporte the trew estait thairof anent    #
the present plaig
of pest and pestilence quhairwith the said toun is infected.

[} [\21 DECEMBER 1601.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall convenit, findis it neidfull and   #
expedient that
fra this furth the barres yett, the burrow mylne, the brig      #
yett, Balnageich and
the plane treis, be daylie keipit and attendit on be the        #
nychtbouris and inhabitantes
of this burgh as followis, viz., be tua persones daylie at the  #
barres
yett, tua at the burrow mylne, ane at the brig yett, ane uther  #
at Balnageich,
and ane uther at the plane treis, and that na straingeris be    #
sufferit to haif
acces or entrie at the saidis passages without sufficient       #
testimoniallis; and
gif ony testimoniall cum fra Glasgw, the baillies and counsall  #
discharges the
keipares of the saidis portes and passages to ressave ony of    #
the saidis testimoniallis
fra Glasgw, or fra ony uther suspect place unto the tyme the    #
baillie
of the quarter be first advertesed; and siclik, the saidis      #
baillies and counsall
nominates and apointes the persones following to be quarter     #
maisteris and
adjonit to the baillies for thair help and ease in viseing and  #
attending on the
saidis portes and passages, and utherwyis to tak heid and       #
advert so far as in
thame lyis that na infectioun of the present plaig of pest      #
arryse within this
burgh, that is to say [\two persons for each quarter\] ; and    #
that the saidis portes
and passages be keipit quarterlie about as it is begun alreddy.

[} [\11 JANUARY 1602.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall, convenit, statutes and ordinis    #
that fra this
furthe gif ony persoun of the counsall, ather baillie,          #
merchand, or craftisman,
convene nocht preceislie within the counsalhous at the houre    #
apointit to the
quhilk they salhapin to be warnit, ilk persoun absent and nocht #
compeirand
at the apointit houre as said is, sall pay ane unlaw of tua     #
schillingis, to be
unforgevin, and putt in ane box and keipit and maid furthcumand #
be the
clerk to the provest, baillies and counsall.

<P 101>
[} [\13 JANUARY 1602.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall findis and concludes that thair be #
ane stent of
the soume of fiftie pundis ten s. raisit and upliftit of the    #
inhabitantes of this
burgh, according to the accustomate ordour, and that for releif #
of certane the
tounes necessar effairis, speciallie anent the mater of the     #
claith making, and 
that the said soume be upliftit with all diligence.

[} [\10 MAY 1602.\] }]
   Walter Cowane, thesaurer, is appointet commissioner to pas   #
to Edinburgh,
with power to compt, rekin and tak ordour with the burgh of     #
Edinburgh anent
the tounes pairte of the stent raisit of the burrowes for hame  #
bringing of the
strangeris.

[} [\9 JULY 1602.\] }]
   The provest and baillies grantes to the toun for biging of   #
thair peir and
schoir the unlawes following, viz., [\four unlaws, amounting in #
all to +L63 6 s. 8 d.\] .
   Ordinis the thesaurer to gif the Flemyngis the sowme of      #
twentie foure
merkes to by thame tua stane of woll.
   Ordinis the thesaurare to be cautione for the Flemyngis hous #
maillis fra
Witsonday last bipast to Witsonday nixtocum, and the toun sall  #
releve the
thesaurare of the said cautionerie.
   Ordinis the thesaurer to pay fourtie schillingis to James    #
Castellawes wyff
for the len of ane hous to the gude wyff of Pannellis bairnes   #
for the ease of
the Flemyngis.  

[} [\20 AUGUST 1602.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall, convenit, ordinis tua sufficient, #
apt, and qualifeit
doctouris, to be provydit and placed in the grammer scole of    #
this burgh; and, for
thair travellis to be tane be thame thairintill, assignis to    #
everie ane of thame
in stipend the soume of tuentie merkis, thairof ten pundis to   #
be payed to ilk
ane of thame be the toun, at tua termes in the yeir Witsonday   #
and Mertimes
in the winter, be equall portiones, and thrie pundis vj s. viij #
d. to be payed to ilk
ane of thame be the maister of the scole furth of the excres of #
his scollage mair
nor wes first conditionate to him be his contract. And for the  #
saidis doctouris
burde and intertenement, ordinis the haill nychtbouris of this  #
burgh quha
salhappin to present and haif thair bairnes teachit in the said #
scole to gif
the saidis doctouris daylie burding as it salhappin ordourlie   #
to cum athorte.
<P 102>
And for the bettir flurishing of the said scole, ordinis all    #
bairnis within this
burgh exceiding the age of aucht yeiris that ar alreddie or     #
salbe presentit to ony
uther scoles within this burgh, or to ony uther landwert scole  #
about the same
to the quhilk bairnes gang furth in the morning and thairfra    #
cumes hame at
evin. to be removit and alterit furth of the saidis scoles, and #
presentit and putt
to the said grammer scole. And that the maister teache to all   #
bairnes that
salbe presentit fra this furth to him the commoun rudimentis    #
professit and
teachit in all wther scoles, with Pylossois first pairte of     #
grammer and Ramus
Syntax. And for sic bairnes as ar alredie enterit and groundit  #
with Ramus
rudimentis, the counsall promittis the said maister to continew #
and proceid
with thame in the teaching of Ramus grammer and haill pairtes   #
thairof as the said
maister sall think expedient. And this ordour to continew ay    #
and quhill the
generall assemblie of the kirk, or his Maiestie and estaittis,  #
condiscend and
agrie upoun ane universall grammer to be teached throuchout the #
haill realme.
And this act to continew and stand induring the counsallis      #
will.

[} [\4 OCTOBER 1602.\] }]
   In presens of the baillies and counsall, comperit            #
personallie Johnne
Sinclare, commissare of Dunblane, quha declaret that the        #
provest, baillies, and
counsall of this burgh for the tyme, frelie ressavit and        #
admittit him to the
libertie and fredome of ane burges and gild brother of this     #
burgh, and that he
findis the said libertie and fredome to be now unproffitable to #
him, thairfoir of
his awin fre will renuceit and gaif ouer the same to the saidis #
baillies and
counsall to be used and disponit upon be thame at thair         #
plesour.

[} [\15 NOVEMBER 1602.\] }]
   The provest, baillies and counsall, convenit, ordines Johne  #
Gawie and
Alexander Dawsoun, maisteris of the hospitall, to borrow for    #
proffite and
annuell the soume of tua hundrethe merkis quhill Witsonday      #
nixtocum, that
thairwith the abote of Cambuskenneth may be satisfeit of the    #
byrun maillis
acclamit be him fra the toun and for a perpetuall richt thairof #
to the pure of
the said hospitall in tyme cuming, conforme to the decreit      #
arbitrall pronuncet
betuix the abote and the toun thairanent.
   The provest, baillies and counsall, convenit, conducet, and  #
agreit with
maister James Weland, doctour of the grammer scole, to travell  #
in the said
<P 103>
office quhill Witsonday nixtocum, and ordinis the thesaurare to #
pay him
thairfoir the soume of tuentie merkes. And for the said maister #
James bettir
intertenement ordinis ane roll to be maid of all honest mennis  #
bairnes within
the scole of quhome the said doctour may gudlie tak his         #
intertenement, and
ordinis the parentis of the saidis bairnes the said doctour     #
salbe buirdet to be
advertesed be ane baillie, that gif the doctour be neglectit of #
his intertenement
as he salhapin ordourlie to cum athorte, that for ilk dayis     #
buirde quhairof he
salhapin to be frustrate thair salbe upliftit sex schillingis   #
aucht penneis of ilk
ane of the saidis parentis to be payed to the doctour; and      #
ordinis ane baillie to
poynd thairfoir gif neid be. And, siclike, the counsall, with   #
consent of Alexander
Yule, maister of the said scole, grantis to the said doctour    #
ten schillingis
of scolage of ilk tounes barne, deduceand in payment thairof vj #
s. viij d. aff the
maisteris scollage, sua that fra this furth the said maister    #
sal haif of everie
tounes barne tuentie schillingis and the doctour ten            #
schillingis, and thir scollages
to be payed quarterlie, begynnand at this Mertimes terme last   #
bipast. And
this to continew quhill the said terme of Witsonday nixtocum    #
and langer
induring the counsallis will allanerlie.

[} [\30 JANUARY 1603.\] }]
   The provest, baillies and counsall, apointis Archibald       #
Alschunder and maister
Robert Murray to pas, on Wedinsday nixtocum, to the presbiterie #
and to crave
of thame a command to maister Alexander Greif to desist and     #
ceis fra teching
of grammer to ony uther bairnes within this burgh nor to the    #
laird of Gardenes
awin bairnes, and fra all usurping of the maister of scoles     #
calling thairanent.
   Ordinis everie baillie, in thair awin quarter, to assist and #
concur with the
maister of scole in obtening payment of his scollage with sic   #
summer proces as
thay may of law.

[} [\31 MARCH 1603.\] }]
   James Castellaw, Cuthbert Cunyngham, balyeis, and Johnne     #
Williamson,
clark, is ordenit to pas commissioneris, or ony of tham,        #
coniunctlie and seueralie,
to pas to Edinburgh to intrett, conclud, and consult upon the   #
effairis of the
estait of burrowis, becaus of his Maiesteis schortlie remoifing #
to Ingland to
accept the crown thairof, with the remanent commissioneris of   #
burrowis presentlie
convenit in Edinburgh to that effect, conform to the missive    #
lettre
derect fra the counsall of Edinburgh to this burght.

<P 104>
[} [\19 APRIL 1603.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall, convenit, considering the grete   #
decay of thair
shoir and heavin upoun the watter of Forthe, and for preventing #
of the grite
inconveniencis that be proces of tyme may arryse thairthrow to  #
the weill of
this burgh, thairfoir the saidis baillies and counsall,         #
convenit, representing the 
haill communitie of this burgh, for thame and thair             #
successouris, ordinis fra
this furth that ilk nychtbour and freman within this burgh pay  #
for everie boll
of victuall quhilk salhappin to be inbrocht be sey at the       #
schoir and heavin of
this burgh, tua penneis of schoir maill; and for ilk barrell of #
gudis that salhappin
to be inbrocht or out sent, tua penneis; ilk daiker of hydes,   #
tua penneis;
ilk hundreth shep skynnes, sex penneis; ilk tua hundreth gaitt  #
skynnes, sex
pennies; ilk tuentie tod skynnes, sex pennies; ilk thousand     #
lamb skynnes,
tuelf penneis; ilk fyve hundreth fute fellis, tuelf penneis;    #
ilk double pak of
clayth, tua schillingis; ilk single pak, tuelf penneis, ilk     #
hundreth daillis, tuelf 
penneis; ilk hundreth single sparris, tuelf penneis; ilk        #
hundreth double sparris,
tua schillingis; ilk hundreth knapple, sex penneis; ilk pece of #
wainscott, ane
penny; and ilk hors draucht of all uthir tymmer, ane penny; ilk #
tun of wyne,
sextene penneis; ilk tuentie stane of tallon, sex penneis; ilk  #
leid of bark, ae
penny; ilk chalder of lyme, tuelf penneis. And this custome     #
abonewrittin to
be doublet upoun all unfremen; and to be upliftit be the        #
collectouris that
salhappin to be appointit thairto yeirlie, as followes, viz.,   #
tua for the custom
and schoir maill of all victuall, tymber, and uther waires that #
is commoun for
all men to by and sell, and uther tua for the custome of all    #
staple gudes
quhairwith na unfreman may traffique. And for the better        #
uplifting of the
said schoir maill, ordinis the merchandis of all creires and    #
boittis, immediatelie
efter thair arryving to the said schoir and heavin, and befoir  #
thair loissing, to
enter and gif up befoir ae baillie and the clerk ane trew       #
inventer of the haill 
gudes that salhappin to be within the saidis schippis, creares, #
and boittis, to the
effect that with the responde of the said inventare, the        #
collectour of the said schoir
maill may the better mak compt and rakning of the said          #
collectioun, under the
pane of fyve pundis (\toties quoties\) ; and tua schillingis to #
bepayed to the clerk for
ilk entrie be the boitmaister.

[} [\27 JUNE 1603.\] }]
   Anent the supplicatione gevin be James Duncansoun, redare    #
and vicare
of Striviling, concerning the tyme of entrie and af leving of   #
the salmond fisching
<P 105>
in the water of Forthe, and uptaking of maillis and unlawes at  #
the fischeris
entrie thairto, and certane uther abuses in the said water, as  #
the supplicatione
beiris; the said James being personalie present, on the ane     #
pairt, and William
Edmond and Robert Robertsoun als Tennent, watter baillies of    #
the said 
watter, siclyke personalie present, on the uther pairte, the    #
prouest, baillies 
and counsall, convenit, being weill and ryplie advyset with the #
said supplicatione,
findis and declaires that the saidis watter baillies hes done   #
wrang in
nocht suffering the fischeares of the said watter frelie to     #
haif enterit to
the said fisching this last yeir at the ordiner tyme prescrivit #
thairto be
the act of parliament, viz., at Andersmes the last day of       #
November last
bipast, and thairfoir ordinis the saidis watter baillies, now   #
present and tocum,
to suffer and permit the saidis fischeares frelie to enter to   #
the said salmond
fisching in all tyme cuming yeirlie at the said day callit      #
Andersmes day, but
payment of ony maill or dewtie to the said watter baillies; and #
ordinis the
saidis watter baillies present and tocum to discharg and stay   #
all fischeares
within the tounes fredome fra all furder fisching yeirlie with  #
the fiftene day of
August, callit of ald the Assumptioun of our Ladie, under the   #
panes contenit
in the actis of parliament; and ordinis the saidis watter       #
baillies present and
tocum to do thair exact diligence yeirlie in putting of our     #
Soverane lordis
actis of parliament concerning the Settirdayis slope, and       #
remanent actis quhatsumever 
anent the libertie of the said fisching to dew executione,      #
under the              
panes thairin contenit; and declaires that the jurisdictioun    #
of the saidis watter
baillies present and tocum owir the saidis fischares is nor     #
salbe na farder extendit
owir thame bot to caus thame keip count and plaint gif they be  #
requiret thairto
allanerlie.

[} [\18 JULY 1603.\] }]
   Johne Murray of Touchadam, provest, [\bailies and council\]  #
, Duncan Patersoun,
Andro Cowane, merchandis, and Johnne Henrysoun, baxter, ald     #
convenare,
being convenit in the counsalhous of the said burgh, entrating  #
upoun the
common effaires thairof, all in ane voce, voited, concludit and #
ordinit, that with
all possible and convenient diligence thair salbe ane taxatione #
and stent of the
<P 106>
soume of aucht hundrethe merkis money for making and biging of  #
ane peir
and bulwark to the schoir and heavin of this burgh, upliftit of #
the haill inhabitantis
thairof.

[} [\19 JULY 1603.\] }]
   James Gairdner, burges of the said burgh, for the love and   #
favour quhilk
he hes and beiris to the commoun weill of this burgh,           #
[\renounced the exemption
purchased or granted to him and consented from thenceforth to   #
be\] stentit
with the remanent nychtbouris of this burgh, according to his   #
rank, qualitie
and trade, ... for making, beiting, mending and uphalding of    #
the peir,
bulwark, kirk, portes, wallis, brig, and commoun calsayis of    #
this burgh, and for
the help and intertenement of the ministrie, hospitell, and     #
scules of this burgh.

[} [\9 SEPTEMBER 1603.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall, convenit, ordinis the haill       #
strainger pure presentlie
within this burgh to be removit furth thairof upoun Fryday      #
nixtocum,
and to be haldin furth of the toun induring the kirkis and      #
counsallis will, and
for this effect ordinis tua watchmen to be conducet and fiet,   #
ane be the kirk and
ane uther be the toun, for outkeping of the said pure during    #
the said space.
   Ordinis the brig porte to be locket nychtlie at ten houris,  #
and the keyes
thairof to be brocht oulklie to ane bailyie.

[} [\19 SEPTEMBER 1603.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall, convenit, ordinis fra this furthe #
the barres yett,
burrow mylne, the plane treis, and Balnabrecht, to be daylie    #
keipt and attendit
on be the nychtbouris and inhabitantes of this burgh as         #
followis, viz., tua at the
barres yett, tua at the burrow mylne, ane at the plane treis,   #
and ane at
Balnabrecht; and that na straingeris be sufferit to haif acces  #
or entrie at the
saidis passages, without sufficient testimonialles, and this    #
ordour to be quarterlie
kepit throuch the haill toun, begynnand at the first quarter.

[} [\9 OCTOBER 1603.\] }]
   The provest, baillies and counsall of this burgh, at request #
of my lord
provest, and haifing consideratione of the extraordiner grite   #
and wechtie
effaires that ar liklie to fall out and occur within this burgh #
this yeir tocum,
hes thairfoir electit and chosin Umphra Cunyngham, vicare of    #
Kilmacolme,
and Anthone Bruce, portioner of Levelandis, in extraordinare    #
persones of the
<P 107>
counsall of this burgh for this yeir tocum, but prejudice of    #
the tounes libertie
and custome of electioun in tyme cuming.  Lykeas the saidis     #
provest, baillies
and counsall, at desyre of the deacones of craftis of this      #
burgh, hes grantit
uther tua persones to be extraordinare counsallouris for this   #
yeir tocum,
quhome the saidis deacones sall nominat and present the nixt    #
counsall day,
but prejudice likewyis of thair libertie and custoume of        #
electioun in tyme
cuming.
   The provest, baillies and counsall, hes voted and ordinit    #
Johnne Ker,
tailyeour, Johnne Harte, Thomas Thomesoun, cordiner, Andro      #
Richartsoun,
wricht, Mareon Graham, relict of umquhile Robert Scott,         #
tailyeour, and Christian
Ker, dochter of umquhile Robert Ker, merchand, burges of this   #
burgh, to be
all placet in the hospitell of this burgh for thair lyftymes;   #
and the saidis
Christiane Ker and Mareon Graham, ilk ane of thame, to haif     #
half levrey.

[} [\24 OCTOBER 1603.\] }]
   In presens of the provest, baillies and counsall, of this    #
burgh, convenit
for the tyme, it wes voited, concludit and ordinit, that with   #
all possible diligence,
thair salbe ane lichter boitt provydit to the heavin and schoir #
of this
burgh, and for that effect apointis James Schort to aggrie with #
ane wricht thair
foir, and the toun to relieve him thairof.
   Sett to Williame Stanehope in Salt Prestoun and Johnne       #
Stanehope, his
brother, the custome new and auld, with the anchorage and       #
schoir silver, of
all tymber cuttit and to be cuttit be thame in Murrayes wode    #
this yeir bigane
and thir foure yeiris to cum, with the haill bark and beuche    #
thairof, and farder
salang as it salhappin the said wode to be in cutting and       #
quhilk salhappin to
be transportet and cariit be thame throw this burgh to the      #
schoir thairof, for    
payment [\of 100 merks\] .

[} [\18 NOVEMBER 1603.\] }]
   The provest, baillies and counsall of this burgh, ordinis    #
fra this furth na
inhabitant within this burgh present thair maill cheildrene, of #
quhatsoever
age they be of, to ony uther scole within this burgh uther nor  #
to the grammer 
scole thairof, presentlie teachit be maister Alexander Yule,    #
maister of the 
same, bot that all the saidis maill cheildrene be presentit fra #
this furth to the
said maister Alexander Yule for the better florishing of the    #
said grammer scole
induring the counsallis will; and for the bettir executione of  #
this act, James
<P 108>
Duncansoun and Nicoll Murdoch, now teacheris of the Ingles      #
scolles, being
personallie present, become actit and oblest of thair awin      #
consentis fra this
furth to ressave na kynd of maill childrene, nather tounes      #
bairnes nor utheris,
within thair scoles, ilk ane of thame under the pane of ten     #
pundis to be
unforgevin, and farder to haif thair scole durris staiket up.

[} [\12 MARCH 1604.\] }]
   The provest, baillies and counsall, convenit, findis gude    #
that the schollares
laft in the kirk be reformed and inlarged at the sicht of the   #
minister and sic
eldares of the kirk as he craves to be adjoyned to him.
   Findis gude and ordinis ane lofte to be maid betuix the      #
laird of Gardenes
lofte and my lord Cambuskennethes lofte; and, with consent of   #
my lord Cambuskenneth,
ordines ane dur to be putt furth throw his loft to the said new 
lofte, provyding the expenssis thairof be defrayed be the       #
provest and baillies  
of thair reddiest unlawes.
   The provest, baillies and counsall, convenit, haifing        #
ressavit of befoir fra
James Kinros of Kippenros, in name and behalf of the richt      #
honorabill Sir
William Edmond, colonell of the Scottis regiment in the law     #
cuntreis the
soume of fyve hundreth pundis Scottis, deduceand thairof the    #
soume of aucht
pundis iij s. iiij d., and that in the spacies of gold and      #
obligatiounis underwrittin,
that is to say, [\57 half nobles and "aucht haill Utrik         #
nobles," - 
+L304 3s. 4d.; an obligation by Robert Edmond, merchant, burges #
of Stirling,
+L159; in the hands of Christopher Porterfeild, +L28 13s. 4d.;  #
making in all 
+L491 16s. 8d.\] Mair, ressavit fra him ane obligatione granted #
be Sir James
Sandelandis of Slamannan, knycht, ... ane hundreth and fiftie   #
gudlingis,
at tuentie stures the gudling. Quhilkis soumes of money         #
particularlie abone
specifiit the said Sir William Edmond haiffing dedicat to the   #
pure of this
burgh, for the manifold merceis of God bestowit on him, it      #
pleasit him laitlie, 
in the moneth of November last bipast, to direct and send to ws #
with umquhile
Johnne Portuous the foirnamit first soume of five hundreth      #
pundis, with the
said Sir James Sandelandis obligatione of ane hundreth and      #
fiftie gudlingis
foirsaid; and the said Johnne of quhat mynd we knaw nocht,      #
haifing conceillit
fra ws the foirnamit soume and obligatione, with the said Sir   #
Williames
missive lettre direct to ws thairanent, be the space of ane     #
moneth and mair or
thairby eftir his arryving thairwith in this cuntrie, quhill    #
thaireftir at the
<P 109>
plesour or God he tuik seiknes and depairtit this lyff, but ony #
significatione
maid be him to ws thairof, sua that, be providence of God, gif  #
James Kinros,
elder of Kippenros, had nocht instantlie the tyme of the said   #
umquhile
Johnnes deceis, or immediatlie thairefter, upoun sum            #
informatione maid to
him be thame that wer in cumpanie with the said umquhile Johnne #
the tyme 
of his hame cuming in presens of his awin brother and utheris   #
quha wer
present for the tyme, had nocht apprehendit under the said      #
Johnes bedsyde
ane purs with the haill gold abonespecifiit thairintill, and    #
the tua obligationes
foirsaidis, with the missive lettre direct to ws thairanent, as #
the said James
Kinros hes declairit to ws upoun his honour, quhilk we notifie  #
to the said Sir
William and all utheris quhome it effeiris ... Lykeas we the    #
saidis
provest, baillies and counsall, being glaidlie movit with the   #
said Sir Williame
Edmondis maist loving and cheritable dealing toward ws, quhome  #
utherwyis
be his valorous lyf he hes sa heichlie honorit and advancit,    #
that of the lyke
nor na uthir birthe few or nane heis heirtofoir preceidit,      #
gevis thairfoir to him
maist hairtlie thankis and wishes that God wald continew and    #
multiplie his
blessingis on him. Lykeas, with all convenient diligence, we    #
faithfullie promitt
to bestow and wair the foirnamit soumes of money upon the       #
particulare use
destinat and apointit thairto be the said Sir William conforme  #
to his missive
lettre direct to ws thairanent and informatione sent be him to  #
Archibald Allane,
thesaurare, for that effect.

[} [\19 MARCH 1604.\] }]
   The provest, baillies and counsall, convenit, findis gude    #
and concludes
that for the bettir biging of the schoir and peir of this burgh #
thair salbe ane
lichter boitt provydet and coft for careing of stanes and uther #
materiallis
thairto, and committis the bying and provisioun of the said     #
boitt to James
Schorte, baillie, and Duncan Patersone, deane of gild, and      #
assignis to thame for
that effect [\300 merks of fore maill to be paid for the grass  #
of the Brighauch
for three years, with 112 merks to be paid for the anchorage 
and shore maill\] .

[} [\16 APRIL 1604.\] }]
   [\The dean of guild on behalf of the guild brethern, and     #
deacon convener
on behalf of the craftismen, submitted themselves to the        #
provost and bailies\]
anent the devyding and pairting of the tuentie tua stand of     #
armour quhilkis
ar to be sauld and dispersit amangis the inhabitantis of this   #
burgh.
<P 110>
   Apointis Duncan Paterson and Archibald Smyth commissioneris  #
for St.
Johnestoun to ressave the threttie ane stand of armour quhilk   #
the toun hes
componit for with Johnne Jamesoun, factour to Sir Michaell      #
Balfour of Burlie,
knicht, and to do with him thairanent as they sall think        #
expedient.

[} [\2 MAY 1604.\] }]
   It is statut and ordenit that, becaus of the present         #
infectioun of Edinburgh
in the pest and plaig, and for bettir keiping of this burgh,    #
gif it pleis
God, that the portis and wthir comoun placis of this burgh be   #
keipit be the
nychtbouris, and that na inhabitantis of this burgh resaif in   #
thair hous na
persone nor personis, wagaboundis, nor na maner of persone      #
quhill first thai
cum to the bailye of the quarter, wnder the pane of deid; and   #
that the drum
gang throw the town and mak intimatioun heirof; and that na     #
inhabitant
within this burgh pas fra this furth to Edinburgh without       #
licence, and that
na persone within this burgh pres or presume to cum in to the   #
said burgh
att ony pairt thairof bott att the portis onlie; and also that  #
all nychtbouris
repair and mend thair yard heidis and bak yettis, to the effect #
that na
persone cum ouir or in thairatt.
   William Huttoun, cuik, for streking of Johne Brown, officer, #
in presens
of William Ednem, bailye, is ordenit be the haill counsall to   #
be banist this
burgh, and gif he entir in the samin at ony tym heireftir       #
without licence, for
the first to be scurgitt, and thaireftir gif he entir agane     #
eftir he be scurgit, to
be hangitt; and dischargis all inhabitantis within the said     #
burgh to resaif him
in thair housis, or intertein him thairin att ony tym, under    #
the pane of ten li.;
and that intimatioun be made heirof be the drum ganging throw   #
the town;
and thai that hes nocht ten pundis to pey, or is nocht worth    #
the said unlaw, to
be scurgitt; to the quhilk he consentit be cumin in thair will.

[} [\1 JUNE 1604.\] }]
   The provest, baillies and counsall, convenit, ordinis        #
Archibald Allane,
thesaurare, this same day to ryde toward Glasgw, and thair to   #
try thair estaitt
anent the plaigue, and to reporte the same the morne.
   The provest, baillies and counsall, findis gude and          #
concludes that the 
furde at the bak of the abbay and besyd the blak willy be red   #
and clenget of
the stanes that lyis thairintill and stopes the passage of the  #
same, and this to
<P 111>
be done upoun the help of the haill nychtbouris and             #
inhabitantis of this burgh;
and apointes James Short and Duncane Patersoun to be seares of  #
the wark
and furnessouris of warklomes thairto upoun the tounes          #
expenssis.

[} [\4 JUNE 1604.\] }]
   For bettir ordour to be keipit within this burgh during the  #
tym of this
present plaigue, it is ordinit that quarter maisteris [{be{]    #
joyned to the baillies,
and for that effect hes chosin [\four persons for each of the   #
four quarters\] ;
quhilkis persones abone writtin the counsall makes and          #
constitutes baillies in
that pairte for checking of the ordiner watches and causing of  #
thame to attend
on thair charges, and for ressaving of testimoniallis and       #
debarring of all suspect
persones fra entres within this burgh, and for visiting the     #
haill nychtbouris
in the tyme of seiknes or suspicione of seiknes; with power to  #
the saidis
quarter maisteris to inclose and putt furth at thair plesour,   #
and to do all uther
thingis requisite for ane gude and substantious ordour to be    #
keipit and usit
during the tym of this present plaigue.

[} [\18 JUNE 1604.\] }]
   Nominates and apointis Duncane Patersone, deane of gild,     #
commissioner
to pas to Edinburgh, with power to present to the provest       #
[{and{] baillies thairof
the missive lettre to be penned anent the contraversie betuix   #
the toun and
thame.

[} [\16 JULY 1604.\] }]
   The provest, baillies and counsall, convenit, statutes and   #
ordines that fra
this furth na inhabitant of this burghe tak upoun hand to       #
resorte and travell
toward the burgh of Edinburgh, Cannogait, Leyth, Dalkeyth, nor  #
na uther
suspect place, but leve of the provest and baillies or ony tua  #
of thame, the
provest being always ane, under the pane of tuentie pundis, and #
to be debarred
fra all acces within the toun at thair returne; and that the    #
portmen and
kepares ressave nor admitt nane within thair portis cummand fra #
ony suspect
place, under the said pane, unles the provest and baillies be   #
first advertesett.
   James Schort, baillie, commissioner to the lait conventioun  #
of burrowes,
and Johnne Williamson, clerk, commissioner to the parliament,   #
for report of
the effares done in the said parliament and conventioun,        #
declairit that for the
outreiking of commissioneris for the parte of burrowes to       #
England, to the nomber
<P 112>
of sevin persones, for entreatting in the mater of the unioun,  #
the burrowes
hes voluntarlie consentit and aggreit to ane taxatioun of the   #
soume of sextene
thousand merkes, to be upliftit of the haill burrowes conform   #
to the stent roll
betwix this and the fift day of August nixtocum; for quhilk     #
effect the provest,
baillies and counsall, convenit, ordinis ane tax roll to be     #
maid of that pairte of
the said taxatione, extending to the soume of tua hundreth and  #
thrie scoir
pundis, tharof the merchandis the ane half, but prejudice of    #
thair ald libertie,
and the craftismen and (\omnigaddrum\) the uther half.

[} [\17 DECEMBER 1604.\] }]
   It is ordinit be the provest, baillies and counsall,         #
convenit, that fra this
furth in all tyme cuming thair salbe joyned, yeirlie, to the    #
counsall of this
burgh, tua of the ald merchand bailleis, and tua of the         #
(\omnigaddrum\) , as
extraordiner persones of counsall, conforme to use and wount;   #
and thairfoir, of
the (\omnigaddrum\) this yeir they haif electit and chosin      #
Johne Cunynghame
and Andro Kilbowie; and ordinis the deane of gild to present    #
tua ald baillies
the nixt counsall day.

[} [\21 JANUARY 1605.\] }]
   The counsall committis the charge and oursicht of the        #
lichter to James
Schorte for this yeir to cum, and modifeis the fraucht of hir   #
to Alloway and
Airth, be fremen to xlvj s. viij d., and be straingeris to iij  #
li. vj s. viij d.; to
the paittis, be fremen, xxvj s. viij d., and be straingeris xl  #
s.; and that by the
mennis wages that sall labour and roll; to the bak of the       #
abbay, be fremen
xxvj s. viij d., and be straingeres xl s.; by the wark mennis   #
wages, to be payed
be thame that sall employ the lichter.

[} [\4 FEBRUARY 1605.\] }]
   The provest, baillies and counsall, convenit, haifing        #
consideratione of the
grite charges and expenssis that ar yit requisite to the        #
perfyting of the
schoir and peir of this burgh, and how unable the toun is to    #
sustene and
do the same without supporte and help be tymouslie provydit     #
tharto, thairfoir
it is statute and ordinit that the schoir maill and anchorage   #
of this
burgh be sett for the space of tuentie ane yeiris for foir      #
maill to be payed
thairfoir in hand, to be employed on the said schoir as the     #
counsall sall
apoint.
<P 113>
   Ordinis Archibald Allane, thesaurer, to lay to materiallis   #
of stane, tymber,
lyme and sand, to the almoushous in the heid of the Bak Raw,    #
quhilk salbe
allowit to him in the first end of his intromissioun with the   #
silver destinat and
apointit thairto be Colonell Edmond.

[} [\22 APRIL 1605.\] }]
   Ordanes that everie persone that enteris to the libertie and #
fredome of ane
burges and gild of this burgh fra this furth sall pay to the    #
thesaurare the soume
of lx li., and siclyk that everie persone that enteris to the   #
libertie and fredome
of ane nychtbour and burges, nocht being ane nychtbouris sone,  #
sall pay the
soume of viij li.

[} [\3 MAY 1605.\] }]
   The baillies, counsall and deacones of craft, convenit,      #
ordinis fra this furthe  
the brig porte to be daylie keipit and watchet for the bettir   #
preservatione of
the toun fra this feirfull plaig of pest quhairwith sindrie     #
pairtes of Fyff ar
now, at the plesour of God, infectit, and that tua keipares be  #
putt to the said
porte quarterlie throw the haill toun, to begin at the north    #
eist quarter; and
ordinis publicatione to be maid heirof be the drum or bell that #
nane be sufferit
to haif entres at the said brig porte cuming fra Sanctandrois,  #
Seres, Kirkaldy,
Kinghorne, and Torryburne; and ordinis all strainger pure to be #
putt and
haldin af the toun.

[} [\27 MAY 1605.\] }]
   The proveist, baillies and counsall, convenit, ratifies and  #
appreves the act
and ordinance of the sessioun of the kirk anent the breking of  #
the flure in the
eist end of the kirk for buriall of ony corpes thairintill,     #
quhairby it is provydet
that in cais ony persoun will presume obstinatlie to do in the  #
contrair, they sall
pay (\ad pios vsus\) , befoir the breking of the eirthe, the    #
soume of fourtie pundis
money; and ordinis the said act to be observit and keipit in    #
all tyme cuming. 
   It is statute and ordinit that, heireftir, na banisched      #
persoun be resett nor
reponit to thair libertie agane within this burghe unto the     #
tyme licence be had of
the provest, baillies and counsall thairto, gif the banischment #
be for a civill caus,
and of the sessioun of the kirk gif it be for ony caus          #
belangand to thair discipline.
   It is statute and ordinit that fra this furthe na inhabitant #
within this burgh
tak upoun hand to by in grite and tap out in small ony tymber,  #
victuell, viveres,
or uther unstaple waires that salhappin to cum be sey upoun     #
aventure seikand
mercatt to the schoir of this burgh, or to ony pairte abone the #
Rudder brig.

<P 114>
[} [\21 OCTOBER 1605.\] }]
   Ordeanes Archibald Allane, thesaurare, to pay yeirlie to     #
Moses Fergussoun, 
in feall, for uptaking of the psalmes within the kirk of this   #
burgh, the
soume of fourtie pundis yeirlie.

[} [\4 APRIL 1606.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall, convenit, allowes and approves    #
James Schorte,
maister of wark to the shoir, in his discharge of the said wark #
sa far as yit is
proceidit thairintill; and gif ony nychtbour traduce and        #
sclander the said
James of the neglect of ony point of the said wark in contrair  #
the tennour of
this his approbatione thairof foirsaid, the persone, traducer   #
and sclanderare of
him, sall pay for the first falt fyve pundis, and for the       #
secund falt ten pundis,
and utherwyis wardit and punishit in thair persones at the will #
of the counsall;
and ordinis publicatione to be maid heirof be bell or drum that #
nane pretend
ignorance thairof.

[} [\23 JUNE 1606.\] }]
   The provest, baillies and counsall, convenit, statutes and   #
ordinis for the
bettir reparatione of the shoir, that thair be aucht serving    #
men or wemane
daylie and ilk day sent to the schoir be the inhabitantis of    #
this burgh, as they
salbe warnit be the baillie of thair quarter, for bering of red #
as the maister of
wark sall direct to thame; and gif ony nychtbour refuis to send #
ane servand,
being requirit, ordinis fyve shillingis to be poyndit that      #
thairwith ane uther
may be feit in thair places; and siclike ordinis ane            #
gildbrother and ane craftisman
to attend ilk ane of thame thair day about on the work of the   #
shoir,
under the pane of ten s. to be poyndit of the dean of gild and  #
convener for the
contravener.

[} [\4 AUGUST 1606.\] }]
   Nominates and apointes James Short [\and five others\] to    #
visit the ile
called Patersones ile, and to report thair advyse how the kirk  #
foiranent the said
ile salbe theikit, and to meitt this day and to reporte on      #
Fryday nixtocum.
   Ordinis Archibald Allane, thesaurare, to borrow tua hundreth #
pundis on
proffite, quhill Mertimes nixtocum, to sett fordwart the wark   #
of the almoushous.

[} [\16 OCTOBER 1606.\] }]
   The saidis provest, balyeis and counsall, band and obleist   #
tham and thair
successouris to warrand, relief, and keip skaithles Archibald   #
Allane, thair
<P 115>
thesaurer, of the sowm of xlviij li. money for the price of     #
j=e= daillis bocht att
thair command fra Georg Norvell and Alexander Patersoun, tobe   #
lugis to thair
diseisit and seik personis in the Brighauch, in the present     #
visitatioun.

[} [\30 JANUARY 1607.\] }]
   The provest, baillies and counsall, convenit, ordinis the    #
haill effaires that
salhappin fra this furth to be intreated in counsall to be      #
inrollit and callit be
the roll ordourlie as it salbe left att, begynnand at the       #
effaires of the kirk and
Goddis service, thaireftir of the toun, and last at sic         #
particulares as sall occur.
   Ordinis the baillie of ilk quarter agane the nixt counsall   #
day to visite
thair quarteris and to tak up ane cathologe of all the persones #
quhais houssis
hes bene infectit of this visitatione of the pest, with the     #
nomber of the persones
deceissit and of thame quha hes mendit of that seiknes, that    #
ordour may
be tane thairwithe.

[} [\9 FEBRUARY 1607.\] }]
   In presens of the provest and baillies and counsall,         #
convenit, thair is producet
be ilk baillie a roll of all persones deceissit in his awin     #
quarter in this
last visitatione of pest, to the number of sex hundreth         #
[\blanco\] persones in the
haill, by and attour the number of [\blanco\] persones quha     #
amendit and convalessit of the seiknes.

[} [\14 FEBRUARY 1607.\] }]
   Ordinis the haill clengeares, except James Broun, to be      #
clenget and send
hame, and ordinis the thesaurer to gif thame drink silver at    #
the provest and
baillies discretione.
   Johnne Williamsone is suorne in the office of clerkship for  #
this yeir tocum,
as use is, and the counsall ratifies all thingis that he hes    #
done sen the tym of
his last admissioun.

[} [\13 FEBRUARY 1607.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall, convenit, haifing consideratione  #
of the grete
desolatione of this burghe this yeir bigane be resson of the    #
pest, quhairthrow
thair hes bene litell or na tred within the samyn during the    #
tyme of the said
seiknes, thairfoir defalkis and discharges to the takismen of   #
the tounes customes
and rentis underwrittin as eftir followis, [to the executouris  #
of umquhile
Janet Neilsoun, of the peckis sett for +L45, +L11, 9s. 2 d.; to #
Archibald Smythe,
for the gait dichtingis sett for 140 merks, 60 merks; to the    #
executouris of
<P 116>
umquhile Johne Young, for the fische skemmillis sett for +L6,   #
30s.; to George
Aikman and Johne Crawfurde, for the small customes sett for 
+L120, +L40] [^EDITOR'S BRACKETS^] ...

[} [\20 FEBRUARY 1607.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall, convenit, statutes and ordinis    #
that in tyme
cuming the burges and fyne of extranear burgessis salbe sextene #
pundis, but
ony downgeving; and burges bairnes to pay conforme to the last  #
act, viz.,
foure pundis.

[} [\9 MARCH 1607.\] }]
   Laurence Thomsoun, George Cairnes, David Wilsoun, Patrik     #
Alexander,
and William Robertsoun, baxteris, become in the counsallis will #
for inquieting
the toun on Fryday last at nicht, be moking of the buriallis of #
thame quha
deit of the pest, in hie contempt of God.

[} [\20 MARCH 1607.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall, convenit, declaires thair will on #
Laurence Thomsoun,
baxter, and his complices as followis, viz., that on ane        #
mercatt day the  
said Laurence salbe cariet in ane sled throw the toun, beir     #
futtit and beir
heidit, with ane quhite sark on him and ane paper on his heid   #
beiring the
caus of his punishment, and the rest of his complices to gang   #
beir futtit and
beir heidit throw the toun, and thaireftir to be brocht and     #
bund at the croce,
to stand thair during the baillies will.
   William Donaldsoun confessit that on Mononday last, the      #
sextene day of
Marche instant, he dispersonit Johnne Scherare, baillie, in his #
office, saying
gif he war out of his bailliarie he sould haif said mair to     #
him; and being 
charget and committet to waird thairfoir, confessit that he     #
brak waird and
eshepit furth of the tolbuth, and thaireftir being commandit to #
wairde agane
be Archibald Smyth, bailly, disobeyit and withstud him in his   #
office, drew and
myntet ane suord to him, and preissit to haif eshepit furth of  #
his handis, and
gaif him mony injurous wordis; for the quhilkis offences he     #
becomes in the
provest, baillies, and counsallis will; quha being advyset      #
thairwith be thair will
declaires and ordinis the said William Donaldsoun to be putt    #
thairfoir in the
irones, and thaireftir to be kepit in fast waird on breid and   #
watter induring 
the provest and baillies will, and ay and quhill they find him  #
penitent for his
offences, and to pay to the commoun wark of the toun the soume  #
of fourtie
<P 117>
pundis, and at his releif out of wairde sall find caution never #
to committ
trublance agane within this burgh, under the pane of ane        #
hundreth pundis for
the first falt and the nixt falt, and for the nixt falt to be   #
banishet the toun,
and to seik the saidis tua bailleis forgivenes at the croce.

[} [\23 MARCH 1607.\] }]
   The baillies and counsall convenit, ordinis fra this furth,  #
ilk officiar his xv
dayes about, to keip the keyes of the tolbuith, and to be       #
ansuerable during that
space for the saidis keyes, and to suffer nane to haif acces to #
the wairderis but
leve of the baillies, under the pane of deprivatione of the     #
saidis officiares of
thair offices.

[} [\6 APRIL 1607.\] }]
   The provest, baillies and counsall, convenit, haifing        #
consideratione of the
grite panes and travellis tane be maister Patrik Symsone in his #
office of
ministrie in the kirk of God within this burgh thir [\blanco\]  #
yeiris bygane, and
that the said maister Patrik throw his extraordiner panes and   #
travellis is now
becum unable him allane to discharge the cure of his said       #
ministrie, and the
said provest, baillies and counsall, being weill pleaset and    #
satisfyt with the
literature, knawleg, and giftis of maister Robert Mure, thinkes #
him meitt and
able to serve in the office of a secund minister of this        #
burghe, desyres thairfoir
the said maister Patrik Symsoun to travell and deale with the   #
said maister
Robert Mure, quhairby he may be inducet to accept on him the    #
said
ministrie, and for that effect to offir to him in the tounes    #
name ane stipend
of tua hundreth pundis yeirlie.
   Discharges Archibald Soirlie and Andro Fergussoun,           #
officiares, of thair
saidis offices, and of all farder using thairof in tyme cuming, #
and ordinis thame
to be putt in the irones to remane thairin dureing the provest  #
and baillies willis,
and that for the wrang and injurie done be thame to maister     #
Johnne Aissoun,
minister, in wairding of him but command or directioun of the   #
magistrattis.

[} [\1 MAY 1607.\] }]
   The baillies, counsall and deacones of craftis of this       #
burgh, being convenit
in the tolbuith thairof to entreate upoun the commoun effaires  #
of the same, and
considering that it being the gude will and plesour of God      #
laitlie to visite this
burgh with the feirfull seiknes and contagioun of pest, the     #
cours quhairof began
<P 118>
sa violent that, for stanching the same, the provest, baillies, #
and counsall of this
burgh for the tyme, wer forcett to send for ane grite number of #
clengeares furth
of the pairtes of Edinburgh, Linlythqw and Leyth, with quhome   #
conditione and
pactioun was maid that for thair travellis they sould haif had  #
ane certane grite
soume of money, quhairof as yit they haif gottin nor can get na #
payment; and
thairwith considering the grite soumes of money quhairintill    #
the thesaurare of 
this burgh is superexpendit of the commoun rent thairof in      #
furnessing of ludges,
elding to the caldrones, and uther materiallis necessar to the  #
clengeing, besyde
the grite expenssis disbursit be him in susteining ane grite    #
number of pure,
baithe within and without the toun in the hauche; and knawing   #
na bettir nor
uther meane how to releif and defray the saidis grite chargis   #
and expenssis
nor be uplifting ane stent of the soume of money underwrittin;  #
thairfoir the
saidis baillies, counsall, and deacones of craft of this        #
burghe, representing the
haill commounitie, all in ane voce, votes, concludis and        #
ordinis for relief of the
soumes of money abonespecefijt that thair salbe ane stent of    #
the soume of tua
thousand merkis usuall money of Scotland raised and uplifted of #
the haill inhabitantes 
of this burghe betuix the day and dait heirof and the first day #
of
Junij nixtocum.

[} [\20 JULY 1607.\] }]
   Ordinis the thesaurare to provyde and furnes George          #
Crawfurde, drummare,
and Johnne Forbes, pyper, ilk ane of thame, with breikis and    #
schankis of ryd
stemmyng.

[} [\25 SEPTEMBER 1607.\] }]
   Anent the supplicatione gevin in be maister Alexander Yule,  #
maister of
the grammer scole, makand mentioun that forsamekle as he hes    #
barganit with
Adame Abercrombie for the few of ane of his town landis in      #
Ireland, the
transsumpt of quhais richt and placing sum servandis thair and  #
accomplishment 
of uther necesser turnes will craif his awin presens the space  #
of nyne or
ten oulkis thairby, the doctour and pedagoges during this tyme  #
will hald the
bairnes exercesit in leirning the lections of thair authouris   #
he hes pairtlie
alreddie teachet thame, and will farder follow furthe, desyres  #
thair licence for
the said spaice, or farder as his necessitie sall require,      #
utherwyis it will redound
to his grite hurt. The counsall continewis the ansuer of his    #
supplicatione to
the nixt counsall day.

<P 119>
[} [\1 FEBRUARY 1608.\] }]
   James Finlasoun, of his awin consent, for infirmitie and     #
disease of bodie,
banishes and exyles him self this burgh; and gif he be fund     #
within the same
agane to be scurgit for the first falt and hangit for the nixt  #
falt, except he
obtene the counsallis gude will and licence thairto.

[} [\18 APRIL 1608.\] }]
   Statutes and ordinis that fra this furth the kairteris and   #
sledmen of this
burgh tak na mair for thair cariage fra the shoir nor efter     #
followis, viz., for ane
single dracht of tymber, stanes, and uthir waris, ten d.; for   #
ane double dracht,
tuentie d.; for ane punshoun of wyne, iiij s.; for ane pipe of  #
sek, x s.; ane pak
of mader, x s.; ane les pak vj s. vij d.; ane bun of beir, xvj  #
d.; ane barrell of 
Osmond wine, xx d.; and ane leid of lyme and victuall, viij d.; #
under the pane
of five pund of unlaw, (\toties quoties\) .

[} [\30 MAY 1608.\] }]
   Apointes Christopher Alexander and Johne Williamson          #
commissioneris
to pas to the counsall in Linlythqw, thair to intreate and      #
deale with thame for  
sum ease and ordour to be tane anent the raid apointet towardis #
the Iles.

[} [\6 JUNE 1608.\] }]
   Apointis Duncan Patersone, den of gild, to beir the townis   #
ansenyie or
standart on the xiiij day of Junij instant, quhilk is the       #
wapinschawin day; and
the nixt wapinschawin day, quhen it hapinis, the berer of the   #
said ansenyie to
be siclyk chosin be the counsall, in all yeiris cuming.
   
[} [\27 JUNE 1608.\] }]
   The provest, baillies, and counsall of this burghe, haifing  #
consideratioune
that thair is sindrie persones, induellares of this burgh, quha #
sittis up, under
cloude of nicht, drinking and playing in uther mennis houssis   #
and disabusing
thame selfis, to the offence of God and evill exemple of        #
nychtbouris; thairfoir
it is statut and ordinit that na person nor personis,           #
induellaris within this 
burgh, nor utheris resorting thairto, tak upoun hand fra this   #
furthe to sit up
drinking or playing or walking on the strettis eftir ten houris #
at evin. Nather
yet, in thair communicationes, that they tak upoun hand to      #
calumniate, traduce
or dispersone ony of the magistrattis, or speake unreverentlie  #
of thame,
<P 120>
under the pane of fourtie pundis (\toties quoties\) . And that  #
na browstare,  
oystlare, nor ventare or wyne or meitt, sell ather drink or     #
meitt, nor ressait ony
persone within thair houssis after the said hour, under the     #
pane foirsaid.
   William Young, notare, become in will for dispersoning of    #
Johnne
Scherare, baillie, in calling him base borne swyngour; and      #
thairfoir the
provest, baillies and counsall, ordinnis him to remane in waird #
quhill Thuresday
nixtocum efter the sermone, and thaireftir to cum to the croce  #
on his
kneis and seik the said baillies forgivenes; and gif evir he do #
the lyke to the
magistrates of this burgh he salbe banishet this burgh for      #
evir, of his awin consent.



<B SREC2B>
<Q SC2 STA REC ABERD2>
<N ABERDEEN RECORDS>
<A X>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1590-1620>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D NSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LOCAL RECORD>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X X>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN>
<E X>
<J X>
<I FORMAL>
<Z STAT>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^EXTRACTS FROM THE COUNCIL REGISTER OF THE BURGH OF ABERDEEN.
1570-1625. VOL. II. SPALDING CLUB, 19. ABERDEEN 1848.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 67.1-82.3
SAMPLE 2: PP. 353.12-363.6
SAMPLE 3: PP. 366.20-368.36^]


<S SAMPLE 1>  
<P 67>  
  
[}31ST MARCH, 1590.}]  
  
   The said day, the prouest, ballies, and the persones of the  #
consale  
followin, to wit, &c., electit, nominat, and chosit, and votit  #
for the maist  
pairt, Johnne Collesoune, balle, to pas with the schip of this  #
burght,  
appoyntit and makand reddie to pas to the pairtis of Denmark,   #
for convoying and hame bringing of his hieness and the quene,   #
his  
darrest bedfellow in this realme, to haiff the governement, and #
rewell,  
and commandement of the said schip and cumpanie thairof, and    #
that  
Dauid Indeaucht sall pas witht him in the said schip to gif him # 
his  
aduyse, and to oursie the viuaris and all uther necessaris,     #
that thai be   
nocht on profitebly bestowit nor devastit, and that thair       #
charges resonable  
be maid and giffin be the sicht and consideratioun of the       #
prouest, ballies,  
and consale, of the stent and taxatioun presentlie sett and     #
imposit upoun  
the inhabitantis of this burght, for furthtrigging and          #
furnesing of the said  
schip, and the said Jon to have ane hundretht pundis to by his  #
garmontht.   
  
[}6TH APRIL, 1590.}]  
  
   The said day, the ballies and persones of the consale aboun  #
wretin,  
statut and ordanit Maister Thomas Mengzes of Durne, prouest,    #
havar  
and keipar of the pece of artelyerie callit The Falcon,         #
pertenying to this   
burght, to delyeur the samen to Williame Measson, skipper of    #
the schip  
of this burght callit the Nicolas, presentlie bound towardis    #
the partis of  
Denmark, for convoying and hambringing of his hienes and the    #
quene  
grace within this realme, to be imput on the said schip for hir #
defence and  
decoratioun, becaus thair is na ma peces of munitioun belanging #
to this  
burght, ganand for the said schip, bot sic as ar borrowit fra   #
the awnaris  
of the schippis callit the James and Androw, as the act maid    #
thairon this  
day proportis.   
  
[}27TH APRIL, 1590.}]  
  
   The said daye, the prouest, baillies, and consall, with      #
consent and  
assent of the communitie of the said burghe, convenit this day  #
in thair  
heid court, deuysit, statute, and ordanit, ane wapinschaw of    #
the haill  
inhabitantis of this burght, to be on Tuysdaye the feyft of May #
nixt to  
cum, according to his Maiesties act of parliament maid anent    #
wapinschawis,  
making tuyse ilk yeir, and to that effect ordanit the haill 
inhabitantis of this burght, als weill onfre as fre, fensabill  #
and able  
<P 68>  
persones, to assembill and convene thame selfis in thair best   #
armour  
and aray, with hagbut, spear, jack, knappiskaw, and vtheris     #
wapins  
bellical, in the Linx of the said burght, vpon the said fyft    #
day of Maij,  
at ten houres befoir nowne, with thair magistratis, ilk         #
persoun, inhabitant  
of this burght of aige and abill to bear armour, being absent   #
the  
said daye, vnder the paine of [\BLANK\]  
 
[}14TH OCTOBER, 1590.}]  
  
   The said day, the haill toun being lauchtfullie warnit to    #
this day, baytht  
frie and onfrie, &c., it was exponit to thame be Alexander      #
Cullen, prouest,  
that his majestie had directit charges and lettres charging the #
haill inhabitantis  
and his graces lieges within the shireffdomes of Forfar,        #
Kincardin,  
Aberdene, and Banff, to pas fordwart and accumpany the Erll     #
Merschall,  
his Graces commissiounar in that part, to Deir, for recoverye   #
of the  
hows of Deir, presentlie taken and withhaldin be Mr. Robert     #
Keytht and  
his complices, under the pane of tynsell of lyves, landis, and  #
gudis, as in  
the saidis lettres red in judgement, of the dait at             #
Halyraidhous, the xxvi.  
day of September last bypast, at mair lynth is contenit,        #
desyring of thame  
to knaw gif thay wald obey his maiesties charge thairanent, or  #
giff thai  
wald be content to furneiss out ane number for the haill        #
inhabitantis of  
this burght with hagbuttis, to pas witht the said Erll to the   # 
effect foirsaid,  
as the borrowis of Dundie, Montroiss, Brechin, and Forfar,      #
subiect  
to the said proclamatioun and charge hes done, giff the said    #
Erll wald be  
thairwith content, quha being convenit as said is, for          #
obedience to the  
said charge, thocht it maist meit and expedient that the number #
of fourtie  
suld be sent furtht for this burght, hagbuttaris furnessit be   #
the haill inhabitantis,  
thrie, four, fywe or twa, to furneiss ane hagbuttar as salbe 
appoyntit be the discretioun of prouest and ballies according   #
to the habiliteis  
of the furnesaris, giff the said Erll Merschaill, commissionar  #
to his  
maiestie, will be thairwitht content, rather nor the haill      #
inhabitantis of  
this burght to pas fordwart.  
  
 [}26TH NOVEMBER, 1590.}]  
  
   Item, the grass of the linkis was rowpit and sett to Johnne  #
Dauidsone,  
merchant, for the sowme of ten markis sex s. aucht d., fra the  #
day and  
dait heirof, quhilk sall be his entrie heirvnto, quhile the     #
xxv. day of  
Nouember, anno. j=m= v=c= four scoir and fourtene yeris, kepand #
the aird  
<P 69>  
and shcriff thairof on delvit or cassin vp, and Andro Horne     #
becum 
cautioun for payment thairof to the thesaurar, and he obleist   #
him to  
releve his said cautionar.  

   Item, the chappell on the Castelhill, to wit, the body       #
thairof and the  
gryt loft of the samen, allanerlie, being rowpit, was sett to   # 
Gilbert Blak,  
elder, cupar, for the sowme of four pundis, fra the day and     #
dait heiroff,  
to the xxv. day of November, in the yeir of God, j=m= v=c= four #
scoir and  
fourtene yeiris, quha fand Johne Gray cautioun for payment      #
thairof  
to the thesaurer, and he obleist him to releve his cautionair.  
 
   Item, the grass of the locht was rowpit thairefter, and the  #
sowme of  
tuentie pundis threttene s. four d. being offerit theirfor be   # 
Willeam  
Wedderburne, nane exceding his said offer, the samen was sett   #
to the  
said Willeam fra the day and dait heirof, quhilk sall be his    #
entrie theirvnto,  
quhill the xxv. day of November nixt to cum, in the yeir of     #
God,  
j=m= v=c= four scoir and fourtene yeiris, quha fand Andro Horne #
cautionar  
for him, for payment of the said sowme to the thesaurar, and he #
obleist  
him to releve his cautionar.  
  
[}8TH JANUARY, 1590.}]  
  
   The said day, Robert and Nicoll Jardanis, seruitoris to the  #
richt honorabill   
Sir James Creichtone, of Frendracht, war accusit be the denis   #
of  
gild in name of the haill toune, for cuming upon the sixt of    #
this instant  
wnder clud and sylence of nicht, at aucht houris at ewin, to    # 
John Coupar,  
command seruand and tavernar to this burght, passing with the   #
drum  
at aucht houris at ewin throw the haill streitt of this burght, #
trubling of  
the said Johnne and striking him with suerd being withtin the   #
skabars  
on the hed, braking of the drum, and cutting of the same with   #
quhingeris,  
in hie and manifest contempt of his majestie, and of the        #
magistrattis of  
this burght, comperit the said Robert and Nicoll, and denyit    #
the said fact  
and deid, in respect quharof the ballies decernit thame to      #
purge thame of  
the said fact and deid be thair aythes, quha refusit to sueir,  #
quhairfor the  
same was put to the decisioun of the assyss. [\THERE IS NO 
JUDGMENT.\]  
  
[}18TH JANUARY, 1590.}]  
  
   The prouest and ballies decernit and ordanit the four        #
ordinar officeris,  
<P 70>  
&c., to keip the key of the tolbuith dur and consalhous dur,    #
ilk ane of  
thame thair oulk about, and to be ansuirabill for the samen,    #
and having  
drawin cuttis quha suld begin first, it fell to the said Dauid  #
to begyn first,  
W=m.= Mitchell nixt, Thomas Kellie third, and Thomas Dicksone   #
fourt.  
  
 [}15TH FEBRUARY, 1590.}]  
   
   The said day, the personis of the consall eftir following,   #
&c., deuysit   
and ordanit James Settoun, collectour of the kirk annuellis, to #
content   
and pay to George Layng the sowme of saxtene merkis for ane     #
kist,  
deuysit and ordanit to be bocht fra him for keiping of the      #
townis evidentis   
and of the chartouris and evidentis belanging to the cheplanis  #
of this   
burght, &c.  
 
[}2ND APRIL, 1591.}]  
  
   The ballies ordanit the quhyt fischeris induellaris of       #
Futtie, to be  
poyndit in tyme cuming, (^ (\toties quoties\) ^) , thay past    #
nocht to the sey with 
thair fische boittis for taking of fische to serwe the          #
inhabitantis of this  
burght and the kyngis lieges, as oft as thay remane af the sey, #
wynd  
and wedder servand, and that according to the auld ordinances.  
 
[}15TH APRIL, 1591.}]  
  
   The said day, the provest, bailleis, and consale ordanit     #
Alex. [\BLANK\] 
to produce and exhibit befoir thame his auld evidentis quhilkis #
he hes of 
the land pertenying to him, lyand without Futties port, to be   #
sene and 
considderit be thame quhat service and dewetie the said         #
Alex=r.= aucht for 
the same, becaus the same was sett out of auld be this burght   #
to umquhile 
Johnne Irving, burges thairoff, for keping of the gettis        #
passand to the 
Castellhill and Futtie clene frome all filtht, and that upon    #
the xxii. day of 
this instant, with certificatioun and he failzie thay will      #
proceed according 
to justice, and ordanis intimatioun to be maid to the said      #
Alex=r.= heirupoun.  
  
[}19TH MAY, 1591.}]  
  
   The said day, anent the supplicatioun presentit to the       #
prouest, baillies, 
and counsell, be Robert Abell, makand mentioun that he is ane   #
natiwe 
townis man, borne and gottin within the samen, and now at the   # 
guid 
pleasour of God is visiet with the seiknes of leprosie, and     #
theirby onhabill
<P 71>  
to wyn his liwing, or frequent honest menis societie: desyring 
theirfor that he micht be placed in the hospitall hous betuix   #
the townis, 
quhilk supplicatioun thay thocht ressonabill, and ordanit       #
George Straquhyn, 
baillie, maister of the hospitale of that said burght, to place #
him 
in the said hous, and the counsall admittit him thairto with    #
speciall 
permissioun, that it sall not be lesum to the said Robert to    #
mak ony 
richt, titel, tak or assedatioun, or dispositioun of the croft  #
or yard 
adiacent to the said seik folkis hous, to na maner of persone,  #
nor sett 
ony takis thairof lang or schort, and observing sic             #
enjunctionis as sall 
be giffin to him be the maister of the said hospitale, quhilk   # 
place, with 
the corectionis and restrictionis forsaid, the said Robert      #
acceptit. Robert 
Abell with my hand.  
  
[}8TH JUNE, 1591.}]  
  
   The said day, the prouest, bailleis, and consall of the      #
said burght having 
aduysitlie considderit the horribill and haynous cryme of       #
incest, 
committit be Patrik Prat, baxster, with Christen Craik, his     #
wmquhill 
wyffis sister dochter, and that the samen in itself is ane sin  #
sa odious that 
it procuris the wraith and displeasour of God, to be pured on   #
that citie 
and congregatioun quhair the same is committit, except condign  #
punischement 
be imouit to the committeris, and that heirtofoir be ressone    #
the said 
cryme of incest hes bene rair within this burght and fredome    #
thairof committit, 
notourlie knawin sen the professing of Goddis trew ewangell     # 
within 
the samen, and religioun presentlie professit, and be the lawis #
estableschit 
within this realme thair hes not bene ane ordour of punischment #
for the 
samen sa speciallie devysit as neid requyrit, it was thocht     # 
expedient 
theirfor, statut and ordanit be the saidis prouest, bailleis,   #
and consall, in 
the horrour of the said detestabill sine of incest, and to the  #
terrour of 
utheris to committ the lyk in tyme cuming, that the said        #
Patrick Pratt 
sall sit thrie seuerall mercat dayis, quhilk sall be on         #
Setterday, bound to 
the croce of this burght, in the brankis lockit, haffing ane    #
crown of paper 
on his heid, conteining the inscription of the cryme committit  #
be him, fra 
ellewin howris afoir noyne to the hour of twelff in the noyne   #
day, and that 
on thrie seuerall Sondayis he sall stand in the hairclayth,     #
bair futtit and 
bair lygit, at the kirk dur of the said burght, fra the ringing #
of the first 
bell quhill the begynning of the sermone, and to sit at the     #
pillar of repentance 
in semmabill maner to the ending of the sermone, and thaireftir  
<P 72>  
to be exylit and baneist this burght, and never to resort nor   #
cum within 
the samen unto the tyme he be embracit be the kirk upon signe   #
of repentance, 
notourlie knawin to thame be expresing of the samen in his 
lyff and conversatioun, and be receawit and admittit be the     #
prouest, 
baillies, and counsall of this burght be thair testimoniall, to #
haue societie 
and duelling within the samen, efter that he hawe payit ane     #
penaltie to 
the puir, according to the modificatioun of the counsall and    #
sessioun of 
the said burght. 
 
  
 [}28TH JULY, 1591.}]  
  
   The said day, the prouest, bailleis, and consale, deuysit    #
and ordanit 
Thomas Buk, deane of gild, to ansuir and obey Gilbert Guthrie,  #
younger, 
messinger, the sowme of fourtie s. monee for his labouris in    #
using and 
executing of his hienes lettres and chargis, purchest at the    #
instance of 
the prouest and baillies aganis the commissar of Abirdene, for  #
usurping 
of the prouest and bailleis jurisdictioun, and aganis sic       #
personis of this 
burght as persewis thair actionis befoir the said commissar,    #
quhilk sall 
be allowit to him in his comptis, and to pay to Thomas Kelly    #
and 
Thomas Dicksone, tua of the ordinar sergeandis of this burght,  #
the
sowme of xx. s. for thair labouris in passing to the fredome,   #
to the Erle 
Merschellis landis adiacent thairto, and their wreisting at the #
townis 
instance the peitts cassin be the said erle and his tenentis    #
wpon the 
fredome of this burght.  
  
 [}8TH NOVEMBER, 1591.}]  
  
   The said daye, the haill towne being lauchtfullie warnit to  #
this daye, 
&c., it was exponit to thame be Alexander Rutherfurd, prouest,  #
that be 
verteu of a lait proclamatioun maid publictlie at the mercat    #
croce of the 
said burght, the sext day of this instant, in name of George,   #
Erle of 
Huntlye, Lord Gordon and Badzenoche, Lieutenant to his Majestie 
within the north pairtis of Scotland, be north the watter of    #
Dee, his 
majesties haill lieges within the haill schyres within the      #
saidis boundis, 
as also the inhabitantis of burrowis within the same schyres ar # 
chargit 
of new to meitt the said lieutenent and his depute, bodin in    #
feir of wear 
with tuentie dayes lone at the Bog of Gicht, upon the xxvii. of #
this 
instant, and theirfra to pas with the said lieutenant and his   #
depute, 
[{upon{] Lauchlan Mackintoische, and dyveris wtheris brokin     #
hieland men,
<P 73>  
his majesties rebellis wnder the pane of escheting of all thair #
guidis of 
sic as obeyis nocht the said charge, and the prouest and sum of #
the counsall 
wes crediblie informit be sum of the saidis erlis freyndis that #
be sending 
of fourtie wagit men for this burght for keping of the said     #
raid, the said 
lieutenant nor his depute wald na wayis be content, bot sa far  #
as the said 
prouest was informit, wald nocht ressawe souldiouris furnessit  #
be this 
burght, bot wald hawe the sowme of four hundretht merkis at the #
leist, 
to be payit to him and his depute for the samen, wpon the       #
quhilk the 
said lieutenant and his depute wald furneiss wagit men to thame #
selff of 
the south cuntrie, and heirof maid intimatioun to the town,     #
convenit as 
said is, desyring thame, being assemblit to this effect, to     #
prouyd the maist 
easie remeid for thair awin releiff, and to eschew the perrell  #
and danger 
of the said proclamatioun, declaring that quhatsumeuir forme    #
thay suld 
tak thairanent, the prouest, bailleis, and counsall suld folow  #
the samen, 
and that the town suld pretend na ignorance to the charge, it   #
wes inquyrit 
of thame be the said prouest gif thay wald consent to be        #
stentit for the 
sowme of four hundreth merkis to be giffin to the said          #
lieutenant and his 
depute, to hawe ane discharge of the said raid, and ilk man be  #
the ordour 
of the suit roll being votit and inquyrit, the maist pairt      #
votit that thay 
wald na wayis grant to be stentit for ony contributioun, or     # 
money to be 
giffin to the said lieutenant nor his depute, bot that the      #
fourtie souldiouris 
appoyntit obefoir to be send and riggit furth for this burgh,   #
to haue mett 
the said lieutenant depute at the Bog of Gicht, upone the       #
xxiii. day of 
October last bypast, reddy to hawe departit of this burgh for   #
keping of 
the said daye, quha had receavit with thair capitan, in pairt   #
of payment of 
thair wages, nyne scoir merkis, salbe send for this burght to   #
keip the xxvii. 
of this instant, ressaving ilk ane of thame sex merkis in full  #
contentatioun 
of thair vages, and war content to be stentit for the sowme of  # 
ane hundreth 
pundis, quhilk obefoir was ordanit to be giffin out be the      #
collector 
of the taxatioun of four hundreth merkis appoyntit for the      #
souldiouris, to 
the bischop wpon his supplicatioun.

[}14TH APRIL, 1592.}]  
  
   The said daye, it was aduysitlie considderit quhow that the  #
wraith and 
displeasour of the Almichtie God is justlie procurit to fall    #
wpon this burgh 
and inhabitantis thairof, for the wickit and ongodlie use       #
croppin in and our 
frequentlie usit within the same amang all sortis of pepill, in #
blaspheiming  
<P 74>  
of Goddis holie name, and swering of horribill and execrabill   # 
aythis, 
theirfor for avoding theirof, folowing the example of wther     #
reformit congregationis 
and burghis within this realme, becaus heirtofoir ane ordour 
of punischement anent the blasphemaris of Goddis name, and      #
swereris of 
horribill aythis, hes nocht bene sa speciallie deuysit as neid  # 
requyrit, and 
for obedience to his majesties actis of parliament maid         #
theiranent, with 
consent of the thrie estatis, in the parliament hauldin and     #
begun at Edinburgh 
the xxiiii. day of October, the yeir of God one thousand, fyve  #
hundreth, 
four scoir and ane yeiris, the haill town, &c., consentit and   #
agreit 
but contradictioun, and for ane statute and law, estableschit   #
the forme and 
ordour folowing to be heireftir observit within this burgh, be  #
the haill inhabitantis 
theirof, for repressing of the said horribill vyce, that ilk    #
maister 
of houshald within this burgh, sa oft as he sall happin to fall #
in the said 
vyce, sall pay of penaltie to be aplyit to the use of the puir, #
aucht d., and 
ilk servand four d., quhilk salbe exactit of thame be the       #
maisteris of houshaldis, 
and allocat and allowit in thair fie, aucht to thame be thair   #
maisteris, 
and this to be extendit als weill to men servandis quha         #
commonlie 
dois blaspheme the name of God be execrabill aythis, will not   
abstene thairfra be exacting of the said penaltie, that thair   #
maisteris delait 
thame to the kirk and sessioun, that with thame ordour may      #
be tackin 
thairanent as apertenis, ather be publict repentance or         #
uthervayis as salbe 
thocht expedient be the kirk and sessioun, and this present act #
to extent 
it self to mennis wyffis and thair bairnis, with quhom the      # 
maisteris of 
the houshald salbe hauldin to tak ordour that thay may forbeir  #
sweiring, 
sall exact of thair wyffis the penaltie of aucht d. as oft as   #
thay fall, and 
punische thair barnis be palmeris, and for better executioun of #
this act it wes 
deuysit that ilk maister of houshald sall hawe ane box to put   #
in the saidis 
penalteis, according to the custume of wther weill reformit     #
townis and 
congregationis, sa sone as possiblie thay may hawe thame.   
  
[} (\EODEM DIE.\) }]  
  
   The said day, the prouest, balleis, and counsall, with       #
consent of the
communitie, wpon complaynt of Gilbert Atholl and Thomas Atholl, #
quhyt
fischeris in Futtie, aganis Jon Nuckall, Jon Hendersone,        #
Alex=r.= Nuckall, 
and W=m.= Cowye, quhyt fischeris their, for the cutting and     #
destroying of 
ane lapster nett, maid, sett up, and placed be the said Gilbert #
and Thomas 
Athollis, at the Gray Hoip within the Girdlenes, quhairwith not #
onlie  
<P 75>  
lapsteris bot also partanis and paddillis, with wther sort of   #
schell fische, 
was takin, a new ingyne deuysit to that effect, quhilk had      #
nocht bene wsit 
obefoir; the saidis Jon Nuckall, Jon Hendersone, Alex=r.=       #
Nuckall, and 
W=m.= Cowye, comperand personallie, grantit the samen, and      #
theirfor war
convict and put in amerciament of court, and it was statut and  #
ordanit 
that gif thay or ony wther fischeris, ather duelling in Futtie  #
or Tory, war 
convict heireftir for doing the lyk, to be banisched this burgh #
and fredome
theirof, and to be pwneist with all regour, becaus it wes fund  #
be the 
counsall and toun convenit, that the samen was ane necessar     #
ingyne, and 
profitabill for the commoun weill.  
  
[}6TH JANUARY, 1592.}]  
  
   The said day, Maister Williame Murdo being apprehendit       #
within
this burght be the prouest and bailleis, upone suir             #
informatioun that he 
was an mantener of errouris, and ane quha directlie opponit     #
himself 
to the trew word of God sinceirlie preichit within this realme, #
and in the 
mercies of God be the lawis and actis of Parliament professit   #
and estableschit, 
a blasphemar aganis the ancient Prophetis and Chrystis          #
Apostlis, 
and the said Maister Williame being tryit  thairanent be the    #
saidis 
prouest, bailleis, and ministrie, of this burght, was fund ane  #
oppin 
blasphemer aganis the ancient Propheittis and Chrystis          #
Apostlis, ane 
quha damnis the haill Auld Testament, except the Ten            #
Commandimentis; 
and the New Testament, except the Lordis Prayer; a oppin        #
railzear 
aganis the ministrie and treuth preichit, and is sic a          #
blasphemous heretyk 
that he can not be sufferit in ane republict; quharfor the said #
Maister 
Willeam is presentlie ordanit to be declairit at the mercat     #
croce of this 
burght ane oppin blasphemer of the treuth, mantener of          #
errouris, and 
theirfoir decernit and ordanit him to be baneist and exylit     #
this 
burgh and fredome theirof, and that he sall na wayis repair,    #
hant, nor 
resort theirto, in ony tyme heireftir; certefeing him that gif  #
he beis 
apprehendit or fund within this burgh or libertie theirof in    #
ony tyme cumming, 
that he sal be brint on the cheik and his luggis cutit,         #
inhibiting all 
and sindrie the inhabitantis of this burgh to receave, hous,    # 
herbrye, intertein, 
beir company, or schaw favour, to the said Maister              #
Willeam 
heireftir, wnder the paine of banischement to be incurrit be    #
sic as sall 
happin to be fund culpabill of his ressait, intertanement,      #
giffing of hous,
herbrye, or meat or drink to him in tyme cumming.  

<P 76>  
  
[}8TH JANUARY, 1592.}]  
   
   The said day, the prouest, bailleis, and consall,            #
wnderstanding that 
the burghis of Edinburgh, Dundye, Perth, and wtheris townis be  #
south 
this burgh, perceaving the gryt disordour and confusioun that   #
presentlie 
now regnis within the haill realme, trubill and calamiteis      #
quhairwith 
the same is presentlie grevit, and cheiflie the persecutioun,   #
intentit and 
deuysit to hawe bene put in practeis be the enemies of Chrystis #
treu
evangel, aganis the ministrie and professouris theirof within   #
the burrowis, 
hes for thair awin safetyes caus, and for publict quyetnes      #
within the 
saidis burrowis, causit thair townis be nichtlie walkit and     #
watchit be 
the citizenis and inhabitantis of the samen, that na disordour  #
sall enter 
theirin, na strangearis and extranearis resort and repair       #
theirto, quheirof
the magistrattis of the samen suld nocht be aduerteist and      #
forsene, and 
that this burgh is situat in sic ane pairt of the cuntrie, be   #
itselff alane 
far distant fra ony wther townis, hes not onlie wpone the       #
occassionis
aboue rehersit, bot lykvayis be resson of the gryt disordour    #
now within 
thir north pairtis quhair the barbarous and crewell helandmen   #
ar brokin 
lowss, hes wsit gryt crewelteis and rasit hudge hairschippis,   #
quhilk is 
ane mater that tuichis this burgh and inhabitantis thairof,     #
lyand sa neir 
hand to the hielandis, it being ane oppin toun; for thir        #
caussis, thocht 
meit and expedient, deuysit and ordanit, with consent of the    #
haill toun 
convenit this day in thair heid court, that this burgh, as the  #
remanent 
burrowis be south the samen sall be nichtlie watchit and walkit #
during 
the space that sall be thocht expedient be the prouest,         #
bailleis, and
counsall, the portis thairof maid fast and nichtlie lockit, the #
catbandis 
nichtlie festinit, and that ilk nichtbour and inhabitant of     #
this burgh sall 
hawe, keip and wphald thair bak dykis and bak yettis fast and   #
sufficient, 
and that the said nichtlie watche sal be of sic a numer of the  #
inhabitantis 
thairof as sall be thocht meit and expedient be the baillie of  #
the quarter, 
ilk persone, inhabitant of this burgh, being warnit to the      #
wache to cum 
theirto to the gaird hous at the tyme appoyntit, in armour,     #
jack, steil 
bonat, spair, halbert, or lang gun, and remane for that nicht   #
in the 
wache, at sic places of the toune as he sal be appoyntit be the #
baillie of 
the quarter, to [\BLANK\] houris in the morning, and quhasoeuer 
sal be absent fra the wache, being warnit theirto, or not       #
remain thereat 
during the tyme appoyntit, to incur the wnlaw of tuentie s. on  #
forgiffin.  
<P 77>  
  
[}10TH JANUARY, 1592.}]  
  
   The said daye, the prouest, bailleis, and consall, ordanit   #
the haill 
toun, inhabitantis thairof bayth frie and onfrie, to be warnit  #
be the 
handbell passand throw the haill rewis of the toun, to compeir  #
the 
morne, the xi. of this instant, within the paroche kirk of this #
burgh 
immediatlie eftir the sermone, betuix nyne and ten houris afoir #
noyne, 
to gif thair aythis in presence of thair ministrie and          # 
magistrattis, and 
to be sworne solemnlie for mantenance of the caus of trew       #
religioun 
presentlie professit within this realme according to the actis  #
of parliament 
sett doun theiranent, his majesties proclamatioun maid          #
theirupoun 
obefoir, and publict band concerning the samen, and to          #
subscryue the
said band, subscryuit be his majestie and sett out in prent,    #
sic as can
subscryue be thame selffis, and sic as can nocht subscryue, to  #
wphald 
thair handis, to do and performe the same in presence of the    #
ministrie, 
and that upon the present perrell and danger, intendit and      #
deuysit 
be the enemies of the treu religioun, to hawe bene execut       #
aganis the 
ministrie and professouris of the samen, and to heir and sie    #
solid ordour 
sett doun thairanent, as sall be thocht expedient, and as it is #
embracit be 
the burrowis be south, certifeing sic as comperis not to the    #
effect foirsaid, 
that thay sall incur the payne of fourtie s. for thair absence, #
and be 
reput and estemit as enemies to the quyetnes of the toun.  
  
[}31ST JANUARY, 1592.}]  
  
   The said day, the prouest, baillies, and consall, electit,   #
nominat, and 
chesit Dauid Cargill, to be watter baillie quhill Michaelmes    #
nixt cummis, 
quhom thay ordanit to attend wpon the herbrie and schoir of     #
this burgh, 
that na channell, stanes, sand, nor any uther thing be cassin   #
in the trink 
of the watter, or within the fluid merk, out of schippis,       #
craris, or bottis, 
and that the skipperis or awneris of the schippis or craris     #
cumming to
the samen fra the south or north partis of this realme, or fra  #
any foran 
cuntreis, present to the said watter baillie or to the          #
magistrattis of this 
burght, the just entrie of the gudis, geir, and merchandrie in  #
the saidis 
schippis, craris, or boittis, with the names of the merchandis  #
and awneris 
of the samen: as alsua, the skipperis of all craris or boittis  #
passing out 
of this herbrie to wther partis to do the lyk, to the effect,   #
that forbiddin 
gudis and wnfremenis gudis may be knawin, and that all          #
schippis, craris,
or boittis, cumming to the herbrie of this burgh with coillis,  #
lyme,
<P 78>   
sklaittis, or wther common necessaris, to be sauld, that the    #
samen sall be 
distributit to the nichtbouris of this burgh be the discretioun #
of the 
baillie and magistrattis, for sic paynis as is agreit on with   #
the skipperis 
or awneris of the samen, and that na persone quhatsumeuer frie  #
nor 
onfrie, presume to tak ony proffeit or commoditie on coillis,   #
lyme, sklaitt, 
or wther common necessaris in tyme cuming, according to the     #
ordinance 
maid thairanent obefoir, wnder the payne of [\BLANK\] s. to be  #
incurrit 
be the contravenar of this statut.  
  
[} (\EODEM DIE.\) }]  
  
   The quhilk daye, forsamekill as their hes bene duyers        #
fundatouris of 
alterages within the paroche kirk of this burgh, quha as        #
patronis hes 
giffin dyuers and sindrie annuellis to the samen, for           #
idolatrous service to 
be maid be preistis for thame, thair parentis, and              #
successouris, and thay 
being laik alterages and patronages, the patronis and           #
fundatoris theirof, 
now succeding theirto in their parentis and predicessouris      #
richt and place 
of the samen, not onlie applyis the saidis annuell rentis to    #
thair awin particular 
uses, bot as fundatoris, usurpis libertie and previledge of     #
buriall 
place within the said kirk, quhair the said altar stuid,        #
without payment of 
ony dewtie to the maister of the kirk wark for the samen,       #
giffing nor granting 
to the fabrik and wphauld of the said kirk, na pairt of the     #
saidis 
annuellis, quhilkis aucht and suld be bestowit theirupoun, or   #
wpon sum 
uther godlie uses, quhilk giffis occasioun to wtheris that hes  #
na fundationis 
to put wp thair armes wpon dyvers peleris of the said kirk, and #
in dyvers 
wther partis of the samen, at thair awin hand, without licence  #
of the 
prouest, bailleis, counsall, or maister of kirk wark, expres    #
aganis all guid 
ordour, for remeid quhairof the prouest, bailleis, and consall  #
deuysit and 
ordanit that all sic as alledgis to fundationis within the said #
kirk, nothwithstanding 
that thay be fundatoris and patronis of altaris, sall haiff na
mair benefit of beriall within the samen, wnto the tyme thay    #
giff in and
mortifie the annuell rentis quhilkis was votit be thair         #
predicessouris, 
patronis and fundatoris thairof, to the wphauld of the fabrik   #
of the said 
paroche kirk, or sustentatioun of the ministrie, or to sum      #
wther godlie 
uses, bot that thay sall pay for thair beriall places as        #
wtheris that hes na 
fundationis, according to the ordinance sett doun theiranent,   #
ay and quhill 
thay gif in and mortefie thair annuellis to the effect          #
foirsaid, and that all 
armes put wp on the pilleris of the said kirk be sic as hes na  #
fundationis  
<P 79>  
sall be cancellat, and that nane presume nor tak wpon hand      #
heireftir to
caus put wp thair armes in ony piller or place within the said  #
kirk, except
in glasin wyndois, quhither thay be fundatouris or nocht,       #
without licence 
had and obtenit thairunto of the prouest, bailleis, and         #
counsall.  
  
[}21ST FEBRUARY, 1592.}]  
  
   The said daye, the prouest, bailleis, and consall, &c.,      #
deuysit and ordanit 
that thair salbe propynit to his majesties hous at his graces
cumming to this burght, ane punscheoun of auld Burdeaux vyne,   #
gif it 
may be had for money, and gif not, ane last of the best and     #
fynest aill 
that may be gottin within this burght, together with the        #
spycerie efter 
following; that is to say, four pound weycht of pepper, halff   #
pund of 
measis, four unces of safrone, half pund of cannele, fourtene   #
pund of 
suckour, tua dussone buistis of confeittis, ane dussone buistis #
of scorchettis,
ane dusson buistis of succour almondis, ane dussone buistis of  #
confectionis, 
and ane chalder of coillis, and the deane of gild and           #
thessaurer sall 
deburse and pay for the samen, of the reddiest of the           #
accidentis that is in 
thair handis, or ather of thame, quhilk salbe allowit to thame  #
in thair 
comptis, nochtwithstanding of the ordinance of counsall maid    #
obefoir, ordaining
that all frie syluer that sall happin the said thesaurer and    #
deane 
of gild to receawe be ressone of thair offices, (the kingis and #
townis pensioneris 
being alwayis first payit), to be employit for payment of the
annuell rent of his majesties tocher of the Martomes terme last #
bypast
and Witsonday terme to cum, quhairanent the prouest, bailleis,  #
and consall 
dispensis be ressone of the present necessitie, and that the    #
custume is, 
that ever the kingis and princes of this realme at thair        #
cumming to this 
burgh, hes bene in all tyme bygane propynit with vyne and       #
spycerie.  
  
[}18TH JUNE, 1593.}]  
   
   The said day, in presence of the prouest, bailleis, and      #
consall of the 
burgh of Abirden, comperit Dauid, bischop of Abirdene,          #
chancellar of the 
Universitie, and Mr. Peter Blakburne, deane of facultie of the  #
samen, and 
producit ane letter of electioun of James Forbes of Tulliboy,   #
in and to the 
office of ekonomous, collectorie, and stewartrie of the new     #
colledge of 
Abirdene, foundit be ane nobill and potent lord, George Erll    #
Marischall, 
for collecting, calling, and persewing for the rentis of the    #
said colledge, 
of the dait at Abirdene the sevint day of Junii instant, and    #
desyrit the  
<P 80>   
prouest, bailleis, and consallis consent and auctoritie to be   #
interponit 
thairto, speciallie for removing of the tenentis of the Gray    #
Freris yardis 
and houssis of the samen, in name of the saidis prouest,        #
bailleis, and 
counsall, quhilkis the saidis prouest, bailleis, and counsall   #
authorezit, 
homologat, and apprevit, and interponit thair auctoritie        #
thairto, gevand 
thair full power to the said James to perseu to the effect      #
foirsaid, upone 
the quhilkis the said chancellor and deane of facultie, and the #
said James 
for himselff, tuk act and instrument.  
   
[}25TH JUNE, 1593.}]  
   
   The quhilk day, the bailleis, upon dyvers complantis gevin   #
in this day, 
and all wther court dayis sen the feist of Witsonday last       #
bypast, be 
dyvers and sindrie nichtboris of this burght, wpon dyveris and  #
sindrie 
men and wemen servandis thairof, quha being feit with thame to  #
have 
enterit at the said feist of Witsonday to thair service, making #
doubill
promeiss to thame and utheris quhom thay have servit obefoir,   #
deferris 
to enter to thair service, to thair gryt hurt throw laik of     #
servandis, for 
remeid quhairof deuysit, statut, and ordanit that quhatsumeuir  #
servand, 
man or woman, within this burgh that sall happin heireftir to   #
mak doubill 
promeissis anent thair feing with tua maissteris or             #
maistressis, that the 
persone macking the said doubill promeiss, and feing with tua   #
dyveris 
maisteris, sall efter verificatioun thairof be put in the       #
govis, thairin to remain
for the space of sex houris, and to be baneist this burgh and   #
fredome 
theirof, during the prouest and bailleis will.  
  
[}11TH JULY, 1593.}]  
  
   The said day, the persones of the counsall forsaid,          #
considdering that the 
stepill of the tolbuyth as it is now decayit, to the dishonour  #
and dishonestie 
of this burgh, and gryt detriment of the knock and commoun bell #
thairin 
placed and hinging, liklie the ane to decay and the vther to    #
fall doun be 
ressone of the insufficiencie of the said stepill, quhilk can   #
not defend 
wadder, wynd, nor rayn, for preservatioun of the said knock and #
bell, and 
commoun decoratioun of this burgh to be ane wark therfor most   #
necessarie 
to be helpit, and becaus of wther weightie materis interveining #
sen 
the falling doun therof, the samen hes beine negligentlie       #
oursene, and 
that presentlie their is nocht of the commoun gude of this      #
burgh nor 
accidentis therof in the handis of the thesaurar nor deane of   #
gild, on  
<P 81>   
bestowit on the townis wther necessar effaris, therfor for the  #
presant 
till ane mair easie mean and way may be fund out be the         #
counsall, anent 
the wpbigging and repairing of the said stepill, deuysit and    #
ordanit that 
the same sall be this symmer with all conuenient diligence and  #
speid, 
helpit and maid watter thicht, for preservatioun of the said    #
knok and 
bell: and for doing theirof hes desirat and assignit the wnlaw  #
of 
Thomas Johnestoun, extending to fourtie merkis; the wnlaw of    #
Robert 
Donald extending to wther fourtie merkis; togidder with the     #
wnlaw of 
Williame Dun extending to ten merkis, to be imployit for        #
mending theirof 
till that wther accidentis may be had to do the samen, and      #
nominat and 
appoyntit Dauid Cargile to be maister of wark to the samen,     #
quha acceptit 
the said office wpon him.  
  
[}18TH JULY, 1593.}]  
   The said daye, the persones of counsall of the said burgh,   #
knawing that 
ther hes arryvit dyveris schippis from Noroway and wtheris      #
pairtis, to 
the watter of Newburgh, within the precinct and jurisdiction of #
this burgh, 
losing and laidning their, as gif the same war ane frie port,   #
expres aganis 
the auld ancient liberteis and immuniteis grantit to this       #
burgh, be his 
majesties predicessouris, to the gryt hurt and preiudice        #
theirof, and that 
thair is presentlie in the said watter thrie or four schippis   #
presentlie 
losand and laidnand, expreslie inhibit that ony their suld be   #
lost or laidnit 
within the precinct and shireffdome of Abirdene, bot at the     #
port and 
heavin of the burght of Abirdene; Theirfoir for manteining of   #
thair awin 
liberteis and frances thairanent, ordanit Maister Richard       #
Irwyng, deane 
of gild, and Dauid Cargill, thesaurer, to pas with ane officer  #
of armis, and 
ane or tua nichtboris, to the said watter of Newburgh, and be   #
wertew of 
the lettres gevin to this burgh upon thair liberteis, to areist #
and fence the 
said schippis, tak the sailis fra the rayis thairof, and use    #
all ordour thairanent 
as accordis of the law and ressone, and the expensis that salbe
maid be the deane of gild heirupoun, to be allowit to him in    #
his comptis.  
  
[} (\EODEM DIE.\) }]  
  
   The said day, the consall deuysit and ordanit Maister        #
Richard Irwyng, 
deane of gild, to ansuir and obey Andro Inglis, sweschman,      #
commoun  
<P 82>  
servand to the toun, of ane garment of reid Inglis flaning,     #
wpon the said 
Androis supplicatioun presentit this day to the consall, quhilk #
salbe allowit 
to the said deane of gild in his comptis.   
  
<S SAMPLE 2>  
<P 353>  
  
[}4TH JUNE, 1617.}]  
  
   The quhilk day, in presence of the prowest, baillies, and    #
counsall, comperit 
personallie Alexander Forbes, sumtyme of Towie, and voluntarlie
submittit himselff to the determinatioun and censure of the     #
prowest, 
baillies, and counsall of this burght, to vnderly and mak sic   #
amendis and 
satisfactioun as they sall injoyne for the wrang and indignitie #
done be
him to the toune, and to Mr Willeame Wedderburne, doctour of    #
thair 
grammer schoole, vpoun the [\BLANK\] day off [\BLANK\] last     #
bypast, in passing 
to the said grammer schoole and their geving ane cuff to the    #
said Maister 
Willeame Wedderburne, promeising quhatsumeuer amendis and       #
satisfactioun, 
the saidis prowest, baillies, and counsall sall decerne him to  #
mak 
for the said wrang, that he sall willinglie obey and fulfill    #
the same in all 
poyntis, quhairanent the saidis prowest, baillies, and counsall #
adwyseing, 
inrespect of the said Alexander, his submissiue reference of    #
himselff to 
be censured be thame for his said wrang, and that thairby he    #
kyitchis to 
be sorie and grewit for the same, thairfoir they ordane the     #
said Alexander 
to go presentlie to the grammer schoole of this burght, quhair  #
he did the 
wrang, and thair in all humilitie, on his kneeis, in presence   #
of the magistrattis
and maister of schoole and scholaris, sitt doun on his kneeis,  #
acknowledge 
and confes his offence, and crawe the magistrattis and 
counsall pardone, as also, the said Maister Willeame            #
Wedderburne, 
quhome he offendit, and promeis nevir to do the lyk in tyme     #
comeing; 
conforme to the quhilk ordinance, and for obedience and         #
satisfactioun 
thairof, the said Alexander Forbes of Towie past instantlie     #
with the 
magistrattis and counsall to the said grammer schoole, and      #
thair most
<P 354>  
submissiwelie, on his kneeis, confest his wrang foirsaid, done  #
to the 
toune, and to the said Maister Willeame Wedderburne, doctour of #
thair 
grammer schoole, and first crawit the magistrattis and          #
counsall, and nixt 
the said Mr. Willeame pardoun thairfoir, promeising neuir to do #
the lyke 
in tyme cumeing, but to remayne a freynd and weill willar baith #
to the 
toune, and to the said Mr. Willeame in all tyme heireftir, and  #
instantlie
choppit handis with the magistrattis and the said Mr. Willeame
 
[}8TH OCTOBER, 1617.}]  
  
   The quhilk day, the prowest, baillies, and counsall,         #
considering the 
cauldnes enterit in practise within this burght of ane gryt     #
number of the 
inhabitantis thairof, professing Chryist, as he is now offerit  #
be the preacheing 
of the evangell, be wilfull remaining from thair paroche kirk   #
in tyme 
of preacheing and prayeris, and frome the heiring of the word   #
of God sincerely
preacheit on the Sabboth day, and be gamyng and playing, and
passing to tavernes and ailhousses in time of sermonis, on the  #
Sabboth 
day, contrair to the custome of reformed kirkis and weill       #
governed commonweillis 
of this realm, procuiring thairby the wraith and displesure of
God, and that dyvers actis hes beine maid obefoir, according to #
the actes 
of Parliament for keiping of the said sermones, and repairing   #
to the kirk 
on the Sabboth day, quhilkis throu iniquitie of time hes nocht  #
tain thair 
awin full executioun, for remeid thairof, followit the          #
directioun first of 
Godis word, and than the saidis actis of parliament, with the   #
loweabill 
custome of vther reformed congregatiounes, hawe statute and     #
ordaint that 
all maisters of houshaldis within this burght, and thair        #
wyiffes, alsweill 
craftismen as burgesses of gild, and other inhabitantis         #
thairof, and thair 
servandis, sall repair in tyme comeing to thair paroche kirk,   #
keip and obserue 
the sermones on the Sabboth day, alsweill efternoone as befoir
noone, and the saidis maisteris of houshaldis, alsweill         #
craftismen as 
burgesses, to keip and obserue the sermones on the weik day,    #
and not 
to depairt out of the kirk thairfra vnto the end thairof, vnder #
the paines 
following, to be vplifted of the contravenar so oft as they be  #
noted and 
convict for thair absence, or fund in houss, buith, streitt, or #
mercat 
during the tyme of sermone: that is to say, of euerie           #
houshalder and his 
wyiff, burges of gild, for thair remaneing frome the sermones   #
on the 
Sabboth day, thretteine schillingis four pennies; and of euerie #
craftisman 
maister and houshalder, for thair remaneing frome the sermones
<P 355>  
on the Sabboth day, sex schillingis aucht pennies; and of the   #
saidis 
craftismen, servandis, and prenteisses, for thair remaneing fra #
the sermones 
on the Sabboth day, twa schillingis; and of ilk burges of gild  #
and 
merchand, sex schillingis aucht pennies, for thair remaneing    #
frome the 
sermone on the weik day; and of ilk craftisman maister and      #
houshalder, 
thrie schillingis four pennies, for thair remaneing frome the   #
sermone on 
the weik day. And gif the saidis persones, of the ranckis       #
foirsaidis, beis 
fund culpabill in nocht frequenting the sermones as said is,    #
and convict 
for the seuerall dayis absence, but lawfull excuse of           #
infirmitie, seikness, 
or absence furthe of the toun, the persone giltie and convict   #
to be secludit 
and debarrit frome all benefite of the kirk quhill he or she    #
satisfie be 
appoyntment of the sessioun, and that but preiudice of the      #
penalties 
foirsaidis.  
  
[^A PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]   
  
[}11TH MARCH, 1618.}]  
  
   The quhilk day, anent the supplicatioun giwen in be John     #
Dauidsone, 
eldest lauchfull sone to Johne Dauidsone, maltman, burges of    #
this burght, 
makand mentioun that sen the tyme he come frome the musick      #
schoole, 
he hes bestowit his tyme in service with his maister, Thomas    #
Mylne, 
virginall macker, quhome he hes seruit seuin yeiris as          #
prenteis, and thrie
yeiris sensyne as a feit servand, as his indenture and          #
discharge thairwpoun
proportis, and now hauing learned the said calling, and being   #
purposed 
(God willing) to duell and mak his residence in this his natiue #
toun, he 
thairfoir desyrit the counsall to admitt him frieman for vsing  #
and exercising 
his said calling, and to respect his meane estate, in that he   #
hes not
<P 356>  
present moyen to pay for his friedome, as at mair length wes    #
contenit in 
his said supplicatioun, quhairwith the counsell being adwyisit, #
and hauing 
seine and considderit his maisterstick exhibite befoir thame,   #
to witt, a 
pair of virginallis, and thairwith considdering that the said   #
calling is not 
vnder a deacones, being bot latlie put in practice within this  #
burght be 
the said Thomas Mylne his maister, quha compeirand personallie  #
befoir 
the counsall, gawe his approbatioun to the said maisterstick as #
sufficient 
warkmanship, thairfoir the counsall hes admittit and resaued    #
the said 
Johne Dauidsone, frieman of this burght, to vse and exerce the  #
said 
calling, in macking of virginallis allanarlie, and na forder,   #
and that gratis 
without payment of any compositioun, in respect he is a burges  #
sone, 
not haweing moyen to pay for his friedome, and the said John    #
gawe his
aythe according to the forme.
  
[}8TH APRIL, 1618.}]  
  
  The said day, the prowest, baillies, and counsall,            #
considdering that 
Maister Henrie Buchan, burges of this burght, vpon the first    #
day of 
Aprill instant, wes lauchfullie and ordourlie convict for       #
chopping with 
the hand Willeame Gray, lait baillie, the day foirsaid, vpoun   #
the 
shoulder, within the clos of vmquhill Mr. Gilbert Gray, and     #
saying to 
him, in audience of the magistrattis and counsall, that the     #
decreit that 
day pronuncit be the counsall aganis the said Mr. Henrie wes    #
not the 
counsallis decreit, bot the said Willeames awin decreit, and    #
gif he wer 
out of the towne the said Mr. Henrie suld dicht him; as also    #
considdering 
that the said Mr. Henrie wes convict the said day for iniuring  #
the 
said Willeame Gray, immediatelie thairefter, in the clerkis     #
chalmer, the 
prowest and baillies being thair for the tyme sitting in        #
judgement, in 
calling him febill swynger, as the act of his convictioun at    #
mair length 
proportis; and heirwith the counsall vnderstanding that the     #
said Mr. 
Henrie, be his forsaid speiches, not onlie hes iniured the said #
Willeame 
Gray, bot lykwayis the haill counsall, in querrelling thair     #
decreit gewin 
that day aganis him, thairfoir the saidis prowest, baillies,    #
and counsall, 
all in ane voice, findis that the said Mr. Henrie, for his      #
contempt and 
indignitie foirsaid done to the said Willeame Gray, late        #
baillie, and to 
the haill counsall, hes iustlie deservit the forfaultour and    #
deprivatioun 
of his fredome and burgeschip of this burght; lykeas            #
instantlie, the
saidis prowest, baillies, and counsall, for the caus forsaid,   #
dischargis and  
<P 357>  
deprywis the said Mr. Henrie of his fredome and burgeschip of   #
this
burght, and of all libertie and preuilege he may jois thairby   #
heirafter, 
and ordanis the deane of gild to caus cloise up his buith door. #
Persones 
of counsall present: Sir Thomas Meingzeis, provest, Mr. David   #
Rutherfurd, 
Mr. Alex=r.= Cullen, George Nicolesone, and William Lowsoun, 
baillies, Paull Mengzies, Dauid Cargill, Johne Hay, Walter      #
Robertsone, 
George Ricard, Mr. Alex=r.= Jaffray, John Tullidaff, George     #
Anderson, 
John Middletoun.  
   
[}3RD JUNE, 1618.}]  
  
   The quhilk day, Thomas Watsoune, maister measone to the      #
bigging
of the wardhous, compeirand personallie, in presence of the     #
prowast, 
baillies, and counsall, submittit and referrit himselff to      #
thair determinatioun 
and modificatioun, quhat salbe rebaitit and defalcat to him of  #
the 
soumes of money promeist to him for bigging of the said         #
wardhous, be 
wertew of the contract past betuixt the toune and him           #
thairanent, be 
resone the toune inlaikis wnbiggit of the said wardhous the     #
fyift woult 
thairof, quhilk the said Thomas was obleist to hawe done be the #
conditioun 
of the said contract, and quhatsumeuer the saidis prowest,      #
baillies, 
and counsall sall rebait and defalk to the said Thomas, for the #
inlaik of 
the said fyift woult, he obleisses him to stand and abyde       #
thairat, but 
reclamatioun, or in the counsallis option the said Thomas       #
obleisses him 
to big of the townes commoun workis, proportionable, according  #
to the 
said rebait, and the saidis prowest, baillies, and counsall     #
sall jnioyne.

[^PASSAGES IN LATIN OMITTED^]
  
<P 358>  
  
[}15TH SEPTEMBER, 1618.}]  
  
   The quhilk day, George Pyiper, and Alexander Andersone,      #
wrichtis, 
compeirand sufficientlie in armour, ilkane with ane hagbute and #
baudileire 
and sword, wes ressauit and admittit friemen of thair said      #
craft, and 
burgesses of this burght, ilk ane of thame for the soume off    #
twentie 
merkis Scottis money, peyit be thame to the deane of gild, with #
this 
allwayis restrictioun and conditioun, that they sall vse and    #
exerce thair 
said craft professit be thame allanerlie, and clame nor pretend #
no forder 
libertie, preuilege, nor friedome nor is sett doun and          #
prescryuit to craftismen 
be the contract and indenture past betuixt the brether of gild  #
and 
thame, in the yeir of God 1587 yeiris; and incais they or any   #
of thame do 
in the contrare, being convict thairoff, to be depryuit and     #
dischargit of his 
friedome, and all libertie and preuilege they may joice and     #
bruik thairby 
in any tyme thaireftir, and gawe thair aytheis judiciallie on   #
the premissis 
and remanent poyntis of the aythe giwen be burgesses of this    #
burght the 
tyme of thair admissioun; lykas ilk ane of thame payit fyive    #
schillingis in 
a quhyte purs, according to the forme vsit and wount.   
 
[}30TH SEPTEMBER, 1618.}]  
  
   The said day, inrespect the townis commoun knockis, to witt, #
the kirk 
knok, tolbuyth knok, and college knok, ar out of all frame and  #
ordour, and 
ar nocht sufficient and abill to serve the towne, pairtlie      #
becaus they ar 
auld and worne, and pairtlie for want of skilfull men to attend #
thame, 
heirfoir it is thocht meit that the magistrattis wreitt southe  #
with all 
diligence, and try quhair the best knockmacker may be had, and  #
caus 
bring him vpoun the tounis chargis to this burght, and visite   #
the knokis 
thairof, that sic of thame as may be mendit be accordingly      #
done, and sic 
as will not mend, be maid new sa soone as the same can be       #
convenientlie 
gottin done, and Robert Alexander, thesaurar, to deburse heiron #
as he 
salbe directit be the magistrattis, quhilkis debursementis      #
salbe allowit to 
him in his comptis.   
  
[}24TH MARCH, 1619.}]  
  
   The samen day, the prouest, baillies, and counsall appoyntis #
Paull
Meingzeis, baillie, to wreitt to Dundie for four hundreth peice #
of frie 
stane for the wark of the wardhous, and to cause dress the same #
thair,
<P 359>   
in some mesure, for the moir easie transportatioun thairof, and #
sic as he 
aggries to giwe for the saidis staines and for the fraucht      #
thairoff, ordanes 
Robert Alexander, thesaurar, to deburse the same, quhilk salbe  #
allowit 
to him in his comptis.

[} (\EODEM DIE.\) }]  
  
   The quhilk day, it being menit to the prouest, baillies, and #
counsall be 
Maister Dauid Wedderburn, maister of the grammer schooll, and   #
be 
Patrik Dauidsoun, maister of the musick schoole of this burght, #
that 
quhair a great many of thair scholaris sen the tyme of the      #
dischargeing of 
thair thrie dayis play, quhilk they wer wount to gett at the    #
begynning of 
everie quarter, hes maid no payment at all of thair ordinarie   #
stipend and 
scholage, quhilk they ar bund and obleist to pay to thair       #
maisteris quarterlie, 
and vtheris delayis the payment of thair scholage for a long    #
seasone 
eftir the quarter come in, to the hurt and preiudice of the     #
maisteris; for 
remeid heiroff, it is statute and ordanit be the prouest,       #
baillies, and counsall, 
that in all tyme comeing everie scholar within any of the       #
saidis 
schoollis ar and salbe bund and obleist to pay thair ordinar    #
quarter stipend 
and scholage, quhilk they aucht to pay to thair maisteris,      #
within fyifteine 
dayis at the farrest nixt eftir the begynning of the quarter,   #
with certificatioun 
to sic as sal failsie in payment theiroff, the said space being #
bypast, 
that they salbe subiect and obleist in peyment of the dubill of #
the said 
scholage, and gif any scholar quhasoeuir, ather to burght or    #
land, sall 
withstand this ordinance and repyne agains the same, he salbe   #
expellit 
furthe of the schoole till he giwe satisfactioun to the         #
maisteris, conforme
to the mynd of this act in all poyntis.   
  
[}9TH MAY, 1619.}]  
  
   The said day, the prowest, baillies, and counsall, ordanis   #
Mr. Willeame 
Moir, deane of gild, to deburse and pay the sowme of fourscoir  #
merkis 
to Alex=r.= Wyiseman, measone, thairof fyiftie merkis for the   #
repairing 
of the Gallowget port, and threttie merkis for repairing of the #
Justice 
and Futtie portis, as the counsall aggreit with him thairanent, #
quhilk 
soume sall be allowit to the said deane of gild in his comptis.
  
[}4TH JUNE, 1619.}]  
  
   The said day, the haill towne being convenit in the          #
tolbuyth, for the 
<P 360>   
maist pairt representand the haill body, being warnit thairto   #
be the 
handbell passand throw the haill rewis of the toun, quhairwpoun #
the 
berar maid faith, it wes exponit to thame be Sir Thomas         #
Meingzeis, 
prouest, that the counsall and sessioun of the kirk of this     #
burght hawing 
adwyiseit how the poore peopill that are daylie beggaris within #
the same 
mey be enterteineit and sustenit be commoun contributioun, and  #
saiffit 
heireftir frome begging on the streittis or elsquhair, and for  #
this effect 
hawing causit mack a cataloge and roll of all the beggaris      #
nameis, both 
men, wemen, and bairnis within this burght, they find be thair  #
estimatioun 
that fyftie merkis money mey interteaine thame weiklie, and     #
saiff 
thame frome begging, quhilk in the yeir will amont to the soume #
of twa 
thowsand sex hundreth merkis, and appoyntit the said            #
contributioun to 
be payit as followis, for the space of ane yeir to cum till the #
matter be 
essayit how the same will work, viz.: ane thowsand pundis to be #
imposit 
be way of taxatioun vpon the haill inhabitantis of the towne,   #
to be payit 
at twa seuerall termis, and the rest, to wit, ellevin hundreth  #
merkis to 
be payit be the contributiones to be gottin the tyme of the     #
ministratioun 
of the commvnioun, and quhair that will not serve, the eareand  #
to be 
suppliet out of the collectionis for the poore at the kirk      #
dooris, as the 
act of counsall sett doun thairanent vpoun the secund day of    #
Junij instant 
at mair length  proportis, and thairfoir inquired of the toun,  #
convenit 
as said is, gif they wald condiscend and aggrie to the courss   #
foirsaid, 
sett doun be the counsall and sessioun for interteinement of    #
the poore 
for a yeir to cum, quha all in ane voice but contradictioun or  #
oppositioun, 
(except only Mr. Thomas Meingzeis, quha opponit himselff to the #
said 
courss) consentit and aggriet to be stentit and taxt for the    #
said soume 
of ane thowsand pundis, to be applyit to the vse foirsaid of    #
the interteinement 
of the poore, and to saiff thame frome begging, and ar content
to be stentit for the said soume for the space of ane yeir      #
allanerlie, to be 
payit at twa seurall termis; and for that effect instantlie     #
electit, nominat, 
and chuiseit George Nicolsone, Dauid Cargill, Henrie Forbes,    #
Alexander 
Andersone, Dauid Aidye, Johne Tullidaff, Henrie Patrie,         #
Alexander 
Ramsay, youngar, Thomas Burnet, Robert Cruckshank, eldar, Johne
Merser, saidler, George Bruce and Thomas Goiff, tailzeour,      #
taxtaris and 
stentaris, to stent the said soume of ane thowsand pundis vpoun #
the 
haill inhabitantis of this burght, frie and vnfrie, to be payit #
at twa termis 
as said is, quhilkis stentaris acceptit the stenting of the     #
said sowme in  
<P 361>   
and vpoun thame, and wer sworne to stent and distribute the     #
same
equallie amongis the nichtbouris according to thair knawledge,  #
and the 
said Mr. Thomas Meingzeis dissassentit that any taxatioun be    #
imposit 
vpoun the town for the caus foirsaid, bot that a voluntar       #
contributioun 
be crawit to that effect.
 
[}5TH JUNE, 1619.}]  
  
   The said day, in presence of Thomas Forbes and Gilbert       #
Cullen, baillies, 
Margrat Blakburne, spous of Mr. Andro Aidye, principall of the  #
new 
college of Aberdein, wes convict and put in amerciament of      #
court be the 
depositionis of diuers famous witnesses, admittit, sworn, and   #
examined, for 
dinging and stricking Janet Mackye, servand to James Birny, in  #
Tarves, 
on the face to the effusioun of her bluid, to foirbearre; hir   #
vnlaw modifiet 
to ten pundis, to be peyit to the dean of gild, and fywe merkis #
to the 
pairtie dung.  

[}4TH AUGUST, 1619.}]  
  
   The quhilk day, the prowest, baillies, and counsall hawing   #
ressaued 
advertisement that my Lord Duke of Lennox is to be in this      #
burght about 
the xii of August instant, quhair his grace is to remane some   #
few dayis 
for his pastime and recreatioun, thairfoir they hawe appoyntit  #
the best 
and most convenient ludging that may be had within this burght  #
to be 
takin for his Grace resset, and withall they hawe appoyntit     #
prouisioun of 
wynes, spyceries, and all vther prouisioun requisite for        #
halding of his 
Grace hous during his remaining in this burght, to be furnished #
and prepaired 
on the townis chargis, the cair of the quhilk busines is        #
comittit be 
the counsall to George Nicolsone and Mr. Johne Mortimer, quhome #
they 
appoynt to sie all thingis ordorlie done as the weycht of the   #
bussines sall 
require, for the honour of my Lord Dukes Grace and the creditt  #
of the 
town, and quhat salbe requisite to be debursit heirwpoun, the   #
counsall ordanis 
Robert Alexander, thesyrer, to deburse the same, quhilk salbe   #
allowit 
to him in his comptis, and gif it sall fall out that my Lord    #
Dukes Grace 
will hald his awin hous himselff, and will not suffer the towne #
to mak the 
chargis thairof, in that cais the counsall thinkis meit to giwe #
his Grace, 
with the nobillmen and barronis that sall accumpanie him, the   #
banqueit 
in the best forme, that the same may be maid on the townis      #
chargis, the 
cair quhairoff is siclyk committit to the saidis George         #
Nicolsone and Mr.
<P 362>  
Johne Mortimer. Personis of counsall present, [^A LIST OF NAMES #
OMITTED^]

[^AN ENTRY OMITTED^]
  
[}18TH AUGUST, 1619.}]  
  
   The samen day, the prowest, baillies, and counsall, ordanis  #
Maister 
Thomas Johnestoun, deane of gild, to caus the officaris poynd   #
the 
absentis fra the lait wappounschaw of this burgh, quhilk held   #
vpon the 
nynt day of August instant, ilk absent for ane vnlaw of fyue    #
pundis, 
exceptand alwayis the poore sort of people, quhilk had nather   #
armis nor 
apparell fitting for musturing, and exceptand lykwayis sic of   #
the nichtbouris 
as wer absent out of the toune vpoun necessarie caussis,        #
quhilkis 
persones ar declairit to be frie of any vnlaw, and the saidis   #
vnlawis to 
be bestowit be the said deane of gild for defraying of sic      #
commoun
<P 363>
charges teynding to the townis honour and credit, as wes maid   #
be the
youthis of the toun, that maid seruice with muskattis the fyift #
of August
last, being a day dedicat for geiving thankis to God for his    #
Maiesties
preservatioun from the conspiracie of Gowrie, and vpoun the     #
twalt of
August, at the Duke of Lenox his graces entrie to this burgh,   #
so far 
furthe as the saidis vnlawis will extend.
  
<S SAMPLE 3>  
<P 366>  
  
 [}10TH FEBRUARY, 1620.}]   
    The quhilk day, anent the petition geuin in to the prowest, #
baillies, 
and counsall, be Maister Dauid Wedderburne, maister of the      #
grammer 
schoole of this burgh, makand mentioun that quhairas thair      #
wisdomes 
exactis a dewtie of him on the ane pairt, so it will not offend #
thame on 
the vther pairt that he be particular in regrating his estate,  #
the treuth 
quhairoff is, he hes not ane stipend quhilk may encourage ane   #
honest 
man to walk in sic a toillsum callin with chearfulnes; the      #
multitude of 
schooles everiequhar, the burdine of a familie, unknawin to him #
of befoir,
the darth of the tyme, so cutteth away any litile thing that is #
gottin, 
that or the twa pairt of the quarter be expired, he seis        #
evidently no correspondense  
betuixt his extraordinar paynis and the ordinar reward; 
thairfoir that it wald pleas thair wisdomes, with quhat         #
affectioun they 
wald wishe the wark to stand and go fordward, to sie also with  #
the same 
affectioun how be honest meanes the work may be so vnder        #
proppet, that 
without difficulties and lettis ane honest man may bear out     #
that heavie 
panes quhilk must be vndertakin for the faithfull discharge of  #
that calling;  
<P 367>   
and for this effect, and in regard of his bypast serwice, and   #
for the good 
pruiff of his trawellis quhilk hes beine presentlie gewin befor #
the visitouris 
of the schooles, they will sie that in sum mesure he may liwe   #
as 
vther scholaris in vther professionis, as at mair length was    #
contenit in 
the said petition; quhilk being red in counsall, and thairwith  #
the prowest, 
baillies, new and auld counsallis being maturelie adwyseit,     #
efter gude 
deliberatioun, they find, for the reasonis aboue mentionat, the #
said Mr. 
Dauid his present prouisioun for his seruice and charge         #
foirsaid, not to be 
correspondent to the weyght and burdine of his labouris, and    #
thairfoir, for 
suppliment and helpe of his means, whereas at the present he    #
hes onlie 
ten schillingis in the quarter of everie townis bairne for his  #
salarie 
and scholage, they ordaine him to hawe thrietteine schillingis  #
four 
pennies quarterlie in all tyme cumeing for everie tounis        #
bairne, quhilk 
salarie of thirettein schillingis four pennies for ilk tounis   #
bairne, togidder 
with the said Mr. Dauid, his present stipend off fourscoir
pundis peyit to him yeirlie be the toun out of thair commoun    #
gude, the 
prowest, baillies, and counsall, declairis to be in full        #
satisfactioun of all 
stipend, scholage, or any other benefit quhatsumeuir the said   #
Mr. 
Dauid may crawe of the toune, or of the tounis bairnis, for his #
serwice as 
maister of thair grammer schoole in ony tyme comeing; and       #
forder, 
becaus at the earnest desyre of the magistrattis and counsall,  #
for propagatioun 
of learning, the said Mr. Dauid hes vndertakin, lykeas, be thir
presentis (wpoun the conditioune vnderwritten,) he vndirtackis  #
and bindis 
himselff, sa lang as his health and habilitie will permitt, to  #
teache 
ane lessoun of humanitie aines everie weeke in tyme comeing,    #
within the 
college of this burght, out of sic authoris, at sic hours, and  #
after sic 
method as salbe injoyned to him be the counsall, and thairwith  #
to compose 
in Latine, both in prose and verse, quhatsumeuir purpose or     #
theme 
concerning the commoun effairis of the toune, ather at hame or  #
afield, 
as he salbe requyred be any of the magistrattis or clerk, in    #
tyme comeing; 
thairfoir, for teacheing the said humanitie lessoun, and for    #
composing in 
Latine of all matteris concerning the toune, (\toties           #
quoties\) , as they sall
occur, and as he salbe requyred, the saidis prowest, baillies,  #
new and 
auld counsallis, gewis and grantis to the said Mr. Dauid, by    #
and attour 
his ordinar stipend forsaid, gewin to him for teaching of thair #
grammer 
schoole, the soume of fourscoir merkis yeirlie, to be payit to  #
him be the
<P 368>   
thesaurer of this burght, at tua vsuall termis in the yeir,     #
Witsonday and 
Martimes in wynter, be equall portionis during the will and     #
plesure of 
the counsall, and the said Mr. Dauid his guid seruice and       #
diligence in the 
said employment allanarlie, and na farder, the first termis     #
payment thairof 
begynnand at the feast of Witsonday nixt to cum, in this        #
instant yeir 
of God j=m= vi=c= and twentie yeiris, and so furthe, yeirlie    #
and termlie thairefter, 
during the councellis will allanarlie, and with conditioun      #
lykwais, 
that the said Mr. Dauid sall nawayis desert nor leave his said  #
charge 
and functioun, nor withdraw himselff thairfra to any vther      #
functioun or 
place quhatsumeuir during his lyftyme, without the expres       #
consent and 
guidwill of the prowest, baillies, and counsall of this burght, #
had and 
obtenit thairto, and incais of the said Mr. Dauid, his          #
inhabilitie, age, or 
sicknes, quhairthrow he might not discharge a sufficient dewtie #
in the 
said office himselff, in that cais, he salbe haldin to furneis  #
ane sufficient
qualifeit persone, quha sall content the magistrattis and       #
counsall, to 
occupie his place, and in sua doing, the said Mr. Dauid to      #
continew 
maister of the said schoole, and to injoy the haill stipend and #
previlegis 
thairof, he satisfeing alwayis on his awin chairgis and         #
expenssis the 
persone substitute be him for his labouris and trawellis,       #
quhilk burdine 
foirsaid, with the conditiounes afoir specifeit, the said Mr.   #
Dauid 
personally present, acceptit and voluntarlie bindis and         #
obleissis himselff 
to the performance thairof, faithfullie in all poyntis as       #
apperteines, as 
God sall assist him be His grace, and incais any defect be fund #
in dischairge 
of his dewtie, ather as maister of the grammer schoole, or in   #
teacheing 
of the said lessoun of humanitie, the prowest, baillies, and    #
counsall of 
this burght, sall hawe alwayis absolute powar to censure him    #
thairfoir, 
and deprive him of the said benefite at thair arbitriment,      #
inrespect he hes 
the same of the toune vpoun gude deserwing and during thair     #
will and 
plesure allanerlie, and no vtherwayis, and vpon conditioune     #
that he never 
burdine the toune nor counsall heirefter with any               #
augmentatioun, ather 
of his scholage or his stipend. Persones of the new and auld    #
counsallis 
present: [^A LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]  





<B SHAND2> 
<Q SC2 EX HANDO HUNTAR> 
<N WEIGHTS MEASURES> 
<A HUNTAR ALEXANDER> 
<C SC2> 
<O DATE 1624> 
<M MEDIUM PRINTED> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T HANDB OTHER> 
<G X> 
<F X> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X MALE> 
<Y X> 
<H X> 
<U NET PROF/PUBLIC> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I X> 
<Z EXPOS> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^HUNTAR, ALEXANDER. 
A TREATISE OF WEIGHTS, METS AND MEASURES OF SCOTLAND.
THE ENGLISH EXPERIENCE, 671.
AMSTERDAM: WALTER J. JOHNSON, LTD. AND THEATRUM ORBIS TERRARUM
LTD., 1974.

SAMPLE 1: 11.1-34.4
SAMPLE 2: 55.1-57.29
SAMPLE 3: 63.1-64.33
SAMPLE 4: 68.1-68.35^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 11>
[}THE 
SECOND PART 
OF THIS TREATISE 
CONCERNETH THE METTING 
AND MEASVRING OF LAND 
FOVNDED VPON THE FORMER 
MEASVRES .}]
   ALBEIT there be many persons in the countrie 
that professeth to bee measurers of land, 
and that sundrie hath written vppon the measuring
of land in divers languages: where you may 
learne a great deale more then is here set downe. Yet
because that some Heritoures of landes, will desire to 
haue their landes mett and measured to know the quantitie 
thereof for their pleasure, when they can not haue 
a land measurer to serue them, neither bookes to informe 
them according to our Scottish measures. Therefore 
to giue them contentment that they themselues or servants
may measure all kinde of grounde: although it be 
arable land, Mures, Medowes, Mosses, Loches, Hills, 
or valley ground, and knowe what everie piece therof 
doeth containe in quantitie. There is here set downe, 
not onely the way how land should bee measured: but
also how to finde the quantitie thereof. For albeit that 
land bee measured both in length and breadth, that resolves
not what number of Acres, roodes, and other 
small quantities it containes, before the compt threreof 
bee cast by Arithmetique, and the length bee multiplyed 
<P 12>
plyed by the breadth, and thereafter devided: and because 
there is not many that can multiplie and divide 
numbers, and that I haue seene great ignorance in some 
land measurers, in making of the compt after the land 
was measured. Therefore to eschew negligent compting
my cheife care is, to set downe a perfite and just 
Table: where you shall speedilie finde without compting
the quantities that any land conteines after that the 
trew length and breadth is found out, as is at length set 
downe hereafter. 
   In the metting and measuring of ground: First wee
should know the just length and breadth thereof, next
what number of Acres, Roodes, and Falles arriseth vpon 
everie length and breadth. Now to finde the length and 
breadth, wee must know by  what instrument it is found,
and how to vse the same, and to finde what number of 
Acres ariseth vppon the length and breadth: the compt 
thereof must bee cast by Arithmetike, or found by the 
Table after following.
[}THE INSTRVMENT WHEREWITH 
LAND IS MEASURED .}]
   The said instrument is knowne to bee two staues, 
everie one of them 6 quarters long or thereby pricked 
with iron, hauing the trew measures of an Ell, halfe 
Ell and quarter Ell marked vppon them, with a coard
or small cheine the length of 6 Ells, made fast betweene 
the said staues, a shaft length aboue the prickes: which 
coard would be either barked or well seared with waxe 
or roset: Remembring alwayes in case you haue any 
great boundes of land to measure, then your coard or 
chaine would bee of 18 or 12 Ells long at the least. 
<P 13>
[}THE VSE OF THE SAID
INSTRUMENT}]
   The vse thereof is, that 2 men shall carrie the saids 
staues, and shall begin at the end of the land, hauing the 
said coard stretched and stented to the full length betweene    #
them, 
and with that measure everie square piece 
of land is mesured over in the middest, what Fallis and 
Ells it hath of length: and thereafter  is measured crosse 
over the middest, what Fallis and Ells it hath of breadth, 
and a note set downe in write of the just length and just 
breadth: Remembring that the  breadth of widenesse 
should bee truelie searched, because a little errour in
the breadth increaseth to a great fault in the length.
And thus much for the said instrument and vse thereof.
   (^Before any examples are set downe for measuring of land, 
it is necessarie to set downe the description of the Table,     #
where 
to finde the compt of all land that shall happen to bee         #
measured.^) 
[}THE DESCRIPTION OF THE 
TABLE, TO FINDE THE COMPT OF 
MEASURED LAND .}]
   There is none so ignorant, but they doe, or may easilie 
know, the names of these ten figures, 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
6. 7. 8. 9. 0. with their strength in the first and second 
place, and by a little frequenting thereof, they may attaine 
to reade and vnderstand this Table, and the rest 
of the Tables following conforme to their descriptions. 
And first, this Table I haue made and comprehended 
all in the boundes of a sheet of paper, but it is set downe 
here in an ample and large manner, to the intent that 
a part thereof may justifie the other, and that the common
and vulgar sort to Landwart may easily vnderstand 
it, It is grounded vppon the Ell of measure: whereof
<P 14>
6 in length is compted for a Fall, 40 Fallis for a Roode, 
and 4 Roodes for an Acre, as is set downe before. It 
conteines sundrie diverse pages: In everie page there is
4 Columnes, and everie Columne thereof containeth 
3 partes: To wit, the breadth of the land with the length 
thereof, and the quantitie of the number of Acres, 
Roodes, and Falles that riseth vppon everie severall 
length and breadth, The breadth of the land is set 
downe vppon the head of everie Columne, as vppon 
the first page there is the Columne of a quarter Ell, the 
Columne of a halfe Ell, with the Columne of three
quarters of an Ell: And the Columne of an Ell vpon 
the second page, the Columnes of 2 Ells 3. 4. 5. Ells, 
which are the  small measures: Then vppon the thrid
page, beginneth the Columne of 1 Fall, of 2. 3. and 4, 
Fallis, and so foorth in order to 30 Fallis, and to 100
Fallis of breadth. The length is set downe vppon the 
left side of everie Columne, and goeth downe from the 
head to the foote of the page, betweene the two small 
lines, beginning at the Fall, to 25 Fallis, and to 200 
Fallis. The product of the number of Acres, that riseth
vpon the compt of the length and breadth, is set downe 
in the broade space of everie Columne, against the 
length in the narrowe: containing 3 numbers, titled
and named vppon their heades, with Acres, Roodes, 
Falles, Ells, and quarter Ells. Now to finde the compt 
that any land extendes to being measured in length and 
breadth: you shall ever seeke the breadth vppon the 
head of the Table, and the length vppon the left side 
of that Columne, and in the broade roome against the 
length, you will finde the aunswer what the compt extendes 
to. Example, a piece of land is founde to bee 
80 Fallis of length, and 17 Fallis in breadth, you shall
<P 15>
seeke the Columne of 17 Fallis vppon the head of the 
Table, and in that same Columne seeke the length 80 
and you will finde against 80, to the right 8 Acres 
2 Roodes, which is the quantitie thereof. Another example:
A piece of land 70 Fallis of length, and 21 Fallis 
of breadth, seeke the Columne of 21 Fallis vppon the 
head  of the Table, and then seeke the length 70. In
the left side of that same Columne, and against it to 
the right hand, you will finde 9 Acres and 30 Fallis. 
But because it may happen that some defect will bee in 
the printing of this Table and the next: or that any 
other occasion fall out, that you are not well resolved
of the quantitie of the compt: therefore to justifie the 
Table, and to giue you contentment, you shall finde 
the compt resolved three manner of wayes: The first 
is, to seeke the breadth of the land vppon the head of
the Table, and the length vppon the side of the Table,
as is set downe in the former examples: The second 
waye is to seeke it contrarie wise, that is to seeke the 
breadth in the side  of the Table, and the length vppon
the head of the Table, and in the broad roome you will 
finde the same compt that the first produced. The 
thrid way to finde the compt is to devide the length in 
two or three partes, and to seeke the compt at sundrie
times, as if the  number of the length bee 24: to seeke 
first the compt of 20, and then the compt of 4: and if 
the length 18 to seeke first the compt of 10, and then 
the compt of 8, or seeke 9.2 times, will bee 18, and you 
will finde that all these formes will yeeld alike  compt.
Example, A piece of land is found to bee 90 Fallis  of 
length, and 24 Fallis of breadth, if you seeke the 
compt, thereof after the first way, which is the easiest
and best way, you will finde in the Columne of 24 
<P 16>
against 90, standing 13 Acres 2 Roodes: To seeke it 
after the second manner, you will finde in the Columne 
of 90 against 24, the same compt of 13 Acres and 2 
Roodes: And to seeke it after the thrid forme, you
shall cast the length 90 in 2 partes: to wit, in 40 and 
in 50, which maketh 90: or in 60 and 30 which maketh 
likewise 90, and you will finde in the Columne 
of 60 against 24.9 Acres: and you will finde in the Columne 
of 30 against 24.4 Acres 2 Roodes: These two 
being added together will yeeld the foresaid compt of 
13 Acres and 3 Roodes, and so all the three formes 
will yeeld alike compt. The  like forme of tryall may 
bee vsed with the other Table concerning Building and 
Sclaiting.
   Now followeth the way  to measure all sort of land, 
but  before my examples are set downe touching it: you
must consider, that there is divers fashions of land,
and therefore to bee measured in divers manners: and 
some manner of land lieth in such sundrie formes, that 
it can not bee measured, but in divers partes: then 
consider how many partes, and in what manner of fashion
they must bee devided, that you may measure [^ORIGINAL:         #
n   sure^] 
everie part according to their forme and fashion: and 
how so ever the piece of land bee formed or fashioned, 
bee it square, bee it round or triangle, mounting to a 
hill, or descending in a valley, it must bee reduced and 
brought to a certaine length and certaine breadth, otherwise
 it can not bee brought and summed to a perfite
quantitie of Acres, and other odd quantities. 
<P 17>
[}OF THE RVLE
OF QVADRANGLES, AND HOW 
ALL SQUAIRE LAND 
SHOVLD BE MEASVRED .}]
   A SQVARE  piece of land hath foure 
sides, or foure corners, whether they 
differ in widenesse or not, and it is either 
just squaire: That is, when the breadth 
is equall to the length, as is the first figure 
here following, or it is a long squaire
as are the most parte of our Rigges  of land, that is of 
a greater length nor breadth, conforme to the next figure
following. 
[^FIGURE OMITTED^]
<P 18>
[^FIGURE OMITTED^]
   The first figure is vppon all sides equall, that is 12. 
Fallis on every side. To find the quantitie thereof by          #
Arithmetik
you must multiply the length by the breadth, 
which is 12 by 12: Thereof ariseth 144 Fallis, which 
you shall devide by 40 Fallis, because 40 fallis is a 
Roode, and you will finde that it extends to 3 Roodes
and 24 Fallis: or otherwise to seeke the compt thereof 
in the Table, if you can not multiplie nor devide numbers:
and you will finde in the Columne of twelue 
Falls of breadth, against the number of twelue Fallis 
in length  3 Roodes and 24 Fallis as laid is. The second 
figure, is a long square, not equall on all sides, yet equall
in breadth at both the ends, and equall of length 
at both the sides, the length thereof is 30 Fallis, and the 
breadth 6 Fallis: To know the compt thereof by the 
Table, you shall seeke the Columne of  6 Fallis in 
breadth: and you will finde against the number of 30 
in length an Acre and twentie Fallis for the quantitie 
thereof. 
[}HOW TO MEASURE LAND THAT 
IS OF AN VNEQUALL BREADTH, AND TO FINDE 
THE COMPT THEREOF .}]
   There is foure rigges of land measured, and they 
are found to bee 40 Fallis in length: and because
<P 19>
they are not equall breadthe, wee measure the 
breadth thereof at two or three  sundrie partes, as the 
fashion of the ground requires. The broadest part is 
found to bee ten Fallis in breadth, the narrowest part 
to bee but six Fallis, and the middle part eight Fallis of 
breadth. These three breadthes beeing cast together 
they extend to 24 Fallis, whereof the thrid part is 8 
Fallis, which is the just breadth. Now to finde the 
quantitie thereof in the Table, seeke the number eight 
Fallis, which is the breadth vppon the head of the said 
Table, and in the same columne against the number 
of 40 which is the length, you will finde two Acres for 
the quantitie of the said foure Rigges.
   (^When you are to measure any croft land or Burrow Rigges,
and can  not espise by your eye, any difference in the Breadth 
thereof, yet for trying of the trueth, you shall trie the       #
breadth 
thereof the oftener, at everie 10 Fallis of the length at the 
least, and write everie one of them particularly, and suppose 
that you haue taken the breadth at 6 sundrie times, you shall 
add them all in one summe, and then devide that summe in 6 
partes, and take that sixt part for your breadth, and with that 
breadth and the just length resort to the Table.^)
[}TO MEASVRE LAND THAT IS 
VNEQUALL BOTH IN LENGTH AND BREADTH .}]
   A Piece of land being vnequall at all partes, is 
measured at both the sides, and at both the 
endes, the length of the longest side is 16, and 
the shortest side is 10, the breadth at the broadest end 
is 4. and at the narrow end 2 Now add the two lengths 
together, as 16 and 10 makes 26. Take the halfe thereof 
which is 13, for the length: and add the two breadths 
<P 20>
together, as 4. and 2. makes 6 Take the halfe thereof 
which is 3. for the breadth, and then with 3. of breadth 
and 13 of length, resorte to the Table: in the Columne
of 3 Fallis against the length 13. and you will 
finde 39 Fallis, for the quantitie of this piece of land 
here following.
[^FIGURE OMITTED^]
[}OF TRIANGLES, AND THE WAY 
HOW TO MEASURE THEM .}]
   A piece of land is called a Triangle, that is imagined
to haue three sides and three corners: whether 
the sides bee equall or otherwise. There is no 
piece of land, but it may bee casten in Triangles, and 
so most truelie measured. And because it is requisite,
that in the measuring of all Triangles, first to finde a 
right hanging or descending line in everie Triangle:
by the helpe of the which Line all landes of Triangle 
fashion are brought to bee measured, and therefore the 
manner is here set downe. 
<P 21>
[}HOW THE RIGHT DESCENDING
LINE, IS DRAWNE IN TRIANGLES .}]
   The said Lyne is ever drawne, or imagined
to come downe Square-wayes, 
from any corner of the Triangle to some 
of the sides thereof, as the descending 
Lyne in this figure following, betwixt 
a. and b. cutteth this Triangle, in the 
Lyne, c. d. Square-wayes in the point. b. and not 
as the other Lyne a. and e. doeth, 
[^FIGURE OMITTED^]
   After that the said descending Lyne is drawne, then 
to measure any Triangle, you shall first measure the 
lengthe of the said Lyne, and then measure the lengthe
of that side of the Triangle, that the said Lyne cutteth
Square wayes. This done, Take the halfe of the measure 
of any of the saids Lynes with the whole measure
or length of the other Lyne, and with them as with the 
length and breadth resort to the Table, in manner following.
[}EXAMPLE}]
   You shall imagine this Triangle following, that it is 
marked vpon the corners with a. b. c. d. to bee a 
peece of land whereof you desire to know the just quantitie. 
It is found that the descending Lyne, that is 
<P 22>
brought from the corner a. to the side b.  and meetteth
Square at the point d. to be 24. Falles in lengthe 
and the side betweene b. c. to bee 40. Falles in length.
   Now take the halfe of the said descending Lyne,
which is 12 Falles, and the length of the said Lyne
b. c. which is 40. Falles, and resort to the Table with 
12. in breadth and 40. in length, and in the Columne 
of 12. Falles of breadth, you will finde against 40 of 
le~gth, 3 acres for the qua~titie of this triangle folowing. 
[^FIGURE OMITTED^]
   (^It is not needfull to the common sort of people, to        #
trouble
themselves to know any further concerning the Measuring 
of Land, but onlie to vnderstand these former bypast examples 
which may serve them for instruction to know how to measure 
all their Lands, and to finde the compt, what they containe 
in Acres, and  other smaller quantities, But these other        #
examples  
following, as of vnequall peeces of Land, of Rounds, 
<P 23>
of Triangle squares, of Woodes, Hilles, and Valleyes, with the 
examples of small measures both in length and the breadth 
is set downe to give contentment, to such as are curious, to    #
be 
resolved how they shall measure, and finde the quantitie of 
such fashions of Land, incase they shall have to do             #
therewith.^)
[}THE RVLE HOW TO MEASURE 
VNEQUALL PEECES 
OF LAND .}]
   When any peece of Land happeneth to 
be lying in such forme, that it hath many
vnequall points, and corners. Then because 
it is neither Triangle, nor Square, 
vntil it bee divided, and casten in three, 
or foure partes, as it will require. There 
is heere set downe three imagined peeces of Land, to 
bee reduced in Triangles, or Squares, and then measured
by the order [^ORIGINAL: ordr^] of the rules before specified. 
[^FIGURES OMITTED^]
<P 24>
[}HEERE FOLLOWETH EXAMPLES 
HOW THE FORESAIDS FIGURS OF VNEQUALL 
FORME SHOULD BEE DIVIDED, &
REDUCED, IN MANNER FORESAID .}] 
   YOV may perceave that the first figure is casten 
into a Square, and two Triangles. The  second figure 
is divided into two Triangles, and the third figure
in three Triangles. Now after that you haue separated
and casten the first figure in manner foresaide, 
then you are to knowe the manner how to measure it, 
and thereafter to finde the quantitie thereof. The manner
how to measure it, is first, to mett and measure the 
Square peece, and thereafter the two Triangles. 
   Now I suppone that the Square peece is found to 
be on everie side twentie Falles, which is both lengthe, 
and breadth. To know the quantitie thereof, you 
will find in the Columne of twentie Falles in breadthe, 
against the number of twentie Falles in lengthe two Acres,
and two Roode, for the quantitie of the Square 
peece, and to measure the two Triangles at the ends 
of the saide Square, the descending Lyne of the vpper 
Triangle, is supponed to bee twelue Falles. The halfe 
whereof is sixe Falles for the breadthe, and the nether 
end of the said Triangle to be twentie Falles. Resort 
to the Table with sixe Falles in breadthe, and twentie 
in lengthe, and you will finde three Roodes, for the 
quantitie of the said vpper Triangle. Now to know 
the quantitie of the nether Triangle, the descending 
Lyne whereof, is supponed to bee foureteene Falles, 
The halfe whereof, is seven Falles for the breadthe, 
and the side of the Triangle to bee twentie Falles. Resort
to the Table with seven Falles in breadthe, and 
<P 25>
twentie in length, and you will finde three Roodes,
and 20. Fallis for the quantitie of the nether Triangle. 
Now cast all these three summes into one (^viz.^) the quantitie
of the square piece is two Acres two Roodes, with 
the quantitie of the vpper Triangle, which is 3 Roodes, 
and the quantitie of the nether Triangle, 3 Roodes 20.
Fallis: they all extend to 4 Acres and 20 Fallis, which 
is the quantitie of the said first figure, here devided in 
this forme following. 
[^FIGURE OMITTED^]
   ALSO you see the second figure to bee devided in 
2 parts of Triangle land, the descending line of the 
vpper Triangle, is supposed to bee eight Fallis: the 
halfe whereof, to wit, foure is the just breadth of the 
vpper Triangle: and the line that separates the two 
Triangles, to be 40 Fallis for the length of the  said          #
Triangle:
So foure Fallis for the breadth, with 40 for the 
<P 26>
length, being brought to the Table, maketh the first
Triangle to bee a just Acre of land. Now suppose the
descending line of the nether Triangle to be 10 Fallis in
breadth, the halfe whereof is fiue, and the said line of
separation being 40 for the length, which being sought
in the Table, will be an Acre and a Roode for the quantitie
of the nether Triangle: So the quantitie of both
is two Acres and a Roode for the quantitie of this figure.
[^FIGURE OMITTED^]
   Also you see the thrid figure here following, is devided
by the two lines of separation into three Triangles,
which must be measured after the same manner, in the
manner of Triangles, and compted by the Table with
length and breadth as said is: And thus much for avoyding
of tediousnesse.
[^FIGURE OMITTED^]
<P 27>
[}THE RVLE FOR MEASVRING 
OF CIRCLES, OR ROUND PEECES OF LAND .}]
   A Round peece of Land is without corner, or 
square, and is called a Circle. The compasse 
thereof, is called the Circumference. The 
middle point is the Center. The Lyne going thorow
the Center, or middest of the Circle, touching it on 
both sides, is called the Diameter: the half whereof, is 
called Semidiameter, and a peece of a Circle, is called 
an Arke. For measuring of all rounds, take the halfe
of the Diameter for the breadth, and the halfe of the           #
circumference 
for the length, and therewith resort to the 
Table to finde the quantitie. Example, Imagine this 
present round figure to bee a peece of Land. The Circumference
whereof to bee an hundreth, and twentie 
Falles, and the Diameter to be 40 Falles: take the half 
of the Diameter, which is 20 Falles for the breadth, and 
the halfe of 120 Falles, which is 60. Falles for the 
lengthe, resort to the Table therewith, and you will 
find 7 Acres, and 2 Roods, for the quantitie of this Circle. 
[^FIGURE OMITTED^]
<P 28>
   AS for measuring of halfe roundes, you shall enter 
the Table with the halfe of the Circumference 
thereof  for the length, and with the halfe Diameter for 
the breadth. Example, the length of the halfe Diameter 
of this halfe Circle, is 20 Falles, and the halfe of 
the Circumferenc is 30 Falles, which being brought to 
the Table to the Columne of 20 Falles in breadth, you 
will finde right against the number 30 of length, three 
Acres, and 3 Roods, for the quantitie of this half Circle. 
[^FIGURE OMITTED^]
[}THE RVLE OF MEASVRING
TRIANGLED SQUARES .}]
   Some peeces of land may fall out as these two figures 
following and such like. And albeit they may divided 
and casten in Triangles, and so by the rule of Triangles
measured, yet they haue their proper rule, and 
measuring as followeth. You shall joyne both the measures
of the endes in one summe, and take the halfe of 
that number for the bredth, therafter measure the length 
of the peece, as you see the Lyne drawne through the 
middest heere. Example, Suppone the end of the 
litle peece to bee 8 Falles, and the nether end 12 Falles,
they being joyned and added together are 20. The 
<P 29>
halfe whereof is 10, for the breadth, and the length of 
the middle Lyne, is 30 Falles. When you seeke the Table 
in the Columne of 10 Falles of breadth, you will find 
against the number 30. I. Acre, and 3 Roodes: and 20 
Falles for the quantitie of this least peace, and in like 
manner, you shall measure the other figure also. 
[^FIGURE OMITTED^]
[}THE RVLE FOR MEASVRING 
OF WOODS, MOSSES, AND LOCHES, 
OR OTHER PEECES OF LAND, WHICH IS DEFORMED,
AND VNEQUALL IN ALL SIDES .}]
   FOR measuring such peeces of Land, as 
are evill fashioned, and cannot be measured,
except it be casten in many Squares, 
and Triangles: then to save labour where 
Land is watrie, or can not bee  seene for 
standing Wood, and such other impediments.
For measuring thereof, or such other peeces of
Land, as this present figure is, it shall bee best to adde
<P 30>
and joyne to the said peece of Land, so many portions
at the deformed parts, as will make it square: or otherwise
as you shall see this vnequall figure to bee heere
following casten in a square.
[^FIGURE OMITTED^]
   As there is augmented in the part marked a. five
Falles, and in the part marked b. three Falles, in
c. sixe Falles, in d. three Falles, and in e. two Falles,
all which peeces heere beeing augmented, and put
in one summe are 19 Falles. Now suppone that in
measuring the whole square, you finde the length to be
67 Falles, and the breadthe 17: Then to know what
number of Acres it containeth, you shall seeke the number
of 17 Falles in the head of the Table. But because
you haue not 67 Falles of length in one number, you
shall take 60 of length, and then 7 of length both in
that same Columne, and against the number of 60 you
will finde 6 Acres, 1 Rood, and 20 Falles, and against
the number of 7, you will find 2 Roodes, and 39 Falles,
these being casten together will make 7 Acres, and
<P 31>
19 Falles, deduce the 19 Falles, that the said peeces of
augmented Land extens to, and there will rest 7 Acres
for the quantitie of the said peece of vnequall Land.
[^FIGURE OMITTED^]
[}THE RVLE FOR MEASVRING
OF MOUNTAINE LAND, AND OF VALLEY
GROUND. AND FIRST OF HILLES .}]
   YOV shall first measure the circuite of
the base parte, or foote of the Hill,
or Mountaine: Then measure the
toppe thereof, and adde them both together,
so must you doe with the ascense
or sides of the Hill, that is to say, the going
vp from the foot of the Hill, to the top thereof, and
put the measure of the shortest and longest together, and
take the half of the said ascense for the breadth, and the
<P 32>
halfe of the circuit, or compasse of the foot and toppe 
of the Hill, for the length, As for example. 
[^FIGURE OMITTED^]
Svppone this figure marked e. f. g. to bee the 
mountain or Hill, the compasse of the foot thereof, is 
fund to be three hundreth Falles, the toppe thereof to 
bee 100 Falles, which are together 400 Falles for the 
length. Next the ascense betweene e and g. to bee 
64 Falles, and the other ascense from f. to g. to bee 
80 Falles. They beeing added together maketh 144 
Falles, the halfe whereof, is 72 Falles for the iust breadth 
with these two summes we enter the Table, and because 
there is no page, nor Columne of 72 Falles of breadth
together, therefore you shall take the Columnes of 70.
Falles, of breadth, and of 2 Falles, and in the Columne
of 70 Falles against the length 200 Falles you will find 
87 Acres, and 2 Roodes, and in the page, or Columne 
of 2 Falles of breadth, against the said number of 200 
<P 33>
Falles, you will finde 2 Acres, and 2 Roodes, which being
added to the 87 Acres, and 2 Roodes, the whole is 
90 Acres for the quantitie of this figured Hill. 
[}THE RVLE FOR MEASVRING 
OF VALLEYES .}]
   As in the mountaine, or Hill, you measured
the circuit or compasse of the foot of 
the Hill, so, heere contrariwise you shal
met round about the circuit or compasse 
of the height of the Valley: And as you 
measured the toppe of the mountaine, So 
shall you measure the bottome, or depth of the Valley, 
   In like manner as you measured the ascense or going 
vp from the foot of the Hill, to the toppe thereof: So 
should you measure heere the descense,  or going downe
to the bottome of the Valley. Example is heere figured 
of a peece of Land of an vnequall Valley, that it may 
bee the rule for others. First, take the circuite of the 
height, which I suppose to bee 156 in the compasse about 
the top of the Valley, and the depth or bottome of 
the Valley to bee 24 Falles, adde them together they wil
make 180. Falles, the halfe whereof is, 90. Falles for
the breadth: then measure the descense or going downe
of both the sides to the bottome, the one side wherof is, 
152 Falles, the other side 188  they being added together 
are 340 Fals the half wherof is 170 Fals for the le~gth the~ 
with 90 Falles of breadth, and 170 Falles of length, 
seeke the Table in the Columne of 90 Falles in breadth, 
you haue not the full number of 170 Falles of length in 
one summe: you shall first take 100 and next 70 against
the number of 100, you will finde 56 Acres, and 1
<P 34>
Rood, and against the number of 70, you will find 39 
Acres, one Rood, and 20 Falles: adde these together 
they make 95 Acres, 2 Roodes, and 20 Falles, which 
is the quantitie of the said Valley. 
[^FIGURE OMITTED^]
<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 55>
[}OF BUILDING & SCLAITING}]
   I Doe not set downe the manner nor the way, how 
to measure the Masons nor the Sclaiters workes, 
because I know not the trew ground and manner 
thereof, but superceedes that to be done by a common
sworne measurer of the best reputation and 
vnderstanding, who is to measure all workes justly 
in length and breadth according to some warrand and ground, 
whereby the owners of the workes knowing the length and 
breadth of everie House or Wall, Doore  or Window, Roofe or 
Rin-roofe, Storme-window, Ape-house, Easinges, and Windskewes, 
and all other pieces of worke, they may resort to the 
Table here following, and finde the just compt what everie      #
particular 
piece of worke extendeth vnto in Roodes, Elles, and 
other small quantities, as is set downe in manner following. 
[}A DECLARATION OF THE TABLE 
MADE TO FINDE THE QUANTITIE, THAT ARISETH 
VPON ALL WORKE AND LABOUR, THAT IS 
MEASURED IN LENGTH AND 
BREADTH .}]
   This Table following is founded vppon the Ell of 
measure, whereof thirtie six Ells is compted for a 
Rood of worke, as is said here-tofore, it is set 
downe in divers Columnes. Each Columne containing
three partes: To wit, the breadth of everie 
piece of worke set downe betweene the two small 
<P 56>
black lines that is betweene the end of a Columne, and the      #
beginning
of another Columne. The length is set downe vppon the 
left side of everie Columne, and the quantitie that riseth      #
vppon
every length and breadth is the broad roome against the length 
in the narrow: containing Roodes, Ells, and quarter Ells as     #
they 
are titled vppon the head of everie number, in the same manner 
as the former table. Now to finde the compt of everie piece of
worke, you shall seeke the compt thereof, as the compt of       #
measured
land in the former table. 
[}EXAMPLE OF MASONS WORKE .}]
   A Mason hath builded a wall of 90 Ells of length, and 3 Ells
and a halfe Ell of heigth and thicknes: to know what it 
containes in the whole, you shall cast vp the Columne of 3      #
Ell, 
and the Columne of a halfe Ell, which are the Columnes of the 
breadth, and seeke the length 90 in everie one of them, you     #
will 
finde in the Columne of 3 Ells against the length 90 standing   #
7 
Roodes 18 Ells, and in the Columne of a halfe Ell against 90    #
you 
will finde 1 Rood 9 Ells. These being added together will make 
8 Roodes 27 Ells, which is the quantitie of the foresaid wall. 
[}EXAMPLE OF SCLAITING .}]
   A Sclaitet theiked a house of length 18 Ells, and of breadth
15 Ells and halfe Ell with 2 Apehouses, everie one of them 3 
Ells of length, and of breadth and deepenes compting both the 
sides 7 Ells: quarter Ell: To know their quantitie, you must    #
seeke 
everie compt particularly: and first seeke the compt of the     #
house, 
in casting vp the Columne of 15 Ells of breadth, and the        #
Columne 
of a halfe Ell, In the Columne of 15 Ells against the length    #
18, you 
will finde 7 Roodes 18 Ells, and in the Columne of a halfe Ell
against 18 you will finde 9 Ells: These being added will make   #
7 
Roodes 27 Ells. Then to finde the quantitie of the Ape-houses,
<P 57>
seeke the Columne of 7 Ells, and the Columne of a quarter Ell, 
which are the breadthes thereof. In the columne of 7 Ells       #
against 
the length 3, you will finde 21 Ells. In the Columne of a       #
quarter 
Ell against 3, you will finde three quarters of a Ell. These    #
will 
make 121 Ells three quarters of an Ell for each Apehouse. The   #
quantitie
of the two Ape-houses, and the quantitie of the house being 
added together will extend to 8 Roodes, 34 Ells, and a halfe    #
Ell 
for the quantitie thereof. And such like of all others. 
[}EXAMPLE OF TAPISTRIE .}]
   A Piece of Tapistrie is of length 6 Ells quarter Ell, and 4  #
Ell 
halfe Ell of breadth. To knowe the quantitie thereof by this 
Table, you shall seeke the Columnes of 4 Ells, and the Columne 
of a halfe Ell, which are the breadth. In the Columne of 4 Ells
against the length 6. you will finde 24 Ells, and  in the       #
Columne 
of an halfe Ell, you will finde against 6, standing 3 Ells:     #
Now 
remember that the small measures of the length must bee         #
reckoned 
with the breadthe, then seeke the Columne of the 
small measure of the length, which is of a Quarter Ell, and     #
against
4. you will finde 1. Ell. Now you haue an halfe Ell to bee
compted, and multiplyed with the Quarter Ell, which are the 
small  measures to finde their quantitie, resort to this small  #
Table
here set downe, and seeke the one of the small measures at the 
head of the Table, and the other at the side thereof: and       #
where 
they meet you will finde the quantitie as the Columne of        #
quarter 
Ell, and the Columne of halfe Ell, you will finde one eight     #
part 
Ell, or halfe quarter Ell at their meeting. These being added 
together will extend to 28 Ells and halfe quarter Ell, for the 
quantitie of the said piece of Tapistrie, and so of all         #
others: as you 
shall perceiue by this Table in the next page following. 
<S SAMPLE 3>
<P 63>
[}THE 
DESCRIPTION OF THE 
TABLE SET DOWNE TO KNOW
THE WEIGHT OF EVERIE 
LOAFE OF WHEAT BREAD AT ALL 
PRICES OF WHEATE .}]
   The particular weight of all quantities of wheate 
bread is most needfull to bee knowne of all indwellers
within Brughes. And therefore I haue 
set downe this Table here following, which I 
made in Anno 1597 at the desire of the Bailies of 
Edinburgh, to resolve them what everie loafe of 
wheate bread should weigh, at all prices of wheate. It is       #
founded
vppon a triall made by the counsell of the said Burgh in Anno 
1555: who (after good consideration of the labour and all       #
charges 
needefull to bee allowed and deduced to the Bakers:) concluded
that there should bee made 140 poundes weight of very fine 
wheate bread out of everie Bow of wheate. The which Table I
amended and omitted forth the price of the wheate and bread not
needfull, and haue augmented the prices of wheate betweene 16. 
lib. and 20 lib. the Bow, with the weight of the 2 shilling     #
loafe,
which was not before. This Table, is devided in these 2 pages
following, containing 4 Columnes in everie page.  The first 
page hath the Columne of the prices of the wheate, beginning
at 4 lib. descending downe to 4 lib. 10 shillings. Next to 5    #
lib.
and so foorth to 20 lib. The other 3 Columnes are the weight    #
of 
the 2 shilling loafe. The Columne of the 18 pennie loafe, and   #
of 
the 16 pennie loafe, and everie one of them containes 4         #
numbers. 
<P 64>
The first are pound weights, the second are ounces, the third   #
are 
drop weigths, and the 4 number are graine weights, as they are 
titled and marked vpon the head of everie number, as for        #
partes 
of graines they are not needfull to bee set downe. The second 
page, hath in like manner the prices of wheate in the first     #
Columne,
in the second, the weight of the 12 pennie loafe, next 
of the 8 pennie loafe, and of the 6 pennie loafe with their     #
severall 
numbers of weight. If any Arithmetician bee curious, to know
the partes  of graines not set downe, let them resort to me,    #
and 
I shall giue them contentment. 
[}TO FINDE THE WEIGHT OF BREAD 
BY SOME EXAMPLES .}]
   In case the Provost, Bailies and Counsell of Edinburgh,      #
after 
tryall of the markets of Edinburgh, Hadingtoun, and Dalkeith,
haue ordained that the Bakers shall baike 12 pennie loafes, 
and to keepe the poise or weight according to 13 lib. the Bow   #
of 
wheate: to know by the Table what weight the said loafe should
weigh, you shall seeke the price 13 lib. in the first Columne   #
of the 
second page, and there against it, you will finde 8 ounces 9    #
drop
weight, and 30 graines for the weight thereof. Another example.
The Bakers are ordained to baike 16 pennie loafes, according 
to 12 lib. 10 shillings the Bow of wheate: To finde the weight
thereof, you will finde the Columne of the said loafe in the    #
first
page, and  seeke the price of 12 lib. 10 shillings in the       #
first Columne, 
and goe forth in one line towards the right hand, and you will 
finde in that Columne, against the said price 11 ounces 15      #
drop 
weight and 5 graines: The thrid example.  The Bakers are        #
ordained
to baike 18 pennie loafes, according to 10 lib. 10 shillinges
the Bow of wheate, you will finde in the Columne of 18 pennie 
bread, against 10 lib. 10 shillings, 16 ounces for the weight   #
thereof, 
and so forth of all other bread. 
<S SAMPLE 4>
<P 68>
   The preceeding Table is founded but vppon 140 pound
weight of fine wheate bread: to bee made of everie Bow of 
wheate, conforme to the tryall made by the Counsell of          #
Edinburgh, 
and ordinance set downe there-vpon in Anno 1555 as said 
is. But now the said Counsell finding that albeit some of the   #
Bakers 
makes better bread then the rest: yet the best bread is not of 
that finenesse, that was ordained by that ordinance: and        #
therefore 
are of intention to make new trialls: like as the  Burrowes at  #
their 
meeting in Aberdene, appointed the same to bee done at sundrie 
Burghes, for trying of all sort of wheate: the which trialls    #
being 
made and  reported, I thinke that they will finde that the      #
Bowe of 
wheate, may render a greater quantitie of bread, then is set    #
downe
in the said ordinance. And because all Lieges may not eate of   #
one 
kinde of bread, not yet should drinke of a like sort of         #
drinke, they 
will not onely make triall vppon the wheat, which may render 
two sortes of bread, but also of the Rye, Oates, Beanes, and 
Pease, for course bread to the meanest sort. And then the       #
prices of 
victuall being modefied after the rate of the fore-said         #
markers, by 
the said Counsell, and set in write vppon the crosse            #
monethlie, 
conforme to their ancient forme: to informe the Lieges of the   #
prices
of victuall monethlie,  the Tables to be made conforme to the 
new trialls, will shew them what weight of bread they should    #
haue 
for their money, conforme to the modefied price of victuall:    #
and 
so all persons will bee controllers of the poise and weight of  #
bread, 
to ease the Magistrates, and make the Lieges to bee more        #
dewlie 
vsed. I doe thinke they are also of intention to make triall    #
vppon 
the Beere and Malt, to trie what number of gallons of double    #
and 
single Ale and Beere the Bow of Malt may render: and thereby    #
to 
finde out the price of the pinte, both of Ale and Beere. 
   I was of intention to haue set down the Weightes, Metts,     #
Measures, 
and coynes of all our neighbour countries, with  the            #
difference 
betweene them and this Nation in everie thing: but I will 
omit that and other thinges, vntill I heare how this will bee   #
accepted,
hoping that the best sort will take in good part my honest 
meaning. 
All praise to God.



<B SSCIE2A> 
<Q SC2 EX SCIM PEST> 
<N DESCR PEST> 
<A SKEYNE GILBERT> 
<C SC2> 
<O DATE 1568> 
<M MEDIUM PRINTED> 
<D NSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T SCIENCE MEDICINE> 
<G X> 
<F X> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X MALE> 
<Y 40-60> 
<H HIGH PROF> 
<U NET PROF> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I X> 
<Z EXPOS> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^TRACTS BY DR GILBERT SKEYNE, MEDICINAR TO HIS MAJESTY. 
(COMPRISING 'ANE BREVE DESCRIPTIOUN OF THE PEST' AND 'ANE 
BREIF DESCRIPTIOUN OF THE QUALITEIS AND EFFECTIS OF THE WELL 
OF THE WOMAN HILL BESYDE ABIRDENE'). 
ED. W.F. SKENE. BANNATYNE CLUB. EDINBURGH 1860. 

PP. 3.1-45.28 (THE PEST)^]

<P 3> 
[}TO THE READAR .}] 
   Sen it hes plesit the inscrutabill Consall, and 
Iustice of God (Beneuolent readar) that 
this present plaig and maist detestabil diseise of
Pest, be laitlie enterit in this Realme it becummis
euerie one in his awin vocatione to be not only
most studious be perfectioun of lyfe to mitigat
apperandlie the iuste wrathe of God touart
vs, in this miserable tyme: Bot also to be maist
curagius in suffering of trauail, for the aduancement
of the commoun weilth. I beand mouit in
that part seand the pure of Christ inlaik, without
assistance of support in bodie, al men detestand
aspectioun, speche or communicatioun with
thame, thoucht expedient to put schortlie in
wryte (as it hes plesit God to supporte my
sober knawlege) quhat becummis euerie ane
baith for preseruatioun and cure of sic diseise
quhairin (gude readar) thou sall nather abyde
greit eruditioun nor eloquence, bot onlie the
sentence and iugement of the maist ancient writaris
in medicine expressit in vulgar langage without
poleit or affectionat termis. And howbeit
it become me rather (quha hes bestouit all my
Zouthe in the Sculis) to had vrytin the samin
in Latine, Zit vnderstanding sic interpryses had
<P 4>
bene nothing profitable to the commoun and
wulgar people, thocht expedient and neidfull
to express the sam in sic langage as the vnlernit
may be als weil satisfyit as Masteris of Clargie.
Quhilk beand acceptable and allowit be the
Magistratis of this Noble Burgh, conforme to
my gude mynde, sall God willing as occasioun
and tyme sufferis treit this samin argument at
more lenthe, quhilk presentlie for vtilitie of the
pure, & schortnes of tyme, is mouit to set furthe
almaist rude and imperfite, not doutand gentill
Readar, bot thou will appryse the samyn with
siclyk mynd as the pure Womanis oblatioun
was apprysit be the Gude Lord, quha mot
preserue the in helthe of Saule and bodie for
euer & euer. So be it.
[}ANE COMPENDIOUS DESCRIPTIOUN OF THE
PEST. CAP. 1 .}]
   Ane pest is the corruptioun or infectioun
of the Air, or ane venemous qualytie and maist
hurtfull Wapour thairof, quhilk hes strenthe
and wikitnes abone al natural putrifactioun &
beand contractit first maist quietlie infectis the
Spiritall partis of mannis bodie, thairefter the
humoris, puttand fairest at the naturall Humiditie
of the hart, quhilkis tholand corruptioun
ane feuir mast wikit quietlie and theiflie strikis
the patient: quhais bodie exteriourlie apperis
weil at eis, bot interiourlie is maist heuelie vexit
<P 5>
Quhilk schortly may be descryuit. Ane feuerable
infectioun, maist cruelle and sindre wayis
strikand doun mony in haist. Heirfor it is maist
vehement & hait diseis, that may put at mannis
bodie, & maist dangerous, because it is difficil
to knaw all thingis, quhilkis makis ane man propense
to becum Pestilential. Alwais quhilk hes
the cause frome the Heauins or corruptioun of
Air, is properlie, be maist learnit, callit ane Pest:
and quhilk is generit within vs or of vther causis
is callit ane Malignant feuer.
[}THE CAUSIS OF PEST. CAP. 2. }]
   It war difficill & tediouse to descryue all the
causis of ane Pestilence. Heirfoir at this present
I sall comemorat the principalis onlie be the
quhilkis the rest may be vnderstand.
   Certane it is, the first and principal cause may
be callit, and is ane scurge and punischment of
the maist iust God, without quhais dispositioun
in all thingis, vtheris secund causis wirkis no
thing. So the Heauine quhilk is the admirable
instrument of God blawis that contagioun vpone
the face of the Earth, as quhan the maist nocent
Sterres to mankynd conuenis, quhilkis be
Astrologis ar callit infortunat. Or quhan Cometis
with other wikit impressionis ar generit
and preseruit in the Air, quhilk, of it self, beand
<P 6>
maist simple substance, and so incorruptible &
necessar for mannis lyfe: nottheles resauis
and admittis, baith frome the Heauinis, and inferiour
Elementis mony infectionis and corruptioun,
quhilkis ar the seid & cheif causis of sindre
diseisis quhilkis ar callit Epidimiall, & thir
causis in maist part ar vniuersall. Inferiour causis
ar quhilkis occupeis ane Realme, ane people,
ane Citie, or ane house thairof. Cause thairof
is standand vatter, sic as Stank, Pule, or Loche
moste corrupte, and filthie: Erd, dung, stinkand
Closettis, deid Cariounis vnbureit in speciale
of mankynd quhilkis be similitude of nature is
maist nocent to man, as euerie brutall is maist
infectand and Pestilentiall to thair awin kynd.
Forther continuall schouris of Veit with greit
sowthin wynde, or the samin blawand from pestiferous
placis. The cause of pest in ane privat
Citie is stinkand corruptioun and filth, quhilkis
occupeis the commune streittis and gaittis, greit
reik of colis without vinde to dispache the sam,
corruptioun of Herbis, sic as Caill and growand
Treis, Moist heuie sauer of Lynt, Hemp, & Ledder
steipit in Vater. Ane priuat house infectis
ather of stinkand closettis, or corrupte Carioun
thairin, or neir by, or gif the inhabitantis
hes inuiseit vther infectit Rowmis, or drinking
corrupte Vatter, eating of Fruttis, or vder meitctis
quhilkis ar corrupte, as we see dalie the pure
<P 7>
mair subiecte to sic calamitie, nor the potent,
quha ar constrynit be pouertie to eit ewill and
corrupte meittis, and diseisis contractit heirof
ar callit Pandemiall. In euerie ane the cause is
abundance of corruptible humoris collectit
and generit of metis and drinke, quhilkis of
ony lychte cause becummis corrupt, in mannis
bodie als wikit as deidlie poysone. Finallie
& principallie infectit Air quhilk all men drauis
of be inspiratioun of necessitie for continuatioun
of lyfe. Be the quhilk first the Spirituall
partis, secundlie the humoris & naturall partis
ar sair put at, in sum hastelie, in otheris laitlie or
neuer, as ane be ane other is accustumit to diuersitie
of meitis as the bodie is preparit & propense
to corruptioun and finalie as dwelling and passioun
of the forsaidis causis seruis.
[}THE SIGNIS OF PEST. CAP. 3. }]
   Because the signis of the pest to cum, pertenis
to preseruatioun fra the same it becumis to
treit thame at mair lenthe. Quhat diligence I
vse in this part referris to the iugement of the
lernit readaris. The first treuest natural signe &
cause is contineuall weit in the last part of the
spring or begyning of Sommer without vindis,
greit contineuall heit or Meridionall Vindis,
with turbide mistie Air without weit signifyis
<P 8>
ane pest to cum in the Autumne nixt following.
Ane siclik constitutioun Hippocrates Prince of
medicinaris, notit in the Citie of Cranone, vpone
the quhilk followit ane horrible pest. Also in
tyme of Marcus Antonius was tua sic pestis,
quhilkis occupyit the haile Warlde in siclyk
maner that mankynd was almaist distroyit. Siclyk
in the Zeir of God. 1450. enterit sic pestilence
in Asia & occupeit Illirica, Dalmace, Italie,
Germanie, France, and Spanze, mony zeris
in sic maner, that the third part of the people
in the Eird, war not left vnplukit away, be sic
ane cruell miserable tiran & manslayar. Quhair
by we may vnderstand the generall cause of
sic maruelous calamiteis, to proceid frome the
Heauinis & not onlie of mutatiounis of tempestis,
albeit, humiditie and heit (I grant) be the
parentis of corruptioun, beand destitute of motioun
to tempre the samyn.
   The secund signe is also to be taken of the
Heauin, as quhan the Eclypsis of the Sone ar
greit and frequent, quhan Comeitis or fyrie inflammatiounis,
or as Starris falland of the Heuin
ar sene, for sic thingis procedis and ar generit
of greit drouthe, and hait fyrie Vaporis,
quhilkis corruptis the Air earest in the tyme of
Autumne. Gif the growand treis aperis to birne
it is mair certane signe of the calamitie to be at
hand, becaus the inferiour regione of the Air,
<P 9>
not the farrest fra vs (quhilk is leist necessair to
the lyfe) is alredie corrupte and infestit. Gif
the Air perseueris lang tyme dry as full of pulder,
with thik dry Cloudis (as notablie apperit
all this last Somer) schawis ane pest to follow
of sic nature. As quhan the Air apperis trubillit
& thik in the Autumne & Vinter, as weit var
to follow, and weitis nor, be assurit that constitutioune,
to be maist corrupte. Ane pest in
Somer, is signifeit be the spring precedand dry
and cauld, thairefter Meridionall vynde, with
perturbit Air, sumtyme hait, and vther tymes
cauld, quhilkis als signifeis the Pokis, Mesillis, &
siclik diseisis of bodie to follow: and as the pest
procedes of infectit Air or Vater so it quhilk is
generit of Air occupeis the heid & partis thair
of & quhilk generis of Vater persis the hart
maist vehementlie. Baith the sortis inuadis at al
tymes of the Zeir, bot leist in Vinter, & Spring,
ofter in Simmer, oftest of all in Autumne: quhilk
maist notablie may be examinat exponand freshe
Breid to the Air ane nycht quhilk gif it corruptis
maist certainlie the pest is at the dur, gif it
be not alredie enterit. as frequent wod Doggis
prognosticats the samin, quhilkis be infectioun
of Air or Vater becummis wod. Siclyk Volfis
entering in ane Toune with continuall molestatioun
is signe of Vodnes, for ouer greit audacitie
schawis phreneisie. & be the samin cause, that
brutall, becummis furious or degenerit frome
<P 10>
thair awin accustume of leauing, sic humoris
corruptis in mannis bodie, as may gener ane
pest quhilkis ar melancholius infectit, be pestilentiall
corruptioun of Air or Vater. As befoir
sic tymes, the Scheip, quhilkis ar mair vaik of
nature nor man be deathe ar afflictit, precedis
also, multitude of Padokis & Domestical Vormis
callit in Latine (\Blattae\) , quhilkis ar generit
of superflew fat Humiditie, maist repugnant to
the helthe of man, as quhan the Moudeuart
and Serpent leauis the Eird beand molestit be
the Vapore contenit within the bowells of the
samin. Quhilk infectioun bringis, baith man and
beast to death, the soner gif sic incressis of lang
tyme, and speciallie quhan the Domesticall
foulis becummis pestilentiale, it is ane signe of
maist dangerous pest to follow, because quhan
the dryar and frear beist is infectit, mekil mair
sall the man, quha is mair Humide of nature &
subiecte to les lybertie, quhilkis may incres be
vickit mutatioun of the four tymes in the Zeir
touching the principall qualiteis and naturall
constitutioun thairof, as ane notable change of
ane naturall day sall testifie. Siclyk quhen pokis
or sic Pustulis are frequent not onlie amangis
barnis, bot also amangis those quha be of constant
or declynand aige greit frequent south
and south vest vyndis. Gif wemen with barn
throw lycht occasioun pairt from thair birthe as
<P 11>
quhan efter vehemente heit in Somer, veit
followis, and abundance of Padokis apperis colourit
gray on the bak, of Purpoure or ony diuerse
coloure on the vombe. As quhan Rosis
and Violettis springis new in the Autumne, innumerable
Vormis, Fleis, and serpentis, greit
dethe of beast & fische, greit darthe of Vittail
quharby men ar constrynit to eit ewil & corrupte
meitis, maist certane of all, hait & Humide
constitutioune of the haill Zeir the sone at ane
houre schynand, thairefter obscure with turbulent
Air, pronuncis ane pest to follow. And
thir for vniuersale signis ar to be obseruit.
[}QUHAT PLACIS AR MAIST PESTILENTIALL. CAP. 4. }]
   Thoise placis ar maist subiect to the pest,
quhilkis ar neirby the see, situat touarte
the southe on hicht, quhairby is abundance of
corrupt standing Vater, quhair mony deid ar
bureit, quhair the ground is fat and Vaporatiue
incressis maist in tyme of coniunctioune & oppositioun
of Sone and Mone. And quhen
the Mone mouis onder Saturne and Mars,
erestlie thair Quadrate Incressis maist at sone
rysing, Sone going to, midday & midnycht.
Thois men are maist subiecte to the pest, quhilkis
hes abundance of thik corruptible humoris
or blude, without thay be euacuat be opining
of ane Vaine, or purgit be medicine, or sic corruptioun,
<P 12>
expellit be scabe or hulcer, quhilk is
leist sure preseruative. Sic personis ar earest Bairnis
Zoung Men & Wemen in thair flouris
quha ar of humide & hait temperament. Nixt
thame, quha are hait and dry, last of all quha
ar dry and cauld: quhoubeit the last be dificillar
to cure nor the first. Na pest continuallie
induris mair than thre Zeris, athir because
it hes not to vrge, or because the Air beand
of maist lycht substance may not suffer forder
putrefactioun & quhilk was corrupt befoir, farder
becummis not corrupt, as rostin anis can not
be maid raw againe, and skarslie in so lang tyme
is the Air mouit and reneuit, and quhilk was
corrupt transferrit in wyndis. And last our merciful
omnipotent God puttis mesoure to the panis
of the wikit, be repentance of mankynde,
or for the weilfair of the electit, quha maist
effecteouslie prayis to his maiestie to that
effecte.
[}QUHAIRBY CORRUPT BE PEST MAY BE KNAWIN.
CAP. 5. }]
   Thair is mony notis quhilkis schauis ane
man infectit be pest. First gif the exteriour
partis of the bodie be caulde, and the interiour
partis of the bodie vehement hait. As gif the
hoill bodie be heauie with oft scharpe punctiounis,
stinkand sueiting tyritnes of bodie, ganting
of mowthe, detestable brathe with greit
<P 13>
difficultie, at sumtyme vehement feuer rather
on nycht nor day. Greit doloure of heid with
heauynes, sollicitude & sadnes of mynd: greit
displesour with sowning, quhairefter followis
haistelie deth. As greit appetit and propensnes
to sleip albeit on day, rauing and walking occupeis
the last. Cruell inspectioun of the ene,
quhilkis apperis of sindre colouris, maist variant
dolour of the stomak inlak of appetite, vehement
doloure of heart, with greit attractioun of Air:
intolerable thirst, frequent vomitting of diuers
colouris or greit appetit by daylie accustum to
Vomit, without effecte: Bitternes of mowth,
and toung with blaiknit colour thairof & greit
drouth: frequent puls small & profund quhais vrine
for the maist part is turbide thik & stinkand
or first vaterie colourit thairefter of bilious colour,
last confusit and turbide, or at the beginning
is zallow inclyning to greine (callit citrine
collour) and confusit, thairefter becummis
reid without contentis. Albeit sum of thir
properteis may be sene in haill mennis vater,
quhairby mony ar deceauit abydand Helth of
the patient, quhan sic vater is maist manifest
sing of deth, because the haill venome & cause
coniunit thairwith, leauand the naturall partis
occupeis the hart and nobillest interioure partis
of the body. Last of all and maiste certane, gif
with constant feuer, by the earis, vnder the oxstaris,
<P 14>
or by the secrete membres maist frequentlie
apperis apostumis callit Bubones, without
ony other manifest cause, or gif the charbunkil
apperis hastelie in ony other part, quhilk gif it
dois, in the begining, testifeis strenthe of nature
helth, and the laitter sic thingis appeir, and
apperand, it is the mair deidlie. At sumtym
in ane criticall day mony accidentis apperis
principalie vomiteing, spitting of blude, with
sweit, flux of womb, bylis, scabe with dyuers
others symptomis, maist heauie and detestable.
[}SIGNIS OF DETH IN PESTILENTIAL PERSONIS.
CAP. 6. }]
   The principall signis of dethe in pestilentiall
personis, ar frequent swoning, cauld
Sweiting, Vomitting, materis of diueris coloris,
principallie inclyning to blak with sic excrementis
maist corrupt & teuch, quhais Vrine ar blak,
or coloure of Leid with abhominable corruptioun
and fleure, tyritnes of bodie, crampe or conuulsioun
in exteriour memberis inlaik of vertue
motiue or appetite fra the begyning, with
imperfectioun of speche and stinkand breithe:
dolore of the intestynis, speciallie colik dolore,
with Wormis: swolling of the bodie, as in hydropisie:
the visage of diueris coloris, with reid
spottis on the bodie quhilkis haistelie discoueris
or coueris thameself. The ma of thir signis
concurrand the patient is neirer dethe. And
<P 15>
albeit few appeir in sum personis, nottheless the
patient may inlaik be other diuerse accessis.
   As quhan the hoill cause and corrupt vennum
occupeis the hart, at quhilk tym natur employit
it self to exclude all iniuris, nathir attentis
nor may expell sic ane horrible monstour fra
the spirituall partis, without support of medicinall
handis, quhais deute and office is to behald
nature quhair it virkis weill, & support quhair
it inlaikis, or apperis to be ourcum: for inlaik
of the quhilk, with negligence of assisteris, pouertie
and ignorance of the patientis, quhan
all apperis to succede weill, than the tirane sessinis
rute and slayis sonest. Doutsum signis of
deth or lyfe ar, detestatioun of meit, the toung blak
& dry, the patient beand without rest & ressone
inlakand sleip, quhilkis gif thay appeir with
any of the signis befoir expressit, schawis certane
dethe. Forder the cause quhairby few ar
preseruit, & rest out of the handis of sic ane
tirane in this cuntray, is maist euident (excep
and the wraithe of God, for oure sinnis) the
negligence & Stupiditie of mankynd, contemptioun
of medicine, ewill gouernance of the patient
in maneir of leauing tuiching meit & drink
sleiping & walking trauell and rest, excretioun
and retentioun, with maneris of the mynd. Or
finalie because medicinaris ar mair studious of
thair awine helthe nor of the commoun weilthe,
<P 16>
& mony temptand God or abydand beneficie of
nature, quhilk is infirme without support in all
diseasis, had rather depart riche nor leife pure,
or diminew their fortune ony wayis. Sen so it
is, that man is become so ignorant, that he wattis
not quhat he aucht to do, nor quhat he abydis
(Specialie at this tyme, quhan ane abhorris ane
other, in sic maneir, as gif nothing of humanitie
war restand, bot all consumit, euerie ane abydand
dissait of ane other, colorand the samin,
with affectit eloquence, subtilitie, and grauitie
quhilk for maist part may be repute vanitie, as
in Bairnis, nature is nakit and scairslie apperis,
in zoung men sumquhat couerit, in men of aige
mony wayis disagysit, be sophisticall profluence
of wordis: in all the thre, maist deformit be
confessioun of mouthe, quhairupone followis
immanitie quhilk at last birnis in man, contractit
be continuall daylie heit & finalie be ferocitie &
pertinacitie, inuadis euerie nixt duellare, and
is discouerit onlie be the interpryse. I wald
vis sic corrupt nature, to be exilit or punisit,
the persone beand saife and nowayis dishonorit.
Gif I wald treate this argument at sic laser, as
it is to be lamentit, I shulde enter in ane patent
Campe, quhilk perchance mair vyislie I pas by
and prescryuis as God will assist (quha is onlie
the trew Medicinare of bodie and saull) sic
thingis as may be conducent for preseruatioun
<P 17>
thingis as may be conducent for preseruatioun
and cure of pestilentiall sicknessis. Quhairin I am
constrynit of necessitie to use the prescriptioun
of sum Medicinis in latine, quhilkis can not
guidlie be put in vulgare langage, & albeit thay
war, zit suld be als obscure to the vnlernit redar
as thay ar in latine. Quhat euerie man hes ado
thairwith, may have the samin fra the Apothecaris,
preparit with als guid faith and diligence,
as thay ar prescriuit with beneuolence.
[}PRESERUATIOUN FRA THE PEST. CA. 7. }]
   The principal preseruatiue cure of the pest
is, to return to God, quha is maist puissant
with ane affectionat and ardent will and hart, to
imploir the support of his Maiestie, be the intercessioun
of his deir Sone Iesus Christ, to pacifie
his wrathe aganis vs takand away sic punischement:
and as he hes saifit vs fra eternall deithe,
so he wald saif vs fra sick corporall dethe quhilk
iustlie for oure demeritis persecutis vs. Thairfor
not pretermittand sic support as it hes plesit
his Godlie will to schaw vs, be guid succes of
dew prescriptioun of nature be quhilk meanis,
reasone prescryuis preseruatioun to consist in twa
thingis: first to prepair the bodie apte to purgatioun:
Secundly to mak it quhilk may offend
debile in actione or impressioun.
<P 18>
   The first is perfitit be mundificatioun and corroboratioun
of the bodie, quhilk salbe esilie done
gif superfluite or corruptioun of humoris be
euacuat and purgit, stoppand siclyk to gener in
tymis cumming, purgatioun is perfytit mony
wayis as be the Intestines, Vrines, Exercise, Sueit,
fasting, and difflatioun. Euacuatioun is perfitit
be blude drawing, befoir or efter that ony persone
hes bene in suspect place, in speciall of
the Vaine callit Mediana of the richt arme takand
in quantitie as strenth, temperament, consuetude,
aige, and tyme may suffir. Euerilk ane remouand
thame self fra cuntrey, town, and Air,
infectit or suspect and quha may not do the samyn,
or mowit be Christiane Cheritie will not,
man be studious to liue in fre Air, escheuand sic
constitutioun of Heauin and Elementis as befoir
is expressit to be maist wikit, as cauld at morning
and ewin, fleure of stank or corrupt reueir, with all
vther fylthy corruptioun correctand the Air vniuersalie
or priuatlie be fyre & suffumigatioun maid
be aromatical materialis, hait or cauld as the present
constitutioun sall require, for certaine it is,
be experience of Medicinaris obseruit at all tymes,
that fyre is ane Antidote contrarie the pest
and all corruptioun. As ane notabill historie of
Hippocrates dois report, in quhais dayis quhan
pestiferus wyndis blew fra Afrik & AEthiope
vpon the toun of Athenis, folowit ane horrible pest
<P 19>
he causit sic fyris to be maid, as be the quhilkis
the toun was delyuerit fra sic infectioun. The
samyn Empedocles and Acreon causit the Grecianis
do in tyme of pest, quhairby the Air was
maid dry and of gude odour quhilk stopit all
forder putrefactioun, heirfoir, first of all, fyre
made of fir or akin tymmer ar maist lowable,
makand suffumigatioun thairwith of the tre of
Aloes, Calamus callit Aromaticall, Asarum the
scrufe of Citroun, Saifroun, Cannel, Cypir, Coste:
Galange, Caryophillis, the tre and Granis of
Iuniper, Rosmarie, leauage, Balme tre, Laure tre,
Squinanthe, callit Iuncus odoratus, Ladanum
myrrhe, Minte, Origanum, the rute of Valeriane,
Pulege, Saige, Sauine, Tamarisce, Rosait, Acorus,
Aspic, Basilic, Tyme, Calamint, Mariolaine, Finkill,
Hysop, or otheris of sic quality as the tyme
sall require, sic as hait & dry in Vynter, cauld &
humide in Sommer mouand the reik be vinagir
temperat with vyne & Rose vater perfumand also al
claithis in priuat lugeingis with the reik of sandal,
rose vater or sic lyke other materialis. And as ony
of the simplis befoir written seruis, siclyk compositionis
may be maide of the sam, in forme of trociseis,
thik pulderis, candillis or pomis odoratiue in
this maneir. [^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 20>
   In tyme of Symmer rosis nenuphar, sandile of
all sortis, orange appillis. Duelling towart the
<P 21>
northe, temperand the air in priuat lugingis, be
aspersioun of cauld vater mixit with vinager, or
claythe vat thairin and hung by the vallis as
tapestrie, leauis & flouris of cauld herbis quhilkis
be contrarius qualiteis temperis & correctis all
pestilenciall corruptioun of air, beand vsit, at
the fairest hour of the day oppinnand dure &
vindois towart the Septentrionall partis: in vtheris
tymes of zeir towart the Orient gif no thing be
repugnand thairtill. Obseruand also that na
domesticall beast, sic as Dog or Cat, vaig abrod
in tyme of pest. Quha ar in helthe & refusis or
neglectis forder preseruatioun, & speikis suspecte
personis maist be far separat fra vthir haueand
in mouthe a lytill of the rute of angelica, zedoaria,
apill renze, dictannus, raphort, or takand at
morning twa spunfull of quhyte odoratiue subtile
vyne, quhairin ane clene raphort cuttit smal
had bene steipit aucht dayis, eikand thairwith
as tyme seruis, the granis of Iuniper, or the rute
of valeriane, & at quhat tyme the air is maist corrupt,
tramp ane vater spunge, or claithe in vinagir,
quhairin rew hes bene steipit, takand the
odoure of the samin. Bot in sic vechtie diseise,
mair profitable it war to vse preseruatiue remeid
conforme to the logicale cuir befoir insinuat,
quhilk is maist necessair & profitable in al diseisis
that may inuaid humane nature. Quhairby
mony Emperikis & methodikes may be iustlie
<P 22>
vituperate and punisit in this Realme: of quhome
the first professis onlie experience without reasone,
quhilk is maist dangerous, the othir reasone
without experience, quhilk is maist tolerable,
bot not sufficient, misknawand baith that nane
of Godlines may (nor dois in vther Realmis) interpryse
sic professioun without sufficient experience
haueand medicinal & Philosophical reasone
to appreue and confirme the samyn: quhais temeritie
I pas by, prescryuand sic medicinis preseruatiue,
as baith be reasone & experience ar
maist approbat, & conuenient: quhairfor efter
euacuatioun the nixt day at morning. (\Rec. oximell.
vnc. duas, aquae betonicae cichorii sing.
vnc. vnam et semis misceantur pro vna do`si.\) continwand
the samyn thre morningis or forder
quhill signis of sufficient Preparatioun appeir,
thairefter. [^LATIN OMITTED^]
Quha knawis not quhat
humor redundis maist in thair bodeis, tak ane
drach of pil. aggregatiue, quhilkis are maist profitable
in sic cais. The nixt day thairefter ane
drachme of Theriac is conducent, quhilk because
in thir dayis is not weill dispensit, nor to be had
guid, twa drachmis of this electuare followand
may be takin in place of the samyn.
<P 23>
[^LATIN OMITTED^] ,
mixand thairwithe foure partis honye,
beand weill despumit reseruand the samyn in
ane syluer veschell, as ane maist pretious thesaure
quhilk seruis not onlie for preseruatioun, fra
the pest bot also is guid for cure of the samyn
and is repugnand to all vther kynd of poysone,
or byt of Serpent, forder ane drachme of the pulder
or hypericon with guid vyne may be takin
for preseruatioun. als four scrupulis of the pil.
of Ruffus ar maist profitable, quhilkis beand
tane oft befoir (sayis Ruffus) preseruis maist surlie
fra the pest, & ar callit be some, (\pilulae communes\) ,
be vtheris (\pilulae Arabicae, vel pilulae contra
pestem\) , quhilkis are dyuerse vayis dispensit, as
followis. (\Rec. aloes Hepatici partes duas, ammoniaci
electissimi partes duas, myrrhae electae partem
vnam, cum vino odorato formentur\) vther
<P 24>
wayis. (\Rec. aloes vnc. duas, myrrhe, croci, sing.
vnciam, bol. Arme. drac. vnam, fiat massa.\) maist I
commend the first compositioun, without ane half
vnce of guid auld theriac, be augmentit to the
last. Ane thing mouis me to commend the saidis
pil. quhilk is the simplis quhair of thay ar maid
quhilkis preseruis ane deid bodie fra corruptioun
& ar maist repugnant to infectioun in leuand man
or voman. And albeit I repugne not to the iugement
of Ruffus nor Gal. quha commendis sic
compositioun, zit for this tyme, cuntray, & present
diseise to the forder aduancement of mundificatioun
of mannis bodie I wald thay war preparit
in this maneir. [^LATIN OMITTED^]
   Quhilkis thingis abone writtin may be vsit indurand
all the tyme of Vynter, refreschand the
samyn with vater of rosis & cichorie in Sommer
obseruand alwayis, that quha hes abundance of
flewme in the stomak, to purge the samyn be
vomiting.
   Of exterioure preseruatiuis, fair
cleine odoratiue claithis ar maist commendabill
with oft changing thairof duelling in luging
patent towart the occident or septentrione, far
<P 25>
fra corruptioun, quhairin odoratiue treis, herbis
flowris, befoir expressit, be vsit in suffumigatioun
birning, or inspersione: na man passand furthe of
lugeing, quhill twa houris after sone rysing,
nowayis in mistie weddir without necessitie compel,
& that be efter meit rather nor fastand, oyntand
also the stomak, lewer, & secreit membris
with this oyntment. [^LATIN OMITTED^]
All meitis preseruatiue most be of gude subtill
substance, & dry, in speciall for thame, quha ar
of humide temperament. Trauaill & greit fasting
mundifeis (I grant) bot vaikis thair with: as laborious
exercise, or sweting, in corrupte Air ar
maist dangerous, heirfoir temperance in trauaill
or rest, sleiping or walking meittis or drink with
temperat hilaritie & blythnes ar maist commendable.
Twichand meittis, flesche is maist proper
quhilk generis louable humoris, & is of facill
digestioun, Sic as Pertrik, Phasiane, Lauerok,
Hen, Turture, Kid, Mottoun, Cunning, Veill,
& siclyk otheris, vsand thairwith Garyophillis,
and Cannell pulderit, all fischis most be sodin
with vater, vinagir, pulder of Cannel, & Gingiber.
Abstenand fra dalie vse of fatt or soddin
meittis. Of herbis the Latuce, Cichorie, Purpie,
Sourak, Pimpinell, Vetoun, Finkill, Anethe,
<P 26>
Borage, Endiue, Garlik in lytill quantite, Raphorte
dissoluit in Vyne or vinagir, may be vsit, preparand
the samyn as becummis euery ane in thair
awin nature. Of fructis, feggis, bytter almondis,
dry rasingis, sowr apill of peir, orange, citroun,
or limown, caperis, soure prunis, or cheryis, with
daylie use of vinagir or vergeus with all sortis of
meittis: drinkand cleir quhyt odoratiue Vyne,
temperat with vater, veschand face, mouthe, &
handis, at morning with vyne temperat with
rois vater, drawand at neis the decoctioun, of
the leauis of laure, oyntand the eiris with (\oile
de spica\) , hauand in mouthe the seid of citroun,
abstenand fra sleip on day lycht, Ire, crying,
Venus playis, as fra maist dangerous enemeis.
Abstenand also fra all meittis quhilkis corruptis
haistely, as fra varietie of the samyn, quhilkis
offendis at all tymis. & speciallie fruttis quhilkis
bene collectit after contagious air, Swyne flesche,
Fowllis that swomis in vater, vsand at morne
ane spunfull of the rute of Aristoloche in pulder
with half Vyne, quhilk resistis to putrefactioun
& purgis the hart pypis. Sicklyk the pulderis of
Vnicorne, bole armenik, Hart horne, Peirll, Corall,
Smaragde, Saphir, Iaspe, Rubine, drunkin
with conuenient decoctioun, ar maist preseruatiue.
Of quhilkis diuerse compositionis may be preparit,
as this wayis.
   [^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 27>
Als the oile of Scorpionis,
viperis, or Iuniper ar maist conuenient to
oynte the arteiris, hart, neisthrillis, & stomak, as
in the begynning of the pest to drink thairof ane
halfvnce, or les conforme to the strynthe of the patient,
for extreme remeid is best, in maist dangerous
& extreme diseis, & quha curis surelie, beginnis
not, at lychtest, bot equal remedis: as purgatioun
in pestilenciall feueris aucht to be, at
begynning, quhilkis commonlie iudgis & promisis
deith, rather nor lyfe. Quhay ar constrynit to
visie infectit be pest, first of all most remoue the
opinione of dethe, bot not the dredour of God,
heirfor nethir delyt in perral, nor temerariouslie
incur the samyn, without cheritie towart thy
nychtbour, or the glorie of God (quhilk is to be
preferrit to all thing) moue the. Takand befoir
visitatioun the rute of AEnula in mouthe, veschand
face, handis, teith & mouth, with salt vater
in Vynter, with rois water, & thrid part vinager
in Sommer, quhilkis thingis corroborattis the
spiritis & hart of man, purgand thairwith befoir
vniuersalie, as tyme, redundand humoris, & temperament
<P 28>
requyris. Opinnand all obstructionis,
be conuenient decoctionis, sic as Oximell, Serap.
Acid. Bizant. or siclyk vtheris conuenient for
the tyme. Cohibite also spiratione, to escheu
occasioun of new corruptioun, be temperat lotionis
or vnctionis with oile of chamemele, or
oile of rew in Vynter, & as aboundance or intemperance
of blude requyris, euacuate the sam
as aige, nature, tyme, zeir, or vse admittis: in
man opinnand the vayne callit mediana, in vemen
saphena, the nixt day thairefter. [^LATIN OMITTED^] ,
of the quhilk ane spunefull with
conuenient decoctione is excellent preseruatiue
for vemen, takin befoir the tyme of natural purgatioun,
siclyk efter blude drawing or purgatioun
vse this pulder quhilk is maist preseruatiue
in prouoking of sweit. (\Rec. dictamni albi vnciam,
radicis tormentillae vnc. semis puluerizentur,
ex quibus commistis drachmam dabis ex aquae
endiuiae et aceti pari proportione.\) Prouokand
sweit & sleip thairefter, & quha ar corrept be
pest augment als meikill of theriaca, procurand
sweit without sleip. vtherwais,
(\Rec. tormentillae, boli armenii praeparati, corallor.
rubeorum et alborum, dictamni albi, gentianae
<P 29>
terrae sigillatae sing. Drachmam, omnibus
tritis et mistis puluis paretur\) , of the quhilk ane
drachme of veicht seruis, takin dalie befoir meit
with vater of rosis endiue, sourokis, or vyne.
Gifand to barnis ane scruple thairof, quhilk expellis
wormis of thair bodyis, quhairby Zouthe
is maist subiecte to pest and deithe. And because
varietie in medicine (as in all vther affairis) is
maist pleasand, this pulder seruis maist properlie,
& is maist preseruatiue. [^LATIN OMITTED^]
Of the quhilk tak twa drach. daly at morning.
Affixand thairefter an Emplaister vpone the breist
of materialis maist conuenient, (\vt absynthio, menta
crispa vel romana, farina lupinorum, foliis persici,
et felle tauri\) . In Sommer Wemen with barne
or pure, quha may not spend large on medicine
(\Recipiant bolum acetosae herbae aceto maceratae
vel liquorem stillaticium eiusdem cum modico
vini, hyeme praesertim\) , Quha als may beir the
rute of tormentill in thair mouthe in tyme of
visitatioun, takand thairwith the odore of vinagir,
or minte. Maist specialy of al as respondent
humoris requyris. Vse pilulis, baith for corroboratioun
and mundificatioun of the bodie confite
<P 30>
in this wayis. [^LATIN OMITTED^]
Quha ar of strenthe in bodie tak the haill at anis, quha ar
vaik & of small constitutioun, tak tham at twyse,
quhilkis ar sufficient preseruatioun for all that
leuis temperatlie, beand takin tuyse or thryse in
the zeir. Followis ane vther remede for the pure
preseruative for ane half zeir, quhilk principalie
auld people or quha ar of humide temperament
mot use, in cauld vedder.
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
Vtherwayis,
(\Rec. Castorei veri, aristolochiae rotundae, sing.
Drachmas duas, gentianae drachmam, baccharum
lauri drac. quatuor, ex omnibus fiat puluis.\) Gif
ane drachm thairof or les, as aige & natur of the
resauer requyris with vyne, or some conuenient vater,
anis daylie for preseruatioun, or tuyse in tym
of cure. Ane pulder for Vinter. (\Rec. storacis
iridis, mastiches ana. partes duas, gariophilorum,
maceros, nucis moschate, cinnamomi, croci, ana.
<P 31>
partem vnam ambrae partis vnius, quintam, moschi
partis vnius decimam, fiat.\) Ane pulder for
Sommer. [^LATIN OMITTED^] :
of thir pulderis
odoriferous ballis may be maid in Vynter, with
stirace. In Sommer with vatter of rosis & tragacanthe,
eikand thairtill at all tymes, sa meikill of
ladane as salbe thocht expedient. Siclyk the pulderis
dry, may be cassin amangis claith or suffumigatione
maid tharof: als the samyn inclusit in
purpoure taffaties, may be maid and applictit as
ane tairge defensiue for the hart. Thair is greit
strenthe als in the oile of Scorpionis oyntand the
arteris feit & handis, thair with as quha ar correpte
oyntand the heid, breist, crag, and quhar
heuyest diseis apperis, supportis greitumlie. (\Taxus
barbatus\) is also of greit strenthe, quhilk brutall
beists techis vs as the quhittrat beand hurt be
venome of serpent, seikis & eittis thairof als certan
it is the Iuce of the samyn drunkin with small
vyne of gud odour, baith preseruis fra pest, &
curis the same. Coriander preparit eitin befoir
& efter meit is preseruatiue also: as mony vtheris
simplis & composit medicines may be prescryuit,
quhilkis I pretermit to forder lasair.
<P 32>
[}CURE OF THE PEST. CAP. 8. }]
   Becaus the office of ane Medicinar consistis in
twa partis, first to eschew & preserue fra all
diseisis quhilkis apperis to follow mannis bodie:
Secundlie to cure it quhilk is alredie contractit:
the first part beand expede in sa far as this present
institute requiris, followis the secund part, als compendiously
as it may be treitit. Heirfoir quhasoeuir
findis tham selfis pestilenciall, incontinent tak
ane iniectione maid of sufficient quantite of brw
of ane foull weil salt with twa fresche eggis, and
thre vncis of hunny rosate, thairefter tak some
(\Antidote cordiale\) (becaus that venome for maist
part drauis to the hart) obseruand alwayis that
vitall facultie become not debile, heirfoir at beginning
ather drink Iulepe, or opiate, conuenient
with motione, frictione, & sic thingis as bringis
furthe all contagione maist learnitly prescryuit.
Obseruand alwayis that walking, motione and
frictionis, debilitatis the spiritis. For as natural facultie,
& it quhilk is callit (\animalis facultas\) , ar
maist strenthy & best at eis, the vitale faculte
becummis the mair feble. For support of the quhilk.
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 33>
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
Within thre
houris efter the taking of this antidote gif ony
aposteme apperis, affix ane Ventose thair till,
gif na sic apperis, affixe the samyn be the earis,
onder the oxstaris, & by the secreit membris, drawand
blude of the arme copiously, gif abilitie of
nature may suffir the sam. And gif swelling or
dolor appeir in the heid or crag, oppin the vaine
callit (\cephalica\) quhilk apperis in the exteriour
part of the arme, gif betwix the heid & secret memberis
sic appeir, oppin that vaine of the Leuer,
quhilk is situat in the inuart part of the arme. Gif
benethe the secreittis sic diseis appeir, the interioure
vaine of the fute callit (\saphena\) moist be opinnit.
Gif baith abone & vnder dolor apperis, oppin
the (\saphene\) & of quhat syde dolor vrgis maist, draw
blude of the samin part, as gif dolor be of athir
side, tak of the richt arme. Gif na apperance be
of aposteme nor greit doloure, tak blude of that (\saphenis\)
of athir partis. Efter blude be drauin.
   (\Rec. smaragdi subtilissime contritae ponders
granorum, hordei octo, cum aqua, rosata et gutta
boni vini deglutiatur\) , and this for the first day,
<P 34>
and gif the antidote befoir may not be had,
(\Rec. aloes partes duas, Ammoniaci, thimiamatis
partes duas, myrrhae partem vnam hec trita in vino
odorato fabae magnitudine detur quotidie.\) The nixt
day thairefter. [^LATIN OMITTED^]
Preparand for vse ane epitheme
for the hart of vater of rosis, violeis, buglose
vinagir, vyne of granatis, camphore, sandilis, and
vyne. Als quhais nature is stark, vse of thir pilulis
at begynning quhilkis ar also preseruative.
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
is sufficient dose, to be takin, twyse of thryse in
the owk for preseruatioun, or ar begyning be
tham quha ar correpte. Ane pulder curatiue.
   [^LATIN OMITTED^]
quhilk
gif the patient vomitis not & sweittis, salbe restorit
to helthe, and quha vomitis the samin for the
<P 35>
maist part sall dee. And becaus in ane feuer pestilenciall
the humoris & spiritis corruptis first
haistelie in the hart, efter the pacient be placit at
begynning of the feuer in ane quiet chalmer, quhair
in is greit hait fyre, castand tharvpone vinager &
rose vater, to procure gude odour, the pacient mouand
to abstein fra sleip, vsand ane opiate cordial,
clister, blude drauing, ventosis, & medicine, as sal
be thocht necessar & profitable prepair & vse
this epitheme. [^LATIN OMITTED^] ,
applicand the samin hait vpon the
partis pectoralis, with ane lytill scarlote trampit in the
decoctioun thairefter lyand in bed varme couerit
abstenand fra sleip the first nicht, beand of guid comfort.
In tyme of drouthe takand a lytill of the conserue
of buglose or rossis oyntand the fillottis and
bak with ane vnguent maid of quhit valx, oyle of
rossis, & vinagir, procurand sweit, with this decoctioun
or sic vther. [^LATIN OMITTED^] ,
sone thairefter vsand ane lycht purgatioun of sic
medicines as ar befoir prescriuit or in this maneir
   [^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 36>
Last confirmand
the hart baith be exteriour and interiour
medicines quhairby, efter euacuatioun, purgatioun,
& vomiting. [^LATIN OMITTED^]
And becaus frequent vomiting and
swoning ar greit impediment to retene ony cordiall
medicine, the stomak maist be corroborate &
strenthit this vayis. (\Rec. olei ros. myrr. cidon. sing.
vnc. duas, olei nardini vnc. semis. vngatur superior
ventriculi pars\) , for swoning & trembling of
the hart, applik the Epitheme preparit as befoir
four or fyue times in the nycht. And gif strinthe
apperis to inlaik & signis of dethe appeir sic as
oft swoning, diuerse colour of visage, blak excrementis,
putride vater, swift breith, crampe, suolling
of the haill bodie, in sic case draw na blude,
<P 37>
bot vse this electuare. [^LATIN OMITTED^]
And becaus mony nethir
will nor may haif tyme, to draw blude, at begining
of pest (as I wald na man did efter 24 houris
be passit fra the first hour of sic diseis). It becummis
siclyk to procure sueiting, quhairby al pestilencial
mater may be expellit, to the quhilk effect this
pulder seruis maist propirly. [^LATIN OMITTED^]
Quha ar hurt be pest may tak ane
drach. thairof with vyne mixt with thrid part of
vater or with rose, or sowrak vatteris. Sueitand
aucht houris thairefter, dichtand the samin with
lining claithis, abstenand fra sleip, meit, and drink,
at sic tyme. Thairefter vsand medicine lenitiue,
quhilk man be of sic qualite as may purge al superflew
flewme as may redunde in all naturall partis, augmentand
strenthe of the heid, hart, stomak & leuer,
<P 38>
quhilk may be preparit thus vayis. [^LATIN OMITTED^] :
quhilkis
ar gude for all aige, as the simplis quharof thay ar
componit dois approue, quhilkis also ar maist cordial
as saiffrone comfortis the hart, generis gude blude,
& mundifeis is quhilk is corrupte, & drauis the
streinthe of medicines quhairwith it be componit to
the hart, sicklyk aloes purgis baith bilious melancholious,
& phlegmatik humoris, mundifyis the
heid & stomak, preseruis fra all putrifactioun, &
quha vsis the same oft, sall incur na incurable
diseis. Mastic comfortis the stomak, expellis fra
the samin all teuch raw fleume. Myrrhe mundifeis
the harnis and conseruis fra al putrefactioun
in tym of drouthe vse this iulepe. [^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 39>
   The secund day commonlie suelling dois appeir,
quhairfoir ane fomentatione is maist proper, preparit
of the decoctioun of chamemile affixand ventosis
at quhat part nature inclinis to exoner itself.
Immediatlie thairefter. (\Rec. tamarindorum drac.
decem. quae ferueant in aqua, exprimantur & proijciantur,
decocto rheibar. drac. vnam, agarici drach.
semis, addentur fiat potus qui tepide hauriatur.\)
Auicene gaif at sic tyme, twa vnce of rose vater
ane vnce of smal quhyt Odoratiue Vyne,
ane drachme of bole armenik in pulder, quhilk
gif the pacient vomitis, it is ane deidlie signe, as
quha retinis the samyn, may be saif. Quhairfoir
ane Epitheme for the hart, is conducent befoir,
preparit of vater of rosis, violetts, borage, vinagir
vyne, of granattis, camphore, santalis, and ane lytil
vyne at euin. [^LATIN OMITTED^]
The thrid day, ane drac. of
the antidote befoir dispensit conforme to the iugement
of ane singular veil lernit medicinar (zea
flour of Italie in his dayis) with als meikle of sucker
ros. at morning may be vsit, takand also, as plesis
the pacient ane spunefull of the Syrupe callit (\de
acetositate citri.\) at euin gif na discharge of natur
dois appeir, tak twa vnc. of the iuce of Calendula,
verbene, or vertoun, prouokand sueit. Thairefter
as ony pestilenciall swolling apperis it must be
<P 40>
fomentit with the decoctioun of the rute of lilie, maw,
althe, cammeile, anete, & adiante, affixand ane
cataplasme of floure of quheit, fresche butter &
oile, to support nature, in expulsion of sic venemous
mater. Drauand the samin to the maist ignoble
& exteriour partes, obseruand the nethir cathartical
medicine be gifin, nor vomiting procurit at
sic tyme quhilk may augment the feuer, & debilitate
strenthe of bodie drauand to the interiour
partis sic venome as nature wald expell fra the samin
bot perseuerand in Epithemis & cordial drinkis,
and albeit the aposteme or charbunkil, be not
mature (becaus it suld be dangerous to abyde the
samyn in dreid dethe suld preueine naturall rupture
of sic venome) it moist be oppinit be ane
Chirurgical hand, rather nor til expeid ony maturite,
be ventose (albeit some of guid learning wald
affirme sic cure to be maist Logicall) because at the
tyme, all thing quhilk drauis greittumlie, mouis doloure
& dolour augmentis feuer. Augmentatioun of
feuer, debilitatis humane nature, to quhilk succedis
deith.
   Quhairfoir efter incisioun be maid, 
detful tretting of the samin consistis in curatiue materiallis,
without incisioun vsand befoir sum maturatiue
cataplasmis, & gif the humore be malignant
and rebellious to sic remeidis suppuratiues
most be expede, in this maneir. [^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 41>
Because maturatiues ar maist necessar
in sic affectioun, in respect of maist extreme
& dangerous diseis, with frequent vncertane mutatioun
of the pacient, sic maist be preparit and
vsit in this maneir. [^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 42>
Quhilk is maruelous
maturatiue, distroyand all venome, conuenient
for zoung or auld. And gif it be necessare to mollifie
the samin, as maturite requiris also mollificatioun.
(\Rec. axungiae porci recentis, butiri recentis,
sing. vnc. semis, theriacae Galeni drac. vnam
succi scabiosae, drac. duas, vitelli vnius oui fiat
vnguentum, quo vtatur vt decet.\) Quhilk also
supportis to digestioun and corruptioun of sic
mateir, quhilkis baith supportis greitumly. Vtheruayis.
(\Rec. vng. populionis vnc. vnam, butiri
recentis, vnc. duas, farinae frumenti, vnc. semis,
muscilaginis lini et foenugraeci cuiusque drac. duas,
olei liliacei q. s. fiat vnguentum.\) As tyme seruis,
vse ane vnguent mundificatiue continuand the
samin to the end of perfyte cure quhilk may be
in this maneir preparit. [^LATIN OMITTED^]
Ane Emplaster curatiue efter ruptioun of
the vomik. (\Rec. mellis, olei coi~s, ana. partes
equales, adde salis. q. s. coquantur. fiat Emplastrum.\)
<P 43>
At last quhan all suppuratioun & euacuatioun,
ar perfytit, with mundificatioun of the hulcer,
curatiuis & incarnatiues succedis be reasone
thay ar sa notablie knawin to all chirurgianis
that I trauaill na thing in formal prescryuing of
the samin. Alwayis indurand sic tyme, for the
aduancement of helthe, the medicinis preseruatiues
befoir expressit, may be vsit, les or mair in
quantite & qualite, eikand materialis refrigeratiue,
as tyme of zeir, & latitude of sic fyrie diseis
requiris. As for exemple. [^LATIN OMITTED^]
Vther wayis & na les profitable
for preseruatioun, nor it is for cure of sic as be of
bilious and dry temperament, & propense to continuall
constipatioun or corruptioun of stomak, as
it is maist proper, also for bairnis quhilkis ar subiect
to wormis, dispensit as followis.
[^LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 44>
   Obseruand last of all, that ane methode, quhilk
aucht to be obseruit, admittis ane greit latitude,
& varietie fra the cure prescryuit, principallie in
diuersite of aigis. As for zoung barnis corrept be
pest, thair Nurissis quha giffis thame nutriment,
aucht ressaue the medicines interiouris, for the
helth of thair infantis, bot not in quantite as
vtheris pestilenciall personis: Quha ar of mair
perfyte aige, as betwix four & ten zeris maist be
curit, as the nature of sic feuer requiris, as mair
extreme cure, sic as ventosis, scarificatioun, blude
drawing, and sic vtheris, is maist profitable for
thame, quha ar betwix ten & twentie zeiris of
aige, And finallie quha ar passit twentie zeiris,
may vse at plesure al circumstancis, or medicines
as befoir ar expressit. Considerand alwayis as
thair is diuersite of tyme, cuntray, aige and
consuetude to be obseruit in tyme of ministratioun
of ony medicine preseruatiue or curatiue,
ewin sa thair is diuers kyndis of pest, quhilkis
<P 45>
may be eisely knawin and diuidit be weil lernit
Phisicianis, quhais conseill in tyme of sic dangeir
of lyfe is baith profitable and necessar. in respect
that in this pestilenciall diseis euerie ane is mair
blind nor the Moudeuart, in sic thingis as concernis
thair awin helth. And besyde that, euerie
ane is becum sa detestable to vther (quhilk is to
be lamentit.) And speciallie the pure in sicht of
the riche as gif thay var not equall with thame
twichand thair Creatioun, bot rather without
saule or spirite as beistis degenerat fra mankynd.
Quhairfoir lat vs humble our selfis in presence of
our God and Father of all consolatioun, that be
the intercessioun of Iesus Christ our Saluiour,
and of his mercy & grace, he will indue vs with
the spreit of repentance that vnfenzeitlie we may
conuerte vs vnto him, reformand our deprauat and
corrupt leuing in tymis by past. And also apply
ourselfis in tymis cumming, to the obedience
of his Godly will and obseruing of his commandementis,
that thairby he may not onlie remoue
sic punischment and Plaig frome vs, Bot also
that baith riche and puir may leue in sic Godly
and ciuill societie, as may be agreable to his
godlie will, that finallie we may be participant
of his Kingdome preparit for his Electe fra the
beginning.
(\FINIS.\)



<B SSCIE2B>
<Q SC2 EX SCIM WELL>
<N DESCR WELL>
<A SKEYNE GILBERT>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1580>
<M MEDIUM PRINTED>
<D NSC>
<V PROSE>
<T SCIENCE MEDICINE>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y 40-60>
<H HIGH PROF>
<U NET PROF/PUBLIC>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z EXPOS>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^TRACTS BY DR GILBERT SKEYNE, MEDICINAR TO HIS MAJESTY. 
(COMPRISING 'ANE BREVE DESCRIPTIOUN OF THE PEST' AND 'ANE 
BREIF DESCRIPTIOUN OF THE QUALITEIS AND EFFECTIS OF THE WELL 
OF THE WOMAN HILL BESYDE ABIRDENE'). 
ED. W.F. SKENE. BANNATYNE CLUB. 
EDINBURGH 1860. 

PP. 2A.1-4B.27 (THE WELL)^] 

<P 2A>
[}ANE
BREIF DESCRIPTIOUN OF THE
QUALITEIS AND EFFECTIS OF
THE VVELL OF THE VVOMAN
HILL BESYDE
ABIRDENE. }]
   MEDICINALL and Philosophicall
doctrine testifeis
be experience from the
beginning mony disesis and
Infirmiteis of mannis body
hes bene cuirit be the qualiteis
and vse of Bathis and minerall wateris, of
quhilkis sum hes bene obseruit of mony zeiris
bypast, vtheris be experience laitly approuit in
diuers countreis, to the greit profeit and preseruatioun
of mannis life. Amangis the quhilkis
the profeit and phisical vertew of ane Fontaine
hes bene obseruit be mony men and wemen thir
four last zeiris bypast at Abirdene, ane of the
maist ancient and renounit Burghis of this Realme,
and the Inhabitantis thairof maist ciuile,
honest, and politicall. Quhilk spring of watter
<P 2B>
appeiris to be ane diuine gift of God grantit and
now laitlie manifestit to the greit support and
aduancement to helth in cure of sic diseisis as hes
bene obseruit in diueris persounis. Quhairfoir
I seing the samin to haue bene obscure from the
beginning to thir dayis, zit being ane ornament
and ane publict vtilitie to the Realme & Burgh,
thocht gude to mak the qualiteis and profeit
thairof acknawledgeit to sic persounis as be vexit
with sic disesis as it is good for. For of treuth it
is of Medicinall qualitie and, and flowis from diueris
minerallis, as hes bene obseruit be the operatioun
taist & minerall vre, quhilk being drunkin,
is laxatiue to sindre, and so must neidis be
het of qualitie, be ressoun on na wayis it laxis
nor molefeis the exteriour partis, or the skyn of
mannis body: thairfoir it is laxatiue of the interiour
partis, and promouis gude passage of the
bellie, as wrytis Celsus lib. 2. Ca. 12. To vtheris
it is womatiue, quhilk also testifeis the het qualitie
thairof, farther it geuis gude appetyte to
thame quha ar destitute thairof, and gif ony man
drink twentie pound wecht of this Fontaine he
findis no charge nor burding of the stomak nor
bellie be the watter. Quhilk also approuis the
minerall qualitie thairof, be ressoun all naturall
and pure sweit watter is slaw in passage, difficill
of concoctioun, flatuous & heuie in the stomak,
and generis distillatiounis, as wrytis Aetius Tetrab. 1.
Serm. 3. Ca. 165. Sa this watter being of
contrarious effectis must neidis be of contrarious
<P 3A>
qualiteis to comoun watteris. Ane notabill prufe
of the samin hes bene obseruit be ane Indweller
in Abirdene, quha laitly causit brew Aill of this
watter, of the quhilk na beist wald taist, nor eit
of the draf thairof, nouther Hors, Kow, nor Ox,
sa it being laxatiue, attenuatiue, liquefactiue, digestiue,
and discussiue, it must neidis be of het
qualitie, for thir ar the properteis of het watteris,
quhilkis hes bene obseruit be the happy succes
in cure of diuers disesis in this watter, quhairof
the taist is sumquhat vnplesand, as gif it wer brint
with Irin, the vre thairof as it rynnis vpon the
staines and ground are of diuers cullouris, the ane
cullour sad blew, quhilk promisis Iryn, as the taist
dois also, the vther cullour being reid declyning
to zallow cullour, testifeis Brasse, quhilkis twa
minerallis of proper qualitie, confortis the stomak
and Melt, as sayis Auicen lib. 2. Tract. 2. Ca. 59.
Cano. Also wrytis Auicen lib. 1. Fen. 2. doct. 2. ca. 16.
Sic watter as be of the qualitie of Iryn geuis
strenth to the Interiour partis of mannis body, &
keipis the stomak from corruptioun, and promouis
the haill faculteis quhilkis gouernis mannis body.
So ar the wordis of Gal. wrytand vpon Hip. in
his buik of Aere watter and places Ca. 3. Sic watter
(sayis he) quhilkis ar not abill to burding the
stomak and ar of facill digestioun must neidis to
be laxatiue, and procure passage of the womb be
Medicinall het qualitie. Giff the watter of this
notabill Fontaine be builzeit it becummis of mair
blak cullour, & the dreggis thairof beiris witnes
<P 3B>
of the minerallis befoir writtin, as alswa being
caryit cummis haistely to corruptioun, quhilk being
profitabill as it is for the stomak and Melt, it
must neidis spring from Iryn, also being na wayis
byndand nor of desiccatiue qualitie, bot rather
laxatiue and diureticall, thair is na suspitioun to
be taken of Alme, zit in respect it is discussiue,
laxatiue, remollitiue, and vomitiue, it appeiris
be gude ressoun to be participant of bryntstane,
as the cullour thairof also witnessis. And in respect
the countrie is of nature minerall, this watter
being drunkin cuirand sair Eyn, Catarris, sair
mouth, prolapsioun of the vult, and dolour of the
Tonsallis, it must neidis spring from Brasse, as testifeis
Aetius Tetrab. 1. Serm. 3. Ca. 167. Farther
I haue obseruit in diueris persounis quha had
drunkin the samin that it mitigatis the heit of
the Liuer, stancheit drouth, perfytlie cuiris Nephritick
dolouris baith of Neiris and Bledder,
corroborattis the stomak, takis away obstructioun
of the Melt, perfytlie cuiris distillatioun from the
harnis, hes cuirit sindrie Hydropicall persounis,
specially that kind callit Anasarca and Aschitis.
It is gude also be experience for resolutioun of
the body, or ony pairt thairof callit Paralysis, profitabill
also for sterilitie contractit be suffocatioun
of the barne bed, or ony other natural caus, writtin
be Hip. lib. de sterilib. It is gude also for palpitatioun &
trymbling of the body being drunkin,
in few dayis it cuiris all sorts of cauld guttis
be purgatioun of sic humouris as ar the caus thairof.
<P 4A>
It bringis to gude cullour all Cathetic persounis
quhilkis being of euil habitude & constitutioun
of body. Being also laxatiue and prouokis
womitine, sa it oppinnis the obstructiounis & oppillatiounis
of the Liuer, quhairby mony hes bene
cuirit of the Gusoch, also it hes cuirit mony of the
feuer Terce, & last it perfytlie cuiris (being drunkin)
the exteriour scabbis, wyldefyre, darteris, &
vther filthines of the skyn. Sa it is maist profitabil
for sic as be of het intemperance of the Liuer, &
constitutioun of them quha be burdinnit be greit
and heuie constitutioun of body, maist propeus to
Hydropesie, Apoplesie, of Paralisie. Sa albeit I
haue red the qualiteis of the maist ancient Bathis
and springis of Medicinall watteris: I find this
spring of the woman hill besyde Abirdene to be
not far different from the nature of the Bath of
Cornelius callit sa in Aquisgran, ane notabil toun
in Gallia Belgica, and repugnant to the nature of
the Portitanis Bath, quhilkis dois rather gender
Grauel & staine in Neiris & Bledder, nor to procure
the help or dissolutioun of the samin. Ane
greit fault I find in the vse of this watter, that Ilk
persoun drinkis thairof at thair awin plesure, nether
hauing respect to the present diseis, naturall
constitutioun of body, nor tyme of the zeir, quhair
by the said watter be the abusaris thairof is rather
vilipendit nor commendit. Quhairfoir I wald
sic as wald haue profeit of the samin prepairit
thair bodyis conforme to thair nature, strenth,
aige, diseis, & rest of circumstances requyrit thairto,
<P 4B>
sic as the time of the zeir, quantitie of the watter
and time of the vse heirof, for it is not agreabill
to all persounis at all times, not to be takin at plesure
of euery one in quantitie, as nane vther minerall
watter, Zit this watter is of greitest vertew
in the Monethis of Iunij, Iulij, August. Efter the
xx. day of September it tynes the Medicinall strenth
quhill the nixt zeir thairefter. Quhairfoir the
commodious time suld be obseruit, alsweill of the
day, as of the Moneth, and to be drunkin at morning,
fastand thairefter thre houris, as efter ane
Medicinall potioun. The negligent vse heirof
hes frustrat mony of thair cure, quha sone efter
the drinking of this Medicinall watter, hes takin
outher meit or drink, quhairby thay stoppit
the operatioun of the watter drunkin of befoir.
I will not mak reheirsall of the mony particular
persounis quha hes obtenit thair helth, being
vexit with diueris disesis be the vse of this watter,
be ressoun it war to lang. I traist albeit I
speik na farther at this tyme, nor that quhilk
hes bene obseruit be experience, the zeirly
vse thairof sall giue occassioun to leirnit
Physicianis to Intreit the gude succes
thairof mair largely in
tymes cummming.
(\FINIS.\)



<B SEDUC2>
<Q SC2 IS EDUC BASILICO>
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<A JAMES VI>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1598>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T EDUC TREAT>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y 20-40>
<H HIGH>
<U NET ROYAL/PUBLIC>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z INSTR SEC>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^THE BASILICON DORON OF KING JAMES VI BASED ON MS. ROYAL 
18.B.XV. VOL I.
ED. JAMES CRAIGIE.
SCOTTISH TEXT SOCIETY, THIRD SERIES 16, 1942.
EDINBURGH AND LONDON 1944. 
PP. 24.1-207.3^]

<P 24>
[^FIRST BOOK^]
   As he can not be thocht uorthie to reule & comande otheris
that can not reule & dantone his awin propre affections &       #
unreasonable
appetites, sa can he not be uorthie to gouuerne a
christiane people knauing & fearing god that in his awin
persone & hairte fearis not & louis not the deuyne maiestie,
nather can any thing in his gouuernement succeid ueill uith him
(deuyse & laboure as he list) as cumming from a filthie spring,
gif his person be unsanctifeid, for as dauid sayes in uaine
<P 25>
uatches thou the cittie or buildes thou the house gif the lord  #
be
his blessing graunte not successe thairunto, & as paul sayes
cephas maye plaunte & apollo maye uatter but it is onlie godd
that maye giue the increase: thairfore my sonne first of all
things learne to knau and loue that god quhomto ye haue
a double obligation, first for that he maid you a man & next
for that he maid you as a littill godd to sitte in his throne &
reule ouer other men, remember that as in dignitie he hes
<P 26>
erectid you aboue otheris, sa aucht ye in thankefulnes
touardis him goe als farre beyonde all otheris, a moate in ane
others eye is a beame into youris, a bleamishe in ane other
is a leaprouse byle into you, and a ueniall sinne (as the       #
papists
callis it) in ane other is a greate cryme into you: thinke not
thairfore that the hienes of youre dignitie diminishes youre
faultis, mekle lesse giues you a licence to sinne, but be the
contraire youre faulte is agrauated according to the heicht of
youre dignitie, any sinne that ye comitt not being a singill
sinne procuring but the fall of ane, but being ane exemplaire
sinne & thairfore drauis uith it the haill multitude to be
guiltie of the same: remember then that this glistering
<P 27>
uardlie glorie of kingis is geuin thame be god to teache
thaime to prease sa to glister & shyne before thaire people in
all uorkes of sanctification & richteousness, that thaire       #
personnes
as bricht lampis of godlinesse & uertu may going in
& out before thaire peopill giue licht to all thaire steppis:
remember also that be the richt knauledge & feare of god
quhilke is the beginning of uisdome as salomon sayes ye sall
knau all the things necessarie for the dischairge of youre
deutie baith as a christian & as a king, seeing in him as in a
mirrour the course of all earthlie things quhairof he is the 
<P 28>
spring & onlie mouaire. nou the onlie uaye to bring you to
this knauledge is diligentlie to reid his uorde & earnistlie
to praye for the richt understanding thairof, searche the
scriptures sayes chryste for thay uill beare testimonie of me,
& the scriptures sayes paull are able to admonishe, exhorte,
rebuke, & instructe the man of god making him perfyte to
euerie goode uarke: I ioyne to this the cairfull hearing of the
doctrine uith attendance & reuerence, for faith cummis be
hearing sayeth paul but aboue all beuare ye thrau not the
uorde to youre appetite as ouer many does, making it lyke a
bell to sounde as ye please to interpreate, but be the          #
contraire
frame all youre affections to follou praeciselie the reullis
thaire sett doune. the haill scripture containis but tua
things, a commande & a prohibition, to do sicc things, &
<P 29>
abstein from the contraire, obeye in baith nather thinke it
not aneuch to abstein from euill & doe na goode, nor thinke
not that gif ye doe many goode things it maye serue you for a
cloake to mixe euill turnes thairuith, & as in thir tua pointis
the haill scripture consists sa in tua degrees standis the
haill seruice of god be man, interioure or upuarde, exterioure
<P 30>
or douneuarde: the first be prayer in faith touardis god,
the next be uorkes flouing thairfra before the uarlde, quhilke
is na thing ellis bot the exercise of religion touardis god, &
of equitie touardis +gour neichboure, as for the particulaire
pointis of religion I neade not to delate thame; I ame na
hipocrite, follou youre fatheris footesteppis & youre awin
education thairin, I thanke god I uas neuer ashamed to giue
compte of my profession housomeuer the maliciouse lieing
toungis of some haue traducit me, & gif my conscience had not
resolued me that all my religion uas groundit upon the plaine
uordis of the scripture I had neuer outuardlie auouit it for
<P 31>
pleasure or awe of the uaine pryde of sum seditiouse            #
preachouris,
/ & as for the pointis of equitie touardis oure neichboure,
because that uill fall in properlie upon the secounde pairt
concerning a kings office I leaue it to the awin roume: for
the first point then of mannis seruice to his god quhilke is
religion that is the uorshippe of god according to his reueiled
uill, it is quhollie groundit upon the scripture (as I haue
allreaddie said) quikenid be faith, & conseruid by conscience,
for the scripture I haue allreaddy spokin of it in generall,    #
bot
<P 32>
that ye maye the maire readelie make choyce of any pairt
thairof for youre instruction or conforte, remember onlie this
methode the haill scripture is dytid be goddis spreit thairbe
as by his lyuelie uorde to instructe & reule the haill kirke
militant till the ende of the uarlde, it is composid of tua
pairtis, the aulde, & neu testament, the ground of the former
is the law quhilke shauis oure sinne & conteinis iustice, the
grounde of the other is christe quha pardoning sinne conteinis
grace, the summe of the lau is the tenn comandis, maire
lairgelie dilaitid in the lau interpreted by the prophetis, &
by the histories are the exemples shauin of obedience or 
disobedience thairto, & quhat (\praemium\) or (\poena\) uas     #
accordinglie
<P 33>
geuin be god: bot because na man uas able to keipe the
law nor any pairt thairof it pleasid god of his infinite        #
uisdome 
& goodnes to incarnate his onelie sonne in oure nature for
satisfaction of his iustice in his suffering for us, that       #
since ue
could not be saued be doing, ue micht at least be saued by
beleauing; the grounde thairfore of the law of grace is         #
conteined
in the foure histories of the birth, lyfe, death, &             #
resurrection
of christe. the lairger interpretation of this law is
conteind in the epistles of the apostles, & the practise in the
<P 34>
faithfull or unfaithfull, together uith thaire reuairde or      #
punishment
according thairto is conteined in the actis of the apostles,
ualde ye then knau youre sinne be the lau, reid the bookes of
moses conteining it, ualde ye haue a comentaire thairupon
reid the propheitis, ualde ye see hou goode men are reuardit
& uikked punishit looke the histories of genesis, exodus,
iosue, the iudges, iob & ester, but speciallie the bookes of    #
the
kings & chronikles quhairuith ye aucht to be familiarlie
aquentid, for thaire uill ye see youre self as in a mirroure
ather among the catalogues of the goode or euill kings: uolde
ye knau the lyfe & death of chryste looke the euangellis, ualde
ye be maire particulairlie tranid up in his skoole, meditate
upon the epistles of the apostles, & ualde ye be aquent
<P 35>
uith the practise of that doctrine in the personis of the
primitiue kirke, caste up the apostles actis; as to the         #
apochrife
bookes I omitte thame because I ame na papist as I
said before & indeid sum of thaime are als lyke the 
dytement of the spreit of god as ane egg is to ane oster,
<P 36>
but quhen ye reide the scripture reid it uith a sanctifeid
& chaste eare, admire reuerentlie sicc obscure placis as
ye understande not, blaming onlie youre awin incapacitie,
reid uith delyte the plaine placis & studdie cairfullie to
understande thaise that are sumquhat difficill, prease to be
a goode textuaire for the scripture is euer the best            #
interpretere
of the self, bot prease not curiouslie to seike out
farther nor is conteined thairin, for that uaire misnurterid
praesumption to stryue to be farther upon godis secreitis nor
he hes uill ye be for quhat he thocht neidfull for us to knau
<P 37>
that hes he reueiled thaire, & delyte maist in reiding sicc
pairtis of scripture as maye best serue for +gour instruction
in +gour calling, reiecting foolishe curiosities upon nombers
& genealogies quhilkes are bot uaine & profite nocht (as
paull sayes). nou as to faith quhilke is the entertainer &
quikener of religion (as I haue ellis said) it is a sure        #
persasion
& aprehension of the promises of god aplying thame to youre
saull & thairfore maie it iustlie be callid the goldin chaine
that linkis the faithfull saull to chryste & because it grouis
not in oure gairdein but is the free gift of god as paull       #
sayes it
<P 38>
man be nourished be prayer, quhilke is nathing ellis bot a
freidlie talking uith godd, use oft to praye quhen ye are
quyetest especiallie in youre bedd, for publict prayer seruis
maire for exemple (for the maist pairt) then for any            #
particulaire
conforte to the suplicante: in youre prayer be nather
ouir strainge uith god lyke the ignorant commoune sort that
prayes nathing bot out of bookis, nor yett ouir hamelie uith
him lyke sum of oure uaine proude puritanis that thinkis
thay reule him upon thaire fingers, the former uaye uill breide
ane unkouth cauldenes in +gow touardis him, the other uill
breid in +gow a contempt of him; but in youre prayer to
god speike uith all reuerence for gif a subiect uill not speike
but reuerentlie to a king mekle lesse soulde any fleshe         #
praesume
<P 39>
to crake uith god as uith his companion craue in +gour
prayer not only things spirituall bot corporall quhyles things
of greater & quhyles of lesse consequence, that +ge maye laye
up in store his graunte of thaise small things for confirmation
<P 40>
of +gour faith, & to be ane arlpennie unto +gow of his loue,
praye as +ge finds +gour hairte mouis +gow (\pro re nata\) ,    #
but see
+ge sute na unlaufull things as reuenge, lust, or siclike, for
that prayer can not cum of faith, & prayer uithout faith is
sinne as paull sayes, quhen ye obteine youre prayer thanke
him ioyefullie thairfore, gif otheruayes beare patientlie,
preassing to uinne him be inportunitie as the uiddou did
chryste, & gif notuithstanding thairof +ge be not harde assure
+gour self godd forsees that quhilke +ge aske is not for
+gour ueill, and learne in tyme sa to interprete all the        #
aduersities
that god sall send unto you, sa sall ye in the middis of
<P 41>
thame not only be armed uith patience bot ioifullie lifte up
youre eyes from the present truble to the happie ende that
godd uill turne it to, & quhen ye finde it anis sa fall out be
proofe, arme youre self uith that experience aganis the next
trouble, assuring youre self althoch ye can not in tyme of the
shoure see throuch the cloude, yett in the ende ye uill finde
godd sent it for youre ueill as ye fande in the former. & as
for conscience quhilke I called the conseruer of religion, it
is nathing ellis bot the licht of knauledge that godd hes       #
plantid
in man, quhilke choppis him uith a fealing that he hes done
<P 42>
urong quheneuer he comittis any sinne, & surelie althoch
this conscience be a grat torturer to the uikked, yett is it
als great a conforte to the godlie gif ue uill considder it     #
richtlie,
for haue ue not a great aduantage that hes uithin oure selfis
quhill ue liue heir a compte booke, & inuentaire of all the
crymes that ue uill be accused of, ather at the houre of oure
death, or at the great daye of iudgement, quhilke quhen ue
please, yea gif ue forgett it uill choppe & remember us to
looke upon, that quhill ue haue laiser & are heir ue maye
remember to amende & sa at the daye of oure tryall compeire
uith neu & quhyte garments uashin in the bloode of the lambe
(as saint iohne sayes): aboue all then my sonne laboure to
<P 43>
keipe sounde this conscience quhilke many prattellis of, bot
ouer few feillis, especiallie be cairfull to keipe it free      #
from tua
diseases quhilke it uses oft to be infected uith, to uitt
leprosie, & superstition, the former is the mother of atheisme,
the other of haeresies, be a leprouse conscience I meane a
cauterized conscience as paull callis it being becumd           #
sencelesse
of sinne throuch sleiping in a cairlesse securitie as king      #
dauids
uas after his murther & adulterie aye quhill he uas ualkenid 
be the prophet nathans similitude, & for superstition the uorde
it selfe is plaine aneuch, being (\uocabulum artis\) : as for a
<P 44>
preseruatife aganis this leprosie remember euer anis in the
foure & tuentie houris ather in the nicht or quhen ye are at
greatest quyet to call youre self to compte of all youre last
dayes actions, ather quhairin ye haue comittid things ye
soulde not, or omitted the things ye soulde doe, ather in
youre christiane, or kinglie calling, and in that compte lett
not youre selfe be smoothed ouer uith that flattering           #
(\filautia\) ,
quhilke is ouer kyndlie a seiknes to all mankynde, bot censure
youre self als shairpelie as gif ye uaire youre awin ennemie,
for gif ye iudge youre self ye shall not be iudgit as paull     #
sayes, 
& syne according to youre censure reforme youre actions als
<P 45>
farre as ye maye, escheuing euer uillfullie & uillinglie to
contraire youre conscience, for a small sinne uillfullie        #
comitted
uith a deliberate resolution to breke the bryddill of           #
conscience
thairin, is farre greiuouser before godd then a greatter sinne
comitted in a suddaine passion quhen conscience is asleipe:
remember thairfore in all youre actions of the greate compte
that ye are ane daye to make, in all the dayes of youre lyfe
euer learning to dee & liuing euerie daye as it uaire youre     #
last,
& thairfore I uolde not haue you to praye uith the papistes
to be preseruid from suddaine death, but that god uill giue
<P 46>
you grace sa to liue as ye maye euerie houre of youre lyfe be
readdie for death, sa sall ye atteine to the uertu of treu
fortitude, neuer being afrayed for the horroure of death,
come quhen he liste, & especiallie beuaire to offende youre
conscience uith use of suearing or lieing suppose bot in
mowis for oathes are bot ane use & a sinne cledd uith no
delyte nor gaine, & thairfore the maire inexcusable before
god, & lieing cummis also mekill of a uyle use be banishing
shame, thairfore beuaire euen to denye the treuth quhilke is a
sorte of lee that maye best be eschewid be a persone of youre
ranke; for gif any thing be speired at you that ye thinke
<P 47>
not meit to reueill gif ye saye that quaestion is not pertinent
for thame to speire quha darre exame you farther, & using
this ansoure quhyles baith in treu & fals things that uill be
speired at you thayse misnurturid people uill neuer be the /
uyser thairof, & for keiping +gour concsience [\SIC\] sounde    #
from
that seiknesse of superstition, quhilke is called (\morbus      #
animi\) ,
ye man nather laye the safetie of youre conscience upon the
credit of youre awin conceatis, nor yett of other mennis 
humouris hou great doctouris of diuinitie that euer thay be,
bot ye man onlie grounde it upon the expresse scripture,
for conscience not groundit upon sure knauledge is ather ane
<P 48>
ignorant fantasie, or ane arrogant glaikerie: beuaire thairfor
in this cace uith tua extremities, the ane to beleue uith the
papists the kirkes authoritie bettir nor youre awin knauledge,
the other to leane uith the anabaptists to youre awin conceatis
& dreamed reuelations, but learne uyselie to discerne betuixt
pointis of saluation & indifferent things, betuixt substance &
ceremonies, & betuixt the expresse commandement & uill
of god in his uorde & the inuention or ordonnance of man,
sen all that is necessaire for saluation is conteind in the
scripture, for in any thing that is expreslie comandit or
prohibited in the booke of god ye can not be ouir praecise
euen in the least thing, counting euerie sinne not according
to the licht aestimation & commoune use of it in the uorlde,
<P 49>
but as the booke of god countis of it: but as for all other
things not conteind in the scripture spaire not to use or alter
thame as the necessitie of the tyme sall requyre, & quhen
any of the spirituall office beraris in the kirk speikis unto
you any thing that is ueill uarrandit be the uorde reuerence
& obeye thame as the herauldis of the maist hie god, bot
gif passing that boundis thay ualde urge you to imbrace sum
of thaire fantasies in place of goddis uorde or ualde culloure
thaire particulaires uith a praetendit zeale, aknauledge tha /  #
me
<P 50>
for uaine peopill passing the boundis of thaire calling, &
according to youre office grauelie uith authoritie redact       #
thaime
in order agane: to conclude then baith this purpose of          #
conscience
& the first pairt of this booke keipe god spairinglie
in youre mouth bot aboundantlie in youre hairt, be praesise
in effect, bot sociall in shau, kythe maire be youre deidis nor
be youre uordis the loue of uertu & hatred of uyce, & delyte /
maire to be godlie & uertuouse in deid nor to be thocht &
callid sa, expecting maire for youre praise & reuairde in
heauen nor heir, & aplye to all youre outuarde actions
<P 51>
chrystis comande to giue almes secreatlie, sa sall ye on the    #
ane
pairt be inuardlie garnished uith treu christiane humilitie
not outuardlie (uith the proud pharisee) glorying in youre
godlinesse, but saying as chryste comandis us all quhen ue
haue done all that ue can (\inutiles serui sumus\) , & on the
other pairt ye sall escheu outuardlie before the uarlde the
suspicion of filthie proude hiprocrisie & disceatfull           #
dissimulation.
<P 52>
2. [^SECOND BOOK^]
   but as ye are cledd uith tua callings sa man ye be alyke
cairfull for the dischairge of thaime baith that as ye are a    #
goode
christiane sa ye maye be a goode king dischairging youre office
as I sheu before in the pointis of iustice & equitie, quhilke   #
in
tua sindrie uayes ye man do the ane in establishing & exetuting
<P 53>
(quhilke is the lyfe of the law) goode lawis amang
youre people, the other be youre behauioure in youre awin
persone & uith youre seruandis, to teache youre people be
youre exemple, for people are naturallie enclyned to            #
counterfitte
lyke apes thaire princes maners according to that aulde
uerse (\regis ad exemplum &cae\) . for the pairte of making &
<P 54>
executing of lawis considder first the treu difference betuixt
a laufull goode king, & ane usurping tiran, & ye sall the maire
easelie understand youre deutie heirin, for (\contraria         #
contrariis
opposita magis illucescunt\) , the ane aknauledgis him
self ordainid for his people hauing  receauid from god a        #
burthein
of gouuernement quhairof he man be comptable, the other
thinkis his people ordained for him a praye to his appetites
as the fruictis of his magnananimitie, & thairfore as thaire
endis are directlie contraire sa are thaire haill actionis as
middisis quhairby thay prease to attaine to thaire endis;
a goode king thinking his hiest honoure to consiste in the deu
dischairge of his calling employes all his studdie & painis to
<P 55>
procure & maintaine (be the making & execution of goode
lawis) the uelfaire  & peaxe of his people, & as thaire
naturall father & kyndlie maister thinkis his greatest          #
contentement
standis in thaire prosperitie, & his greatest suretie in
hauing thaire hairtis, subiecting his awin priuate affections
& appetites to the ueill & standing of his subiectis, euer      #
thinking
the commoune interesse his cheifest particulaire, quhaire be
the contraire ane usurping tiran thinking his greatest honoure
& faelicitie to consiste in attaining (\per fas uel nefas\) to  #
his
ambitiouse praetensis thinkis neuer him self sure, bot be the
<P 56>
dissension & factions amang his people & counterfitting the
sante quhill he anis creip in credit, uill then be inuerting    #
all
goode lauis to serue onlie for his priuate unreulie affections,
frame the comonueill euer to aduance his particulaire,
building his suretie upon his peoples miserie, & in end as a
stepfather, & a unkouth hyreling make up his awin hande
upon the ruines of the republike, & according to thaire actions
sa ressaue thay thaire reuardis, for a goode king after a       #
happie
& famouse reigne dees in peax, lamented be his subiects, &
admired be his nichbouris, & leauing a reuerend renoume
behinde him in earth obtainis the croune of aeternall felicitie
<P 57>
in heauin, & althoch sum of thame quhilke fallis out bot uerrie
rairelie may be cuttid of be the treason of sum unnaturall
subiectis, yett liues thaire fame after thame, & sum notable
plaigue missis neuer to ouirtake the comittaires, quha uill
be infamouse to all posterities, quhaire be the contraire a
tyranis miserabill & infamouse lyfe armes in end his awin
subiectis to becum his burreaux, & althoch that rebellion be
euer unlaufull on thaire pairt, yett is the uarlde sa uearied   #
of
him that his fall is littill meanid be the rest of his          #
subiectis,
& but smyled at be his neichbouris, & besydes the infamouse
memorie he leauis behinde him heir & the endles painis he
<P 58>
susteinis heirafter, it oft fallis out that the comittairis not
onlie eskaipis unpunished, bot farder the fact uill remaine
as allouid be the lau in dyuers aages thair after: it is
easie then for you my sonne to make choice of ane of these
tua sortis of reulairis, by follouing the uaye of uertu to
stablishe youre standing, yea inkaice ye fell in the hie
uaye yett soulde it be uith the honorable reporte & iust
regraite of all honest men, & thair fore to returne to my
purpoise anent the gouuernement of youre subiectis be making
& putting goode lawis to execution I remitte the making of
thame to youre awin discretion as ye sall finde the necessitie
<P 59>
of neu rysing corruptions to requyre thaime, for (\ex
malis moribus bonae leges\) , besydes that in this cuntrey ue
haue alreaddie ma goode lawis then are uell execute, &
ame onlie to insiste in youre forme of gouuernement anent
thaire execution, onlie remember that as parliaments are onlie
ordainid for making of lawis, sa abuse ye not thaire            #
constitution
in haulding thame for any mennis particulaires, for as
a parliament is the honorablest & hiest iudgement in the land
(as being the kings heade court) gif it be uell usit, quhilke   #
is
be making of goode lauis in it, sa is it the iniustest          #
iudgement
<P 60>
seat that maye be being abused to mennis particulairis,
irreuocable decreatis aganis particulaire pairties being geuin
thairin under culloure of generall lawis, & oftymes the estates
not knauing thame selfis quhome thairby thaye hurte, &
thairfore haulde na parliaments but for necessitie of neu
lauis quhilke ualde be but sendill, for feu lauis & ueill putt  #
in
execution are best for a ueill reulid commounueill, as for the
matter of forfaltouris quhilkes also are done in parliament
it is not goode tigging uith thaise things, bot my aduyce is ye
forfalte nane bot for sicc odiouse crymes as maye make
thame unuorthie euer to be restored agane, & for smaller
<P 61>
offences ye haue other penalties shairpe aneuch to be usid
aganis thame: & as for the execution of goode lauis quhairat
I left, remember that amang the differencis that I putte
betuixt the formes of the gouuernement of a goode king &
ane usurping tiranne I sheu hou a tiranne uoulde enter lyke a
sainte quhill he fande him self fast onder futte, & then uolde
suffer his unreulie affections to burst furth, thairfore be ye
contraire at youre first entrie to youre kingdome to yone
(\quinquennium neronis\) uith his tenderhairtid uishe (\utinam
nescirem literas\) , in geuing the lawe full execution aganis   #
all
breakaris thairof but exception, for sen ye cum not to youre
<P 62>
raigne praecario nor by conqueise, but be richt & deu discente,
feare na uproares for doing of iustice sen ye maye assure youre
self the maist pairt of youre people uill euer naturallie       #
fauoure
iustice, prouyding aluayes that ye do it onlie for loue to      #
iustice
& not for satisfeing any particulaire passions of youres under
culloure thairof, otheruayes hou iustlie that euer the offender
deserue it ye are guiltie of murther before god, for ye man
considder that god euer lookes to youre inuarde intention
in all youre actions, & quhen ye haue be the seuerititie [\SIC\]
of iustice anis setled youre cuntreis & maid thame kenn that
ye cann strike, then maye ye thairafter all the dayes of youre
lyfe mixe iustice uith mercie, punishing or spairing as ye sall
<P 63>
finde the cryme to be uillfullie or rashelie comitted, &        #
according
to the bypast behauioure of the comittaire, for gif otheruayes
ye kythed youre clemencie at the first the offences ualde soone
cum to sicc heapes & the contempte of you grou sa greate
that quhen ye ualde fall to punishe the nomber of thame
to be punished ualde exeid the punishers, & ye ualde be
troublid to resolue quhom at to beginne, & aganis youre
nature ualde be compellid then to uraike monie quhilke the
chastisement of feu in the beginning micht haue preseruid,
but in this my ouir deir coft experience maye serue you for
<P 64>
a sufficient lesson for I confesse quhaire I thocht be being 
gratiouse at the beginning to uinne all mennis hartis to a
louing & uilling obedience, I be the contraire fande the        #
disordoure
of the cuntrey & the tinsell of my thankis to be all
my reuairde, bot as this seuere iustice of youres upon all
offences uolde be but for a tyme (as I haue allreaddie saide)
sa is thaire sum horribill crymes that ye are bounde in         #
conscience
neuer to forgiue, sicc as uichecrafte, uillfull murther,
inceste especiallie uithin the degrees of consanguinitie,       #
sodomie,
poisoning, & false cunyee, as for treason aganis youre awin
<P 65>
persone or authoritie sen the falte concernis youre self I
remitte to youre auin choice to punishe or pardon thairin as
your hairt seruis you, & according to the circumstancis of
the turne & the qualitie of the comittaire: heir ualde I also
eike ane other cryme to be unpardonable gif I ualde nocht be
thocht partiall, bot the fatherlie loue I beare you uill make
me breake the boundis of shame in opening it unto you; it is
then the unreuerende uritting or speiking of youre parents &
praedecessouris ye knau the commande in goddis lau honoure
youre father & mother, & consequentlie sen ye are the laufull
magistrate suffer not baith youre princis & youre parentis to   #
be 
<P 66>
dishonourid be any, I graunte ue haue all oure faultis,         #
quhilkes
priuatlie betuixt you & god soulde serue you for exemples to
meditate upon, & mende in youre person, bot soulde not be a
maitter of discourse to others, sen ye are cumd of als          #
honorable
praedecessouris as any prince liuing (\sepeliatur sinagoga cum
honore\) , & I praye you hou can thay loue you that hates
thame quhom of ye are cum, quhairfore destroyes men innocint
younge sukking uolfes & foxes bot for the hatred thay
beare to thaire race, & quhy uill a colte of a cursoure of      #
naples
giue a greater pryce in a market then ane asse colte bot for
loue of the father, it is thairfore a thing monstruouse to see  #
a
man loue the chylde & hate the parents, & for conclusion of
this point I maye also alledge my awin experience, for besydes
the iudgementis of god that uith my eyes I haue seene fall
<P 67>
upon all thame that uaire cheif tratouris to my parentis I
maye iustlie affirme I neuer founde yett a constant byding
be me in all my straitis be ony that uaire of perfyte aage in
my parentis dayes, but only be sicc as constantlie baid be
thaime, I meane speciallie be thaime that seruid the quene
my mother, for sa that I dischairge my conscience to you my
<P 68>
sonne in reueilling you the treuth I caire not quhat any
traitoure or treason allouer can thinke of it: & althoch
the cryme of opresion be not in this ranke of unpardonnable
crymes yett the ouer commoune use of it in this nation as
gif it uare a uertu especiallie be the greatest ranke of        #
subiectis
in the lande, requyres the king to be a shairpe censurer
thairof, be diligent thairfore to trye, & awfull to beat doune
the hornis of proude opressouris, embrace the querrell of the
poore & distressed as youre awin particulaire thinking it
<P 69>
youre greatest honoure to represse the opressouris, caire for
the pleasure of nane, nor spaire na panis in youre persone to
see thaire urongis redressid, & remember of the honorable
style geuin to my grandfather in being callid the poore mannis
king, & as the maist pairt of a kings office standis in         #
decyding
that quaestion of (\meum\) & (\tuum\) amongst his subiectis     #
remember
quhen ye sitte in iudgement that the throne ye sitte on is
goddis (as king dauid sayes,) & suey nather to the richt hande
nor the left, ather louing the riche or pitteing the poore,
iustice soulde be blinde & freindles, it is not thaire ye       #
soulde
reuarde youre freindis, nor crosse youre ennemies: heir nou
speiking or opressouris & of iustice the purpose leadis me to
<P 70>
speake of heelande & bordoure opressions, as for the heelandes
I shortelie comprehende thaime all in tua sortis of peopill
the ane that duellis in oure maine lande that are barbarouse
& yett mixed uith sum shau of ciuilitie, the other that duellis
in the yles & are alluterlie barbares uithout any sorte or shau
of ciuilitie, for the first sorte putt straitlie to execution   #
the
lauis maid allreaddie be me againis thaire ouirslordis & the
cheifis of thaire clannis, & it uill be na difficultie to       #
dantoune
thame, as for the other sorte thinke na other of thaime all
then as of uolfes & uylde boaris, & thairfore follou the course
that I haue begunne in plaunting colonies amongst thame
<P 71>
of aunserable inlandis subiects, that uithin shorte tyme maye
roote thaime out & plaunte ciuilitie in thaire roumes: but as
for the bordoures because I knau gif ye inioie not this haill
yle according to goddis richt & youre lineall discent ye uill
neuer gett leue to brooke this north & barrenest pairt thairof,
no not youre awin heade quhairon the croune soulde stande,
I neid not in that cace trouble you uith thame, for then thaye
uill be the middis of the yle, & sa als easelie reulid as any
pairt thairof, & that ye maye the radilier uith uisdome
& iustice gouuerne youre subiectis by knauing quhat uyces
<P 72>
thay are naturallie maist inclyned to as a goode phisitiane
quha man first knau quhat peccant humouris his patient
naturallie is maist subiect unto before he can beginne his
cure, I sall thairfore shortlie note unto you the principall
faultes that euerie ranke of youre people in this cuntree is
maist subiect unto, & as for englande I uill not speake be
gesse of thame neuer hauing bene among thaime, althoch I
hoape in that god quha euer fauouris the richt before I die to
be alsueill aquent uith thaire facons: as the haill subiectis
of oure cuntrey be the auncient & fundamentall policie of
oure kingdome are deuydit in three estaites, sa is euerie       #
estaite
<P 73>
heirof generallie subiect to sum speciall uyces quhilke in a
maner be lang habitude is thocht rather uertue nor uyce
among thaime, not that euerie particulaire man in any of
thaise rankis is subiect unto thaime, (\nam nulla regula tam
generall quae non patiatur exceptionem\) , but that I meine
I haue founde be experience thir uyces to haue takin greatest
holde uith thir rankis of men: & first that I praeiudge not
the kirke of hir auncient priuiledges, reason uolde she soulde
haue the first place, for orderis saike in this katalogue. the
naturall siknessis that haue euir trublid & bene the decaye of
<P 74>
all the kirkes sen the beginning of the uarlde chainging the
candelstike from ane to another as iohne sayes hes bene
pryde, ambition, & auarice, & nou last these same infirmities
urocht the ouirthrau of the papiste kirke in this cuntrey &
dyuers otheris, but the reformation of religion in skotlande
being maid be a populaire tumulte & rebellion (as uell appearid
be the destruction of oure policie), & not proceading from the
princes ordoure as it did in englande, sum of oure fyrie        #
ministers
gatt sicc a gyding of the peopill at that tyme of confusion, as
finding the guste of gouuernement sueit they begouth to
fantasie to thame selfis a democratike forme of gouuernement
& hauing by the iniquitie of tyme bene ouir ueill baitid
upon the uraike first of my grandemother, & syne of my
<P 75>
awin mother, & after usurping the libertie of the tyme in
my lang minoritie setled thame selfis sa fast upon that
imagined democratie, as thaye fedd thame selfis uith that
hoape to becume (\tribuni plebis\) , & sa in a populaire        #
gouuernement
be leading the people be the nose to beare the suey of all
the reule, & for this cause thaire neuir raise faction in the
tyme of my minoritie nor truble sensyne but thay uaire euer
<P 76>
upon the urang ende of it, querrelling me not for any euill,
bot because I uas a king quhilke thay thocht the hiest euill,
& because thay uaire ashamid to professe this querrell
thay uaire busie to looke narroulie in all my actions, & I
uarrande you a moate in my eye, yea a false reporte uas
maitter aneuch for thame to uorke upon, & yett for all thaire
cunning sum of thaime ualde quhyles snapper  out ueill          #
grosselie
uith the treuth of thaire intentions, informing the peopill     #
that
all kings & princes  uaire naturallie ennemies to the libertie  #
of
the kirke, & coulde neuer patientlie beare the yoke of chryste,
uith sicc sounde doctrine fedd thaye thaire flokke, & because
thaire uas euer sum learnid & honest men of the ministrie
that uaire ashamid of the presumption of thir seditiouse
<P 77>
peopill, thaire coulde be na uaye founde out sa meit for        #
mainteining
thaire plottis, as paritie in the kirke, quhairby the
ignorantis uaire emboldened as bairdis to crye the learned,
godlie, & modest out of it, paritie the mother of confusion &
ennemie to unitie quhiche is the mother of ordoure, by the
exemple quhairof in the ecclesiastike gouuernement thay
<P 78>
thinke uith tyme to drau the politike & ciuill gouuernement to
the lyke: take heade thairfore my sonne to thir puritanis
uerrie pestis in the kirke & commounueill of skotland, quhom
be lang experience I haue founde na desairtis can obleishe,
oathis nor promeisis binde, braithing nathing bot sedition &
calumnies, aspyring uithout measure, rayling uithout reason,
& making thaire awin imaginations uithout any uarrande of
the uorde the squaire to thaire conscience, I proteste before
the greate god (& sen I ame heire upon my testament it is
na place for me to lee in) that I neuer founde uith any         #
heelande
or bordoure thefis sa great ingratitude & sa manie
lees & uyle periuries as I haue founde uith sum of thaime,
<P 79>
& suffer not the principallis of thame to brooke youre lande
gif ye lyke to sitt at rest, except ye ualde keip thame for
trying youre patience as socrates did ane euill uyfe, & for
praeseruatife againis thaire poison intertenie & aduaunce the
godlie, learnid, & modest men of the ministrie, quhom of
god be praised thair lakis not a reasonable nomber &
be thair praeferrement to bishoprikkes & benefices anulling
that uyle act of annexation gif ye finde it not done to youre
hande, ye shall not onlie banishe thaire paritie, quhilke can
<P 80>
not agree uith a monarchie, but ye also sall reestablishe the
aulde institution of three estates in parliament, quhilke can
na otheruayes be done but in this I hoape gif god spaire me
dayes to make you a faire entree, alluayes quhaire I leaue
follou ye my footesteppis, & the first that railis aganis you
punishe uith the rigoure of the lau, for I haue ellis in my
dayes burstin thame uith ouer mekill reason, & to ende my
aduyce anent the kirke estait cherishe na man maire then
a goode pastoure, hate na man maire then a proude puritane,
thinking it ane of youre fairest styles to be calld a louing
<P 81>
noorishe father to the kirke, seeing all the kirkis uithin      #
youre
dominions plaunted uith goode pastoures, the doctrine &         #
discipline
mainteined in puritie according to goddis uorde, a
sufficient prouision for thaire sustentation, a cumlie ordoure
in thaire policie, pryde punished, humilitie aduaunced, &
thay sa to reuerence thaire superioris, & thaire flokkis        #
thaime,
as the floorishing of youre kirke in pietie, peax, & learning
maye be ane of the cheif pointis of youre earthlie glorie,
being euer alyke uarre uith baith the extremities, alsueill
as ye represse the uaine puritane sa not to suffer proude       #
papall
bishoppis, but as sum for thaire qualities uill deserue to be
<P 82>
praeferrid before otheris, sa chaine thame uith sicc bandis
as maye praeserue that estait from creiping to corruption.
the next estate nou that be ordoure cummis in purpoise
according to thaire rankis in parliament is the nobilitie       #
althoch
second in ranke yett ouer farre first in greatnesse & pouaire
ather to doe goode or euill as thay are inclyned, the naturall
seikenessis that I haue perceaued that estate subiect to in
my tyme hes bene a fekles arrogant conceat of thaire greatnes
& pouaire, drinking in uith thaire uerrie noorishe milke that
thaire honoure stoode in comitting three pointis of iniquitie,  #
to
thrall be opression the meaner sorte that duellis nere thame
<P 83>
to thaire seruice & follouing, allthoch they haulde nathing
of thaime, to maintaine thaire seruandis & dependairis in any
uronge althoch thay be not ansourable to the law ( for any
boddie uill mainteine his man in a richt cause) & for any
displeasure that thay aprehende to be done unto thaime be
thaire neichboure to take up a plaine feade against him, &
uithout respect to god, king, or commounueill to bang it out
brauelie, he and all his kinne against him and all his, yea
thay uill thinke the king farre in thaire commoune inkaice
thay agree to graunte ane assurance to a shorte daye for
keiping of the peax, quhaire be thaire naturall deutie thay are
<P 84>
obleist to obeye the law & keipe the peaxe all the dayes of
thaire lyfe upon the perrell of thaire craigs: for remeade
to these euillis in thaire estaite, learne youre nobilitie to   #
keipe
youre lawis als praeciselie as the meanest, feare not thaire
orping nor taking the pett als lang as ye reule ueill, for      #
thaire
praetendit reformation of princis takis neuer effect but        #
quhaire
euill gouuernement praeceidis, aquente youre self sa uith all
the honest men of youre barronis & gentlemen as maye make
thaime pert to make thaire awin suitis to you thame selfis
uithout making a bogle of you in making the great lordis
thaire intercessouris (for intercession to saintis is           #
papistrie),
<P 85>
sa sall ye bring to a measure thaire monstruouse bakkis, & for
thaire barbarouse feadis putt the lawis to deu execution maid
be me thairanents, beginning euer rathest at him that ye loue
best & is maist obleist to you to make him ane exemple to
the rest, for ye sall make all youre reformations to beginne
at youre elbou, & sa be degrees to flou to the extremeties of
the lande, & rest not quhill ye roote out these barbarouse
feadis that thaire effectis maye alsueill be smoarid doune, as
thaire barbarouse name is unknauin to any other nation, for
gif this treatise uaire writtin to you ather in frenshe or      #
latin
<P 86>
I coulde not gett thaime named unto you bot be circumlocution,
& for youre easier abolishing of thame putt shairpelie to
execution my lawis maid aganis gunnis & tratrouse pistolettis,
thinking in youre hairte, terming in youre speiche, & using
by youre punishementis all sicc as uearis & usis thame as
brigandis & cut-throatis: on the other pairt escheu the
other extremitie in lichleing & contemning youre nobilitie,
remember hou that erroure brake the king my grandfatheris
hairte, but considder that uertue follouis oftest noble bloode,
the uorthines of thaire antecessouris crauis a reuerende/
regairde to be hadd unto thaime, honoure thaime thairfore
<P 87>
that are obedient to the law amongst thame as peeres & fatheris
of youre lande, the frequentlier that youre courte cann be
garnished uith thaime thinke it the maire youre honoure,
aquenting & employing thame in all youre greattest affaires,
sen it is thay man be youre armes & executairis of youre lawis,
& sa use youre self louinglie to the obedient, & rigourouslie
to the stubborne, as maye make the greattest of thame to
thinke that the cheifest pointe of thaire honoure standis in
stryuing uith the meanest of the lande in humilitie touardis
you & obedience to youre lawis, dinging euer in thaire earis
that ane of the principall pointis of seruice that ye craue of
thame, is in thaire personis to practise, & be thaire pouaire
<P 88>
to procure deu obedience to the lau, uithout the quhilke na
seruice thay can make can be agreable unto you; but the
greatest hinder to the execution of oure law in this cuntree
is thir heritable shirefdomes & regalities quhilkes being in
the handis of the greate men urakkis the haill cuntree, for
quhiche I knau na present remeid but be taking the shairper
counte of thaime in thaire offices, using all punishement       #
aganis
the sleuthfull that the lau uill permitte, & aye as thaye uaike
for any offencis comitted be thaime dispone thame neuer
heritablie againe, preassing uith tyme to drau it to the
louable ordoure of englande, quhiche ye maye the easilier doe
being king of baith as I hoape in god ye sall.  & as to the
thridde & last estaite quhiche is oure burghis (for the small
<P 89>
barronis are but ane inferioure pairt of the nobillitie & of
thaire estait) thir burghis I saye are composid of tua sortis
of men, to uitt mairchantis, & craftismen, euerie ane of thir
sortis being subiect to thaire awin infirmities, the            #
marchauntis
/ thinkis the haill commouneueill ordaned for making thame
up, & accounting it thaire laufull gaine & trade to enriche
thame selfis upon the losse of all the rest of the people thay
transporte from us things necessaire, bringing bake quhyles
unnecessaire & quhyles nathing, thaye bye for us the uorst
<P 90>
uaires, & sellis thaime at the deirest pryces & suppose the
uictuallis fallis or ryses of thaire pryce according to the
aboundance or skantnesse thairof, yett the pryces of thaire
uayres euer ryses but neuer fallis, according to the persiane
lawis that can not be abrogatid, & thay are the speciall uyte
of the corruption of the cunyee, transporting all oure awin &
bringing in forraine upon quhat pryce thaye pleise to sett on
it, for order putting to thaime putte goode lawis in execution
that are allreaddie maid anent these abuses but speciallie doe
three things establishe honest, diligent but feu searcheris,
for many handis makis slichte uarke, & haue a honest &
diligent treasurer, to take compte of thaime, permitte &
<P 91>
allure forraine mairchaintis to treade heir, sa sall ye haue
best & best chape uairis not bying it at the thridde hande, &
sett euerie yeire doune a certaine pryce of all things          #
considdering
first hou it is in other cuntreis & the pryce being sett        #
reasonablie
doune gif the mairchantis uill not bring it hame on the
pryce, crye forraineris free to bring it, & because I made
mention heir of the cunzee, make youre cunzee fyne golde
& siluer & garre the people be payed uith substance & not
abused uith number, sa sall ye enriche the commounueill &
keipe a great pose to the fore gif ye fall in uarris or in any    
<P 92>
straite, for the making it baser uill breid youre commoditie,
but it is not to be usid bot at a greate necessitie. & the      #
craftis
men thinkis ue soulde be contente uith thaire uarke hou
badd & deir that euer it be, & gif thay in any thing be         #
controllid
up must the bleu blankate go, but for thaire pairt take
exemple be englande hou it hes floorished baith in uelth & in
policie sen the straingeris craftis men came in amongst thaime,
thairfoir not onlie permitte but allure straingeris to cum
heir also, taking als straite ordoure for repressing the        #
mutining
of ouris at thame, as uas done in englande at thaire first
inbringing thaire.  but unto ane faulte is all the comoune
peopill of this lande subiect alsueill burgh as lande, quhilke
is to iudge & speike rashlie of thaire prince setting the 
commounueill
<P 93> 
upon foure proppis as ue call it euer ueariing of the
present estaite & desyrouse of nouelties, for remead quhairof
besydes the execution of lauis that ualde be usid aganis        #
unreuerende
speakaris, certaine dayes in the yeare ualde be 
<P 94>
appointid for delyting the people uith publict spectacles of
all honest ghames & exercise of armes, as also for conueining
of neichboures for intertening freindship, & hairtlines be      #
honest
feasting & mirrines, for I can not see quhat greatter           #
superstition
can be in making playes & laufull games in mey &
goode cheir at yule, then in eating fishe in lentrone & upon
frydayes the papistes alsueill using the ane as the other,
sa that alluayes the sabbothis be keipit halye & na unlaufull
sportis usid, & this forme of alluring the peopill hes bene     #
usid
in all uell gouuernid republicts.  ye see nou my sonne hou
for the zeale I beare to aquent you uith the plaine & single
ueritie of all things I haue not spaired to playe the bairde
<P 95>
against all the estaitis of my kingdome but I proteste before
god I doe it uith the fatherlie loue that I aucht to thaime
all, onlie hating thaire uyces quhairof thaire is a goode       #
nomber
of honest men free in euerie estaite; & because for the bettir
reformation of all thir abuses amongst youre estaitis it uill
be a great helpe unto you to be ueill aquent uith the nature
& humouris of all youre subiectis, & to knau particulairlie the
estaite of euerie pairt of youre dominions, I uolde thairfore
<P 96>
counsaile you anis in the yeare to uisie the principall pairtis
of the cuntrey ye uaire in, & because I hoape ye sall be king
of ma cuntreis then this, anis in the three yearis to uisie all
youre kingdomes, not lipening to uiceroies but hearing youre
self thaire complaintis & hauing ordinarie counsaillis &        #
iustice
seatis in euerie kingdome of thaire owin cuntree men, & the
principall maitteris euer to be decydit be youre self quhen
ye cum athort. ye haue also to considder that ye man not
onlie be cairfull to keipe youre subiectis from receauing any
uronge of otheris uithin, but also ye man be cairfull to keipe
thaime from the uronge of any forraine prince uithout, sen
<P 97>
the suorde is geuin you be god not onlie to reuenge upon youre
owin subiectis the urong comittid upon otheris, but farther
to reuenge & free thaime of forraine iniuries done unto thaime,
& thairfore uarris upon iuste querrellis are laufull, but       #
above 
all lett not the urong cause be on youre syde, use all other 
princes as youre brethren honestlie & kyndlie, keipe praecislie
youre promeise unto thaime althoch uith youre hurte, stryue
uith euerie ane of thaime in curtesie & thankefullnes, as uith
all men sa speciallie uith thame be plane & treuthfull, keiping
euer that christiane reule to doe as ye ualde be done to,
<P 98>
especiallie in counting rebellion against any other prince /
a cryme againis youre self, because of the praeparatife, suplee
thairfore nor truste na other princes rebellis, but pittie &
succoure all laufull princes in thaire trubles, but gif any of
thaime uill not abstein (notuithstanding quhat sumeuir youre
goode desertis) to uronge you or youre subiectis craue redresse
at laiser; heare & doe all reason, & gif na offer that is
laufull or honorabill can make him to absteine nor repaire his
urongedoing, then for last refuge comitte the iustnes of youre
cause to god giuing first honestlie up uith him in a publique
& honorable forme, but omitting nou to teache you the forme
<P 99>
of making uarris (because that arte is bettir learnid be
practise nor be speculation I uill onlie sett doune to you heir
a feu praeceptis thairin: lett first the iustnes of youre cause
be youre greatest strenth, & then omitt not to use all laufull
meanis for bakking of the same, consulte thairfore uith na
necromancer, nor prophete upon the successe of youre uarris
remembering on king saullis miserabill ende, but sen all
prophecies are ceast in chryst, keepe youre lande clene of
all sooth sayeris according to the commande in the lau of god
& dilaited be ieremie, nather comitte youre querrell to be
<P 100>
tryed be a duell for it is a comitting of it to a lotte &       #
thaire
is na uarrande for that in the scripture, sen the abrogating
of the aulde lau; before ye take on uarris playe the uyse
kings pairt descryued be chryste, forseeing hou ye maye beare
it out uith all necessaire prouision, especiallie remember that
money is (\neruus belli\) , choose aulde experimentid captaines # 
&
young abill soldatis, be extreamlie straite & seuere in         #
discipline
alsuell for keiping of ordoure (quhilke is als requisite
as hardiment in the uarres) for punishing of sleuth (quhilke
at a tyme maye putte the haill airmie in hazairde) as lykeuayes
for repressing of mutinies (quhilke in uarres is uonderfullie
dangerouse, & looke to the Spangnoll, quhaise greate successe
in all his uarres hes onlie cumd throuch straitnes of           #
discipline
& ordoure, for sicc errouris maye be comitted in the uarres
<P 101>
as can not be gottin mendit againe: be in youre awin person
ualkeryfe, diligent, & painfull, using the aduyse of thaime
that are skilledest in the craft as ye man do in all craftis,
be hamlie uith youre soldatis as youre compaignons for uinning
thaire hairtis, extreamlie liberall, for then is na tyme of
spairing, be colde & forseeing in deuysing, constant in youre
<P 102>
resolutions, & forduarte & quike in youre executions, fortifie
uell youre campe, & assaile not rashelie uithout ane aduantage
nather feare, nor lichley youre ennemie, be curiouse
in deuysing stratagemis (but alluayes honestlie,) for of
anything thay uorke greattest effects in the uarris gif         #
secrecie
be ioined to inuention, & anis or tuyce in youre awin persone
hazairde youre self fairlie, but hauing aquyred sa the fame of
courage & magnanimitie make not a daylie soldat of youre
self exposing rashelie youre person to euerie perrell, but
conserue youre self thairafter for the ueill of youre peopill
for quhaise saike ye man maire caire for youre self nor for
<P 103>
youre awin, & as I haue counsaild you to be slau in taking
on a uarre, sa aduyse I you to be slau in peaxemaking, before
ye agree looke that the grounde of youre uarres be satisfeid
in youre peaxe, & that ye see a goode suretie for you & youre
peopill, otheruayes a honorable & iuste uarre is maire
tolerabill then a dishonorable & disaduantagouse peaxe. /
but it is not aneuch to a goode king to be the thralldome of
goode lawis uell execute to gouuerne his people, gif he ioine   #
not
thairuith his uertuouse lyfe in his awin person & in the        #
personnis
of his courte & cumpanie be his goode exemple alluring
<P 104>
his subiectis to the loue of uertu & hatred of uyce, &          #
thairfore
my sonne sen all people are naturallie inclyned to follou
thaire princes exemple (as I sheu you before) lett it not be
saide that ye comande otheris to keipe the contraire course
to that quhilke in youre awin persone ye practise, making
sa youre uordis & deidis to fechte together, but be the         #
contraire
lett youre awin lyfe be a laubooke & a mirroure to
youre people, that thairin thay maye reide the practise of
thair awin lawis, & thairin thay maye see be youre shaddou
quhat lyfe thay soulde leade: & this exemple in youre awin
lyfe & personne I lykeuayes deuyde in tua pairtis, the
<P 105>
first in the gouuernement of youre courte & follouaires in all
godlinesse & uertu, the next in hauing youre awin mynde
dekkid & enriched sa uith all uertuouse qualities, that
thairuith ye maye uorthelie reule youre people, for it is not
aneuch that ye haue & reteine (as prisoneris) uithin youre
self neuer sa monie goode qualities & uertues, except ye
emploie thaime & sett thaime on uarke for the ueill of thaime
that are comitted to youre chairge, (\omnis etenim uirtus in
actione consistit\) : first then as to the gouuernement of      #
youre
court & follouairis, as ye aucht to haue a great caire for the
<P 106>
reulling ueill of all youre subiectis, sa aucht ye haue a       #
double
caire for the ueill reuling of youre awin seruantis, sen unto
thaime ye are baith a politike & oeconomike gouuernoure,
& as euerie ane of the people uill delyte to follou the exemple
of any of the courteouris als ueill in euill as in goode, sa    #
quhat
cryme sa horrible can be comitted & ourseein in a courtioure,
that uill not be ane exemplaire excuse for any other of the
people boldlie to comitte the lyke: & thairfore in tua pointis
ye ualde take goode heade anent youre courte & housholde,
firste in choising thame uyselie, next in cairfull reuling      #
thaime
quhom ye haue chosin, it is ane aulde & treu prouerbe that
ane kyndlie auer uill neuer becumme a goode horse, for
<P 107>
albeit goode education & cumpanie be greate helpes to
nature, (\habitudo\) being callid (\altera natura\) , yett is   #
it euill
to gett out of the fleshe that is bredd in the bane (as the     #
aulde
prouerbe sayes), be uerrie uarre then in making choice of       #
youre
seruauntis & cumpanie, (\nam turpius eiicitur quam non          #
admittitur
hospes\) , & monie respectis maye laufullie lett ane
admission that uill not be sufficient causis of depriuation,
all youre seruandis & court man be composid pairtlie of
minoris (sicc as younge lordis to be brocht up in youre
<P 108>
cumpanie, or pagis & siclyke,) & pairtlie of men of perfyte 
aage for seruing you in sicc roumes as aucht to be filled uith
men of uisdome & discretion, for the first sort ye can do na
maire bot choose thaime uithin aage that are cumd of a goode
& uertuouse kynde (\in fide parentum\) as baptisme is usid, for
suppose that (\anima non uenit ex traduce\) bot is              #
immediatlie
creatid be god & infused from aboue, yett is it maist
certaine that uertu or uyce uill oftymes uith the heritage
be transferrid from the parentis to the posteritie & rin on a
bloode (as the prouerbe is), the seiknessis of the mynde        #
becumming
als kyndlie to sum racis as these siknessis of the boddie
<P 109>
that smittis in the seid, especiallie choose sicc minours as    #
are
cumd of a treu & honest race, & haue not had the house
quhairof thaye are discendit infectid uith falset, & as for
the other sort of youre cumpanie & seruandis that aucht to
be of perfyte aage, first see that thay be of a goode fame
& uithout blemishe otheruayes quhat can the people thinke
but that ye haue chosin a cumpanie unto you according to
youre awin humoure, & sa hes praeferrid these men for the
loue of thaise uyces & crymes that ye kneu thaime to be
guiltie of, for the peopill that sees you not uithin can not
<P 110>
iudge you but according to the outuarde appearance of youre
actions & cumpanie quhilke onlie is subiect to thair sicht, &
next see that thay be indeuid uith sicc honest qualities as are
meit for sicc offices as ye ordaine thaime to serue in, that
youre iudgement maye be knauin in emploiing euerie man
according to his giftes, & shortlie follou goode king dauids
counsall in the choice of youre seruaundis by setting youre
eye upon the faithfull & upricht of the lande to duell uith
you, but heir I man not forgettette to remember & according
to my fatherlie authoritie to charge you to praeferre           #
speciallie
to youre seruice samonie as treulie haue seruid me, & are
able for it, the rest honorablie to reuairde thaime,            #
praeferring
<P 111>
thaire posteritie before otheris as kyndliest, sa sall ye not
onlie be best seruid (for gif the haitteris of youre parentis
can not loue you (as I sheu before) it follouis of necessitie
thaire louairis man loue you), bot farther ye sall kythe youre
thankefull memorie of youre father & procure the blessing of
thaise aulde seruandis in not missing thaire aulde maister
in you, quhiche otheruayes ualde be turnid in a prayer for me
& a curse for you, use thaime thairfore after my death as
the testimonies of youre affection touardis me, trusting &
aduauncing thaise farthest quhom I fande faithfullest, quhiche
<P 112>
ye man not discerne by thaire reuairdis at my hand, (for
reuairdis as thaye are (\bona fortunae\) sa are thay subiect to
fortune) but according to the truste I gaue thaime, hauing
oftymes hadd bettir hairt then happe to the reuairding of
sindrie, and on the other pairt as I uishe you to kythe
youre constant loue touardis thame that I loued so desyre
I you to kythe in the same measure youre constant haitred
to thaime that I hated, I meane bring not hame nor restore
not sicc as ye finde standing banished or forfalted be me, the
<P 113>
contraire ualde kythe in you ouir greate a contempt of
me, & lichtnes in youre awin nature, for hou can thay be treu
to the sonne that uaire false to the father, but to returne to
the purpoise anent the choice of youre seruandis, ye sall be
this uyse forme of doing esheu the inconuenientis that in
my minoritie I fell in anent the choice of my seruandis, for
be thame that hadd the comande quhaire I uas brocht up
uaire my seruandis putt unto me, not choosing thaime that
uaire  meittest to serue me but quhom thay thocht meitest
to serue thaire turne about me, as kythed uell in many of
thaime at the first rebellion raised aganis me, quhilke         #
compellid
me to make a great alteration amongst my seruauntis,
<P 114>
& yett the exempill of that corruption maid me to be lang
trublid thairafter uith solistairis reccomending seruauntis     #
unto
me maire for seruing in effect thaire freindis that putt thame
in then thaire maister that admitted thaime: lett my exemple
then teache you to follou the reule heir sett doune choosing
youre seruauntis for youre awin use, & not for the use of       #
otheris,
& sen ye man be (\communis aura\) to all youre peopill sa       #
choose
youre seruauntis indifferentlie out of all quarteris, not       #
respecting
other mennis appetits but thaire awin qualities, for as ye
man comande all sa reason uolde ye soulde be seruid out of
all as ye please to make choice, but speciallie take goode
heade to the choice of youre seruandis that ye praeferre to the
offices of the croune & estaite, for in other offices ye haue
only to take heade to youre awin ueill, but these concernis
<P 115>
lykeuayes the ueill of youre people for the quhilke ye man
be ansourable to god: choose then for all these offices men
of knauin uisdome, honestie & goode conscience, ueill practised
in the pointis of the craft that ye ordaine thaime for, & free
of all factions & partialities, praeferring thame (as ye uill   #
be
<P 116>
ansourable to god) onlie for thaire uorthines, & not for        #
pleasing
of freindis, but speciallie choose honest, diligent, meane, but
responsall men to be youre ressaueris in money maitteris,
meane I saye that ye maye quhen ye please take a shairpe
coumpte of thaire intromission, uithout perrell of thaire       #
brewing
any truble to youre estaite, for this hes bene the greatest
uyte of my misthryuing in monney matteris, especiallie putt
neuer a forreyner in any principall office of estait, for that
uill neuer faill to steir up sedition & enuye in the cuntrey
mennis hairtis baith aganis you & him, but (as I said before)
gif god prouyde you uith ma cuntreis then this, chose the borne
men of euerie cuntrey to be youre cheif counsallouris thairin,
<P 117>
& for conclusion of my aduyce anents the choice of youre
seruandis, delyte to be seruid uith men of the noblest bloode
that can be had, for besydes that thaire seruice sall breid
you greate goode uill & least enuye (contraire to that of       #
starte
upps ye sall oft finde uertu follou noble racis, as I said      #
before
speiking of the nobilitie. nou as to the other point anent
youre gouuerning youre seruandis quhen ye haue chosin
thame, make youre court & cumpanie to be a patrone of godlines,
& all honest uertues to all the rest of youre peopill,
<P 118>
be a daylie uatcheman ouir youre seruandis that thay obeye
youre lawis praeciselie, for hou can youre lawis be keipit in
the cuntrey, gif thay be brokin at youre lugge, punishing
the breake thairof in a courtioure mair seuearlie then in the
personne of any other of youre subiectis, & aboue all suffer
nane of thame by abusing thaire credit uith you to opresse
or uronge any of youre subiectis, be hamelie or strange uith
thaime as ye thinke thaire behauioure deseruis & thaire
naturall maye beare uith, thinke a querrellouse man a pest
in youre cumpanie, be cairfull to preferre euir the gentlest
natured & trustiest to the inuardest offices about you,
especiallie in youre chalmer, suffer nane about you to mell
in any mennis particulairs but lyke the turkis ianissaires lett
<P 119>
thame knau na father bot you nor particulaire bot youres,
& gif any uill mell in thaire kinn or freindis querrellis giue
him his leue for sen ye man be of na surname nor kinn bot
aequall to all honest men, it becumis you not to be follouid
uith partiall or factiouse seruandis, teache obedience to
youre seruantis & not to thinke thame selfis ouer uyse, & as
quhen any of thame deseruis it ye man not spaire to putt
thame auaye, sa uithout a seene cause change nane of thaime,
paye thaime as all other youre subiectis uith (\praemium\) or
(\poena\) as thay deserue, quhilke is the uerrie grounde stane  #
of
<P 120>
goode gouuernement, emploie euerie man as ye thinke him
qualifeid, but use not ane in all things least he uaxe proude
& be enuyed be his marrouis, loue thame best that are plainest
uith you & disgyses not the treuth for all thaire kinne, suffer
nane to be euill tounged nor bakebyteris of thame thay hate,
comande a hairtelie & brotherlie loue among all thaime that
seruis you, & shortlie mainteine peaxe in youre courte &
banishe enuye, cherishe modestie, banishe deboshid insolence,
foster humilitie, represse pryde, setting doune sicc a
cumlie & honorable order in all the pointis of youre seruice,
that quhen straingearis sall uissie youre court thay maye uith
<P 121>
the quene of seba admire youre uisdome in the glorie of youre
house & cumlie ordoure among youre seruantis.  bot the          #
principall
blessing that ye can gett of goode cumpanie uill stande
in youre mariing of a godlie & uertuouse uyfe, for she man be
neirer unto you then any other cumpanie, being fleshe of youre
fleshe & bane of youre bane as god him self said to adam, &
because I knau not, but god maye call me before ye be readie
for mariage I uill shortlie sett doun to you heir my aduyse
thairin: first of all considder that mariage is the greatest
earthlie faelicitie or miserie that can cum to a man            #
according
<P 122>
as it pleasis god to blesse or curse the same, sen uithout
the blessing of god then ye can not looke for a happie successe
in mariage ye man be cairfull baith in youre praeparation for
it & in the choice & usage of youre uyfe to procure the sam,
by youre praeparation I meane that ye man keipe youre
bodie cleane & unpollutid, quhill ye giue it to youre uyfe
quhomto onlie it belangis, for hou can ye iustlie craue to be
ioined uith a pure uergine gif youre boddie be pollutid, quhy
soulde the ane halfe be clene & the other defyled, & suppoise
I knau fornication is thocht but a ueniall sinne be the maist 
pairt of the uarlde, yett remember ueill quhat I said to you
in my first booke anent conscience, & compte euerie sinne
<P 123>
& breake of goddis law not according as the uaine uorlde
esteimis of it, but as god the iudge & maker of the lau
accomptis of the same, heare god commanding be the mouth
of paull to absteine from fornication, declairing that the
fornicatoure sall not inherite the kingdome of heauen, & be
the mouth of iohne rekning out fornication among other
greiuouse sinnes that debarres the comitteris amang doggis
& suyne from entrie in that spirituall & heauinlie ierusalem,
& considder gif a man sall anis take upon him to compte
that licht quhilke godd callis heauie, & ueniall that quhilke
<P 124>
god callis greiuouse, beginning first to measure any ane sinne
be the reule of his lust & appetits, & not of his conscience,
quhat sall lett him to do sa uith the next that his affections
sall steir him to, the lyke reason seruing for all, & sa to
go forduarte quhill he place his haill corruptid affectionis in
goddis roume, & then quhat sall cum of him bot as a man
geuin ouer to his awin filthie affections sall perishe into     #
thaime,
& because ue are all of that nature that sibbest exemplis
tuichis us neirest, considder the difference of successe that
god grantid in the mariages of the king my grandfather &
me youre auin father, the reuairde of his harlotrie (proceiding
from his euill education) being the suddaine death
<P 125>
at ane tyme of tua pleasande young princes, & a dochter
onlie borne to succeide unto him, quhom he hadde neuer
the happe samekill as anis to see or blesse before his death,
leauing a double curse behinde him to the lande, baith
a uoman of sexe, & a neuborne babe of aage to reigne ouir
thaime, & as for the reuairde of my continencie youre self
& sibbe folkis to you are praise to godd sufficient uitnessis,  #
be
not ashamed then to keape cleane youre boddie (quhilke
<P 126>
is the temple of the holie spreit) notuithstanding all uaine
allurementis to the contraire, discerning treulie & uyselie of
euerie uertu & uyce according to the treu qualities thairof,
& not according to the uaine conceatis of men: as for youre
choice in mariadge respecte cheiflie the three causes quhairfor
mariage uas first ordained be god, & then ioine three
accessouries sa farre as thaye maye be obtained underogating
to the principallis, the three causes it uas ordained for are
for staying of luste, for procreation of children, & that man
soulde be his uife gett a helpaire lyke him self, differre not
then to marie quhill youre aage, for it is ordained for
<P 127>
stanshing the lust in youre youthe, speciallie a king man
tymouslie  marrie for the ueill of his people, nor marrie not   #
for
any accessorie cause or uardlie respectis a uoman unable
ather throu aage, nature, or accident for procreation, for
in a king that uaire a double falte alsueill againis his awin
ueill as againis the ueill of his people, nor yett marrie not   #
ane
of knauin euill conditions or uiciouse education, for the       #
uomane
is ordained to be a helper & not a hinderer to man, the three
accessories quhilke (as I haue saide) aucht also to be          #
respectid
uithout derogating to the principall causis, are beutie,        #
richesse,
& freindshipp be allya, quhilkes are all blessings of god, for
<P 128>
beutie increassis youre loue to youre uyfe contenting you
the bettir uith her uithout care for others, & riches & great
allya do baith make her the abler to be a helper unto 
you, but gif ouir greate respecte being hadd to these           #
accessouris
the principall causis be ouerseene, quhilke is ouer oft
practised in the uorlde as of thame selfis thay are a blessing
being uell usid, sa the abuse of thame uill turne thame in
a curse, for quhat can all these uordlie respectis auayle quhen
a man  shall finde him self coupled uith a deuill to be ane     #
fleshe
uith him & the halfe marrou in his bedde, then (thoch too
laite) sall he fynde that beutie uithout bontie, uelth uithout
uisdome, & great freindshippe uithout grace & honestie are
<P 129>
bot faire shauis & the deceatefull masques of infinite          #
miseries,
bot haue ye respect my sonne to yone three speciall causis
in youre mariage, quhilkis flouis from the first institution    #
thairof
(\& caetera omnia adiicientur uobis\) , & thairfore beuare to
marrie any bot ane of youre awin religion for hou can ye be
of ane fleshe & keipe unitie betuixt you being memberis of
tua opposid kirkis, disagreement in religion brings euer uith
<P 130>
it disagreement in maners, & the dissention betuixt youre
preachouris & hers uill breide & foster a dissention amongst
youre subiectis, taking thaire exempill from youre familie,
besydes the perrell of the euill education of youre children,
nather pryde you that ye uill be able to frame & make her as
ye please, the deceauid salomon the uysest king that euer uas,
the grace of perseuerance not being a floure that grouis in
oure gairdein, remember also that mariadge is ane of the
greatest actions that a man dois in all his tyme, especiallie
the taking of his first uyfe, & gif he marrie first baselie     #
beneath
his ranke he uill euer be the lesse accoumptid of thairafter, &
last remember to uaile youre uyfe as I aduysed you to uaile
<P 131>
youre seruantis that sho be of a haill & clene race not
subiecte to the hereditaire siknessis ather of the saule or the
boddie, for gif a man uill be cairfull to breide horses & dogs
of goode kyndes hou meikle maire cairfull soulde he be for the
breide of his awin loynes, sa sall ye in youre mariadge haue
respecte to youre conscience, honoure, & naturall ueill in
youre successouris, quhen ye are married keipe inuiolablie
youre promeise maid to god in youre mariadge quhilke all
standis in doing of ane thing & absteining from ane other;
to treate her in all things as youre uyfe & the halfe of youre
self, & to make youre boddie (quhilke then is na maire youris
<P 132>
bot properlie hers) commoune uith na other; I truste I neide
not to insiste heir to dissuaide you from the filthie uyce of
adulterie, remember onlie quhat solemne promeise ye make to
god at youre mariage & sen it is onlie be the force of that
promeise that youre bairnis succeidis to you quhilke other
uayes thay coulde not doe, equitie & reason ualde ye soulde
keipe youre pairt thairof god is euer a seueare auenger of all
periuries & it is na oathe maid in mowis that giues pouer to 
bairnis to succeide to great kingdomes, haue the king my
grandfatheris exempill before youre eyes quha be his adulterie
bredd the uraike of his laufull dochtir & aire in begetting     #
that
bastarde quha unnaturallie rebellid & procured the ruyne of
his awin sister; & quhat goode her posteritie hes gottin        #
sensyne
<P 133>
of that unlaufull generation bothuellis trikkes can beare
uitnesse, keipe praeciselie then youre promeise maid at mariage
as ye uolde uishe to be pairtaker of the blessing thairin: &
for youre behauioure to youre uyfe the scripture can best
giue you counsall thairin, treat her as youre awin fleshe,
comande her as her lorde, cherishe her as youre helper,
reule her as youre pupill, please her in all things reasonable,
but teache her not to be curiouse in things that belongis her
not, ye are the heade, sho is of youre boddie, it is youre      #
office
<P 134>
to comande, & hers to obeye, but yett uith sicc a sueit         #
harmonie
as sho soulde be als readdie to obeye as ye to comande, als
uilling to follou, as ye to goe before, youre loue being        #
haillelie
knitte unto her; & all her affections louinglie bent to follou  #
/
youre uill, & to conclude keepe speciallie three reulis uith
youre uyfe, first suffer her neuer to medle uith the politike
gouuernement of the comounelth, bot holde her at the
oeconomike reule of the house & yett all to be subiect to
youre direction, keipe cairfullie goode & chaste cumpanie
about her, for uemen are the frailest sexe, & be neuer baith
angrie at anis, for quhen ye see her in passion ye soulde uith
reason dainte youris, for baith quhen ye are setlid ye are
meitest to iudge of her errouris, & quhen sho is cumd to her
<P 135>
self scho maye be best maid to aprehende her offence &          #
reuerence
youre rebuke, gif god sende you succession be cairfull
for thaire uertuouse education, loue thame as ye aucht bot
lett thame knau als mekill of it as the gentillnes of thaire
nature uill deserue containing thaime euer in a reuerende
loue, & louing feare of you, & inkaice it please god to prouyde
you to all thir three kingdomes make youre eldest sonne
isaake leauing him all youre kingdomes, & prouyde the leaue
uith priuate possessions, otheruayes be deuyding youre          #
kingdomes
<P 136>
ye sall leaue the seid of diuision & discorde amongst
youre posteritie, but gif god giue you not succession, defraude
neuer the nearest be richt quhat euir conceate ye haue of the
personne, for kingdomes are euer at goddis disposition, &
in that cace ue are but lyfe rentairis, lying na maire in the
kings nor peopils handis to disposesse the richteouse aire.
& as youre cumpanie soulde be a patrone to the rest of youre
peopill, sa soulde youre persone be a lampe & mirroure to
youre cumpanie, geuing licht to youre seruandis to ualke in
the pathe of uertu & representing unto thame sicc uorthie
qualities as thay soulde prease to imitate: I neid not to       #
truble
<P 137>
you uith the particulaire discours of the seuin cardinall       #
uertues,
it is sa troddin a paithe, bot I uill shortlie saye unto you,   #
make
ane of thame quhilke is temperance quene of all the rest
uithin you, I meane not by the uulgaire interpretation of
temperance, quhilke onlie standis in the moderate using of
meate & drinke, but I meane of that uyse moderation  that
firste comanding youre self, sall as a quene comande all the
affections & passions of youre mynde, & as a phisition uyselie
mixe all youre actions according thairto, thairfore not onlie
in all youre affections & passions but euen in youre maist
<P 138>
uertuouse actions make euer moderation to be the cheife         #
reulaire,
for althoch halines be the firste & maist requisite qualitie of
a christiane as proceiding from the treu feare & knauledge
of god, yett ye remember hou in the conclusion of my first
booke I aduysed you to moderate all youre outuarde actions
flouing thairfra, the lyke saye I nou of iustice quhilke is the
greatest uertu that properlie belongis to a kings office, use
iustice bot uith sicc moderation as it turne not in tirannie,
otheruayes (\summum ius is summa iniuria\) , as for exemple     #
gif
a man be inuaidit be brigandis or theues & in his awin defence
slae any of thaime, because thay uaire not at the horne, &
<P 139>
that he foryette to keipe the expresse uordis of the lau in
not stepping three steppis abake, & crying goddis peaxe
& the kings sall be thairfore loose his heade, & lykeuayes
be the lauborrouis in oure lauis men are prohibited under
pecuniall paines from anyuayes inuaidng [\SIC\] or molesting
thaire neichbouris personne or boundis, gif then his horse
breake the teddir & pastoure in his neichbouris meddou sall
he paye tua or thre thousande poundis for the uantonnes of 
<P 140>
his horse or the ueakenes of his teddir, suirlie na, for lauis
are ordainid as reulis of uertuouse & sociall liuing, & not to
be snairis to trappe youre goode subiectis, & thairfore the
lau man be interpretid according to the meaning & not to the
literall sence thairof, (\nam ratio est anima legis\) , & as I  #
saye
of iustice sa saye I of clemencie, magnanimitie, liberalitie,
constancie, humilitie, & all other princelie uertues, (\nam in
medio stat uirtus\) , & it is bot the crafte of the deuill that
falselie cullouris the tua uyces that are on ather syde         #
thairof,
uith the borrouid titles thairof, albeit in uerrie deid thay    #
haue
<P 141>
na affinitie thairuith, & the tua extremities thaime selfis
althoch thay seeme dyuers, yett grouing to the heicht rinnis
euer baith in ane, for quhat difference is betuixt extreame
tirrannie delyting to destroye all mankynde, & extreame
slakenes of punishement permitting euerie man to tirranize
ouer his marrou, & quhat differis extreame prodigalitie be
uaisting of all to possesse nathing from extreame niggartenes
be hurding up of all to enioie nathing, lyke the asse that
carieing uittaile on her bake is lyke to sterue for hunger &
uill be faine of thristillis for her pairt, & quhat is betuixt  #
the
pryde of a gloriouse nebuchadnezar & the praeposterouse
<P 142>
humilitie of ane of oure puritane ministeris, claming to thaire
pairetie & crying ue are all bot uyle uormis & yett uill iudge
& giue the lau to thaire king, bot uill be iudgid nor           #
controllid
be nane, suirlie thaire is maire pryde under sicc a anes blake
bonett nor under great alexanderis diademe (as uas saide
of the cloutes of diogenes) bot aboue all uertues, studdie to
knau ueill youre awin crafte quhilke is to reule youre peopill,
& quhen I saye this I bidde you knau all craftis, for except ye
knau euerie ane hou can ye controlle euerie ane, quhilke is
youre propre office, thairfore besydis youre education it is
necessaire ye delyte in reiding & seiking the knauledge of all
laufull things, bot uith thir tua restrictions, first that ye
<P 143>
choose ydle houris for it not interrupting thairuith the        #
dischairge
of youre office, & next that ye studdie not for knauledge
naketlie, but that youre principall ende be to make
you able thairby to use youre office, practising according to
youre knauledge in all the pointis of youre calling, not lyke
thir uaine astrologiens that studdies nicht & daye on the
course of the starres onlie that thay maye for satisfeing       #
thaire
curiositie knau thaire cours bot sen all airtes & scyences are
linked euerie ane uith other thayre greattest principles        #
agreeing
in ane (quhiche moued the poets to feinzie the nyne
<P 144>
muses to be all sisteris) studdie thaime that oute of thaire
harmonie ye maye souke the knauledge of all faculties, &
consequentlie be on the counsall of all craftis, that ye maye
be able to containe thaime all in order as I haue allreaddie
said, knauledge & learning is a licht burdein the uecht
quhairof uill neuer preasse youre schoulderis, first of all     #
then
studdie to be uell seene in the scriptures alsueill for the
knauledge of youre awin saluation as that ye maye be able to
conteine youre kirke in thaire calling (as (\custos utriusque
tabulae\) ) for the reuling thaime ueill is na small pointe of  #
youre
<P 145>
office, taking speciallie heade that thaye uague not from       #
thaire
text in the pulpite, for gif euer ye ualde haue peace in youre
lande suffer thaime not to medle uith the policie or estaite
in the pulpitte, but snibbe sikkerlie the first that mintis to
it, & gif he lyke to appeale or declyne, quhen ye haue tane
order uith his heade his brethren may gif thaye please polle
his haire & paire his nailis, as the king my grandfather said
of a preiste, do nathing touardis thaime uithout a goode
grounde & uarrande, but ressone not meikle uith thaime for
as I haue taulde you before  I haue ellis ouir mekle burstin
thaime uith that, (\contra uerbosos noli contendere uerbis\) ,  #
&
suffer na conuentions nor meitings amongst kirkemen but
<P 146>
be youre knauledge & permission, next the scriptures studdie /
uell youre awin lawis for hou can ye discerne be the thing ye
knau not, but prease to drau all youre lawis & processis to be
als shorte & plaine as ye can, assure youre self the langsumnes
baith of richtis, & processis breidis thaire unsure lousenes &
obscuritie, the shortest being euer baith the surest & plainest
forme, & the langsumenesse seruis onlie for the enriching of
the aduocatis & clerkis uith the spoile of the haille cuntrey,
& thairfore delyte to haunte quhyles youre session & spye
cairfullie thaire proceidings taking narrou tent gif any        #
bryberie
maye be tryed among thaime, quhilke can not ouer seuearlie
<P 147>
be punished, spaire not to gange thaire for gracing that farre
any that ye fauoure be youre presence to procure thame
expedition of iustice (althoch that soulde be speciallie done
for the poore that can not uayte on) but quhen ye are thaire,
remember the trone is goddis & not youris that ye sitte in,
& lett na fauoure nor quhat sumeuir respectis moue you from
the richt, ye sitte not thaire (as I sheu before) for reuarding
of freindis or seruandis, nor for crossing of contemneris, bot
onlie for doing of iustice, learne also uyselie to discerne     #
betuixt
iustice & equitie, for pittie of the poore then robbe not the
<P 148>
riche because he maye bettir spaire it, but giue the littill
man the maist cloake, gif it be his, escheuing the erroure of
young cirus thairin, for iustice be the lau giuis euerie man    #
his
awin, & equitie in things abitrall giuis euerie ane that        #
quhilke
is meittest for him, be ane ordinaire sittaire in youre secreit
counsall, that iudicatoure is onlie ordained for maitteris of
estaite & repressing of insolent opressions, make that          #
iudgement
als compendiouse & plaine as ye can, & suffer na aduocattis
to be harde thaire uith thaire dilatouris, but lett euerie
pairtie tell his awin taile him self, & uearie not to heir the
complaintis of the opressid, (\aut ne rex sis\) , remitte       #
euerie
thing to the ordinarie iudicatoure for escheuing of confusion,
<P 149>
bot let it be youre awin crafte to take a shairpe counte of
euerie man in his office: & next the lauis I uolde haue you to
be ueill uersid in authentike histories & speciallie in the
cronicles of all naitions, I meane not of sicc infamouse        #
inuectiues
as buchananis or knokisis croniclis, for gif any of thaise
infamouse lybellis remaine quhill youre dayes use the lau
upon the keiparis thairof, for in that pointe I ualde haue
you a pithagoriste to thinke that the spreitis of thaise        #
archibellisis
of rebellion are flitted into thaime that hoordis thaire
bookis or mainteinis thaire opinions, punishing thaime euen
<P 150>
as it uaire thaire authouris rissin againe, but by reiding
of  authentike histories & cronicles ye sall learne experience
be theorike, aplying the bypaste things to the present estate,
(\quia nihil nunc dici aut fieri potest quod non dictum &       #
factum
sit prius\) , sicc is the contineuall uolubilitie of things     #
earthlie
according to the roundnes of the uarlde & uolubilitie of the
heauinlie circles, quhiche is expressid be the quheillis in
ezechiels uision, & counterfitted by the poettis (\in rota      #
fortunae\) ,
& lukeuayes be the knauledge of histories ye sall
knau hou to behaue youre self to all ambassadouris &            #
straingeris
being able to discourse uith thaime upon the estaite
of thaire awin cuntree, as for the studdie of other liberall
airtis & scyences I ualde haue you reasonablie uersid into
thaime, but not preassing to be a passemaister in any of thaime
<P 151>
for that can not bot distracte you from the pointis of youre
calling (as I sheu before), & quhen be the ennemie uinning
the toune ye sall be interruptid in youre demonstration as
archimedes uas, youre people I trou uill looke uerrie bluntlie
upon it, I graunte it is meite ye haue sum entrance speciallie
in the mathematikes for the knauledge of the airt militaire in
<P 152>
situation of campis, making fortificationis, breshes, or
siclyke: & lett not this youre knauledge be deade uithout
fruictis as s. iames sayes of faith, but lett it appeire in
your daylie conuersation & in all the actions of youre
lyfe, embrace treu magnanimitie not in being uindictife,
quhilke the corruptid iudgementis of the uorlde thinkis to be
treu magnanimitie, bot be the contraire in thinking youre
offendoure not uorthie of youre uraith empyring ouer
youre passion & triumphing in the comanding youre selfe to
forgiue, steuarding the effects of youre curage & uraith to be
richtlie emploied upon repelling of iniuries uithin, by reuenge
<P 153>
takking upon the opressouris & in reuenging iniuries uithout
be iuste uarris upon forraine ennemies, & sa quhaire ye
finde a notable iniurie spaire not to giue course to the
torrents of youre uraith, the uraith of a king is lyke the
roaring of a lyon, foster treu humilitie in banishing pryde
not onlie touardis god, considdering ye differ not in
stuffe bot in use, (& that onlie be his ordinance) from the
basest of youre peopill, but also touardis youre parentis, &
because it is lykelie be the course of nature that my uyfe
<P 154>
sall outleue me, as euer ye thinke to purchase my blessing
honoure youre mother, sett beersheba in a throne on youre
richt hande, offende her for nathing, mekle lesse uronge her,
remember her (\quae decem tulit fastidia menses\) , & that      #
youre
fleshe & bloode is maid of hers, & beginne not lyke the young
lordis & lairdis youre first uarris upon youre mother bot
prease euer earnistlie to deserue her blessing, nather deceaue
youre self uith mony that sayes thay caire not for thaire
parentis curse sa that thaye deserue it not; o inuerte not
the ordoure of nature be iudging youre superiouris cheiflie
in youre awin particulaire, but assure youre self the blessing
<P 155>
or curse of the parentis hes almaiste euer a prophetike pouaire
ioined uith it, & gif thaire uaire na maire, honoure youre
parentis for the lenthning of youre awin dayis as god in his
lau promeisis, honoure also thame that are (\in loco parentum\)
unto you, sicc as youre gouuernouris & upbringaires & youre
praeceptouris, be thankefull unto thame & reuairde thame
quhilke is youre deutie & honoure; bot on the other pairte
lett not this treu humilitie staye youre heich indignation to
appeire quhen any greate opressouris sall presume to cum in
youre presence, then froune as ye aucht & inkaice thaye use
<P 156>
a culloure of lau in opressing thaire poore anis (as ouer many
doe, that quhilke ye can not mende be lau mende be the
uithdrauing of youre countenance from thame, & anis in the
yeare crosse thaime quhen thaire turnis cummis athort you,
opressing the opressoure according to crystis parable of the
tua debtouris, keipe treu constancie not onlie in youre kyndnes
touardis honest men, but being also (\inuicti animi\) against   #
all
aduersities, not uith that stoike insensible stupiditie that
proude inconstant lipsius persuaides in his constantia, but
althoch ye are not a stoke not to feele calamities, yett lett
not the feiling of thaime sa ouer reule & doasin youre
reason, as maye staye you from taking & using the best
resolution for remeade that can be founde out, use treu         #
liberalitie
in reuarding the goode & bestouing franklie for
<P 157>
youre honoure & ueill but prouyde hou to haue & caste not
auay uithout cause, & speciallie enriche not youre self
uith exactions upon youre  subiectis but thinke the richesse
<P 158>
of youre people youre best pose, by the sinnes of the           #
offendaires
making youre kitchein to reike, & inkaice necessitie of
uarris or other extraordinaires compell you to lifte            #
subsidies,
do it als rairelie as ye can emploieing it onlie to the
use it uas ordained for, using youre self in that cace as
(\fidus depositarius\) to youre peopill, & principallie         #
exercise
treu uisdome in discerning uyselie betuixt treu & false         #
reportis,
first considdering the nature of the personne reporter, next
quhat intrese he can haue in the ueill or euill of him quhomof
he makis the reporte, thriddlie the likliheade of the purpoise
it self, & last the nature & bypaste lyfe of the dilaited
<P 159>  
person & quhaire ye finde a tratler auaye uith him, & althoch
it be treu that a prince can neuer uithout secrecie do greate   #
things,
yett it is bettir oftetymes to trye reportis then be credulitie
to foster suspition upon a honest man, for sen suspition is the
tirantis seiknesse as the fruictis of ane euill conscience      #
(\potius
in alteram partem peccato\) , I meane in not mistrusting ane
quhomto na sicc unhonestie uas knauin before, bot as for
peopill that haue slipped before, (\argumentum a simili\) maye
iustlie breid praeuention be foresicht: & to conclude my aduyce
anent youre behauioure in youre personne considder that god
<P 160>
is the authoure of all uertu hauing imprentid in mennis
myndes be the uerrie licht of nature the loue of all
mortal uertues as uas seene be the uertuouse lyfes of the
aulde romanis & prease then to shyne als farre before
youre people in all uertu & honestie as in greatnes of ranke,
that the use thairof in all youre actions maye turne uith
<P 161>
tyme in a naturall habitude unto you, that as be thaire
hearing of youre lawis sa be thaire sicht of youre
persone baith thaire eyes & thaire eares maye leade
& allure thaime to the loue of uertu, & hatred of uyce.
<P 162>
[^THIRD BOOK^]
3 B. it is a treu olde saying that as king is a ane sett
on a skaffolde quhase smallest actions & gestures all the
people gazinglie do behoulde, & thairfore althoch a king
be neuer sa praecise in the dischairging of his office, the
people quha sees but the outuarde pairt uill euer iudge
of the substance be the circumstances, & according to
the outuarde appearance, gif his behauioure be licht
or dissolute uill conceaue praeoccupied conceatis of the
kings inuairde intention, quhiche althoch uith tyme (the
<P 163>
tryer of all treuth) it uill uanishe by the euidence of the     #
contraire
euents, yett (\interim patitur iustus\) , & praeiudged          #
conceatis
uill in the meanetyme breid contempte the mother
of rebellion & disorder & besydes that, it is certaine that
all the indifferente actions & behauioure of a man haue a
certaine haulding & dependance ather upon uertu or uyce
according as thay are usid or reulid, for thaire is not a       #
middis
betuixt thaime namaire nor betuixt thaire reuairdis heauen
<P 164>
& hell, be cairfull then my sonne to frame sa all youre         #
indifferent
actions & outuarde behauioure as thay maye serue
for the furtherance & furthsetting of youre uertuouse           #
qualities:
the haill indifferent actions of a man I deuyde in tua sortis,
in his behauioure in things necessaire as foode, sleiping,
rayment, speaking, or uritting & gestaure & in things not
necessaire thoch conuenient & laufull as pastymes, or           #
exercises,
& using of cumpanie meit for recreation, as to the
indifferent things necessaire, althoch that of thaime selfis
thay can not be uantid, & sa in that cace are not indifferent,
as lykeuayes inkaice thay be not usid uith moderation,          #
declyning
<P 165>
sa to the extremitie quhilke is uyce, yett the qualitie &
forme of using thaime maye smell of uertu or uyce, & be
great furthereris to any of thaime, to beginne first then at
the things necessaire ane of the publiquest indifferent
actions of a king, & that maniest especiallie straingeris uill
narroulie take heade to, is his maner of refection at his table
& his behauioure thairat, thairfore as kings usis oft to eate
publictlie it is meit & honorable that ye also doe sa, alsueill
/ to escheu the opinion that ye loue not to haunte cumpanie,
quhilke is ane of the markis of a tyrane, as lykeuayes that
<P 166>
youre delyte to eate priuatlie be not thocht to be for priuate
satisfeing of youre gluttonie, quhilke ye ualde be ashamed
soulde be publictlie seene, lett youre table be honorablie
seruid, but serue youre appetite uith few dishes as young
Cirus did, quhilke baith is hailsumest & freest from the uyce
of delicatie quhilke is a degree of gluttonnie, & use maiste to
eate of reasonable rude & commoune meatis, alsuell for making
youre boddie strong & durable for trauell, as that ye maye be
the hairtelier ressaued be youre meane subiectis in thaire
houses quhen thaire cheir maye suffice you, quhilke other
uayes ualde be imputed to you for pryde & breid disdaine
in thaime, lett all youre foode be of simples uithout           #
composition
<P 167>
or saulces, quhilke are lyker medecines then meate,
the using thaime uas coumptid among the auncient romanes
a filthie uyce of delicatie because thay serue only for         #
pleasing
of the taiste & not for satisfeing of the appetite, abhorring
appius thaire awin cittisen for his filthie uishe of the        #
crancraige,
& thairfore uas that sentence usid among thaime
against thaise artificiall false appetites, (\optimum           #
condimentum
fames\) , but beuaire uith using excesse of meate or
<P 168>
drinke & cheiflie beuaire of drunkenesse, quhilke is a beastlie
uyce namelie in a king bot speciallie beuaire uith it because   #
it
is ane of thaise uyces that increassis uith aage, in the forme
of youre meate eating be nather unciuill lyke a grosse Cinike,
nor affectatlie mignarde lyke a dentie dame, but eate in a
manlie, rounde, & honest facon, it is nauayes cumlie to
dispatche affaires, or be pansiue at meate, but keepe then ane
oppin & cheirfull countenance, garring then reide pleasant
histories unto you that proffeit maye be mixed uith pleasure,
& quhen ye are euill disposid interteine pleasant, quike, bot
honest discoursis: & because meate prouokis sleiping, be also
<P 169>
moderate in youre sleepe, for it gangis meikle be use, &        #
remember
that gif oure haill lyfe uaire deuydit in foure
pairtis three of thame ualde be founde to be consumed on
meate, drinke, & sleipe, but albeit ordinaire tymes ualde
commounlie be keiped in meate & sleipe, yett use youre
self quhyles sa that any tyme in the foure & tuentie houris
maye be alyke to you for any of thaime, that thairby youre
dyet maye be accomodate to youre affaires, & not youre
affaires to youre dyet, not thairfore using youre self to
<P 170>
ouergreat softnes & delicatie in youre sleipe maire nor in
youre meate. & speciallie inkaice ye haue adoe with the
uarres: lett not youre chalmer be thrang & commoune
the tyme of youre rest als uell for cumlines as for escheuing
of carieing clatteris out of the same, lett thaim that haue
the credit to serue in youre chalmer, be trustie & secreate
for a king uill haue neid to use secreacie in many things, but
yett behaue youre self sa in youre greatest secreatis as ye
neid not be ashamed suppose thay uaire all proclamed at the
<P 171>
crosse, but speciallie see that thaise of youre chalmer be of
a sounde fame, & uithout blemishe, take na heade to any of
youre dreames for all prophecies uisions, & prophetike
dreames are accompleished & ceast in chryste, & thairfore
take na heade to freatis ather in dreames or any other
things, for that erroure proceidis of ignorance & is unuorthie
of a christiane, quha soulde be assured (\quod omnia sunt
sancta sanctis\) , all dayes & meates being alyke to            #
christianis
as paul sayis. next follouis to speake of rayment
quhilke in the ordinaire action that follouis next to sleipe,   #
be
also moderate in youre raiment nather ouer superfluouse
<P 172>
lyke a deboshed uaistoure, nor ouer base lyke a miserabill
pedder, not artificiallie trimmed & dekkid lyke a courtizane,
nor yett ouer sluggishelie cledd lyke a cuntree cloune, not
ouer lichtlie lyke a candie soldat or a uaine young courteoure,
nor yett ouer grauelie lyke a minister, bot in youre garmentis
be propir, cleinlie, cumlie, & honest uearing youre claithis
in a cairles yett cumlie forme, keiping in thaime a midde
forme (\inter togatos & palliatos\) , betuixt the grauitie of   #
the
ane & lichtnes of the other, thairby to signifie that by youre  #
/
calling ye are mixed of baith the professions, (\togatus\) as a
iuge making & pronouncing the law, (\palliatus\) be the pouaire
<P 173>
of the suorde, as youre office is lykeuayes mixed betuixt the
ecclesiastike & ciuill estait, for a king is not mere laicus as
baith the papistes & anabaptistes uolde haue him, to quhilke
erroure also oure puritanes enclynes ouer farre, but to returne
to the purpoise of garmentis thay aucht to be used according
to thaire first institution be god, quhilke uas for three       #
causis,
to hyde oure naiketnes & shame, & consequentlie to make us
maire cumlie, & thridlie to preserue us from the iniuries of
heate or caulde, gif to hyde oure nakidnes & shamefull pairtis,
these naturall pairtis ordained to be hidd soulde not then
<P 174>
be representid by any formes in the claithis as the greate
filthie balopis dois (bearing the pinsell of priapus) quhilke
thairfore I thinke the onlie unlaufull forme of claithis, & gif
thay soulde helpe oure cumlines, thay soulde not then be
thaire painted preined facon serue for baitis to filthie        #
leacherie,
as false haire & fairding dois among unchaiste uemen, & gif
thay soulde preserue us from the iniuries of heate and colde,
men soulde not lyke senceles staines contemne god in lichleing
the seasons gloriing to conqueis honoure on heate or caulde,
& althoch it be praise uorthie & necessaire in a prince to be
(\patiens algoris & aestus\) quhen he sall haue adoe uith       #
uarres
<P 175>
upon the feildis, yett I thinke it meitter that ye ga baith
cledd & airmed nor naiked to the battell, except ye ualde
make you licht for auaye rinning, & yett for couardis (\metus
addet alas\) , & shortlie in youre claithis keipe a proportion
alsueill uith the seasons of the yeare as of youre aage, in the
facons of thaime being cairles, using thaime according to
the comoune forme of the tyme quhyles richelier, quhyles
meinlier cledd as occasion seruis, uithout keiping any praecise
reulle thairin, for gif youre mynde be founde occupied
upon thaime it uill be thocht ydle otheruayes, as caesar
<P 176>
said (\de compto iuuene\) quhaise spreit thairfore he fearid    #
not,
bot speciallie escheu to be aeffeminate in youre claithis in
parfuming, preining, or siclyke. & faill neuer in tyme of
uarres to be galliardest & brauest baith in claithis &          #
countenance,
& make not a foole of youre self in disguysing, or uearing
lang youre haire or nailes, quhilke are but excrementis of
nature, & beurayes sicc misusers of thaime to be ather of a
uindictif, or a uaine licht naturall, especiallie make na uouis
in sicc uaine & outuarde things as concernis ather meate or
claithis, lett youre self & all youre courte ueare na ordinaire
armoure uith youre claithis, bot sicc as is knichtlie &         #
honorable
I meane rapper-suordis & daiggeris, for tuillesome
ueapons in the courte betaikinnes confusion in the cuntree,
<P 177>
& thairfore banishe not onlie from youre courte all traiterouse
offensiue ueaponis forbidden be the lauis as gunnis & siclyke
(quhairof alreaddie I spake), bot also sicc traiterouse         #
defensiue
armes as secrettis, pleatesleues & siclyke unseene armoure,
for besydes that the ueareris of thaim maye be praesupposid
to haue a secreit euill intention, thay uante baith the usis
that defensiue armoure is ordained for quhilk is to be
able to haulde out uiolence, & be thaire outuarde glauncing
in thaire ennemies eyes to strike a terroure in thaire hairtis,
<P 178>
quhair be the contraire thay can serue for nather, being not
onlie unable to resiste bot dangerouse for shottis, & geuing
na outuarde glaunce aganis the ennemie being onlie ordained
for betraying under truste, quhairof honeste men shoulde be
ashamed to beare the outuairde bagee not resembling the
thing thaye are not, & for ansoure against thir arguments I
knau nane but the aulde skottis facon, quhilke gif it be urang
is na maire to be alloued for ancientnes, nor the aulde messe
is, quhilke also oure forbearis used. the next thing that ye
haue to take heade to is, youre speiking & langage, quhairunto
I ioine youre gesture, sen action is ane of the cheifest        #
qualities
<P 179>
that is requyred in ane oratoure, for as the tounge speakis to
the eares sa dois the gesture speake to the eyes of the         #
auditoure,
in baith youre speiking & youre gesture then use a naturall
& plaine forme not fairdit uith artifice, for as the frenshe
men sayes, (\rien conterfaict fin\) , bot escheu all affectate  #
formis / 
in baith, in youre langage be plaine, honest naturall, cumlie,
clene, shorte & sententiouse escheuing baith the extremities
alsueill in not using a rusticall corrupt leid, nor yett booke
langage & penn & inkorne termes, & least of all mignarde &
aeffeminate termis, but lett the greatest pairt of youre        #
eloquence
<P 180>
consiste in a naturall, cleir, & sensibill forme of the         #
deliuerie
of youre mynde, beildit aye upon certaine & goode groundis
tempering it uith grauitie, quikenes, or mirrienes according
to the subiect & occasion of the tyme, not taunting in
theologie, nor alleadging scripture in drinking purposis, as
ouer many dois, use also the lyke forme in youre gesture,       #
nather
looking sillelie lyke a stupide pedante, nor unsetledlie uith   #
ane
unkouth morgue, lyke a neu come ouir caualier, but lett youre
behauioure be naturall, graue, & according to the facon of
youre cuntree, be not ouer spairing in youre courtesies, for
that uill be imputed to inciuilitie & arrogance, nor yett ouer
prodigall in iouking, or nodding at euerie steppe, for that
<P 181>
forme of being populaire becummis bettir aspiring absalons,
then laufull kings, framing euer youre gesture according to
youre present actions, looking grauelie & uith a maiestie quhen
ye sitt in iudgement, or giues audience to ambassadouris,
hamelie quhen ye are in priuate uith youre awin seruauntis,
merrilie quhen ye are at any pastyme or mirrie discourse, &
lett youre countenance smell of curage & magnanimitie
quhen ye are at the uarris, & remember I saye ouer againe to
be plaine & sensibill in youre langage, for besydis that it is
<P 182>
the toungis office to be the messinger of the mynde, it maye
be thocht a pointe of imbecillitie of spreit in a king to       #
speake
obscuirlie, mekle maire untreulie, as gif he stoode awe of any
in uttering his thochtis, except sum unhappie mutinie or
suddaine rebellion uaire bleasid up, then indeid it is a
laufull policie to beare uith that present fyrie confusion be
faire generall speichis (keiping you als farre as ye can fra    #
direct
promeisis,) quhill the fyre be quenshit & that confusid masse
separatid, & to doe otheruayes it uaire na magnanimitie bot
rashe tempting of god, remember also to putt a difference
<P 183>
betuixt youre forme of langage in reasoning & youre
pronouncing of sentences or declaratoure of youre uill in
iudgement or any other uayes in the pointis of youre office,
for in the former cace ye man reason pleasantlie & patientlie
not lyke a king bot lyke a priuate man & a skoller, otheruayes
youre impatiencie of contradiction uill be interpreted to be
for lake of reason on youre pairte, quhaire in the pointis of 
youre office ye soulde rypelie aduyse indeid before ye giue
furth youre sentence, bot fra it be geuin furth, the suffering
of any contradiction diminishes the maiestie of youre           #
autoritie 
& makis the processis endles, the lyke forme soulde also be
obseruid be all youre inferioure iudgis & magistratis. nou
as to youre uritting quhilke is nathing ellis bot a forme of
<P 184>
enregistrate speache use a plaine, shorte bot statelie style
baith in youre proclamations & missiues, especiallie to         #
forraine
princes, & gif youre engyne spurre you to uryte any
uorkes ather in uerse or prose, I can not bot allou you to
practise it bot take na langsum uorkis in hande for distracting
you from youre calling, flatter not youre self in youre         #
labouris,
bot before thaye be sett furth lett thaime first be preuilie
censured be sum of the best skilled men in that craft that in
these uorkis ye mell uith, & because youre urittis uill remaine
as treu pictouris of youre mynde to all posterities, lett
<P 185>
thaime be free of all uncomelines & unhonestie, & according
to horaces counsall (\de arte poetica nonum premantur in        #
annum\)
I meane baith youre uerse & youre prose, letting first that
furie, & heat, coole at laiser quhairuith thay uaire uritten
& then as ane unkouth iudge & censoure reuising thaime ouer
againe (\antequam ultimam adhibeas manum\) , gif ye uolde       #
uritte
uorthelie choose subiects uorthie of you that be not full of
uanitie but of uertu, escheuing obscuritie & delyting euer to
be plaine & sensibill, & gif ye uritte in uerse, remember that
<P 186>
it is not the principall pairt of a poeme to ryme richt, & flou
ueill uith monie prettie uordis, but the cheif comendation of
a poeme is that quhen the uerse sall be shaikin sindrie in      #
prose
it sall be founde sa riche of quike inuentions & poetike        #
flouris, as
it sall retaine the lustre of a poeme althoch in prose, & I     #
ualde
also aduyse you to uritte in youre awin langage for thaire
is nathing left to be said in graeke & latin allreaddie, & aneu
of poore skollairs ualde matche you in these langages, &
besydes that it best becumis a king to purifie & make famouse
his awin langage quhairin he maye ga before all his subiectis 
as it settis him ueill to doe in all laufull things. & amang    #
all
<P 187>
unnecessaire things that are laufull & expedient I thinke
exercises of the boddie maist commendable to be used be a
young prince, in sicc honest games or pastymes as maye
further habilitie & mainteine health, for albeit I graunt it
be maist requisite for a king to exercise his engyne (quhilke
suirlie uith ydilnes uill rouste & becum blunte) yet certainlie
bodilie exercises & ghames are uerrie comendable, als ueill
for banishing of ydilnes (the mother of all uyces) as for
making his boddie abill & durabill for trauell quhilke is       #
uerrie
<P 188>
necessaire for a king, but from this compte I debarre all
rumling uiolent exercises as the fitball meitter for laming
nor making able the useris thairof, as lykeuayes sicc tumbling
trikkis as onlie seruis for comoedians & gysairis to uinne      #
thaire
breade uith, but the exercises that I uolde haue you to use
(althoch but moderatlie not making a crafte of thaime) are
rinning, leaping, urestling, fensing, dansing, & playing at the
cache & the honorablest, & maist comendable ghames that
ye can use are ghames on horsebake, for it becumis a prince
best of any man to be a faire & goode horseman, use thairfore
to ryde & dantoune great & curagiouse horsis, that I maye
<P 189>
saye of you as philippe sayed of great alexander his sonne
[^GREEK^] , & use speciallie sicc ghames on horse-bake 
as maye teache you to handle youre airmis thairon sicc
as the tilte, the ring, & laiche ryding for handling of youre
suorde: I can not omitte heir the hunting speciallie uith
rinning houndis quhilke is the maist honorabill & noblest
sorte thairof, for it is a thifteouse forme of hunting to       #
shoote
uith gunnis & bowis, & greuhunde hunting is not sa martiall
nor noble a ghame, bot because I ualde be thocht a partiall
praiser of this sporte I remitte you to xenophon ane aulde
<P 190>
& famouse urittaire, quha hadd na mynde of flattering ather
me or you in this purpois, & quha also settis doune a faire
patrone for the education of a younge king under the supposed 
name of cirus: as for hauking I condemne it not, but
I man praise it maire spairinglie, because it nather ressembles
the uarris sa neir as hunting, dois, in making a man hardie
& skillfull riddin in all groundis & is maire uncertaine &
subiect to mischances, & (quhilke is uorst of all) is           #
thairethrou
ane extreame stirrer up of passions, but in using ather of thir
ghames obserue that moderation, as ye slippe not thairuith
the houris appointed for youre affaires, quhilke ye aucht euer
praeciselie for to keipe, remembring that these games are bot
<P 191>
ordained for you in enhabling you for youre office for the
quhilke ye are ordained: & as for sitting house pastymes,
quhairuith men be dryuing tyme spurris a free & fast aneuch
rinning horse (as the prouerbe is) althoch thay are not         #
profitable
for the exercise, ather of mynde or boddie, yett I can
not utterlie condamne thaime, sen thay maye quhyles suplee
the roume quhilke being toome ualde be patent to perniciouse
ydilteth, (\quia nihil potest esse uacuum\) , I uill not        #
thairfore
agree uith the curiositie of danaeus in his booke (\de lusu     #
alaee\)
<P 192>
& maist of the frenshe ministeris (althoch otheruayes suirlie
I reuerence thaime as notable & godlie men,) for thay are
deceaued thairin in founding thaire argument upon a mistaken
grounde, quhiche is that the playing at cairtes or dyce is a
kynde of casting of lotte & thairfore unlaufull, quhairin
thay deceaue thaime selfis, for the casting of lotte uas used
for tryall of the treuth in any obscure thing that otheruayes
coulde not be gottin cleired, & thairfore uas as a sorte of     #
prophesie,
quhaire be the contraire na man gangis to any of
thaise playes to cleire any obscure treuth, bot onlie to
gage sa mekill of his awin money as he pleisis upon the hazarde
<P 193>
of the rinning of the cairtes or dyce, alsueill as he ualde doe
upon the speid of a horse or a dogge or any siclyke gagoure, &
sa gif thay be unlaufull all gagoures upon uncertainties
must lykeuayes be condemned, not that heirby I take the
defence of uaine cairteris & dyceris that uaistis thaire moyen
& thaire tyme (quhairof few considderis the pretiousnes)
upon prodigall & contineuall playing, na I ualde rather allou
it to be dischairged quhaire sicc corruption can not be         #
escheuid,
bot onlie I can not condemne you at sum tymes, quhen ye
haue na other thing adoe (as a goode king uill be seeldome) &
are uearie of reading, or euill disposed in youre personne,     #
then
<P 194>
I saye maye ye laufullie playe at the cairtes or tables, for as
to dycing I thinke it becummis best deboshed soldatis to
playe at on the heade of thaire drummis (, being onlie
reulid be hazairde & subiect to knauishe cogging, & as for
the chesse I thinke it ouer fonde because it is ouer uyse, &
philosophike a folie, for quhaire all sicc licht playes are
ordained to free mennis headis for a tyme from the fashouse
thochtis on thaire affaires, it be the contraire fillis &       #
trubles
mennis headis uith als manie fashouse toyes of the playe,
as before it uas filled uith thochtis on his affaires: bot in 
youre playing I uolde euer haue you to keepe three reullis,     #
first
<P 195>
or ye play considder ye doe it onlie for youre recreation,
& resolue to hazairde the losse of all that ye playe, &
next for that cause playe na maire nor ye caire to caste among
paages, & last playe alluayes faire playe praeciselie, that ye
cum not in use of trikking, & lieing in mowis, otheruaies gif
ye can not keepe thir reulis my counsall is that ye sall        #
alluterlie
absteine from thaise playes, for nather a madde passion for
losse, nor falset used to gaine uith, can be callid any playe.
nou it is not onlie laufull bot necessaire that ye haue         #
cumpanie
meit for euerie thing ye take in hande, alsuell in youre
<P 196>
ghames & exercises, as in youre graue & earnist affaires, bot
learne to distingue tymes according to the occasion choosing
youre cumpanie accordinglie: conferre not uith hunteris at
youre counsall nor in counsall affaires, nor dispache not
affaires at hunting or other ghames, & haue the lyke respect
to the seasonis of youre aage, using youre sortis of recreation
& cumpanie thair fore agreeing thairunto, for it becummis
best (as kyndliest) euerie aage to smell of the auin qualitie,
(insolence/ & unlaufull things being alluayes escheuid,) & not
that a colte shall drau the pleuch, & ane aulde horse rinne
auaye uith the harrouis, bot take heade speciallie that youre
cumpanie for recreation be choosed of honest personnis not
<P 197>
defamed or uiciouse, mixing filthie talke uith mirrienes,       #
(\corrumpunt
bonos mores colloquia praua\) , bot speciallie absteine
from haunting before youre mariage the ydle cumpanie of
damis quhilke are nathing ellis bot (\alliciamenta ueneris\)
& abuse not youre self in making youre sporters youre           #
counsaillouris,
speciallie delyte not to keepe ordinairlie in youre
cumpanie comoedians or balladins, for the tirans delyted maist
in thaime & delyted to make comoedies & tragedies thaime
selfis, quhaire upon the ansuere that a philosophe gaue ane
of thame thairanents is nou cum in a prouerbe, (\reduc me in
<P 198>
latomias\) , & all the ruse that nero maid of him self quhen he
died uas, (\hodie moritur optimus tragoeda\) , as indeid his
haill lyfe uas all but ane tragoedie: delyte not also to be
in youre awin person a player upon instrumentis, especiallie
on sicc as commounlie men uinnis thaire liuing uith, nor
yett to be fyne of any mechanike crafte, du bartas sayes
(\leur esprit s'enfuit au bout des doigts\) , bot spaire not    #
quhyles
by mirrie cumpanie to free you from importunitie, (for ye
soulde be moued uith reason quhilke is the onlie qualitie
quhairby men differis from beastis, & not uith importunitie,)
for the quhilke cause as also for augmenting youre
maiestie ye shall not be sa facill of accesse geuing at all     #
tymes
<P 199>
as I haue bene, & yett not altogether retired or lokkit up
lyke the kings of persia, appointing also certaine houris for
publique audience, & sen my truste is that god hes ordained
you for ma kingdomes nor this as I haue oft allreaddie,
saide prease be the outuairde behauioure alsueill of youre
awin personne as of youre courte in all indifferent things to
allure peice & peice the rest of youre kingdomes to follou the
<P 200>
facons of that kingdome that ye finde maist ciuill, easiest to
be reuled & maist obedient to the lawis, for outuairde &        #
indifferent
things are euer the shaddouis & allurairis to uertu
or uyce, bot beuaire of thrauing or constraining thaime
thairto, letting it be brocht on uith tyme & at laiser,         #
speciallie
be mixing throuch allyae & daylie conuersation the men of
euerie kingdome uith another, as maye uith tyme make thaime
to grou & uall all in ane, quhilke maye easilie be done in this
yle of brittaine being all bot ane yle, & allreaddie ioined
in unitie of religion, & langage: & for conclusion of this my
haill treatise, remember my sonne be youre treu & constant
depending upon god to procure a blessing to all youre actions
in youre office, be youre outuairde using of youre office to
testifie the inuarde uprichtnes of youre hairte, & be youre
<P 201>
behauioure in all indifferent things to sett furth the treu
shaddou of youre uertuouse disposition, & in respect of the
greatnes & uecht of youre burthene, to be patient in hearing,
<P 202>
keeping youre hairt free from praeoccupation caulde in          #
deliberations,
rype in concluding, & constant in youre resolution, for
bettir it is to byde at youre resolution althoch thaire uaire
sum urong in [{i{]t then [{b{]e daylie [{c{]hainging [{t{]o     #
effectuate
nathing taking youre patrone thairof from the microcosme
of youre awin boddie, quhairin ye haue tua eyes, signifeing
great forsicht & prouidence uith a narrou looking in all
things, & also tua eares signifieing patient hearing &
that of baith the pairtees, bot ye haue bot ane toung for
pronouncing a plaine, sensible, & uniforme sentence, & but
<P 203>
ane heade & ane hairte for keiping a constant & uniforme
resolution according to youre aprehension, hauing tua handis
uith many fingers for quike execution, in emploieing all
instrumentis meit for effectuating youre deliberations, bot
forgette not to digeste euer youre passion before ye determine
upon any thing, sen (\ira furor breuis est\) , uttering onlie
youre anger according to the apostles reule, (\irascimini sed   #
ne
peccetis\) , taking pleasure not onlie to reuairde, bot aduance
the goode (quhilke is a cheif pointe of a kings glorie) bot
make nane ouergreate bot according as the pouer of the
<P 204>
cuntrey maye beare, & punishing the euill but euerie man
according to his awin offence, not punishing nor blaming the
father for the sonne, nor the brother for the brother, mekle
lesse generallie to haite a haill race, (\nam omnia delicta     #
sunt
personalia\) , & aboue all lett the measure of youre loue to    #
euerie
ane be according to the measure of his uertu, letting youre
fauoure be na longaire bounde to any then the contineuance
of his uertuouse disposition sall deserue, not admitting the
excuse upon iuste reuenge to procure ouer sicht to ane
iniurie, for the first iniurie is comitted againis the          #
pairtie, bot
the pairties reuenging thairof at his awin hande is a urong
comitted againes you in usurping youre office, quhomto onlie
<P 205>
the suorde belongis for reuenging of all the iniuries comitted
against any of youre people: thus hoaping in the goodenes
of god that youre naturall inclination sall haue a happie
simpathie uith these praeceptis, making the uyse mannis
skoolmaister (quhilke is the exemple of otheris) to be youre
teacher, according to that aulde uerse (\foelix quem faciunt
aliena pericula cautum\) , escheuing sa the ouer laite          #
repentance
by youre auin experience quhilke is the skoolemaister of
<P 206>
foollis, I uill for ende of all requyre you my sonne as euer
ye thinke to deserue my fatherlie blessing, to keepe            #
continuallie
before the eyes of youre mynde the greatnes of youre
chairge, making the faithfull & deu dischairge thairof the
principall butte ye shoote at in all youre actions, counting
it euer the principall & all youre other actions but as         #
accessories
to be emploied as midisis for the furthering of that
principall, & being content to lett others excell in other
things, lett it be youre cheifest earthlie glorie to excell in
<P 207>
youre awin crafte according to that uorthie sentence of that
sublime & heroicall poete uirgill quhairin also my dicton is
includit. 
[^LATIN VERSE OMITTED^]



<B SSERM2A>
<Q SC2 IR SERM FERGUSSO>
<N SERM III MALACHI>
<A FERGUSSON DAVID>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1571>
<M MEDIUM PRINTED>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T SERMON>
<G X>
<F X>
<W SCRIPT>
<X MALE>
<Y 40-60>
<H OTHER GLOVER>
<U NET PUBLIC>
<E X>
<J X>
<I FORMAL>
<Z INSTR REL>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^FERGUSSON, DAVID.
TRACTS BY DAVID FERGUSSON, MINISTER OF DUNFERMLINE, 1563-1572.
BANNATYNE CLUB. EDINBURGH 1860.
PP. 61.1-80.20^]

<P 61>                  
[}ANE SERMON PREICHIT
BEFOIR  THE  REGENT  AND  NOBILITIE,  VPON  A  PART 
OF THE THIRD CHAPTER OF THE PROPHET  MALACHI, IN 
THE KIRK OF LEITH, AT THE TYME OF THE GENERALL 
ASSEMBLIE,  ON  SONDAY   THE  13.  OF 
JANNUARIE,  ANNO  1571.  BE DAUID 
FERGUSSONE, MINISTER OF THE  
EUANGELL AT 
DUNFERMLYNE.}] 
 
[}THE TEXT.}] 
   "From the dayis of zour Fatheris, ze ar gone away from 
myne ordinances. and haue not keipit them: returne vnto 
me, and I will returne unto zow, saith the Lord of hostes: but 
ze said, Quhairin sal we returne? 
   "Will a man spoyle his Godis? zit haue ze spoyled me: 
but ze say, quhairin haue we spoyled thee? In teindis and
offeringis. 
   "Ze ar cursed with a curse: for ze haue spoyled me, euin     #
this 
whole Natioun. 
   "Bring ze all the Teindis into the stoirhous, that thair     #
may be 
meat in myne hous, and proue me now heirwith, saith the Lord 
of Hostes, if I will not oppin the windowes of heuin vnto zow, 
and powre zow out a blyssing without measure.
   "And I will rebuke the deuourer for zour sakes, and he sall  #
not 
distroy the frute of zour ground, nether sall zour wine be      #
barren 
in the feild, saith the Lord of Hostes. 
   "And all Nationis sall call zow blissed: for ze salbe a      #
pleasand 
land, saith the Lord of Hostes. 
<P 62>
[}THE ARGVMENT.}] 
   LYKE as the wyse and trustie Medecineris, or the faithfull 
and trew Chirurgianis, do not luke sa mekle (in ministratioun 
of thair Phisik, or in applicatioun of thair Salues and         #
Plaisteris) 
vnto the present plesure or pane of thair patientis as vnto 
thair profite, sa intende I this day nouther sa mekle to        #
auoide or 
seik ony of thir twa, as to profite the body of Christ (quhilk  #
is 
his Kirk) tuiching that maledie and sair, quhilk in my          #
judgement,
at this present maist cheifly vexis and anoyis it: not that I 
count my self abill or sufficient sa to do, but that being      #
callit to 
occupy this place, in trauelling to do it, I may schow my gude
will and frelie vtter my mynd in this mater vnto zow all,       #
according
to God's word, leuing the incres to him that wirkis all         #
thingis 
to his glorie, and the commoditie of thame that lufe him. And 
thairfoir that I may the mair commodiously performe my purpois, 
I haue chosin this Text of Scripture, now red in zour 
audience, preichit of auld be the Prophet Malachie vnto the     #
Kirk 
of God, in the like stait that we now ar in; the principall     #
partis 
quhairof ar thir: First, he perswadis them to repentance, with 
argumentis proper and conuenient to mufe them thairunto.        #
Secundly,
he confutis thair rebellious answeris, & schawis them 
planely quhairin thay cheifly did offend. Thirdly, he exhortis 
them maist eirnestlie to amend the faultis that he laid to      #
thair 
charge, promysing vnto thame, gif thay do sa, the benedictioun 
of God and aboundance of all thingis. This is the ground or 
ordour quhilk our Prophet, I say, obseruis, quhilk also I       #
purpois
presentlie to follow as God of his mercy will minister his 
graces vnto me. 
<P 63>
I. "From the dayis of zour Fatheris, ze ar gone away from 
myn ordinances, &c."
   The purpois of our Prophet is, first of all (as I haue       #
said), to 
perswade his brethren, the Jewis, to repentance and             #
conuersioun 
to God, of quhais grace and mercy onlie it was, that thair      #
name 
and natioun was to be found in eirth, vnrutit out and           #
consumit, 
as thay ar taucht in the verse precedant. But becaus it is but 
loste laubour to craue repentance of thame that think not       #
thameselfis 
giltie, acknawledges na fault committit, nor estemis that 
thay haue ony neid of amendement, Thairfoir he dois let thame 
vnderstand thair estait, and that thay, of all vther men, had 
maist neid of repentance and amendement of lyfe, becaus thay 
wer not only transgressouris of Goddis Law thame selfis, but    #
also, 
that baith thay, and thair Fatheris befoir thame, had vnto      #
that 
day departit from the haly Ordinances & Lawis of the Lord; sa 
that this was na vncouth or new thing that happinnit vnto       #
them, 
but ane inueterat & auld euill quhilk from age to age thay wer 
inclynit and naturally geuin vnto, in the quhilk thay did euin 
then still continew; following in that cace thair               #
progenitouris,
quhome thay in thair maneris na les viuely resemblit then gif
thay had remanit thame selfis aliue vnto that hour, forasmekle 
as in them planelie appeirit that same stif-neckitnes and       #
vncircumcision 
of hartis and earis, quhairwith thair Fatheris (as 
sayis the constant Martir Steuin) alway is resistit the haly    #
Gaist. 
We se then, Brethren, that the Prophetis purpois is, not only 
to conuict thame of defectioun from God, but also to let thame 
vnderstand that it was als natural for thame to rebell aganis 
God as to be thair fathers' sonnis; for, as we vse to say, thay 
had it be kynd and coft it not: and zit sa far absent wer thay 
from acknawledgeing of this, that thay almaist culd neuer be    #
brocht 
to grant it, no, not then, quhen  it was euin bound, as 
it wer, on thair backis. Of this we leirne, that lang custome 
to sinne, is a thing maist pernitious, for it makis that        #
thing, 
<P 64>
quhilk of the self is maist abhominable, to appeir nathing to 
thame that are hantit thairwith, specially if God defer         #
punischment 
ony quhyle, for then beginnis man to flatter him 
self, to abuse the patience of  God, & to wrap him self in 
that cairles and maist perrillous perswasioun, that God         #
regairdis 
not his doings, nor is thairwith sa heichly offendit as 
the Scripture beiris, and sa procedis to heap sinne vpon sinne 
vntil the day of wraith, zea, thair of cummis it (as sayis      #
Salomon) 
that the hartis of men ar fully set in thame to do euil, becaus
sentence aganis ane euill wark is not spedelie execute: for     #
this 
caus the Prophet first trauellis to walkin vp thir pepill from  #
this 
wickit perswasioun, that his exhortatioun to repentance micht   #
tak 
the better effect. 
   Vnto the exhortatioun to repentance, quhairin the Lord       #
desyris 
them to returne to him, is addit a promeis, to wit, that he     #
will 
returne vnto thame, that thay thairby may be assurit that       #
thair 
repentance sall not be vnprofitable; for, as it is but loste    #
laubour
and a vane purpois to perswade men to repent that acknawledgis 
na fault (as we haue said befoir), sa na les vane is it to 
exhort to repentance, albeit the sinne wer grantit, quhair      #
thair is 
na hope nor assurance of mercy; for quhair na certitude of      #
forgiuenes 
is, bot only a bair knawledge and horrour of sinne, the 
myndis of men ar rather thairby dreuin to desperatioun nor to 
repentance, as appeiris in Cain, Saull, Ahitophell, Judas, and 
diueris vtheris. Thairfoir, amangis the chief articklis of our  #
faith 
that ar vtterly necessar to be beleuit vnto saluatioun, this    #
ane 
amang the rest is countit, namely, to beleue the remissioun of 
sinnis. Of this place, then, we leirne quhat is richt and trew 
repentance, to wit, conuersioun vnto God, quhilk as it is the   #
richt 
definitioun of repentance, sa seruis it to confute the          #
conuersioun 
to creatures, and all the vaine theatricall toyis prescribit    #
in  Papistrie
to penitentis, quhairof I mynde not at this present             #
particularlie
<P 65>
to speik, seing that it is a commoun place continually
taucht vnto zow in the Catechisme, and also becaus I purpois    #
to 
intreit ane vther mater contenit in this Text mair at lenth.
   Nouther is it to be pretermittit that the Prophet vpbraidis  #
the 
pepil of this tyme with the wickitnes and rebellioun of thair   #
foirfatheris, 
quhilk suppois it appeir at the first to be vncurteously
& vnjustly done, zit, gif we considder quhat maner of men he 
had to do with, we sall se that he was justlie mouit sa to do;  #
for, 
first, the pepil that he delt with, wer Hypocrites, that        #
boistit and 
gloryit of the Richteousnes of thair Fatheris, and vnder the    #
pretence
thairof leuit maist licentiously and wickitly, thinking it 
aneuch that they wer discendit of haly and verteous Fatheris. 
Thairfoir he is compellit to lat thame se quhat maner of men 
thair Fatheris wer, to the end that thay micht the mair         #
eirnestly
prepair them selfis to repentance, quhill thay suld se that     #
cloik 
takin away quhilk thay supposit thai had vnder the tytill of    #
thair 
foirbearis. 
   And in this sens do not only the Prophetis in the Auld       #
Testament
frequentlie cast the faultis of the Fatheris in the teith of 
the Jewis, bot also Johne the Baptist, Christ and his           #
Apostillis, 
do the same in the New Testament, as in thair sermonis & 
doctrine euidently appeiris. Secundly, thir pepill followit     #
the 
futesteppis of thair Fatheris in doing of euill, or ellis the   #
prophet
wald not haue delt sa rigorously with them; for thocht a        #
wickit 
man (as sayis Ezechiell) beget a sone, zit gif he feare and     #
commit
na sic wickitnes, his Fatheris impietie sall not be laid to     #
his 
charge; bot gif he follow his Fatheris euill exampill, then     #
will 
the Lord visite the iniquitie of the Father vpon the sone.
Thairfoir maist justly (say I) ar thir pepils wickit Fatheris
castin in thair teith, becaus thay ar found in the lyke         #
wickitnes. 
   Mairouer, we haue heirof to obserue how vane a thing it is 
<P 66>
to boist of our progenitouris, seing that thair ar nane of all  #
our
Fatheris, quhais lyues being straitly examinit, but that thair  #
salbe 
found in thame mater aneuch to thair condempnatioun, & also 
occasioun aneuch to abate that pryde quhilk we ar wount         #
fulischelie 
to consaue of thair halynes: it teachis vs also how far 
furth we may, without danger, follow them that haue passit      #
befoir 
vs, to wit, sa far furth as they obey God and His worde;        #
vtherwayis 
thair exampill will not serue to excuse vs, becaus the 
langer that wickitnes continew, and the ma that do commit it,   #
it 
is the mair abhominabill in Goddis sicht, and the neirer vnto 
vengeance. And this mekle being spokin for the first part, lat 
vs proceid to the secund. 
   II. But ze said, Quhairin sall we returne? &c. Albeit that   #
thir 
pepill wer giltie, and had offendit God ma  wayis then ane, as  #
the 
crymes laid to thair charge be the Prophet in the Chapteris     #
precedant 
testifyis, zit becaus he dois specifie na particulare cryme 
now in this place, thay begyn to quarrell with him according    #
to 
thair accustomit maner, and to answer him as thay had done at 
all vther tymes, demanding quhairin thay suld returne? Na 
vtherwise nor thay had bene giltles, & had bene rebukit         #
without 
a caus. Thairfoir that thay may be na mair dissauit and blindit 
with sa gros ignorance, the Prophet declairis unto them, that 
besyde all the rest of thair sinnis, whilk wer mony, thay wer 
fallin in a new offence (quhilk thair Fatheris, for all thair   #
wickitnes, 
neuer attemptit), namelie, sacriledge, in that the outher 
fraudulently retenit that quhilk was sanctifyit and dedicatit   #
to 
God and His worschip, or elis conuertit and turnit the same 
to vther vsis nor was appointit. Quhairin, albeit thay          #
monyfauldlie 
offendit, zit dois the Prophet comprehend all vnder the 
name of teindis and oblatiounis, becaus thay specially wer      #
euill 
payit, and withaldin from Godis Ministeris the Preistis and 
Leuitis, to quhome the teindis, oblatiounis, and first fruits
appertenit be the Law of God, besyde all vther thingis that     #
the 
Lord appointit vnto them, asweil for the Sacrifices thair awin 
<P 67>
sustentatioun, as for the releif of the pure. And thairfoir     #
had 
thay na vther inheritance in Israell, then to defraud them      #
thairof 
it was nane vther thing bot to spuilze them of that quhilk God 
had geuin them as ane heritage for thair seruice, quhairwith    #
thay
seruit Him in the Tabernackle of the Congregatioun, quhairunto 
thay had als gude richt as ony man in Israell had to his feild  #
or 
wynezaird. 
   Notwithstanding the pepill, vnmyndefull of thair dewtie,     #
efter 
thair returning out of Babilon, delt sa vnmercyfullie with the 
pure,and sa nigardlie and fraudulentlie with the Preistis,      #
that 
the pure wer compellit to lay thair winezairdis and thair       #
housis 
in wed for corne to eit in thair necessitie; and sum also maid 
bondmen and slaues of thair sonnis and douchteris for money to 
pay the Kingis tribute; zea, and the Leuites, for laik of       #
thair portionis, 
left thair offices, sa that the hous of God was forsakin, as 
it is written in the buik of Nehemiah. Of this fraude,          #
negligence, 
and cauldnes, I dout not bot the pepill had thair excusis, 
as the pouertie that thay wer brocht to in  thair banischment,  #
the 
greit expensis maid in re-edefying the towne and Tempill,       #
togidder
with the continuall warris, incursiounis, and hostilitie that 
thay sustenit of their nichtbouris, to thair greit and          #
importabill 
charges; zea, and that the Preistis, to quhome chiefly thir     #
thingis 
did belang, wer vnworthie of thame, being negligent in thair    #
offices
and of  corrupt conuersatiounis, as appeirit in thair mariages 
with the Heathen, and familiaritie with thame, to the greit
hinderance of the wark of God. Thir excusis, I say, thocht
the pepill micht haue pretendit, zit dois the lord admit nane   #
of 
them, but maist schairplie rebukis and conuictis tham of the 
horribill cryme of sacriledge, quhilk also he dois aggrauat be  #
a 
comparisoun, quhairin he conferris him self with the Idolis of  #
the 
Natiounis, and the ingrate behauiour of Israell to him, with    #
the 
obseruance and fidelitie of the Gentiles to thair fals Godis.   #
"Will
<P 68>
a man (sayis he) spoyle his Godis? Zit ze haue spoylit me:" In
this sens also dois the Prophet Jeremie aggrage the             #
inconstancie 
and defectioun of thair fatheris from God, in thir wordis:"Go   #
ze
to the Iles of Chittim and behauld, and send vnto Kedar, and 
tak diligent heid, and se quhidder thair be sic thingis. Hes    #
ony 
Natioun changeit thair Godis? quhilk zit are na Godis; bot 
my pepill haue changeit thair glorie for that quhilk dois na    #
profite, &c."
Sum thinkis that the word 'Godis' signifyis in this place 
Judgeis or Magistratis, vnto quhome the Lord compairis him      #
self, 
ressoning with the pepill efter this sort: What man is sa       #
schameles
or fulehardie that dar be sa bauld as to spoyle his Iudge, 
King, or Magistrate? quhilk zit ar bot men (suppois, be         #
ressoun 
of thair office, I haue communicate my Name to thame, calling 
them Godis and Children of the maist heich):  And zit sa greit 
is zour monstrous audacitie, that ze dar spuilze me, quhilk am  #
zour 
Lord Eternall and only trew God. this interpretatioun is not 
altogidder to be rejectit, forasmekle as it hes na              #
inconuenience 
nor absurditie in it; zit dois the first (in my judgement)      #
better 
expres the prophetis mynd, and mekle mair dois aggrauat the 
pepillis cryme. For was it not a horribill thing to se the      #
Heathen
Idolateris mair deuoit, reuerent, and faithfull to thair Idolis
and fals Godis nor the Jewes wer, to him that only is the       #
verray 
trew God? And zit sa it was; for as thair is na Natioun sa      #
barbarous 
or beistly, that hes not this perswasioun, that thair is a 
God, sa quhat sa euer thay anis set vp to thame selfis for God, 
that thay obstinatlie hauld still in reuerence and              #
estimatioun, 
vsing nouther fraud nor gyle, nor zit spairing ony expensis     #
about 
the thingis that thay haue dedicate to thair honour; bot        #
Israell, 
that knew God, or (as the Apostle sayis) rather wer knawin of 
God, and vnderstude thair dewtie toward him be the reuelatioun
of his will, contenit in his word, defraudit him of his         #
honour, and 
spuilzet him of the thingis appointit to his worschip. And      #
becaus
<P 69>
thay wald not be estemit sic men, thay querell still with the 
Prophet na les proudlie nor thay had done befoir, demanding 
of him zit anis agane quhat offence was, "Quharin (say 
thay) haue we spoylit the?" Thairfoir, without ony parable, he 
planely pronunces thame giltie of sacriledge, in that thay had 
spuilzeit the Lord in teindis and offeringis. 
   Heirof, then, Brethren, we obserue that God countis him      #
self 
spulzeit of that quhilk was withhaldin from the Preistis and 
Leuitis; not that thair cummis ony vtilitie vnto him thairof    #
(for 
"He neidis na thing of ouris, nouther eitis he the flesche nor  #
drinkis 
the blude of bullis nor goatis," as sayis the Psalmest), bot    #
becaus 
the Lord had ordanit that the Preistis and the Pure suld liue   #
of 
the Teindis, and that the first frutis of all things suld be    #
offerit 
vnto him, in remembrance that all thingis wer ressauit of him,
thairfoir justly callis he the Teindis and Oblatiounis his,     #
specially 
being now sanctifyit vnto him, and appointit to his worschip,   #
of 
the quhilk also he is spuilzeit, quhensaeuer thai ar with       #
haldin or 
applyit to ony vther vse. Nouther culd thir pepill excuse thair
fraud be the vnworthynes of the Preistis, for gif thay had      #
only 
thairwith bene offendit, doutles thay wald haue eirnestly       #
socht 
for reformatioun, quhilk thing thay did not; quhairof it        #
appeiris 
that all this abuse procedit of thair awin priuate,             #
auaritious, and 
corrupt affectiounis, quhilk maid them in this ane sinne        #
monyfauldlie 
to transgres. For, first, thay schew thame selfis to haue 
bene prophaine and proud contempneris of the grace of God 
and all externall Religioun, in that thay wer cauld, slaw, and 
negligent to mak ony coist to mantene those thingis quhairby 
God seillit vp his presence and habitatioun amang thame.        #
Secundly, 
thay manifestly brak Godis Law, quhairin they ar
straitly commandit faithfully to pay thir thingis to the        #
preistis 
and Leuitis. Thridly, thay wer ingrate and vnthankfull vnto 
God, in denying vnto him a part of the incres of thair          #
substance. 
<P 70>
of quhome thay had ressauit all. Fourtly, thair auaritious      #
impietie 
is euident in this, that thay sufferit the Leuitis, for want 
of thair leuingis, to fal away from the seruice of God.         #
Fyftlie, 
thay wer injust that withheld the wageis from Godis seruandis, 
that was dew vnto thame for thair laubour, quhairunto also      #
thay 
addit inhumanitie and vnmercyfulnes, defrauding the pure of 
thair sustentatioun appointit vnto thame of God. 
   Bot ane micht thinke, quhat neidis all thir wordis? quha     #
knawis 
not that the Teindis and Oblatiounis wer ordanit be God to      #
sustene 
the Preistis and Leuitis in the auld Testament, and that thir 
pepill wer worthely rebukit of the Prophet for withhalding of 
thame, bot quhat belangis that to vs? I answer, that as we 
subscriue the Prophetis doctrine, and with him this day         #
condempne 
thir pepil, sa gif we wil examine our selfis, we sal find 
thair schooe (as we vse to say) meit aneuch for our fute, and   #
our 
transgressioun in this point to be nathing inferiour vnto       #
thairis. 
For, suppois the Leuiticall Preistheid be abrogatit, zit hes    #
the 
Lord a Kirk, for quhais edificatioun he hes ordanit             #
Ministeris, 
Pastouris, and Teicheris, quha aucht, be the ordinance of       #
Christ 
him self, to haue thair rewaird for thair labour; quhairunto    #
the 
Apostle, wrytand to the Corinthianis, aggreis, affirming, that  #
the 
Lord hes ordanit, that thay quhilk preich the Gospell suld      #
liue 
of the Gospell. And, as for the pure, baith Moses and our 
Master do witnes that we sall neuer want thame, quhome also 
we are bound to sustene and charitabillie to prouyde for. How
cairfullie the Primatiue and first Kirk vnder the Gospell       #
prouydit
for thair Ministeris and the pure, the Actis of the Apostillis
and Paulis Epistillis do testifie; quhairin we se euerie 
Congregatioun not only cairful for thair awin pure, bot also    #
reddy 
to releif the necessitie of the pure sanctis that dwellit far   #
from 
thame. Thair Ministeris also, with thair families, wer          #
honorabilly
<P 71>
sustenit in all thingis necessarie, thocht sum of zow haue      #
spokin 
in derisioun, that suppois ze be bound to sustene the           #
Minister. 
quhat to do haue ze with his wyfe and children? Brethren, for 
my part, I wald ze had Angelis to zour Ministeris, gif ze wer 
worthy of thame, or that it wer the will of God; bot seing      #
that 
God willis not so, bot that ze salbe seruit be the Ministerie   #
of 
men, it behouis zow to tak thame as thay ar, with all thingis   #
that 
of necessitie belangis vnto thame, or lawfully dependis on      #
thame, 
sic as are wyfes, children, and familie, quhilk not only must   #
be 
honestly reulit, and the children haldin vnder obedience with   #
all 
honestie (as Paul teichis), bot also must be prouydit for       #
hospitalitie, 
quhilk all men knawis requyris baith foirsicht and expensis.  
Ze se then that the Ministeris of the Primatiue Kirk (that 
leuit befoir Princes wer Christianes and nurischers of the      #
Kirk, 
as it was Prophesyit) wer na beggeris, suppois thay wer no 
Lordis that aboundit in superfluous welth, as the Papis         #
Bishoppis
did, bot had sufficient, asweill for the necessitie of thair    #
awin 
famileis, as for the help of vther Christianes, that now and    #
then, 
as occasiounis seruit, repairit to thair housis. Efterward,     #
quhen 
the tyme come foirspokin be Dauid, that Kingis and Empreouris
and thair Kingdomes suld serue the Lord, and bring giftis 
vnto him, thay prouydit for the kirk. Not as the Heathen        #
Idolateris
did for thair Preistis, bot as the Eternall God of auld, 
vnder the Law, prouydit for his Ministeris, to wit, that thay   #
suld 
be mantenit with the teindis; sa, following his exampil that    #
only 
is wyse, thay ordanit be thair authoritie that the Teindis      #
sulde
serue to the same vse in the tyme of the Gospell, adding also   #
of 
thair awin substance diueris vtheris rentis and possessiounis, 
making thame that taucht thame in the word of God (according
to the doctrine of the Apostle) pertakeris of all gudis. 
Efter this sort, I say, did the godly and christiane            #
Empreouris 
<P 72>
and Kingis prouyde for the Preicheris of the Euangell, the      #
Scuilis 
the Pure, the Kirkis, and quhatsaeuer ellis belangit to the     #
externall
worschip and seruice of God, quhairupon all the substance 
befoir mentionit alwayis was spendit, sa lang outher puritie    #
of 
doctrine or the ancient seueritie of disciplin remanit in the 
visibill Kirk. bot how sone that euer superstitioun enterit in 
and the disciplin decayit, the Kirk rentis also began to be     #
mispendit;
for sum wer sauld, sum set in few, sum reft be Tyrannis 
and wickit men, and the remanent wes deuorit be the Locustis
that come out of the smoke of the bottomles pit; quhais         #
impietie
albeit God hes reuelit, and banischit, be the preiching of his 
word, from amang vs; zit is not that substance quhilk abusit 
restoirit agane to the richt vse, bot als prophanely and        #
wickitly 
spendit this day in Scotland as euer it was. 
   Then the same accusatiounis and complaintis that God vsit    #
of 
auld, be his Prophet, aganis the Jewes, serue this day aganis 
thame that ar lyke the Jewes in in transgressioun, zea, thay    #
serue 
aganis vs: For this day Christ is spuilzeit amang vs, quhil     #
that 
quhilk aucht to mantene the Ministerie of the Kirk and the      #
Pure 
is geuin to prophane men, flatteris in Court, Ruffianes and 
Hyrelingis. The Pure, in the meane tyme, oppressit with         #
hounger, 
the Kirkis and Tempilis decaying for laik of Ministeris and 
vphalding, and the Schuilis vtterlie neglectit and ouersene.    #
1. Ar
not thir thingis so? Behald the wayis and streitis, and ze      #
sall 
se thame (to the greit dishonour of Christ and decay of the     #
commoun 
welth) replenischit with beggeris and vnbrydilit zouth, 
albeit na man amang us, that may not, nor can not sustene       #
thame 
selfis, suld be sufferit to laik. Our zouth also aucht to be    #
nurischit
and mantenit at the schuilis, that thairoutof efterward 
micht spring Preicheris, Counsellouris, Phisiciounis, and all   #
vther 
kyndes of leirnit men that we haue neid of. For the Schuillis 
are the seid of the Kirk and commoun-welth and our Children 
<P 73>
ar the hope of the posteritie, quhilk being neglectit, thair    #
can 
nathing be luikit for, bot that barbarous ignorance sall        #
ouerflow 
all; for suppois God hes wonderously, at this tyme, steirit vp 
preicheris amang vs, euin quhen darknes and ignorance had the 
vpperhand, he will not do sa heirefter, seing we haue the       #
ordinarie
meane to prouyde them, quhilk, gif we contempne, in vane 
sall we luke for extraordinarie prouisioun. Israell was         #
miraculuslie
fed in the wilderness with MANNA, bot how sone thay 
did eit of the corne of the land of Canaan the MANNA ceissit, 
nouther had thay it ony moir, bot leuit efterward on the frute  #
of 
the ground, ordinarlie labourit with thair handis. I speik to 
prudent men, that may vnderstand and judge quhat I say. 2. Bot
now to speik of zour Tempilis, quhair the word of God suld be
preichit and the Sacramentis ministerit, all men seis to quhat 
miserabill rewyne and decay thay are cum; zea, thay ar sa       #
prophanit, 
that in my conscience, gif I had bene brocht vp in Germanie, 
or in ony vther countrie, quhair Christ is trewly preichit, 
and all thingis done decently and in ordour, according to       #
Goddis 
word, and had hard of that puritie of Religioun that is amang
zow, and for the lufe thairof, had takin trauell to visite      #
this land, 
and then suld haue sene the foull deformitie and desolatioun    #
of 
zour Kirkis and Tempilis, quhilk ar mair like to scheip cottis
then the housis of God, I culd not haue judgeit that thair had 
bene ony feir of God, or richt Religioun, in the maist part of 
this realme. 3. And as for the Ministers of the word, thay ar 
vtterly neglectit, and cum in manifest contempt amang zow;
ze raill vpon thame at zour pleasure, of thair doctrine (gif    #
it 
serue not zour turne, and aggre not with zour appetytis); ze    #
ar 
becum impatient; and, to be schort, we ar now maid zour tabill 
talk, quhome ze mock in zour mirrines, and threatin in zour 
anger. I am compellit to speik this, thocht I be als plane as 
plesant, and appeir to zow as the greitest fule of the rest,    #
to stand 
<P 74>
vp heir to vtter that quhilk vther men thinkis; weil, let me    #
be 
countit a fule speiking the treuth, I regaird not, nouther may  #
I 
spair to speik it, thocht I suld be judgeit, in our awin caus,  #
to 
be caryit away with particular affectioun; following heirin     #
the 
exampil of our Prophet Malachie, quha (gif credite may be geuin
to Hierom) was Ezra the Preist, the stait of quhais tyme, gif
we mark his buik diligentlie, properly aggreis with this        #
prophesie. 
And zit, thocht he was a preist, he sparit not frely, at the    #
commandement
of God, to rebuik thame that defraudit the preistis
of the teindis and oblatiounis appointit vnto thame. This it    #
is 
that muifis me, let men judge as thay lyst, to lay out befoir   #
zour
eyis the miserabill estait of the pure Kirk of Scotland, that   #
thairby
ze may be prouokit to pitie it, and to restoir the thingis that 
injustly ze spuilzie it of, leist the Lord requyre at zour      #
handis
the blude of thame that perische in default of the richt        #
dispensatioun
of thir thingis. I speik not this to prouoke ony priuat man
to retene in his hand that quhilk he is bound to pay to the     #
possessouris
of the beneficis, becaus thay may mispend it; no, bot
rather exhortis thame faithfully to pry thair dewteis, and      #
commit
the punischment of the abuse to God, that behaldis the 
doingis of all men, and will rewaird euerie man according to    #
his 
warkis; as appeiris in the wordis of the Text quhilk follow:-
   "Ze ar cursit with a curse: for ze haue spoylit me, euin     #
this 
haill Natioun."
   Becaus thir pepill acknawledgeit, nor felt not the grauitie  #
of 
thair sin as thay aucht, the Prophet puttis thame in mynd of 
the punischement that hidderto thay had sustenit thairfoir,     #
namely, 
that thay wer cursit with a curse, signifying that thay wer al 
maner of wayis miserabill and vnhappy; and quhy? Becaus not a 
few of thame, bot that haill Natioun, had spuilzeit the Lord.   #
How 
miserabill thir pepill wer after thair returning from Babell,   #
the 
bukis and prophesies of Ezra, Nehemiah. Haggay, and Zechariah 
<P 75>
do witnes, to wit, that thay wer only hatit and inuyit of all 
the Natiounis adjacent, quha continually socht thair            #
destructioun, 
baith be secreit dissaitis and oppin hostilitie, bot also wer 
oppressit with famine, derth, and scarcitie of all thingis,     #
quhilk
maid thame to complane, grudge, and murmure aganis God, as 
thocht the cause of thair infelicitie had procedit of him.      #
Quhairunto
the Lord heir answeris, as it wer, in thir wordis: - Ze         #
complane
of zour miserie, bot ze persaue not the cause; I grant that 
ze ar miserabill, zea, that ze ar cursit and vnhappy ma wayis 
then ane, bot the caus is zour selfis, that hes spuilzeit me    #
of 
that quhilk was dedicat to my honour, and thairfoir ze can not  #
be 
blyssit quhyle ze defraud me of that quhilk is myne. That thir
pepill wer justly plaguit we all confes, but wald God that we 
culd considder our awin estait, apply this to our selfis, and   #
mak
our frute thairof: For thocht all menn meruell at the cruell    #
weiris, 
vnfruteful seasonnis, strange diseasis, derth, famine, and      #
vther 
incommoditeis quhairwith the warld is oppressit, zit thay       #
considder
not, that the maist part of men ar sa inobedient and            #
vnthankfull 
vnto God, that thay deserue to be na better intreatit, 
bot rather worse. And to pas by vther Natiounis, let vs try     #
our 
selfis:  We profes Religioun, zit ar we barrane of the frutis   #
thairof:
for euin thay thingis, without the quhilk Religioun can not     #
stand, 
ar scarce to be found amang vs, sic as ar faith, innocencie,    #
puritie
of lyfe, charitie, and inuocatioun of Goddis name. And as 
for the Teindis and rentis of the Kirk, the almous of the       #
Pure, 
and sic thingis as we ar bound to bestow vpon the mantenance
of Goddis honour and richt Religioun (thocht we be prodigall in 
vther thingis), zit in thame ar we negligent, cald,             #
fraudulent, 
gredie, and nigard. For as sumtyme Kingis, Prencis, Lordis, 
and vther potent men, liberally inrichit the Kirk, sa now be    #
the 
contrair all thair is to satiate thair gredynes with the 
spuilze thairof. 
   Can the warld then luik for ony prosperitie, happynes, 
tranquillitie, or benedictioun from God, quhyle thay thus       #
neglect 
his honour? Na surely, Ze meruel, I dout not, quhy
<P 76>
ze haue not preuailit aganis zone throt-cutteris and vnnaturall
murthereris within the Towne and Castell of Edinburgh, 
specially ze hauing a maist just actioun, being ma in number, 
and mair vailzeant men, and nathing inferiour to thame in       #
wisdome,
circumspectioun, or ony gude qualiteis outher of body or 
of mynd. Bot ceis to meruell: for the caus quhy that ze haue    #
not 
preuailit aganis thame lang or now, amang mony vther zour 
sinnis quhair with ze ar defylit, is this, that the spuilze of  #
the 
pure is in zour housis; ze inuaid the possessioun of that       #
quhilk
appertenis not vnto zow; and that quhilk our foirbearis gaue    #
of 
gude zeill to Goddis honour and the commoun welth of the Kirk, 
ze spuilze to zour awin priuate vsis without outher ryme or 
ressoun, nouther will ze be controllit. This, this, I say, is   #
the 
cheif caus that nathing prosperis in zour handis: gif           #
thairfoir ze 
wald that euer God suld decoir zow with that honour to be his 
instrumentis to clenge this land from the innocent blude        #
quhairwith
it is pollutit, and the fylthie murthereris quhairwith it is 
infamit and defylit, clenge then zour handis of all impietie, 
specially of sacriledge, quhairby ze spuilze the pure, the      #
schuilis, 
the Tempilis, and Ministeris of Goddis word, zea, Christ him    #
self. 
I grant that our Fatheris, of immoderat zeill (besyde the       #
Teindis 
and necessarie rentis of the Kirk), gaue thairunto              #
superfluously, 
and mair nor aneuch: Quhat then is to be done? bot that the 
Preicheris of Goddis word be ressonabillie sustenit, seing      #
that 
thair is aneuch and ouer mekle to do it; the schuillis and the 
pure be weill prouydit as thay aucht; and the Tempilis          #
honestly 
and reuerently repairit, that the pepill, without injurie of    #
wynd 
or wedder, may sit and heir Goddis word, and participat of his
haly Sacramentis. And gif thair restis ony thing vnspendit
quhen this is done (as na dout thair wil), in the name of God
let it be bestowit on the nixt necessarie affairis of the       #
commoun
welth, and not ony mannis priuate commoditie. Except ze 
do this, God will not be with zow, nouther can ze haue ony      #
prosperitie,
bot the end of a cummer salbe the beginning of ane vther:
<P 77>
bot gif ze will be obedient to his voice, he will be with zow,  #
and
blys all the warkis of zour handis, as he hes promysit in his 
worde, quhairof we sall haue better occasioun to speik in the 
thrid heid of our Text, vnto the quhilk let vs now proceid:     #
wearie 
not, I pray zow, suppois the tyme be almaist spendit, for I     #
sall
not be lang. 
   III."Bring ze all the Teindis into the stoirhous, &c."       #
Efter 
that the Prophet hes confutit the vnjust querrellingis and      #
responsis
of the pepill, and also had prouit thame criminall, he schawis 
thame the remedie, and how thay may recouer agane the           #
benedictioun
and fauour of God, to wit, gif thay will deill vprichtly
with him in time cumming, quhairunto he maist ernistly          #
exhortis 
thame, promysing (gif thay will amend the former faultis)       #
Goddis
blyssingis and fauour in all thingis. "Bring ze (sayis he) all  #
the 
Teindis into the stoirhous," or treasure of the Tempill. He     #
craifis 
all, that thay may knaw that he will haue nane fraudulently 
withdraw in as thay wer befoir, quhen for the fassoun thay      #
gaue 
a part, as thocht thay had bene zealous of Religioun, and       #
retenit 
the rest to satisfie thair auaritious affectiounis. The caus    #
quhy 
that the Lord commandis all the teindis faithfully to be geuin
without ony fraud, he sayis, that thair may be meit in his hous
to sustene the Preistis and the Leuitis that waitit on his      #
seruice,
and that thair may be sufficient also for all vther thingis     #
that he 
had appointit in his Law to be done, quhairof we haue spokin at
lenth afoir. This is it that the Lord requyris of thir pepill,  #
and 
exhortis thame to proue him heirwithall: "Quhidder gif he will 
not oppin vnto them the wyndois of heuin, &c." Behald, deir
Brethren, the bountifulnes and familiaritie of our God toward 
vs, that this way subjectis his fidelitie to our tryall,        #
binding him 
self be promeis to recompance, and that largely, quhatsaeuer    #
is 
bestowit on his seruice, thocht he be detter to no man, nor zit 
hes ony commoditie of our oblatiounis (as we haue said afoir);  #
for
nouther dwellis he in Tempilis maid with handis, nor zit hes    #
he 
ony neid that our gudis be spendit on him, bot all the          #
externall
<P 78>
worschipping is ordanit be him for the nurischement of our      #
faith, 
quha be eirthlie thingis mon be taucht peice and peice to       #
vnderstand
heuinly thingis, that thairunto be thame we may led, as it 
wer, be the land. For vs, then, I say, is the externall         #
exercise
of Religioun, and all the expensis that is maid thairupon       #
ordanit,
and not for him; and zit, notwithstanding, in exhorting vs to   #
be
liberall in that quhilk cummis altogidder to our awin profite,  #
he 
speiks als submissiuely as it were a borower making requeist    #
to a 
lenner, that wald say, Len me, I pray zow, sic a summe of money
or samekle victuall to sic a day, and proue my credite          #
thairwith, 
quhidder gif I will not thankfully pay zow agane, and that      #
with 
profite. O the meruellous and vnspeikabill cair that the Lord
hes ouer vs and our Saluatioun. 
   Bot let vs heir with quhat benefitis he promysis to          #
recompance 
thame gif thay will do thair dewtie. First, he promysis to      #
oppin
the windowis of heuin vnto them: He sayis not that He wil       #
oppin 
a wyndow, bot, in the plurall number, Wyndowis; signifying,     #
that 
he will caus all thingis that thay haue neid of thairoutof to   #
flow 
vnto thame in all aboundance. Secundly, that the blyssingis 
quhilk He will powre out of heuin vpon thame, sall produce and 
bring furth frute out of the eirth (not simplie to satisfie     #
thair
neid), bot mekle mair, zea, it salbe bezond measure. Thridly, 
He promysis that not only sall the heuin and the eirth          #
mutually 
aggre togidder (as sayis the Prophet Hosea) to produce all      #
thingis 
aboundantly vnto thame, bot also quhen thay ar producit he      #
sall 
preserue them from all thingis that may hynder thame from
cumming to maturitie and perfectioun, quhidder it be noysum 
beistis or vnseasonabill wedder. Finally, He promysis sa to     #
deill 
with thame that the prophane and godles Natiounis salbe         #
compellit
to acknawledge thame for a happy and a blyssit pepill, in 
quhome Goddis liberall blyssings and benefitis sa sall abound, 
that the plesandnes, fertilitie, and fruitfulnes of thair land  #
sall 
allure all men to lufe it, and to desyre to dwell in it. 
<P 79>
   Of this we note from quhence cummis aboundance of            #
victuall, 
incres of frutis, and all vther prosperitie to man: certanely   #
not 
from the elementis abufe, nor from the earth beneth, nor zit    #
from
mannis laubour (for the heuinis, as sayis Jeremie, can giue na 
schouris, and then of force it mon follow that the earth salbe
barrane and mannis laubour loist), from nane of thir thingis    #
then 
procedis mannis happynes, bot from God only, in quhais hand is 
the brydill that moderatis all thingis, quha also (quhen man    #
is 
obedient to him) makis all his creaturis to serue him; zea,     #
the 
stanis of the feild (as sayis Job) to be in league with him,    #
and 
the beistis of the feild to be at peace with him.  And be the   #
contrarie, 
quhen men ar inobedient to God, thay ar cursit in all that 
euer thay put thair hand vnto, and all the creaturis of God ar 
enemies vnto thame; zea, the heuin geuis thame nouther dew
nor raine, nor the earth ony frute, mair nor thay wer maid of 
iron and brasse. Let us then, Brethren, feir God, reuerence
and worship him as He hes commandit, and be zealous to mantene
his honour with all our poweris and substance, and sa sal
he prosper our interprysis to his glorie and our comfort; bot   #
gif
we be disobedient to him, cairles and negligent of his honour, 
his plagues can not depart from vs, for he will honour thame    #
that 
honour him, and powre contempt vpon thame that lichtly him. 
   Langer at this present, seing that the tyme faillis me, I    #
will
not hald zow, bot beseikis zow all, and principallie zow maist 
Nobill and Worthie personages, to prent thir thingis in zour 
myndis to zour profite; to suffer the wordis of exhortatioun
patiently, and tak in gude worth that quhilk is spokin, albeit  #
it 
haue bene sumquhat rudely and schairply vtterit, considdering
that it procedit from the hart of him that luifis and fauouris  #
baith 
zow and zour caus; remembring the saying of  Salomon, oppin 
rebuke is better than secreit lufe, and the woundis of a lufer  #
mair
<P 80>
faithfull then the kissis of ane enemie, thocht thay be         #
plesant. 
God grant that the wordis quhilk ze haue hard with zour outward
eiris may be sa fixit in zour hartis, that the frute thairof 
may heir efter appeir to the glorie of  God, and the commoditie 
of his Kirk, quhilk he hes redemit to him self be the precious 
blude of his only and weilbelouit Sone Jesus Christ our Lord 
and only Sauiour, to quhome, with the Father and the Haly
Gaist, be perpetual praise, glorie, and honor, baith now and    #
for 
euer. Amen. 
 

   This Sermon was presentit to the Kirk, red and approuit be 
the persounis vnderwrittin, appointit thairunto be the          #
Assemblie
haldin at Perth 6. Augusti. Anno. 1572. 


J. SANCTANDROIS.
JHONE ERSKYN.
M.JHONE WYNRAM.
WILLIAME CRYSTESONE M.of Dundie.
JOHN KNOX, with my dead hand but glaid
heart, praising God that of his mercy 
he leuis suche light to his Kirk 
in this desolatioun. 

 

<B SSERM2B>
<Q SC2 IR SERM BRUCE>
<N FOURT SERMON>
<A BRUCE ROBERT>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1590-1591>
<M MEDIUM PRINTED>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T SERMON>
<G X>
<F X>
<W SCRIPT>
<X MALE>
<Y 20-40>
<H HIGH PROF>
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<E X>
<J X>
<I FORMAL>
<Z INSTR REL>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^BRUCE, ROBERT.
SERMONS VPON THE SACRAMENT OF THE LORD'S 
SUPPER: PREACHED IN THE KIRK OF EDINBVRGH BE MR. ROBERT BRVCE,
MINISTER OF CHRISTES EUANGEL THERE: AT THE TIME OF THE 
CELEBRATION OF THE SUPPER, AS THEY WERE RECEAUED FROM HIS 
MOUTH. EDINBURGH, PRINTED BY ROBERT WALDEGRAUE, PRINTER TO THE
KINGS MAIESTIE, 1590.
PP. 1.1 - 30.11 (THE FOVRT SERMON; OUR PAGE NUMBERS)^]

<P 1>
[}THE FOVRT SERMON,
VPON THE PREPARATION
(^TO THE LORDIS SUPPER, PREACHED THE^) 
22. DAY OF FEB. 1589. 
1 COR. 11. 28.}]
(^Let euery man therefore examine himself.
and so let him eate of that breade, and 
drink of that cup, &c.^)
   Svppose the doctrine of our 
tryal and due examination, 
(welbeloued in Christ Iesus) 
ought to go before the 
doctrine & receauing of the 
Sacrament: zit notwithstanding, seing 
that preparation is alwayes, at all tymes, 
aswell necessare for the hering of the simple 
word as for the receauing of the visible 
sacrament. (For no man can heare 
the word of God frutfully, except in som 
measure hee prepare his saule, and prepare 
the eare of his heart how to hear.) 
Therefore, the doctrine of preparation & 
<P 2>
dew examination mann come in the awn 
place, and be very necessare for euery ane 
of zou. The Apostle in the wordes that 
wee haue redd, interponis his counsaile, 
and giues his aduice: and not only giues 
his aduise, bot giues his admonition and 
command, that we suld not come to the 
Table of the Lord, that we suld not cum
to the hearing of the worde rashlie; but 
that euerie ane of vs, suld come to this 
holy work with reuerence, that we sulde 
prepare, and sanctifie our selues in some 
measure: and seing we go vnto the King 
of heauens Table, it becomes vs to put 
on our best aray: and in ane word, he takis 
vp the haill doctrine & matter of this 
preparation, quhill as he sayis, Let euery 
man, and let euery woman trye and examine 
them selues; as gif he would say: let 
euery ane of zou trye and examine zour 
saules, that is, try the estait of zour awin 
hart, and condition of zour awne conscience.
Look and beholde in quhat estaite 
zour hart is with God, and in what estate 
zour conscience is with zour neighbour. 
He bids not zour neighbour try zou, hee 
bids not zour companion try zour hart: 
but he bids zour selfe in person, try zour 
<P 3>
awin conscience, hee bidds zour self trye 
zour awin hart, by reason nane ca~ be certaine 
of the estait of zour hart, or of the 
co~dition of zour co~science, but zour self. 
Now he secludis not vthers from the triall 
of zou neither, (for it is leisum to the 
Pastour to try zou) but others can nocht 
try zou sa narrowlie, as ze zour self can. 
For na man can know sa mekill of me, as 
I knaw of my self: na man can be certain 
of the estait of zour heart, and condition 
of zour conscience, and zit ze zour selfis 
may be certaine of it. As to others, men 
may judge of zour heart and conscience, 
according to zour works and effects, and 
except zour workes and effectes, be very 
wicked, and altogether vitious; wee are 
bound in our conscience, to judge charitablie 
of zour hart & conscience. Therefore 
there is nane sa meet to try the spirite 
of a man, to try the harte or conscience 
of a man, as is the man himselfe. 
   Nowe that this tryall may goe on the 
better fauoredlie, ze haue first to vnderstand, 
quhat it is that ze suld try, quhat 
zee call a conscience, quhilk the Apostle 
commandes zou to trye. Secondly, zee 
haue to wey and considder, for what reasons 
<P 4>
and causes suld zee try zour conscience. 
Thridly, and last of all, zee haue to 
see in what chief points, ze suld trye and 
examine zour conscience. Then, that we 
speake not to zou of things vnknawne, it 
is necessare for euerye ane of zou (seeing 
there is nane of zou that lakes a conscience) 
to vnderstand what a conscience is; 
and so nearely as God shall giue mee the 
grace, I will bring zou to the vnderstanding 
and knawledge of a conscience. I 
call a conscience, a certain feeling in the 
hart, resembling the judgement of the liuing 
God, following vpon ane deede 
done be vs, flowing from ane knawledge 
in the minde, accompanied with ane certaine 
motion of the hart, to wit, feare or 
joy, trembling or rejoysing. Nowe wee 
shall examine the parts of this definition. 
I call it first of all, ane certaine feeling in 
the hart: for the Lord hes left sic a stamp 
in the hart of euery man, that he doeth 
not that turne so secretlie, nor so quietly 
but hee makes his owne heart to strike 
him, and to smite him: hee makes him 
to feill in his owne hart, whether hee hes 
doone weill or ill. The Lorde hes placed 
this feeling in the hart; quhy? becaus the 
<P 5>
eyes of God lookes not sa mekill vpon 
the outward countenance and exteriour 
behauiour, as vpon the inward hart. For 
he saith to SAMVEL, in his first book, 16. 
7. verse, The Lord behaldes the hart. Siclike 
1 CHRON. 28. 9. hee saieth to SALOMON: 
The Lord searcheth all harts, & vnderstandes 
al imaginations of thoughts. 
Also IEREMIE, 11. 20. says, the Lorde 
tryes the reines and the hart. And the Apostle, 
1. COR. 4. 5. he sayes, The Lorde 
shall lighten things that are hid in darknesse, 
and make the counsels of the hart 
manifest. Sa, in respect the Lorde makes 
him chieflie, to haif to do with the harte; 
therefore in the harte he places this feeling, 
quhilk is the chiefe parte of conscience. 
I say nixt, that this feeling resembles 
the judgement of God; for this feeling 
was left and placed in our saule, for 
this end & purpose, that we might haue 
an domesticke and familiar judgement 
within our selfes, to subscriue and resemble 
the secreete and inuisible judgement 
of the high God; a particular judgement 
to go before that generall judgement, in 
that generall and great day, quhere euerie 
man sall bee justified or damned, according 
<P 6>
to the particular judgement, 
that is within his awne conscience. In 
the meane time, this conscience is left 
in vs, to make out our haill proces in this 
life, to halde in the trauels of the liuing 
God, as it were, in that last judgement. 
For the bookes of our owne conscience 
in that last day salbe opened, and euerye 
man sall receaue according to the report 
of the decreet, that is within his awne 
conscience; therefore I say, that our conscience 
resembles the judgment of God. 
The third thing that I say, is this; It follows 
vpon an deed doon be vs, our conscience, 
nor our heart strykes vs not, before 
the deede be done. Our hart strikes 
vs not before the euill turne be committed: 
na, it goes not before the deede, but 
the straik of the conscience, and feeling 
of the heart, followis immediatly vpon 
the deed, in sick sorte, that the deede is 
not so soone doone be thee, but thy conscience 
applyis it to thy selfe, and giues 
out the sentence against thy selfe. Therefore 
I saye, it is a feeling following vpon 
ane deede done be vs. And nixt I saye, 
flowing fra ane knawledge in the minde, 
for except the conscience haue information, 
<P 7>
and except the hart knaw that the 
turne quhilk is done is euil, the hart, nor 
the conscience, can neuer count it to bee 
euill. Therefore knawledge must go before 
the straik of the conscience. Thy hart 
can neuer feele that to be euil quhilk thy 
mynde knawis not to be euill. So knawledge 
must euer go before feeling, & according 
to the mesure of thy knawledge, 
according to the nature and qualitie of 
thy knawledge, accordinglie sall the testimonie 
and straik of thy conscience be. 
For a light knawledge, a doubting and 
vncertaine knawledge, makis ane light 
& small straik: as in the other part, ane 
haly and a solide knawledge drawin out 
of the worde of God, makis ane heauie 
straike of the conscience: Sa the conscience 
mann answere to the knawledge. If 
wee haue na other knawledge, but the 
knawledge quhilk we haue by nature, & 
be the light and spoonkes that are left in 
nature, our conscience will answere na 
farder, but to that knowledge. But if beside 
the light of nature, we haue a knawledge 
of God in his worde, and a knawledge 
of God by his holie spirit working 
in our harts, our conscience then will go 
<P 8>
farder, & excuse, or accuse vs; according 
to the light that is in the worde: Sa that 
the conscience is not acquired or obteined, 
at quhat time wee are enlightened 
bee the working of the halie Spirite, and 
hearing of the worde of God; but our 
conscience is borne with vs, is natural to 
vs, & is left in the saule of euery man & 
woman: and as there are some spunkes 
of light left in nature; sa there is an conscience 
left in it. And gif there were na 
mair, that same light that is lefte in thy 
nature, sal be aneugh to condemne thee. 
Sa the conscience is not aquired, gotten 
or begun at the hearing of the worde, or 
at that time quhen we begin to reforme 
our selfes, be the assistance and renewing 
of the halie Spirite: bot euerie man bee 
nature hes a conscience, and the Lorde 
hes left it in our nature: and except that 
this conscience bee reformed according 
to the worde of God, that same naturall 
conscience sall be aneugh to condemne 
thee eternallie. Therefore I say, flowing 
from a knawledge of the minde. Last of 
all, I saye, accompanied with a certaine 
motion of the hart: and we expresse this 
motion, in feare or joy, trembling or rejoicing. 
<P 9>
In very great feare gif the deed 
be exceeding heynous, and the straik of 
the conscience be very heauie; Than the 
conscience takis neuer rest, for guiltines 
mann euer dreed. Bot gif the deede bee 
honeste, godlie, and commendable, it 
makis a blyth hart, and makis the harte 
to burst out in joy. Sa to be short in this 
matter, (for I purpose not to make ane 
common place of it) ze see that in euery 
conscience there mann bee twa thinges: 
First, there mann be ane knawledge, and 
nixt there mann be ane feeling, quherby 
according to thy knawledge, thou applyis 
to thy awin hart the deede doone 
be thee. Sa that, according as the word 
it selfe testifyes, it ryses of twa partis, it 
ryses of knawledge, according to the 
quhilke it is called science: and it ryses 
of feeling, according to the quhilk the 
CON is put to, & it is called conscience. 
Then the woorde Conscience signifyes 
knawledge with application. 
   This conscience the Lord hes appointed, 
to serue in the saull of man, for manie 
vses: to wit, he hes appointed euerie 
ane of zour consciencis to be ane keeper 
a waiter-on, and a careful attender, vpon 
<P 10>
euerie action doone by zou; so that that 
action can not be so secreetlie, so quietly, 
nor so thifteously convoied, but nil thou, 
will thou, thy conscience sall beare ane 
testimonie of it: thy conscience sall bee 
ane faithfull obseruer of it, and a day sal 
be ane faithful recorder of that same action: 
So the Lord hes appointed thy co~science 
to this office, that it attends and 
waits vpo~ thee in all thy actions, na thing 
can slip it. Sicklike the Lord hes appointed                    #
[^IN ORIGINAL appoin-^]
thy conscience and placed it in thy saull, 
to bee ane accuser of thee: so that quhen 
thou dois ane euill turne, thou hes ane 
domestick accuser within thy awin saull 
to finde faulte with it. Hee hes also placed 
it in thy saull, to beare ane true and 
steadfast witnes against thee: zea, the testimony 
of the conscience resembles not 
onlie a testimonye or witnes, but the 
conscience is als good, as ten thousande 
witnessis. The conscience also is lefte in 
the saull, to do the parte of ane judge against 
thee, to giue out sentence against 
thee, and to condemne thee; and so it 
dois: for our particular judgement mann 
ga before the generall and vniuersall 
judgeme~t of the Lord, at that great day. 
<P 11>
And quhat mair? He hes left thy conscience 
within thee, to put thy awin sentence 
in execution against thy selfe: This 
is terrible: he hes left it within thee to be 
ane verye torture, and burriour to thy 
selfe: and sa to put thy awin sentence in 
executioun vpon thy selfe. Is not this an 
matter mair nor woonderfull, that ane 
and the selfe same conscience, sall serue 
to sa manie vses in ane saule, as to be ane 
continuall obseruer, and marker of thy 
actions: ane accuser, ten thousande witnessis, 
a judge, and a burriour and tormentour, 
to execute thy awin sentence against 
thy self. Sa that the Lord misters 
neuer to seeke a member of court out of 
thy awin saule, to make out a lawful proces 
against thee: but thou sall haue all 
thir within thy selfe, to make out a full 
proces against thy selfe. Take heede to 
this, for there is neuer a word of this that 
sall fall to the ground, bot ather zee sall 
feill it to zour weill, or to zour euerlasting 
woe. And this secreet and particuler 
judgement, that euery ane of zou caries 
about with zou; bydis sa sure and sa 
fast within zou, that doe quhat ze cann, 
gif ze wald imploy zour hail trauellis, to 
<P 12>
blot it out, thou sall neuer get it scraped 
out of thy saull: gif ze were als malitious 
and were become als wicked, as euer anie 
incarnate Deuill was vpon the earth, 
ze sall neuer get this conscience altogeather 
scraped out of zour saull: But nill 
thou, will thou, there sall als mekill remaine 
of it, as sal make thee inexcusable 
in the great daye of the generall judgement. 
I graunt thou maye blot out all 
knawledge out of thy minde, and make 
thy selfe to becom als blinde as a modewart: 
I grant also, that thou may harden 
thy hart sa, that thou wil blot out all feeling 
out of it, sa that thy conscience will 
not accuse thee, nor finde faulte with 
thee, but thou sall haue ane delite in ill
dooing, without a remorse: but I denye 
that ony gree of wickednes in the earth, 
sall bring thee to that pointe, that thou 
may doe euill without feare: but ay the 
mair that thou dois euill, and the langer 
that thou continewis in euill dooing, thy 
feare sall be the greater: zea, in despyte 
of the deuill, and in despite of all the malice 
of the hart of man, that feare sall remaine: 
And suppose they walde baith 
conspire together, it sall not be able to 
<P 13>
them to banish that feare, but that gnawing 
of the conscience sal euer remaine: 
to testifie to thee, that there is ane day of 
judgement: I graunt also, that there sall 
be ane vicissitude, and that feare sall not 
alwaies remaine, but sall be some times 
turned ouer in security: Nather sall that 
security alwayes byde, but sall bee turned 
ouer again in feare: sa that it is not 
possible to get this feare hailelie scraped 
out, but the greater that the security be, 
the greater sall thy feare be, quhen thou 
are walkened. I grant thirdlie, that this 
feare sall be blind; for fra time a man by 
euill doing, hes banished knowledge out 
of the minde, and feeling out of the hart 
quhat can remaine there, bot a blinde 
feare. Quhen men hes put out all light, 
and lefte nathing in thair nature, but 
darknes; there can nathing remaine, but 
a blind feare: So I graunt, that the feare
is blinde, for nather knawe they quhairfra 
the feare commis, quhat progres it 
hes, quhereunto it tendes, quhere, nor 
quhen it sall ende. Therefore they that 
are this way misseled vp in thair saull, of 
all men in the earth they are maist miserable: 
for als long as thou may keepe in 
<P 14>
thy minde, a spoonke of this knawledge 
and spirituall light, in the quhilk, thou 
may see the face of God in Christ, quherin 
thou maye see, ane out-gaite in the 
death and passion of Christ, and quherein 
thou may see, the bowellis of mercye 
offered in the bloode of Christ; gif thou 
haue any spoonke of this light (albeit it 
were neuer so little) to direct thee: And 
albeit this knawledge, were neuer sa euill 
wounded, zit there is mercie aneugh for 
thee in Christ. But gif thou close vp all 
the windowes of thy saull, & of thy hart, 
& make them to become palpable darknes, 
that thou nather knawe, quhairfra 
the terrour comes, nor zit seeis onye 
out-gaite; that is the miserie of all 
miseries. 
   Wee haue mony things to lament, we 
haue the estait of this Countrey to lament; 
they are not present, to quhom to this 
doctrine speciallie appertains; Alwayis 
there is nane of zou, but zee haue to take 
heed to zour consciences now, quhill laiser 
is giuen zou, that zee bannish not altogither 
this light, quhilk is zit offered 
to zou, and quhereof, some spoonks zit remaines. 
For I see, the maist pairt of our 
<P 15>
great men of this countrey, ru~ning headlongs, 
to banish the spoonke of light that 
is in thame; and they will not rest, sa lang 
as there is a spoonke of it left, quhil it be 
vtterlie bannished; and quhen they haue 
done sa, alas quhat can folow, but a blind 
and terrible feare in their conscience, 
quhilk they can neuer get scraped out. A 
feare without an outgait, a feare to grow 
and not to decay, a feare to deuour tham 
halelie at the last. Therefore, euery ane of 
zou, take heed to this light that is within 
zou, take heed that the foul affections of 
zour hearts, drawe not zour bodies efter 
thame; see at the least, that these affections 
bannish not this light, and sa lang as 
the Lord offers to zou this light; in time 
craue, that of his mercy, he wald giue zou 
that grace to imbrace it, to take vp a new 
course, & zit to amend zour liues, quhill 
zee haue time. 
   The bodie sall leaue the saull, and the 
saull sall leaue the bodie; but the conscience 
sall neuer leaue the saull; but looke 
quhereuer the saul gais, to the same place 
sall the conscience repair; and looke in 
quhat estait, thy co~science is quhen thou 
dies; in the same estait, sal it meet thee in 
<P 16>
that great day. Sa that, gif thy conscience 
was a burriour to thee, in the time of thy 
death, gif thou gat it not pacified, in the 
time of thy death, it sall be a burriour to 
torment thee in that general iudgement. 
Therefore, this matter wald be weill weyed, 
and euerie ane of zou, suld studie to 
haue a good conscience; that quhen the 
saul is seuered fra the bodie, leauing zour 
conscience at rest and peace with God, it 
may bee restored to zou, and meet zou againe, 
with als great peace and quietnes. 
This far concerning conscience; quhat it 
is. I pray the liuing Lorde, sa to sanctifie 
zour memories, that zee may keepe thir 
things, and that euery ane of thir things, 
may sa sticke with zou in some measure, 
that to the ende of zour life, zee may remember 
vpon thame. 
   The second thing that wee haue to 
speake off, is this; we haue to try & consider, 
wherfore we suld examin our conscience; 
for what causes suld a man or woma~ 
bee mooued to try thair awin conscience 
and saull: I sall take vp the reasons shortlie. 
It becomes euery ane of zou, to trie 
zour conscience; quhy? Because the Lord 
will make his residence in na vther pairt 
<P 17>
of the saull, but in the conscience: he hes 
appointed his dwelling to be in the hart 
of man, and into the will and conscience 
of man: and, therefore, it becomes zou, to 
make his dwelling place cleane, and to 
take heede to zour heart. Nixt, suppose 
the Lorde of heauen made not residence 
there; zit, in respect the eie of God is ane 
all-seeing eie, and able to pearce thorow 
the very thicknes of the flesh of man, how 
darke and grosse soeuer it be, & to pearce 
thorow the very secret hirnes of thy conscience 
(for vnto the al-seeing eie of God, 
the maist secreet hirne of the conscience, 
is als patent, cleare and manifest; as onie 
outwarde, or bodilie thing in the earth 
can bee to the outward eie of the bodie.) 
In respect therefore, that his eie is sa percing, 
and that he casts his eie onely vpon 
our heart; it becomes vs to try our harts. 
Thirdly, he is the Lord of the conscience; 
There is not a Monarch of the earth, that 
hes ony soueranitie or lordship ouer the 
conscience; onely the God of heauen, onlie 
Christ Iesus, King of heauen & earth, 
is Lord of the conscience; hee hes power 
onely to saue and tine; Therefore, quhen 
thou dresses thee to this Lords Table; becomes 
<P 18>
it thee not to looke vpon thy conscience, 
to trie thy conscience, and to examine 
the estait of it? Last of all, quhilk 
is ane of my chiefest reasons; it becomes 
thee to trie and examine thy conscience; 
quhy? Because the welfare and health of 
thy saull, dependes vpon thy conscience; 
gif thy conscience that is within thy saull 
be weil, gif it be at peace and rest, thy saul 
is weill; gif thy conscience be in an good 
estait, thy saull mann bee in ane good estait; 
gif thy conscience be in good helth; 
of necessitie, thy saull mann bee in good 
health: For the good health and weill of 
the saull, depends vpon ane good conscience: 
Therefore it becomes euerie ane of 
zou, to try weill zour conscience. There 
is not a law that ever was set down or deuised; 
but of all the lawes that euer was 
made, it is leifsom to vs, to haue a care of 
our health, it is leifsome to vs, to seeke sic 
things as may procure our helth, preserue 
& entertain our helth; Now, subsume: but 
the helth of thy saull, stands in the health 
of thy conscience, & in preseruing thereof: 
Therefore, be al laws, thou aught to attend 
to thy conscience; gif thou keep thy 
conscience weill, thy saul is in health; and 
<P 19>
gif thy saul be in health; lat troubles com 
quhat wil vpon the bodie, thou wilt bear 
thame out all: But gif thy saull be diseased, 
& gif that dwining siknes occupy thy 
saull, quhilk ane euill conscience brings 
on, thou salt not be able to beare out the 
least trouble, that can come vpon the bodie: 
quhere as, gif the conscience were at 
rest, & in good health; that trouble could 
not light vpon thy bodie, but the strength 
of ane good conscience, suld beare it out. 
Then haue zee not reason, and mair nor 
reasoun, to take tent to zour conscience, 
to examine and trye zour conscience, in 
quhat estait and disposition it is. 
   Now, because it is ane sauourles jest to 
tell zou, that health is necessare, and not 
to open vp the way, how this health may 
be acquired, preserued, and intertained, 
Therefore, to keepe zour conscience in 
quietnes, and in good health; I sall giue 
zou thir few lessons. First of all tak heed, 
that ze kepe fast, a perswasion of the mercie 
of God in Christ Iesus; examin quhen 
thou lies down, and examin quhen thou 
rises vppe, in quhat estait thou art with 
God; quhither thou may looke surely for 
mercie at his hand or not: art thou perswaded 
<P 20>
of mercie; assure thy self, thy conscience 
is at ane good point, thou hes 
health in thy saul, for be keeping of faith 
the conscience is preserued, as sayis the 
Apostle, 1 TIMOTH. 1. 19. Keep this perswasion, 
halde it haill and sound, hurt it 
not, bring not thy saul in doubting sa far 
as thou may, stay not, nor hinder not thy 
perswasion, gif thou walde keepe health 
in thy saull: for gif thou doubt, or in onye 
wayes diminish thy persuasion, and 
assurance, assuredlye thy assurance cannot 
so sone be hindered, nor diminished; 
bot in that same article of time, sall follow, 
the diminishing of the health of thy 
saull: Zea, it cannot be, but in that same 
article of time, followes the hurt of thy 
conscience, for faith will not dwell, bot 
in ane haill conscience. Thairfore in 
quhat article of tyme thou dois against 
thy conscience, in that same article of 
time thou loses ane gree of thy perswasion 
of the mercy of God: and vnto the 
time that thou fall downe at the feete of 
Christ, & obtein mercy for that ill deed, 
purchase peace at his handes, to repaire 
thy perswasion; thou sall euer doubte of 
mercie, and want healthe in thy conscience. 
<P 21>
Then this is the first lesson, to keep 
health in zour saulles, look and see, that 
ze be perswaded of mercy. 
   The second lessoun to keepe a good 
conscience, or to keepe health in thy saul 
is this: Zee mann flee, eschewe, and forbeare 
quhatsoeuer may trouble the helth 
of zour saull, quhatsoeuer may trouble 
the quietnes & peaceable estait of zour 
conscience: Cast it out, forbeare it, and 
eschewe it. This generall is good: but 
quhat is it, lat see, that troubles the quiet 
estait of the conscience? Nathing in the 
warld but sinne, nathing in the earth, but 
ane euill nature: Therefore, wee mann of 
force, to keepe health in our saulle; forbeare 
and eschew sinne, we mann flee sin, 
and rid our hand of it. It is not possible, 
that zee can baith keepe a good conscience, 
and serue the affections of zour 
heart: and therefore, to keepe peace and 
health in thy saull; thou mann bidd thy 
lustes goodnight: thou mann renounce 
the lusts and affections of thy heart, and 
thou mann not doe, as thou was woont 
to doe: thou mann not be giuen to the 
seruice of thine affections, and of thine 
appetite, to put thame in executioun as 
<P 22>
thou woont to doe: but in case, thine affection 
or lust, commaund thee to doe onie 
thing; quhat is thy part? Thou mann 
try, howe farre this may stande with the 
good will of God, and how far that affection 
quhilk commands thee, may agree 
with the law of God. Is there sic an harmony, 
that that, quhilk thine affectioun 
commaunds thee, may stand with Gods 
law and halie will? Na question, it is ane 
sanctified affection; thou may put it in execution. 
But efter this triall, gif thou find 
thine affection to be exorbitant, and out 
of rule, carrying the plat fra God, and agains 
his lawe: Beware of it, resist it: beware, 
that thou put not the will of it in 
executioun. Or vtherwayis, gif thou fulfill 
the will of that affectioun ane hour, 
quhat pleasure can that bring with it? It 
may weill bring with it, a flattering pleasure 
in the entrie: but it closes euer with 
a bitter remorse in the ende. Then to eschew 
this bitter remorse, suld zee not all 
trie zour affections? Zee mann examine 
and try tham, be the square of Gods law, 
ze mann see, how far they agree with his 
law, or how far they disassent from it: and 
in sa far as, they disassent fra that law: lat 
<P 23>
euery man denie himselfe, renounce his 
affections; and swa, this triall being tane 
this way be thy selfe, it sanctifies thine affections, 
makes Christ to ludge in thy 
saull, makes thy conscience to be at rest, 
and the halie spirit this way, maks baith 
bodie and saull, to be in good health, and 
to reioyce. Then flie fra sin: This is the 
second lesson. 
   The thrid lesson is this, Studie to doe 
well: Walde thou keepe healthe in thy 
saull; studie to do better and better continuallie: 
At least, haue a purpose in thy 
saull and hart, to take vp a better course 
dailie. Quhilk is the last lesson? Seeing 
that quhen wee studie to doe best, and 
that the iust man, that is, the maist halie 
man, fallis sa oft in the daye, as seauen 
tymes in the daye: zea rather, seuentye 
tymes seauen tymes, quhat is thy parte 
in thir slippes, and snappers? Suppose 
thou fall, as thou can not eschew to fall, 
ly not still there: sleep not there quhere 
thou hes fallen: It is a shame to sleepe 
there, therefore, ryse againe: And how 
sould thou ryse? Be lifting vp thy saull, 
and running to the fountaine of grace & 
mercie: bee running to Christ Iesus to 
<P 24>
seeke mercie for thy fall, and to craue 
that hee wald send out of him selfe that 
measure of peace, that may put thy conscience 
at reste; and restore thy saull to 
health. Swa, lye not quhere thou falles, 
but incontinent ryse, and craue mercie: 
and in obteining of mercie, thou sall repair 
thy fall, thou sall amend thy life by 
repentance; and be repentance thou sall 
get peace: thou sall haue thy conscience 
at reste, and get healthe to thy saull. 
Nowe keepe this rule, gif thou waulde 
keepe thy saull in helth: Look that thou 
sleep not in sinne as Dauid did: Lye not 
still quhen thou art fallen, and sa fall 
out of ane sinne, to an other: As fra adulterie 
to murther, fra murther to the 
nixt. As commonlie, gif a man sleepis in 
sinne, and rysis not in time, ane sinne wil 
draw on another: for there is neuer a sin 
the alane: but ay the mair greate and 
heinous that the sinne be, it hes the greater 
and war sinnes following on it. Therfore, 
quhen zee fall, delay not to rise: but 
run to the fountaine of mercie, and seeke 
grace in time. Run to prayer, run to the 
Kirke of God, quhereuer it bee, quhither 
it be in the feild, or in the towne. Run to 
<P 25>
Christ Iesus, & craue mercie at him, that 
ze may haue peace in zour consciences: 
and swa be thir means, euery ane of zou, 
sall keepe health in zour saules: bee thir 
meanes zee sall learne, quhat difference 
is betwixt this liuing word of mercie and 
grace, quhilk sounds in our religion, and 
that slaying letter, that slayis the saull of 
euerie ane that heares it: I meane that Idolatrous 
doctrine of that dumb Messe. 
I cast in this vnto zou, because I see, that 
our haill zouth (for the maist pairt) are 
giuen to it; and the Lord is beginnand to 
abstract his mercie and grace from this 
Countrey, for the contempt of this quikning 
worde, quhilk hes sa clearlie sounded 
heare, and quhilk our Noble men, 
for the greatest part, running headlong 
to the Deuil, in a dumb guise, traueils vtterlie 
to bannish. Is not this a miserable 
thing, that neuer ane of zou, hes eies to 
consider and discerne, vpon the time of 
peace, mercye and grace; quhilk is sa abundantly 
offered? The Lord of his mercie, 
giue zou eies in time. This far, concerning 
the reasons, quherefore, euerie 
ane of zou suld try, and examin zour awn 
consciences: And this triall, aught not 
<P 26>
to be for a day, or for a zear: but it aught 
to bee euery day, and euery zeare of thy 
haill lifetime. For that conscience, that 
suld rest for euer, with the liuing GOD, 
that conscience, quhilk mann euer looke 
vpon the face of the Sonn of God: It can
not be ouer wel scowred, we cannot look 
ouer narrowly to it: the mair curious we 
be in searching out of this conscience, we 
are the better occupied: I speake of our 
awn conscience, I speak not of our 
neighbours. 
   I ga to the third, And I come to the 
points quhairintill, euerie an of zou, suld 
trie and examine zour selfis. I giue zou 
twa points; quhairintil, euery ane of zou 
aught to try and examine zour consciences. 
Try thy conscience first in this point; 
quhither thou be at peace with God, quha 
is the Lorde of heauen, or not: Nixt, trie 
thy conscience in this point: quhither 
thou be in loue & amitie with thy neighbour, 
or not. Wald thou knaw, quhither 
thy conscience, bee at vnitie and peace 
with God, or not? thou sall knawe it this 
way. The God of heauen, hee cann haue 
na societie, nor can keepe na companie 
with that saull, quhilk is alwayis vnclean, 
<P 27>
that is euery way defiled: na, he cannot. 
Now I speake not sa precisely, that I mak 
a saull to be fullie sanctified, and perfectlie 
halie in this life. Na, in this life, there 
is wonderful iniquities, grosse sinnes, and 
great faults, quherewith, euen the righteous 
ar defiled: But this is my meaning; 
There is na saull, cann bee at peace with 
God, or quherewith the Lorde can haue 
ony societie, but in some measure, it man 
be sanctified, and made halie: for GOD 
cannot make residence in a saull, that is 
a stincking midding alway: and therefore, 
on force, in some measure it man be 
sanctified; there mann be sa meekle made 
cleane, in ane nuke or vther of that saule, 
quherein the Lord of heauen, be his halie 
spirit may make his residence. Nowe 
lat see, quhereby is the saule sanctified? 
PETER Acts 15. 9. sayis, that the saull of 
man is purified be faith; that the heart of 
man is purged bee faith. Sa faith opins 
and purges the heart: bee faith in Christ 
Iesus, and in the merites of his blood, we 
haue peace with God. Being iustified be 
faith, wee haue peace towards God, thorough 
our Lord Iesus Christ, sayis the Apostle, 
ROM. 5. 1. Nowe comes in this 
<P 28>
point, ze haue to proue zour selfs, quhither 
zee bee in the faith or not, as the Apostle 
sayis. 2 COR. 13. 5. Trie and see, 
quhither zee haue faith in Christ or not. 
Examine, gif zour saull be seasoned with 
this faith: for gif zee haue not faith in 
Christ; Christ is not in zou: and gif Christ 
be not in zou, zee are in ane euil estait, ze 
are in the estait of the reprobat and damned. 
Sa, euery ane aught to looke carefullie, 
and see, gif hee hes a beliefe in the 
blood of Christ or not: quhither hee beleeues 
to get mercie be his merites, and 
sanctificatioun be his blood, or not: For 
gif thou haue na measure of this fayth, 
thou hes na measure of peace with God: 
Be reason, our peace with God, is ingendered, 
and grows daily mair and mair be 
true faith in Christ. Now this faith, quher 
it is true, quhere it is liuelie, and couples 
the heart with God, as I haue spoken; it 
mann breake out in worde and deed: It 
cannot be halden in, but it mann breake 
out. It mann breake out in word, in glorifiyng 
the God of heauen, quha hes forgiuen 
vs our sins: It mann breake out in 
word, be giuing a notable confession of 
they sinnes, quherein we haue offended 
<P 29>
him. It mann breake out in deed, in doing 
good workes, to testifie to the warld 
that thing, quhilk is within thy heart: to 
testifie to the warld, that thou, quha hes 
this faith, art ane new man; that bee thy 
good example of life and conuersatioun, 
thou may edifie thy brethren, the simple 
anis of the Kirke of GOD: and that bee 
thine halie life, thou may draw sinners to 
repentaunce, that they seeing thy light, 
they may bee compelled to glorifie God 
in thee. Then in the first point of triall, 
lat vs looke to thir three; to the heart, to 
the mouth, and to the hand: Take heed, 
that there be ane harmonie, betwixt thir 
three, and that they all sing ane sang: for 
gif the heart, bee inwardly coupled with 
God; there is na doubt, but the mouth 
wil outwardly glorifie him: and gif thine 
hart and mouth be renewed, and be ane: 
of necessitie, thou mann vtter this, in thy 
conuersatioun: There mann bee agreement 
betwixt the hart, and the hand: thy 
conuersation mann be changed with the 
heart, and be halie, honest, and godly, as 
the heart is: Swa that, gif thy conuersasion 
be good; it is a sure taken, that thou 
art at ane with God: but gif thy conuersation 
<P 30>
be not good; let men speake quhat 
they wil, the hart is but defiled: this true 
and liuely faith, hes na place in it. Then 
will thou speare, quhen art thou at ane 
with God? Quhen thy conuersatioun, 
thine hart, and thine mouth sayis all ane 
thing; then na questioun, thou hes the 
warke of fayth, wrought be the halie Spirit 
in thy heart, quhilk makes thee to bee 
at peace with God. This is the first point, 
quherein zee suld trie zour selfs.



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[^A SERMON PREACHED BY MR JAMES ROW, SOMETIME MINISTER AT 
STROWAN, IN ST GEILLIE'S KIRK AT EDINBURGH, WHICH HAS BEEN
COMMONLY KNOWN BY THE NAME OF POCKMANTY PREACHING.
EDINBURGH 1746.
PP. 3-12.^] 

<P 3>
[}A SERMON.}] 
(^Jer. xxx, 17. For I will restore Health to thee, and I 
will heal thee of thy Wounds, saith the Lord, because 
they called thee an Out-cast, saying, This is ZION
whom no man seeketh after.^)
   I need not to trouble you much who is 
meant by Zion here; ye a' ken it; its the 
puir Kirk of Scotland; for the Kirk of 
Scotland is wounded in her head, in her 
Hands, in her Feet, and in her Heart. 
   First, In her Head, in the Government.
Secondly, In her Hands, in the Discipline. 
Thridly, In her Heart, as in the Doctrine. 
Fourthly, in her Feet, as in the Worship. 
   First, the Kirk of scotland is wounded 
in her head. She has gotten sic a clash in 
her Head, as has gart all her Harns jaap, 
and her senses, that is, her sense of seeing; 
for the Kirk of Scotland wald a seen als 
well as ony Christian Kirk in the wyd 
warld, but now she canna distinguish between
White and Black: for bring but Pepery
before her, and she canna discern between 
that and the true religion. 
<P 4>
   Secondly, She is wounded in her Hearing; 
The Kirk of Scotland could a heard and 
distinguished; but sen the Organs were
brought in she has grown as deaff as a 
Door Nail. 
   Thridly, The Kirk of Scotland  could a 
smelt as well as ony Kirk in the warld, but 
the Kirk of Rome smelt so strangly, that she 
cou'd a tald you she smell'd of the Whore 
of Babel; but now bring the stinkenest Pepery
to the Kirk of Scotland, and it will 
smell to her as sweet as an Apple; now,
poor spectacle! ye hae seen her hands and 
her sare Legs, a woeful object! pity her if 
you will; what say ye to the curing of her 
Senses? but some will tell she is in as good 
a case as ever she was. I'll tell you how sae, 
   First, The Kirk of Scotland sees better 
than e'er she did before; the Kirk of Scotland 
saw her Ministers in good little short 
Cloaks, with Black Velvet Necks, and their 
little Cloaks turned mae Sauls to GOD, nor 
ever the lang Gowns did; but ye shall see
the prydful Prelates harled up and down
the Town in Coaches, as in as many Muck 
Carts; that is a braw sight indeed. 
   Secondly, The Kirk of Scotland tastes 
better than ever she did, and how sae? I'll 
tell you; a good minister wad a been content 
of a dish of plain Milk and Bread, 
humble meat indeed, but our Prelates now, 
maun hae a lick of the best of it; so ye see 
<P 5>
the Kirk of  Scotland tastes better than ever 
she did, and I have done with her Senses. 
   Now, I'll tell you how she is wounded 
in her Hands, and that I call the Discipline 
of the Kirk. For, 
   First, they flichtered the Kirk of Scotland;
ye ken weel they use to flichter 
thieves and runaways; the Kirk of Scotland 
was baith. 
   First, She was a Runaway, and that was 
the glorious time of Reformation, when 
she came clear awa fra Rome, and hard 
did they follow her, and fain wad they been
at her, but and they had gotten their will, 
she wad a been sure of her Ladetties, or to 
speak mair plainly, of her Dichells, but 
GOD be thanked they did not o'ertake her. 
   Secondly, The Kirk of Scotland is a thief;
alas! she has gone to Rome, and has stown
the trash and trumpery, as the Books of 
Common Prayer and Cannons, wallawa!
But what trou ye she is flichtered wi', but 
with a silken threed, and a canonical obedience
to their Ordinary, and wow but we 
have taken great delight to be bound. We 
had ance a bonny Kirk, but after they gat 
us fast, they made the silken threed a cable 
tow, with which they girded us so fast, that 
we cou'd nae sae much as fidge, but either 
we must run into the danger of blind obedience 
on the one side, to accept of all Idolatry
and Superstitious ceremonies they 
<P 6>
imposed on us, or on the other hand, be
mensworn Men; Na, the Kirk of Scotland 
is sae wounded in her Hands, that thir 
twenty years bygane she cou'd not mak her 
hammock in a cauld day, for the Kirk of 
Scotland thir twenty years by-gane cou'd 
not have a meeting in a lawful assembly, 
and so I have done with her Hands. Now 
I come to tell you how she is wounded in
her Feet; and that I call the Worship of 
the Kirk of Scotland. 
   The Kirk of Scotland was a bonny trotting
Naig, but then she trotted sae hard
that never a man durst rid her, but the 
Bishops, wha after they gat on her back
cross Langed her, and Hapshackled her, 
and when she became a bonny pacing
Beast, they took great pleasure to ride on 
her, but their cadging her up and down
from Edinburgh to London, and it may be
from Rome too, gave her sic a Het-coat 
that we have these twelve months by-gane 
been stirring her up and down to keep her
frae sounding; yea, they made not only a 
Horse but an Ass of the Kirk of Scotland. 
How sae, quo' ye? What mean ye by this?
I'll tell ye how, they made Balaam's Ass of 
her; ye ken weel eneugh Balaam was going 
an unlucky gait, and first the Angel met 
him in abroad way, and then the Ass bogled
and started, but Balaam got by the angel,
and till her, and battand her sufficiently,
<P 7>
that was when Episcopacy came in, and 
then they gave the Kirk of Scotland her
paiks; afterwards Balaam met the Angel in 
a strait gait, and then she startled more 
than before; but Balaam till her again and 
whaked her soundly, that was then when the five 
Articles of Perth were brought in: the third 
time the Angel met Balaam in sae strait a 
gait that the Ass cou'd not win by, and 
then it pleased the Lord to open blind Balaam's 
eyes, and that is this happy day's 
wark. Now GOD has opened all our eyes;
we were like blind Balaam, ganging an unlucky
gait, and riding post to Rome; and 
what was gotten behind him upon the Ass, 
wat ye? I'll tell you; there was a Pockmanty.
And what was in it trou ye? but
the Book of Canons and of Common Prayer, 
and the High Commission; but as soon 
as the Ass sees the Angel she fa's a flinging
and a plunging, and o'ergangs the 
Pockmanty, and it hings by the string on 
the one side, and aff gaes blind Balaam, and 
he hings by the hough on the other side, 
and fain wad the carle been on the saddle 
again, and been content to leave his Pockmanty.
But, beloved, let not the false 
swingour get on again, for if he get on again, 
he will be sure to get on his Pockmanty 
also. 
   The Fourth Wound the Kirk of Scotland 
gat, was in her Heart, and that I tald you 
<P 8>
was the Doctrine of the Kirk of Scotland, 
and that is Pepery and Arinianism, whilk 
is sae ryfe in our Schools and Kirks; nay, 
are there not some of you that are sitting 
here and hears me, wha wad not a wisht 
yourselves a hundred times to a been out 
of the kirk, when ye hard the Peltry Stuff 
that cam frae them? Ye have heard many 
times, Brethren, (compared together) the 
Kirk and our LORD JESUS, for He is the 
Head, and the Kirk is the Body, and that 
our Saviour ere he entered the Ministry, he 
was carried by Lucifer (God save us!) to 
the Wilderness, where he was tempted of 
the meikle Devil, then he was rejected and 
let light of by  all. But as soon as he began 
to work his miracles, he was carried up to 
Jerusalem in triumph; there was nothing in 
their mouths then, but (^Hosannas^) , and (^blest 
is  he that comes in the name of the Lord;^)
but the next news that they heard, in they 
cam with Halbarts and Jethard Stalves frae 
the High Priest to apprehend him; just sae 
is it with the poor Kirk of Scotland, for 
this year by-gane she has sitten desolate, 
and in the wilderness contemned, nothing 
cared for by man, and now is the glorius 
day, she is riding in triumph to Jerusalem, 
now there is naething in all mouths but (^Hosannas,^) 
but take heed when they come 
with swords and staves frae the High Priest 
that some do not with Peter shaw a pair of 
heels and forsake her. 
<P 9>
   They have not only made an Ass of the 
Kirk of Scotland, but they have betrayed 
her: ye ken wha betrayed our SAVIOUR, 
they betrayed him that were silent in sae 
good a cause, they betrayed him that accused 
him, that judged him; they betrayed 
him that forsook him; but whare 
will ye find the false Judas all the while?
And now I'll tell you a tale, I darna say it 
is true, but ye shall have it as I have it:-
When I was a little boy at the school, there 
was a hopeful Theologue, wha is now nae 
small man  in the land, and being to preach 
the very same words of Judas, (^What will ye 
give me, and I will betray him?^) the young 
man learned his text sae weel, that he cou'd 
a tald it baith in Latin and Scots, (^ (\Quid mihi
dabitis et ego Tradum illum?\) ^) What will 
ye give me and I will betray him? There 
was a Good-Man sitting at the foot of the 
Poupit, wha, standing up and looking in 
his face, said, Marie  and give you a good 
fat bishopric and then I am sure ye will betray 
him. Say ye sae; wha has betrayed 
the Kirk of Scotland? I need not tell you;
but the Kirk of Scotland was ance a bonny 
kirk, and a bonny Grammar School, and 
weel ye wat she had skill in (^ (\Regimen et 
Concordentia\) ^) , and cou'd a made a piece of 
bonny Latin, and for every thing she was 
forced to (^ (\da Regulam\) ^) , and when she offended
she was sure of (^ (\pande Manum\) ^) ; but 
<P 10>
afterwards when she went to the College 
she had mair liberty, and first of all she began 
to Rhetoric, but instead of proper 
speaking, she learned nothing but Hyperboles 
and Allegories, then she came into 
the Logic, and instead of true Demonstrations 
she learned nothing but Homommaes 
and Captious Sylogisms, afterwards she 
came to AEthicks, but she did not trouble 
herself meikle with them, but studied the 
Politicks, and that sae well, that she turned
all Religion into Meer flat Policy; for 
Metaphysicks she kens they are Ens, and 
that must be (^ (\Unum, Verum ,Bonum,\) ^) and 
that all these three must be in True Religions;
but this was too high a theme for 
her, wherefore she studied more the Physicks, 
and turned all into (^ (\Materia prima,\) ^) 
and made itself capable of any form they 
pleased to impose upon us."
   After he had done with Sermon and 
Prayer, then stood he up to give the Blessing,
and thereafter said as follows:
   "I ken weel eneugh it is not the fashion 
of this place to speak any thing after prayer, 
but because I had meikle to say, and 
one thing dang out anither out of my head, 
wherefore I must beg leave to add a word
or twa. 
   And first of all, I will speak to you wha 
are members of the College of Justice, and 
why, I pray you, will not ye subscrive the 
<P 11>
Covenant? Ye will say to me, ye are employed 
by his majesty in some special affairs,
and you cannot with your honour 
subscrive the Covenant; this is a bra answer 
indeed, there is not the meanest man 
that gathers up twenty merks for the king 
per annum, but may have this hole to go out 
at, then we shall have a bra subscriving;
yea, there is but one man between GOD and 
you, get by that man, and get to GOD. 
   And in the second place, Why do not ye 
Noblemen subscrive the Covenant? Ye 
will say (^ (\noli me tangere\) ^) , howsoever I'll give 
you a touch; It may be you will be put to 
it; ye will say, We must ride in Parliament 
Order, the meanest man must go foremost 
and subscrive the Covenant, and then we 
will come after; that is a bra answer indeed;
you have a fashion in the south part
of Scotland, that when ye come to a Foord, 
the Jack-man must venter over first upon 
his weak weary Naig, and if he can go and 
come back again, then up comes the Laird
mounted on his stately steed, and owre 
goes he: this is no right. But we that are 
Highlanders have a better fashion, for we 
usually come on foot, and when we come 
to the Foord we are laith to leave a man; 
therefore we join Oxter to Oxter, and Arm 
to Arm, and leaps altogether in the Foord, 
and if one drowns all drowns; even so here,
set your hands to the Covenant, and if ane 
perish let all perish. 
<P 12>
   Now I'll speak a word to you of the town 
of Edinburgh; and albeit I see two of your 
chief Chairs are empty, yet have at you. And 
why do you not subscrive the Covenant?
It may be ye will say ye are in Office now, 
stay till the next year till your Office be 
out, then ye will subscrive the Covenant;
that is a bra answer indeed; it may be GOD 
will get this wark done ere the next year;
what will your thanks be then? Get your 
Clerk-Register and look o'er your Rolls, 
and see if ever the town of Edinburgh suffered 
for joining with the Kirk of Scotland. 
   Last of all, I have a mind to speak a 
word to you who are Strangers; ( and then 
turning himself about to the place where 
the Provost and Baillies of Aberdeen sat;)
and what is the reason ye subscrive not the 
Covenant? It may be ye will say, Ye came 
here about your Civil Affairs; and when ye 
came out ye resolved not to subscrive the 
Covenant; will ye take my advice? I say, 
Aberdeens-men, will ye take your word again,
and go home and drink the Cup of 
(^ (\Bon Accord\) ^) , and join in to the Kirk of 
Scotland, and subscrive the Covenant; and 
so Farewell. 
(\FINIS.\)



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[^REGISTER OF THE MINISTER ELDERS AND DEACONS OF THE 
CHRISTIAN CONGREGATION OF ST. ANDREWS, 1559-1600. 
VOL. II (1582-1600). 
ED. DAVID HAY FLEMING.
SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY.
EDINBURGH 1890.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 652.13-679.14
SAMPLE 2: PP. 714.1-737.5
SAMPLE 3: PP. 792.25-799.27^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 652>

[} (\DIE MERCURII, QUINTO NOVEMBRIS, ANNO LXXXIX=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, the minister declaris to the sessioun, as he #
hes 
done diveris tymes befoir, that he may nocht sustein the haill
burding of the ministrie in his awin persoun, and thairfor 
requestis the sessioun to propone the mater to the Provest 
bailyeis and consall, that provisioun may be maid for ane       #
follow 
laborar with him in this great congregatioun. Mr. Dauid 
Russell, Dane of Gild, Mr. William Russell and Thomas 
Lentroun, bailyeis, being present, promist to propone the 
said mater to the consall, and report ansuer this day aucht 
dayis. 
   The quhilk day, conperit Grissell Mylis, quha declaris that 
sche hes ellis born ane barn in fornicatioun to Jhone Balfour
in Kyncapill, and that sche is now also with barn to him. The 
session ordanit Jhone to be warnit to ansuer to the dilatioun 
this day aucht dayis. 
   The quhilk day, in the caus of dilatioun gevin in be Margret 
Scott aganis Mr. Androw Alane, in terme statut to preif the 
dilatioun, Mr. Androw being warnit heirto (^ (\apud acta\) ^) , #
conperit 
Margret Scott party, quha producit Cristene Cuik witnes,
suorn and examinat, na thing opponit, deponis sche duelt in 
James Alanis hous quhen Margret Scott servit thair, and that 
sche hes mony tymes sein Mr. Androw kis Margret Scott, and 
<P 653>
sein thame togedder in secrete places and chalmeris, the        #
durris 
being closit, baith in the foir chalmer and bak chalmer, bot 
knawis nocht if he hed carnall daill with Margret Scott; and 
that Duncane Balfour wes slane befoir sche com furth of
James Alanis hous and service; and deponis sche he sein Mr. 
Androw saith herbis in ane pan, and putt thame in ane stowp
and causit Margret Scott to drink, and saw Margret drink the 
said herb drink; and forder declaris that Mr. Androw causat
hir fesche ane muchekin of aquavite fra George Howeson in 
the New Clois, in ane tyn muchkein stowp, and that Mr. 
Androw powrit furth the aquavite in ane trein cope, and 
causat Margret to drink the samyn, quhilk sche did in deid;
and eftir the drinking thairof Margret wes seik and in danger 
of hir lyffe; and forder sayis that Mr. Androw causit hir to    #
by 
to him vinagar in ane glas, bot knawis nocht quhat he did 
with the samyn. And thir thingis sche declaris befoir God 
that sche hard and saw. 
   The sessioun ordanit Alexander Hendersoun sklatar to be 
warnit to this day aucht dayis, to ansuer to the dilatioun      #
[\HAS BEEN dilagatioun.\] 
gevin in aganis for smoring of ane barne. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, XIX=O= NOVEMBRIS, 1589.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Patrik Dewar grantis he hes gottin ane 
barn in fornicatioun with Cathrin Tullois, in the feildis       #
amangis 
the peis. The session ordanit Patrik to seik Cathrin, and 
caus hir conpeir this day aucht dayis, to ansuer to the 
dilatioun. 
   The minister yit as of befoir requeistis the majestratis for 
to provide for ane fellow laborar with him. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, XXVJ=TO= NOVEMBER, 1589.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Jhone Balfour grantis the dilatioun trew 
that Grissell Mylis is with barn to him in fornicatioun, and 
that he is thryis now relappis. He is ordanit to sitt thre 
severall Sondayis on the penitent stuill, and to pay iiij l~i.  #
in 
<P 654>
part of pament of the Act, and to begyn Sonday nixttocum the 
last of November instant. 

[} (\DIE TERTIO MENSIS DECEMBRIS, ANNO LXXXIX=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, Alexander Hendersoun sklatar and Elene 
Finlo his spous, being accusit befoir the session for           #
suppressing
of James Hendersoun thair sone, being ane quarter yeir aild 
and thre dayis, grantis that the samyn nicht the barne          #
departit 
that the barn lay with thame; bot Alexander allegis the barn 
wes thre dayis seik in the gravell befoir, and that thair wes 
present with him and his wyffe, quhen the barne deit, Agnes 
Scheves and Barbara Finlo; and that he hard the barne lyand 
on his wyffis arme greit, and syne walknit hir: bot now         #
confessis
the braith wes away fra the barn or the wemen com in. 
Elene Finlo, spous to the said Alexander, being severale        #
accusit 
upon the premissis, grantis that sche past to bed with hir barn
on lyffe, and that sche and he fell on sleip to gidder, and     #
quhen 
sche walknit the barne being in hir oxtar wes deid; and sayis 
the barn hed nevir the gravell. The sessioun for forder triall
ordanis Agnes Scheves and Barbara Finlo, with Jhone Cuthbertis
wyffe, to be warnit to this day aucht dayis. 

[} (\DIE DECIMO MENSIS DECEMBRIS, ANNO LXXXIX=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, Mr. Dauid Russell, Dane of Gild, Mr. 
William Russell and Thomas Lentroun, bailyes, declaris that 
the consall of the town hes appointit thame commissioneris to 
pas to morn to the Presbittre, for ane helpar to the minister. 
[\Thai ar\] to report the Presbittreis ansuer thairof to the 
sessioun this day aucht dayis. 
<P 655>
   The quhilk day Dauid Annell grantis he hes gottin ane barn 
in fornicatioun with Margret Fogow in Langraw. Dauid is 
ordanit to produce the said Margret to ansuer to the dilatioun 
this day xv dayis. 

[} (\DIE ULTIMO DECEMBRIS, ANNO LXXXIX=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, Androw Sellar officiar verefiit that he      #
hed 
oftimes warnit Patrik Dewar, and spetiale personalie to this 
day, to conpeir befoir the sessioun, and to bring with him 
Cathrine Tullois to verefie the dilatioun gevin in aganis hir 
the xix of November last wes. Becaus the said Patrik being 
oftimes callit and conperit nocht, the sessioun ordanit him to 
be warnit to this day aucht dayis, under pane of publict 
admonitioun. 
   The quhilk day, anent the complant gevin befoir the          #
sessioun 
<P 656>
be James Meldrum aganis Cristene Turnour his spous and 
Nicholl Broun calsay maker, accusing thame as adulteraris, as 
the bill gevin in thairupon at lenth beris, conperit the said
Nicholl and Cristene, quha denyit the bill                      #
(^ (\simpliciter\) ^) ; and 
thai, nochttheles with diveris witnes examinat thairupon, 
deponis as thair ansuer beris. The sessioun, with the advis of 
the Provest and bailyeis of the citee and of the Presbittrie,   #
for 
the great sklander gevin be thame to the congregatioun, the 
said Nicholl being fund eftir ten houris at evin hid secretele  #
in 
James Meldrumis hous in this citee behind ane bed heid,         #
ordanit 
Nicholl and Cristene to mak publict humiliatioun on the 
penitent stuill Sonday nixttocum in sek claith; and remittit 
forder punischment to be appointit to thame, at the discretion 
of the majestrattis. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, XIIIJ=TO= JANUARII, 1589.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Jonet Watsoun grantis hir with barn to 
Arthour Wemys, quhilk wes gottin in hir motheris hous in this 
citee befoir Lammes last wes, and that Arthour promist to hir 
mariage. Arthour is ordanit to be warnit to ansuer to the 
dilatioun this day aucht dayis. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, XXJ=O= JANUARII, 1589.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Arthour Wemes, being warnit to this day
to ansuer to the dilatioun gevin in aganis him this day aucht 
dayis be Jonet Watson, grantis the dilatioun trew, and that 
Jonet Watson is with barn to him, and that he promist to 
marie the said Jonet; lykeas he be thir presentis promissis to 
marie hir with the grace of God,and nane utheris. The 
session ordanit baith the saidis partes to satisfie for thair 
offence conforme to the ordour. 
   The quhilk day, Margret Diplein grantis hir with barn to 
James Craig, servand to Pa. Scheves of Kembak, quhilk wes 
gottin in Alane Dempstaris hous in this citee. James is 
<P 657>
ordanit to be warnit to ansuer to the dilatioun this day aucht 
dayis. -And now James conperis and grantis the dilatioun trew. 
[\He is\] ordanit to pay xx s. in part of pament of the Act &c.,
and to satisfie conforme to the ordour.- Satisfeit be Craig. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, XXVIIJ=O= JANUARII, ANNO LXXXIX=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, Jonet Turubill grantis hir with barn to 
Walter Finlo now servitour to Dauid Dalgles, grantis the first
tyme sche knew him carnalie wes at Witsonday in the feildis 
quhen the barne wes gottin, the nixt tyme wes in Androw 
Alanis hous in this citee. [\It is ordanit\] to warn Walter to 
ansuer to the dilatioun this day aucht dayis. 
   The quhilk day, Androw Sellar yit as of befoir verefiit      #
that he 
hed warnit Patrik Dewar diveris and sindry tymes to satisfie    #
for 
his offence, and last to this day to ansuer for his contempt,
under pane of publict admonitioun. The session, yit in hope 
of amendiment, continewit the mater to this day aucht dayis,
and ordanit Patrik to be warnit to that effect; and to warn 
Tullois, quha is in Pa. Smalummis hous, to this day aucht 
dayis. 

[} (\DIE XJ=O= FEBRUARII,ANNO LXXXIX=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, Dauid Pattoun in Kynnaldy grantis he hes 
gottin ane barn in fornicatioun with Margret Cristie, and that 
in the place of Kynnalldy, quhilk Margret is now in Carnebe. 
The said Margret is ordanit to be warnit to ansuer to the said 
dilatioun this day aucht dayis, and Dauid is ordanit to         #
satisfie 
for his offence and to pay four merkis for his impressoment in
part of payment of the Act. - Dauid hes satisfeit. 

[} (\DIE XVIIJ=O= FEBRUARII, ANNO LXXXIX=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, Jonet Ogiluy warnit to this day, as sche 
that wes delatit for keping of ane oppin hous in the silence    #
of 
the nicht, with Margret Gibson, and resett of young men; and 
als accusit for nocht satisfeing of the kirk of Dunde for tua 
<P 658>
barnis, gottin on hir in Dunde in fornicatioun with Jhone 
Quhittat. Jonet is admonisit to keip hir hous clois in silence 
of the nicht in tymes cuming, and als is ordanit to produce 
testimoniall furth of the burth of Dunde that sche hes          #
satisfeit 
the kirk thair for the said offence. 

[} (\XXV=TO= FEBRUARII, 1589.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Agnes Jnglis grantis sche is with barn to 
Dauid Lochmalony, servitour to Patrik Dudingston portioner 
of Kyncapill, quhilk wes gottin in Kincapill in Agnes awin 
hous in harvest last wes. Dauid is ordanit to be warnit to 
ansuer to the said dilatioun this day aucht dayis. 
   The quhilk day, Beatrix Schort, servitour to Robert Mwrray 
maltman, grantis sche is with barn to Thomas Thomsoun,          #
servitour
to the Laird of Culluthy, quhilk wes gottin [\in\] the 
castell of Luicheris. Becaus the barn wes nocht gottin in this
citee, the session requestis Mr. William Russell and Thomas 
Lentron bailyeis to caus put the said Beatrix furth of this 
citee, quhill sche satisfie the kirk of Luicheris for hir       #
offence,
quhilk thai promist to do. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, UNDECIMO MARCII, ANNO LXXXIX=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, Androw Sellar officiar verefiit that he hed
warnit Androw Diplein and Alane Dempstar oft and diveris 
tymes, and spetialie to this day, to haif presentit Margret 
Diplein to underly discipline for fornicatioun with James       #
Craig, 
manifestit be procreatioun of ane barn gottin in Alane          #
Dempstaris
hous, as thai quha wer cautioneris for the said Margret 
to that effect; nochttheles thai haif contempteusle disobeit. 
Quhairfor, the session ordanis thame yit as of befoir to be 
warnit agane to this day aucht dayis, to the effect foirsaid, 
under pane of publict admonitioun.
   The quhilk day, the sessoun ordanit the officiar to warn 
Arthour Wemys and Jonet Watson the thrid tyme, to underly 
the discipline of the kirk for thair fornicatioun, under pane   #
of 
<P 659>
publict admonition; becaus Androw Sellar officar verefiit that 
he hed warnit thame tua sindry tymes thairto off befoir and 
[\thai have\] disobeyit. 
   The quhilk day, Dauid Lochemalony grantis he hes gottin 
ane barn in fornicatioun with Agnes Jnglis, conforme to the 
dilatioun gevin in upon him. He is ordanit to satisfie          #
thairfor 
conforme to the ordour. 
   The quhilk day, Agnes Rekie grantis hir with barn to Robert 
Ramsay, servitour to the Laird of Tarvat, quhilk wes gottin 
at Mertimes last wes, in the Thrid Part, in the auld chalmer 
under the auld hall, efter supper. The session ordanis          #
supplicatioun
to the majestratis to putt hir furth of this citee, quhill 
sche satisfe quhair the falt wes maid. 
   The quhilk day Martha Dudingstoun conplanit upon James 
Mar. [\This is apparently a bungled beginning of the next       #
paragraph.\]
   The quhilk day, it being delatit to the sessioun that        #
Martha 
Dudingston is sindry fra James Mar hir spous and fra his 
societie, and Martha being callit befoir thame, and hering hir 
maist willing to adheir to him and to accumpane with him, as 
becummis hir of hir dewete to do to hir laidfull spous; the 
sessioun hes ordanit Androw Sellar officiar to charge James
Mar to ressaif the said Martha in hous with him, and to adheir 
to hir as becummith him to do, and that incontinent but delay, 
or ellis to conpeir this day aucht dayis and allege ane         #
ressonabill
caus quhy he aucht nocht to do the samyn, under pane of 
censouris of the kirk. 

[} (\DIE XVIIJ=O= MARCII, ANNO LXXXIX=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, Walter Finlo, servand to Dauid Dalgles, 
grantis he hes gottin ane barne in fornicatioun with Jonet 
Turubill, as the dilatioun beris. The sessioun ordanit baith 
the parteis to satisfie conforme to the ordour.- Finlo          #
satisfeit.
   The quhilk day, anent the bill of sklander gevin in befoir 
the session be Mawis Michell, spous of Jhone Gray messinger, 
and the said Jhone for his interes, aganis Jhone Jnglis and 
<P 660>
Elene Carno  his spous, makand mention that the said Jhone 
Jnglis and Elene mony sindry and diveris tymis maist ungodly 
sklanderit the said Maws, calland hir ane commoun huir; and 
speciale upon Weddinsday the xviij of Marche instant, in 
presens of the said Jhone Gray and diveris utheris honest 
personis, the said Jhone Jnglis said ....... [\Here the slander #
is summarised.\] as the said bill 
of sklander, this day red in presens of the said Jhone Jnglis
denyand the samyn, [\beris\] ; and thaireftir gevin to the      #
conplaneris
probation thai previt the samyn sufficientlie. The 
session thairfor, for satisfaction and for staying of thame     #
and 
uthris to do the lyke in tyme cuming, hes decernit and 
ordanit, and be thir presentis decernis and ordanis, the        #
saidis 
Jhone Jnglis and Elene Carno to sitt down incontinent on thair 
kneis befoir the sessioun, and ask God and the saidis Maus and 
hir spous forgevenes for the said offens and sklander, and      #
thairefter
to pas to the place quhair the offence wes done and said, 
and [\thair\] lykewys ask God and thame forgevenes of the       #
samyn, 
and that thai desist and ceas fra the lyke in tymes cuming;     #
and if 
thai or ony of thame offendis aganis the said Jhone Gray or 
Maus his spous in tyme cuming, in word of deid, to pay ten 
l~i. to the box of the puir, and to mak publict satisfaction on 
the penitent stuill for the samyn; and this decrete and         #
sentence 
pronuncit with consent of majestratis elderis of the said       #
citee. 

[} (\DIE XXV=TO= MARTII, 1590.\) }]

   The quhilk day Cathrin Talp grantis hir to be with barn 
to Robert Lindesay, servitour to the Laird of Raith, quhilk 
wes gottin in Fedinsche. Robert is ordanit to be warnit to 
ansuer to the dilatioun this day aucht dayis. 
   The quhilk day, conperit ane honourabill man Alexander 
Monipenny of Kinkell, and desyrit the session to ordane the 
barn gottin be Alexander Jamesoun in fornicatioun on Jane 
Monipenny his dochter to be baptizit, in respect that the said 
Alexander hes ellis bein befoir the session and confessit the 
barn. The session present, being advisit with the said          #
Alexanderis 
<P 661>
petition, ordanit the said Jane first to conpeir befoir 
thame in the consalhous, and confes hir offence, and to mak 
publict humiliatioun for the offence, conforme to the ordour;
or, at the leist, sche conperand befoir the session             #
acknawleging
hir offence, and promising to satisfie at ane certane day, and 
to that effect to deliver ane sufficient plege, and if sche     #
satisfeis 
nocht at the day to tyn the plege, and nochtwithstanding to 
be subject to underly discipline; quhilk being done the barne 
to be baptizit. The said Alexander promist to caus hir 
conpeir to that effect this day aucht dayis. 
   The quhilk day, it is concludit be the sessioun that         #
missivis 
be direct from thame to the gentillmen to landwart, to be 
present befoir thame this day aucht dayis, for gude ordour to 
be takin for provision of Mr. Jhone Authinlek minister for 
his stipend; and als to gif thair gude advis help and           #
concurrans
in diveris utheris neidfull thingis, tending to the glory of 
God and weill of the haill parrochin, etc. 
   The quhilk day, the sessioun ordanit [\to warn\] Patrik 
Forrottis wyffe and Walter Lathangie and his spous, for         #
ressett 
of wemen with barn without licience; and also to warn 
Beatrix Clapen to ansuer to the dilationis this day aucht       #
dayis. 
   The sessioun ordanit to warn [\Patrik Forrettis wy-          #
DELETED\]
Robert Rikkart and Normond Rikkart to this day aucht dayis, 
for- [\There is evidently something omitted here.\] conperit,   #
and admonest to present thair barnis to 
baptisme in dew tyme. 
    
[} (\DIE MERCURII, PRIMO APRILIS, ANNO LXXXX=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, the gentill men upon land of this parrochin 
being writin for be the session to conpeir this day, for        #
taking 
ordour for provision to be maid for stipend to Mr. Jhone 
Authinlek follow laborar in the ministrie with Mr. Robert 
Wilkie ordinar pastor, and for mending of the kirk, for 
delating of faltouris and taking ordour for punischment of vice 
within this congregatioun &c., and [\that\] the sessioun,       #
consall 
of the town and haill gentill men upon land, micht all with     #
ane 
<P 662>
voce concluid and aggre thairintill, that God micht be          #
glorifiit,
and this holl congregatioun alsueill burth as land micht be 
purgit of sic vices as now aboundis thairin. Of the quhilkis 
gentill men conperit Patrik Dudingstoun portioner of            #
Kyncapill, 
Androw Wod of Straythwethy, George Ramsay of Langraw, 
Jhone Jnglis of Straythtyrum, Martine Carstrophein portioner 
of Byrehillis, and Alexander Wod for James Wod of Lambelethame 
his father. The sessioun, with the advis of the bailyeis, 
Dane of Gild, and sum of the consall of the town, and with the 
advis of the said gentill men, hes tocht gude and concludit to 
the support of the said Mr. Jhonis stipend, quhill the nixt 
platt and ordour to be takin be his Majesteis doaris for 
ministeris stipendis - and than thai all to concur togidder to 
gait ane ressonabill stipend to him - and in the meanetyme 
the town to gratifie the said Mr. Jhone with sum ressonabill 
thing for thair part, as also the parrochenaris upon land for 
thair part, and for the better obtening the samyn fra the 
parrochenaris upon land, that thair be aucht quarter maisteris 
in the said parrochin; to witt, for the eist quarter, Martine
Carstrophen and George Ramsay of Langraw; the secund 
quarter, James Wemys of Lathoker and Mr. Jhone Aytoun of 
Kynnaldy; the thrid quarter, Gavin Wemys of Vnthank and 
Alexander Wod for James Wod his father; the west and last 
quarter, Patrik Dudingstoun portioner of Kincapill and Jhone 
Jnglis of Straythtyrum; and that letteris of requeist be 
directit from the sessioun to the saidis quartermaisteris to    #
the 
effect foirsaid; and als to request every gentill man within 
his awin boundis to tak diligent inquisition of all incestious 
personis, adulteraris, fornicatouris, on baptizit barnis,       #
Papistis,
Jesuittis, and of all utheris notabill vices, within the        #
parrochin, 
betuix this and the xxij of Aprile instant; and the saidis 
quarter maisteris to report ansuer of thair diligens thairin,   #
and 
of thair support to the said Mr. Jhonis stipend to the          #
sessioun, 
the said day: as also Mr. Dauid Russell, Dane of Gild, Mr. 
William Russell and Thomas Lentroun, bailyeis, present, to 
report the townis gude will anent the said Mr. Jhonis support 
the said day. 
<P 663>
   The quhilk day, conperit Jane Monipenny, dochter to the 
Laird of Kinkell, quha grantis sche hes born ane man cheld in 
fornicatioun to Alexander Jameson. Sche submittis hir self to
discipline of the kirk, and desyris the session for Goddis      #
saik 
to bapteis the said barn, and becaus sche may nocht vaik fra 
the comptes of Crawfurdis service quhill Witsonday, sche 
promisis than be Goddis grace to mak publict humiliatioun in 
this kirk for hir offence; and in plege of the samyn hes        #
deliverit
ten l~i. money to the box of the puir; with this condition, if 
sche conperis nocht than and satisfeis, the ten l~i. to be tynt #
and 
be gevin frele to the puir, and sche nochtwithstanding to       #
satisfie 
the kirk conforme to the ordour; and in this respect desyrit    #
hir 
barn to be baptizit, quhilk the session ordanit to be done. 
   The quhilk day, Cristene Andersoun grantis hir with barne 
to James Hay, quhilk wes gottin ane litill befoir Mertimes      #
last 
wes, in Dauid Crummeis hous, the first tyme wes at Michaelmes
last wes. [\It is ordanit\] to warn [\Dauid DELETED\] James 
Hay to this day aucht dayis. This is the thrid barn sche hes 
gottin in fornicatioun.
   The quhilk day, Robert Lindesay, servitour to the Laird of 
Raith, grantis [\he\] hes gottin ane barn in fornicatioun with 
Cathrin Talp, as is delatit, in Fedinsche. [\He is ordanit\] to 
satisfie thairfor conforme to the ordour. 
   The session ordanit Elene Huntar and Beatrix Clapen to be 
warnit to ansuer to the dilationis this day aucht dayis. 

[} (\DIE XV=TO= APRILIS, ANNO LXXXX=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, becaus Elene Huntar, being warnit to this 
day to haif ansuerit to the dilationis gevin in aganis her,     #
conperit
nocht, sche is ordanit to be warnit agane thairto this day 
aucht dayis. 
   The quhilk day, James Hay, servitour to Dauid Dalgleis,
grantis the dilatioun gevin in aganis him trew, quhilk wes      #
gevin 
in the first of Aprile instant. He is ordanit to satisfie       #
thairfor 
conforme to the ordour. 
   The quhilk day, Alexander Monipenny of Kinkell, in name 
<P 664>
of Jane Monipenny his dochter, ressavit fra the minister and 
session the ten l~i., quhilk wes consignit be hir the first of 
Aprile instant; becaus it is ordanit be the Synodall Assemblie 
that Jane Monipenneis barn be nocht baptizit quhill repentance
first preceid. Thairfor the said Alexander oblissis him, 
his airis, executouris and assignis, to warrand freith releif   #
and 
keip skaithles the minister and haill session of the pament of 
the said ten l~i. at the handis of the said Jane Monipenny and 
all utheris. 
(\Ita est Carolus Watsoun notarius publicus in premissis 
requisitus subscribitur.\)
   The quhilk day, Margret Bawin grantis hir with barn to 
Jhone Bawdy, quhilk wes gottin in hir awin hous in this citee, 
xx dayis efter Zuill last wes; the first tyme wes ane litill    #
befoir 
Mertimes last. [\It is ordanit\] to warn Jhone Bawdy, quha
duellis with Agnies Wemys, to this day aucht dayis. 

[} (\DIE XXIJ=O= MENSIS APRILIS, ANNO LXXXX=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, James Martine of Lathonis being warnit 
to this day to ansuer to the dilatioun gevin in aganis him,     #
and 
nocht conperand, as wes verefiit be Androw Sellar officiar; the 
sessioun ordanis him to be warnit agane the secund tyme, 
under [\pane of\] publict admonitioun, to this day aucht dayis. 
   The quhilk day, Jonet Lermonth, Lady Nyde, being 
personale warnit to this day be Androw Sellar officiar, to 
ansuer to the dilatioun gevin in aganis hir, conperit nocht. 
Thairfor the sessioun ordanis hir to be warnit agane the        #
secund 
tyme, under [\pane of\] publict admonition, to this day aucht 
dayis. 
   The quhilk day, Jonet Bicartoun grantis sche hes born ane 
barn in Casche, quhilk wes gottin on hir in fornicatioun be 
Androw Bicartoun in Perth. The session ordanis hir to 
satisfie for hir offence quhair the falt wes maid, and to       #
report
testimoniall thairupon. 
   The quhilk day Walter Lathangze admonisit nocht to ressaif 
harlottis in his hous. 
<P 665>
   The quhilk day, becaus Androw Sellar verefiit that he hed 
tuois summond Cathrine Pentland personale, to satisfie for 
fornicatioun, confessit be hir in procreating of ane barn to 
Jhone Thomsoun, [\and sche\] hes disobeyit, the session 
ordanis hir to be summond the thrid tyme, under [\pane of\] 
publict admonitioun.
   The quhilk day, conperit Margret Wod in Straythwethy, 
and Androw Howesoun thair, quha  grantis thai haif procreat     #
[\Proreat IN MS.\]
ane barn in fornicatioun, and is content to satisfie for thair 
offence. Thai haif instantle payit xl s., in part of pament of 
the Act, and to satisfie on Sunday nixt publiclie conforme to 
the ordour. 
   The session ordanit Mr. Dauid Methven to be warnit to this 
day aucht dayis to ansuer to the dilatioun. 
   The quhilk day, Jonet Watsoun, being warnit to this day to 
satisfie for hir offence, as wes verefiit be the officiar,      #
conperit
nocht; thairfor the sessioun ordanit hir to be warnit agane     #
the 
secund tyme thairto, under [\pane of\] publict admonitioun. 
   The quhilk day, Elene Huntar, being warnit personale to 
this day to ansuer to the dilatioun gevin in aganis hir the 
secund tyme, as wes verefiit be the officiar, conperit nocht;
thairfor the sessioun ordanit hir to be warnit agane the thrid
tyme, to this day aucht dayis, under [\pane of\] publict
admonitioun. 
   The quhilk day, thir honest and discrete personis under 
writin ar electit, with consent of the haill sessioun and       #
majestratis
of this citee, to attend ilk Sonday, for visiting of the 
kirk yaird, the haill town, and feildis thair about, that nane  #
be 
fund vagand in the kirk yaird, streittis, browstarhoussis, 
taveronis, cachpellis nor feild, tyme of sermon [\on\] the 
Sabboith day; and to noit ilk personis name that beis fund 
that tyme, and signifie the saymn to the session and            #
majestratis 
Weddinsday nixt thairefter. Thre personis following 
to pas togidder ilk Sonday about, to begyn Sonday nixttocum,
viz. - [^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]
<P 666>
[} (\DIE MERCURII, PENULTIMO APRILIS, 1590.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Cathrine Pentland being warnit to this day 
the thrid tyme, to ansuer to the dilatioun, &c., under [\pane
of\] publict admonitioun, conperit Mr. Patrik Orm, and desyrit 
delay to Cathrin quhill Dauid Orm his brutheris barn, to 
quhome sche is (^nutrix^) suld be haill, quha is now seikle;    #
and 
than promist to caus hir satisfie for his offence. The session 
being advisit ordanit ane plege to be deliverit for Catherin, 
that sche suld satisfie quhen the barn is weill, at the lest 
betuix this and Witsonday; and the plege to be gevin betuix
this and Satterday, utherwis to proceid aganis hir to publict
admonitioun.
   The quhilk day, Jonet Lermonth, Lady Nyde, being 
summond personale to this day, to ansuer to the dilatioun 
gevin aganis hir, for the secund tyme under [\pane of\] public 
<P 667>
admonitioun; the session, upon gude consideratioun and 
motivis, continewis the samyn to this day aucht dayis. 
   The quhilk day, becaus Jonet Watson, being warnit to this 
day to ansuer quhy sche enteris nocht in presson for hir 
offence, and that for the secund charge, as wes verefiit be     #
the 
officiar, conperit nocht; thairfor sche is ordanit to be        #
chargit 
thairto for the thrid tyme, under [\pane of\] publict           #
admonitioun. 
   The quhilk day, Elene Huntar, being warnit to this day for 
the thrid tyme to ansuer to the dilatioun under [\pane of\] 
publict admonitioun, conperit nocht. It wes allegit for the 
said Elene that sche hed impediment in hir leggis and micht 
nocht travell. Thairfor the sessioun ordanit Mr. Dauid 
Russell, Mr. Jhone Scott, and Thomas Wod redar, to pas and 
vesy hir diseas, and to report the trouth to the sessioun this 
day aucht dayis; and thairfor continewit publict admonitioun 
quhill the said day. 
   The quhilk day, conperit Jhone Bawdy, quha grantis carnall 
copulatioun and the barn gottin be him with Margret Bawn. 
He is ordanit to pay xxvj s. viijd. for his impressonment, and 
to enter to the stuill of repentance Sonday nixttocum.- Bawdy 
hes satisfeit. 
   The quhilk day Mr. Dauid Methven grantis he hes gottin 
ane barrne in fornicatioun with [\blank\] Abircrumy in this     #
citee. 
He submittis him self to discipline and is ordanit to satisfe   #
for 
his offence conforme to the ordour. 
   The quhilk day, becaus William Arthour of Carnis and 
Issobell Strang, being warnit to this day for the first tyme    #
to 
ansuer to the dilation gevin in aganis thame of new, conperit 
nocht, the session ordanit thame to be warnit agane to this 
day aucht dayis, for the secund tyme under [\pane of\] publict 
admonitioun. 
   The quhilk day, Cristene Currie grantis hir with barn in 
fornicatioun to Jhone Annell, quhilk wes gottin in George 
Dauidsonis hous at Marimes last wes. [\It is ordanit\] to 
warn Jhone Annell to this day aucht dayis to ansuer to the 
dilatioun. 
<P 668>
   The quhilk day, Margret Cuik servand to James Lentroun 
grantis sche hes playit the harlott, and lyin in fornicatioun 
with Patrik Tailzeour thir tua yeiris bigane. [\It is           #
ordanit\] 
to warn Patrik Tailzeour and Margret baith to this day aucht
dayis. 
   Gavin Wemys of Vnthank and Alexander Wod to report 
ansuer of thair diligence this day xv dayis. 
   The quhilk day, James Martine of Lathonis, being warnit 
to this day for the secund tyme to ansuer to the dilation       #
gevin 
in aganis him, as wes verefiit be the officiar, conperit        #
nocht. 
Thairfor the sessioun ordanit James to be warnit agane the 
thrid tyme personale to this day aucht dayis, under [\pane of\] 
publict admonitioun. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, VJ=TO= MAII, 1590.\) }]

   The quhilk day, the communion is ordanit to be celebratit 
with Goddis assistance Sunday nixttocum, the tent of Maii 
instant. 
   The quhilk day, Issobell Strang grantis sche hes born ane 
barn leatle in fornicatioun, within this quarter of ane yeir,   #
to 
William Arthour of Carnis; and this is the secund barn sche 
hes born to him. Sche is ordanit to be xv dayis impressonit, 
and to satisfie conforme to the ordour; and William to be 
warnit for the thrid tyme to ansuer to the dilatioun, this day 
aucht dayis, under [\pane of\] publict admonitioun. 
   The quhilk day, conperit Jonet Lermonth, Lady Nyde, as 
sche that wes laidfulle warnit to this day, and accusit upon    #
the 
dilatioun gevin in aganis hir, to witt, if sche hes born ane    #
barn 
sen the deces of umquhill James Forsyth hir spous, ather in 
fornicatioun insest or adulterie, quhilk is yit on baptizit.    #
The 
said Jonet ansuerit and planlie denyit the samyn, and said      #
that 
sche hes nocht born ony barne to na persoun sen hir husbandis 
deces. 
   The quhilk day, conperit James Martine of Lathonis, as he 
that wes laidfulle warnit to this day to ansuer to the          #
dilatioun
gevin in aganis him, viz., that he hes gottin tua barnis in 
<P 669>
fornicatioun with tua sindry wemen, the ane callit Issobell 
Dauidsoun the other Jonet Paty. The said James planlie 
denyit the dilatioun, and sayis that he nevir gatt ane barn 
with ony of the saidis personis; and that he nevir knew the 
said Issobell Dauidsoun, nor yit the said Jonet Paty carnale,
all his dayis. The sessioun ordanit to warn the saidis tua 
wemen, to ansuer to the said dilatioun, this day aucht dayis. 
   The quhilk day, Mr. Dauid Russell, Mr. Jhone Scott, and 
Thomas Wod redar, being appointit this day to declair the 
inhabilite of Elene Huntar, as thai quha wer ordanit to vesy
hir, declaris that thai haif vesiit hir and findis na           #
inhabilite in 
hir, nor sche may conpeir befoir the session and ansuer to the 
dilatioun. Thairfor the sessioun ordanit hir to be warnit 
agane this day aucht dayis, under [\pane of\] publict           #
admonitioun. 
   The quhilk day, Grissel Carstaris grantis sche hes knawin 
Alane [\Carstaris DELETED\] Swyne carnalie, betuix Zuill and 
Candilmes last wes. [\It is ordanit\] to warn Alane to ansuer 
to the dilatioun this day aucht dayis. 
   The session ordanit to summond Jhone Annell to ansuer to 
the dilatioun for the secund tyme this day aucht dayis. 
   The quhilk day, Jonet Mark grantis hir with barn to 
Androw Murray, quha being present grantis the samyn. Thai 
ar baith ordanit to satisfe conforme to the ordour. 
   The quhilk day Elspot Gilruif grantis sche hes born ane 
barn in fornicatioun to Henry Lawder. The session ordanit 
Elspot to produce testimoniall of ane minister that Henry 
grantis the barn, becaus he duellis furth of this parrochin,    #
this 
day xv dayis. 
   The quhilk day, Alane Robertsoun, for him self and 
Issobell Roger, his spos, proponit thair action aganis Jhone 
Leis smyth, conforme to thair bill producit, makand mention 
that the said Jhone Leis maist ungodly defamit and sklanderit 
the said [\Issobell Roger\] , [\Blank in MS.\] sayand oppinle   #
in the hous of Alane
Dempstar, drinkand at the tabill, in presens of divers honest 
<P 670>
witnes, upon [\blank\] instant, that James Caid wobstar hed
carnall daill with the said [\Issobell\] [\Blank in MS.\] ; and # 
thairfor desyrt 
justice conforme to the said bill. Becaus the said Jhone Leis, 
being laidfulle warnit to this day, conperit nocht, the         #
session 
ordanit Alane Robertson to pref his bill, quha instantle        #
producit
James Fullerton witnes, ressavit suorn and admittit, na 
thing opponit, quha being examinat deponit the bill trew. 
The session ordanit Alane to warn the remanent of his witnes, 
for probatioun of his bill, this day aucht dayis; the party to 
be warnit thairto. 

[} (\DIE XIIJ=O= MAII, ANNO LXXXX=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, the sessioun ordanit Elene Huntar to be 
publicle [\Publile IN MS.\] summond Sonday nixttocum, under     #
[\pane of\] 
censouris of the kirk, becaus sche hes oftimes be in            #
[\Being IN MS.\] warnit to 
ansuer to the dilatioun, under [\pane of\] publict admonition, 
and conperit nocht. 
   The quhilk day, the sessioun ordanit William Arthour of 
Carnis to be publicle [\Publile IN MS.\] summond Sonday         #
nixttocum; becaus he 
hes bein oftimes chargit to conpeir befoir the session and 
conperit nocht. 
   The quhilk day Alane Swyne grantis carnall copulatioun 
with Grissel Carstaris. He is ordanit to satisfie conforme to 
the ordour. 
   To warn Jhone Annell the thrid tyme under [\pane of\]
publict admonitioun. 
   To warn Patrik Tailzeour the secund tyme under [\pane of\] 
public admonitioun. 
   
[} (\DIE XX=O= MAII, ANNO LXXXX=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, Elspot Gilruif producis ane testimoniall, 
subscrivit be Henry Lawder, grantand the barn quhilk Elspot 
hes born to be his. The minister affermit that Henry conperit 
befoir him and verefiit the samyn. The said Elspot desyrt 
<P 671>
the barn to be baptizit, and offerit hir self to satisfie       #
conforme 
to the ordour. The session, in respect of the premissis,        #
ordanit 
Elspot to pay xxvj s. viij d., in part of pament of the Act     #
for 
hir impressoment, and to humill hir self on the stuill of       #
repentance
Sonday nixttocum, and thairefter to bapteis the barn;
and Henry also to satisfie.
   The session ordanit Jane Monipenny to be warnit to conpeir 
befoir thame this day aucht dayis, to ressaif hir injunctionis 
and directioun to satisfe for hir fornicatioun; becaus thai ar 
informit sche is in Kynkell, and this for the first tyme under 
[\pane of\] publict admonitioun.
   The quhilk day, Thomas Wod redar producit ane summondis, 
dewle execut and indorsat be him aganis Elene Huntar, for the 
first publict admonition, under [\pane of\] censouris of the    #
kirk. 
Conperit William Huntar hir father, and allegit that he and 
utheris frendis ar in gude hope that Alane Lentron hir spous    #
and 
sche ar to be reconcelit; and thairfor desyrit continewatioun   #
of all 
forder publict summondis aganis hir, in hope of                 #
reconciliatioun. 
The session, nocht willing to be suddane to fulminat            #
excommunication
aganis ony person, if thai culd be brocht utherwyis 
to repentance and humiliatioun, at the ernest suit of William 
Huntar, continewis the publict citatioun Sonday nixttocum to 
Sonday cum aucht dayis, in hop the said Elene sall conpeir      #
this 
day aucht dayis befor thame, conforme to the summondis;
quhilk if sche fallye, the nixt publict citatioun to proceid 
Sunday cum aucht dayis but forder delay. 
   The quhilk day, Alane Robertson officiar verefiit that he 
hed warnit Issobell Dauidsoun in Lathonis at hir duelling place
thair, and Issobell Patiy thair, personalie, the first tyme     #
under 
[\pane of\] publict admonitioun. And becaus thai conperit 
nocht this day, to ansuer to the dilatioun gevin in aganis      #
thame, 
the session ordanis thame to be warnit agane the secund tyme, 
under [\pane of\] publict admonitoun, and Dauidsoun personale. 
   The quhilk day, Androw Sellar verefiit that Patrik Tailzeour
wes warnit to this day personale, for the secund tyme under 
[\pane of\] publict admonitioun; and, becaus he conperis nocht,
<P 672>
he is ordanit to be summond the thrid tyme, under [\pane of\]
publict admonitioun. 
   The quhilk day, conperit Jhone Annell, quha grantis that he 
hes gottin ane barn in fornicatioun with Cristene Currie, and 
ane uther befoir with [\blank\] . He is ordanit to pay xl s. in 
part [\of pament\] of the Act, and to sitt thre sindry Sondayis 
on the stuill, &c. 

[} (\DIE XXVIJ=O= MAII, ANNO LXXXX=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, Patrik Gutherie, at command of the sessioun,
hes maid the ironis for streking of the takynnis to the 
communioun, and hes ressavit fra the sessioun for his panis     #
xl s. 
   The quhilk day, the sessioun ordanit Issobell Dauidson and 
Issobell Paty to be warnit the thrid tyme under publict 
admonitioun, becaus thai haif bein tuois warnit befoir and 
conperit nocht. Androw Sellar officiar verefiit that he hed 
warnit Issobell Paty personale to this day. 
   The quhilk day, Jonet Caid grantis sche is with barn to 
Jhone Dauidsoun, quhilk wes gottin in fornicatioun in Cristene
Stenhousis hous in this citee, aucht dayis eftir Zuill last     #
wes. 
[\It is ordanit\] to warn Jhone Dauidsoun to this day aucht 
dayis. 
   The quhilk day, conperit Elene Huntar, as sche that wes 
laidfullie warnit to this day to ansuer to the dilatioun gevin  #
in 
aganis hir, viz., that sche is ane adultreis and incesteous     #
person, 
to witt, with Dauid, Erle of Crawfurd, Mr. Alexander Lindesay
his bruther; and that sche hes borne ane barne in adultrie to 
James Lermonth of Balcomy; and that sche hes committit 
adulterie with Mr. Gilbert Ogiluy, William Huntar, and James 
Anstroyer fear of that ilk, and diveris utheris. The said       #
dilatioun
being red to the said Elene, sche denyit the samyn haill 
dilation, and every point thairof. Yitt nochttheles the 
session, to the effect that the great sklander may be removit,
quhilk is rissin by the said dilatioun in this congregatioun,   #
hes 
statut to preif the said dilatioun this day aucht dayis; and    #
hes 
ordanit Elene, quha is personale in the consall summond to 
<P 673>
conpeir this day aucht dayis, to object aganis the witnes to 
be summond for  probatioun of the samyn, viz., Mr. Jhone 
Authinlek, Thomas Wod redar, Mr. Dauid Russell, Mr. Jhone 
Scott, Bessy Law maidwyffe, Cristene Methven, Issobell Moreis, 
Jonet Dik, Cathrine Bary, Elene Reid. 
   The quhilk day, Elene Reid grantis sche hes knawin William 
Arthour younger carnalie diveris tymes, and speciale in hir 
motheris hous. William to be warnit heirto this day aucht 
dayis. 
   The quhilk day Patrik Tailzeour grantis the dilatioun trew 
gevin upon him be Margret Cuik. He is ordanit to satisfie 
conforme to the ordour. 

[} (\DIE TERTIO JUNII, ANNO NONAGESIMO.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Alane Robertsoun officiar verefiit that he 
hed warnit Issobell Paty the thrid tyme to this day personale, 
to ansuer to the dilatioun gevin in aganis hir; and becaus      #
sche 
conperis nocht to ansuer thairto, the session ordanit hir to    #
be 
publicle summond thairto Sunday nixttocum, under [\pane of\]
censouris of the kirk; and becaus Issobell Dauidson is nocht 
yit personale apprehendit, the sessioun ordanit the officiar    #
to do 
diligens to seik hir personall presens, and to summond hir to 
[\ansuer to\] the said dilatioun. 
   The quhilk day being appointit for preveing of the           #
dilatioun 
gevin in aganis Elene Huntar, the said Elene being warnit 
heirto this day aucht dayis (^ (\apud acta\) ^) , sche, being   #
oftimis this 
day callit, conperit nocht; the session ressavit the [\In IN    #
MS.\] witnes
under writin, for preifing of the said dilatioun, to witt,      #
Bessy 
Law, Cristene Methven and Issobell Moreis, quha ar all          #
solemnatle
suorn in thair consciences, to spek and declair the trewth 
sa fer as thai knaw of the said dilatioun, as thai will ansuer  #
to 
God. And in the first, the said Bessy Law, being examinat 
upon the dilatioun, deponis in hir conscience sche knawis na 
thing of the dilatioun, except anent the barn born in adultrie 
be Helene Huntar to the Laird of Balcomy: deponis the samyn 
<P 674> 
trew, for sche deponis that in wyinter lxxxv yeiris, efter      #
Zuill 
and befoir Candilmes, in ane snawy nycht, in hir bed, in hir 
awin hous, Cristene Methven, at xij houris at evin or thairby, 
com to hir, as sche said at command of Elene Huntar, and 
requestit hir to cum to the said Elene; quha obeit and com to 
Alane Lentronis hous in this citee, quhair the said Elene wes 
than in the extremite of hir birth, makand great duill and      #
nois. 
Sche deponis that sche wes maidwyffe to Elene in the bering 
of the barn, and immediatle eftir the barn wes born the said 
Elene desyrit hir to tak away the barn with hir; quha 
ansuerit, I haif nather womanis milk nor kowis milk to gif it, 
I can do na thing with the barn: and it wes ane man cheild. 
Than Elene said, Quhat rak of that? I pray yow for Goddis 
saik saif my honour, for it is nocht Alane Lentroun my          #
husbandis
barn, it is the Laird of Balcomeis barn. And than, that 
samyn nycht, sche deponis, that sche, at Elenis request, tuik 
the barn with hir to hir hous, and kepit the barn viij dayis    #
and 
viij nichtis; and that Elene Huntar desyrit hir, ane day at 
tua houris eftir none, to bring the barn to the Bow Brig besyd
this citee, quhilk sche did in deid, and thair George           #
Andersoun 
servitour to the Laird of Balcomy tuik the barn fra hir, and, 
as sche understandis, the barn is yit leveand in Balcomy. 
Cristene Methven witnes, quha wes present with Elene Huntar 
at the birth with the said Bessy Law, deponis in all thingis 
conforme to Bessy Law. Jssobell Moreis witnes deponis that 
sche, being servand to Elene Huntar, wes in the hous that       #
nicht 
that Alane Lentroun com hame fra the saill, and knokkit at his 
awin yett in the nicht, to haif gottin in thairat; and that 
samyn nycht at the saymn tyme, my Lord of Crawfurd wes 
within the hous, in the bed with Elene Huntar, in the chalmer;
and that sche saw my Lord in the bed with Elene. The session 
ordanit the remanent witnes to be warnit [\to be\] examinat 
upon the said dilatioun this day aucht dayis, and Elene to be
warnit thairto, personale, or at hir duelling place, the said 
day. 
   The quhilk day, Jonet Husband, for hir ungodly sklandering
of Elspot Lyall, calling hir, wiche carling, wes decernit,      #
first, to 
<P 675>
ask the said Elspot forgifnes in the consalhous, and syne at    #
the 
place quhair the sklander wes spokin; and if evir sche wes 
offencive to the said Elspot in the lyke, in tymes cuming, to 
mak publict humiliatioun thairfor, and forder at discretion of 
the majestrattis. 
   The quhilk day, conperit Jhone Dangzell and [\blank\]        #
[\Howie\]
his spous, quha grantis and confessis that thai wer dewlie and 
laidfulle mariit togidder in the kirk of Kennowy, be umquhill 
Jhone Symson minister thairat. 
   The quhilk day, the session ordanit to summond Jane 
Monipenny the thrid tyme, to satisfie for hir offence, under 
[\pane of\] publict admonitioun; becaus sche hes bein tuois 
summond befoir thairto, and conperit nocht, as wes verefiit be 
the officiar. 
   The quhilk day, Alane Robertsoun officiar verefiit that he 
hed summond Jonet Paty personale to this day, to ansuer to 
the dilatioun for the thrid tyme; and becaus sche conperis 
nocht, the sessioun ordanit hir to be publiklie summond         #
thairto,
to this day aucht dayis, under [\pane of\] censouris of the     #
kirk;
and als to summond James Martine to present hir this day 
aucht dayis. 
   The quhilk day, becaus Jhone Leis hes bein oft and diveris 
tymes warnit to haif conperit befoir the sessioun, to haif 
ansuerit in the actioun of sklander movit aganis him be Alane 
Robertson and Issobell Roger his spous, [\and\] conperis nocht, 
thairfor the sessioun ordanit him to be publicle [\Publile IN   #
MS.\] summond
thairto Sonday nixttocum.

[} (\DIE XXIIIJ=TO= JUNII, 1590.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Williame Arthour younger grantis that he 
hes knawin Elene Reid carnalie, and thairfor he is ordanit to 
<P 676>
satisfie conforme to the ordour, and to summond Reid to this 
day aucht dayis. 
   The session ordanit James Martine of Lathonis to be 
summond to gif his declaratioun quhair Jonet Paty is, and to 
caus hir conpeir befoir thame this day aucht dayis, under 
[\pane of\] publict admonition. 
   The quhilk day, being appointit for preving of the           #
dilatioun 
gevin in aganis Elene Huntar for the secund day of probatioun, 
conperit Mr. Dauid Russell witnes, quha, being suorn, deponis 
conforme to Thomas Wod and Mr. Jhone Scott witnes, to 
witt, that he, being send be the session with the saidis        #
Thomas 
and Mr. Jhone to the said Elene, to vesy hir in hir diseas, to 
desyre hir to cum to the session to ansuer, quhen thai com to 
Elene in hir awin duelling hous in this citee, thai hard the 
said Elene confes na thing of the dilatioun in speciall, bot 
sche said it wes nocht all trew that wes said of hir, bot sche 
repentit hir sair of the offences sche hed done to God, and     #
hir 
husband. The said Mr. Jhone Scott is conforme to Mr. Dauid 
Russell. And the said Thomas Wod deponis that he wes ane 
uther tyme in Elenis hous, hir mother being thair present, 
hard the said Elene say, Alais! alalais! [\Sic.\] gar baptise   #
yone 
barne. And he sperit at hir mother quhat thais wordis menit. 
[\And hir mother ansuerit\] , This is the thing quhilk sche     #
sayis, 
Sche hes borne ane barne to the Laird of Balcomy, and sche 
prayis for Goddis saik to gar baptis the barne. Mr. Jhone 
Authinlek minister witnes deponis he hard na thing of the 
dilatioun aganis Elene Huntar, bot that he hard Elene Huntar
confes that sche hed defylit hir body with the Laird of         #
Balcomy,
in committing adultrie with him; and estemit hir of perfyte 
understanding tyme of hir confessioun, and that hir mother 
laid the said confession to hir charge, and that sche confessit
the samyn in presens of hir mother, and askit God mercy 
thairof with teris. The session ordanit to pronunce in this 
mater this day aucht dayis, the said Elene being warnit to 
this day at hir duelling place; and ordanit hir to be also of 
new warnit [\to\] the nixt dyat in this caus, personale, or at  #
hir 
duelling place.
<P 677>

[} (\DIE VIIJ=O= JULII, 1590.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Androw Sellar verefiit that he hed summond 
James Martine of Lathonis at his duelling place to this day, 
to haif presentit Jonet Paty befoir the sessioun to ansuer to   #
the 
dilatioun; and becaus James conperit nocht, the sessioun        #
ordanit 
him to [\be\] summond agane to this day aucht dayis, under 
[\pane of\] publict admonitioun.
   The quhilk day Maister George Leslie grantis he hes gottin 
ane barn in fornicatioun with Margret Geddy in this citee. 
Thairfor he is ordanit to satisfie conforme to the ordour. 
   The quhilk day, the sessioun continewit the advisment of     #
the 
proces of Elene Huntar and pronunciatioun of decrete thairin 
quhill this day aucht dayis, that the sessioun be mair fullie
convenit.
   The quhilk day Cathrine Robertsoun grantis sche hes born 
ane barn in fornicatioun to James Buill. Sche is ordanit to 
satisfe. James hes ellis satisfeit thairfor. 
   
[} (\DIE XV=TO= JULII, 1590.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Mirrabill Mwdy grantis sche is with barn 
gottin in fornicatioun to George Lummisdane, gottin [\in\] the 
said George awin buith. The sessioun ordanit George to be 
warnit to ansuer to the dilatioun, and Mirrabill to satisfie 
conforme to the ordour, quhen George cummis hame fra the 
saill. 
   The quhilk day the sessioun hes payit to Patrik Gutherie, 
for twa thowsand taiknis to the communion, ten merkis: and 
als for ane new towall to the bassing, tyme of the sacrament    #
of 
baptisme, xx s. 
   The quhilk day, it is concludit that the land communion be 
celebratit, God willing, Sonday nixttocum the xix of Julii 
instant. 
<P 678>
  The quhilk day, the haill gentill men and utheris discrete 
men upon land being warnit to this day be the minister 
publikle in the pulpeit, and be speciall missivis, to conpeir   #
in 
the session this day, to gif thair gud advis and consall to sic
thingis as suld tend to the glorie of God and weill of the 
hoill congregatioun; of the quhilkis conperit Jhone Meluill of
Raith, Androw Wod of Straythwethy, Mr. Jhone Aytoun of 
Kynnaldy, George Ramsay of Langraw, Martine Carstrophein
portioner of Byrehillis, Mr. Alexander Jarden of Smyddy 
Gren, Gavin Wemys of Vnthank, William Kynnynmonth in 
Baldynny. Quhilkis gentill men and parrochenaris up on land,
with the bailyeis and Dane of Gild of this citee for the town,
and session present, hes all with ane voce aggret, that         #
support 
may be presentle and with all diligens gevin to Mr.Jhone 
Authinlek, follow laborar in the ministrie with Mr. Robert
Wilke ordinar minister of this congregatioun, for the said 
Mr. Jhonis panis takin and to be takin in the said cuir,        #
quhill 
the nixt generall platt, that ordinar stipend may be procurit 
be the haill congregatioun to him at the said platt. And the 
personis befoir spetiale nemmit hes instantle deliverit, to 
Charlis Watson scribe, thair awin present support, to be gevin 
to the said Mr. Jhone. And it is concludit that the haill rest 
of the gentill men and parrochenaris upon land, quhais names 
ar spetiale gevin up in bill, salbe publiclie warnit in the     #
kirk 
Sonday nixtocum, and speciall  missivis send to thame, to 
conpeir this day aucht dayis, to the effect foirsaid. And 
forder it is concludit, with commoun consent foirsaid, that 
ordour be takin for the haill puir within the parrochin, baith 
land and burth, to witt, the Provest and bailyeis to tak up
the haill puir folkis names within the town, and the said 
gentill men present takand the burding on thame for the haill 
land wart to tak up the haill puir folkis names up on land;
and to produce all thair names, alsueill burth as land, in the 
session Twisday cum aucht dayis, that ordour may be takin 
with the puir conforme to the Act of Parliament; and, to this 
<P 679>
effect, that publict intimatioun heirof be maid in the pulpeit 
be the minister, Sonday nixttocum and Sonday cum aucht 
dayis, and be the Provest and bailyeis Mononday nixttocum
and Mononday cum aucht dayis, be publict proclamatioun at 
the mercat croce of this citee. And als ressoning being for 
support and reparatioun of the kirk for the parrochenaris upon 
land, the minister hes takin the burding on him, ather to       #
bring 
hame the letter lyand in Peter Ewattis hand writar in           #
Edinburth,
for ansuering of the taxt the parrochenaris ar stent to, 
or to reas new letteris him self to that effect, at his nixt    #
being 
in Edinburth at the Generall Assemblie: and als at the nixt
day of the convening, commissioneris to be chosin to pas to 
the generall platt, for procuring of ane stipend to Mr. Jhone 
Authinlek.

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 714>
   The quhilk day, Margret Schankis grantis sche is with barn, 
gottin in fornicatioun with Walter Scott, servitour to Dauid 
Turubill, and that sche hes hed thryis to do with him; the      #
first
tyme wes upon Lathoker Mwir about Martimes, quhen sche wes 
cumand hame to Sanctandrous furth of the Grange; and the 
uther tua tymes wes in William Zuill chirirgans hous in 
wynter, upon the hiche stair, quhen hir maister and hir hussy.
wes in Jhone Sourdes hous at the supper; and sayis that the 
said Walter followit hir upon Lathoker Mwir on ane hors, and 
he tuik hir on behind him, and befoir he tuik hir on he hed to 
do with hir, and thaireftir immediatle he past away fra hir, 
and within ane litill quheill he followit hir, and thai com 
hame to gidder sche being behind him on the hors; sche lichitit
nevir quhill sche com to the Sowth Haucht, and than sche com 
up throw the Craftis, and he reid up the Burn Wynd. And 
the said Walter, being accusit upon the triall of the samyn, 
sayis that he wes passand fra Sanctandrous on his maisteris     #
hors 
to Vnthank, and in his ganging he forgadderit with Margret on 
the muir and tuik hir on behind him, and quhen sche lichitit
he hed then to do with hir and nocht befoir; and thaireftir he
past away fra hir to Vnthank and left his maisteris hors behind
him, and borowit ane hors in Vnthank, and com agane to St. 
Androus with hir. And now he sayis thai com to gidder on 
thair feit to St. Androus; and als he now sayis that the hors 
wes nocht his maisteris hors, bot ane hors quhilk he tuik at    #
his 
awin hand gangand in the Sowth Hauche, and quhen he com 
to the Nether Burn he lichtit and luit the hors gang fra him. 
And als he first grantit that he hed to do with hir tua sindry
tymes, anes on Lathoker Mwir, and  ane uther tyme in the said 
hiche stair; bot now he grantis thre tymes. Thus thai, being 
severale accusit, vareis in thair depositionis, and makis       #
utheris
leyaris; quhairthrow it is suspectit that thai ar fengyeit,     #
and 
seducit to lie and deny the treuth. The sessioun ordanit 
<P 715>
thame to be warnit agane of new, and to be re-examinat, 
quhen the minister cummis hame and the session is full. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, SEPTIMO JULII, 1591.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Issobell Berclay grantis hir with barne to 
George Mwrray, quhilk wes gottin in the Auld college, in the 
Dane of Glasgowis chalmer, at Fastronis evin last, and dyveris 
tymes sensyne in the samyn place, and in Dauid Mylis hous. 
The session ordanit Issobell to caus adverteis George Murray
to cum heir and satisfie this aucht dayis. 
   The quhilk day, Jonet Dunce grantis hir with barn to Jhone
Dowgall, servitour to Dauid Sourdy, quhilk wes gottin in 
Jhone Dunce hous, about Fastronisevin last wes. [\It is         #
ordanit\] 
to summond Jhone to ansuer to the dilatioun this day 
aucht dayis. This is the thrid barn Jonet hes gottin in         #
fornicatioun.
   The quhilk day, Margret Stevinson, spous to George Wilsoun
in Laderny, being this day befoir the session, summond 
as witnes and maidwyffe to Cathrin Patrik in Ester Morton 
tyme of hir birth, desyrrit to gif hir aith to testifie the     #
treuth,
&c., sche expressle refusit. [\Refut IN MS.\] Thairfor the      #
sessoun ordanit hir 
<P 716>
to conpeir this day xv dayis to that effect, under pane of 
censouris of kirk and publict admonition. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, XIIIJ=TO= JULII, 1591.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Jhone Dugall grantis the dilatioun,          #
[\Dilagatioun\] , bering 
him to haif knawin Jonet Dunce carnale, trew, and that sche 
is with barn to him. He is ordanit to satisfie as ane simple 
fornicatour; and Jonet Dunce present is ordanit, becaus sche 
is now thryis relappis in fornicatioun, to be xx dayis          #
impressonit,
and to sitt thre sindry Sondayis on the penitent stuill. 
 
[} (\DIE MERCURII, XXJ=O= JULII, 1591.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Thomas Wod redar producit ane summondis
dewlie execut and indorsat aganis Jonet Paty in 
Lathonis and Cathrin Patrik in Eister Mortoun, as thai that 
wer publictle summond upon Sonday last wes, the xviij day of 
Julii instant, to haif conperit this day to haif ansuerit to    #
the 
dilatioun gevin in aganis thame, under pane of censouris of     #
the 
kirk, and this for the thrid and last publict summondis, as     #
the 
summondis at mair lenth contenis. And thai, being oftimes 
callit, laidfull tyme biddin, conperit nocht, the session       #
ordanit 
and decernit thame to haif meret the feirfull sentence of       #
excommunicatioun
for thair contempt. And yit befoir the 
pronunciatioun thairof, the session ordanit the minister to 
signifie the samyn to the congregatioun publicle Sonday         #
nixtocum,
exhorting thair freindis and acquentance to travell with 
thame for obedience, and to request the congregatioun to pray
for thame; and continewit the pronunciatioun of thair sentence
quhill this day viij dayis. 
   
[} (\DIE MERCURII, QUARTO MENSIS AUGUSTI, 1591.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Mr. Dauid Blak minister declarit that he, 
upon Sonday last wes, publiclie admonisit and requeistit, in 
<P 717>
the name of God, all and sindry the kyn freindis and familiar 
acquentance of Jonet Paty and Cathrin Patrik, that thai micht 
travell with thame to caus thame conpeir befoir the session 
this day, to ansuer to sic thingis as salbe propon [\it\] to    #
thame 
at thair cuming, rather nor thai suld be excommunicat. The 
saidis Jonet and Cathrin being this day oftimes callit, nocht 
conperand, nor yit nane in thair names to the effect foirsaid,
bot contempteuslie disobeyit the voce of the kirk; the          #
sessioun,
yit movit with mercy, slaw to pronunce that feirfull sentence, 
in hope of humiliatioun and obedience, continewis the said 
sentence to Sunday cum aucht dayis, the xv of August instant;
and yit in the meane tyme the minister to mak publict
admonitioun Sonday nixttocum, that freindis [\Feindis IN MS\]   #
and acquentance
of the saidis personis may yit travill with thame for 
obedience, Weddinsday nixttocum, the xj of August instant, 
and if thai failye the said sentence to be pronuncit the said 
xv of August but forder delay.
   The quhilk day, being appointit to Margret Stevinson 
maidwyffe to compeir and mak faith and to depon upon the 
treuth of sic thingis as suld be sperit at hir, sche conperit
nocht, thairfor the session ordanit hir to be publictle         #
summond 
thairto Sonday nixttocum, under pane of censouris of the kirk. 
   The quhilk [\day\] , conperit Elspot Zounger, as sche that 
wes warnit to this day, and being inquirit of the maner how 
Thomas Wilsoun usit hir, ansueris [\Here her statement is       #
recorded.\] Thomas, being also 
warnit the samyn day, denyis the dilatioun, except he lay in 
the bed with hir sen hir gudhame decessit; and that sche is     #
ten 
yeir auld at Candilmes nixttocum. Thomas is ordanit to cum 
agane to testife the treuth this day aucht dayis. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, XJ=O= AUGUSTI, 1591.\) }]

   The quhilk day, the sentence of excommunicatioun aganis 
Jonet Paty and Cathrin Patrik is continewit to Sunday cum 
<P 718>
aucht dayis, in hope of thair humiliatioun; as also summondis
publict aganis Margret Stevinson cotinewit to the 
said day.

[} (\DIE MERCURII, VIIJ=O= SEPTEMBRIS, 1591.\) }]
   
   The quhilk day, the sentence of excomunicatioun to be        #
pronuncit
aganis Jonet Paty and Cathrin Patrik, and also the 
publict summondis aganis Margret Stevinson, is continewit 
quhill the sesson be fully convenit, that the mater may be 
ressonit and veisiit. 
   The quhilk day, Elspot Lessellis, adultrice with Alexander 
Dik, is ordanit to conpeir to morn befoir the Presbittrie, and 
ressaif hir injunctionis. 
   The quhilk day, Margret Narne, servitour to Androw Wrycht, 
grantis hir to be with barne to Thomas Wemys, sone to 
Thomas Wemis officiar, quha is now in Flanderis. Sche is 
ordanit to produce witnes this day aucht dayis, to verefy that 
Thomas grantit the barn befoir he departit to Flanderis. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, XV=TO= SEPTEMBRIS, 1591.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Elene Wilsoun grantis hir with barn to 
Henry Wilsoun mariner, quhilk wes gottin in the hous of 
Jhone Wilsoun maltman, in hir awin bed in the hall; the first
tyme wes Lentron last wes. [\It is ordanit\] to warn Henry
quhen he cummis hame fra the saill. 
   The quhilk day, Agnes Bron grantis hir with barn to Patrik 
Bouy in Langraw, quhilk wes gottin in Fedinsche at Witsonday
last wes. [\It is ordanit\] to warn Bouy to this day aucht 
dayis. 
       
[} (\DIE MERCURII, DECIMO MENSIS OCTOBRIS, 1591.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Jhone Smyth and Margret Fleming grantis 
thai haif gottin ane barne to gidder in fornicatioun, in Dauid
Smythis hous in this citee; and that the samyn barne wes 
<P 719>
born in Lokkeis hous in this citee, and the barne wes borne 
deid, and buriit under silence of nycht be Androw Sellar and 
Alane belman. The session ordanit thame to satisfie for thair
offence conforme to the ordour; and Androw Sellar and Alane 
to be warnit and accusit for buring of the said barn, being 
gottin in fornication and nocht satisfaction maid to the 
kirk thairfor, and under silence of nycht, the majestratis      #
nocht 
being advertisit. 

[} (\DIE TERTIO NOVEMBRIS, ANNO LXXXXJ=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, Margret Mane grantis hir with barne to 
Stevin Lawsoun, servitour to Margret Aytoun, quhilk wes 
gottin at Midsymmer last wes, in hir awin hous in this citee;
the first tyme wes at Peasche last wes, and the last tyme wes 
xx dayis befoir Lammes last wes. Sche buir ane barne befoir 
to William Diksoun in Lawder. [\It is ordanit\] to warn
Lawson to this day aucht dayis. 
   The quhilk day Henry Wilsoun grantis he hes gottin ane 
barne in fornicatioun with Elene Wilson. He is ordanit to 
satisfie as also the said Elene conforme to the ordour. 
   The quhilk day, conperit Issobell Trest and Jhone Andersoun,
quha grantis thai haif gottin ane barn in adultre in 
Vnthank, the said Issobell being mariit with James Scrymgeour. 
The sessioun ordanit thame to conpeir to morn befoir the 
Presbittrie and ressaif thair injunctionis. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, XXIIIJ=TO= NOVEMBRIS, ANNO LXXXXJ=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, Cristene Hound grantis sche hes borne ane 
barne in fornicatioun to Jhone Carnis, quhilk wes gottin [\in\] 
Robert Scheves chalmer in the Abbay, xv dayis befoir Zuill
last wes, betuix fyve and sex houris eftir none, and that he 
hed oftimes to do with hir sensyne. The session ordanit 
<P 720>
Jhone Carnis to be warnit to ansuer to the dilatioun this day 
aucht dayis. 
   The quhilk day, Jonet Symmer grantis hir with barne to 
Paule Congiltoun, servitour to Mr. Jhone Aytoun of Kynnaldy,
quhilk wes gottin in Kynnaldy in Lentron last wes, in the eist 
chalmer; the last tyme wes viij dayis befoir Michaelmes last 
wes. The sessioun ordanit the said Paule to be warnit heirto 
this day aucht dayis. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, PRIMO DECEMBRIS, ANNO LXXXXJ=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, Androw Sellar officiar verefiit that he hes 
warnit Jhone Carnis personalie, to ansuer this day to the       #
dilatioun
gevin in be Cristene Hound aganis him; and the said 
Jhone being oftimes callit thairto, nocht conperand, the        #
sessioun 
ordanit him to be warnit agane to ansuer to this day aucht      #
dayis, 
for the secund tyme under [\pane of\] publict admonition. 
   The quhilk day, Androw Sellar verefiit that he hed also 
warnit Stevin Lawson personalie to this day, to ansuer to the 
dilatioun gevin in aganis him be Margret Mane. Becaus he 
conperis nocht, the session ordanit him to be warnit heirto 
this day aucht dayis, for the secund tyme, under [\pane of\] 
public admonition. 
   The quhilk [\day\] , Henry Anderson litstar, being accusit   #
for 
haifing carnall daill with Elspot Dauidsoun sen the last tyme 
he wes admonisit, grantis the samyn, and promisis to returne 
this day aucht dayis and contract marige with hir, and to 
satisfie for his offence at the sessionis will. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, OCTAVO DECEMBRIS, 1591.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Androw Sellar verefiit that he hed warnit 
Jhone Carnis to this day personalie, to ansuer to the           #
dilatioun 
gevin in be Cristene Hound aganis him; and becaus he conperis 
nocht, the sessioun ordanit him to be warnit agane the 
secund tyme, to this day aucht dayis, under [\pane of\] publict 
admonition.
   The quhilk day, Androw Sellar verefiit that he hed warnit 
<P 721>
Stevin Lawsoun personalie to this day, to ansuer to the         #
dilatioun
gevin aganis him be Margret Mane. Becaus he conperis 
nocht, the session ordanis him to be warnit the secund tyme, 
to this day aucht dayis, under [\pane of\] publict              #
admonitioun. 

[} (\DIE DECIMO QUINTO MENSIS JANUARII, 1591.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Mr. James Martine, Provest of St.            #
Saluatouris
College, Mris. Dauid Russell, William Russell, Jhone 
Scott, William Lermonth, Patrik Gutherie, elderis, Androw 
Wrycht deakin, and Thomas Wod redar, being assemblit in the 
consalhous, hes ordanit Patrik Arthour, portioner of Newtoun, 
his barne, procreat be him on Margret Monipenny his ladfull
spous, to be baptizit; and thai nochtwithstanding to satisfie 
for ony offence and sklander done and gevin be thame befoir 
thair mariage, quhen the kirk sall command thame. 

[} (\DIE PRIMO MARTII, 1591.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Patrik Bouy, servitour to George Ramsy 
of Langraw, grantis he hes gottin ane barne in fornicatioun 
with Annabil Bron, quhilk wes gottin in Fedinsche. He is 
ordanit to satisfie thairfor conforme to the ordour. 
   The quhilk day Paule Congiltoun and Jonet Symmer grantis 
thai haif gottin ane barn in fornicatioun in Kynnaldy. Thai 
ar ordanit to satisfie thairfor conforme to the ordour. 
   The quhilk day conperit Alane Lentroun quha denyis the 
dilatioun gevin in aganis him be Issobell Guidfallow. Thai ar
ordanit to be confrontit this day aicht dayis.

[} (\DIE VIIJ=O= MENSIS MARTII, 1591.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Beatrix Broun grantis sche hes borne ane 
barne in adulterie to Jhone Forrett duelling at Forrett Miln, 
quhilk wes gottin in ane litill auld hous besyde the nether     #
yett
of the Abbay, aucht dayis eftir Witsonday last wes. It is       #
ordanit 
that Thomas Wod present request to the Presbittre to morn, 
to caus Jhone Forrett compeir this day aucht dayis, to ansuer 
to the dilatioun.
<P 722>
 
[} (\DIE XXIX=O= MARTII, 1592.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Dauid Strang grantis he hes gottin ane 
barne in fornicatioun with Margret Scott, as also Margret       #
grantit
the samyn. Dauid is ordanit to be impressonit and to satisfie 
conforme to the ordour. Margret committit adultrie befoir 
with Duncane Balfour. Sche is ordanit also to satisfe, bot the 
haill session to be advisit upon hir satisfaction. 
   The quhilk day, Henry Anderson is ordanit to enter to the 
stuill of repentance Sonday nixttocum, and to sitt thairon,     #
for 
fornicatioun with Elspot Dauidson, thre sindry Sondayis,        #
becaus 
he is thryis relapis. 
   The quhilk day, Margret Grundestoun grantis sche is with 
barne to Henry Gaw, quhilk wes gottin in Androw Forrettis 
hous xx dayis eftir Martimes last wes, in the chalmer in the 
nicht. The sessioun ordanit Henry Gaw to be warnit to ansuer 
to the dilatioun this day aucht dayis. 
   The quhilk day, Issobell Blak grantis hir with barne to 
Androw Greif, quhilk wes gottin at Lambes last wes, in 
Cathrin Zoungis hous in this citee. Androw is ordant to be 
warnit to ansuer to the said dilatioun. 
   The quhilk day, Margret Stevinsoun grantis sche hes borne 
[\ane barne\] in fornicatioun to Mr. Dauid Mwrray, quhilk wes
gottin in the Bischoppis hous. Sche allegis the barne wes 
baptizit in the kirk of [\blank\] within the Presbittrie of     #
Perth;
and is ordanit to satisfie for hir offence in this kirk, and to 
report testimoniall of the baptizing of the barin.
   The quhilk day Jonet Duncansoun grantis hir with barne to 
[\blank\] . Sche is ordanit [\to\] enter in presson Satterday   #
nixttocum,
or ellis to pay xx s. in part of pament of the Act. 

[} (\DIE XIX=O= APRILIS, 1592.\) }]

   The quhilk day Jhone Carnis grantis carnall copulatioun
with Cristene Hound. He hes payit in viij s. in part of pament 
of the Act for his impressoment; and is ordanit to mak 
<P 723>
publict humiliatioun, conforme to the ordour, within ane 
moneth. 
   The quhilk day, Issobell Strang grantis hir with barne to 
Jhone Galloway, servitour to the laird of Carnebe, quhilk wes 
gottin in Dauid Strangis hous in Pittinweme. The balyeis 
hes promist to tak ordour with hir in the tolbuith, and gif     #
hir 
ane assyis Friday nixttocum. 
   The quhilk day, Margret Rind grantis sche hes born ane 
barne in fornicatioun to Jhone Gourlay, quhilk wes gottin in 
Tessis, in Lady Wodis hous, within the parrochin of Seres. 
The bailyes hes promist to tak ordour with hir in the           #
tolbuith, 
and gif hir ane assyis Friday nixttocum.
   The quhilk day, Margret Scott is ordanit to begyn agane 
hir pennence in seclaith Sonday nixttocum, for adultrie with 
umquhill Duncane Balfour, and to continew quhill the kirk 
be satisfeit, and thaireftir to be punisit fornicatioun with 
Dauid Strang. 
   The quhilk day, Thomas Wod redar producit ane summondis 
dewle execut and indorsat upon Margret Clapen adultrice, 
Beatrix Weland and Agnes Bett fornicatouris, quha wes laidfulle
summond publicle [\Pubile IN MS\] to this day, to ansuer to     #
the dilatioun 
and to sic thingis as suld haif bein sperit at thame; and,      #
becaus
thai conperit nocht, thai ar ordanit to be summond the secund 
tyme publicle, under pane of excommunicatioun. And als 
Elspot Guidfallow grantis sche hes born ane madin barne in 
adultrie to Alane Lentron, quhilk wes gottin. [\Here this entry #
ends abruptly.\]

[} (\DIE TERTIO MENSIS MAII, 1592.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Alexander Pady and Margret Clapen being 
callit befoir the sessioun for keping cumpanie to gidder as 
adulteraris, thai conperit and allegit thame to be mariit in    #
the 
town of Wark in Jngland; and that Robert Auchmowty sumtyme
spous to the said Margret is devorsit fra hir, and he is 
mariit with ane uther woman. The sessioun ordanit thame to 
produce testimoniall of thair mariage and decrete of            #
devorcement,
<P 724>
the xij of Junii nixttocum; certifeing thame, if thai 
failye, the sessioun will proceid aganis thame to the censouris
of the kirk.
   The quhilk day, conpert Issobell Gudfallo, quha, being 
accusit quhy sche conpert nocht to be confrontit with Alane 
Lentron, ansueris sche wes in the kirk that day, bot sche wes 
persuadit to pas away and nocht to conpeir be Dauid Gudfallow,
Gregore Watson, Mr. Dauid Auchmoty yonger, and 
Jhone Lentron. 

[} (\DIE XXIIJ=O= AUGUSTI, ANNO LXXXXIJ=O.= \) }]

   The quhilk day, Alexander Pady and Margret Clapen, being 
to this day warnit to produce testimoniall of thair marage, 
and decrete quhair Margret wes devorsit fra Robert Auchmoty
hir first husband, conperit Alexander Pady, quha producit ane 
testimoniall subscrivd be Mr. Dauid Spens, minister of          #
Kirkcaldy,
testifeing that he mariit Robert Auchmowty laidfulle 
with Grissell Seitoun, within the parrochin of Kircaldy, and 
that becaus the said Robert is devorsit fra the said Margret 
Clepen be decrete of the commissaris of Edinburgh. The 
sessioun ordanit Alexander yit [\It IN MS.\] as of befoir to    #
produce testimoniall
of his laidfull mariage with Margret Clapen, betuix
this and Candilmes nixttocum. 
   The quhilk day, Alane Lentroun, being warnit to this day
to ansuer to the dilatioun gevin aganis him be Issobell         #
Guidfallow,
conperit nocht. The sessioun ordanit him to be warnit
agane to this day aucht dayis, under pane of publict            #
admonitioun.
   The quhilk day Thomas Moreis grantis him to haif gottin 
ane barn in fornicatioun with Agnes Reid. He is ordanit to 
satisfie for his offence, and Agnes to be warnit quhen sche is 
habill to travell.

[} (\DIE SEXTO SEPTEMBRIS, 1592.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Thomas Wod redar verefiit that he hed 
upon Sonday last wes summond Alane Lentroun publiclie to 
<P 725>
this day, to ansuer to the dilatioun gevin in aganis him be 
Issobell Guidfallo, that he and sche may be confrontit thairin.
Becaus he conperit nocht, the sessioun ordanit him to be 
summond publikle Sonday nixttocum, for the secund tyme, 
under [\pane of\] censsouris of the kirk. 
   The quhilk day, it being inquirit of Mr. Dauid Blak          #
minister 
to sett down in speciall the heidis and preceptis, quhilk he 
desyris to be observit in this congregatioun: First, he         #
desyris 
that ordour be takin for keiping of the Sabboth day; nixt,      #
that 
provisioun be maid for the puir; thridlie, that the elderis 
wache and attend upon the maneris of the pepill. 
<P 726>
[} (\DIE XIIJ=O= SEPTEMBRIS, 1592.\) }]
   The quhilk day, Dauid Watsoun bailye declaris that he com 
to Thomas Wod redar and causit him to stay the publict 
<P 727>
citatioun of Alane Lentroun Sonday last wes; and promisis to 
caus him conpeir personalie this day aucht dayis and ansuer to 
the dilatioun.
<P 728>
   The quhilk day, conperit George Gilcrist wobstar and 
Cathrin Kynnynmonth, quha grantis that thai haif committit
adultrie, the said George being mariit with ane uther woman;
and that thai haif lyin to gidder fyve sindry tymes, and that 
the said Cathrin is with barne to him in adultree. Thai ar 
ordanit to pas to morn to the Presbittrie and ressaif thair 
injunctionis, and thaireftir conpeir befoir the sessioun this   #
day
aucht day. 

[} (\DIE VENERIS, XV=TO= SEPTEMBRIS, 1592.\) }]

   The quhilk day, the sessioun being convenit, conperit        #
befoir 
thame Margret Philp, quha being examinat confessis that 
sche wes mariit [\with\] Jhone Thomson, in the Garioch, in the 
Northland; and that sche and he com to Coupar in Fyffe and 
duelt thair (he being ane [\In IN MS.\] skynner of his craft)   #
sevin yeiris,
under Dauid Nicholl; and that hir husband deit fra hir at 
Michaelmes wes ane [\yeir\] ; to quhome sche bur twa barnis in 
laidfull mariage; and sensyne sche hes born ane barne to 
Thomas Bell, ane puir vagabound beggar with ane hand, at 
Peasche last wes, in fornicatioun; and sche falslie discemblit
and said that hir barne wes hir husbandis, and causis James 
Tailzeour, seyman in the Fischergait, hald up hir barn, and 
James Clerk and Andro Dikeson wes witnes, quhen Mr. 
Robert Wilkie baptizit hir barn in St. Leonardis kirk: and 
forder confessis and declaris that sche hes ane madin barne of 
sevin owkis auld in fostering with hir, and that the said       #
barne is 
Patrik Bonkillis barne, and that he geif hir ane mark of        #
silver 
to keip the barne; and that Jhone Maknair causit hir to pas 
with him to ane town, quhilk is Norther Faufeildis, quhair the 
barne wes borne; and thair, quhen sche and Jhone Maknair com, 
the mother of the barne wes sittand in ane mirk chalmer, with 
ane cursche ower hir eis, quha deliverit the barne to hir upon 
Lammes evin last wes, and prayit hir to do weill to the barne;
and als declaris that Patrik Bonkle, Jhone Maknair and sche,
being convenit at Patrikis desyre in Patrikis writing chalmer, 
Patrik thair aggret with hir to tak the barn in fostering, and 
<P 729>
geif hir the said mark of silver; and eftir that sche hed
ressavit the barne sche past with it to Coupar, quhair sche 
remanit xx dayis at Patrikis desyre, and that Patrik promist 
to caus tak the barne fra hir schortlie, and he said to hir     #
the 
barne wes ane gentill mannis barne in Lowtheane; and eftir
sche hed remanit xx dayis in Coupar, and nather com Patrik 
nor send to hir to tak the barne fra hir, sche com agane to 
this citee with the barn, to seik mair support fra Patrik to 
sustein the barn: and being inquirit quhair sche wes mariit,
sayis that Walter Jnnes  minister mariit hir with Jhone         #
Thomsoun
at the kirk of Leslie in the Garioche; and sayis that 
[\blank\] Cuthbert, gudwyffe of the hous, wes present in the    #
hous 
quhen sche ressavit the barne, and geif thame butter cheis and 
meit; and  that Patrik Bonkle com to Jhone Segis hous to 
hir, and bad hir cum to his chalmer to him to aggre with hir;
and Patrik send Jhone Caldwellis to hir to that effect, viij    #
dayis 
befoir the barn wes born. Jhone Maknair, being suorn and 
examinat, deponis, on his conscience, that he wes directit be 
Patrik Bonkle to pas to Norther Faufeld, to Androw Dikesonis 
hous, with Margret Philip, to ressaif ane barne new born in     #
the 
said Androwis hous; and that he ressavit fra Patrik for his 
panis ane Frensche testane; and that he saw ane woman 
quhilk wes sittand in ane chalmer, and knawis nocht the 
womannis name, nor yit the barnis father. Margret Philp
also sayis that quhen sche ressavit the barn the mother thairof
said to hir, The silver that Patrik Bonkle hes gevin yow is 
bot drink silver, he will pay yow honestle thairfor, and find
the barne clathis! and that Patrik gef hir xiij s. iiij d. sen 
syne in the College Kirkzard, ane nicht at ix houris at evin, 
to pas furth of the town with the barn. The samyn day conperit
Patrik Bonkill, common clerk of this citee, and, being 
examinat and chargit with the foirsaid dilatioun, if the barne 
be his or nocht and if the dilatioun be trew, declaris on his 
conscience the barne is nocht his barne, and that he nevir
knew ony woman carnale sen he wes mariit bot his present 
mariit wyffe; and forder confessis that he, at desyre of ane 
gentill man, gef ane mark of silver to the said Margret Philp
<P 730>
to foster the barne, and that he knawis nocht the barnis 
mother; and that [\he\] sall do diligens to caus the barnis
father conpeir befoir the sessioun upon Weddinsday cum aucht 
dayis, and confes the barne; and denyis the geving of ane 
testane to Jhone Maknair; and, being demandit to tell the 
gentill mannis name, presentle refusis. The session             #
nochtwithstanding
ordanis him [\to\] conpeir Weddinsday nixttocum,
and declair the gentill mannis name quha is the barnis 
father, and to caus him conpeir Weddinsday cum aucht dayis 
personale and confes the samyn, conforme to his promis; and 
ordanis Mr. William Russell balye, Mr. Jhone Scott, and
Charlis Watsoun clerk, to pas this day with all diligens to 
Norther Faufeild, and examinat [\blank\] Cuthbert maidwyffe 
and Androw Dikeson, upon the said dilatioun. Quha, being 
examinat be thame the said day, deponis as followis: first, 
being inquirit if ony woman wes lichter in hir hous of ane 
barn sen Witsonday last wes, ansueris that ane ant hir awin,
haifand hir gud man at the saill, com furth of Craill to hir 
and wes deliverit of ane barn, and thaireftir sche past hame 
agane to Craill; and, being inquirit of ony uther woman wes 
deliverit [\Deliver IN MS.\] of ony barnis in hir hous sen      #
Witsonday nor that,
ansueris, Na. And than it being schawin to hir that ane 
woman, this day with Jhone Maknair present befoir the 
consall of the sessioun of St. Androus, declarit that thai at 
command of Pa. Bonkill ressavit ane madin barn fra hir furth 
of hir hous, than sche ansuer and confessis, Now I remember 
ane uther young woman, of xxvj yeiris of age or thairby, com 
to hir hous ane litill befoir Lammes last wes, and desyrt hir 
help for Goddis saik in hir birth, and that sche micht haif 
remaining with hir quhill sche suld be deliverit,               #
[\Deliver IN MS\] , quhilk sche
willingle for Goddis saik consentit to; and that sche com to 
hir viij dayis befoir hir birth onle, and knawis nocht quhair 
fra sche com nor hir name, bot only thai call hir Cristene, 
and that sche buir ane madin barn in hir hous, quhilk is blauk
harit; and that sche sperit nocht hir name, nor of hir          #
parentis 
and kinred, nor yit sperit sche tyme of hir birth quha wes the 
barnis father, nor quha send hir thair; and that sche remanit 
<P 731>
with hir xx dayis, and than departit sowth ower to Lowtheane, 
quhair sche said the barnis father duelt; and, being inquirit   #
if 
Patrik Bonkill send hir thair, denyis the samyn.

[} (\DIE MERCURII, XX=O= SEPTEMBRIS, 1592.\) }]

   The quhilk day, being appointit to Patrik Bonkill to         #
declair 
the mannis name quha aucht the barn that Margret Philp hes
in fostring, he, being oftimes callit to that effect, laidfull  #
tyme 
of day biddin, conperit nocht.
   The quhilk day, George Gilcrist wobstar and Cathrin 
Kynnynmonth, adulteraris, remittit fra the Presbittrie to the 
sessioun to ressaif thair injunctionis. Thai ar ordanit be the 
sessioun to enter upon Sonday nixttocum, at the secund bell 
to sermone befoir none, and stand at the kirk dur to gidder 
cled in sek claith quhill the last bell to sermone be endit,    #
and 
thaireftir enter to gidder upon the hichest degre of the        #
penitent 
stuill, and sit in sek claith bair heddit quhill the sermone    #
and 
prayer be endit, and sa to continew ilk Sonday quhill the kirk 
be satisfeit. 
   The quhilk day, Mungo Fortoun and Cristene Alane 
grantis thai haif gottin ane barne in adulterie, the said       #
Mungo 
being mariit with Jonet Mathesoun. Thai ar ordanit to conpeir
befoir the Presbittrie to morn and ressaif thair injunctionis, 
and to conper agane befor the sesson this day aucht 
dayis. 
   The quhilk day, Robert Williamsoun deakin oblissis him 
caution to produce testimoniall, that Thomas Traill and 
Marie Mortoun hes satisfeit for thair fornicatioun in the kirk 
of Kempbak - [\the bairn being\] gottin in the said parrochin 
and born in this citee - and that within viij dayis nixt eftir
Mr. Dauid Monipeny minister of Kembak cum hame. 
   The quhilk day, Allexis the Appoloniane, being warnit to 
this day to ansuer to the dilatioun gevin in aganis him be the 
minister, being oftimes callit and his personall warning        #
verefiit, 
<P 732>
conperit nocht. The sessioun ordanit him to be warnit heirto 
the secund tyme, under [\pane of\] publict admonition. 
   The quhilk day, Elspot Dauidsoun oblissis hir of hir awin 
fre will to be baneist this citee perpetuale, if evir sche      #
haif 
carnall daill heireftir with Henry Andersoun litstar on mariit;
and is ordanit to satisfe Sonday nixttocum for the faltis ellis
done.

[} (\DIE VENERIS, PENULTIMO MENSIS SEPTEMBRIS, 1592.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Patrik Bonkill, for fulfilling of the desyre
of the Act maid the xv of September instant, producis 
Alexander Bonkill personalie, sone to Eduard Bonkill in Kelso, 
present servand to Walter Ker of Litildane, and that he hes 
bein sen Witsonday last wes with him; and declaris that he wes 
in St. Androus at midsymmer wes ane yeir and nevir befoir, and 
ane uther tyme sen syne at Mertimes last wes, and now this is 
the thrid tyme that evir he wes heir; and that he duellis 
within the parrochin of Maxton and that Jhone Smyth is 
minister thairof, and that he sum tymes, hantis in the 
parrochin of Kelso, quhairof William Balfour is minister. 
And the barne quhilk Margret Philp hes in fostering, being 
in the consall hous in the said Alexander presens, it wes       #
sperit 
at him if the samyn barne wes his barne, ansueris, he knawis 
nocht; bot sayis he hes hed carnall daill with Issobell 
Sudderland, the barnis mother, and the first tyme that he 
hed to do with hir wes in Patrik Bonkillis writing chalmer, 
upon ane bed quhair he lay in the fluir, quhen sche com to 
mak the samyn, sche being in the meane tyme servand to 
Patrik Bonkll; and that sche wald nocht lett him, befoir he 
first maid hir promis of mariage; and diveris tymes about 
that samyn tyme of Mertimes, baith in Patrik writing chalmer 
and in the loft aboif his hall, for he remanit than xx dayis    #
with 
Patrik in this citee quietle. 
<P 733>
   And Patrik Bonkill now declaris that the barnis motheris 
name is Issobell Sudderland, bastard dochter to umquhill 
Dauid Sutherland, father bruther to his awin wyffe; and,
being demandit if he knawis quhair sche is presentle, ansueris 
he knawis nocht bot belevis sche is with hir mother, namit 
[\blank\] Hair, duelling besyde Perth; and that hir mother hes 
ane bruther in Perth callit [\blank\] Hair sourdslipper. Patrik
offeris him willinglie to do diligence to present the barnis 
mother upon Weddinsday the first day of November nixttocum. 
And the sessioun ordanis the said Alexander Bonkill to present 
the said barnis mother the said day, and Patrik and Alexander 
to be baith also present the samin day. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, QUARTO OCTOBRIS, 1592\) }] 

   Quhilk day, Alexis the Apoloniane, being accusit befoir the 
session for nocht keiping of the Sabboth day holy and nocht 
frequenting the sermonis, is decernit, he being in this town,   #
to 
keip the precheing or ellis to schaw ane ressonabill caus; and 
he, being furth of this town, salbe haldin to mak ansuer to     #
the 
sessioun, quhair he wes on the Sabboith day tyme of sermone 
heireftir.
   The quhilk day James Jak mariner grantis he hes gottin ane 
barne in fornicatioun with Sara Stevin. He is ordanit to 
satisfie conforme to the ordour. 
   The quhilk day, Dauid Strang cordinar is ordanit to pay x s. 
for fornicatioun with Margret Scott, in part of pament of the 
Act, and to mak humiliatioun. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, XVIIJ=O= OCTOBRIS, 1592.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Jonet Broun grantis hir with barne to 
Dauid Guidfallow, quhilk wes gottin at the Ruid Day last wes, 
in his fatheris malt barn. [\It is ordanit\] to warn Dauid to 
this day aucht dayis to ansuer, and Jonet to be present the 
said day. 
   The quhilk day, Margret Gulen grantis hir with barn to 
<P 734>
Mr. Alane Orm, quhilk wes gottin xx dayis eftir Witsonday
last wes, in Beatrix Traillis chalmer in the clois, in the day 
tyme eftir none. The sessioun ordanit Mr. Alane Orm to be 
warnit, quhen he may be apprenhendit, to ansuer to the 
dilatioun.
   The quhilk day, Dauid Schort and Cristene Michell, being 
this day contractit, grantis thai haif committit fornicatioun 
befoir thair contract and sche is with barn to him. Thai ar 
ordanit to satisfie as fornicatouris befoir thair mariage. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, XXV=TO= OCTOBRIS, 1592.\) }]

   Quhilk day, Agnes Reid grantis sche hes borne ane barne in 
fornicatioun to Thomas Moreis, quha also hes confessit the 
gatting thairof. Thai ar ordanit to satisfie for thair          #
offencis. 
This is tua sindry tymes Thomas hes offendit. He is ordanit 
to pay xlvj s. viij d., and to sitt tua dayis of the penitent 
stull.- The money is payit, and thai baith to mak               #
humiliatioun. [\THE LAST CLAUSE HAS BEEN ALTERED, HAVING        #
ORIGINALLY RUN: and thai haif baith maid humiliatioun.\]
   The quhilk day Dauid Guidfallow grantis that he hes gottin 
ane barne in fornicatioun with Jonet Broun. He hes payit 
four merkis for him and hir, in part of pament of the Act.-
This iiij merkis is gevin to William Zuill for heling of tua    #
puir 
barnis. 
   The quhilk day Jhone Carstairis maltman grantis he hes 
gottin ane barne in fornicatioun with Agnes Cragow. He is 
ordanit to satisfie for his offence, and hes payit iiij merkis  #
in 
part of pament of the Act for him and Agnes, and sche to be 
warnit to this day aucht dayis. 
   The quhilk day Androw Sellar resavit fourty s. for his last 
yeiris fie. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, PRIMO NOVEMBRIS, 1592.\) }]

   The quhilk day, being appointit to Alexander Bonkill to 
present Issobell Sutherland, with quhome he sayis he hes        #
gottin 
<P 735>
ane barne in fornicatioun in Patrik Bonkllis hous in this       #
citee, 
and also the said Patrik to schaw quhat diligens he hes done 
for presenting of the said Issobell, that triall may be takin   #
of 
the barne quhilk sche hes born, and schatisfactioun [\Sic\] may #
be 
maid for the offence; nochttheles, nather conperit the said 
Alexander nor yit the said Patrik to that effect. The sessioun 
ordanit Patrik Bonkill to be warnit heirto and to schaw his 
diligens this day aucht dayis. 

[} (\DIE DECIMO QUINTO NOVEMBRIS, 1592.\) }]

   The quhilk day, being appointit to Patrik Bonkill, to schaw 
quhat diligens he hes done in presenting of Issobell            #
Sutherland, 
quha hes born ane barn in fornicatioun to Alexander Bonkill
as is allegit, conperit the said Patrik and maid certane 
allegeance for excusing of his diligens; bot becaus the         #
sessioun 
wes nocht fullie convenit thai ordanit Patrik, present, warnit
(^ (\apud acta\) ^) , to conpeir befoir thame this day aucht    #
dayis to 
declair his diligence. 
   The quhilk day, Elspot Mwrray grantis sche hes borne ane 
barne in fornicatioun to James Adamsoun, son to umquhill 
Mr. Patrik Adamsoun, quhilk wes gottin in the hiche chalmer 
in the said umquhill Mr. Patrikis ludgeing in St. Androus, 
aucht dayis befoir Candilmes last wes, and that sche hed
oftimes to do with him. The sessioun ordanit the said James 
to be warnit to ansuer to the said dilatioun this day aucht 
dayis. 
   The quhilk day, anent the bill of complant gevin be          #
Grissell 
Clapen upon Mr. Thomas Broun hir spous, makand mentioun 
that quhair thai haif bein laidfullie mariit and thairfor the 
said Mr. Thomas aucht and suld interteine hir and keip          #
cumpanie 
with hir in bed and buird, as becummis him of his 
dewete, nochttheles the said Mr. Thomas aganis all equite hes
detenit and abstractit his persoun fra the said Grissell and    #
hir 
societe thir xxxvj owkis last bipast, and nather adheris to     #
hir 
in bed nor buird, nor gevis hir ony thing quhairon to sustein 
hir self and hir barne; bot he keipis cumpanie and societie 
<P 736>
with Martha Ferny, Lady Kilquhis, nicht and day, to the great 
dishonour of God, the said Grissellis great displeasour, and 
sklander of this congregatioun, as the said bill producit       #
befoir 
the sessioun at mair lenth contenis. The sessioun ordanit 
Androw Sellar officiar to pas with all diligence [\to the       #
said Mr.
Thomas to warn\] him to adheir to the said Grissell in bed
and buird, as becummis ane mariit man with his wyffe, and if 
he failyeis, upon the said officiaris vereficatioun of his      #
warning,
and the said Grissellis vereficatioun of his refusall, that he  #
be 
excommunicat Sonday nixttocum; and in the mane tyme to 
warn him to conpeir to ansuer befoir the sessioun this day
aucht dayis. 

[} (\DIE MERCURII, XXIJ=O= NOVEMBRIS, 1592.\) }]

   The quhilk day, being appointit to Patrik Bonkill to schaw 
quhat diligens he hes done in presenting of Issobell            #
Sutherland, 
quha hes born ane barne as is allegit in fornicatioun to 
Alexander Bonkll, conperit the said Patrik, and declarit that 
he past to the said Issobell to Souther Fawfeild, and solistit  #
hir 
to conpeir befoir the sessioun to gif hir declaratioun in that 
mater as wes desyrit; bot sayis that the said Issobell refusit 
to conpeir, quhil sche wes advisit with hir freindis, becaus    #
sum
membris of this session hed sklanderit hir in Perth, and that 
sche wes also sklanderit with the said Patrik him self; and     #
that 
he requestit hir maist ernestle to conpeir, bot sche refusit    #
for 
the causis foirsaid. The sessioun, being advisit with the said 
Patrikis ausuer, findis the diligens that he hes done nocht 
sufficient, and that his voluntar promis maid to the session
to do diligens [\is\] sufficient to astrict him to do forder    #
diligens. 
Thairfor thai haif ordanit the said Patrik Bonkle to sers and 
seik quhair Issobell Sutherland is, and to caus hir conpeir 
befoir this sessioun and declair the treuth of the dilatioun;
and, if sche refusis, to purches lettres of the Presbittrie or 
sessioun, quhair sche is and remanis, to caus hir conpeir, and 
to produce the said lettres execut to that effect this day xxj
dayis. 
<P 737>
  The quhilk day, at the humill suit of Mwngo Fortoun, 
wobstar, adultrar with Cristene Alane, desirand the barne 
procreat betuix thame to be baptizit, the session ordanit the 
barne to be baptizit, he first findand sufficient cautioun,     #
under 
pane of fourty lib, to satisfie the kirk for his adulterie. 

<S SAMPLE 3>     
<P 792>
[} (\DIE  VIIJ DECEMBRIS, 1594.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Robert Wilsoun plew wricht is decernit to 
mak publict humiliatioun in sek claith, to witt, to stand 
Sonday nixttocum fra [\At IN MS.\] the secund bell to sermone   #
quhill the 
thrid bell be cessit at the kirk dur; and thaireftir to sitt    #
on 
ane stuill befoir the pulpeit, with ane papir about his heid, 
bering his falt writin thairin, to witt, that he hes kepit his 
barn xiiij owkis on baptizit, quhill the samyn decessit without
<P 793>
baptisme.-The said Robert satisfeit this decret in all 
thingis. 
   The quhilk day, it is verefiit and provin befoir the         #
sessioun 
that James Keingzo officiar, being mariit with Jonet Hendersoun
his laidfull spous, hes committit the filthie vice of 
adulterie with Elspott Eviott spous to Thomas Wilsoun.
And thairfor the said James, be decrete of the sessioun, wes 
jokit, cartit and that throw the haill streitis of the town,    #
and 
cariit to the North Hauche of this citee, the haill scolaris    #
and 
utheris, ane grea[{t{] multitude of pepill, upon Mononday ane 
merkat day, being his convoy, casting rottin eggis filth and 
glar at him, wes at last dowkit ower the heid diveris tymes. 
And this wes also done be vertew of ane decrete of ane          #
condigne 
assyis, ordourlie led aganis him, for the said filthie vice 
of adulterie. He is also decern[{it{] to be banisit the boundis 
of this citee, in the will and optioun of the magistratis,      #
conforme
to the Actis of Parliament and utheris actis maid in 
this citee. The sessioun hes also ordanit the said James to 
stand at the kirk dur, beir heddit and beir futtit, ilk         #
precheing 
da[{y{] tyme of sermone, fra the secund bell quhill the last 
bell to sermon, in seclaith; and thaireftir to enter on the 
hichest degre of the penitent stuill, and sitt quhill the       #
sermone 
and blessing be gevin, and to cum ilk tyme to the 
catichisme, and sa to continew quhill the kirk be satisfeit. 
   The quhilk day, Thomas Lummisdane, son to Alexander 
Lummisdane, James Robertson masoun, William Nicholsoun, 
Thomas Dalgleis, Patrik Cuik flescheour, being callit and 
convict befoir the session for nicht walking and extraordinar 
drinking, ar decernit, with thair awin consentis, and oblist,   #
if 
evir thai or ony of thame salbe fund heireftir nicht walkaris   #
or 
extraordinar drinkaris, to pay xl s. for the first falt to the  #
box
of the puir; and sa oft as thai or ony of thame sall fall in    #
the 
saidis vices heireftir to pay xx s. mair nor the xl s. for ilk  #
falt, 
to be extendit so oft as ony of thame failyeis to the box of    #
the 
puir unforgevin. 
<P 794>
   The quhilk day, the sessioun hes ordanit and decernit 
Arthour Miln couper deakin and Androw Cuik flescheour, for 
thair misbehaveour, and unreverend spichis and langege in 
sessioun, to sitt upon ane stuill befoir the pulpeit the haill 
tyme of sermone Sonday nixttocum; and thaireftir thai to ask 
God mercy, the haill sessioun and congregatioun forgifnes: and 
if thai or ony of thame fallis in the lyke falt heireftir, he   #
that
failyeis to sitt half ane yeir upoun the penitent stuill in     #
sek 
claith, &c.- Thai haif maid humiliatioun publict for thair 
offence conforme [\to\] this decrete. 

[} (\DIE NONO MARTII, 1594.\) }]

   The quhilk day, the sessioun with the advis of the           #
magistratis 
hes decernit Thomas Monipenny to [\To be to IN MS.\] morne,     #
quhilk is Mononday
the tent of Marche instant, for his adulterie with Cathrin 
Hucheoun, to be joggit, cartit, and dowkit, and  thaireftir to 
satisfie the kirk be publict humiliatioun conforme to the       #
actis. 
-Thomas wes joggit, cartit and dowkit in the sey, conforme 
to this decrete. 
   The quhilk day, Jhone Crummy smyth, Thomas Kilgour 
wobstar and Andro Mortoun, ar convict for being fra sermone 
upon Sonday eftir none; and thairfor thai ar ordanit to be 
poindit, conforme to the actis, be the magistrat[\is\] .

[} (\DIE XIX=O= MARTII, 1594.\) }]

   The quhilk day, James Cristie is ordanit to mak publict 
humiliatioun, for sklandering of the congregatioun in fechting 
with James Philp. - Quhilk he did in deid. 
   The quhilk day, it is concludit be the sessioun that na      #
persoun
be contractit heireftir in mariage, onles thai can say the 
Lord his Prayar, Belef, and Ten Commandimentis; and if ony 
persoun present thame selfis quha can nocht say the samyn,
the persoun failyeing to pay xl s. to the box of the puir. 

[} (\DIE PENULTIMO MARTII, 1595.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Jhone Zoung wrycht is callit and accusit     #
for 
<P 795>
dinging of Margret Steill his spous, conperit and denyis the 
samyn. The session statut to preif the samyn Weddinsday 
nixttocum. 
[} (\DIE SECUNDO MENSIS APRILIS, 1595.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Jhone Smyth mercheand callit befoir the 
sessioun for dinging of Jonet Guidlaid his spous, and           #
misbehaving
of hir, to the dishonour of God and sklander of the 
congregatioun, he conperit and confessis the samyn. The 
sessioun ordanit him to pay thre lib. to the box of the puir, 
and [\he\] is obleist of his awin consent, if evir he do the    #
lyke 
offence to his wyffe heireftir, to pay to the box of the puir 
ten l~i. saoft as he transgressis, unforgevin.- Jhone payit xx  #
s. 
instantlie in part of pament of the thre l~i. 

[} (\DIE NONO APRILIS, 1595.\) }]

   The quhilk day, it is concludit be the sessioun that James
Martine of Lathonis mak humiliatioun, for his tuois relapis in 
fornicatioun, conforme to the ordour, and to begyn Sonday 
nixttocum upon the penitent stuill, and also Sonday cum aucht 
dayis, to be than ressavit, providing that he first satisfie    #
[\Satisfue IN MS\] the 
civile magistrat for his offencis conforme to the Act of        #
Parliament.-
James Martin maid publict humiliatioun, and payit 
ane pecuniall sowme for his impressoment, conforme to the 
decrete. 

[} (\DIE XVJ=TO= APRILIS, 1595.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Agnes Smyth, spous to Alexander Scharpe, 
being fund giltie and convict for abstracting hir persoun fra 
the kirk and hering of God his Word, is decernit Sonday
nixttocum, tyme of sermone or eftir, befoir none, quhen sche
beis requirit be the minister, to [\And IN MS\] ask God         #
forgifnes and the 
haill congregatioun; and if evir sche beis fund giltie in the 
lyke heireftir to pay xx s., saoft as sche transgressis, to     #
the box 
<P 796>
of the puir, conforme to the Act of Parliament.- Agnes Smyth 
maid publict humiliatioun conforme to this decrete.
   The samyn day, Alexander Scharpe baxter is decernit for 
blaspheme, spokin aganis God the ministeris and magistratis, 
and for making watter unreverendle in the kirk, to cum Sonday 
nixttocum upon the hichest degre of the penitent stuill, cled   #
in 
sek claith, and sitt thair the haill tyme of sermone befoir     #
none 
and prayaris, and thaireftir to cum down befoir the pulpleit,   #
[\Sic\]
and ask God the ministrie magistratis and haill congregatioun 
forgifnes. - The said Alexander Scharp satisfeit this decrete   #
in 
all thingis. 
   The quhilk day, Androw Sellar, officiar to the sessioun,
being callit accusit and convict for his ungodlie and           #
unreverend 
behaveour and spiches in sessioun, is decernit to sitt Sonday 
nixttocum, tyme of sermone, befoir none, cled in sek claith,
upon ane stuill befoir the pulpoit, and thaireftir ask God the 
haill sessioun and congregatioun forgifnes. -Androw Sellar 
satisfeit this decrete conforme to the tenour thairof. 
   The quhilk day, Androw Chaiplane is decernit to conpeir 
Sonday nixttocum in the kirk, quhen he beis callit upon, and 
mak humiliatioun for dinging of James Cristie, and skorning of 
Jhone Wod ane agit elder of the sessioun.- The said Androw 
obeyit this decret and satisfeit the samyn. 

[} (\DIE QUARTO MENSIS MAII, 1595.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Alesoun Downy, Bessy Miller, Beigis          #
Watsoun, 
and Cathrine Geddy, maidwyffis, being [\Be IN MS.\] callit and  #
conperand 
befoir the sessioun, ar commmandet, quhen thai or ony 
of thame beis chargit to be maidwyffis to ony woman tyme of 
hir birth, that thai speir at the woman with barne diligentle 
quha is the barnis father; and if the barne beis nocht gottin 
in laidfull marage, that thai incontinent signifie the samyn    #
to 
the ministeris elderis and deaconis of the kirk, under pane of 
xl s., with thair awin consent, to the box of the puir. 
   The quhilk day, Robert Donalsoun and Margret Masoun ar 
decernit to pay xl s., for nocht reveling of the barne born in 
<P 797>
thair hous be Jonet Masoun, gottin in adultrie be Jhone 
Beatoun of Pitlochie, and als to mak publict humiliatioun.- 
Robert Donalsoun and Margret Masoun maid publict humiliatioun,
and payit xl s. conforme to this decrete. 
   The quhilk day, Jhone Smart, Alexander Zoung, and 
Thomas Andersoun, milleris, ar ilk ane decernit to pay xx s. 
to the puiris box, for caring leidis on the Sabboth day, and    #
to 
satisfe publicle, &c. -Thai haif maid humiliatioun, bot the 
money is nocht payit as yit. 
 
[} (\DIE XXV=TO= MAII, 1595.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Cathrin Gilruif is decernit upon Sonday 
nixttocum to ask God and the congregatioun forgifnes, for 
nocht cuming to the communioun and refusing to be reconcelit 
with Margret Oliphant. -Quhilk Cathrin hes satisfeit the 
decrete.
   The samyn day, Androw Wrycht is admonisit to keip his 
hous clein from drunkattis and cumpanie in drinking, on the 
Sabboth day, and utheris dayis tyme of sermone. 

[} (\DIE DECIMO QUINTO JUNII, 1595.\) }]

   The quhilk day, conperit Elene Hammilton, dochter to 
umquhill Mr. Robert [\Robet IN MS.\] Hammilton, and eftir lang  #
proces and 
oft denyall at last grantis sche  [\Sch IN MS.\] hes borne ane  #
madin barne in 
fornicatioun to umquhill Mr. Robert [\Robet IN MS.\] Hammilton, #
minister 
sum tyme of Kennowy, and that the barne wes born deid. The 
sessoun and magistratis ordanit hir to pay vj l~i., in part of 
pament of the Act for hir impressoment, and to mak publict 
humiliatioun conforme to the ordour. 
<P 798>
[} (\DIE XVIIJ=TO= MENSIS JUNII, 1595.\) }]

   The quhilk day, anent the bill of sklander gevin in befoir 
the sessioun be Robert Narne tailyeour aganis Arthour Miln, 
bering the said Arthour [\THE WORDS bering the said Arthour ARE #
REPEATED IN MS.\] to haif callit the said Robert mansworn
and perjurit; the said bill being sufficientle verefiit and 
provin, the sessioun remittit the said Arthour to the civile 
magistratis, Provest and bailyeis of this citee, requesting     #
thame 
to putt this mater to the knawlege of ane assyis, that Arthour 
may be punisit thairfor conforme to the lawis; and thaireftir 
he to satisfie the kirk and be censsorit thairfor, conforme to
the Word of God and act of the kirk. 
   The quhilk day, William Muffett bailye is electit            #
commissioner
to pas to the nixt Generall Assemblie, to be haldin at 
Montrois the xxiiij of Junii instant. 

[} (\DIE SECUNDO JULII, 1595.\) }]

   The quhilk day, Cathrin Andersoun, dochter to Thomas 
Andersoun and Effe Broun, being accusit for banning of hir 
father and mother, grantis sche said to hir father, The devill
tak yow away! and said to hir mother, The devill stik hir!
and sche, being commandit be hir mother to do ane honest 
turn, ansuerit, The devill ane futt will I do it! The session 
ordanit the father and mother, with thair dochter, all          #
togidder 
upon Sonday nixttocum, to sitt on ane stuill befoir the         #
pulpeit, [\Sonday nixttocum IS HERE REPEATED IN MS.\] 
and ask God and the congregatioun forgifines; and, if thai tak 
nocht better ordour with thame selfis and thair barnis, to be 
banisit the boundis of this citee. -The father mother and 
dochter hes satisfeit conforme to this decrete. 

[} (\DIE XJ=O= JULII, 1595.\) }]

   The quhilk day, George Dog flescheour is decernit to sitt    #
on 
the penitent stuill, cled in seck claith, four Sabboth dayis    #
tyme 
of sermonis, for sklander gevin to the congregatioun in         #
fechteing
<P 799>
with Jhone Wobstar and schedding of his bluid, and to 
begyn Sonday nixttocum.- The said George hes satisfeit conforme
to this decrete. 
   
[} (\DIE XXIIIJ=TO= AUGUSTI, 1595.\) }]

   The quhilk day, William Geddy is callit and admonisit to 
behaif him self in all tymes cuming godly and honestlie,        #
alsueill 
in his familie with his wyffe and barnis, as [\HAS BEEN and.\]  #
in uthers places, and 
to keip the kirk and sermonis, that he be nocht sklandrowis 
in the congregatioun, under pane of censsouris of the kirk. 

[} (\DIE SECUNDO MENSIS SEPTEMBRIS, 1595.\) }]

   The quhilk day, it is decernit be the haill sessioun with    #
ane 
voce that Stevin Philp, Dane of Gild, for his unreverend
speiking without licence in sessioun, and for his misbehaveour
to  Schir George Dowglas and to the Rectour and haill session; 
and it is fund that the said Stevin hes transgressit the Act    #
maid 
in this buik the viij of Januar 1594, and thairfor ordanis him 
to pay the sowne of ten l~i., contenit in the said Act, to the 
box of the puir; and to ask God the said Schir George, Rector, 
and haill sessoun forgifnes; and if evir he be offencive agane 
to the sessioun in the lyke cais, to be removit [\Remoit IN     #
MS.\] fra the session,
as ane nocht worthie to be ane membir thairof.- The said 
Stevin mad humiliatioun as said is. 
   The quhilk day, it is concludit and aggreit upon be the      #
haill 
sessioun, that na member of the sessioun heireftir sall oppone 
aganis [\the\] form of the discipline of the kirk ressavit and 
observit in this kirk, and quha dois in the contrar salbe 
removit from sessioun and deposit fra the samyn. 



<B STRI2B>
<Q SC2 XX TRI CRIMINAL2>
<N CRIMINAL TRIALS>
<A X>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1576-1591>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T PROC TRIAL>
<G X>
<F X>
<W SPEECH-BASED>
<X X>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN>
<E X>
<J X>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^CRIMINAL TRIALS IN SCOTLAND, 1488-1624.
ED. ROBERT PITCAIRN. VOL. I, PART II-III.
BANNATYNE CLUB.
EDINBURGH AND LONDON 1833. 

SAMPLE 1: I,ii, PP. 49.26-58.26
SAMPLE 2: I,iii, PP. 207.2.-209.7
SAMPLE 3: I,iii, PP. 244.20-247.21
SAMPLE 4: I,iii, PP. 249.21-257.6^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 49>      
[}NOV. 8.- ELIZABETH OR BESSIE DUNLOP, SPOUS TO ANDRO JAK IN 
LYNE.}]
<P 50> 
[^EDITOR'S COMMENTS OMITTED^]
<P 51>
   Dilatit of the vsing Sorcerie, Witchcraft, and               #
Incantatioune, with Invocatioun
of spretis of the devill; continewand in familiaritie with      #
thame, at all sic
tymes as sche thocht expedient; deling with charmes, and        #
abusing the peple
with devillisch craft of sorcerie foirsaid, be the meanis       #
eftir specefeit; vsit thir 
diuerse yeiris bypast; specialie, at the tymes and in maner     #
following.
   In the first, That fforsamekle as the said Elizabeth being   #
demandit, be quhat 
art and knaulege sche culd tell diuerse persounes of thingis    #
thai tynt, or wer 
stollin away, or help seik persounes? Ansuerit and declarit,    #
that sche hirself had 
na kynd of art not science swa to do; bot diuerse tymes, quhen  #
onye sic persounes
come ather to hir, sche wald inquire at ane Thome Reid, quha    #
deit at 
Pinkye, as he himselff affirmit; wha wald tell hir, quhen euir  #
sche askit. -
(2) ITEM, Sche being inquirit, quhat kynd of man this Thom      #
Reid was? Declarit, 
he was ane honest wele elderlie man, gray bairdit, and had ane  #
gray coitt with 
Lumbart slevis of the auld fassoun; ane pair of gray brekis     #
and quhyte schankis, 
gartanit abone the kne; ane blak bonet on his heid, cloise      #
behind and plane befoir,
with silkin laissis drawin throw the lippis thairof; and ane    #
quhyte wand in 
his hand . - (3) ITEM, Being interrogat, how and in quhat maner #
of place the said 
Thome Reid come to hir? Ansuerit, as sche was gangand betuix    #
hir awin hous 
and the yard of Monkcastell, dryvand hir ky to the pasture,     #
and makand hevye 
fair dule with hir self, gretand verrie fast for hir kow that   #
was deid, hir husband
and chyld, that wer lyand seik in the land ill, and sche new    #
rissine out of gissane. 
<P 52>
The foirsaid Thom mett hir be the way, healsit hir, and said,   #
'Gude day, Bessie;'
and sche said, 'God speid yow, gudeman." ' (^Sancta Marie^) ,'  #
said he, 'Bessie, 
quhy makis thow sa grit dule and fair greting for ony wardlie   #
thing? Sche 
ansuerit,' Allace! haif I nocht  grit caus to mak grit dule?    #
ffor our geir is trakit;
and my husband is on the point of deid, and ane babie of my     #
awin will nocht 
leve; and myself at ane waik point; haif I nocht gude caus      #
thane to haif ane 
sair hart? Bot Thom said, 'Bessie, thow hes crabit God, and     #
askit sum thing 
you suld nocht haif done; and, thairfoir, I counsell thee to    #
mend to him: for I 
tell thee thy barne sall die, and the seik kow, or yow cum      #
hame; thy twa scheip 
sall de to: bot thy husband sall mend, and be als haill and     #
feir as euir he was.'
And than was I sumthing blyther, fra he tauld me that my        #
gudeman wald mend. 
Than Thome Reid went away fra me, in throw the yard of          #
Monkcastell; and I 
thocht he gait in at ane naroware hoill of the dyke nor ony     #
erdlie man culd haif 
gane throw; and swa I was sumthing fleit. This was the first    #
tyme that Thom 
and Bessie forgadderit - (4.) ITEM, The third tyme, he apperit  #
to hir, as sche 
was gangand betuix hir awin hous and the Thorne of Damwstarnok, #
quhair he 
tareit ane gude quhyle with hir, and sperit at hir, 'Gif sche   #
wald nocht trow in
him? Sche said, 'Sche wald trow in ony bodye did her gude.'     #
And Thom promeist
hir bayth geir, horsis, and ky, and vthir graith, gif scho      #
wald denye hir 
Christindome, and the faith sche tuke at the funt-stane.        #
Quhairvnto sche ansuerit,
'That gif sche suld be revin at horis-taillis, sche suld        #
neuir do that; bot 
promeist to be leill and trew to him in onye thing sche culd    #
do. And forder, 
he was sumthing angrie with hir that [\sche\] wald nocht grant  #
to that quhilk he 
spak. - (5) ITEM, The ferd tyme he apperit in hir awin hous to  #
hir, about the 
xij hour of the day, quhair thair was sittand thre              #
tail+geouris, and hir awin gudeman;
and he tuke hir apperoun and led hir to the dure with him, and  #
sche followit,
and +geid vp with him to the kill-end, quhair he forbaid hir to #
speik or 
feir for onye thing sche hard or saw; and quhene thai had gane  #
ane lytle pece 
fordwerd, sche saw twelf persounes, aucht wemene and four men:  #
The men wer 
<P 53>
cled in gentilmennis clething, and the wemene had all plaiddis  #
round about 
thame, and wer verrie semelie lyke to se; and Thomas was with   #
thame: And demandit, 
Gif sche knew ony of thame? Ansuerit, Nane, except Thom.        #
Demandit,
What thai said to hir? Ansuerit, Thai baid hir sit doun, and    #
said.' Welcum,
Bessie, will thow go with ws? Bot sche ansuerit nocht; becaus   #
Thom had 
forbidden hir. And forder declarit, That sche knew nocht quhat  #
purpois thai 
had amangis thaime, onlie sche saw thair lippis move; and       #
within a schort space
thai pairtit all away; and ane hiddeous vglie sowche of wind    #
followit thame: 
and sche lay seik quhill Thom came agane bak fra thame. - (6)   #
ITEM, Sche being 
demandit, Gif sche sperit at Thom quhat persounes thai war?     #
Ansuerit, That 
thai war the gude wychtis that wynnit in the Court of Elfame;   #
quha come thair
to desyre hir to go with thame: And forder, Thom desyrit hir    #
to do the sam;
quha ansuerit, 'Sche saw na proffeit to gang thai kynd of       #
gaittis, vnles sche kend 
quhairfor!' Thom said,' Seis thow nocht me, baith meit-worth,   #
claith-worth,
and gude aneuch lyke in persoun; and [\he?\] suld make hir far  #
better nor euer 
sche was? Sche ansuerit,' That sche duelt with hir awin         #
husband and bairnis, 
and culd nocht leif thame.' And swa Thom began to be verrie     #
crabit with hir,
and said," Gif swa sche thocht, sche wald get lytill gude of    #
him. - (7) INTERROGAT,
Gif sche had socht ony thing at Thom to help hir self, or ony   #
vthir with?
Ansuerit, That quhen sundrie persounes cam to hir to seik       #
help for thair beist,
thair kow or yow, or for ane barne that was tane away with ane  #
evill blast of 
wind, or elf-grippit, sche gait and sperit at Thom, Quhat       #
mycht help thame?
And Thom wald pull ane herb, and gif hir out of his awin hand;  #
and baid hir 
scheir the samin with onye vthir kynd of herbis, and oppin the  #
beistis mouth, 
and put thame in; and the beist wald mend. - (8) ITEM, Thom     #
gaif hir, out of 
his awin hand, ane thing lyke the rute of ane beit, and baid    #
hir owthir seith, 
and mak ane saw of it, or ellis dry it, and mak pulder of it,   #
and gif it to seik 
persounes, and thai suld mend. Interrogat, How sche knew the    #
samin wald 
haill? Declarit, That sa son as sche rubbit the saw vpoun the   #
patient, man or 
woman, or chyld, and it drank in, the chyld wald mend; bot gif  #
it swat out, the 
persoun wald die. - (9) ITEM, Demandit, To whom sche applyit    #
that kynd of 
medecine? Ansuerit, That sche mendit Johne Jakis barne, and     #
Wilsounes of 
<P 54>
the toun, and hir gudeman-sisteris kow: Thre tymes Thom gaif    #
hir sic ane herb
out of his awin hand. And demandit, To quhom sche applyit the   #
powder in 
drink? Declarit, That the Ladye Johnestoune, elder, send to     #
hir ane seruand of the 
said ladies, callit Catherine Dunlop, to help ane young         #
gentill woman, hir dochter,
now mareit on the young Lard of Stanelie; and I thairvpoun      #
askit ounsall [^counsall^]
at Thom. And he said to me, 'that hir seiknes was ane cauld     #
blude, that gaid 
about hir hart, that causit hir to dwam and vigous away;        #
and Thom baid hir 
tak ane pairt of ginger, clowis, annetsedis, licorese, and sum  #
stark aill, and seith
thame togidder, and schyre it, and put it in ane veschell, and  #
tak ane lytill quantetie 
of it in ane mutchekin cane, and sum quhyte sucker cassin       #
amang it; tak and 
drink thairof ilk day, in the morning; gang ane quhyle eftir,   #
befoir meit; and 
sche wald be haill. Interrogat, Quhair sche gaif the gentill    #
woman the drink?
Ansuerit, In hir awin sisteris hous, the young Ladye            #
Blakhallis. Demandit, 
Quhat sche gat for hir doing? Declarit, Ane pek of meill and    #
sum cheise. - (10)
ITEM, Demandit, Gif ony vther persounes had bene at hir for     #
the lyke caus?
Declarit, That the Lady Kilbowye, elder, send for hir, and      #
desyrit to se gif sche 
culd mak hir ony help for hir leg, that was cruikit; quha       #
promeist ansuer, sa 
sone as sche had spokin with Thom;  but Thom said, 'Sche wald   #
neuir mend;
becaus the merch of the bane was consumit, and the blude        #
dosinit; and gif sche 
socht onye forder help, it wald be war with hir! - (11.) ITEM,  #
Sche being demandit,
Gif sche culd do onye gude to ony wemene that wer in travell    #
of thair 
chyld-bed-lare? Ansuerit, That sche culd do nathing, quhill     #
sche had first 
spokin with Thom; quha layit doun to hir ane grene silkin       #
laise, out of his awin
hand, and baid hir tak it to thair wylie coittis, and knit      #
about thair left arme;
and incontinent the seik woman suld be deliuer. Bot the said    #
laise being layit 
anis doun be Thom, sche culd neuir apprehend it, and maid grit  #
seking thairfoir. 
Item, Declarit, That quhen hirself was lyand in chyld-bed-lair  #
of hir last laid,
Thom come to hir, in hir awin hous, and bad hir 'tak ane gude   #
hart to hir, for 
nathing suld aill hir. - (12) INTERROGAT, Gif sche culd tell of #
ony thing that 
was away, or ony thing that was to cum? Ansuerit, That sche     #
culd do nathing 
hir selff, bot as Thom tald hir: And farder declarit, That mony #
folkis in the 
<P 55>
countre [\came to hir?\] to gett witt of geir stollin fra       #
thame. Demandit, Quhat 
persounes thai wer? Ansuerit, The Ladye Thirdpairt, in the      #
barronye of Renfrew,
send to hir, and sperit at her, Quha was it that had stollin    #
fra hir twa 
hornis of gold, and ane croune of the sone, out of hir pyrse?   #
And, eftir sche had
spokin with Thom, within xx dayis, sche send hir word quha had  #
thame; and 
sche gat thame agane. Item, James Cwninghame, chalmerlane of    #
Kilwinning,
come to hir about sum beir that was stollin furth of the barne  #
of Cragance; and 
sche tald him quhar it was; and he gat it agane. Item, The      #
Ladye Blaire sundrie
tymes had spokin with her, about sum claise that was stollin    #
fra hir; ane 
pair of stemming hoise, ane pair of scheittis, ane codwair,     #
lynning claithis, sarkis
and seruiettis, ffor the quhilkis sche dang and wrackit hir     #
awin seruandis; bot 
Thom tauld hir, 'That Margret Symple, hir awin friend and       #
seruand, had stollin
thame.' Item, Being demandit of Williame Kyle, burges of        #
Irrvin, as he 
was cumand out of Dumbartane, quha was the steillar of Hew      #
Scottis cloik, ane 
burges of the sam toun? Thom ansuerit,'That the cloik wald      #
nocht be gottin;
because it wane [\ware?\] tane away be Malye Boyde, duellare in #
the sam toun, 
and was put out of the fassoun of ane cloik, in ane kirtill:    #
and albeit, ye said 
Williame had promeist that sche suld nocht be trublit for the   #
declaratioun of the 
samin; yit, sa sone as sche com to the mercat of Irrvin, sche   #
was put in the tolbuyth
and strukin; bot was relevit be James Blair, brothir to         #
Williame Blair of 
the Strand. - (13.) ITEM, Demandit, (Gif sche had been applyit  #
to?) be Henrie 
Jamesoun and James Baird in the Manys of Watterstoun, to get    #
thame knawlege 
quha had stollin thair plew-irnis, fittick and musell?          #
Declarit,' sche suld 
gif thame ansuer sa sone as sche had spokin with Thom; quha     #
schew hir that 
Johne Blak and George Blak, smythis, had stollin the samin;     #
and that the cowtir
and sok wer lyand in his awin hous, betuix ane mekle ark and    #
ane grit kist:'
And forder said, 'That quhen thai com thair to the ryping,      #
thai suld nocht 
find thame; becaus that Jame Dowgall, sheriffs officiar, quha   #
than presentlie 
was with thame, suld ressaif thre pundis for the conceling of   #
thame; for the 
quhilk caus also, sche was apprehendit be the saidis smythis,   #
and brocht to my 
Lord of Glasgow. - (14) INTERROGAT, Quhow sche kennit that      #
this man was 
Thome Reid, that deit at Pinkye? Ansuerit, Sche neuir knew him  #
quhen he 
was on lyfe; bot that sche suld nocht dout that it was he bad   #
hir gang to Thom 
Reid, his sone,. now officiare in his place, to the Lard of     #
Blair, and to certain
vtheris his kynnismen and freindis thair, quhom he namit; and   #
baid thame restoir
certane guidis, and mend vthir offencis that had done;  and     #
that it was 
<P 56>
he that send thame word thairof:                                #
'Remember........................that 
quhen he and he went togidder to the blak Settirday; and that   #
the said ......
.....................wald haif bene ane vther gait; he drew     #
him be the Kirk 
of Dalrye, and thair cost ane pund of feggis and gaif him, and  #
put thame in his 
naipkin; and sa thai went togidder, quhill thai com to the      #
feild. - (15) ITEM,
Interrogat, Gif Thom, at his awin hand, had send to ony         #
persoun, to schaw 
thame thingis to cum? Declarit, That he send hir to na          #
creatour in middilyerd,
bot to Williame Blair of the Strand, and his eldest dochter,    #
quha was contractit
and schortlie to be mareit with........ Crawfurd, young Lard    #
of Baidland,
and declair vnto thame, 'That gif sche mareit that man, sche    #
suld aythir 
die ane schamefull deid, slay hir self, cast hirself doun our   #
ane craig, or ga reid-wod; 
quhairbye the said mareage was stayit; and the lard foirsaid    #
mareit hir 
youngest suster. Tryit to be of veritie. - (16.) INTERROGAT,    #
Quhat sche 
thocht of the new law? Ansuerit, That sche had spokin with Thom #
about that 
mater; bot Thom ansuerit, That this new law was nocht gude;     #
and that the 
auld ffayth suld cum hame agane, but nocht sic as it was        #
befoir. - Interrogat, 
Gif euir sche had bene in suspect place with Thom, or had       #
carnell deill with 
him? Declarit nocht vpoun hir saluatioun and condemnatioun;     #
bot anis he tuke 
hir be the aproun, and wald haif had hir gangand with him to    #
Elfame -
(17.) ITEM, Interrogat, Quhat tyme of the day or nycht he       #
maist resortit to hir? 
Ansuerit, That at the twelft hour of the day was his commoune   #
appearing. -
(18.) Interrogat, Gif sche had sene him gangand vp and doun     #
the warld? Declarit,
That anis sche saw him gangand in the kirkyard of Dalrye,       #
amangis the 
people. (19.) Demandit, Giff sche spak onye thing to him?       #
Ansuerit, Na, becaus 
he had forbiddin hir, that, quhair euir sche saw him, or mett   #
with him, sche 
suld neuir speik to him, vnles he spak to hir first.            #
Item, sche saw him gangand 
vp and doun on the gait of Edinburgh, vpoun ane mercat day,     #
quhair he leuch 
vpoun hir, and gaid vp and doun amangis the peple, and put his  #
handis to the 
lavis, as vthir folk did. - (20.) INTERROGAT, Gif sche neuir    #
askit the questioun 
at him, Quhairfoir he com to hir mair [\than\] to ane vthir     #
bodye? Ansuerit, Remembring
hir, quhen sche was lyand in chyld-bed-lair, with ane of hir    #
laiddis, 
<P 57>
that ane stout woman com in to hir, and sat doun on the forme   #
besyde hir, and 
askit ane drink at hir, and sche gaif hir; quha alsua tauld     #
hir, that that barne 
wald de, and that hir husband suld mend of his seiknes. The     #
said Bessie ansuerit 
that sche remembrit wele thairof; and Thom said, That was the   #
Quene 
of Elfame his maistres, quha had commandit him to wait vpoun    #
hir, and to do 
hir gude. - (21.) INTERROGAT, Gif euir sche had spokin with him #
at ane loich 
and wattir-syde? Ansuerit, Neuir save anis that sche had gane   #
afeild with hir 
husband to Leith, for hame bringing of mele, and ganging        #
afeild to teddir hir 
naig at Restalrig-loch, quhair thair come ane cumpanye of       #
rydaris by, that 
maid sic ane dynn as heavin and erd had gane togidder; and      #
incontinent, thai 
raid in to the loich, with mony hiddous rumbill. Bot Thom       #
tauld, It was the 
gude wichtis that wer rydand in Middil-zerd. - (22.)            #
INTERROGAT, Quhene 
sche spak last with Thom? Declarit, On the morne eftir          #
Candilmes-day lastwas, 
quhair sche spak with him, and he tauld hir of the evill        #
weddir that was to cum. 
- (23.) INTERROGAT, Gif sche neuir sperit, quhat truble suld    #
cum to hir for his 
cumpanye? Declarit, That sche wald be trublit thairfoir; bot    #
baid hir seik ane 
assyis of hir nychtbouris, and no thing suld aill hir:-         #
fforder declarit, that sche
suld be brocht to Glasgw, and sche come in the Bischopis        #
handis, sche wald be 
wele treit, and send hame agane. - (24.) ITEM, the said Bessie  #
declaris, that the 
Lard of Auchinskeyth is rydand with the ffair-folk, albeit he   #
deit ix +geir syne. 
   (\APUD\) (^Dalkeyth^) , xx=mo= (^Septembris, anno^) 1576.    #
- (25.) BESSYE DUNLOP being
re-examinat, in presence of the Lard of Quhittinghame and       #
George Auchinlek 
of Balmanno, and being inquirit, Quhow oft Thom Reid come to    #
hir, or sche
inquirit quhow thai callit him? Deponis, That he com thryis,    #
and that sche had 
na power at na tyme, to try or tell ony vthir, in the           #
menetyme, of his cuming. 
He requirit hir sundrie tymes to pas with him, and becaus sche  #
refusit, he schuke 
his heid, and said that he suld caus hir forthink it. Deponis   #
forder, that sche 
has spokin with him at diuerse tymes, be the space of four      #
+geiris. - (26.) BEING
inquirit anent the pleuch-irnis, stollin fra Henrie Jamesoun    #
and James Baird, 
depones, That sche inquirit at Thom Reid, quha declarit to      #
hir, that Gabriell 
Blak and Geordie Blak in Lokarsyde staw thame, and brocht       #
thame to thair 
faderis hous, namit Johnne Blak, vpoun ane cuttit gray horse,   #
on ane Setterday, 
in the nycht; quhilk sche tauld agane to the saidis Henrye      #
Jamesoun and James 
<P 58>
Baird. - (27.) ITEM, deponis that four +geir syne, or thairbye, #
sche saw the 
Laird of Auchinskeyth, at a thorne, beyond Monkcastell; quhilk  #
Lard deit mair 
nor fyve +geir syne. Thaireftir, sche, at the desyre of the     #
Ladye Auchinskeyth,
inquirit at Thom Reid, Giff sic ane mann was amangis thame?     #
Quha ansuerit, 
That he was amangis thame. 
[^A LIST OF NAMES OMITTED.^]
   VERDICT. And immediatlie efter the chesing and swering of    #
the saidis persones
of Assyis, as vse is, the said Elizabeth Dunlop, being on       #
pannell, accusit be 
dittay oppinlie red in jugement, of the crymes aboue writtin;   #
the samin persounes
removit thame selffis furth of Court, and altogidder conuenit,  #
and ressownit
on the pointis of the said dittay; and being rypelie awysit     #
thairwith, and resoluit
thairin; re-enterit agane to the said Court of Justiciarie, and #
thair, in 
presence of the said Justice Depute, be thair deliuerance,      #
pronunceit and declarit 
be the mouth and speking of Andro Craufurd of Baithleme, ffand  #
and deliuerit 
the said Elizabeth Dunlop, to be culpable fylit and convict,    #
off the haill pointis 
aboue writtin, and of vsing of Witchecraft, Sorcerie, and       #
Incantatioun, with Inuocatioun
of spreittis of the devill, continewand in familiaritie with    #
thame at all 
tymes, as sche thocht expedient, and thairbye deling with       #
charmes, and abusing 
the peple, with hir devillische craft of sorcerie foirsaid, be  #
the meanis aboue specefeit. 
Sentence. 'Conuict, and brynt.'

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 207>
[}AUG.18. - BESSIE ROY, NURREYCH TO THE LAIRD OF BOQUHANE.}]

Dilatit of the poyntis of Wichcraft following. 

Persewaris,..... Leslie, eldar of Wairdes, Mr. Williame and     #
George Lesleis his sones, Mr Dauid 
M=c=Gill Cranstoun-Rydell, Aduocatt to our souerane lord, for   #
his hienes intres. 

DITTAY (^aganis Bessie Roy.^)

   BESSIE ROY, in Fetterneir, seruand to the Laird of           #
Boquhane; Ye ar indytit 
and accusit, that quhair, ye, beand duelland with Williame      #
King in Barra, be the 
space of tuel yeiris syne or thairby, and haifing past to the   #
feild to pluk lint
with vthir wemen, in presens of thame maid ane compas in the    #
eird, and ane 
hoill in the middis thairof: And thaireftir, by thy             #
conjuratiounes, thow causit 
ane grit worme cum fyrst out of the said hoill, and creip       #
owre the compase; and 
nixt ane lytill worme, quhilk crap owre also; and last, causit  #
ane grit worme 
cum furth, quhilk could nocht pas owre the compas, nor cum out  #
of the hoill,
bot fell doune and deit: Quhilk inchantment and Wichcraft thow  #
interpreit in 
this forme:- That the fyrst grit worme that crap owre the       #
compas, was the 
Guid-man, Williame King, quha sould leve; and the lytill        #
worme, was ane
barne in the Guid-wyffes wamb, quhilk wes vnknawin to ony       #
manne that sche 
was with barne; and that the barne sould leve; and thrydlie,    #
the last grit 
worme thow interpreit to be the Guid-wyffe, quha sould die:     #
Quhilk com to 
pas eftir thy speiking, quhow sone sche wes delyuerit of the    #
said barne. And 
this is manifest to the haill countrey; quhilk thow can nocht   #
deny. - ITEM, Ye
ar indytit and accusit, for away taking, be Wichcraft, of ane   #
puir womanis milk,
callit Bessie Steill, quha cam to Williame Kingis hous in       #
Bairoch, seking almes;
and haifing sittin doune besyd the fyre, to gif hir barne       #
souk, thow in the meane 
tyme, being ane nurrisch thy selff, and persawing the puir      #
woman to haif mair
abundance of milk nor how had; and seing that the Guid-wyffe    #
thy hussie 
sould haif detenit the puir woman, and gewin hir the barne to   #
foster; thow, be 
thy develisch incantatiounes and Wichcraft, abstrakit and tuik  #
away hir milk:
And immediatlie eftir the puir woman wes past out of the hous,  #
scho persawit 
hir milk to be tane away, come agane to the said hous, and      #
complenit to the 
Guid-wyffe, that the nwrisch had takin away hir milk; and       #
said, Gif scho wer 
nocht restorit to hir milk, sche sould devulgat the same throw  #
the countrey, and 
schaw how ye had vsit hir. And thow, fering thy dewelisch       #
craft to be revelit,
said to the puir womane, 'Gif I haif thy milk, cum sic a nycht  #
to me to this 
hous, and ask itt for Godis saik, and thow sall haif itt.'      #
Lyke as, the said puir
woman, being gled to ressaue hir milk agane, come that same     #
nycht as thow appoyntit
<P 208>
hir, and lay in the hous besyd ye all nycht; and about the      #
middis of the 
nycht, thow cryit vpoun hir and walknit hir, and baid hir       #
ressaue hir milk; and 
incontinent sche walknit, and hir palpis sprang out full of     #
milk, and remanit 
with hir thaireftir. This thow did, as is notourlie knawin to   #
the haill countrey, 
and thow can nocht deny. - ITEM, thow art indytit for ane       #
commoune awaytakir
of wemennis milk in the haill countrey, and detening the samin  #
att thy
pleasour; as the haill countrey will testifie. The quhilk thow  #
can nocht deny. -
ITEM, thow art indytit and accusit, for the bevisching of       #
William Kingis wyfe 
of Barraucht, tuelf yeiris sensyne or thairby, for your         #
diuilische devyse, eftir
thow haid left hir seruice; thow causit propyne hir with ane    #
plaid of thine, 
quhilk, beand full of inchantmentis and sorcerie, being laid    #
one hir bed, caussit
hir suddentlie thereftir depairt: Quhilk is notorius to the     #
haill countrie; quhilk
thow cane nocht deny. - ITEM, thow art indytit for ane commoun  #
theif, quhilk 
thow vsis be inchantment and slicht of the Diuill; for          #
laitlie, thow cam to Alexander
Thines hous in the Benvie-end of Traichie, in the monethe of    #
November 
lastwas; and thair, be inchantment, blew vp his duris and his   #
haill lokkis of his 
house, and stall out sic gere as thow plesit; and thaireftir    #
lokit the duris and 
loctis, as thay wer abefoir: Quhilk thow cane nocht deny. -     #
ITEM, thow art indytit
and accusit, that laitlie, beand nurish to the Lard of          #
Balquhene [\John Leslie\] ,
in the moneth of Maij and Junij lastbypast, thow, be thy        #
inchantment and 
sorcerie, maid vp the haill lockis of the place, and vpunt the  #
haill durris thairof,
and stall ane steill box out of ane coffer, quhairin wes gryt   #
sowmes of gould and 
gould-smyth-work; quhair, one [\on\] being accusit thaireftir,  #
thou allegeit, that 
ane blak manne came and gaif the samin to the; quhilk wes       #
nothing but the 
illusioune of the Diuill: Quhilk yow cane nocht deny.- SICLYK,  #
thow art indytit 
and accusit, for the crewall, airt and pairt and bevisching of  #
vmq=le= Johnne 
Leslie of Cultis, quhair as thow trefekit with vmq=le= Barbara  #
Keand (^alias Leslie^) , 
with Jonet Grant, with Jonet Clark (^alias Spalding^) , lyk as  #
thair Confessiounes
and Depositiounes testifies thair vngodlie airt and pairt in    #
the said murdour;
quhairin diuerse vtheris was pertineris, sic as Marioune Bruce  #
in Awldrain, 
Bessie Paull in the Cromar, quha ar fugitiues for the said      #
cryme; and thow 
onlie estemit the instrument of all that mischeife: Quhilk is   #
notorius be thair
Confessiounes, and yow cane nocht deny.- SICLYKE, thou art      #
indytit and estemit
for ane notoriouse and commowne Wiche in the cuntrie; and cane  #
do all 
thingis, and hes done all mischeifis, that deuilrie or          #
Wichcraft cane devyse, in 
abstracking of mennis lyffis, wemennis milk, bestis milk, and   #
bewisching of 
<P 209>
bestis als weill as menne; lyk as thai diuerse practisis cane   #
testifie ye: Quhilk
ye cane nocht deny. 
   VERDICT. The Assyse, in presens of the said Justice-deput,   #
ffand and pronunceit,
be the mouth of the said Chancillar, [\Arthour Skene in         #
Tulluch,\] the 
said Bessie Roy to be Innocent and acquit of all and sindrie    #
the poyntis and 
heidis of the Dittay abouewrittin. Quhairvpoune, the said       #
Bessie askit act and 
instrument.

<S SAMPLE 3>
<P 244>
[}JUN. 7. - JOHNNE MOWBRAY, MERCHAND BURGES OF EDINBURGH, AND   #
ELEVEN 
OTHERS, BEING THE MAJORITY OF JURORS UPON BARBARA NAIPAR'S      #
ASSYSE.}]

   Dilatit of manifest and Wilfull Errour committit be thame,   #
in acquitting of 
Barbara Naipar spous to Archibald Dowglas, brothir to the       #
Laird of Carschoggill,
of the poyntis of Tressoune and Wichcraft, vnder writtin. 
   Persewar, Mr. Dauid M=c=Gill of Cranstoun Ryddell, Advocat   #
to our souerane lord. 

   The samin day, the personnes on pannell dilatit and accusit  #
be dittay contenit 
in our souerane lordis lettres, purchest att the instance of    #
the Aduocat aganis 
them, and produceit be him in Judgement; quhairof the tennour   #
followis. 

   DITTAY (^against the Assisors on Barbara Naipars Inquest.^) 

   JAMES, be +te grace of God, &c. That quhair, Barbara Naipar  #
spous to Archbald Dowglas, wes 
vpoun +te aucht day of Maij I=m=. V=c=. lxxxj +geiris, accusit  #
in ane Court of Justiciarie, haldin in +te Tolbuith 
of Edinburgh, ffor seiking help, respons and consultatioune,    #
att Rychard Grahame, notoure and 
knawin Nigromancear, ane commoun abusar of +te peopill, baith   #
aganis +te will and ordinance of God 
<P 245>
and Actis of Parliament and law of +te countrey: And            #
speciallie, fforsamekill as, during our souerane; 
lordis being att +te Brig of Die, before the commoun bell rang, #
for feir the Erll Bothwell sould haif 
enterit in Edinburgh, scho declarit to +te said Rychard, that   #
sche hard ane woman say, that our souerane 
lord wald gett skaith be ane taid or gangrell; and desyrit of   #
him, quhat he thocht +tairof, and that he 
wald schaw to hir opinioune +tairof the morne; quha consultit   #
with +te Spreit +tairanent, and ressauit 
be his respons, that his Maiestie wald be trublit be            #
conventioun of wemen, throw +te dropping of ane 
taid: and als, Rychard lauching vpoun hir, declarit +tair, att  #
+tat samyn tyme, that scho, Essie M=c=Cal+gan 
and Donald Robesoune sould be thre of +te doaris of itt:        #
quhilk quhen scho hard, scho schuik 
hir heid: Quhilk wes affermit be +te said Richard Grahame, in   #
hir and the saidis persounes presens. 
And siclyke, the said Barbara wes accusit, that scho gaif hir   #
presens, in +te maist develisch and tressonabill
Conventioune, haldin be hir and hir complices in +te Devillis   #
name, vpoun Lambmes-ewin last, 
att +te New-heavin callit Aitchesounes-heavin, betuix           #
Mussilburcht and Prestoune pannis, sin his Maiestie 
come furth of Denmark; quhair war assemblit nyne principallis,  #
to witt, Agnes Sampsoune, 
Jonett Straittoun, Ewsame M=c=Cal+geane, hir selff, Johnne      #
Fiene, Robert Greirsoun, George Moitis 
wyffe in Prestoune, Margrett Thomsoun in Striuiling and Donald  #
Robesoune; quhilkis nyne persounes,    
the Devill, quha wes with +tame in liknes of ane blak man,      #
thocht maist meit to do +te turne 
for +te quhilk thay wer convenit; and +tairfore, he sett +tame  #
nyne nerrest to him selff, in ane cumpany; 
and thay, togidder with +te wyffe of Saltoune-myle and +te rest #
of +te inferiouris, to +te nowmer of 
threttie persounes, standand skairse +te lenth of ane buird     #
frae +te foirsaid nyne persounes, in ane vthir 
cumpany; Agnes Sampsoune proponit +te distructioune of his      #
hienes persoune, saying to +te Dewill, 
'We haif ane turne ado, and we wald fayne be att itt gif we     #
could, and thairfore help ws to itt.' The 
Dewill ansuerit, he soud do quhat he could, bott itt wald be    #
lang to, because it wald be thoirterit; 
and he promesit to hir and +tame ane pictour of walx, and       #
ordenit hir and +tame to hing, roist and drop 
ane taid, and to lay +te droppis of +te taid, mixt with strang  #
wasch, ane edder-skyn, [\and\] the 
thing in +te foirheid of ane new-foillit foill, in his hienes   #
way, quhair his Maiestie wald gang inowre 
or outowre, or in ony passage quhair itt mycht drop vpoun his   #
hienes heid or his body, for his hienes          
distructioune, that ane vther mycht haif rewlit in his          #
Maiesties place, and +te ward mycht haif gane 
to +te Dewill. Att +te quhilk conventioune, his hienes name wes #
pronunceit in Latine; and Agnes 
Sampsoun wes appointit to mak +te pictour and to gif it to the  #
Dewill to be inchantit, quhilk 
scho maid in deid, and gaif itt to him; and he promesit to giff #
it to +te said Barbara and to Effie
M=c=Cal+gan, att +te nixt meting, to be roistit. Mergarett      #
Thomsoun wes appointit to dropp +te taid. 
Thair wes ane appointit to seik sum of his hienes linning       #
clathis, to do +te turne with. And Gelie 
Duncan, vpoun +te fyftene day of December lastwas, in +te said  #
Barbareis face and Effie M=c=Cal+ganis, 
avowit on +tame baith, att +te fyrst sycht, sche saw hir eftir  #
hir cuming to +te Abay, and before 
sche had spokin thre perfyte speicis afoir hir, affermit that   #
Agnes Sampsoune mett with hir and 
+te said Effie, in +te said Barbareis awin hous; and the said   #
Gelie Duncan and Bessie Thomsoune 
being +tair also, togidder with Johnne Fiene, quha said to      #
Gelie, that he wald ga West to his fader, 
and eikit forder, that thair wes ane taid hingand be +te helis  #
thre nychtis, and droppit betuix thre 
oister schellis and nyne stanis, sottin thre nychtis; att quhat #
tyme na man luikit or suspectit to 
haif hard ony sic thing: As the particular Depositiounes of +te #
said Donald Robesoune and Jonett 
Straytoun, quha constantlie abaid att +te samin, quhilk wes     #
repetit be +te Aduocatt; the Depositiounes 
of Gelie Duncane and Rychard Grahame, ewerie ane for +tair awin #
pairtis and circumstances, being 
confrontit togidder, manifestit and maid playne. AND siclyke,   #
the said Barbara wes accusit, that sche 
gaif hir bodelie presens vpoun Alhallow-evin lastwas, 1590      #
+geiris, to +te frequent conventioune haldin 
att +te Kirk of North-Berwik, quhair sche danceit endlang +te   #
Kirk-+gaird, and Gelie Duncan playit on 
<P 246>
ane trump, Johnne Fiene, missellit, led +te ring; Agnes         #
Sampsoun and hir dochteris and all the rest 
following +te said Barbara, to +te nowmer of sevin scoir of     #
persounes; of +te quhilk nowmer, wes Effie 
M=c=Cal+gan, Katherene Gray, Mergarett Aichesoun, Donald        #
Robesoun, Robert Greirsoune, Katherene 
Wallace, Meg Bogtoun, Jonett Campbell, Jonett Logane, Johnne    #
Gordoun (^alias Gray-meill^) , the portaris 
wyffe of Seytoune, Jonett Straytoun, Bessie Thomsoune,          #
Catherene Duncane, Bessie Wrycht, 
Issobell Gylloun, Johnne Ramsayes wyffe, Anny Rychesoun, Jonett #
Gall, Nicoll Murrayes wyffe, tail+geour, 
Cristian Keringtoune alias (^Likkit^) , Masie Aichesoune, Marie #
Patersoune, Alexander Quhytelaw, 
Marioun Nicolsoun, Marioun Bail+gie, Jonett Nicolsoun, Issobell #
Lauder, Helene Quhyte, Margarett 
Thomsoune, Marioune Schaw, Helene Lauder, Malie Geddie, Duncan  #
Buchquhannane, Marioun 
Congiltoun, Bessie Cowane, Bessie Broune, the smythis wyffe,    #
Thomas Brounhill and his wyfe, Gilbert 
M=c=Gill, Johnne and Catherene M=c=Gillis, with diuerse         #
vtheris, to +te nowmer aboue writtin: Att +te 
quhilk place and tyme, the wemene maid fyrst +tair homage, and  #
wer turnit sax tymes widdersounes 
about; Johne Fyen blew vp +te Kirk durris, and blew in +te      #
lychtis, quhilkis wer lyke mekill blak 
candillis, haldin in ane auld mannis hand, round about +te      #
pulpett. And +te Dewill start vp in +te pulpett,  
lyke ane mekill blak man, with ane blak baird stikand out lyke  #
ane gettis, baird; and ane hie 
ribbit neise, falland doun scharp lyke the beik of ane halk;    #
with ane lang rumpill; cled in ane blak 
tatie goune; and ane ewill favorit scull bonnett, on his heid;  #
haifand ane blak buik in his hand, callit 
on ewerie ane of +tame, desyring +tame all to be guid serwandis #
to him, and he sould be ane guid maister 
to +tame, and thay sould haif anewch and newer want. For Robert #
Greirsoun and Johnne Fien 
[\thay\] stuid on his left hand; and the said Robert ffand grit #
fault with the Dewill, and cryit out, that 
all quhilkis wer besyd mycht heir, becaus his hienes pictour    #
wes nocht gewin +tame, as wes promesit; 
the said Effie M=c=Cal+gan remembrand and bidand +te said       #
Robert Greirsoun to speir for +te pictour, 
meaning his Maiesteis pictour, quhill sould haif bene roistit.  #
Robert Greirsoun said thir wordis, 
'Quhair is the thing +ge promesit?' meaning +te pictour of      #
walx, dewysit for roisting and vndoing 
his hines persoune, quhilk Agnes Sampsoune gaif to him; and     #
Robert cryit to 'haif +te turne done;' +git 
his hienes name wes nocht nameit, quhill thay that wer wemen    #
nameit him; craifand in playne       
termes his hienes pictour. Bot he ansuerit, 'It sould be gottin #
+te nixt meitting, and he wald hald +te
nixt assemblie for +tat caus the soner: It was nocht reddie at  #
+tat tyme.' Robert Greirsoune ansuerit,'
+ge promesit twyis and begylit ws.' And foure honest-like       #
womene wer very ernist and instant to 
haif itt: And the said Barbara and Effie M=c=Cal+gane gatt +tan #
ane promeis of +te Dewill, that his hienes 
pictour sould be gottin to +tame twa, and that rycht sone: And  #
+tis mater of his  hienes pictour wes +te 
caus of +tat assemblie. In takin quhairof, the Dewill commandit #
+te said Barbara and all her cumpany, 
to keip his commandementis; quhilk wer, to do all the ewill     #
thay could: Also, thair wes +tane thre 
deid corps tane vp and juntit; the naillis and juntis wer       #
pairtit amangis +tame. The Dewill commandit 
+tame to keip +te juntis vpoun +tame, quhill the samin dryit;   #
and than  to mak powder +tairof, to 
do ewill with. Eftir +te quhilk, thair homage being made, as    #
the fassoun is, in kissing of +te Devillis 
ers, thay pairtit for +tat tyme, without ony mair done; except, #
that Effie M=c=Cal+gane, Robert Greirsoune 
and the said Barbara, hapnit to be nameit +tair; quhilk         #
offendit all +te cumpany: And that thay sould 
nocht haif bene nameit with +tair awin names; Robert Greirsoun, #
to haif bene callit (^Rob the rowar^) ; 
Effie to be callit (^Cane^) ; and the said Barbara, to be       #
callit (^Naip^) . And trew this is, and provin be 
Donald Robesoun, Jonett Straittoune, Gelie Duncan and Bessie    #
Thomsoune, quha ar +git on lyffe. 
Quhilk, being putt to +te knawlege of ane Inqueist; thay        #
nochtwithstanding, vpoun +te nynt day of +te 
month and +geir of God foirsaid, Clengeit and Acquit, be favour #
and partial meanis, the said Barbara 
Naipare. That, forsamekill as, during his Maiesteis being att   #
+te Brig of Die, the day before +te commoun 
bell rang, for feir the Erll Bothuell sould haif enterit in     #
Edinburghe,  sche declarit to +te said 
<P 247>
Rychard Grahame, that sche hard ane woman say, that +te King    #
wald get skaith be ane taid or gangrell, 
&c. Quhairthrow thay, and ewerie ane of +tame, could pretend na #
ignorance; att +te leist, nethir 
of law nor conscience could haif acquit hir +tairof; the samin  #
being verifeit, be +te constant assertioun 
and Depositoun of ane pairt of +te witnessis being present in   #
Judgement for +te tyme, as is aboue writtin, 
and be +te Depositiounis of +te vthir pairt produceit: And      #
+tairfore, did manifestlie and wilfullie err, 
contrar +te lawis and prattik of +te realme; Incurrand +tairby  #
the horribill cryme of Periurie, (\et penam 
temere jurantium super Assisam\) . 
   And thay, being requyrit be the Justice, HIS MAIESTIE being  #
sittand in 
Judgement, quhidder thay wald abyde the tryell of the law and   #
of ane Assyse 
for the saidis crymes, or cum in will thairfore? Eftir lang     #
deliberatioun and 
consultatioun, thay refusit to abyde the tryell of ane Assyse   #
thairfore; bot come 
(\simpliciter\) in his hienes will, for Ignorant errour         #
committet be thame, in 
acquyting of the said Barbara, of the crymes and poyntis of     #
Dittay aboue rehersit.
   SENTENCE. Quhilk will, HIS MAIESTIE publictlie, in           #
Judgement, in presens 
of his hienes Lordis of Secreit Counsall, declarit to be, That  #
he, understanding that 
it wes nocht Wilfull Errour thay committit, in acquyting in     #
maner foirsaid; and 
thairfore Ordenit, that the foirsaidis persounes and ilk ane of #
thame salbe Assoil+geit 
fra all penalties in body, guidis or fame, in tyme cuming, 
   Vpoune the declaratioune of the quhilk will, thay and ilk    #
ane of thame askit
act and instrument. 

[}JUN.9. - EWFAME MAKCAL+GANE, [\OF CLIFTOUNHALL,\] SPOUS TO    #
PATRIK 
MAKCAL+GANE (^ALIAS MOSCROP^) .}]
<P 248>
[^EDITOR'S COMMENTS OMITTED.^]

<S SAMPLE 4>
<P 249>
   Dilatit of certane tressonabill Conspiraceis interprysit be  #
Wichcraft, to haif
destroyit oure souerane lordis persoune, and bereft his         #
Maiestie of his lyffe be
that schameful and extraordinar meanis: And being airt and      #
pairt thairof, 
vpoun the counsall [\and\] consultatioun with diuerse vtheris   #
Wichis of hir societie:
And diuers vtheris crymes of Wichcraft committit be hir, att    #
lenth specifeit in 
the Dittay maid thairvpoune. 
PERSEWAR.
   Mr Dauid M=c=Gill of Cranstoun-Ryddell, Aduocat to our       #
souerane lord (for his hienes interest.)
PRELOQUITOURIS for the pannel, Mr Johnne Moscrop, Mr Dauid      #
Ogilvie, Robert Ker in Duddingstoune, 
Henry Nisbet, burges of Edinburghe, Mr Johnne Russell, Mr Johne #
Skene, Aduocatis. 
   Comperit the said Mr Dauid M=c=Gill, Aduocatt, and produceit #
ane Dittay, 
maid att lenth, aganis the said Ewfame; and contractit in thir  #
heidis vnderwrittin,
to be putt to the knawlege of ane Assyse: Quhairof the tennour  #
followis. 

DITTAY (^AGAINST EWSAME MACKAL+GANE^) 

   EWFAME M=c=CAL+GANE, Ye ar indytit and accusit, (1.) For     #
airt and pairt of 
the bewiching of Michell Marioribankis, be strykeing of him be  #
Wichcraft, with 
ane extraordinar diseis, be taking of the power and habilitie   #
of his rycht syde,
arme and leg fra him; be youre selff, and your complices be     #
your moyane; 
committit in Apryle 1577. - (2.) ITEM, Indytit, for consulting  #
with Catherene
<P 250>
Campbell, ane Ersch womane, knawin to be ane notorius Wich;     #
and intertinneing
hir in your awin hous and Barbara Touris hous, seiking help of  #
hir to 
youre bairnis; speciallie to help youre sone Thomas, be youre   #
airt; to quhome 
ye send his sark to that effect, with Helene Inglis your        #
seruand, and twa xxx s.
pecis, for hir help. - (3.) ITEM, For consulting with the said  #
Catherene, anent 
the bewiching and slauchter of Patrik Moscrop, your husband,    #
quhairby ye 
mycht gett ane vtheir guidman; and consulting with hir, quhome  #
ye sould 
marie. - (4.) ITEM, Indytit, of airt and pairt of the           #
traffiking with Agnes Somervall,
spous to Gilbert Andersone in Dunfermling, ane commoune         #
trafficquar with 
Wichis; inquyring of hir, 'Gif sche knew ony wittie or          #
skilfull wemene in the 
countrey, that will owthir caus your husband love yow, or       #
ellis gett your will of 
him; 'to quhome ye gaif twa fair cleane sarkis of your          #
husbandis, to be careit 
owre the walter, to be inchantit be thame, att the same tyme    #
your husband fell 
in seiknes. Quhilkis sarkis, sche tuik with hir to that         #
effect; and brocht hame 
agane be hir, inchantit: And thairby, seiking help, respons     #
and consultatioune of 
Wichis, to  the distructioune of your spous, be Wichcraft. -    #
(5.) ITEM, Indytit,
of airt and pairt of the poysouning of the said Patrik          #
Moscrop, your husband, 
vpoun deidlie malice contractit aganis him, the fyrst yeir of   #
your mariage; be 
gewing to him of poysoun, and cuist the rest thairof in the     #
closett; quhairby his 
face, nek, handis and haill body, brak out in reid spottis:     #
Quhilk poysoun wes 
expellit be his youth. And seing the same twke na effect, as    #
ye dewysit, ye still 
continewand in your vndewtifull behaviour and impatience to     #
see him on lyffe, 
quhom ye preissit be all meanis possibil to cutt away; the      #
said Patrik being 
wereit of his lyffe, be the daylie truble he had in youre       #
cumpany, wes compellit, 
for saulftie of his lyffe, to expone him selff to the seais,    #
and to pas to ffrance in 
your defalt. Lyke as, ye, to be quyte of him, sparit nocht,     #
in all pairtis, to seik 
ane hundreth crownis, for his furnitour away; and spairit       #
nocht speik, that 
your guidman wes passand to France, and baid 'the ffeind ga     #
with him!' - (6.)
ITEM, Indytit and accusit, that incressing in youre dewelische  #
consultatioune 
with Wichis, to the wrak and distructioun of the said Patrik    #
your husband, and 
efter he had returnit out of France, ye, still invying his      #
health, and seiking to
distroy him be Wichcraft foirsaid; ye send your said husbandis  #
dowblett, with 
Josias Coupar your seruand, airlie in the morning, to           #
Catherene Campbell the 
Wich-wyffe, duelland in the Cannogait; quhilk dowblett the      #
said wich sprinklit
with blude, and inchantit it with vtheris sorcereis, and        #
randerit itt agane to 
the said Josias your seruand; quhilk be brocht hame, afoir his  #
maisteris rysing: 
Eftir the quhilk, your husband contractit ane heavie diseis,    #
and pynit thairin
<P 251>
mony monethis; quhilk wes na naturall seiknes, as wes           #
testifeit and declarit be
the cherurgeanis. Lyke as, the said consultatioun wes           #
reveillit thaireftir, be the
said Josias your seruand, for the discharge of his conscience;  #
and he, for that
caus, past aff the countrey to Danskin. - (7.) ITEM, Indytit,   #
that to mak hir 
[\yow\] perfyte and weill skillit in the said airt of           #
Wichcraft, sche [\ye\] causit ane
vther Wich, quha duelt in Sanct-Ninianis-raw, inaugwrat yow in  #
the said craft. 
with the girth of ane grit bikar, turnand the same oft owre     #
your heid and nek. 
and oftimes round about your heid; quhilk wes reveillit be      #
Marioune Love, dochter
to Catherene Lyell younger, to the said Katherene hir moder. -  #
(8.) ITEM,
Ye ar indytit, that ye, haifing consauit ane deidlie malice     #
aganis the said Catherene 
and Walter Scott his spous, for declaratioun of youre           #
inawgwring foirsaid,
sene and persavit be the said Marioun Love; ye, be youre airt   #
of Sorcerie 
and Wichcraft, bewichit hir and hir husband, in thair bodeis,   #
guidis and geir: 
And swa, for airt and pairt of bewiching of the said Catherene  #
Lyell and Walter
Scott, in thair bodeis, gudis and geir, to thair grit skaith    #
and heirschip. -
(9.) ITEM, Indytit, of bewiching, be your airt of Sorcerie, of  #
vmq=le= Johnne 
Yonstoune, sone to Williame Younstoune, your husbandis sister   #
sone, being ane 
young man of xvij yeiris of aige; be the quhilk Wichcraft he    #
deit: And swa. 
for airt and pairt of the crewall Slauchter and Murthour of     #
him; only, for reveilling
of your vndewtifull behaviour to youre husband, he being        #
familiar in 
your hous; as the takinnis contenit in the said Dittay att      #
mair lenth verifeis. -
(10.) ITEM, Indytit, that ye, haifing consauit ane deidlie      #
malice aganis Jonet 
Cokburne, dochter to Johnne Cokburne, maltman in Hadingtoune,   #
for the dounbringing
of your purs, belt, glas and claithis, out of the chalmer, and  #
haifing 
laid doun the same vpoun the buird, your husband tuik vp your   #
said purs, and
wald haif opnit itt; but opnit it nocht: For the quhilk, ye     #
said to the said 
Jonett, 'Weill, madin, haif +ge lattin +tis be done? +ge sall   #
repent itt fra +goure 
hairt.' Catherene Carrutheris alias callit (^Erisch Jonett^)    #
and ye, laid in hir way
and passage, sic inchantit mwildis and powder, that in schort   #
space thaireftir. 
thair came ane swarff owre hir hairt, and sic ane flaffing in   #
hir breist, as itt
had bene sum quick thing, peching and panting, heaving vp hir   #
body; quhairwith,
sche is diseasit half ane hour, ewerie tyme sche takis itt;     #
oft in the nycht
and oft in the day; continewing sumtymes half ane day; haifing  #
mair strenth
nor hir accustummit maner, in tyme of hir health: And swa, for  #
laying of muldis
and powder be Wichcraft and Inchantment, in the said Jonett     #
Cokburnis 
gait; be the quhilk, sche consauit and seiknes, and wes mekill  #
trublit thairwith, 
and is yit, be your airt and Wichcraft - (11.) ITEM, For the    #
crewall Slauchter 
<P 252>
and distruction of vmq=le= Ewfame Punfray be Wichcraft. - (12.) #
ITEM, For allwring,
be your develische Wichcraft, Inchantment and Incantatioun, of  #
Joseph 
Dowglas of Punfrastoune, to love yow; vnder culloure and cloik  #
[\of\] mariage
with youre dochter; and for the distruction of youre husband:   #
In taikin quhairof
ye gaif him ane craig chein+gie, twa belt chein+geis, ane ring, #
ane emirent, and 
vtheris your jewellis. - (13.) ITEM, Indytit, for the           #
consulting with Jonett 
Cwninghame in the Cannogait, als callit (^Lady Bothwell^) , ane #
auld indytit Wich 
of the fynest champ, 18 +geiris syne or thairby, for to haif    #
poysonit Joseph Dowglas
of Punfrastoune, and that be ane potioun of composit walter,    #
quhilk ye send 
Johnne Tweddall youre seruand for, to be brocht vp to Barbara   #
Toureis hous, 
in ane chopene stoup; quhilk wes ressauit be him, and           #
delyuerit to the said Barbara. -
(14.) ITEM, Indytit and accusit, for sending with Jonett        #
Drummond 
your seruand, certane Wichcraft, of deliberat mynd to haif      #
bewichit Marie Sandelandis,
ane madin, att that tyme vnder promeis of mariage to Joseph     #
Dowglas
of Punfrastoune, sche being thane in the Braidschaw; and to     #
disswad hir, fyrst,
fra the said promeis of mariage of the said Joseph, becaus he   #
had gewin his 
promeis and faith to ane vthir gentilwoman; and that he had     #
the glengore, him 
selff. - (15.) ITEM, Indytit, that be youre airt of Wichcraft,  #
ye travellit to stay 
and imped, the mariage of the Laird of Punfrastoune with Marie  #
Sandelandis;
and to that effect, directit Jonett Drummond, sumtyme youre     #
nwrice, with sum 
of youre charmes and inchantmentis, to offend the persoun of    #
the said Marie;
quhairby, the said mariage mycht haif bene stayit. - (16.)      #
ITEM, Indytit, of the 
seiking help, consultatioun and respons, fra Annye Sampsoun,    #
as ane Wich, and 
knawin to be ane notorius Wich, for recovering of your          #
jewellis and euidentis
agane, fra the Laird of Punfrastoune; and be frequent sending   #
of Jonett Drummond,
your sumtyme nurrice, to the said Annye, to that effect, aboue  #
sewin
tymes; and in the ane of the tymes, sche rasit the Spreit, be   #
voce and nocht 
bodelie; quha declarit, that the samin sould be delyuerit to    #
the said Jonett 
Drummond, thair messinger send to seik the respons.  - (17.)    #
ITEM, Indytit, of the 
bewiching of twa of the Laird of Punfrastounis bairnis, his     #
eldest sone and dochter,
to the deid. - (18.) ITEM, Indytit, of consulting and seiking   #
help att the 
said Anny Sampsoune, ane notorius Wich, for relief of your      #
payne in the tyme
of the birth of youre twa sonnes; and ressauing fra hir to      #
that effect, ane boirdstane, 
to be layit vnder the bowster, putt vnder your heid, Inchantit  #
mwildis 
and powder put in ane peice paipar, to be vsit and rowit in     #
your hair; and att 
the tyme of your drowis, your guidmannis sark to be presentlie  #
tane of him, 
<P 253>
and laid woumplit vnder your bedfeit. The quhilk being          #
praktesit be yow, as 
ye had ressauit the samin fra the said Annie, and informatioun  #
of the vse thairof;
your seiknes wes cassin of yow, vnnaturallie, in the birth of   #
youre fyrst
sone, vpoune ane dog; quhilk ranne away and wes newir sene      #
agane: And in the 
birth of your last sone, the same prakteis foirsaid wes vsit,   #
and your naturall and 
kindlie payne vnnaturallie cassin of yow, vpoun the wantoune    #
catt in the hous;
quhilk lyke wyis, wes newir sene thaireftir. - (19.) ITEM.      #
Indytit, for airt and 
pairt of the consulting with the said Annie Sampsoun, for the   #
distroying of Mr
Johnne Moscrop, your fader-in-law, be Wichcraft, about foure    #
yeris syne, or 
thairby: And to this effect, sending with Jonett Drummond your  #
seruand, ane 
pictoure of walx, send in ane buist, inclosit within ane        #
guise, to the said Anny;
and ane seruiett with beif, woimplit about the guise; quhilk    #
pictour the said 
Annie gaif to the Dewill to be inchantit; and the samin being   #
inchantit be him, 
wes send hame agane to yow with the said Jonett Drummond, for   #
doing of the 
turne, as the said Annie declarit that itt sould serue. - (20.) #
ITEM, Indytit, for
your develisch consultatioun with Agnes Sampsoune, pairtlie be  #
your selff, and 
pairtlie be the trafquicking of your auld agent Jonet           #
Drummond, how to be revangeit 
vpoun Mr Johnne M=c=Gillis wyffe; and resolutioun being tane    #
with 
Agnes Sampsoune, ane notoure Witch, sche send yow sum           #
Wichcraft and Inchantments
with the said Jonett Drummond, quhilk ye caist in att Mr        #
Johnne 
M=c=Gillis windok; quhilk wes ane bairnis aiproune and          #
halsclaith, with sum 
thing bund thairin: And this mater being reveillit be vthiris,  #
your seruandis, 
ye causit the said Jonett Drummond to deny the same, quhen itt  #
wes laid to hir 
charge: Lyke as, sche hes confessit, that sche wes daylie and   #
nychtlie trublit 
with terribill spektacles and visiounis; as, scho vissiblie, in #
ane chalmer flwre of 
youris, att twa eftir none, saw ane naikit man stand in the     #
middis of the said 
chalmer, with ane quhyte scheit about him: As also, Jonett      #
Aitchesoun youre 
seruand, being send att twell houris att ewin to draw ane       #
drink, saw lykewyis 
ane naikit man behind hir, with ane sark; the slewis of the     #
serk vpoun his leggis,
and the taill about his heid; quhilk terrifeit hir: Quhilk      #
visiounis man haif
procedit of your dewilisch airt of Wichcraft: As also, the      #
said Jonett Aitchesoun
wes trublit with hurchounis. Quhilk Wichcraft foirsaid, wes     #
cassin in agane,
att the said Mr Johnne M=c=Gillis windok; and being fund and    #
opnit out, kythit 
to be ane pictour of clay, and ane portrat of Elizabeth  Home,  #
spous to the said 
Mr Johnne, sewitt in ane windeine scheit; about the quhilk wes  #
ane auld blak 
much woimplit, thairin inclosit fyve clewis of sindrie          #
culloures of worsett, as of  
<P 254>
blak, reid, orange, yallow and blew. Quhilkis Sorceries, Agnes  #
Sampsoun confessit
ye maid youre selff. As also, the said Agnes Sampsoune          #
confessit, that 
Jonet Drummond brocht to her the same auld much, quhilk scho    #
inchantit; lyke 
as also, the said Jonet Drummond hes confessit the careing      #
thairof to the said 
Agnes. - (21.) ITEM, For making of ane pictour of flour and     #
clay, for bewiching
of Elizabeth Home spouse to Mr Johnne M=c=Gill, and causing     #
cast the same 
in att the said Mr Johnneis kiching windok for that effect. -   #
(22.) ITEM, Indytit,
for airt and pairt of the slauchter and distruction, be your    #
devilisch craft 
of Wichcraft, and  Inchantment, of Lilias  M=c=Cal+gean,        #
dochter to Mr Henry M=c=Cal+gan
ane barne of sex yeir auld; and that be rubbing of hir face     #
with youre 
naipkin, vpoune ane Soneday eftir none; quhen sche fell vpoune  #
the calsey att 
youre cloise heid; quhairby sche deit. - (23.) ITEM, Indytit    #
and accusit, of the 
conventicle had att North-Berwik Kirk, tuentie dayes before     #
Michelmes, 1590;
and thair inquyring for the Kingis pictour, gewin be Annie      #
Sampsoun to the 
Dewill, to be inchantit, for the tressonabill distructioun of   #
the King. - (24.)
ITEM, Indytit, for being att the Conventioun haldin at the      #
New-heavin callit 
the Fayrie-hoillis, att Lambmes lastwes, to the effect          #
immediatlie aboue writtin.
- (25.) ITEM, Indytit and accusit, for ane Conventioun haldin   #
be yow and 
vtheris notorius Wichis, youre associattis, att the             #
Brvme-hoillis; quhair ye and 
thay tuik the sea, Robert Greirsoun being youre admerall and    #
Maister-manne, 
past owre the sea in riddillis to ane schip, quhair ye enterit  #
with the Dewill, 
your maister, thairin; quhan, eftir ye had eittin and drukkin,  #
ye caist owr ane 
blak dog that skippit vnder the schip, and thairby, ye hewing   #
the Dewill your 
maistir thairin, quha drownit the schip be tumbling: Quhairby,  #
the Quene wes 
putt bak be storme. - (26.) ITEM, Indytit, for consulting with  #
the said Annie 
Sampsoune, Robert Greirsoune and diuers vthiris Wichis, for     #
the tressonabill 
staying of the Quenis hame-cuming, be storme and wind; and      #
rasing of storme, 
to that effect; or ellis to haif drownit hir Maiestie and hir   #
cumpany, be coniuring
of cattis and casting of thame in the see, at Leith, and the    #
bak of Robert 
Greirsounis hous. - (27.) ITEM, Indytit, for airt and pairt of  #
the distructioun of
ane boit, betuix Leith and Kinghorne, and threscoir of          #
persounes thairin, be 
your conventioune be vthir Wichis, and be your and thair        #
Wichcraft; as is notour.
- (28.). ITEM, For an commoune Wich. 
   The quhilk day, the said Dittay being red to the said        #
Ewfame in judgement, 
as itt wes produceit att lenth be the Aduocatt, and drawin      #
summarlie in heidis, 
as is aboue mentionatt: Eftir diuerse obiectiounis maid aganis  #
the samin be hir 
and hir preloquitouris, and diuerse protestatiounis maid in     #
hir name, and ansueris 
<P 255>
maid thairto be the Aduocat; the Justice ffand, be              #
Interloquitour, that the
saidis heidis sould be putt to the knawlege of ane Assyse: And  #
the Assyse being
chosin, that sche mycht propone hir defenssis to the said       #
Assyse. 
[^ASSISA: A LIST OF NAMES OMITTED.^]
   INTERLOCUTOR. The Justice-deputis, be ressoun of diuerse     #
objectiounes 
maid be the pannell, aganis the poyntis of Dittay aboue         #
writtin, to the Assyse;
and ansueris maid thairto be the Aduocat; and that they         #
continewit quhill 
sewin houris att ewin: Continewit the mater to the morne, in    #
the same forme, 
force and effect as it wes thane: And causit incarcerat the     #
said Ewfame; and 
warne the Assyse to be present the morne att aucht houris in    #
the morning, ilk
persoun vnder the pane of ane hundreth poundis. 
   (Jun.10.) - INTERLOCUTOR. The Justice, be ressoune +git of   #
the objectiounis
maid be the pannell aganis the poyntis of Dittay, and the       #
Depositiounis 
of sindrie persounes maid for vereficatioun thairof, and        #
ansueris maid thairto;
thay haifing continewit quhill sewin houris att ewin:           #
Continewit the said mater, 
in same forme, force and effect as is now; and impresonit the   #
said Ewfame 
quhill the morne; and wairnit the persounes of Assyse to        #
compair the morne, 
ilk persoun vnder the pane of ane hundreth poundis. 
   (Jun. 11.) - THE samin day, eftir proponing of the haill     #
obiectiounis be 
the pannell aganis the Dittay, and vereficatiounis thairof,     #
and ansueris maid 
thairto be the Aduocatt; the above persounes, being chosin,     #
sworne and admittit,
thay removit altogiddir furth of Court to the counsal-hous;     #
quhair thay 
remanit all that nycht; and eftir the chesing of James          #
Johnestoune of Elphinstoune
Chancillar of the said Assyse, thay votit and ressonit vpoune   #
the poyntis 
of the said Dittay; and continewit pronunceing of thair         #
delyuerance quhill the 
morne. 

ARTICLES (^of^) CONVICTIOUNE (^and^) VERDICT (^of the Assise^) . 
   (Jun. 12) - THE quhilk persounes of Assyse, eftir lang       #
deliberatioune and continewance 
in the Counsal-hous, vpoune the ressoning and voting the        #
poyntis of the said Ewfame M=c=Cal+ganis.
<P 256>
Dittay: being throwchlie auisit thairwith, re-enterit agane in  #
Court, and thair, be the mouth of the 
said James Johnstoun of Elphinstoune chancillar, ffand,         #
pronunceit and declarit the said Ewfame,
(1.) To be Fylit, culpable and convict, of consulting with      #
Catherene Campbell, ane Ersch woman with 
ane fallin neise, duelland for ane lang space in the Cannogait  #
heid, ane notorius Wich; and intertinneing
the said Catherene in hir awin hous, and in the hous of         #
Barbara Toures, the relict of vmq=le= James 
Harlaw, seiking help of hir to hir bairnis; speciallie to       #
Thomas hir sone, to quhome sche send his 
sark with Helene Inglis hir seruand. - (2.) ITEM, of the        #
bewiching, be hir airt of Sorcerie, of Johnne
Yonstoun, sone to Williame Yonstoun, hir husbandis sister       #
sone, ane young man of sewintene yeris of
aige: quhairby he deit: And swa, for airt and pairt of the      #
slauchter of the said vmq=le= Johnne, be the 
said airt. - (3.) ITEM, of the consulting with Jonett           #
Cwninghame in the Cannogait heid, alias callit 
(^Lady Bothwell^) , ane auld indytit Wich of the fynest champ,  #
auchtene yeris syne or thairby, for poysoning
of Joseph Dowglas of Punfrastoune, and that be ane potioune of  #
composit walter, quhilk sche 
send hir seruand Johnne Tueddall for, to be brocht vp to        #
Barbara Toures hous in ane chopene stoup;
quhilk wes ressauit be him, and delyuerit to the said           #
Barbara. - 
(4.) ITEM, of the seiking help, consultatioun
and respons, fra Annie Sampsoun, knawin ane notorius Wich, for  #
recovering of hir jowellis
and emdent agane fra the Laird of Punfrastoune: and that, be    #
the frequent sending of Jonet Drummond,
sumtyme hir nurrice, to the said Annie to that effect, aboue    #
sewin tymes. - (5.) ITEM, for consulting
with Annie Sampsoun ane Wich, for getting of mwildis fra hir,   #
to be vsit be the said Ewfame,
in releif of hir payne, in hir birth of hir twa sonnes. - (6.)  #
ITEM, of airt and pairt of the consulting
with Annie Sampsoune, for distroying of Mr Johnne Moscrop, hir  #
fader-in-law, be Wichcraft, about 
foure yeris syne of thairby; and to that effect, sending with   #
Jonett Drummond hir seruand, ane pictour
of walx, send in ane buist inclosit within ane guise, to the    #
said Annie, and ane seruiet with beiff 
woumplit about the guse; quhilk pictour the said Annie gaif to  #
the Dewill to be inchantit; and the 
samin being inchantit be him, wes send hame agane to hir with   #
the said Jonett Drummond, for doing
of the turne; as the said Annie declarit to the said Jonet,     #
that it sould serue thairto. - (7.) ITEM,
fand hir culpabill, of making of ane pictour of flowre and      #
clay, for bewiching of Mary Home, spous to 
Mr Johnne M=c=Gill, and causing cast the samin in att Mr Johnne #
M=c=Gillis kiching windok, to that 
effect. - (8.) ITEM, culpabill, for the tressonabill            #
Conventicill had be hir, Annie Sampsoune, Johnne 
Fiene and diueris vthiris, att North Berwik-Kirk, tuentie       #
dayes before Michelmes 1590; and thair,
inquyring for the Kingis pictour, gewin be the said Annie       #
Sampsoune to the Dewill, to be inchantit 
be him, for the tressonabill distructioun of the King. - (9.)   #
ITEM, convict of the tressonabill Conventioune,
haldin be him, hir and thame, att the New-heavin, callit        #
Aichesounis-heavin, att Lambmes 
lastwas I=m=. V=c=. lxxxx, to the tressonabill effect           #
immediatlie aboue writtin, viz. in seiking of ane pictour,
to the tressonabill distructioune of the King. - (10.) ITEM,    #
convict of commoune Wichcraft and Sorcerie
and vsing of the said Wichcraft aganis sindrie his hienes       #
liegis. - (11.) AND ALS, Acquit the 
said Ewfame of the haill remanent poyntis contenit in hir       #
Dittay foirsaid, quhairof sche wes accusit. 

DOOM (^of Forfeiture and Sentence of Death^) . 

   (Jun. 15.) - The quhilk day, Ewfame M=c=Cal+gane, spous to   #
Patrik Moscrop
alias M=c=Cal+gane, being presentit on pannell, as sche that    #
wes convict ofbefore, 
be ane condigne Assyse, in ane Court of Justiciarie, haldin in  #
the said Tolbuith
in Edinburghe, the tuelt day of Junij instant; for the          #
consulting with 
Catherene Campbell, ane Ersch woman with ane fallin neise, &c.  #
[\here the above 
<P 257>
articles of conviction are rehearsed.\] - For the quhilk        #
crymes, the said Justice-depute 
ordanit the said Ewfame, be the mouth of Williame Gray          #
dempstar, as 
culpabill and giltie thairof, to be takin to the Castel-hill    #
of Edinburghe, and 
thair bund to ane staik and brunt in assis, quick, to the       #
death: And all and 
sindrie hir landis, heretageis, takis, stedingis, roumes,       #
possessiounes, coirnis, cattell,
guides and geir, to be forfaltit and escheit to our souerane    #
lordis vse.




<B STRI2C>
<Q SC2 XX TRI ROY>
<N TRIAL DAVID ROY>
<A X>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1601>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T PROC TRIAL>
<G X>
<F X>
<W SPEECH-BASED>
<X X>
<Y X>
<H X>
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<S SAMPLE X>

[^TRIAL OF DAVID ROY, COOK TO COLIN EVIOT OF BALHOUSIE.
1ST FEBRUARY 1601.
EDINBURGH 1831.
PP. 1-12 (OUR PAGE NUMBERS).^]

<P 1>
[} [\TRIAL 
OF 
DAVID ROY, 
COOK TO BALHOUSIE. 
1ST FEBRUARY 1601. \] }] 
   (\CURIA Justiciarie vice-comitatus de Perth, tenta in        #
pretorio 
ejusdem vicesimo primo die mensis Februarii, anno Domini 
millessimo, sexcentesimo primo, per magistrum Gulielmum 
Murray de Ochtertyre, justiciarium ac vice-comitem deputatum 
honorabilis Willielmi Murray, apparen: de Tulliebardin,         #
justiciar:
et vice-com: principalis dicti vice-comitatus curia leigittime 
affirmata.\) 
   Quhilk day compeared in judgement, Coleine eviot of          #
Balhoussie, 
fayther to Elizabeth eviot specifiit, and Thomas Gall, p=r=     #
fischall 
of the shyrefdome of Perth for his interes, and producit ane    #
letter of 
declaratioun and supplicatioun of the presbitrie of the burgh   #
of Perth, 
subscryvit be mr Williame Rynd, moderator of the said           #
presbitrie, of the 
quhilk the tenour followis. It will pleis your wisdomes         #
understand that 
their is ane uncoth and abhominabell cryme committit latlie     #
within our 
bounds, to the grait slander of our relegioun, and shame,       #
displeasour, 
<P 2>
and grieff, not onlie of the pairtie quhais interest, butt also #
of all guid 
men. Sirs, and David Roy, servand and cuik to the laird of      #
Balhoussie,
hes ungodlie and shamefullie abbusit his dochter callit         #
Elspett eviot, in 
filthie huredome, and to effectuat yat his viccat deid, hes     #
usit maist 
uncoth, unnaturall, and abhominabill meins, unworthie to be     #
tellit 
be word, let be to be usit in deid. First, he dubbit ane        #
abill, and 
infusit in it ane portioun of his awin natour, and gaiff hir    #
to eat, 
quhilk scho eit for ane part, and keust the rest away.          #
Secoundlie, he 
maid ane drink of spenzie fleis, callit, as he sayis,           #
cantarides, and 
gaiff it to hir to drink. Thirdlie, he gaiff hir ane drink of   #
daffindillie. 
Fourthlie, he desyrit ane heiland voman of Dowhare, quhome he   #
hard 
be the brut of the country to be ane vische and sorsarer, to    #
help him to 
the luiff of hir, and send yaireftir hir awin sone to the said  #
heiland wyff 
to the samyn effect. And, finallie, quhen nane of thir things,  #
as he 
thought, could effectuat the turne, he past to the bed quhair   #
the said 
Elspeth was lyen, in the nicht, in hir fatheris place of        #
Tillebeltane, hir 
parents being absent; and eftir violence usit agains hir, and   #
scho refusand, 
he usit, as he confessit, the moyane of ane servand voman in    #
the 
place, and sa gat his will of hir, and sensyne hes abusit hir   #
at his pleasour. 
Thairefter, he fearing hir to be with bairne, he schew hir      #
water 
to sindrie to know the same, and desyrit hir to ane drink, to   #
desolve the 
barne, quhilk scho refusit. The man in hand, and our advyssis   #
creavit, 
quhat sall be his puneschment according to the the word of God  #
and lawis;
becaus the matter is uncow and vechtie, we thocht guid to       #
advertise
yow thairof, and to requeist yow maist ernestlie to communicat  #
this matter 
to his maiestie and commissionaris of the kirk now assemblit,   #
and to 
creave not only your advyse, giff the said David salbe put to   #
ane assyse, 
and quhat sall be his punnishement, death or utherwayis, bot    #
that ye 
trawell, that ane law may be maid, giff nane wes, for           #
repressing of sic
unnaturall and abhominabill attempis in tymes coming. In        #
propounding 
<P 3>
heirof, we submitt to your awin visdome quhidder we sall        #
propone it 
in hypothesist or cheif or theis. For ye saiffing of the        #
lairds honour, 
we requyit yow also to seik the advyse of the best lawaris,     #
and send us 
your resolutioun with all diligence with this berar, that sic   #
villanie go 
not unpunneschet in Isayrell, to the procurement of God's       #
wrathe. Sua 
luking for your resolut answer, wee committ yow, and all        #
pending on 
your hands, to the government of the holie spirit.  Of our      #
presbetrie of 
Perthe, and subscryvit at thair command as followis, be our     #
moderatour, 
the ellewinte of februar 1601. Sic subscribatur, M. Williame    #
Rynd, 
moderatour of the presbetrie of Perth, at your command. And     #
upone 
the back of the samyn, ane delyverance of his majesties, and    #
lords of 
our secrett counsall as followis. At halierudhous, the xiij     #
day of februar 
1601. The King's majestie, and lords of secreit counsall,       #
having hard 
and considderit the supplicatioun within written, ordains the   #
persoun 
within complenit upone to be put to ane assyse upon the         #
particular 
tymes within specifiit; and gif he be convictit thairof, to     #
caus execut 
him to the deid, in maner following. First, to virrie him at    #
ane staik, 
thairefter to cut of his head, and affix the samyn on sum       #
publict place, 
and to caus burne his bodie. Sic subscribitur, Montrois         #
cancellarius, 
Secretar, Thesaurair. 
   The said David Roy being presentlie in the bos vindow of     #
the tolbuith 
of the burgh of Perthe, accusit and persewit wpone the said     #
crymes. 
The said Coleine Eviot presentit the said David Roy's dittay    #
and confessioun 
following. Followis the dittay. David Roy thou art accussit of 
thy lyff for the crymes following; in the first, thow beinge    #
sumtyme 
servitour to Colleine Eviot of Balhoussie, and in his service   #
for the 
tyme, forgetting all feir of God, dewtie towards thy maister,   #
resolvit 
to deflour Elizabeth Eviot, dochter to the said Coleine,        #
beraiff her of 
her virginitie, and to induce her be all unleissum meins to     #
gyff hir bodie
to ye, and sua defyle thy maisters hous, and sua far as in ye   #
lay to dishonour 
<P 4>
the samyn: ffor performance of the quhilk thy wickit and        #
dewelidge
intentioun, thow spairit nocht to use thyself as ane maist      #
filthie
sodomet, using vischecraft, sorsarie, charmes, and sic          #
unspeakabill filthie
meins to alewr the said Elizabeth to yield to thy desyre, that  #
it is ane 
horror to all christian hairtis to heir the samyn recordit.     #
In sa far as 
first be the counsall of theis, quhais vickat advyce thow       #
followit, thow 
fand the way to mak thy awin nature cum fra ye, and gatherit    #
the 
samyn, thow being persuadit yet the samyn being infuisit in ane #
apple, 
and the said Elizabethe eitting thairof, it was not possible    #
to hir to resist 
thy filthie appatyde, but of necessitie be yat deweledge        #
fassone doing, 
quhilk man be interpratt plaine sodomie, vischecraft and        #
sorsarie, scho
sould be forcit to gif hir bodie to thee; thow to cum to thy    #
unhappie 
purpois, tuik ane aple, vykidlie infusit and dobbit thy natur   #
in the 
samyn, and indusit the said Elizabethe to eat the said aple, a  #
thing 
to be sua far abhorrit, that it is unnaturall to be hard of,    #
and is ane 
plaine sodome, deserving to be punnest to the death of itself;  #
and not 
content heirwith, proceiding fore in thy vicket and ungodlie    #
doing, 
thow, upon the [^BLANK^] day of [^BLANK^] last by past, having  #
consultit vith sum 
deweleshe personis, and speciallie with William Lauder buik     #
bindir, 
burgess of Perthe, quhome to thow rewelit thy deweleishe        #
intentioun, 
schawing yat thow was in luff with the said Elizabethe, quhilk  #
thow 
knew perfytlie wald be thy death, and thairfor desyrit him      #
giff he culd
ony wayis help the to attaine to thy purpois, and mak the said  #
Elizabethe
to geff hir bodie to ye, that he wald do the samyn. Upon the 
quhilk, the said William answrit yat he sould giff ye sum       #
spenzie flies, 
callit cantarides, quhilk giff thow sould make the said         #
Elizabeth to drink 
of, out of all questioun it would mak her to greine efter ye,   #
and yield 
to your desyres; at the quhilk tyme the said Williame           #
deliverit sum of 
the said cantarides to ye; and yow upone the [^BLANK^] day of   #
[^BLANK^] the said 
Elizabeth being at the table with hir father and mothair in     #
tyme of 
<P 5>
dennar, thow being serveing at the buird, thow tuik the said    #
cantarides,
and keust the samyn in ane drink, and yow presentit it to the   #
said Elizabeth, 
quha knawing nathing thairof, drank of the samyn, throw the 
quhilk scho was in danger of hir lyff, and uring restrenit      #
upon her be 
the space of tuentie four houris; and thow, the said David,     #
knawing 
this proceidit of thy knafrie, gatt sueitt milk, and maid meit  #
to hir 
thairwith, as thinking that sould help hir disais, (quhilk      #
forme of doing 
in itself, having respect to the intentioun, man be interprit   #
plane sodomie, 
sorsarie, vischecraft, and charmeine, and sic ane filthie       #
forme of abuse
that of it self deserves the deathe) and be this forme of       #
doing, drawe 
the said Elizabeth in a far, that thow sould beraiff her of     #
her lyff giff
scho +geidit nocht to thy unhappy desyre. Lyk as also, thow     #
wpone 
the [^BLANK^] day of [^BLANK^] last by past, knawing the said   #
Elizabeth to be bairnelie
and fairfull, tuik of the ruittis of daffindillie, quhairof     #
thow maid 
ane drink and causit the said Elizabeth drink, quhilk procurit  #
sic ane 
vomit to hir, that scho was in danger of her lyff; and not      #
content heirwith,
butt understanding thair was ane wyff callit bannaty, quha was 
commonlie callit reput and haldin  as ane vitche in the         #
cuntray, thow 
revelit thy foirsaid vickit intentioun to hir, desyring her     #
that be her 
witchcraft, enchantment, and sorsarie all deweleishe and all    #
vicket  
forme of doing scho culd best dewyse for performing of this     #
thy ungodlie
intentioun, that scho would mak the said Elizabeth yield to     #
thy 
deweleishe desyre, and to this effect send sundry tymes to      #
hir. Lyk as 
alsua thow wpone the [^BLANK^] day of [^BLANK^] last bypast,    #
the said Coleine Eviot 
of Balhoussie, and the said Elizabeth's mothar being absent     #
furth of thair 
dwelling houss of Tillebeltane, quhair scho remainit for the    #
tyme, to thy 
former sodomie, vitchcraft, and inchantment, filthie and        #
deweleishe 
abeusing in maner foirsaid, junit violence, and pressit to      #
force the said 
Elizabethe. The quhilk unleissum unnatural menis, sodome,       #
vitchcraft, 
and other of dewelesche doing foirsaid, thow ekeit to thy       #
filthie
<P 6>
intentioun, and inducit hir to giff hir bodie to ye. And        #
understanding 
scho was conceavit with bairne, pressit hir to tak ane drink    #
to destroy 
the samyn, quhilk the said Elizabethe utterlie refusit.         #
Quhairthrow, 
it is cleir thow art ane filthie sodomet, sorsarar, consultar   #
vith vitches, 
and hes maist filthiely by the sodomie, vitchcraft, charmes,    #
and lyk 
abusis foirsaids, inducit the said Elizabethe to giff hir       #
bodie to ye, be
unnaturall means foirsaids, contrar the law of God and natur,   #
quhilk 
aught to be abhorrit of all christanis. And thair by aucht to   #
be punieshet
to the deathe for the caus foirsaid. 
   Followis the said David Royis confessioun. Att               #
Tullebeltane, the 
second day of Februar, the +geir of God 1600 and ane +geiris.   #
Quhilk
day David Roy confessit being examinat anent the matter of      #
slander
betwix him and Elspett eviot, dochter to the laird of           #
Balhoussie. Confessit 
that it is tua +geiris syne sen he begane to luiff the said     #
Elspethe, 
and becaus he disparit to obteine hir favour be direct menis,   #
he suttit 
the samyn indirectlie. Nixt, being inquirit quhat was the       #
grattest falt
for the quhilk he thocht himself maist tuichit in conscience    #
in the said 
matter, confessit that the first was the offence the had donne  #
to God. 
The nixt was the dishonour he haid done to his maister, and     #
the thrid 
was the loss he had brocht upone the young gentill voman. Mair 
being demandit quhat was the principall thing that troublit     #
him in his 
offence towards God, confessit that it was becaus he socht his  #
luiff be, 
and he dimittit and be uthair inderect menis that micht oney    #
wayis 
conques hir affectioun. Mair being inquyrit giff at any tyme    #
he haid 
to do with hir, before he usit inderect menis to obtene hir     #
favour and 
goodwill, answerit nevir. 
   And being inquyrit particularlie of the menis usit be him,   #
whairby he 
socht to conques hir affectioun, answerit the first meine was   #
by presenting
to hir ane aple quhilk he had dobbit, and in the quhilk he had  #
infusit
ane portioun of his awin natur; and being demandit quhome fra
<P 7>
he lernit that, answerit that being on ane tyme in the company  #
of Nicolas
blair and utheris young men, he hard thame in thair wantenes 
saying, that they were abill to caus any gentill voman fallow   #
thame; and
quhen he demandit quhat that menis, they answerit him, that     #
giff any
man tak ane apill, and put thairin ane portioun of his awin     #
natur, and 
giff to the gentill voman, that he wald have lowing him, it     #
wald mak
hir favorable to him; quhilk thing he confessit he prattyset    #
upon the said 
Elisabethe, and that he gaiff hir to eit ane aple quhairin he   #
haid infusit 
ane portioun of his awin natur, and that scho eat ane part      #
thairof, 
and keust away the corruptit part of the aple. 
   Bot zitt this awaillit him not. 
   Mair being inquirit quhat uther indirect menis he usit,      #
confessit that 
on ane tyme he went to Williame Lane in Perthe, and schew him   #
that 
he was in luiff with a voman, quhome gif he obtenit nocht, he   #
knew wald 
be his deathe, and giff he obtenit it, he knew also wald be     #
his deathe;
and socht of him ony thing that wald conques her affectioun     #
towards him;
that the said Williame Lane answerit that he would giff him     #
sum spenzie
flies callit cantarides, quhilk sould esalie mak hir to griene  #
efter 
him; and that he ressavit the said cantarides of the said       #
Williame, and 
quhilk he gaiff the said Elspeth to drink thairof; scho and     #
hir sister Annas
baith drank at hir fathairis buird, quhilk wrocht sua upone     #
thame 
baithe, that for the space of twentie four houris they mad na   #
wattir, 
quhill he ran and gatt sueitt milk, and mad to thame meit       #
thairwith, 
and gaiff thame ease. 
   And being further inquyrit quhat uther menis he haid usit,   #
confessit 
that on ane tyme he seiking Elspettis guid-will, scho wald      #
nocht yeld
to him, exceptand that he maid hir seik agane; and that         #
thairupone he 
had seine daffindillie oftymes usit in drinks to caus           #
vomating, he past 
to the gairdner of Arliewicht, fra quhome he gatt some of his   #
daffindillie, 
and maid thairof ane drink, whairof first he drank himself,     #
pretending
that it was to cuir him of the stopping of his breist, but      #
haveing in 
<P 8>
verie deed this purpois to allewer hir to drink thairof by his  #
exampill, 
that scho micht be seik againe; whairof scho drank, quhilk      #
sturit hir to 
vomeiting. 
   Mairover being inquirit, confessit that he communicat his    #
intentioun
in this matter to an heiland wyff in Drumquhar, quha is         #
supposit to be 
ane sorerar, quhilk wyff being in Tullebeltane, and the said    #
Elspethe 
passing by hir, he patt out his fingear to the said Elspeth,    #
and said to 
this heiland wyff, Will ye help me to +gon, and I will be ane   #
guid friend 
to you? and that thane scho spak sum ershe words quhilk he      #
understuid 
nocht; and confessit thairefter he send hir awin sone to hir,   #
and bad 
hir remember the thing that he had bidden hir do to him, and    #
that he 
gat na answer from hir agane, bott quhat scho did he could      #
nocht tell; 
and being inquirit giff he had giffen hir guid deid at ony      #
tyme, answerit
not, giff that he haid giffen hir ane leaff, and ane drink of   #
aill at 
the duire. 
   The said David being demandit quhy he socht the help of      #
that wyff 
callit bannaty, rather nor of ane uther woman, answerit,        #
because the 
bruit was in the cuntrie that scho was ane vitche. 
   Last of all, confessit, that quhen nane of thir foirsaids    #
culd effectuat 
the turne, he come in one ane certaine tyme to the bed quhar    #
the said
Elspeth was then, togidder with ane voman callit marie          #
valkinshaw, 
and that thaire he pressit to have lyne with the said Elspett   #
by violence, 
hir parents being thane absent, bott that scho refusit, and     #
crap in under 
the bed frome him; quhairupon he being purposit to leaff hir,   #
was cryit
up the stair againe be the said Marie, quhome he confessis to   #
be the first
that ever allurit hir to his affectioun, and that sho drew on   #
that matter 
be his desyre and derectioun; quhairupon he thare lay with the  #
said 
Elspett, and gatt sum pleasour of hir at that tyme, altho nocht #
ful contentment;
and that the last tyme he had to do with hir, was in the brew 
houss dore of Retitulloche, quhilk was about ane moneth afor    #
this deit. 
<P 9>
Mair, he confessit that he suspecting hir to be with barne, he  #
went 
down himself to William Lane, and said to him, William, I trew  #
all be 
wrang, and +gon voman be with bairne; and he said, how could    #
that 
be? is that the lang ewill hewit lass that followis the ladie   #
to the kirk?
And that thairefter he brocht down hir watter himself to the    #
said Williame
Lane, to be resolvit gif scho was with bairne or not; as        #
lykewayis
thairefter send the samyn doun to the said Williame to the      #
samyn effect, 
and speirit giff the pan was cleine or not. Quha resolvit him,  #
efter he 
haid consultit with John Melving thairanent, that the pan was   #
nocht 
cleine. And that thair upone he speirit at the said Elspeth,    #
giff scho 
wald be content, for eschewing of hir awin shame and his        #
skaithe, to 
take ane drink to disolve hir barne, and assurit hir giff scho  #
tuik the 
drink, scho wald have na ma bairnis; quhilk scho refusit to     #
do. 
   Mairover, he confessit that quhen he come down him selff     #
first with 
the said Elspettis watter, he gaid thairwith to andro broun,    #
and tauld
him that thair was ane gentill voman mariet in landwart, ane    #
freind of 
his, that was seik, and that hir guid man wald giff hir ane     #
drink, giff
he knew scho was nocht with barne; and that andro broun         #
answerit he 
could nocht tell be that watter, for it was drumlie, and baid   #
tak hir 
watter eftir hir sleip, and bring it to him, and he wald than   #
tell; quhilk 
the said David promisit to do. 
   Last, confessit, that feiring sum of the lairdis servandis   #
sould have injurit
him or takin his lyff, he communicat his feir to Williame       #
Lane, 
quha counsellit him to send to Edinburgh, and raise law         #
burrois agains 
the laird and his servandis, and to that effect pennit ane      #
lettir in his 
favour, directed to Mr Robert Young. 
   At Tullibelltane the fyft of the said monethe of februar     #
and zeir 
of God above written. 
Quhilk day the said David Roy being of new examinat anent the 
<P 10>
said matter betuix him and the said Elspeth Eviot, deponit      #
conforme in 
omnibus to his former deposition, in witnes quherof the         #
persons that 
war present at this said examinatioun have subscribit to the    #
haill premiss. 
with their hands as followis: sic subscribitur Thomas Nicoll    #
notarius 
in premiss: fid. premissa subscribere Mr William Couper         #
minister at 
Perthe witnes, William Rus witnes, Robert Mershell of [^BLANK^] #
witnes, John Ross witness, Thomas Burrel witness, James Ross    #
witnes, John
Pitscottie witnes, Alexander Lamb witnes. 
   The said Coleine Eviot desyrit the said David Roy to be      #
putt to the 
knowledge of ane inquest conforme to his Majesties and Lords    #
of secret 
counsalls delyverance above written. 
   Thairefter the said Justice and sheref-deputt foirsaid,      #
requirit and 
desyrit the said David giff he had or wald require ony persoun  #
to speik 
for him, and for his defens; and sum being requirit be the      #
said David 
to that effect, refusit to speik for him in respect of the      #
odiousnes of the 
cryme; and thairfoir the said David referrit him to the         #
inquest. 
   The justice and shereff-deputt foirsaid, ordanit the said    #
David Roy 
to be putt to the knowledge of ane inquest, and the persouns    #
of inquest 
summoned to that effect to be callit, quherupone the said       #
Coleine Eviot 
asked instrumentis. 
ASSISA.
Patrick Rethray of Kinvaid. 
Thomas Nairne appeirand of Mukarsie. 
Harie Crychtoun of Benchell. 
Peiter Hay of Kirkland. 
John Blair of Melginche. 
William Ruthven of Arnathe. 
Abraham Crychtoun porteoner of Bancharie. 
William Bruce of Miltoun. 
<P 11>
John Chalmers of the Bog. 
William Tyrie younger of Busbei. 
Andro Drummond chalmerland of Methven. 
Alexander Lindsay in Tofrollis. 
Alexander Nairne sone to John Nairne of Muckarsie. 
John Dow in Prestoun. 
Lawrence Stewart in Methven. 
   Quhilk persouns of inquest above writtin being callit, and   #
the said 
David Roy desyrit and requirit to say against them, or ony of   #
them, 
quhy they aucht nocht to pas upone his assyse; the said David   #
objectit 
nor alledgit na thing againis thame nor neane of thame, quha    #
in respect
thairof war ressavit, sworne, and admittit to pas upon his      #
said assyse. 
Quhairupone the said Coleine Eviot askit aid. 
   And in presence of the said David Roy and personis foirsaid  #
of inquest,
the said declaratioun and suplicatioun of the presbetrie of     #
the 
burgh of Perthe, delyverance of his Majestie and Lords of       #
secreit 
counsall on the bak thairof, the said David confessioun and     #
dittay 
above written, being oppinlie red in judgement; and the said    #
David 
being inquirit upone to ewerie poyntt and article thairof,      #
giff the samyn
was of veritie done and committit be him as saide. The said     #
David 
granttit and confessit the samyn, and ewerie poyntt thairof,    #
to be of 
veritie. Whairupone the said Coleine eviot askit aid: And the 
saidis personis of inquest being ressavit, sworne, and          #
admittit, furth
of court removit, weill and ryplie advysit, and being in the    #
heich tolbuith
of the said burgh of Perth. The said Patrick Hay, chancelar
nominat be the said assyse, having removit himselff out of the  #
said heiche 
tolbuithe, and reinterand thairinto againe, declarit to ye      #
remanent personis
foirsaid of inqueist that he haid beine suttand the advyse of   #
sum 
<P 12>
of the ministrie of the said burgh of Perthe, gif that poynt    #
of the said 
David Royis dittay above written, anent the giffin of the       #
aple, and 
using of the samyn as is above mentionat, was sodomie or not,   #
quhom 
of he culd gett na resolutioun nor declaratioun thairanent,     #
as he recordit. 
And the said assyse, eftir matur deliberatione, reinterand in   #
judgement 
be indematioun of the said Patrick Hay of Kirkland, chancelar   #
foirsaid,
clangit the said David Roy of the hell poynts of dittay above   #
written, 
exceptand the saids Patrick Rethroy of Kingland, Thomas Nairne  #
appeirand 
of Mukarsie, Abrahame Crychtoun, portioner of Bancharie, 
William Bruce of Miltoun, Andrew Drummond, chamerland of        #
Methven,
and Alexander Lyndsey in tofrollis, quha fylit the said David   #
Roy 
upon the first poyntt of the said dittay anent the aple, and    #
using thairof
in manner foirsaid, and syklyke the said Patrick Rathery of     #
Kinwaid, 
and Thomas Nairne, quha fylit the said David upon that uther    #
poyntt of 
the said David's dittay, anent ye consulting and halding        #
commoning with 
that wyff callit bannaty in Drumhare, bruitit in the cuntray    #
to be ane 
wiche, conforme to the said dittay, and that in respect of the  #
said David 
Royis awin confessioun. Whairupon the said Patrick Rathry       #
askit aid. 
   The said Coleine eviot of Balhoussie protestit, for wilfull  #
errour agains 
the saidis persouns of inquest, quha clangit the said David     #
Roy of the 
odious crymes, granttit and confessit sua done and committit    #
be him in 
manner foirsaid, and for remeid of law, and thairupone askit    #
instrumentis.  



<B STRI2D>
<Q SC2 AR TRI WISHMYLE>
<N WISHART TRIAL>
<A X>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1562/A 1578>
<M MEDIUM X>
<D X>
<V PROSE>
<T PROC TRIAL>
<G X>
<F X>
<W SPEECH-BASED>
<X X>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET DOCUM/PUBLIC>
<E X>
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<I FORMAL>
<Z ARGUM>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^THE HISTORIE AND CRONICLES OF SCOTLAND.
FROM THE SLAUCHTER OF KING JAMES THE FIRST
TO THE ANE THOUSANDE FYVE HUNDREITH THRIE SCOIR 
FYFTEIN ZEIR. 
WRITTEN AND COLLECTED BY ROBERT LINDESAY OF PITSCOTTIE.
VOL. II. ED. AE.J.G. MACKAY.
SCOTTISH TEXT SOCIETY, FIRST SERIES, 43.
EDINBURGH AND LONDON 1899.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 57.21-75.5 (GEORGE WISHART) 
SAMPLE 2: PP. 131.10-134.3 (WALTER MYLE)^] 

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 57>
[}THE ACCUSATIOUN OF MR GEORGE WISCHART GENTILL
MAN QUHO SUFFERIT MARTERDOME FFOR THE FAITH OF 
CHRIST JESSUS AT SANCT ANDROIS IN SCOTLAND
THE FIRST DAY OF MARCHE ANNO I=M= V=C= XLVJ ZEIRIS,
WITHT THE ARTICLIS HE WAS ACCUSSIT OF AND HIS
SUEIT ANSUERIS TO THE SAME QUHAIRIN AR IOYNIT
HIS GODLIE WRIESOUNS AND PRAYERIS AS FOLLOWIS.}]
[^ORATION TO THE READER OMITTED.^]
<P 63>
(^The Accusar.^)
   'Thow fallis arratick runigat tratour and theif, dessawer
off the pepill, dispysser of the hollie kirk curssingis
and into lyk maner contempes me lord governouris
autorietie and this we knaw for suirtie then
quhene thow preichit in Dundie and was chargit be
me lord governour and his autorietie to desist, nevertheles
thow wald nocht obey bot perseverist in the
same and thairfor the bischope of Breichin curssit the
and deliuerit the in the devillis hands and gaif the ane
command thow sall preiche no more, that nocht witht
standing thow didist continew.'
(^The Ansuer.^)
   'My lords I haue red in the actis of the appostillis
that [{it{] is nocht lauchfall for the threittis and            #
manassingis
<P 64>
of men to decest frome the preiching of the 
gospell thairfor it is writtin we sould rather obey god
nor man. I haue also red in the prophit Malachie I
sall curse zour blissingis and blise zour curssingis; gif
ony consciences had iudgit me to haue done ewill I
sould have decistit ffor zour curssingis or ellis ffor zour 
brotherlie wairningis. Be cause I wssit no wngodlie
deid I sufferit  patientlie [{zour curssingis into              #
blissingis{] ,
beleueing firmelie that the lord will turne zour  
curssingis into blissingis.'
(^The Accusar.^)
   'Thow fallis arratick didest say that ane preist standing
at the allter saying mese, was lyk ane fox wagand
his taill in Iulie.'
(^The Ansuer.^)
   'My lordis, I said nocht so, those was my sayingis,
the murning of the body outwart withtout the invart
moving of the heart is nocht ellis bot the playing of 
ane ape, and nocht the trew serwing of god; ffor god
is ane secreit searcher of mens heartis, thairfor quho
will trewlie adorne and honour god he most in spreit
and werietie honour him.' Then  the accussar stopit
his mouth witht ane wther artickill. 
(^The Accusar.^)
   'Thow fallis arratick preichis aganis the sacramentis
sayand that thair was not sevin sacramentis.'
(^The Ansuer.^)
   'My lordis and it be zour plesour I taught never of
the number of the sacramentis quither thair was sevin
or ellevin; so money as ar institut be Christ and ar
schawin to ws be the evangell I profes oppinlie, except
it be the worde of god I dar affirme nothing.'
<P 65>
(^The Accusar.^)
   'Thow fallis arratick thow hes oppinlie taught that
auricular confessioun is nocht ane sacrament and thow
sayis that we find onlie to confes ws to god and to no
preist.'
(^The Ansuer.^)
   'My lordis, I say that auricular confessioun seing it
haith no promise of the evangell thairfor it can nocht
be ane sacrament. Of the confessioun to be maid to
god thair ar money testaimoneis in scriptur, as quhene
Dawid sayith, I thocht I wald haue knawit myne inniquitie
aganis myself into the Lord and he forgaif the
trespase of  my sinns; heir conffessing signifieit the
secreit knawledge of our sinns beffoir god. Quhene I
exortit the pepill in this maner I reproved no maner
of confessioun, and farther [{Sanct{] James said, knawledge
zour sins and to ane wther and so lett zow haue
peace amang zourselffis.'
   Quhene that he had said so those wordis, the bischopis
and thair compleces cryit and girnit witht thair teith,
sayand, 'Se ze nocht quhat coullouris he had in his
speiking that he may beguill ws and seduce ws to his
oppinioun.'
(^The Accusar.^)
   'Thow arratick did say oppinlie that it was necessar
to everie man to knaw and wnderstand his baptisme,
and quhat was contrair to our generall consall and
estait of hollie kirk.'
(^The Ansuer.^)
   'My lordis, I belief thair be nane so wnvyse that will
mak marchandice witht ane frincheman or ony wther
wnknawin stranger except he knew or wnderstude first
the conditioun or promise maid be the frincheman or
<P 66>
stranger; so lyke I wald we wnderstude quhat thing
we [{promeis{] in the name of the infant wnto god in
baptisme, ffor this cause I beleif ze haue confirmatioun.'
   Then said Mr Walter chaplaine that he had the
Devill withtin him and the spreit of errour; then ansuerit 
him ane child, saying, 'the Devill can not speik
suche wordis as zone man dois speik.'
(^The Accusar.^)
   'Thow arratick tratour and theif thow said, at the
sacrament of the allter was bot ane peace of breid
brekin wpoun the assis and na wther thing ellis, and
all that is thair done is bot suppestitious rytte aganis
the commandement of god.'

[^HERE BEGINS A PASSAGE FROM MS I^] (^The Answer.^) 
   'Och lord god such manifest lies and blasphemeis
the scripture doeth not teiche zow as conserneing the
sacrament of the aulter (my lordis) I nevir taucht any
thing aganes the scripture the quhilk I sall (be godis
grace) mak manifest this day I being reddie thairfoir to
suffer death. The lawfull wse of this sacrament is
most acceptable vnto god bot the gret abuse of it is
verrie deteistable to him. Bot quhat occasioun thay 
haue to say such words to me I sall schortlie schaw 
zour lordschippis. I once chancit to meit with ane
Jew quhen I was sailling vpone the watter of Ryne
I did inquyre of him quhat was the caus of his pertinacie
that he did not beleive that the trew Messias
was come considering that thay had sein all the prophesies
quhiche was spokin of him to be fulfilled.
<P 67>
Mairovir the prophesies taikin all in and the cepter of
Juda be mony vther testimonyis of the scripture I
wincuist him that Messias was cum the quhich thay
callit Jesus of Nazareth. This Jew answerit agane
vnto me "quhan Messias cummeth he sall restoir all
thingis and he sall nocht abrogat the law quhilk was
givin to our foirfatheris as ze do for quhy we sie the
puire almost perrische throuche hounger among zow
zit ze are nocht mowit with pitie toward thame. Bot
among ws Jewis (thocht we be puire) thair ar no
beggaris fund. Secundarlie it is forbiddin be the
law to fain ony kynd of Imagerie of thingis in heuin
abone of in eirth beneth or in the sea vnder the
eirth bot in god onlie to honour bot zour sanctwaries
churchis ar full of Idollis. Thridlie ane peice is
breid baikin vpone the ashes ze adore and virschip
and say that it is zour god." I haue reheirsit heir 
bot the sayingis of the Jew quhich I never affirmed to
be trew.' Then the bischoppis schuik thair heiddis 
and spittit into the eird and quhat he meinit in this
matter forder thay wald not heir.
(^The Accusar.^)
   'Thow falls heretik did say that extreme vnctioun
was nocht ane sacrament.' [^HERE ENDS THE PASSAGE FROM MS I^]
(^The Ansuer.^)
   'My lord, for suith, I nether taught any thing of extreme
unxioun in my doctrene quhither it war ane
sacrament or nocht.'
(^The Accusar.^)
   'Thow fallis arratick rinigat said that hallie watter
was nocht so goode as wasche, and siclyk thow contempest
coniuring and said that hollie kirk curssingis
availlis nocht.
<P 68>
[^HERE BEGINS A PASSAGE FROM MS I^] (^The Answer.^)
   'My lordis as for holie watter quhat strenth it is of
I taucht nevir in my doctrin coniuringis and exerzismes
gif thay war conformable to the word of god I wald
commend thame bot in so far as thay ar nocht
conformable to the word of god and commandement
thairof I reprove thame.'
(^The Accusar.^)
   'Thow fals heretick and runagat hast said that evirie
ley man is ane preist and suchlyk thow sayest alswa
that the paip hath no moir power than ony vther man.'
(^The Answer.^)
   'My lordis bot [{in{] the word of god I remember that
I haue red in sum plaices of Sanct Johne and Sanct
petter of the quhiche the on sayeth "he hath maid
ws kingis and preistis." The vther sayeth "he hath
maid ws the kinglie preistheid" quhairfoir I haue 
affirmed any man being cunning in the word of god 
and the trew faith of Jesus chryst to haue his power 
givin him frome god and nocht by the power and
violence of men bot by the vertew of the word of god
the quhiche word is callit the power of god as witnessis
Sanct paull evidentlie anewch and agane I say ony
onlearned man and nocht exerceisit in the word of
god nor zit constant in his faith quhatsoevir estait or
ordour he be of I say he hath no power to bind or
lous seing he wanteth the instrument by the quhich
he bindeth or looseth that is to say the word of god.'
Aftir that he said thais wordis all the bischopis lauched
and mocked him.  Quhen that he beheld thair lauching
'launch so meikill as ze pleis' said he 'my lordis
thocht thaies sayingis appeir scornefull and vorthie of
derisoun to zour lordschippis nevirtheles thai ar verrie
<P 69>
wychtie to me and of ane gret walour becaus thay 
stand nocht onlie on my lyff bot also the honour and
glorie of god.' In the meantyme mony godlie men
behaulding the woodnes and gret crudelitie of the
bischopis and the invincible patience of Mr george
did gretlie murne and lament. [^HERE ENDS THE PASSAGE FROM MS   #
I^] 
(^The Accusar.^)
   'Thow fallis arratick said that ane man had no
fre will bot is lyk to the stokis quhilk say it is
nocht in manis will to do ony thing bot that all
concupissance and desyre commeth of god, of quhatso
ewer kynd it be.'
(^The Ansuer.^)
   'My lordis, I said not so. Trewlie I say that allis
money that beleif in Christ firmlie, into thame is gevin
libertie conforme to the saying of Schir Johnne, "gif
sin mak zow fre than sall ze weralie be fre." Of the
contrair as money as beleif nocht in Christ Jesu thay
ar bund seruandis to sin, he that sineth is bund witht 
sin.'
[^HERE BEGINS A PASSAGE FROM MS I^] (^The Accusar.^)
   'Thou fals heretick didest say that it is als lawfull
to eit flesche vpone the fryday as one the sonday.'
(^The Answer.^)
   'Pleised zour lordschippis to vnderstand I haue red
into the epistillis of Sanct paull That quho is cleane 
vnto thame all thingis ar cleane Of the contrairie
to the filthie all thingis ar vncleane. Ane faithfull
man cleane and holie sanctified by word the creature
of god so that ane creature may nocht sanctifie ony
<P 70>
impuire and vnfaythfull man. Bot to the faythful
man all thingis ar sanctified by the prayer of the 
word of god.' Eftir thais sayingis of Mr george
than said all the bischopis with thair complices 'quhat
neideth ws ony witnes aganes him hath he nocht 
opinlie heir spokin blasphemie?' [^HERE ENDS THE PASSAGE FROM   #
MS I^]
(^The Accusar.^)
   'Thou fallis arratick dois say that we sould nocht
pray to sanctis bot to god onlie; say wither thow
had said this or no, say scharplie.'
(^The Ansuer.^)
   Ffor the waiknes of infirmatie of the heararis he
said withtout dout plainlie that sanctis sould nocht be
honourit. 'My lordis' said he, 'thair is tuo thingis'
said hie 'to wit, the on is certane, the wther wncertane.
It is fund plainlie and certan in scriptour that we sould
worschip and honour god according to the saying of the 
first command "thow sall onlie worschipe and honour 
[^HERE BEGINS A PASSAGE FROM MS I^] "the lord thy god with all  #
thy hairt" bot as for
praying and honouring to sanctis thair is gret doubt
among mony quhidder thay heir the inuitatioun maid 
to thame or nocht. Thairfoir I exhorted all men
equallie in my doctrin that thay sould leave the
onsein way and follow that way quhich was teached
be our maister and sawiour chryst Jesus. He is our
mediatour and maketh intercessioun for ws to god
his fader. He is the dore by the quhich we most
enter in. He that entereth not in by this door bot
cleimmeth ane vthir way is ane theiff and murtherar
he is the veritie and lyff he that goeth out of this
way thair is no doubt bot he sall fall into the myre
Ze verielie he is fallin into it alreddie. This is the
<P 71>
fassoun of my doctrin the quhiche I haue evir followit.
Werielie that quhich I haue hard and red in the word
of god I taucht opinlie and in no corneris and now
ze sall witness the same gif zour lordschippis will heir
me bot it be by the word of god I dar affirme no
thing.' Thais sayingis he reheirsit diuers tymes. [^HERE ENDS   #
THE PASSAGE FROM MS I^]
(^The Accusar.^)
   'Thow fallis arratick hes preichit plainlie saying that
thair is no purgatioun and it is ane feinzeit thing ony
man efter this lyfe to be punischit in purgatorie.'
(^The Ansuer.^)
   'My lord, as I haue oftymes said heirafoir, withtout
expres witnes and testamone of the scriptour I dar
affirme nothing. I haue oft and diuerse tymes red
ower the bybill and zeit sic ane terme fand I never
nor zeit in ony place of the scriptour applyabill heirinto,
thairfor I was eschameit ewer to teiche in that  
thing quhilk I could nocht find in the scriptour.'
   'Then said he to Mr Iohnne Lawder his accuser,
gif ze haue ony testamoney of the scriptour be the
quhilk ze may proue ony sic lyk place, schaw it now
befoir this awditour.' Bot this man had not ane word
to say for himself bot was allis dwme as ane bittill in
that matter.'
[^HERE BEGINS A PASSAGE FROM MS I^] (^The Accusar.^)
   'Thow fals heretick hast taught plainlie aganes the
wowis of monkis freiris nunes and preistis saying that
quhosoevir was bound to such lyk vowis thay vowit
thame sellffis to the estait of dampnatioun. Mairovir
that it was lawfull for preistis to marie wyffis and nocht
to leive solitter.'
<P 72>
(^The Answer.^)
   'Off suith (my lordis) I haue red in the evangell that
thair ar thrie kynd of chast men. Sum ar geldit from
thair motheris wombe. Sum ar geldit by men and
sum haue gildit thamesellffis for the kingdome of heavins
saik  Verrilie I say thaies men ar blessit be the scripture
of god bot als mony as haue nocht the gift
of chastitie nor zit for the evangell haue nocht ovircum
the concupiscence of the flesche and haue vowit chastitie
ze haue experience all gif I sould hauld my pace
to quhat inconvenience thay haue vowit thame sellffis.'
Quhan he had said thaies vordis thay war all dum
thinking better to haue taine concubines than ony
marieit wyff. [^HERE ENDS THE PASSAGE FROM MS I^]
(^The Accusar.^)  
   'Thow fallis arratick and runigat said that thow wilt
not obey our generall and provinciall consall.'
(^The Ansuer.^)
   He ansuerit, 'my lordis, quhat zour generall consall
are I knaw not I was never exerceissit in thame bot to
the puire word of god I gaif my labouris thairto. Reid
heir your generall consallis or ellis gif me ane buik
quhair thay ar contenit that I may reid thame; gif that
they ar agreabill to the word of god I will nocht
dissagre.' Than the revenning wollffis ar turnit into
widnes and said, 'quhairto lat we him speik ony farther.
Reid fourt the rest of the artickill and stay not.'
Amang those cruell tigaris thair was ane fallis hepocreit
and seducear of the pepill callit Iohnne Gray standing
behind Iohnne Lauderis bak, haisting him to reid the
rest of the artickillis 'ffor we might nocht abyd thame,'
quod hie, 'no more then the Devill may abyde the
signe of the crose quhene it is nameit.'
<P 73>
[^HERE BEGINS A PASSAGE FROM MS I^] (^The Accusar.^)
   'Thow heretick sayest pairt it is waine to build to the
honour of god coistlie churches  Seing that god remanit
nocht in the churches maid by menis handis nor
zit god can be in so littil space as betuix preistis
handis.'
(^The Answer.^)
   'My lordis, salomon sayeth 'gif that the heavin of
heavinis cannot comprehend the how much les this
hous that I haue buildit' and Job consenteth to the
same sentence seing that he is hiehar than the heavins
thairfoir quhat can thow build vnto him he is deipar
than hell than how salt thow knaw him he is longer
than the eirth and bredder than the sea so that god
can nocht be comprehendit into ane plaice becaus that 
he is infinit. Nochtwithstanding thaies sayingis I said
nevir that churches sould be distroyit bot be the contrair
I affirmed evir that churches sould be sustenit and
vpholdin that the peopill sould be congregatted into
thame thair to heir of god  And mairovir quhairsoevir
is the trew preaching of the vord of god and the lawful
vse of the sacramentis vndoutedlie thair is god presentt
him sellff so that both thais sayingis ar trew
togidder god can not be comprehendit intill ane place
and quhairsoevir thair ar twa or thrie gatherit in his
name thair is he presentt in the middis of thame.'
Than said he to his accusar, 'gif thow thinkest ony vther
than I say schaw furth thy reassounis befoir this
auditour.' Than he without all ressoun was dum and
culd nocht answer ane vord.
(^The Accusar.^)
   'Thow fals heretick contempnest fasting saying that
thow sould nocht fast.' [^HERE ENDS THE PASSAGE FROM MS I^]
<P 74>
(^The Ansuer.^)
   'My lordis, I find that fasting is commendit in the
scriptour, thairfor I war slanderar of the gospell gif I
contempt fasting and nocht so bot I haue leirnit, ay,
be experience, that fasting is goode for the health of
the body bot god knaweth the trew fast."
(^The Accusar.^)
   'Thow fallis arratick hes preichit oppinlie saying that
the saull of man sall sleip to the latter day of iudgement
and sall not obteine lyfe immortall unto that
day.'
(^The Ansuer.^)
   'God, full of marcie and goodnes ffor gif thame that
[{sayeth{] suche thingis of me. I wait and knaw trewlie
be the word of god that he quhilk had begune the
faitht of Iessus Christ and beleiffit firmelie in him, I
knaw that the saull of that man sall never sleip, bot
ewer sall leif ane imortall lyffe, the quhilk frome day
to day is renewit in grace and agmentit nor zeit sall
never perische or haue ane end but evir immortall sall 
leif witht Christ, to the quhilk lyfe all that beleif in him
sall come and rest in eternall glorie. Amen.'
   [^HERE BEGINS A PASSAGE FROM MS I^] Quhan the bischopis with #
thair complices had
accused this innocent man in maner and forme afoirsaid
incontinentlie thay condampnit him to be brunt
as ane heretick nocht haweing respectt to his godlie
ansueris and trew ressounis quhiche he alledgit nor zit
to thair awin conscienceis  Thinking verelie that thay
sould do to god gude sacrafice conformable to the
sayingis of Sanct Johne. 'Thay sall excomunicat zow
zea and the day sall cum that he quhich killed zow
sall think that he had done god guide service.'
(Zit thay desyrit him to rewoik all thingis that he had
<P 75>
prechit sen that ze come in the realme of Scotland
without ony licence or admissioun of the kirk.
(^The Answeir.^)
   'God forbid broder that I rewoik the preachin of 
goddis word quhilk is the evangell of Jesus Chryst
that will I nevir do bot rather die thairfoir). [^HERE ENDS THE #
PASSAGE FROM MS I^]

<S SAMPLE 2>

<Q SC2 AR TRI WISHMYLE>
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<M MEDIUM X>
<D X>
<V PROSE>
<T PROC TRIAL>
<G X>
<F X>
<W SPEECH-BASED>
<X X>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E X>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z ARGUM>

<P 131>
(^The Accusar.^) 
   'Arratick, quhy passis thow about in previe houssis,
teicheis and seduces the pepill to awarice and learning
charmes and inchantment to hald thame fre the kirk
service?'
(^The Answer.^)
   'Werilie brother I do not so, I hald no goode man
nor woman fre the kirk of god bot rather alluris
thame to serue god witht all my heart and schawis
thame the commandementis of god as I can witht
the Lordis prayer  and beleif and to gar thame
wnderstand thair awin sallvatioun.'
(^The Accusar.^)
   'Bot thow was ane preist, quhy hes thow left the
mese?'
(^The Answer.^)
   'Brother, because I could nocht win my meit witht
it bot now for my meitt I teiche the commandementis
of god ffor it was so lichtleit and weliependit
that I could gett nothing for it, bot now for my meitt I
teiche the commandementis quhair I may instruct the
pepill or how thay sall bring wpe thair bairnes in godis
feir.' Then ansuerit Mr Androw Oliephant and said:
<P 132>
(^The Accusar.^)
   'Arratick war thow nocht ane preist and curatt of
the parochin of Lunen besyde the Reid castell in
Angus, quhair thow flede as fugitiue and ane witht
the callit Schir Iohnne Petre serwand to the Lord
of Ermaith, quho war delaittit and gevin wpe to the
cardinall our maister and to ws as arraticks and seducearis
of the pepill and for that cause fleid out of the
contrie as fugitouris and was condemnitt quhair ewer
he could be appriehendit to be brunt, thairfor we neid
not to mak no accussatioun nor deletioun of zow at
this tyme mair.' Then Walter Myle ansuerit and said:
(^The Answer.^)
   'Brother, trow it is I was currat at Lunen and
serwit the cure xx zeir and no man I traist in that
paroche will pleinze on me bot they will say I ame
ane christieane man and leiffit as ane christieane
man and in spetiall the lord of the reid castell quho
duallis withtin the parochin that I serwit that he never
hard me teiche ane erronious doctrene nor zeit wse my
lyfe nor conversatioun wngodlie.' Than Mr Androw
Oliephant said:
(^The Accusar.^)
   'Arratick quhy left thow thy parochin?' He ansuerit 
againe:
(^The Answer.^)
   'Brother, because the furieous cardinall persecuttit
me and money mo, and sought our lyffis to have
sched our bloode for Christis word [^HERE BEGINS A PASSAGE FROM #
MS I^] and becaus I
maryed ane puire woman to be marrow to me that I
micht keip the law of god to avoyd fornicatioun and to
be a help to me in.'
<P 133>
(^The Accusar.^)
   'Arratyk knawis thow nocht that it is aganes the
lawis of haly kirk that thow souldest be ane preist
and marie ane wyff.'
(^The Answer.^)
   'It is nocht aganes the law of god howbeit I was
persecuted wrangouslie be the said cardinall [^HERE ENDS THE    #
PASSAGE FROM MS I^] and that
caussit me to contenew myself quyitlie, and to gang
about and ask my meit for godis saik as wther
poore men, wnknawin of ony body bot zeit my heart
could nocht suffer me to come in the house quhair
banning or sueiring was and blasphematioun of the
name of god bot wald snibe the same and schaw thame
that law of god quhat revaird they sould gett that
blasphemes his name and oft tymes I was wssand my
self in this maner; thairfoir I was wnwayit and taine
and brocht heir captiue, bot not for no scheip steilling
nor wrangous geir bot for the law of god and teiching
of his worde to the pepill.'
(^The Accusar^)
   'Than said the bischopis, 'will thow obiure, and
burne thy faggott and thow salbe saif.' Than ansuerit
Walter Myle:
(^The Answer.^)
   'To obiure that will I nocht grant my self ane
arratick quhilk I ame nocht bot ane trew serwant 
of god serwand him witht powertie quhillis gangand
to my bede but my supper ffor I desyre no walth in
this warld, ffor I trust my revaird salbe in heavin.
Do witht me as ze pleise zour selffis at this tyme,
I man tholl zour iudgement bot better it war to
<P 134>
zour lordschipis to helpe and gif me sum thing to my
wyffe and tuo bairnes, quho ar lyk to tyne for faltt; as
ffor my death I cure not.'



<B SPAM2A> 
<Q SC2 AR/NI PAM BUCHAN> 
<N CHAMAELON> 
<A BUCHANAN GEORGE> 
<C SC2> 
<O DATE 1570> 
<M MEDIUM MS> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T PAMPHLET> 
<G X> 
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<X MALE> 
<Y 60-> 
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[^VERNACULAR WRITINGS OF GEORGE BUCHANAN: CHAMAELEON. 
ED. P. HUME BROWN.
SCOTTISH TEXT SOCIETY, FIRST SERIES, 26.
EDINBURGH AND LONDON 1892. 
PP. 42.21-53.27^]

<P 42>
[}CAMELION, WRYTTEN BY MR. GEORGE BOUCANAN 
MENTE OF THE LARDE OF LIDDINGTON, SECRETARIE
OF SCOTLANDE.}]
   Thair is a certane kynd of beist callit chamaeleon,          #
enged[{erit
in{] sic cuntreis as ye sone hes mair strenth in yan in this    #
yle of
Brettane the quhilk albeit it be small of corporance            #
noghtyeless
it is of ane strange nature the quhilk makis it to be na les    #
celebrat
and spoken of than sum beastis of greittar quantitie. The       #
proprietie
is marvalous for quhat thing euir it be applicat to it semis
to be of the samyn cullour and imitatis all hewis except onelie
the quhyte and reid and for y[{is caus{] ancient writtaris      #
commounlie
comparis it to ane flatterare quhilk [{imitatis{] all ye haill
<P 43>
maneris of quhome he fen+geis him self to be freind to          #
[{except{]
quhyte quhilk is takin to be ye symboll and tokin gevin         #
commounlie
in diuise of colouris to signifie sempilnes and loyaltie
and reid signifying manli[{nes{] and heroyicall courage. This   #
applicatioun
being so usit +git perad[{venture{] mony that hes nowther
sene ye said beist, nor na perfyte protraict of it [{wald{]     #
beleif sic
thing not to be trew. I will y=r=fore set furth schortlie ye    #
[{descrip{]tioun
of sic ane monsture not lang ago engendrit in Scotland in
ye cuntre of Lowthiane not far frome Hadingtoun, to yat effect
yat ye forme knawin, the moist pestiferus nature of ye said
monsture may be moir easelie evitit: for yis monstre being      #
vnder
coverture [{of a{] ma~nis figure, may easeliar endommage and    #
wersid
be eschapit than gif it wer moir deforme and strange of face,
behaviour, schap and memberis. Praying ye reidar to apardoun
the febilnes of my waike spreit and engyne, gif it can not      #
expreme
perfytelie and strange [{creature{] maid be nature, other       #
willing to
schaw hir greit strenth or be [{sum{] accident turnit be force  #
frome
ye commoun trade and course. This monstre being engendrit
vnder ye figure of a man chyld first h[{ad{] ane proprietie of  #
nature,
flattering all manis Ee and sensis yat beheld it, so yat ye     #
commoun
peiple wes in gude hoip of greit vertu[{s{] to prosper with ye  #
tyme
in it; other ferdar seing of greit harme[{s{] and dampnage to   #
cum
to all yat sould be familiarlie acquentit wi[{th it{] . This    #
monsture
promovit to sic maturitie of aige as it could easelie flatter   #
and
imitat euery manis countenance, speche and fassoun, and subtill
to draw out ye secreittis of euery ma~nis mynd, and depravat    #
the
counsellis to his awin propir gayne enterit in ye court of      #
Scotland
ye ... and having espyit out not onelie factiouns bot singular
personis, addressit the self in ye begy~ning to James           #
ef[{ter{] erll of
Murray, and Gilbert yan erll of Cassillis men excellent in the
tyme, in all vertuus perteining to ane nobill man and speciall  #
in
lufe of the commoun welth of yair cuntre: and seing yat his
nature could not bow to imitat in veritie but onelie to         #
contrafat
fen+geitlie ye gudnes of yir two personis, nor +git change      #
yame to
his nature thocht expedient to leane to yame for a tyme, and
<P 44>
clym up be yair branches to hiear degre, as ye wod bind clymeth
on ye oik and syne with tyme distroyis ye tre yat it wes        #
supportit
be. So he having cum to sum estimatioun throw hanting of yir
nobill lordis (quha wer yan estemit of euery man as yair        #
vertuus
meritit) wes sone be gud report of yame and ane fen+geit gudnes
in him self put in credeit with ye quene regent, verelie ane    #
nobill
lady and of greit prudence bot +git could not espy ye gilt      #
vyces
vnder cullour of vertew hid in ye said monster, specialie being
clokit be fauour of ye two foirsaid lordis, in quhais company   #
hir
g[{race{] wald neuir have belevit yat sic ane pestilent venu~   #
could
haue bene hyd. The first experience the said quene had of him
wes in sending him to France for certane bissines occurrent for
ye tyme quhair he did his commissioun sa weill to his awin      #
intention,
and sa far frome ye quenis mynd, that he dissauit ye cardinall
of Lorayne quha ontill yat day thocht him self not onelie auld
practicien bot als maister +gea doctour subtilis in sic         #
materis of
negociatioun. His fals dealing being sone persavit and he       #
greitlie
hatit +git scho being ane lady of greit prudence could not      #
defend
hir self from subtilltie, bot within schort tyme be meanis of   #
sic as
belevit him to be yair freind he crap in credence agane be ane
other dur, and vnder ane other cullour bot +git could not so    #
weill
as he wald invent new falshead because of ye auld suspitioun    #
and
being of auld suspectit sone persavit, and in dangerie to be    #
taken
reid hand and puneist efter his meritis he fled out of Leyth    #
and
coverit himself with ye cloik of religioun sa lang as it could  #
serue
bot neuir sa closse bot he keepit ane refuge to sum sanctuarie  #
of
ye Papistis, gif ye court had changeit as to ye bischoppis of   #
Sanctandrois
and Glasgow, and vyeris diuerse quhais caussis wer in
his protectioun and yairfoir ye haly Doctour Cranstoun depertit
to him largelie of ye spoyle of Sanct Saluatouris College, and  #
wes
manteinit be Chamaeleon aganis all law and ressoun; besyde yat
he wes ane man contaminat in all kynd of vycis. How far afoir
ye cuming hame of ye quene ye kingis moder he wes contrary to
all hir actiouns and fauourabill to hir aduersaries and         #
inclynit to
hir depriuatioun, it is notourlie knawin bayth in Ingland and
Scotland to sic as mellit yan with ye affairis of ye estait in  #
bayth
<P 45>
ye realmis. Efter ye quenis cuming hame he enterit schortlie
(be changeing of cullouris and turning out ye other syde of his
cloik) and halding him be ye branches of ye erll of Murray and
for ane tyme applying him to ye quenis G. heir, that he allone
wes hard in all secreit materis casting of lytill and lytill    #
ye erle
of Murray, and thinking yat he wes strang enewch to stand by
himself, on leaning to ye [{erle{] of Murray. And because ye    #
erll
of Murray plesit not mony [{interprysis{] of mariage than       #
attemptit,
as with ye princes of Spayne, with ye d[{uke{] of Anjow, with   #
ye
empriouris brother, the said Chamaeleon applyit himself to all
yir parteis, and changeing hew as the quene sweyit ye ballance
of hir mynd and followit ye appetyte of hir lust. And [{at      #
lang{]
the quene be avyis of hir oncles, devysit to destroy ye erl of
Mu[{rray{] thinking him to be ane greit brydill to refrane hir
appetitis, and [{impediment{] to leif at libertie of hir        #
plessure; not
yat euir he usit ony violence anentis hir, bot yat his          #
honestie wes
sa greit that scho wes esch[{amit{] to attempt ony thing        #
indecent
in his presence. Scho yan being deliberat to distroy him be ye
erll of Huntlie, went to the nor[{th{] and he in hir cumpany;   #
and
howbeit ye tressoun was oppynnit [{planelie{] , and Johnne      #
Gordoun
lying not far of ye town (Aberdeen) with a greit power, and ye
erl of Murray expresslie ludgeit in ane hous separate fra all   #
uyer
habitatioun and his deid be diuerse wayis socht; this           #
Chamaeleon
quhether of sempilnes or for layk of foirsicht or for bauldnes  #
of
courage, I refer to euery manis conscience [{that{] doith knaw  #
him
he alone could se no tressoun, could feare no d[{angear{] ,     #
and wald
neuir beleif yat ye erll of Huntlie wald take on hand sic ane
interpryis: howbeit yair wes gevin aduertisement of it [{out{]  #
of
Ingland and France, l[{ette{]res taken declarand it and ye      #
mater
manif[{est{] befoir all me~nis Ene. It wer to lang to reherse   #
and
not verie ne[{cessar{] for ye p[{rese{]nt, it being knawin to   #
sa mony
quhat diverse purposis wer tane, quhat dangearis eschapit all   #
ye
tyme of yat voyage, ontill the quene come to Aberdene agane and
how miraculous wes ye victorie: bot ane thing is not to be      #
pretermittit,
that ye said Chamaeleon wes ane of ye reddiest to gnaw
ye bainis of ye deed, to spoyle ye qwyk and mak his proffeit at
<P 46>
yat marcat. Efter this the oursey trafficque of mariage growing
cauld, the said Chamaeleon going in Ingland, delt sa betuix ye
Protestantis and Papistes that he changeit dailie colouris      #
sumtyme
flattering ye ane, sumtyme ye other, and making euery ane of
yame beleif that he laubourit onelie for yame; and amangis      #
other
thingis be ane prevy intelligence with ye quene and verie few   #
of
ye nobilitie, practiz[{it{] ye mariage of ye quene and Henry    #
Lord
Dernlie, of ye quhilk he maid neuir ye erll of Murray prevy,    #
vntill
all wes endit. Howbeit ye erll of Murray did neuir thinge nor
tuke neuir propose without his advise and counsale. Heir ye
mater quhilk he had raschel[{ie{] brocht on, wes neir ye poynt.
Seing yat ye quene of Ingland disagreit with it for certane     #
respectis,
and ye lordis of Scotland for ye caus of ye religioun. To
ye maintenance of ye quhilk thay desyrit ane promeis of ye      #
quene
and ye said Lord Dernlie. The Chamaeleon in secreit flatterit   #
ye
quene and opinlie tuke the colour of ye religioun and at ye     #
lang
(seing my lord of Murray for being precise and plane in all     #
doingis
cast out of court) cled himself onelie in ye quenis colouris    #
vntill
yat Dauid prevalit aganis him and had in a maner ye haill       #
credeit
of all wechtie materis. At yis poynt thinking him self in werse
caise yan he belevit, socht to mak ane other change of court,   #
and
set vp new play agane, awaytit on the court sumpart disgracit,
louking for sum new cullour to apply him self to. In yis mene
tyme ye quene seking to move sum thing in ye religioun, maid
ane qwerrell aganis certane lordis of the principallis of       #
Scotland,
the quhilkis, albeit yat ane ressonabill power faillit yame     #
not, and
yat ye fauour of ye cuntre wes for yame, +git to schaw yair     #
innocency
quhen yai could not brek ye quenis obstinat mynd of yair
distructioun be prayer and sollicitacioun of freindis thay      #
left ye
cuntre and went in Ingland, +git Chamaeleon held ye small grip
yat he had in court secunding to Dauid. In yis menetyme ye
parliament set to forfalt sic lordis as had fled in Ingland,    #
except
ye duke quha did be intercessioun of siluer by his remissioun   #
fra
Dauid. The rest of ye lordis quhilk were of wisdome or          #
estimatioun,
partlie requirit be ye king quha wes in na credeit in respect
of Dauid, partlie for yair awin libertie conspyrit ye deid of   #
ye said
<P 47>
Dauid, and executit the same. Chamaeleon cheifest ennemy to
Dauid eftir the kingis grace, +git not being advertisit be the  #
lordis
of yair interpryise and suspectit of the quene, knawing his     #
dowbilnes,
quhyther for verie feare or preparing ane entre to ye quenis
fauour, fled as vtheris did: and eftir lang fetchis brocht      #
agane to
ye court, kest clene fra him all colouris of ye kingis and      #
cled him
agane in ye quenis colouris, and wes ane of ye principal        #
instrumentis
that nurissit dissensioun betuix hir and ye king: the quhilk
practize howbeit he wald haue dissimulatit, sum tyme brak out
with him; as to ane nobill woman praying God to gif ye king and
ye quene grace to aggre, he answerit, God let yame neuir aggre:
ffor yay leving in dissensioun, he thocht yat his dowbilnes     #
could
not be espyit out. And yan seing ye Erll Boithuile cum in       #
credeit
he flatterit him and evin as yai aggreit in all poyntis to put  #
doun
ye king, seing yat he prospering yai could haue na lyff, sa     #
eftir ye
king deid, the Erll Bothuile, having in yat practize knawin his
falset, and fearing his inconstancy and desyring to be          #
deliuerit of
sic an witnes socht his deid: and he having na refuge in ye     #
quene
for ye samyn cause tuke for a [{tyme{] ye erll of Mortonis      #
colouris
and being borne furth be him ag[{ains{] ... ye erll boithuiles
power and hatrent sa lang as he wes in fear ... vnder ye erll   #
of
Mortonis wingis and ye feir past schew him[{self{] ye said      #
erllis
ennemy and having no sufficient caus, nor appe[{arand{] indice  #
of
separatioun of cumpany and kyndnes he fen+geit yat ye [{said{]  #
erll
of Mortoun had conspyrit his deid, to be execute be sum of ye
erllis freindis and to prove ye said conspiracy allegit ane     #
fam[{ous{]
witnes ( (\maiorem omni exceptione\) ) the nobill and vertuus   #
Lady
Gy[{ltoun{] . Now to returne agane to our propose efter ye deid
of ye kin[{g{] devysit be him executit be ye erll Boithuile,    #
for feir
of ye sa[{id{] erll he lurkit a quhile out of court vntill ye   #
tyme ye
quene at Carberrie [{Hill{] come to ye lordis, and ye Erll      #
Boithuile,
fled to Dunbar. Than [{he{] come to parliament and with sum
otheris participant of the kingis sl[{aughter{] wald haif had   #
ye quene
slane be act of parliament; and not finding mony consenting
yairto and specialie ye erll of Murray yan c[{hosen{] regent    #
being
in ye contrair, he sollicitat some previe men [{to{] gar hang   #
hir on
<P 48>
hir bed with hir awin belt, that be yat way he and his          #
partinaris
in ye kingis murthour mycht be deliuerit of an witnesse;        #
knawing
weill ye quenis nature, yat quhen sho wes misscontent of ony    #
man
scho wald tell all sic secreittis as scho [{did{] knaw of him.  #
This
propose not proceeding as he desyrit, he t[{urnit{] him first   #
in
flattering with ye quene and send to hir being in               #
Lo[{ch{]levin,
ane picture of ye deliuerance of ye lyoun by ye mouse; and nixt
turnit his haill wit to ye distruction of ye erll of Murray     #
thinking
yat ye wickit could not proffeit greitlie so iust a man having  #
ye
supreme power and als seing yat ye quenis craftines wes abill   #
at
ye lang to ouerthraw ye erll of Murrays sempilnes. So he bendit
all his wittis to ye said erllis eversioun and ye quenis        #
restitutioun
and procedit in yis caise, partlie be making ane factioun of ye
counsalleris, and partakeris of ye kingis murthoure of men      #
lycht
of fantase and covatous of geir partlie be corrupting of my     #
lord
of Murrayis freindis and seruandis and travellit principallie   #
with
ye laird of Grange, thinking yat it sould be ane greit strenth  #
to
ye factioun to haue ye castell of Edinburgh at yair command.
The regent being diuers tymes aduertisit of yir practizis wes   #
of
so upricht nature yat he wald beleif na thing of ony yat he had
takin in freindschip, quhilk he wald not haif done him self;    #
and
als mony of ye factioun in ye begy~ning thocht it had bene bot
ane ligue defensive aganis ye power of ye greate, that is       #
accustumat
to ouerthraw the small in tyme of troubill.
   In yis menetyme come ye deliuerance of ye quene out of
Lochlevin, the quhilk he wes not ignorant of, and specialie be  #
ye
meanis of his cousing Johnne Hamiltoun of ye Cochuoch (al.
Coheugh): +git he tareit with ye regent to keip ane cullour of
honestie and yat with ye quenis consent quha had gevin him
and diuerse otheris yat wer in my lord of Murrayis cumpany fre
remissioun for all bipast.
   Bot ye battele chansing vyerway~is yan he desyrit and        #
belevit
+git he persistit in his propose to distroy ye regent not       #
opinlie bot
be secreit meanis as being sent diuerse tymes to commoun with
ye Lord Flemyng euir did ye contrair of ye propose yat he wes
send for and euir tendit to hald ye cuntre in vnquietnes; and   #
in
<P 49>
all assembleis for appointment, tendit to haue all bipast       #
remittit
to keip ay thevis and revaris in courage and to abase ye hartis
of trew subiectis yat sould haif na hoip of redresse of wrangis
done to yame be ye kingis rebellis. Eftir yat be ye diligence
and wisdome of ye regent the cuntre wes brocht to sum stay, and
iustice lyke to haif ye over hand, the kingis rebellis          #
purchessit at
ye quene of Inglandis handis yat scho sould considder ye greit
wrangis [{as yai said{] done to hir nixt nychtbour, being nixt  #
of
blude to hir, and other be hir requeist or puissance caus hir   #
be
restorit agane to her former authoritie. The quenis maiestie of
Ingland having +git no les regaird to iustice nor to            #
consanguinitie,
desyrit sum of ye principallis of ye nobilitie to repair to     #
hir or hir
deputtis for thir requeistis and complayntis; and my lord       #
deliberat
to go in persoun wes in doubt, having ellis enterit in sum      #
suspiciouns
of yis Chamaeleon quhethir he sould tak him with him
self, or leif him beheind: for taking him he doubtit not bot he
wald hinder ye actioun in all maner possibill, and leaving him
behind that following his naturall complexioun he wald troubill
ye cuntre, in sic maner yat it sould not be easelie in long     #
tyme
brocht to rest agane. At lang having deliberat to take him with
him, and perswadit him bayth be giftis of landis and money, he
fand to be trew in deid all yat he suspectit afoir; ffor euery  #
nycht
in a maner he co[{mmun{]icat all yat wes amangis vs with sum of
our aduersaries and armit yame sa far as he could agane ye said
regent. Bot ye force of ye ressonis and cleirnes of ye haill    #
deductioun
of ye caus yat my lord regent vsit, wes sa perswasive to
ye auditouris yat be Chamaeleonis aduertisement the kingis      #
mother
dischargeit hir commiss[{ioune{]rs to proceid forther and       #
differrit to
ane mair commodious tyme for hir: ffor it wes weill knawin to
hir yat ye quenis maiestie of Ingland and hir counsall had      #
allowit
ye said regentis procedingis; and ye ambassadour of Spayne      #
seing
ye horribill cryme sa abhominabill to all honest men refusit to
speik ane word in ye mater, and ye Frensche ambas[{sadour{]
excusit him self that he spak be command of [{his{] maister.
   In yis menetyme the said Chamaeleonis secreit practize with
the d[{uke of{] Norffolk suspectit afoir begouth to brek out be
<P 50>
sum letters of Mai[{ster{] Johnne Lesleis callit bischop of     #
Ross
and als be ye duke himself, [{put{] in hoip of mariage of ye    #
Scottis
quene be yame, the quhilk practize wes handillit sumpart        #
putting
feir to ye regent yat he could not re[{turne{] in Scotland      #
with his
lyff without ye dukis fauour, be ressoun of gre[{it{]           #
preparationis
yat wes maid aganis ye regent on bayth ye bordouris of Scotland
and Ingland: partlie be tempting of ye said regentis mynd,      #
[{quha{]
answerit to ye duke of Norffolk, (^That he wald be glad that ye
q[{uene{] recognoscing hir falt and repenting, sould mary ony   #
gude
Christian [{man{] of nobill house^) . The rumour of yis         #
dealing wes
sa opinlie spo[{ken{] in ye court of Ingland, yat ye quenis     #
maiestie
wes constrainit to wryte to hir lieutenentis to mak ye regent   #
be
put sauf in Scot[{land{] and so he wes without any recontre,    #
bot
of ye erll of Westmureland not far frome Durame quho seing ye
regentis cumpany and ryd[{ing{] throw yame thocht not best to
matche with yame. The next asse[{mble{] wes at Glasgow quhair
ye Ha~miltonis bragging, bot could not be [{party{] , be        #
meanis of
him and otheris yair fauouraris with ye regent wer ressauit to  #
sic
an appointment as wes greitlie to yair avantage and ye said
regentis disadvantage. And quhen yai sould haif gevin plegis
to performe ye said appointement as wes compromittit, thay did
bot seke delay; and so ye principallis of yame [{wer{]          #
committit
to ward in ye castell of Edinburgh. The haill mater wes         #
secreitlie
handillit be the Chamaeleon. The quhilk handilling apperit more
planelie at an conventioun at Sanctandrois; quhair yair wes twa
headis principallie disputit: first, (^Gif the erll of Huntly   #
sould haif
gener[{al{] remissioun for all reif and oppressioun done be     #
him and his
freindis in all tymes bipast;^) or, (^gif ye kingis actioun     #
pardonit, prevat
men sould have actioun to crave thair awin geir:^) nixt, (^Gif  #
ye erll 
of Huntleis haill assistaris sould be comprehendit in ane       #
remissioun
with him.^) The quhilk twa headis ye Chamaeleon and his         #
complices
preassit ernistly be all meanis to be ressauit, as said is,
and yat not without boisting of Franche men and Spanzaris and
mony vther inconvenientis; and all yis done to disscourage ye
kingis trew liegis, and lychtning ye hartis of rebellis in      #
hoip of
impunitie of all wrongis yat yai sould do in tyme to cum, and   #
to
<P 51>
hald ye haill cuntre in rebellioun and inquietnes to consume at
ye lang ye regent quhilk yai knew to be p[{uir{] of substance   #
and
liberall of courage. And +git wer not yir thingis mair subtilly
devysed, nor yai wer constantly resistit be ye regent and his   #
trew
counsall. And seing that yai could not cum to yair propose this
way, thay causit new articles to be devysit in Ingland,         #
twiching
ye quenis cu~ming hame: to ye quhilk albeit yair wes sufficient
answer maid in London, +git for ye samyn cause wes devysit ane
assemble of lordis in Sanct Johnestoun, with ane additioun of
ane commissioun of diuorcement of ye Erll Boithuile and the
quene, and to ye effect of ye haill, mony writtings [{wer{]     #
purchessit
of boith wyse men and greit men of Ingland. Schawing planelie
yat it wes ane foly to Scotland to presse to resist ye marriage
betuix ye quene and duke of Norffolk; ffor it wes devysit be
sic wisdome and to be executit with sic force as Scotland wes
not abill to resist; and not without consent of ye quenis       #
maiestie
of Ingland. Heir, albeit Chamaeleon and all his quhelpis ragit
neuir sa fast the contrait wes concludit and schawen to the     #
quenis
grace of Ingland be Alexander Hume gentilman of mylord
regentis hous. And becaus the quenis maiestie wes not fully
satisfeit at yat tyme, ane vther convocatioun wes haldin at
Struieling, to ye quhilk the Chamaeleon assurit of my lord      #
regentis
clemencie and proude in his awin consait bot fearing for his
demeritis eftir sum dubitatioun come to Struieling and wes in
doubt not without cause. For about yis tyme my lord regent,
aduertissit yat ye Ha~miltonis had decretit to murthour him he
schew bayth ye taill and the authour to ye Chamaeleon, of ye
quhilk Chamaeleon reprovit vehemently ye Ha~miltonis that       #
could
not keip yair counsall mair secreit and yis aduertising being
schawin be sum of ye Ha~miltonis to my lord regent, +git he
sufferit pacientlie. At Ste~rling ye articles being declared at
greittar lenth, the Chamaeleon wes attecheit be iustice and
chargeit of ye kingis murthour the quhilk greivit him havelie,
and preissit at my lord regentis hand ye cryme to be changeit,
and he to be accusit of ye troubles lyke to ryise in Ingland    #
and
Scotland throuch ye forspoken mariage; for he thocht yat matter
<P 52>
to be consauit and devysit sa substanciallie, yat nowther       #
force nor
wit could mak impediment to ye performance of it, and belevit
suirlie yat sic ane cryme sould redound to his greit prayse and
opinioun of wisdome. This not obtenit he obtenit aganis all ye
said regentis freindis will, to be send to ward in ye castell   #
of
Edinburgh quhair he wrocht aganis ye nature of ye Chamaeleon,
ffor he changeit the greitar part of yame of ye castell to his  #
colour
sa weill, yat ye conspiracy of ye regentis deid lang afoir      #
consavit
wes yan brocht to effect. Eftir ye quhilk he wrocht be sic      #
meanys
yat he perswadit ye haill lordis yan p[{rese{]nt in Edinburgh   #
to be
enlargit of his ward, vnder promeise to compeir and answer to   #
ye
cryme of ye kingis murthoure layd to his charge, at sic day as  #
he
sould be callit, and vnder hoip to be ane gude instrument of    #
concord
amangis ye lordis and ane day prolongit to sik of ye            #
Ha~miltonis
as wald purge yame selffis of ye murthour of ye regent vnto
ye first day of Maii: bot sone being adioinit with vther of his
factioun he changeit yat colour, and perswadit vtheris          #
complices
of ye murthour for feare and sum sempill personis be ane fals   #
colour
of proffeit, to convene to ane schorter day, viz.: ye tent day  #
of
Apryle, assuring yame yat ye castell as it wes being thairz     #
[\sic\] , and
ye toun als (for ye capitane of ye castell wes podrest          #
[\sic\] , that
yis rumour sould caus mony to convene to yame and yair          #
aduersaris
disgracit sould haif na place to convene togidder; and yat
ye quene of Ingland troublit alreddy with ciuile warre at hame
mycht ye mair easelie condiscend to yat syde wrait to hir       #
letteres
partlie flattering partlie threatning and to schaw hir yair     #
greit
power send ane roll of ye lordis of yair syde quhairin wes      #
comprehendit
sum lordis neutrallis and mony of y=r= aduersaries, beleving
yat leyis maid in Scotland could not be tryit in Lundoun. 
And seing yat ye toun of Edinburgh could not be perswadit to
rebell with yame, and yat ye cuntre convenit not as yai hopit
and ye breking [{of{] ye bordouris succedit not to yair         #
proffeit, the
moist part flittit camp and went to Lynlythquow, and yair set
furth yair proclamatioun dytit be Chamaeleon (as wes afoir ye   #
erll
of Westmurelandis secund proclamatioun) and yairby set vp ye
quenis authoritie quhairof he (tareing in ye castell of         #
Edinburgh)
<P 53>
kepit him self clene, as Pilat wesching his handis of ye dead   #
of
Chryst. And sens that tyme as afoir yis gude subiect and        #
seruand
to ye kingis g[{race{] confortit with counsale and conveying    #
out of
ye cuntre ye rebellis of Ingland the samyn being ennemeis to ye
king of Scotland and prattit proudlie vantyng yat his pen sould
be worth ten thowsand men and threatnit schamefullie (gif he
had reservit any schame) the quenis maiestie of Ingland with
wordis of quhilk ye memory sould be rather abolissit be         #
pvnitioun
of him yan rehersit for yair impudency; and fearit not to mak   #
sa
oppin a leye to nobillmen of Ingland as yat ye kingis trew      #
subiectis
acknawlegeing his authoritie wer not abill to assembill         #
togidder
fyve hundreth hors, quhair yai saw within four dayis moir yan
fyve thowsand assemblit out of [{ane{] cornar of Scotland. And
ay sensyne he hes bene at all convocatiouns of the kingis       #
professit
ennemeis in Scotland in Dunkeld, in Ath[{ol{] , in Strathbogy,  #
in
Braidalbin, and other quhair, and kepis contrebank to Mr Johnne
Leslie of Kingusie, in all directionis to put ye king out of    #
his
estait, his realme and at lenth out of yis erdlie lyff.
   Now, I pray +gow espy out quhat proffeit ye quene, our       #
kingis
moder, sall gadder of him yat hes bene (as scho knawis) sa      #
oftentymes
traitour to hir moder, to hir selfe, to hir sone, to hir        #
brother,
and to hir cuntre. Scho will be exemplis considder yat how mony
colouris yat euir yis Chamaeleon change, that it can neuir      #
aganis
ye nature of it, turne perfytelie quhyte.

(\RESPICE FINEM,
RESPICE FUNEM.\)

1570.



<B SPAM2B>
<Q SC2 AR PAM FOWLER>
<N ANSWER TO HAMILTOUN>
<A FOWLER WILLIAM>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1590>
<M MEDIUM PRINTED>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T PAMPHLET>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y 20-40>
<H PROF>
<U NET PUBLIC>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z ARGUM>
<S SAMPLE X>
 
[^THE WORKS OF WILLIAM FOWLER: AN ANSWER TO THE 
CALVMNIOVS LETTER AND ERRONEOUS PROPOSITIOUNS
OF AN APOSTAT NAMED M. IO. HAMMILTOUN
COMPOSED BY M. WILLIAM FOVLER. ED. H. W. MEIKLE. 
VOL. II.
SCOTTISH TEXT SOCIETY, THIRD SERIES, 7.
EDINBURGH AND LONDON 1936.
PP. 19.1-35.28^]

<P 19>
[}ANE ANSWER
VNTO THE EPISTLE.}]
   It is a saying na les commoun then commonly prouit trew:
he quha passes the bounds of schamefastnes, and brekes the
borders of modestie, may euer afterwart laufully be impudent.
For the nature of vngodly men, be raschful temeritie and
insupportabill audacitie, destitute of the feare of God, not
retening in thair actions ather honestie or iust measure, but
willingly despysing reasoun, searches vitious extrimities,
quhairby they endeuoir thame selues not only to put to
executioun be violent force, all vice and beastly crueltye,
Quhilk ather yairto be peruerse mens counsal are persuadit,
or be thair awin cankred effectionis preassit. Bot also         #
fostering
their foolishe foly with yair furious fantasies, employes
yair haill power, trauel & diligence, calumniously to sclander,
& sclanderously to blaspheme partly thame, aganist quhome
iniustly sic violent beastlines yai haif wrocht, partly vthers
be ye lyke schameles impudiencie to quhome sic outragious
mischeif, & inhumane cruelty, iustly is displesant. quhilk
of lait be example mair nor manifest is ratifeit, And in
experience
be an vngodlie apostat, an filthy & impure pest of man
confirmit. Sua it is (louing Reader) I being in Paris           #
inhumanlie
inuadit, & be this bouchour (with vthairs accumpaneit) cruelly
persecut, quhilk vnto yame, quha did behald sic outragious
dealing gaue ane large mater of sorrow: & to vthair godly
men in Scotland, an ampill occasion of grit greif, quhairof
freindly being admonishit, & be sum sharpely reprouit,          #
despysing
ye ane, & contemning ye vthair, reiecting all admonitions
quhairby to repentance he micht bene brocht, now laitly
<P 20>
agane his euil wil not being changit, nor his malicious mynd
appaisit be doggishe rage & enraged dispite, as for his last
dispair geuin a fairweil to al godlines & honestie, nocht only
my fame & honour (quhilk I micht sufferit with pacience)
bot Gods seruants blasphemously hes defamit, & his trew
religioun sacrilegiously impugnit.
   This euidentlie may apeir by his treatise an notabil act
of apostasy & ye maist calumnious that euer was red, the
iniurious superscription quhairof gaue me not samekil the
occasioun of lauchter (being mair superstitious nor religious)
then the contents yairof ministred vnto me the mater of
meruel, quhilk men wald beleif, him for to haue it written be
an ardent desyre and zele of veritie, then throuch ostentatioun
or arrogancy, les nor his vitious life, & vnbridelit behauiour
war mair knawin, nor his deuot affection manifest. Be ye
quhilk proudly puft vp, & arrogantly inspyrit, mair aboundant
he is in detracting nor in honoring: & in defaming mair
copious, then in deuly praysing. Althocht in it nathing he
can craue, or iustly to him vendicat yairin That is his,        #
Iniuries,
Lies, Calumnies, Periuries, and dispytefull inuectiues being
exceptit (as rasche railars, Seditious doctrene, Vennom of
intoxecat breists, Flattring lyis, teuthles Dogs, Calumnious
Impostures Foolisch, Mischeauous, dangerous Errors, impoysonit
breastis, hideous trumpeters of Seditioun, affectionat          #
ministers
of Lyes, Rauing headis Abominabill, Damnabill, Detestabill,
Condemnabill heresies, Theaues, Reuars, and Stealers) with
vyair infinite blasphemous wordis almaist the hail contents
of his treatise, vnwordy to be written & vncumly to be
rehearsit, gatherit out of the bordel, quhairin he euer maist
hantit, to defame Christis seruants, & to blaspheme his Kirk.
O iniquitie of tymes! O corruptioun of maners! O shameles
malice that passis measure! Are thir ye frutes of Philosophie?
Is this rauing railing decent for an maister, quhais lyfe sould
be ane example of modestie & grauitie, zit makes him selfe
the mirrour of lyes, the Trumpet of calumnies, & ye roote
of vanitie. shameles Foole, whair doth foly force thee yat
thou sould be so immoderat in displaying filthely ye force of
<P 21>
thy venomful toung? miserabil ar tha Discipillis (monstrous
heid) quha by thee are reuled & instructed, for quhat may
thay els learne of the yan yat quhilk yai heare? or how
canst thou instruct yame verteously, quha sa vitiously dois
lyue? bot quhair honesty can haue na suey: modestie can
haue na strenth. This thy writing ye vmbre & shaddow of
thy actionis is voyd of wit, and thy railing without ressoun,
yat gif be iudgement punishment sould be decernit, with
torments rather thou art to be confoundit, then with arguments
confuted. Treuth it is indeid that from all replying
my wil did mekil abhorre, willing to quenche ye remembrance
of sa immoderat iniuries, be forgetfulnes, and to burie ye
memorie of sa grit offences be obliuioun. zit les, nor throuch
my silence, his lyes perhappis sould haue sic aduantage of ye
treuth, yat, yat quhilk maliciously be writ and deade in
effect he hes performit, as rycht sould be receauit. I am
forced to enter in defence, to satesfie be iuste report thais
quhais heartis are not preocupat be his false narratioun, nor
myndes preuentit be his feinzeid falshoode.
   How hard & difficil a thing it is vnto yame, quha be ye
singulare mercy of yair God, hes engrauit in yair harts, an
detestatioun of erroneus doctrine, & superstitious idolatrie,
quyetly without dissembling grit cummer & perrelous danger,
to remaine in Paris ye tresonabill treasons, ye bloody          #
massacars,
the vnnaturall slauchters, & horribill murders yair committit
wil testifie, & ma ages yan yis wil beir record. for Satan with
sic cruel rage, hes swa enragit & enflamit his seruantis        #
aganist
ye members of Christ, yat nayer yair vntowardenes can be
assuagit by ye feare of Gods punishments, nor malicious
mindes repressit, be his fearfull threatnings, nor yair         #
wickednes
coolit be his terribill iudgements, zea yair vngodlynes hes sa
far increassit, yat ye hope of saluatioun can not alure yame
from it, for sa grit hes bene yair vnbridelit feruencie to      #
pleis
yair maister, & sa lytil yair thochtles cair to pleis our God.
Sa vehement hes bene yair thrist efter ye blood of Christs
people, and zit not quenchit: sa grit is yair drouth, but zit
neuer slokned: seing yat dayly ye deuill mouis ye myndes
of his awin to all horrible impietie, and ye harts of sic wood
<P 22>
tygers to commit al wyld cruelty. Paris, Rouen, Tholouse,
Orleane, Burdeaux with vyair innumerabill Touns in France,
may (allace) serue for ouercertane proofe in yis mater, & my
selfe for a witnesse. Sua ye case is (gentill Reader) & so ye
mater standeth.
   That feruent zeale in professing Christs Euangel, &          #
contemption
of Idolatrie, quhair with God of his mercy from
my zoutheid endeued me, procurit aganis me ye enuy, &
indignation of idolatrous Papists quha perceuing yat nather
yair friuole arguments, nor alluring promeissis, micht perswade
me to abiure Christes trewe religioun, and embrace yair
feinzeit fantasyes, & forgit inuentions, tooke at lenth         #
counsall
to follow yair accustomit course, and in place of christiane
admonitioun to lat me fele sic stripes, as of their foirfathers
the people of God rasauit of before, quha seikand the occasioun
how vnder pretence of particularities they micht coulour thair
cruelty, & couer thair hatred kendled against me for the
cause of Religion, The whisperings wherof not being vnto me
secreit, nather the takins obscure, I auoidit warly, & from sic
maters willingly absteanit, as might haue mouit thame to
execute yair enterprise. quhairthrouch thair rage being for a
space deferrit mair then degestit, at last an Hammiltoun (a
modest man) be sum Scottis papeists commandit, & be others
requestit, following yair aduise to accomplish thair desire,
& persewing his awin determinatioun to execute his tyranie,
be thir menis fulfillit it.
   To my Lord ARBROITH maister IOHNE HAY a Iesuist presented
an buik composed be him contening certaine questions
proponit to our ministers. I entring in my Lords Chalmer
(quhairin also this apostat was present) raceauit of maister
Iohne Hay another likwise, and sum of the articles thairof
being disputed betuix vs, and be him mair querrelously          #
discussit
nor modestly rasonit, We fel after this prolixt disputatioun,
into that article quhairby the autour of the Buik
affermes the making of Images not to be contrair vnto the
command of God. my Lord (mouit be ane constant zele of
religioun) replyit, that not onely it was derectly against the
command of God, but also the making of them was expresly
<P 23>
contrair his Maiestie. he sophistically be a vaine distinctioun
of representatioun & adoratioun, confuslie confounding          #
altogether,
eludit Gods commandiment. My Lord desiring me to
ansuer: be a familiar argument I insistit in the contrair,
that cumming from S. Germains port, I did sie blind men
praying with reuerent prostratioun of their bodeis, &           #
discouerit
headis vnto the Image thair placeit. And thairfoir
bene inforcit freindlye to demand of him, I did require if
any thing could be represented to the blind men? na thing.
in respect that nather the sensles Image did thame behald,
before quhilk thay war prostrat, nather thair eies being blinde
& destitute of sight, could regard it. Restis then yat quhilk
conueniently of this argument insewis, that this thair actioun
can not be callit representatioun, bot adoratioun &             #
worshipping,
expresly & derectly contrair to the command. My
Lord glaidly considerit the force of the argument, & seing
thairby our blind rabbi, so suddenly ouercome, that to vex
his lordship with farther disputatioun he micht not, nather be
ansuer to molest me, courteously rais out of his Chyre, and
as I had triumphit, embraced me: quhairat our maister
apostat hauelie commouit, & raging within him selfe, immediatly
cam running from the otherside of the Chalmer, desiring
me againe to receit my argument. I in place of praise
& victorie, desiring only the treuth to haif place, fulfillit   #
his
desire, he then in this priuie conference, thinking that he
might boldly iniury me, nane being present to beir record
yairto, na vtherwise answerit to the consequence (then away
damnable heretique, I sal pluk zour Luggs, I sal ding out
zour harnes,) to ye quhilk brauling quyetlie I replyit, that
he wald offend in performing his promises, nather wald I
with pacience suffer sic bragful bosting if he alane wald
discharge
him self of the same. This querrulous conference thus
being endit, I taking my leaue of the companie, depertit.
And thair efter did conuene with him, and as he couartlie
performit, that quhilk with baldnes he promised: I on ye
vther part sumquhat commouit tuik leue at my awin hand
of acquentance to visite his eare. Quhairof our countrey men
(I mene thais yat ather wilfully hes abiurit thair Faith, or be
<P 24>
a blind zeale impugnis the saming) being aduertised, &          #
grittumlie
reioysing, that heirby occasion commodiously was
offred, to performe that quhilk befoir was deuisit, neglectit
na tyme, bot thair hail wittis spedely imploiit, to caus this
apostat to put thair counsel to execution. To yat end diuers
conuentionis wer halden, declaring how I contemnit thair
religioun, & micht not by ony moyen persuade me to embrace it.
And how they micht peraduenture brokin my Lord Arbroith
of his constancie, & sindrie times easily persuadit him to      #
their
faction, if yat I had not by insisting in the contrair          #
withstand
thair purposis, and to agrauat the caus, & to mak me ye
mair odius, yai forgit infinit leis & fals accusations aganist  #
me.
Finaly to persuade this burrio to tak the mater in hand thai
laid befoir his eies how grittumly al Catholikkis suld be       #
obleist
vnto him, & how far his auin name yairby sould be aduancit.
   Bot it was not hard to consel him, quha in yat mater was
redier to obey then yai ayer to command or requeist: quhairof
he gaue euident signes in quhatsumeuer companie he come
in, of ye quhilk I not being ignorant, & thinking yat Dogs
rather barquet throuch custome then throch cruelty mair of vse
than of wildnes, secuirly I contemnit his brauling & lichtlye
regardit his boosting, seing gif yat querrell war to be         #
debaitit
(In ye quhilk al men if occasion requyre, sould spend yair
lyues) or yat controuersy decydit, betuixt me & him onlye,
ayer be disputatioun or vthar extraordinar meanes: nather
suld he find me fant in ye last, nor sluggishe in ye former.
Neueryeles his malice encressing, diuers times be deceat he
awaitit on me, accompaneit with a grit number of young
men, of ye quhilk sum gentil men hauing knawlege, socht ye
way to stay his enterprise (wisely considering yat it was easy
to him with grit force to ouercome me in Paris, quhilk in
frier places and alane had perhappis not bene so facill) &
purchessit ten dayis abstinence, zit he obseruing the reul
approuit amongs yame, yat na Faith sould be kepit vnto
yame quhome yai esteme as heretiques. The thrid day after
quhilk was ye 18 day of Marche. 1580. I not weil instructed
in yat point, yat mistrust was ye Mother of Securitie, suddenly
<P 25>
was onbeset & at vnwaris inuadit be him & 13 debauchit
scollers: quha violen[{t{]ly casting yair hands all with one    #
preis
vpon my body & thrawing me to ye ground, tred me vnder
yair feite. The pepill astonyit at sic lawles outrage, be sa
mony persounis aganist me alane execute. Demandit Whisperingly,
quhat menit sic horribill handling & cruel demaning
of me? quhat was ye occasion yairof? yai esteming yat ye
pepill wald haue succourit me to hinder yair helpe, cryit out
yat I was a Huguenot, a Heretique, a contemnar of ye Saints
& a blasphemer of ye virgen Marie. quhairat yai war sa
commouit, yat enragitly yai conioynit yair force with yair
fury, presing fordwart euery on to strike me, & to plague
me mair yan to release me of my pane. But wald God yis
had bene all, quhilk was ouer mekill, or ye rest a lye, quhilk
is to monstrous. For yis Butchour with his complices backwart
trailit me through ye rewes, with thair feit & edges of
thair Muiles batit on my face, with penner[{s{] inkhornes &     #
batons
vpon my head, to the effusion of my blood in grit quantaty,
Diffigurating of my visage & wounding of my bodie. And
albeit that from the college of Forteret throuch the rew
d'amandeis be the head of the place Maubert shamefullie thai
trailit me, euerie man & woman running from the market
places to behald sic a spectakil, zit thai neuer desistit in
raling fra iniuries, nor in persewing fra crueltie. For be
oppin force they drew me in the colledge of Nauer, & thair
shamefullye in the presence of sax hundreth dischargit thair
beistlines. Zea his cruelty with his complices tyrannie, sa
far extendit, yat my breist was na mair sparit nor my bak,
my craig nor my face, & being by my bluid quhilk fel in my
throt, almaist wirried, the power of my bodie rather ouercome
and strenth tyrit, then my courage failzeing, how I dispysit
his creueltie sa far as my voyce micht extend. ( (\Composito
ad hilaritatem vultu subridens dixi, execute execute tyrannidem
apostata, corpus habes in hoc saeuito animum tamen
inuictum gero, nec me vnquam huius supplicij ob Christi
euangelium pudebit.\) ) To compt the sorows quhilk I sustenit,
and reakning the pleagues quhilk I receuit, I am certane
<P 26>
wald rather breid an admiratioun, then an beleif. But I mene
not (gentle Reders) to offend zour guid & modest minds with
the rehersall of sic immoderat iniuries, quhose eares I am
assured dois glow, and haertis alreddy greuin at that quhilk
I haue vterit, And zit I knaw that sic horrible and monstrous
beistlynes is hard to be credeit of thame quha knawes not the
nature of thir cruell tygers. But the Lord is my witnes befoir
quhais iustice sait I most compeir, that in this hail discourse
I haif not excedit the bounds of treuth. Nather I think yat
anie manis toung is abill to atteine to the hundreth pairt of   #
the
particularis, quhilk at that present this poore carcage         #
suffered.
   I haue lykewise many noble, leirnit, wise, & godly           #
countriemen
to beir me recorde heirin. Sic as the Lord of ARBROITH.
The Earle of CRAWFVRD, The Maister of MARCHAL, The Lord
of LENDORS, and Syr IAMES BALFOVR, quhome I name all to
thair grit honour, quhairof for thair courtesie, christian      #
loue,
and freindly confort shawin vnto to me in my hauie distres
I am compellit of deutie to be cairful sa lang as my lyfe sal
lest. Quhairfoir referring this mater to thair testimonie I
will be shorte, seing they are worthie of credit in a gritter
matter nor this alreddy beleuit. It is not my purpose cairfully
to refell, quhatsoeuar this filthy apostat falsly in his        #
vennemous
& godles letter, hes writtin, seing the honorable gentilmen
befoir namit haue alredie conuictit him to be a shamful lyer.
   Now I can not sufficiently meruel how this feinzit Wofe, dar
be so bauld as to couer sic cruel dealing with the Gabart of
the Rectoris command. Truly if the mater war weil tryit in
ye Maturinis, he wald be found an vnthankfull suppost to
staene the honnour of his chief Magistrat, with sic outragious
tyranie. This I am able to proue, how boldly I can not tel,
how truelie I knaw, that the executioun of this beistlie fact
came soner vnto the Rectors eares: then anie complaint
maid aganist me. Bot geuin at the requeist of this vnnaturall
Dog, a vndiscreit Rector wald sa far haue extendit his          #
autoritie,
I wald knaw of this impudent lier, quhat coulour the Rector
could pretend to sic suddane commands. In maters of Religion
he is na ordinar iudge: for sic cases are referrit vnto the
<P 27>
court of Parliament, befoir the quhilk willinglie I wald haue
comperit, knawing assuredly that be the King his edict of
Pacificatioun, quhilk sic vnbrydelit and debordit Brigans dois
contem, and by the cleirnes of my conscience void of crime,
I wald esilie bene absoluit: If he wil alledge that in          #
particular
iniureis the Rectors autoritie was iustly interponit. zit be
na Law he can mak it iust to condem a man befoir he be
ather hard or sene.
   As concerning tha iniuries quhilk fa[{l{]slie he aledgis to  #
be done
vnto him be that maist modest godlie and leirnit man Maister
NICOLL DALGLEISCH. in that point he hes als leudly & lounlie
lyit, as in all ye rest. For as this apostats debordit and      #
vicious
life, bent to contentioun & stryfe, euer farther from modestie,
then from vanitie did abhor: sua the maners & good              #
conuersatioun
of Maister NICOL DALGLEISCH war adornit with sobriety
& wisdome. Zea be the contrair it is not vnknawin to many
in PARIS how proudly this vnnaturall scoffing foole, iniuryit
yat godly man, & how impudentlie his arguments being in
a lauful forme proponit, admittit the twa former sumptionis,
and the conclusion ansuerit, Ergo glaikis, with v[{t{]her       #
iniurious
words, quhairof he was compellit be his chief to make amen
dis be word altho[{g{]ht in hart he retenit stil his auld       #
venome.
   I pas of purpose many rayling words, quhilk be his vntamit
toung he blastis out against Gods seruants with out occasion,
for sic an obscure Harlot yai neuer thoght worthy to be namit
from that place, And returning vnto those, quhilks zit with
blawen cheakis, riftingly he speuis forth against me. specialy
in braiding vnto me vnthankfulnes: as if yat I had maid
guid cheir with him, in his house. thairby geuing to vnderstand
how familiarly he leuith with them, quha hes zelously
professed the treuth. I beseik zow (gentil reader) to haue
me in this point appardonit, quhilk he wald haue importen
sum misterie, seing for ye iustification of my cause, & for ye
discharging of my honour, I am forcit to discouer yat quhilk
glaidly vtherwise I wald conceal: & vrgit to reuele mair
than my modesty wald permit, or my honestye allow. It
chanset me indeid at my first arryuing to Paris, for certen
<P 28>
priuat busines, to seke a cousing of his in his chalmer. at
quhat tyme he being at his parisien brekfast, offred vnto me
sic coursly common courtesie, as na man almaist without
ruid & vngentle churlishnes, can neglect. I being inforcit
be his inportune requeist, dranke with him in deid, bot sa far
from ryatous surfetting and grit gluttonie, as I micht weil
haue receauit my part of an vther disione. now seing he is
not aschamed to obiect vnto me sic smal triffils, vnwordy to
be rehearsit not sa mekil proceading of loue, as of commoun     #
custome,
thou may easily (gentle Reader) consider the mans nature.
   As touching the familiarity betuix him & others of our
religioun: I wald knaw quhither it wer of loue, or of           #
hypocrisie?
of loue he can not say, seing he professis him selfe a
deadly ennemie to al them that steadfastly mainteanis the
cause of God. And thairfor promisis to prouide new mater
to our Ministers, meaning thairby, to slaye hurte or persicute
sum man. Besides that commonly in his drukkin lawings,
he brags bosts & threatnis, that I sal be the last protestant,
that euer sal lycht a candil in Paris. And thairfoir by         #
necessarie
consequence we may conclud yat it is by plain dissimulation,
that this suppost of satan Iniyres [^ln IN THE EDITION^] him    #
selfe in the
companie of them that feareth God, wating thairby the occasion
to cut thair throttis.
   It is sumquhat of veritie, that I haue sene sum, & heard
vthers quha hes bene familiar with him, bot only for this
and siclyke occasioun. namely to marcke his vanity in his
words, his pryde in his actions, & his ostentation in his       #
learning
connexit with extreme folie (sic as my Prince & my goun
lynit with Veluot) thairby seikand sum pastyme mirrily to
mock his folie. For I knaw my selfe that his scabrous compend
for ye space of halfe a zeir, did in weary affternoins
refresh vs meruelling that ambitiously he causit his discipil
Hiraquene, to compose sum epigramms in the commendatioun
of him in philosophye, that they might bene put in the first
leif of his compend. bot the discipil being als litil versit in
poesie, as the master yairof is altogether ignorant, gatherit
vther mens epigramins in praise of poesy. The 20. zeir maister
<P 29>
thinking the verse to haue a good trot, & sophing them rather
by thair sounding, nor scansing them be iust measure, approuit
them althocht impertinent to the purpose. and thocht thay
war agreable to be placit befoir his buik. vntil my brother
master IOHNE GEDDIE (quhome for our tender loue & for
the good expectatioun of his pregnant spirit, I name) reiding
the verses be ye master through: ostentatioun to him offred,
did admonische him, that thay war not congruant vnto the
mater, nor agreable vnto the subiect. For the discipils         #
intentioun
being to prease his master Hammiltoun in philosophy
gaue him the commendation of a poet: sa far yat he did say
in him (\numina quinque latent\) . quhen rather (\decem         #
furiae\) .
   Thairfoir Hammiltoun vnto quhome my pen now I derect,
vant nocht insolently, fauour not thy selfe vanely, bot         #
consider
that nane for thy good conditions, gentle qualities, or grit
wisdome hants thy societie, or do embrace thy companie.
quhen sum only to remarque thy shameles vanitie & vthers
if possible be, to win the agane & delyuer thee from the deuils
clawes, ar bot with the familiar. desist then from thy          #
calumnious
railing & leue of Hammiltoun thy sclandrous calumnies.
make an end at last of thy folie, and measure thy selfe by
thy awin foote. It is ambitioun that gydes thee, and vaine
gloir that blinds thee. Amend by correctioun rather, then
fail be perseuerand malice, estemit not solid leuing or cumly
commendatioun, that yairto thou may espyre by the detracting
of my learning. For albeit far from any on the an part,
my youthful age through hir course for a season hes me
remouit, (the, 21, zeir of my birth not zit expyrit) sua on the
vther, thou grosse creature, of gritter age then of spreit, of
zeirs then of knawledg, hes bene in the Scholes of philosophie
befoir my natiuitie. zit praisit be God we are not of sa abiect
mynde, (without arrogancie be it spokin) sluggish, simple, or
sa ignorant that will be deceauit by thy sophistrie, or         #
stainzit
by thy calumnies.
   As concerning my predicesseurs. Quhat may thou charge
them with quhairof canst thou accuis them? haif thay bene
traitours vnto thair Kings? conspyrit thai yair slaughters?
<P 30>
or haue thay slaine the Kingis Maiesties Regents? not. For
vtherwayis al Scotland wald conuict the of a lie. My            #
Grandfather,
Guidshir & Father: ze & befor them thair proginitours
on baith the sides, sa lang as thay had the usury of this life
hes bene obedient subiects vnto thair Kings, & borne offices
as magistrats in the Toun of Edinburgh. thair honestie &
guid behauiour towards all men, wer alsueil knawin togidder
with thair faithfulnes towards thair Superiours as the treasone
crueltie & murthers of thy nerrest blood is manifest. culd
thy brother (the Chappelier) absolue him from the cruel
murther of the Kings Gudschir quhen he being at his cruell
slaughter in Striuiling lay stikkit in a gutter? but allace the
death was ouer honorabil that suld preuentit the gallous.
yairfor (\Parcius ista viris tamen obiectare memento\) . To
returne to the purpose, Amangs my forbears, thou art not
able to name any, that euer was attemptit with sic crymes
as thou falslie layis vnto thair charge. If I wald giue place
vnto my affections, or in referring euill woordes wald with
thee contend, from the quhilk debait my wil dois mekil
abhorre, I might ius[{t{]ly paint thee in thy awin couleurs, &
mak thy awin maners odious vnto thy self: les nor in so
doing I wald peraduentur offend the eares of the Godly, being
yairto enforcit by thy sclanderus railing. For if ather honesty
might mouit the, or ressoun had possessit thee, besidis the
tinsal of thy estimatioun, thou suld not causit vther mens
honours to cum in hazard, nather by irreuerent scuffing &
iesting tants by malice speuit furth against Gods
predestinatioun,
maid it als foolishelie, as ignorantly, a defence for thy
mischief ignorantly I say, becaus to quhome significations
of words are not knawin, things be them signified are not
weil vnderstand. For in place of prescience and foreknawledge,
scoffingly thou vsis predestination, being of the               #
significatioun
maist ignorant. To the quhilk I ansuer (correcting the
in the word quhairin lourdly thou hes errit) yat God did not
compell thee to execuit sic outrage against me, nather by
fatall destinie driuen the (as thou ieasts) to sclander his
Ministers, & to impugne his treuth (for thairunto thy wicked
wil and cankred affectioun was bent) Zit because God did
<P 31>
foirknaw & hath fortald, that his seruants sulde be persecut
be trubles and suffer ignomie for his saik: It was not contrar
vnto his wil that thou suld sua haue done. Albeit heirfoir
thou is not frie from cryme, seing sic excusis Iudas micht
haue vsit in betraying Christ. For wicked men do not obey
God, how soeuer thay put to executioun tha things quhilk
the Lord our God him self hes appointed. For obedience
proceadeth of a voluntier affectioun trusting to please him.
And zit thou persistand in thy foolishnes, fearing to forget
thy vanitie vnaduyslie maks thy selfe guilty of trasoun, in
ratefiing and approuing the murther of the first Regent. For
in scorning me, thus wayis thou writes. that I rather demereit
to be put in the Kalender of our Bybill, seing that I was
persecuit be thee as an enemie to Religioun, nor vthers quha
war slaine for particulare feid, & not for Religioun. We are
not ignorant of quhome thou wrytis: defame him baldly,
Inuy his honour, desist not from thy railing, approue mair
nor regret his murther, the dome is decernit, the sentence is
pronuncit: the gallous is abyding thee.
   Alwayis as it is the leist portioun of my wil to ansuer to
sic scuffings: sua it is not ye maist part of my deutie to      #
repres
thy scandaleux tong. For as thairin na end culd be had: sua
yis writing thairby suld excres to an grit volume. zit for
eschewing of prolixity quhilk may procure tidiousnes, and for
the pretermission of thy calumnious railing, quhilk may breid
offence, I wil end. Protesting alwayis we be hard concerning
the ancient Docteurs. quhais autorities nather we contemne
nor dois reiect, bot willingly thame imbraces. prouyding that
thai be conformable to the word of God, agreabil euery an
with vther, and not dissenting from them selfes.
   Attour quhair matrimonie thou improuis, & chastitie wald
persuad because that thou hes set doun Dissimulatioun as
a setled sentence, esilie I can not be persuadit, that thou hes
discommendit in the Ministers that honorable band of            #
Matrimonie,
be God autorisit, be Christ decorit, and by the haly
Gaist in the mouth of the Apostle honorit. For as it war a
world to creddit that Clodius earnestlye reasonit of pudicitie:
sua it is a wounderful thing to heare Hammiltoun a common
<P 32>
harlot commend Chastitie. Thy harlatrie is als oppinly knawin
to vs in Scotland & in France: as thou art thairof in thy
awin conscience priuie. Zea mair assuredly I affeirme that
our Ministers als modestly vsis thair awin Wyffes, as thou
hast filthely abusit vthers. Looke, inquyre and searche the
hail estait of the Ministrie of Scotland, nane sal thou find
quhais lyfe & conuersatioun is not als mekil to be commendit,
as thine with the hail Pasturs of zour Cacolyke kirk is to
be dispraisit. In this mater na vther proofe I wil vse than
bring zour awin Writars for confirming of the same. Quha
testifies that zour Kirks was as bordels, zour Altars as beds
for Whordome, and the Priests with Freiris vnder pretence
of confessing, ather seruit as Panderoussis to corrupt Wemen;
or as Adulteras to abuse them. This halynes (I wil not say
opin wickednes) was not in priuat pasturs onlie, bot also in
Abbots Byschops, Cardinals & Paps, the fauorisiers, permitters
& defendars of sic enormities. For Pape sixtus gaue
full dispensatioun for fornications & adulteries that was
filthely vsit in Italy in his tyme: sua thay fel not in the
horrible cryme of Sodomie. all Hoores for the tollerance of
thair bordellis as laufull tributairs payit him monethlye in
Gold. The Epitaphes of thair libidinous lust and lycherous
lyues ar zit extant as a monument of thair commendable
chastetie. As of Pape Sixtus.
(\Sixte iaces tandem, deflent tua busta cynoedi,
Scortaque Lenones, alea, vina, venus.\)
And of the innatural incest of Pape Alexander.
(\Hoc iacet in tumulo, lucretia nomine, Sed re
Thais, Alexandri filia, Sponsa, nurus.\)
Thir ar the signs of the chastitie of the Romane Prelats quha
thinks it les sin to enterteine Harlots than to associat them
selfs in the band of Matrimonie. Thir ar the takens of thair
grit continencie, and the fruits of thair empoysoned doctrine.
quhilk being but a mas of erors & abusis, hes the vogue of
christian Religioun. Zit nane thair is of sa lytle iudgement,
<P 33>
that wil thair eyes open: or sa expert of knauledge, that can
not perceaue it to be only an heip of trumperies, deceits, &
superstitious abusis. In confirmatioun quhairof, as our
Ministers couragiously raceauis thy vnaduisit offer: sua thay
being assured of victorie, cryis prouokes and appels zou all
to disputatioun. And for yat effect I on thair behalf, desyres
thee (if be thy behauiour thou maye come in sic creddit) that
thou requeist thy Prince, that licence may be impetrat fra
the King of France and his counsel to our Ministeris to cum
to France, quhairthrough sall ensew tua grit commoditeis
besides many vthers, the an in sauing of expensis, the vther
in releauing of zour bodies from trauel. Prouiding alwayes
that with saife conduit pledges be grantit for the securitie
of thair bodies and preseruatioun of thair lyues, because thay
haue plaine proofe & dayly experience of zour fals promises
& deceatfull treasons; that without grit danger vpon naked
promisis and ane bair letter, thay can not hazard thame
selfes. For the grit malice ze haif conceaued against thame:
& the cruel murther of IOHNE HVS and IEROME of PRAGA
shamefully betr[{a{]yit at the counsall of Constance, with the
tressonable and horrible massacars dayly committit with the
violatioun of zour faith contrair the seruands of Christ;
makis thame at last to become mair wise and mair circumspect
than of before. Neuertheles, I think that this offer of
disputatioun be not be the rest of our Scottis papists          #
proponit,
bot vanely & vousteously be zow offred. For then diffidently
and maist dispairitly thay wald do, if thay wald commit to
sic an ignorant asne the maist vnlearnit amangs thame all
anie argument yairof. Delyte not Hammiltoun in thy pregnant
wit I wil not say thy fo[{o{]lishe vanitie? bot a smal
prick of a preine may scail the wind in blawin bleddars.
   In end, as voyd and emptie vessels rings maist and rattels
loudest: euen so thou of gritter ostentatioun then of doctrine,
of arrogancie then of knawledge, of rasher railing then
of solid reason, bosteously after thy blasphemies thus wayis
concludes, if thou proue not Christs euangel, or our trew
Religioun quhilk truely we profes, ane heip of auld condemnit
<P 34>
heresies thou with the rest sal be content (iudgement
without mercy being execut) to suffer the fyre. Facil men
wald peraduenture think, that zelously thou hes this offred.
Bot surely we of thy dissimulatioun and conscience in Religioun
by thy intercepted letter weil instructed. can zeild
na vther faith vnto thy words, or credence vnto thy promisis
then thy dissembling deserueth. Thy zeale in Religioun was
neuer besides thee in sa grit price, that thou preferrit not    #
thy
particulare vtilitie befoir Gods seruice, & thy priuate         #
commoditie
before his worshipping. Bot if it may be demed be
thee, and iudged by vthers, that mair by accusatioun, then
through iust reason I sa suspect thee. let thy awin setled
iudgement giue proofe heirin. & that thou sould haue na
cause ayther to accuse me in depriuing thy dytement, or in
wraisting thy words: I haue set downe a portioun of thy
letter directed vnto ane. quhais name for sindry respectis
I haue conceald.
   I pray zow heir the saying of a foole. Ze knaw the answer
of the wise King of France, ( (\qui nescit dissimulare nescit
regnare\) ). And Cicero sayis, (\mens cuiusque est quiusque\) . #
ze
haue anewe of paragraphis of the tit. (\De dolo malo.\) and
how it differs fra the contrair Nouella. To win a Baronie of
land ze wil find out ma goleinzeis then a poke wil had. that
is zour craft. vse it to the preseruatioun of zour saul. My
heid raues efter seiknes. &c.
   How canst you defend thy impiety masquet hypocreit?
how canst you remoue from vs that persuasioun that thou
art not an atheist & epicurien? is thair any sa far from
knawledge, or sa dotish? sa sensles, or sa ignorant, that
may not manifestly and by plaine confessioun, decerne thy
Godles conscience? Whether if I suspect the wrangfully or
nocht: let thy awin words beir recorde and the indifferent
reader Iudge.
   I will not vse farder writing, ether in reprouing thy
foolishnes,
refelling thy calumnies, or in brydling thy venomous
toung. bot ending, returne vnto that, from the quhilk the
grounde of this apologie hes flowit. That albeit the wicked
<P 35>
nature of godles men, enemies to all trew Religioun, trauels
be al moyen to oppres the professours of the same. Zit
earnestly we call vnto God that thairby we may nocht be
discouragit. calling to remembrance, we are aduertisit our
condition to be, for to awake by approbris, zea in doing
good calumniously to be accusit. And that God hes
this Law imposit and inioynit vnto his Kirk, that tha
quha beleues in him, sal not only be molestit, troublit,
and cruelly persecut, bot also with ignominie, & infamie
condemnit to the death. And seing our conditioun is
not better then the Apostles, quha war estemit as superfluities
of the warld, we thinke it na shame howsoeuer for
the testimonie of the Euangell we be persecuit, or to
be configurat with our Maister and Sauiour CHRIST IESVS:
quha was crucified for vs, & to that end resuscitat in gloir,
that in his persoun, all quhilk we for the testimonie
of the treuth indure, sal be turnit to our ioy,
and conuertit to our comfort.
To whome be euerlasting
gloir, with
all honour, and
praise,
for euer,
[}S. LVKE. XVII.}]
   It can not be auoydit bot that offences wil come, but wo
be to him through whome they come. It war better for him
yat a grit Milstone war hangit about his neck, & that he war
cast into the Sea. &c.
 
 

<B SPAM2C> 
<Q SC2 AR PAM TOBACCO> 
<N COUNTERBL TOBACCO> 
<A JAMES VI> 
<C SC2> 
<O DATE 1604> 
<M MEDIUM PRINTED> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T PAMPHLET> 
<G X> 
<F X> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X MALE> 
<Y 20-40> 
<H HIGH> 
<U NET PUBLIC> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I X> 
<Z ARGUM> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^MINOR PROSE WORKS OF KING JAMES VI AND I: 
A COUNTERBLASTE TO TOBACCO. 
ED. J. CRAIGIE. 
SCOTTISH TEXT SOCIETY. 
EDINBURGH 1982. 
PP. 87.1-99.15^] 

[^THE SIGN / IS SOMETIMES USED TO SEPARATE TWO WORDS IN THE
EDITION. IT IS PRECEDED AND FOLLOWED BY A SPACE IN THE CORPUS.
WITHIN A WORD THE SIGN IS OMITTED.^]

<P 87> 
[}A COUNTERBLASTE TO TOBACCO}] 
 
That the manifolde abuses of this vile custome of 
(^Tobacco^) taking, may the better be espied, it is fit, that 
first you enter into consideration both of the first originall
thereof, and likewise of the reasons of the first entry
thereof into this Countrey. For certainely as such customes, 
that haue their first institution either from a godly,          #
necessary, 
or honorable ground, and are first brought in, by the 
meanes of some worthy, vertuous, and great Personage, are
euer, and most iustly, holden in great & reuerent estimation
and account, by all wise, vertuous and temperate spirits: So 
should it by the contrary, iustly bring a great disgrace into 
that sort of customes, which hauing their originall from 
base corruption and barbarity, doe in like sort, make their 
first / entry into a Countrey, by an inconsiderate and childish 
affectation of Noueltie, as is the true case of the first
inuention of (^Tobacco^) taking, and of the first entry thereof
among vs. For (^Tobacco^) being a common herbe, which 
(though vnder diuers names) growes almost euery where,
was first found out by some the barbarous (^Indians^), to be 
a Preseruative, or Antidot against the Pockes, a filthy 
disease, whereunto these barbarous people are (as all men 
know) very much subiect, what through the vncleanly and 
adust constitution of their bodies, and what through the 
intemperate heate of their Climat: so that as from them was 
<P 88>
first brought into Christendome, that most detestable disease, 
so from them likewise was brought this vse of 
(^Tobacco^), as a stinking and vnsavourie Antidot, for so 
corrupted and execrable a Maladie, the stinking Suffumigation
whereof they yet vse against that disease, making so 
one canker or venime to eate out another.
   And now good Countrey men, let vs (I pray you) 
consider, what honour or policie can mooue vs to imitate 
the barbarous and beastly maners of the wilde, godlesse, 
and slauish (^Indians^) , especially in so vile and stinking a 
custome? Shall wee that disdaine to imitate the maners of 
our neighbour (^France^) (hauing the stile of the first         #
Christian 
Kingdom) and cannot endure the spirit of the Spaniards
(their King being now comparable in largenes of 
Dominions, to the great Emperor of (^Turkie^) ) Shall wee, I 
say, that haue bene so long ciuill and wealthy in Peace, 
famous and inuincible in Warre, fortunate in both, we that
haue bene euer able to aide any of our neighbours (but 
neuer deafed any of their eares with any of our supplications 
for assistance) shall we, I say, without blushing, abase
our selues so farre, as to imitate these beastly (^Indians^) ,  #
slaues
to the (^Spaniards^) , refuse to the world, and as yet aliens   #
from
the holy Couenant of God? Why doe we not as well imitate 
them in walking naked as they doe? in preferring glasses,
feathers, and such toyes, to golde and precious stones, as 
they do? yea why do we not denie God and adore the 
Deuill, as they doe? 
   Now to the corrupted basenesse of the first vse of this 
(^Tobacco^) , doeth very well agree the foolish and groundlesse 
first entry thereof into this Kingdome. It is not so long 
since the first entry of this abuse amongst vs here, as this 
present age cannot yet very well remember, both the first
Author, and the forme of the first introduction of it 
amongst vs. It was neither brought in by King, great 
Conquerour, nor learned Doctor of Phisicke. 
   With the report of a great discouery for a Conquest, 
some two or three Sauage men, were brought in, together
with this Sauage custome. But the pitie is, the poore wilde
barbarous men died, but that vile barbarous custome is yet 
aliue, yea in fresh vigor: so as it seemes a miracle to me,
<P 89>
how a custome springing from so vile a ground, and 
brought in by a father so generally hated, should be 
welcomed vpon so slender a warrant. For if / they that first 
put it in practise heere, had remembred for what respect it 
was vsed by them from whence it came. I am sure they 
would haue bene loath, to haue taken so farre the imputation
of that disease vpon them as they did, by vsing the 
cure thereof. For (^ (\Sanis non est opus medico\) ^) , and     #
counterpoisons 
are neuer vsed, but where poyson is thought to 
precede. 
   But since it is true, that diuers customes slightly 
grounded, and with no better warrant entred in a Commonwealth, 
may yet in the vse of them thereafter, prooue
both necessary and profitable; it is therefore next to be 
examined, if there be not a full Sympathie and true 
Proportion, betweene the base ground and foolish entrie, 
and the loathsome, and hurtfull vse of this stinking Antidote. 
   I am now therefore heartily to pray you to consider, first 
vpon what false and erroneous grounds you haue first built 
the generall good liking thereof; and next, what sinnes
towards God, and foolish vanities before the world you 
commit, in the detestable vse of it. 
   As for these deceitfull grounds, that haue specially 
mooued you to take a good and great conceit thereof, I 
shall content my selfe to examine here onely foure of the 
principals of them; two founded vpon the Theoricke of a 
deceiueable apparance of Reason, and two of them vpon 
the mistaken Practicke of generall Experience. 
   First, it is thought by you a sure Aphorisme in the 
Physickes, That the braines of all men, beeing / naturally 
colde and wet, all dry and hote things should be good for 
them; of which nature this stinking suffumigation is, and
therefore of good vse to them. Of this Argument, both the 
Proposition and Assumption are false, and so the Conclusion
cannot but be voyd of it selfe. For as to the Proposition, 
That because the braines are colde and moist, therefore
things that are hote and drie are best for them, it is an 
inept consequence: For man beeing compounded of the 
foure Complexions, (whose fathers are the foure Elements) 
<P 90>
although there be a mixture of them all in all the parts of 
his body, yet must the diuers parts of our (^Microcosme^) or 
little world within our selues, be diuersly more inclined,
some to one, some to another complexion, according to the 
diuersitie of their vses, that of these discords a perfect 
harmonie may bee made vp for the maintenance of the 
whole body. 
   The application then of a thing of a contrary nature, to 
any of these parts, is to interrupt them of their due
function, and by consequence hurtfull to the health  of the 
whole body. As if a man, because the Liuer is hote (as the 
fountaine of blood) and as it were an ouen to the stomacke, 
would therfore apply and weare close vpon his Liuer and 
stomacke a cake of lead; he might within a very short time 
(I hope) be susteined very good cheape at on Ordinarie, 
beside the cleering of his conscience from that deadly sinne 
of gluttonie, And as if, because the Heart is full of vitall 
spirits, and in perpetuall motion, a man would therefore lay 
a heauy / pound stone on his breast, for staying and holding
downe that wanton palpitation, I doubt not but his breast 
would bee more bruised with the weight thereof, then the 
heart would be comforted with such a disagreeable & 
contrarious cure. And euen so is it with the Braines. For if 
a man, because the Braines are colde and humide, would 
therefore vse inwardly by smells, or outwardly by application,
things of hot and drie qualitie, all the gaine that he 
could make thereof would onely be to put himselfe in a 
great forwardnesse for running mad, by ouerwatching 
himselfe, the coldnesse and moistnesse of our braine beeing 
the onely ordinarie meanes that procure our sleep and rest. 
Indeed I doe not denie, but when it falls out that any of 
these, or any part of our bodie growes to be distempered, 
and to tend to an extremitie, beyond the compasse of 
Natures temperate mixture, that in that case cures of 
contrary qualities, to the intemperate inclination of that 
part, being wisely prepared and discreetely ministred, may
be both necessarie and helpefull for strengthning and           #
assisting 
Nature in the expulsion of her enemies: for this is the 
true definition of all profitable Physicke. 
   But first these Cures ought not to bee vsed, but where 
<P 91>
there is neede of them, the contrarie whereof, is daily
practised in this generall vse of (^Tobacco^) by  all sorts and 
complexions of people. 
   And next, I deny the Minor of this argument, as I haue
already said, in ragard that this (^Tobacco^) , is not simply   #
of a 
dry & hot qualitie; but rather hath a certaine venemous 
facultie ioyned with the heate thereof, which makes it haue 
an Antipathie against nature, as by he hatefull smell 
thereof doeth well appeare. For the Nose being the proper
Organ and conuoy of the sense of  smelling to the braines, 
which are the onely fountaine of that sense, doeth euer 
serue vs for an infallible witnesse, whether that Odour 
which we smell, be healthfull of hurtfull to the braine, 
(except when it fals out that the sense it selfe is corrupted 
and abused through some infirmitie, and distemper in the 
braine.) And that the suffumigation thereof cannot haue a 
drying qualitie, it needes no further probation, then that it 
is a smoake, all smoake and vapour, being of it selfe 
humide, as drawing neere to the nature of the ayre, and 
easie to be resolued againe into water, wherof there needes 
no other proofe but the Meteors, which being bred of 
nothing else but of the vapours and exhalations sucked vp
by the Sunne out of the earth, the Sea, and waters, yet are 
the same smoakie vapours turned, and transformed into 
Raynes, Snowes, Deawes, hoare Frostes, and such like 
waterie Meteors, as by the contrarie the raynie cloudes are 
often transformed and euaporated in blustering winds.
   The second Argument grounded on a show of reason is, 
That this filthie smoake, aswell through the heat and 
strength thereof, as by a naturall force and qualitie, is able 
and fit to purge both the head and stomacke of Rhewmes
and distillations, as experience teacheth, by the spitting and 
auoyding / fleame, immediatly after the taking of it. But the 
fallacie of this Argument may easily appeare, by my late 
preceding description of the Meteors. For euen as the 
smoakie vapours sucked vp by the Sunne, and staied in the 
lowest and colde Region of the ayre, are there contracted 
into cloudes and turned into raine and such other watery 
Meteors: So this stinking smoake being sucked vp by the 
Nose, and imprisoned in the colde and moyst braines, is by
<P 92>
their colde and wett facultie, turned and cast foorth againe 
in waterie distillations, and so are you made free and
purged of nothing, but that wherewith you wilfully burdened
your selues: and therefore are you no wiser in taking 
(^Tobacco^) for purging you of distillations, then if for       #
preuenting
the Cholicke you would take all kind of windie meates 
and drinkes, and for preuenting of the Stone, you would 
take all kinde of meates and drinkes that would breede 
grauell in the Kidneyes, and then when you were forced to 
auoyde much winde out of your stomacke, and much 
grauell in your Vrine, that you should attribute the thanke 
thereof to such nourishments as bred those within you, that 
behoued either to be expelled by the force of Nature, or 
you to haue (^burst at the broad side^) , as the Prouerbe is.
   As for the other two reasons founded vpon experience, 
the first of which is, That he whole people would not haue 
taken so general a good liking thereof, if they had not by 
experience found it verie soueraigne and good for them: 
For answere / thereunto, how easily the mindes of any 
people, wherewith God hath replenished this world, may 
be drawen to the foolish affectation of any noueltie, I leaue 
it to the discreet iudgement of any man that is reasonable. 
   Doe we not dayly see, that a man can no sooner bring
ouer from beyound the Seas any new forme of apparell, but 
that hee can not bee thought a man of spirit, that would 
not presently imitate the same? And so from hand to hand 
it spreades, till it be practised by all, not for any           #
commoditie
that is in it, but only because it is come to be the 
fashion. For such is the force of that naturall Selfe-loue in 
euery one of vs, and such is the corruption of enuie bred in 
the brest of euery one, as we cannot be content vnlesse we 
imitate euery thing that our fellowes doe, and so prooue 
our selues capable of euery thing whereof they are capable, 
like Apes, counterfeiting the maners of others, to our owne 
destruction. For let one or two of the greatest Masters of 
Mathematickes in any of the two famous Vniuersities , but 
constantly affirme any cleare day, that they see some
strange apparition in the skies: they will I warrant you be
seconded by the greatest part of the Students in that 
profession: So loath will they be, to bee thought inferiour
<P 93>
to their fellowes, either in depth of knowledge or sharpnesse 
of sight: And therefore the generall good liking and 
imbracing of this foolish custome, doeth but onely proceede
from that affectation of noueltie, and popular errour, 
wherof I haue already spoken. /
   The other argument drawen from a mistaken experience, is 
but the more particular probation of this generall, because it  #
is 
alleaged to be found true by proofe, that by the taking of 
(^Tobacco^) diuers and very many doe finde themselues cured of 
diuers diseases, as on the other part, no man euer receiued
harme thereby. In this argument there is first a great 
mistaking, and next a monstrous absurditie. For is it not a     #
very
great mistaking, to take (^ (\Non causam pro causa\) ^) , as    #
they say in the 
Logicks? because peraduenture when a sicke man hath had his
disease at the height, hee hath at that instant taken           #
(^Tobacco^) , and 
afterward his disease taking the naturall course of declining, 
and consequently the patient of recouering his health, O then 
the (^Tobacco^) forsooth, was the worker of that miracle.       #
Beside
that, it is a thing well knowen to all Phisicians, that the 
apprehension and conceit of the patient, hath by wakening and 
vniting the vitall spirits, and so strengthening nature, a      #
great 
power and vertue, to cure divers diseases. For an euident
proofe of mistaking in the like case, I pray you what foolish 
boy, what sillie wench, what olde doting wife, or ignorant 
countrey clowne, is not a Phisician for the toothach, for the 
cholicke, & divers such common diseases? Yea, will not euery 
man you meete withal, teach you a sundry cure for the same, 
and sweare by that meane either himselfe, or some of his 
neerest kinsmen and friends was cured? and yet I hope no man 
is so foolish as to beleeue them. And al these toyes do only 
proceed from the mistaking / (^ (\Non causam pro causa\) ^) ,   #
as I haue
already sayd, and so if a man chance to recouer one of any 
disease, after he hath taken (^Tobacco^) , that must haue the   #
thankes 
of all [{.{] But by the contrary, if a man smoke himselfe to    #
death 
with it (and many haue done) O then some other disease must
beare the blame for that fault. So doe olde harlots thanke      #
their
harlotrie for their many yeeres, that custome being healthfull
(say they) (^ (\ad purgandos Renes\) ^) , but neuer haue minde  #
how many 
die of the Pockes in the flower of their youth. And so doe      #
olde 
<P 94>
drunkards thinke they prolong their dayes, by their swinelike
diet, but neuer remember howe many die drowned in drinke 
before they be halfe olde. 
   And what greater absurditie can there bee, then to say that
one cure shall serue for diuers, nay, contrarious sortes of 
diseases? It is an vndoubted ground among all Phisicians, that
there is almost no sort either of nourishment or medicine,      #
that 
hath not some thing in it disagreeable to some part of mans 
bodie, because, as I haue already sayd, the nature of the 
temperature of euery part, is so different from another, that 
according to the olde prouerbe, That which is good for the 
head, is euill for the necke and the shoulders. For euen as a 
strong enemie, that inuades a towne or a fortresse, although    #
in 
his siege thereof, he doe belaie and compasse it round about, 
yet he makes his breach and entrie, at some one or few          #
speciall 
parts thereof, which hee hath tried and found to bee weakest 
and least able to resist; so sicknesse doth make her particular
assault, vpon such part or parts of our bodie, as are weakest 
and easiest to be ouercome by that sort of disease, which then
doth assaile vs, although all the rest of the body by Sympathie
feele it selfe, to be as it were belaied, and besieged by the 
affliction of that speciall part, the griefe and smart thereof
being by the sence of feeling dispersed through all the rest    #
of 
our members. And therefore the skilfull Phisician presses by 
such cures to purge & strengthen that part which is afflicted,  #
as 
are onely fit for that sort of disease, and doe best agree      #
with the 
nature of that infirme part; which being abused to a disease    #
of 
another nature, would prooue as hurtfull for the one, as
helpfull for the other. Yea, not only will a skilfull and       #
warie 
Phisician bee carefull to vse no cure but that which is fit     #
for that 
sort of disease, but he wil also consider all other             #
circumstances, 
and make the remedies sutable thereunto: as the temperature of 
the clime where the Patient is, the constitution of the         #
Planets, 
the time of the Moone, the season of the yere, the age & 
complexion of the Patient, & the present state of his body, in 
strength or weakenesse. For one cure must not euer be vsed for 
the self-same disease, but according to the varying of any of   #
the 
foresaid circumstances, that sort of remedie must be vsed 
which is fittest for the same. Whear by the contrarie in this 
case, such is the miraculous omnipotencie of our strong tasted
<P 95>
(^Tobacco^) , as it cures all sorts of diseases (which neuer    #
any drugge 
could do before) in all persons, and at all times. It cures     #
all 
maner of distillations, either / in the head or stomacke (if    #
you
beleeue their Axiomes) although in very deede it doe both 
corrupt the braine, and by causing ouer quicke disgestion,      #
fill 
the stomacke full of crudities. It cures the Gowt in the feet,  #
and 
(which is miraculous) in that very instant when the smoke 
thereof, as light, flies vp into the head, the vertue thereof,  #
as
heauie, runs downe to the little toe. It helpes all sortes of 
Agues. It makes a man sober that was drunke. It refreshes a 
weary man, and yet makes a man hungry. Being taken when 
they goe to bed, it makes one sleepe soundly, and yet being
taken when a man is sleepie and drowsie, it will, as they say, 
awake his braine, and quicken his vnderstanding. As for curing 
of the Pockes, it serues for that vse but among the pockie 
Indian slaues. Here in (^England^) it is refined, and will not  #
deigne 
to cure heere any other then cleanly and gentlemanly diseases. 
O omnipotent power of (^Tobacco^) ! And if it could by the      #
smoke
thereof chace out deuils, as the smoke of (^Tobias^) fish did   #
(which;
I am sure could smel no stronglier) it would serue for a 
precious Relicke, both for the superstitious Priests, and the 
insolent Puritanes, to cast out deuils withall. 
   Admitting, then, and not confessing that the vse thereof
were healthfull for some sortes of diseases; should it be vsed  #
for 
all sicknesses? should it be vsed by all men? should it be      #
vsed at 
al times? yea should it be vsed by able, yong, strong,          #
healthful 
men? Medicine hath that vertue, that it neuer leaueth a man in 
that state wherin it findeth him; it makes a sicke / man whole,
but a whole man sicke. And as Medicine helpes nature being 
taken at times of necessitie, so being euer and continually     #
vsed, 
it doth but weaken, wearie, and weare nature. What speake I of 
Medicine? Nay let a man euery houre of the day, or as oft as 
many in this countrey vse to take (^Tobacco^) , let a man I     #
say, but
take as oft the best sorts of nourishments in meate and drinke
that can bee deuised, hee shall with the continuall vse         #
thereof 
weaken both his head and his stomacke: all his members shall
become feeble, his spirits dull, and in the end, as a drowsie   #
lazie
belly-god, he shall euanish in a Lethargie. 
   And from this weaknesse it proceeds, that many in this 
kingdom haue had such a continuall vse of taking this 
<P 96>
vnsauorie smoke, as now they are not able to forbeare the 
same, no more then an olde drunkard can abide to be long 
sober, without falling into an vncurable weaknesse and euill
constitution: for their continuall custome hath made to them,
(^ (\habitum, alteram naturam\) ^) : so to those that from      #
their birth haue
bene continually nourished vpon poison and things venemous, 
wholesome meates are onely poisonable.
   Thus hauing, as I truste, sufficiently answered the most 
principall arguments what are vsed in defence of this vile 
custome, it rests onely to informe you what sinnes and          #
vanities 
you commit in the filthie abuse thereof. First, are you not 
guiltie of sinnefull and shamefull lust? (for lust may bee as   #
well 
in any of the senses as in feeling) that although you may 
bee / troubled with no disease, but in perfect health, yet can  #
you
neither be merry at an Ordinarie, nor lasciuious in the         #
Stewes, 
if you lacke (^Tobacco^) to prouoke your appetite to any of     #
those 
sorts of recreation, lusting after it as the children of        #
Israel did in 
the wildernesse after Quailes? Secondly it is, as you vse or 
rather abuse it, a branche of the sinne of drunkennesse, which 
is the roote of all sinnes: for as the onely delight that       #
drunkards 
take in Wine is the strength of the taste, & the force of the 
fume thereof that mounts vp to the braine: for no drunkards 
loue any weake, or sweete drinke: so are not those (I meane     #
the 
strong heate and the fume) the onely qualities that make 
(^Tobacco^) so delectable to all the louers of it? And as no    #
man likes
strong headie drinke the first day (because (^ (\nemo repente   #
fit
turpissimus\) ^) ) but by custome is piece and piece allured,   #
while in
the ende, a drunkard will haue as great a thirst to bee         #
drunke, as
a sober man to quench his thirst with a draught when hee hath 
need of it: So is not this the very case of all the great       #
takers of 
(^Tobacco^) ? which therefore they themselues do attribute to a 
bewitching qualitie in it. Thirdly, is it not the greatest      #
sinne of 
all, that you the people of all sortes of this Kingdome, who    #
are 
created and ordeined by God to bestowe both your persons 
and goods for the maintenance both of the honour and safetie 
of your King and Common-wealth, should disable your selues
in both? In your persons hauing by this continuall vile         #
custome 
brought your selues to this shamefull imbecilitie, that you /   #
are
not able to ride or walke the iourney of a Iewes Sabboth, but 
you must haue a reekie cole brought you from the next poore 
<P 97>
house to kindle your (^Tobacco^) with? whereas he cannot be 
thought able for any seruice in the warres, that cannot endure 
oftentimes the want of meate, drinke, and sleepe, much more 
then must hee endure the want of (^Tobacco^) . In the times of  #
the 
many glorious and victorious battailes fought by this Nation, 
there was no word of (^Tobacco^) : but now if it were time of 
warres, and that you were to make some sudden (^Caualcado^) 
vpon your enemies, if any of you should seeke leisure to stay 
behinde his fellowe for taking of (^Tobacco^) , for my part I   #
should 
neuer bee sorie for any euill chance that might befall him. To
take a custome in any thing that cannot bee left againe, is     #
most 
harmefull to the people of any land. (^Mollicies^) and          #
delicacie were
the wracke and ouerthrow, first of the Persian, and next of     #
the 
Romane empire. And this very custome of taking (^Tobacco^) 
(whereof our present purpose is) is euen at this day accounted
so effeminate among the Indians themselues, as in the market 
they will offer no price for a slaue to be sold, whome they     #
finde 
to be a great (^Tobacco^) taker. 
   Now how you are by this custome disabled in your goods, 
let the Gentry of this land beare witnesse, some of them 
bestowing three, some foure hundred pounds a yeere vpon this 
precious stinke, which I am sure might be bestowed vpon
many farre better vses. I read indeede of a knauish             #
Courtier, 
who for abusing the fauour of the Emperour (^Alexander          #
Seuerus^)
his master by taking bribes to intercede, for sundry persons    #
in 
his Masters eare, (for whom he neuer once opened his mouth) 
was iustly choked with smoke, with this doome, (^ (\Fumo        #
pereat,
qui fumum vendidit\) ^) : but of so many smoke-buyers, as are   #
at this
present in this kingdome, I neuer read nor heard. 
   And for the vanities committed in this filthie custome, is   #
it 
not both great vanitie and vncleanenesse, that at the table ,   #
a 
place of respect, of clenlinesse, of modestie, men should not 
be ashamed, to sit tossing of Tobacco pipes, and puffing of     #
the 
smoke of tobacco one to another, making the filthy smoke and 
stinke thereof, to exhale athwart the dishes, and infect the    #
aire, 
when very often, men that abhorre it are at their repast?       #
Surely
Smoke becomes a kitchin far better then a Dining chamber, 
and yet it makes a kitchin also oftentimes in the inward parts  #
of 
men, soiling and infecting them, with an vnctuous and oily 
kinde of Soote, as hath bene found in some great (^Tobacco^)
<P 98>
takers, that after their death were opened. And not onely meate
time, but no other time nor action is exempted from the 
publike vse of this vnciuill tricke: so as if the wiues of      #
(^Diepe^) list 
to contest with this Nation for good maners, their worst 
maners would in all reason be found at least not so dishonest   #
(as 
ours are) in this point. The publike vse whereof, at all        #
times, 
and in all places, hath now so farre preuailed, as diuers men 
very sound both in / iudgement, and complexion, haue bene at 
last forced to take it also without desire, partly because      #
they 
were ashamed to seeme singular, (like the two Philosophers 
that were forced to duck themselues in that raine water, and    #
so 
become fooles aswell as the rest of the people) and partly, to  #
be
as one that was content to eate Garlicke (which hee did not 
loue) that he might not be troubled with the smell of it, in    #
the
breath of his fellowes. And is it not a great vanitie, that a   #
man 
cannot heartily welcome his friend now, but straight they
must bee hand with (^Tobacco^) ? No it is become in place of a 
cure, a point of good fellowship, and he that will refuse to    #
take 
a pipe of (^Tobacco^) among his fellowes, (though by his owne 
election he would rather feele the sauour of a Sinke) is 
accounted peeuish and no good company, euen as they doe 
with tippeling in the cold Easterne Countries. Yea the 
Mistresse cannot in a more manerly kinde, entertaine her 
seruant, then by giuing him out of her faire hand a pipe of 
(^Tobacco^) . But herein is not onely a great vanitie, but a    #
great 
contempt of Gods good giftes, that the sweetenesse of mans 
breath, being a good gift of God, should be wilfully corrupted 
by this stinking smoke, wherein I must confesse, it hath too 
strong a vertue: and so that which is an ornament of nature, 
and can neither by any artifice be the first acquired, nor      #
once 
lost, be recouered againe, shall be filthily corrupted with an 
incurable stinke, which vile qualitie is as directly contrary   #
to 
that wrong / opinion which is holden of the wholesomnesse 
thereof, as the venime of putrifaction is contrary to the       #
vertue 
Preseruatiue. 
   Moreouer, which is a great iniquitie, and against all 
humanitie, the husband shall not bee ashamed, to reduce 
thereby his delicate, wholesome, and cleane complexioned 
wife, to that extremitie, that either shee must also corrupt    #
her 
sweete breathe therewith, or else resolue to liue in a          #
perpetuall 
<P 99>
stinking torment. 
   Haue you not reason then to bee ashamed, and to forbeare 
this filthie noueltie, so basely grounded, so foolishly         #
receiued
and so grossely mistaken in the right vse thereof? In your      #
abuse 
thereof sinning against God, harming your selues both in 
persons and goods, and raking also thereby the markes and 
notes of vanitie vpon you: by the custome thereof making your 
selues to be wondered at by all forraine ciuill Nations, and    #
by 
all strangers that come among you, to be scorned and 
contemned. A custome lothsome to the eye, hatefull to 
the Nose, harmefull to the braine, dangerous to the Lungs, 
and in the blacke stinking fume thereof, neerest 
resembling the horrible Stigian 
smoke of the pit that is 
bottomelesse.
 



<B SPAM2D>
<Q SC2 AR PAM BIRNIE>
<N BLAME OF KIRK-BURIAL>
<A BIRNIE WILLIAM>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1606>
<M MEDIUM PRINTED>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T PAMPHLET>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y 40-60>
<H HIGH PROF>
<U NET PUBLIC>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z ARGUM>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^BIRNIE, WILLIAM.
THE BLAME OF KIRK-BURIALL, TENDING TO PERSWADE CEMITERIALL
CIVILITIE.
ED. W.B.D.D. TURNBULL.
LONDON: W. PICKERING AND EDINBURGH: G.A. DOUGLAS, 1833.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 6.13-13.28
SAMPLE 2: PP. 34.34-41.12^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 6>
[}OF THE GENERALL ABUSE OF BURIALL CEREMONIES. CHAP. IIII.}]
   NOW this duety, in respect it is discharged in ceremonies    #
(in 
any kynde whereof, it hes euer beene impossible to keepe 
measure without the direction diuyne) what sort here are        #
lawfull, 
vnder comparison with the lawlesse, it rests to define. And     #
first, 
all buriall ceremonies may be reduced to two ranks: for some    #
are 
funerals, seruing for preparation to; and some sepulchrals,     #
seruing 
for placing in the graue the defunct: the ceremoniall variety   #
of 
both whereof, my labor were infinite, let be vaine, to          #
descryue. 
For to giue but a glance in funerall: the  Greke and Romane     #
did 
burne their dead, (\in rogo\) , as they styled their funerall   #
fire; the 
Indean with Got-seame did besmeare, the Schithean swallied,     #
the 
Egiptian pickled with bryme, but the Gerrens a Schithian sect, 
after exinteration bespyced their gutlesse goodsirs: that so    #
ridiculously,
by corruptible meanes they might assay to reteene fugitiue 
incorruption, as Lucian in his Dialogue (\De luctu\) , and 
Silius Italicus the Poet in his 13 booke, doe testifie of many  #
such 
foolish feats. Againe in sepulchrals, the variety is found no   #
lesse 
vaine,  euery Nation seruing it selfe with the owne vowstie     #
deuise, 
For first, according to the number of the elements, so hes the  #
sepulchrall
receptacles of humane bodies fourefold bene found:
Some chosing the floting fome for their tombe, as among others 
the African Lotophagians; others preferred to wither in the 
aire, as of old not a few in Egypt and Ethiopia, that so        #
preuenting
the stinck of putrifaction by scowdring their skins in the      #
Sunne, 
<P 7>
they might reserue their dead friends extant to be ordinar      #
accombents
with them at their tables. And (which more deserues 
mockage) sometyme the monylesse Ethiopian by ingadging his 
reasted parent vpon reuersion might releeue his want. Yea, and 
the fire (although fearce) hes not bene forborne; as to the     #
which, 
in defraude of the wormes, many hes betaught their body, both 
bone and lyre: that so pitchering vp their onely relict,        #
asses, in 
vrnes, they make a proud thought a very poore pompe. 
And although the worlds rest in common with the Kirk hes made 
choise of the moulds of their mother earth (as the graue onely
designed by God, warranted by the words exemples, and keeping
best relation to our resurrection, as out of whose lare onely 
we may properly be saide to rise) yet in the vsage thereof how  #
infinitly
men hes deborded, Histories records. 
[}OF THE DUE DIRECTION IN BURIALL. CHAP. V.}]
   Bvt lest I shoulde (as some doe) in telling vyce, teach it,  #
I 
will turne me rather to teach as I can, what, or what not, 
the Kirk should doe, nor toomely to talke what hes beene done 
abroad by the world in this earand: except so far as by         #
outward 
exemples we may confro~t our present confusions, wherat I aime. 
And because nowadayes buriall is ordinarilie traduced as a      #
scripturelesse
thing, and so amongst indifferents to be vsurped at the
vnstayed arbitriment of men, how and where both they will haue 
it; I will here appeale men from their pet-wils, nowhere else   #
but 
to the wordes authoritie. For although to these that are        #
without 
spirituall spectacles, euery minute of our sepulcromany seme    #
not 
in expresse scripurall termes to be condemned (being to the     #
spirit
of God as parenticide was to the Lawgiuer, against the which    #
he 
gaue no law, lest he shold not suppose such inhumane an         #
abomination)
yet, by his grace, I shall discouer their particular            #
conuiction in euery 
corrupt abuse by the same. And first I would men 
wist that the word, Gods sword, as it is said, Hebr. 4. 12. so  #
it is 
found to be twin-edged. For by the one edge, which is of        #
expres 
warrant from positiue lawes, it cuttes; and by the other as     #
equiualent,
which is of collected consequences, it carues and conuinces 
the catiue consciences of the criminall. For although the 
ten words of Moses tables, seeme onely to ayme at the ten broad
<P 8>
sinnes, that negatiuely they inhibite, yet there are none of    #
their 
infinite broode and of-spring, that may not be particularly     #
repledged
to his mother kinde: and so incurre the reuerence of 
some one of the decalogue lawes. But, in respect the cases of   #
sin 
are become so infinite and intricate that some like mangrels    #
doe 
participat of diuers kindes, and others so subtilly twisted     #
by the 
deuill, that yet they vnacknowledged. For this cause the Lord 
hes supplied the generality of his law as the text, by his      #
remanent
word as the commentar; by the benefite whereof we may easily
particularize our subtillest sinnes whatsoeuer: and that by     #
two 
speciall meanes. First, by the rule of Analogie, and next, by   #
the
benefite of example. To the twitch of the which, where          #
expresse 
warrant wants, we must either qualifie or controle our          #
proceedings,
as we shall doe in this our particulare anent buriall; that 
what we see therin neither answerable to Analogie nor exemple
of the word we may conclude it is sin. Now Analogy in any       #
thing 
is that conuenient proportion, whereby euery part is            #
correspondent
to the whole: As in musical instruments, thogh there be many
different strings yet must they al be tuned to harmonical       #
proportion, 
which is the Analogie; otherwise the ingratious discord
in the eare of the least string, wil mar al the mirth. Now,     #
scriptural 
Analogie is two fold;  the one is of faith, the other of        #
manners. 
That of faithe is the platforme of knowledge that directs vs    #
aright
in all, and euery one of the articles of the same, the which    #
by 
versing and searching the Scriptures may so be conceiued in the 
minde of the faithfull, that in faith they need not erre. And   #
this Analogy
the Apost. Ro. 12.6. speaks of, where he seems to designe 
the Apostolical creed that Tertulian calles the Canon or        #
Analogy 
of faith. The which also 2. Tim. 2. he commendes vnder the 
name of the paterne of wholsome words. Againe, the Analogy of 
maners is that platform of right, that we oght to obserue in    #
euery
our action, according to the warrand of the will of God. And    #
this 
Analogy, by searching and versing of Gods law, Psal. 1. the     #
canon 
of our conuersation may be so learned by the conscience that    #
for 
lake of knowledge we need not sin. And this the Psalmist very 
frequently calles the path way of God: As. Ps. 17 and 27. and   #
119.
Now this Analogy of manners wherewith here we haue only ado,
being the morality of the law, exacts thre things in euery      #
our 
<P 9>
action: First, that the matter done, be good; next, that the    #
maner of 
doing be wel; and last, in both that we ayme at the right end: 
As in our own particular we shall expone. And first, for        #
burial: it 
is an action and a good action as being answerable to both the 
general tytles of Moses two tables, piety and charity: that it  #
shold 
be done no christian wil contrauert: but in the other two, how  #
the 
same may be wel, and to the right end, that is formall and      #
direct, 
there stands the question. In the which cace a christian duty   #
wer 
to consult, first with their conscience, the register of the    #
wordes 
Analogy; the which if a christian of knowledg wold but vouch 
saue to do, he shold soone finde the oracle of Analogy for his  #
information. 
But now most men alas are so deeply addicted to affection,
that they neyther make count nor question how or where 
they should bury: contrare whom one day their criminall         #
conscience
will crye judgement, except they repent. And if thou loth to 
hear conscience, yet list to hear the direction of the words    #
Analogy
to thy reformation: where first learn, that howsoeuer the form 
and end of al actions ar to be examined by the general          #
inscription 
of the law (loue) how, to wit, we  haue therein respected,      #
first, that 
souerane loue we oght to God, and next that proportionall loue 
we oght to our neighbor: yet in matters of this kinde (and al   #
such
specially that consists in ceremonies) there is particular      #
analogy 
to be obserued, that the Apost. 1. Cor. 14. sets down; who      #
willes 
al things, and consequently burial ceremonies, to be conformed  #
to 
honesty & order, last vers, and the end to tend to              #
edification, v. 26. 
vpon the which Analogicall rules, then we shal first controle   #
the 
customs of mens burials, & conclude what by Analogy is lawful. 
[}AGAINST THE CONTEMPT OF BURIALL, AND INSUFFICIENCY 
OF BURIALLYARDES. CHAP. VI.}]
   The first rule that directs the forme, containes two         #
cautions, 
& that for good causes. For according to the forked foly vsed 
in buriall, which either is contemned, or else ouercaried in    #
pomp, 
this rule does restraine both: by ranging contempt vnder the    #
rule 
of honesty and pomp, vnder the rule of order, that they no      #
wayes 
exceede. Now as for buriall contemptes, if we peruse humane 
histories, as namely Caelius, Cicero in his Tusculan questions, 
Crinitus, and diuers others, we shall finde them haue many      #
conspirators;
whereof we shall recite such as make for vs. We reade 
<P 10>
of the Albanes that of the defunct tooke no care at all: The    #
Sabeans 
vsed them for falzie: The Troglodites for mockage: The 
Hircanes exposed them to dogges, that for the nonce they        #
nurished. 
But among the first of this crew were the doggish Cyniks, 
who would in no sort consent to be buried. As we read of        #
Minippus
and Diogenes, of whom it is recorded, that being to dye, he 
directed  his corps to be exposed. And being admonished that    #
so 
he should be torne by birds and beasts, did reiyre a taunt, in  #
requyring
a cudgell to be coutched beside, whereby to weare his 
wirriers away. And being insisted with that it would be to      #
small 
vse, since death was but senslesse: why then (said he) are ye   #
solist 
what befall a senslesse carrion? But this kinde of reprobate    #
Philosophy
rather becomes renigat mindes then christian men. For if 
reprobates were by the Kirk knowne (as they are with God 
barred vp from hope) so might they justly be debarred from the 
benefite of christian buriall. And this Cynicisme although we 
seeme not to professe, yet if we walke the land abroad we will 
finde many folke not flyting free in it. For our Kirk-courtes   #
or 
yardes, are become more lyke pwind-folds nor burials: as being 
ordinarly bedunged by pestring and pasturing brute. Not far 
from subscryuing the desperat legacy of some that can be        #
content 
to bestow their bowke to the burroughmure, if God wold take 
the soule. According to the conceaty resolution of Theodore, 
who being by the tyrant Lysimachus minassed with the gibbet, 
answered that his own minzeons only had it to feare and not     #
he, 
to whom all was one, whether to putrifie aboue, or vpon, or 
within the earth. But as this abuse is contrare to the          #
Apostles decencie
commanded, so is it also against the common law that 
prouids buriall to be had in holy reputation. So that to empty  #
the 
bladder, let be the belly, about buriall (as they called it     #
(\minxisse in 
patrios cineres\) ) was reput (\nefas\) , that is iniquitie,    #
let be inciuilitie. 
And for this cause, the faithfull after Constantine (who first  #
serued
edicts of liberty to edifie temples, whereas before the Kirks 
had alwaies beene serued onely with holy Innes) in founding of 
Kirks, taking the type at Ierusalems temple, did among the      #
rest 
counterfaite the courts by Kirk yardes, the which for this      #
commanded
decencie they dedicated to buriall vse. The which therefore
by the Greeks (as thereby appeares the workes beginners)
<P 11>
were called (\Caemiteria\) . And that not without Emphase,      #
seeing (as 
Atheneus sayes) it was the name before of sleeping celles for 
strangers: and so the allusion wanted not edification. And      #
albeit 
the reason of the rest of the resemblance betwixt Temple and 
Kirk, as of the Quier to the holiest place within the vaile,    #
&c.
cannot so easily be espyed, yet the reason of this may well by  #
this 
rule of decency, according whereto since we haue a Country law 
of our owne extant, enacted for reparation of ruinous Kirks, 
and their yardes, it is the part of all Pastors to vrge the     #
benefite
of it, that so our common burials becomming seemely             #
cemiteries, 
our Kirk buriers may be depriued of the pretence of their       #
insensibility
and profanation. For the Apostles mynde is in his rule, 
that natures abscenities be decently couered and oueruailed     #
with 
her mothers mouldes. 
[}AGAINST SECULARE POMPE IN FUNERALS. CHAP. VII.}]
   The other extremity that commes against the Apostles order 
is pompe. The which as it is found more common, so it 
brings with it more perturbation. But for the more particular   #
deciphering
thereof, we shall range it in two rankes: the one sort of 
it being ciuile or seculare, the other superstitious. Againe,   #
the first 
according to the duplicity of burial ceremonies, is found       #
double:
For partly in the funerals, and partly in the sepulchrals of    #
men it 
is to be seene. In funerall pompe if we should view the         #
customes 
of antiquity, and ballance the same with these of our dayes,    #
as 
in few thinges we will be found inferiour, so in some far to    #
surmounte
them in vanity. To be shorte, for commoditie of this 
our present comparison, vnder the olde names of Funerall        #
offices, 
we shall set downe the whole auncient funerall proces, and 
confer it with ours of the new now. All the which ceremonies 
for memory may be ranked in two sortes. Whereof some did in 
common concerne the whole funerall preparation: the generall 
ouersight whereof appertained to their (\Libitinarii\) , that   #
is, funerall
men, that among the rest had the cure of funerall feasts. Now 
heerein althogh we inlake the officers, yet is not the office   #
intermitted:
for their buriall bankets we haue not learned to imitate
onely, but in our aruelles to exceede, where rather in the day 
wherein a good one or great one falles, as being a breach of    #
Gods
<P 12>
hand in his Kirk, should be celebrate with fast and measurable 
mourning. The second sort of their ceremonies, were employed
about the defuncts persone, consisting in three pointes:        #
First, in 
mourning for the dead; next, in addressing the corps for the 
graue; and last, in his conuoyance thither. In mourning,        #
beside the 
interessed that made it in earnest, they had their made out     #
mourners
of the feminine sex, that best could do it: whom they styled 
(\Praeficae\) : And these the Preacher 12.5. seemes to respect  #
in mentioning
the mourners of the streetes. But in this also we are more 
antick nor antiquity: for in steed if humane teeres that best   #
can 
expresse the owne smart, some will haue trumpets; and in steed  #
of 
mourning in the dust, as they did oft-tymes, we mumchance and 
mourgean in such dilicate duilles, better feated for wowing     #
nor 
woing, that heires or widowes never dallies more nor vnder      #
their 
duilles. But the Lord will haue at such hypocrysie in the end. 
The next point of their personall funerals, was their peremptor
preparation to the graue, consisting in two ceremonies: for     #
before
that by the Libitinarian cure the dead was weind, the           #
Pollinctors 
inbalmed,  and Sandapilarianes bespised, the corps of the 
great, and this also is superstitiouslie sometyme exceded       #
among 
some of the best rank: on whom after Anatomicall exinteration, 
Apotheticary applications are so excessiuely employed, that     #
oft 
tymes such prodigall profusion of arromaticall gummes (if       #
they 
were otherwise charitably bestowed) might make sundry poore
indifferently rich. Now the last funerall duety appertained to  #
the 
Vespilones, or bear-men, whose peculiare calling was (beeing
followed in rankes by the Acoluthists their friends, wherof     #
now 
the Roman Bishops hes bereft them) to cary their corps in       #
their 
coffins to the graue. Such as wee see mentionned in Luke 7.
14. But among the rest, also, how far this auncient simplicity 
is inueterate, who beholdes our great burials may easily        #
consider. 
For althogh the death by all men should be thoght to be a kynde
of defeat from God, yet our Heroik burials are oft led lyke a   #
martiall 
triumphe, wherein the toutting of trumpets, trampling of 
steades, and trouping of men ranking themselues vnder stately 
standerts,  and punicall pinsels, displayed for whiuering in    #
the 
winde, may sufficiently testifie the dedolence of men, as if    #
by an 
vndantoned courage they would quarrelously demand the combate
<P 13>
in reuenge of the dead: and as if the worme (man) were able 
to stand out against the thunder-bolts of death delashed by     #
God. 
But alas, if in death we count our just kinsh, we might rather 
dismay and feare. For although in the kingdome of the second
comming we shall triumph with our head Christ, ouer the 
stingles grave, 1. Cor. 15. yet as first being by death         #
defeat, the first 
fall is ours euen to the dust. Ge.3. Wherein for our due        #
desert here 
we deserue with Christs theues to haue our legges broken,       #
rather
nor in pompe our badges borne. For looke how far fellonie may 
glory  in her letters, so far may we in our funerals wherewith  #
we 
but feard death. For as some Gentiles, where gold is            #
vernaculous
and plentifull, their catiues thogh therewith enchained, yet    #
remanes
catiues: so to vs, thogh our graue were of enamelled gold, yet 
it is but our graue, the monument of our common misery, that 
by diuine mercy onely may be remedied without farther meanes. 
And as a blood-gush made Iulian at last to knowe Christ, and 
Alexander (thogh  the maine Monarch) his mortality (against     #
the 
which he had beene beflattered before) so if we be not          #
frentick, 
our funerals should teach vs our transitory estate. For of all  #
pride 
this pompe I esteeme it most perillous, in respect that if the  #
world
will haue by it the graue restored to her victory, God for a    #
meeting 
to the world will restore death to his sting. For a document 
therefore against the which, the Lord did closly conuey the 
body of his owne dissolued Moses, from being the object of      #
such 
fecklesse ostentation and perillous pompe. Dent. 34. The which 
seeing in that great one the Lord did not allow, why should     #
our 
far lesse ones lawleslie claime it? And this for that ciuile    #
pompe 
that in buriall funerals is found blameable. 

<S SAMPLE 2>

<P 34>
[}REFUTATION OF ALL OBIECTIONS MAKING IN SHOWE 
FOR KIRK-BURIALL. CHAP.XIX.}]
   This ramasse of these reasons in the bygone discourse being 
thus made, it were tyme to stint here: were not the great       #
harted
<P 35>
patrones of this creased cause, hes resting some rag-footed     #
resons
that we must refute, that when their bemasked kirk-buriall 
shall be be-reft of her fig-tree buskings, they may either      #
rest at 
the trueth, or lyke renigate recusants refuse without reason.   #
For 
all they can bring for buriall in Kirk, is builded vp vpon the  #
sandy
foundation of three griplesse grounds. For first, there is a    #
crafty 
sort that pretends reason from the causes nature: next, there   #
is a 
combersome kynde, that vnder cullour of a right claime playes 
captane play. And last, the confused commons, does argue from 
their owne vse and others exemple. The first sect againe hes    #
two 
sorts to reason the cause: The pan-sauoring Papist, and the     #
dangerous
indifferent. For to the first no buriall is blest eneugh, that 
is not among the memorials of martyres, and canonized saintes 
for their soules helpe in Kirk: In the which religious reason   #
(although
both dead, prayer and purgatory might be taine in to refute, 
yet) I will not digresse, but hold on the point. So then where 
they alledge that religious buriall should be in religious      #
place, 
and consequently in the Kirk, they faill in their following:    #
as by 
their owne domesticke distinction of hallowed places may        #
appeare. 
For (sen some they call sacred, as quiers; and others           #
(\sancta\) 
or holy, as Kirks; a third sort religious, as buriall courts)   #
it will
rather follow that buriall an action of the religious ranke     #
onely
ought to be restrained from the whole Kirk to the court         #
without.
For indeed (to speake lyke no Papist) properly no place by 
it self is more holy nor others, for al the earth is the        #
Lords, Psa. 24
1. yet in a metonimicall meaning, the continent Kirk is called  #
sacred
or holy for the seruice of God contained therein, and should 
be secluded therefore from all other vse. For what proceeding   #
so 
euer we purpose to approue before God, he propones as a         #
condition
to obserue oportunity in doing of meete tyme and place, 
to these that would finde him a thankfull master: according to
the document giuen in his censure of the exchange in the        #
temple, 
Matt. 21. For althogh these marchants might be excused through 
their religious pretence, whose vent was to furnish the far     #
land 
Iewes, being vnprouyded of a demisicle for the Tabernacles      #
tribvte,
Exod. 30. and a turtle for the sin offering, Leuit. 5. Yet for 
their preposterous choise of the place, they are condemned.     #
For 
vpon the dittay of making prayers house a caue of knaues,       #
their 
<P 36>
doome was to be scourged away, for all their religious excuse, 
whereinto I could wish this sort to take head: for to presume   #
vpon
the prerogatiue of buriall, for being in Kirk-place, it were 
a braine-sick brade. For as Gregory sayeth, we ought not to     #
loue
the thing for the place, but the place for the thing it self.   #
And if otherwise
it were, why doe they so partially step-barne the               #
pursse-miserable
poore from such a soul-helpe? but hereof eneugh. Our 
indifferents againe are well dangerous. For in making all       #
place alike
lawfull for buriall laire, they cast in the Kirk as it were to  #
the 
mends. Like serpenting satan, that could abide no tree          #
vn-taisted 
in all the garden, Gen. 3. But the reason of this racklesse     #
assertion I 
could neuer read: but by the contrare (sen indifferencies are   #
things 
whose action imports interest neither to faith nor good maners)
misnurtered Kirk buriall is not indifferent. VVhat if a man 
would but minte to burye a body in the presencechamber of a 
Prince? would not the kempes of the corps-guarde not onely 
account him as clunishe, but cudzell him also for his capped    #
conseate, 
and such idiot indifferencie? and yet it is more to misuse the 
cabinet of God.  And suppose that it were by nature to be       #
ranked 
among indifferentes, yet it cannot remaine of that kynde. 
For, by the Apostles law, 1. Corinth. 10. all indifferent       #
libertie 
is bounded by edification and neighbourly loue, the which in 
Kirk-buriall a man cannot keepe; because it breedes a kynde 
of contempt of the secluded sorte, and a stumbling offence to 
the tender. And although it was long (yet louselie) held as 
indifferent in the doylde dayes, yet beeing now but vmwhile, 
and as an hes-beene, should neuer be more; in respect of the 
Kirk-fence and inhibition serued at the instance of God against
Kirk-buriall by our nationall assemblie, conueened in the       #
spirit 
of God about the first reformation. The vigour whereof should
strike vpon all that are not Kirk out-lawes, vnworthie of the 
communion of saints: And this for the craftiest ground from     #
the 
causes nature. The next squader that commes in, are captanes    #
of 
cheef, who when they haue proudly prefaced their ancester kirk
merite, they sacrilegiously will vsurpe a possessiue pronoun,   #
and 
with a full mouth say, this kirk, or at least this kirk-laire,  #
is mine:
And so wil conclude, by the law, I may ly here. But the         #
inspection
of pecces will finde this talke toome. And this kinde, as of    #
most 
<P 37>
cumber, is of two sortes: the first are the patrons of the      #
laick estate;
the rest are but portioners and possessors of old (as they      #
alledge)
of a Kirk-buriall place. The patron doeth reason his right 
to proceed of the reseruation of  a buriall priuiledge at the   #
founding
and dedication of their Kirks by their forebeares; wherein (I 
think by their leaue) they play fast and louse. For what is it  #
else, 
to dedicate the same thing a Kirk, and yet deteene it a         #
buriall, 
but to giue with the one hand, and to grippe againe with the    #
other?
Lyke Bellarmine who with a jugling distinction maks kirks
as they are temples to appertaine to God, but as they are       #
basilice`, 
that is sumptuous buildings, to appertaine to the saintes of    #
their 
dedication, the which gif-gaffing with God is the verie         #
simonicall
sin of Anani and Saphira his wyfe, punished with perdition, 
Acts 5. Against the which Esopes taile may well serue for a     #
tant, 
whose colzer and fuller taking vp an Innes, in respect of their
contrare cullours, could not lodge together. For the colzear,   #
by 
cowming the walkers whyte webs, did weary him away to shift 
for himself: As by our col-blacke behauiour heerein we are      #
lyke 
to doe to God. And if we looke to the law of Cherem, that is,   #
of 
things deuoted to God, Leuit. 27. 29. we see what we once annex
to the crowne of Christs Kingdome, the vnion is so              #
indissoluble, 
that neyther prescription of tyme, vsucapion of person, nor     #
boutgate
of circumstance can giue a regresse, if this greedie worlde 
could be induced to beleue. So, if  rightly we reason the       #
patronall 
right, their tittle beeing onerous and not lucratiue, they 
ought the Kirk a plane patrociny and protection of law. But 
vvhen by the contrare vnder this patronage pretence, they       #
eyther 
pinche the patrimony, or yet the Kirk-place, of Laik patrones
they becomme but lawlesse publicans, lyke Hophnees
vvith elcrookes to minche and not Samueles, to mense the        #
offerings
of God: Or otherwaies like the templarian Knights, who, 
beeing sometimes the kempes of the Kirkes, became at last the 
contemptuous tramplers of her liberties and robbers of her      #
rents. 
But this kind of patronage, though it leane on a law, yet (by   #
olde
canons) it wants place in burial, that by special exce~ption    #
hes beene 
euer remitted to the spirituall barre, onely meete for buriall  #
decisions. 
And this for the Patrones pretences, which I pray God it 
may haue power as much for to mooue their affectiones, as it    #
is 
<P 38>
able to conuince their conscience. Againe, the kyndely claime 
by possession that some cleaues to (that they will haue so      #
done 
old that the antiquitie is forgot) does rest yet to resolue.    #
But first,
I would demand at this sort (as did the King at the             #
garmentlesse 
guest, that being called and not chosen came to the wedding,    #
Mat. 
22.) how came they there? for once they must grant me the Innes 
was the Lords: but how their intrusion hes ejected God out,     #
aduyse
with their answere till the great day, or else in tyme with     #
remorse
repossesse. And if they claime tytle, condiscend of the 
kynde. For the Iewes doe comprise all titular rights vnder one  #
of 
three: acquisition, like Abrahams (in the conqueis of the       #
caue, 
Gen. 23.) Heredation, like Isaacs (succeding thereto)           #
lucrifaction, 
like Iacobs, whose wealth was the winning of his owne           #
handhammers.
But none of these sorts can compasse the Kirk. For if 
they call it conquies or the penny-worth of their pecunial      #
pryce, 
that is but simony sold & sacriledge boght. Is it their         #
heirship by 
ancester right? they succeed to a vice by inquest of error. For #
ther 
can be no cedence to such a succession. And last, for to win    #
such 
a wagde, sen none can propone such a pryse, I think shame       #
shold 
neuer let them say it. The best then remaines, that what        #
heerein 
by cauillation, with Zacheus, they doe vnjustly possesse, they  #
mak 
at least (within him) to the interessed Kirk, an one-fold       #
redresse in 
the feare of the Lord. The camshoch commons now at last coms 
in a rere warde to debate the cause: who rather flytes nor      #
formes 
reason, some from domestick vse, others from exoticke           #
exemple. 
For vse as their greatest gunne, they would seeme to say some 
what: alledging to a most auncient custome of keeping the       #
predecessor 
lare in buriall. To beeme-fill the which, they may bring 
(I confesse) some canons of counsels: But what makes this for   #
the 
cause? for thogh I should admit as lawfull, such earnest        #
adherence 
to paternall graue, yet sen the Kirk is no buriall at all, how  #
can it 
be claimed by thee throgh thy forbears? Or by what reason did 
the first of thy vpward lyne that lyeth in the Kirk, leaue off  #
his 
forbeares laire that lay in the yarde, if not farther yond?     #
But this 
reason I may rightly regyre: that sen the first followers of    #
that 
foly in buriall Apostasie, shaping themselues schismatick       #
Kirksepulchers,
did lawlesly leaue the auncient laire of their better 
aduysed elders, they are vnworthy of imitation. And to pretend 
<P 39>
conscience of keeping vse in misuse, thou wanst both right and 
and sound information. For suppose (by the Apostles order, 1.
Cor. 14.) the loue of parental laire be indifferently lawful,   #
yet the 
necessitie was neuer absolute, as we shew before; no not in     #
the 
lawfull place, let be in the Kirk. For althogh Iacob seeme to   #
vrge 
it, Gen. 49. and that to entertaine his posterity in full hope  #
to returne 
(whereof the thre patriarchall burials were a special pledg)
yet did he it without superstitious respect to Macpelaes caue. 
Witnes himselfe: in laying his departed Rachael, thogh not      #
farre 
from Mamre in Eprathaes way, Gen. 25. and Ioseph, whom the 
congregation conueyed (not to his fore-fathers caue) but to     #
Sechem,
Ios. 24. the Propheticall pledge of his double portion, 
Gen. 28. As for Ieroboams Prophet, whom for his preuarication 
they pretend to have beene punished with the depriuation of     #
his 
paternall laire, 1. Kings, 13. the Lords wordes meanes more     #
then 
they marke. For (as the 25. verse may comment the 21.) the      #
sense
is, that being preuented by death (as he was by the lyons       #
lench) 
he should neuer see home nor ly in the common laire by a        #
peaceable
death. Otherwise the penalty of his presumption in the want 
of the vsuall laire, had beene but slight, seeing buryed  he    #
was. So 
then vnder skough of the conscience scruple, to adheare to      #
this 
vncouth vse, it were but conceate and no conscience. For        #
beside 
the vnnecessity of keeping this custome, the consideration of   #
the 
impossibility of it should resolue the doubts in respect of     #
successional
multiplications. For as neither all Adams children, no nor 
Iaphets Gentiles, can be contained in graue with themselues, 
what tombe could intumulate any entyre race of folks? And       #
therfore 
in temple foundations (because nature in graue craues           #
elbow-roume, 
and abhorres to be rufled with ouer frequent discouery)
because the center Kirk was both incompetent and incapable 
of the congregations dead, there was alwayes a circumferent
yarde of thirty foote in compasse at least, or more, if the     #
occasion
of farther confluence requyred, set apart to burial bounds 
in common to all. But if thou would stand vpon a parentall      #
societie
in graue (seeing the desertes deserues to be deserted) seeke 
vpward to them that most Analogically liued in the purest       #
times: 
whose exemple thou may imitate with lesse heresie hazard. For 
as in ciuile entries to heritage, if it befor the better, men   #
can make 
<P 40>
leap-yeare of their father and seeke farther vppe: why may not 
thou in this case bissextile some bodily forebeares, that so    #
thou 
may enter to the most immaculate aunciety and fathers of        #
faith, 
whom all thou wilt finde not in the Kirk but in her courts      #
buryed?
as I reede you doe, or else in errour thou shalt more erre. 
For since vse is an euill ruse vvhere warrand is avvay, let     #
reason 
ouer-rule and ordour reforme. The sconce againe that they       #
carie 
of others exemple, is rather found an excuse for the fact, nor  #
a 
reason for it. But the wyte makes a wrong no more the better, 
nor did the trajection of our first parents fall, Genes.        #
chap. 3. 
on the author of it sathan, auailed vvith God. For in sifting   #
out 
their sinne to the far end (from Adam to Eua, from her to that  #
euill
one at last) as he did punishe all by proportion (the seducing
serpent with a curse, the inducing Eua with a crosse of         #
subjection 
and the grinding paines of her birth, the ouereasily adduced    #
Adam
with the care and sweatty labours of this militant lyfe) so 
may the Lord doe in this proces of ours. For as the             #
symoniacall 
seducers, that first lade this block before the blinde, with    #
the immediate
transmitters of Kirk-burial tradition, for this tymes  exemple
deserues at least, at the handes of God, both a crosse and 
a cursse: the very same they may justly also incurre, that      #
does 
obstinatly insiste in the trace of such foole-hardy footsteps.  #
For 
the which cause then, seeing inauthentick exemples are but      #
Egiptian 
reedes that doe harme the hand of him that leaneth on, 
we should looke how we should liue by the law, and not to goe 
louse by lawlesse exemples. And this far for such patrociny     #
that 
Kirk-buriall procutors doe vse pragmatically to pleade. But     #
the 
practicians now keepes vp for the as good, a reason in oddes, 
that lyke a pittard hes more pith nor all the rest whatsoeuer,  #
that 
they vse to take from the vse of a forehammer. The conclusion 
whereof in their clubbe-law, doth ofttymes make the Kirk-dore 
fling on the floore. And althogh to beligger the lodgings of    #
me~, 
for feare of their murther-holes, they wil looke ere they       #
loupe, 
yet to enforce the Kirk-house (as if God had no gunnes) there
are many of small feare. But to refute a reason so rough,       #
since it 
doeth passe our pastorall reach, in humble reuerence we         #
remitte 
the  same to the ciuile power, as by right appertaines. That    #
they 
who by calling should be the foster-fathers of the Kirk, Isa.   #
49.
<P 41>
may by the rod of their charge, represse such vnreasonable      #
insolence,
as they will answere to him that set them in ranke. And 
because that a publict law would best ridde the martch (if so   #
be 
that such feete may come so farre ben) I doe present this       #
petition
on the knees of the Kirk to his Highnesse selfe, that according
to our expectation, founded vppon his Majesties gratious
response (not far from the Assemblies sute heere-anent) he      #
wold 
procure an inacted law to beem fill the Kirk acts against       #
Kirkburiall:
whereby secluding all from the Kirk-laire, the great 
ones and good ones, whom qualitie and condition does exeeme 
from populare case, may in tyme begin to talke of a tombe, or   #
else 
a new Ile for burial vse. 



<B SHIST2A> 
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<N LESLEY HISTORY> 
<A LESLEY JOHN> 
<C SC2> 
<O DATE 1570> 
<M MEDIUM MS> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T HISTORY> 
<G X> 
<F X> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X MALE> 
<Y 40-60> 
<H HIGH PROF> 
<U NET DOCUM/PUBLIC> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I X> 
<Z NARR NON-IMAG> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^LESLEY, JOHN. 
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, FROM THE DEATH OF KING JAMES I
... TO THE YEAR M.D.LXI. BANNATYNE CLUB, 38.
EDINBURGH 1830.
PP. 234.14-264.14.^]

<P 234>
[}QUENE MARIE}]
   The Quene dowarier being a wyfe, discreit and politique      #
ladie, considering
the gret quyetnes that the realme of Scotland was broucht       #
unto, 
be the helpe and support send frome France to the releif and    #
libertie of 
Scotlande, frome the gret thraldome and apperand danger was     #
licklie 
and emanent thairto throch the cruell persuit of Ingland; for   #
the quhilk 
sho thought that sho had deserved gret fawour and thankis of    #
the nobilitie
and subjectis of Scotlande, and no les of the King of France    #
and 
his nobilitie; for that sho had caused convoye the Quene hir    #
dochtir heretour
of Scotland into France, quhairby thair was gret apperance      #
that the 
realme of Scotland suld remane in all tymis cuming not onlie    #
joynit 
with thame in frindship as thair princepall considerat and      #
allya, lyk as 
it had bene contenowallie be the space of viij hundreth yeris   #
preceiding;
bot also now it mycht be maide moir subject and bound unto      #
thame, 
yea, as a provnce joynit unto France be mariage, as Britang+ge  #
and 
Normoundie ar subject at this present; and to the effect sho    #
mycht 
congratulat and rejoise with the King of France and hir         #
freindis thair, 
and also to visite the Quene hir dochter, bot most              #
princepallie to prepair 
<P 235>
and fynd all moyens, be the quhilkis sho mycht obtane the       #
governement 
of the realme of Scotlande and be regent thairof, as it so      #
come to pas 
eftirwart; sho determinat be the adwyse of Messires Dosell, de 
Thermes, la Chapelle and utheris wyfe French men, to make a     #
voyage 
in France. And to the effect sho sould be the bettir            #
accumpaneit, and 
to caus the King and hir freind knaw the gret fawoir and luf    #
that sho
had of the nobill men of Scotland, persuadit a gret nombre of   #
Erlis, 
Lordis, Barronis and gentill men of Scotland to accumpanie hir  #
during 
hir wayage; principallie the Erle of Huntlie and his lady, and  #
his moder, 
Erlis Merchell, Sutherlande, Cassillis and dyvers utheris,      #
quha glaidlie 
obeyit hir desyre, and maid preparatione during the rest of     #
that symmer 
for the same. The Quene also send in France for certane         #
gallayis to 
cum in Scotland for hir moir suir convoy .
  Quhen thir thingis war preparing, the Erle of Huntlie caused  #
take 
Williame M'Kintoche of Dunnachtane capitane of the Glenhatten,  #
quha 
was accused for the concealing of ane conspiracie devised       #
aganis the said 
Erle, being chancelar of Scotlande, liuetennentgenerall of      #
the northepartis, 
and our lord to the saide Williame M'Kintosche of his landis;   #
quha come in 
the said Erlis will for the samin, and thairfoir he was heidit  #
at Strabogy in 
the moneth of August, and his landis forfaltit. For the quhilk  #
caus thair 
was gret appearance of feade betuix the erle of Huntlie and     #
the Erle of 
Cassillis and utheris, quha lamented M'Kintocheis deid. Bot     #
the mater 
was eftir aggreit be the Quene Regent, and the proces of        #
forfaltour reduced,
and M'Kintochis air restored to his haill landis. Yet the kin   #
of Glenhattan 
tuik revenge thairof; for shortlie thaireftir the principallis  #
of thame enterit 
be policie within the castell of Pettie, quhair Lauchlane       #
M'Kintoche remanit,
quhom thay allegit to be the authour and inventar of that       #
purpose, and 
first revelar thairof to the Erle of Huntlie; and thairfoir     #
they crewellie 
slew him, albeit he was of thair awin kin, and banished all     #
thame that 
pertenit to him furth of thair boundis. 
<P 236>
   In the beginning of the moneth of Septembre, Leowin Strosse  #
priour 
of Capoa, arryved in Scotlande, with sax gallayis and certane   #
shippes;
and shortlie thairefter the Quene douarier, accumpaneit with    #
the Erle 
of Huntlie and a gret nombre of the nobilitie of Scotlande, of  #
ladeis and 
gentill men, with Monsieur Dosell, de Thermes and uthers        #
Frenche 
and Italiane capitans, enbarqued at Leyth, and sayled with      #
prosperous 
windis be the coist of Ingland  till France, quhair thay        #
arryvit in the 
raid of Deip, and landit thair with all thair hoill cumpanie    #
the xix day 
of September; quhair sho was honorable receaved, and frome      #
that convoyit
to Rowen, quhair the King was then resident, making his entre 
thair; quho receaved hir with gret effectione and fawour,       #
shawin alswell
to all the nobill men that was with hir as to hir self; quhair  #
the 
King kepit the solempnitie of the ordour of Sanct Michaell      #
with gret 
triumph, amangis the quhilk the Erle of Huntlie was honourable  #
plesed 
as one of thame, according to his ancietie and estait. In this  #
triumphe,
and all the rest of the voyage, the Quene of Scotlande was      #
present in 
the Kingis courte, quhilk was verey confortable to the Quene    #
douarier
and rest of the nobill men of Scotlande; quha remanit still in  #
the King 
of France cumpanie till his cuming to Pareis, quhilk was aboute #
the 
middest of October, quhair thair was guid intertenement maid    #
to the 
Quene douarier and nobill men of Scotlande, be the nobilitie    #
of France,
specialie the Quenis frendis. Bot  most of all, the King him    #
self used 
so gret familiartie and sa humane and gentill behaveour toward  #
thame, 
and specialie toward the Erle of Huntlie and utheris, that he   #
allured 
thair hairttis in sic sort, that at all tyme the said King      #
Henrie was 
thocht to be the moist humane and luffing King to Scottis men   #
of ony 
that had bene mony yeris preceding; and so hie contenowit in    #
the same 
favour to his deith. And eftir the King had tareit thair        #
certane dais, 
he tuik his jornay toward Bloyse, and be the way maid his       #
entre in the 
toun of Chartres, the xx day of November, accompaneit with the  #
Quene 
<P 237>
of Scotlande and the Quene douarier hir moder, and the nobill   #
men of 
Scotlande; and frome that maid his entre in Bloyse, quhair the  #
Quene 
of Scotlande and the rest of that cumpanye maid residens all    #
the rest of 
that winter. During the quhilk tyme the Quene douarier did      #
oppin 
the caus of hir cuming into France to the King and his secreit  #
counsallouris, 
be the adwyse of the duike of Guise and Cardinall of Lorane     #
hir 
brethir, principallie for advancing of hir to the governement   #
of the 
realme of Scotland, quhilk was thocht verrey guid, and          #
approved be 
the King and his counsall, quha referrit the ordering and dres  #
of the 
hoill matter principallie to the Quene his self, specialie      #
quhat was to 
be observed to draw the governement of the realme furth of the  #
Duik 
of Chattillirailt handis without ony tumult. And to the effect  #
the Quene 
mycht bring hir purpose bettir to pas, sho persuadit the King   #
to grant 
a gift of the ducherie of Chattilliro in heretage to the Erle   #
of Arrane, 
than Governour of  Scotlande, making also his eldest sone       #
capitane of  
the Scottis cumpanie and men of armes and archers in France;    #
lyk 
wayis to mak ane gifte of the erledome of Murray in heretage    #
to the 
Erle of Huntlie; a gift of the erledome of Rothes to one of     #
the Erle of 
Rothes awin sonis, quha had mareit the Governors cousignes; a   #
new 
gifte of erledome of Angus to the Erle thairof; and siclike of  #
the 
erledome of Mortoun to Georg Douglas sone; with a gret nombre   #
of 
utheris giftis and confirmationis maid be the King to syndre    #
uther particuler
nobill and gentill men onder his seill and hand wreit,          #
oblishing
him (\in verbo regio\) to caus the Quene of Scotlande, at hir   #
perfyte aige, 
ratifie and approve the samyn, or ellis he to gif thame as      #
guid within 
the realme of France; apoun the quhilkis thair wes lettres      #
patentis 
maid in dew forme, quhilkis the Quene douarier delivered to     #
everye 
ane at hir discretione. 
   In this meintyme, the Governour of Scotlande send Sir        #
Robert Carnegy
knycht, in France, to gif the King most hartlie thankis for     #
the gret 
<P 238>
supporte he had send in Scotlande, throch the quhilk the        #
Inglismen war 
expellit furth of the realme. Bot or his returning, the Quene   #
douarier 
caused the king propone to the bischope of Ros, than resident   #
ambassadour
for Scotlande in France, and to the saide Sir Robert, and to 
Maister Gawin Hamiltoun abbot of Kilvinning, the first motione, #
that 
the Quene douarier suld haif the governement of the realme of   #
Scotlande,
and be maid regent thairof. And to gratifie the Governour in 
the meintyme, the said ambassadours receaved possession of the  #
ducherie 
of Chattilliroult, towin and palice thairof, in the             #
Governouris name, and 
appointit ane gentill man, callit James Hammiltoun of           #
Ormestoun, to 
haif cure and charge, and receave the fruittis and rentis       #
thairof, to his 
utilitie and proffeit; and lykewyse his eldest sone, the Erle   #
of Arrane, 
being than in France, receaved charge of the Scottis cumpanie,  #
men of 
armes and archers, with honorabill estait and intertenement     #
for the 
samyn. And so the said Sir Robert Carnegy returnit in           #
Scotlande;
and shortlie thaireftir, the bischope of Ros followit, to       #
persuaid the Governour
to aggre to the kingis desyris, quhairin he maid gret travell, 
quhill at last he brocht the same to passe; and for his         #
reward, the king 
gaif to him the abay of Lassye in France, quhilk he enjoyit     #
thaireftir all 
his dayis. 
   At this tyme, King Eduard of Inglande send the Marques of    #
Northamptoun
and certane utheris nobill men of Inglande, in message to the 
King of France to Bloyse; quhair thair was gret bonespellis,    #
matches 
and wedfeis betuix the Scottismen and the Inglismen in sindre   #
gammes,
exercise of thair bodeis, alsweill with the croce bow, putting  #
of the 
stane, and bar of irine, as in wrasling and sindre utheris      #
gammes, quhairin 
thay did excell all uther nations; sua that the King and        #
nobilitie of 
France tuike gret pleasour thairof, and thay used thame         #
selffis to the gret 
honor of boith thair nations, albeit in treuith the Scottismen  #
did excell
the uther in the most pairt of all foirsaide gammes. 
<P 239>
   In the beginning of symmer thaireftir, the King,             #
accumpaneit with 
the Quene of Scotlande, Quene douarier, and nobilitie thairof,  #
past to 
the tounes of Towres, Anges, Nantis, and divers utheris townis  #
in the 
ducherie of Britang+ge, and maid his entres, quhair he was with #
grete 
triumphe receaved; and eftir his returning, lykewyse in         #
Orleance, and 
fre that come to Fontaneblew; quhair the Quene douarier and     #
all the 
nobilitie of Scotlande, tuik thair leif of the King and the     #
Quene of 
Scotlande, and nobill men of France, with gret fawour,          #
benevolens and 
guid intertenement; and fre that the Quene douarier past to     #
Jamveill 
in Champaing+ge, to visse the Duches of Guise hir modir and     #
utheris hir 
freindis, quha than was in duile for departing of that nobill   #
and ancient 
prince the Duike of Guyse hir fader, quha deceissit the yeir    #
preceding.
In the meintyme, the most pairt of hir cumpanie remanit in      #
Paris bying 
and preparing sindre thingis to be had in Scotlande with        #
thame, quhilkis 
was moir superfluus nor necesser, as everie ains, bot specialie #
the ladeis 
fantaseis did move thame; and fre that the Quene douarier and   #
all hir 
cumpanie com to Rwan, quhair sho tuik purpose to pas in         #
Scotlande 
throch Ingland, and so embarkin thair, past be watter to the    #
New Heavin,
and frome that salit throch the sey, and landit at Portismowth 
apoun the west parte of Inglande; quhair sho was honorablie     #
receaved 
and interteneit, and convoyit throch Hampschyre, Sussex and     #
Surrey,
be the Erle of Southamptone, Lord Williame Haward and uther     #
nobill
men with gret cumpaneis, quhill sho come to Hamptoun courte,    #
quhair 
sho was receaved be King Eduard, with gret benivolens and well  #
interteneit;
and fre that convoyit doun the river of Temmes in the Kingis 
bairges to Lundoun, and ludged in the bischope of Lundonis      #
palice;
and shortlie thaireftir, King Eduard come to the Quhythall for  #
intertenement
of the Quene douarier, quhair gret banqueting and honorable 
pastyme was maid, and all the antiquiteis, monumentis and       #
princepall 
jouallis of the realme was shawin to hir. And than was          #
proponit to hir 
<P 240>
in most effecteous maner be King Eduard, to persuade the King   #
of 
France to leave the mariage of the Quene of Scotlande with his  #
eldest 
sone, and to aggre that he mycht marie hir, according to the    #
first appointment 
maid be the Governour and estatis of Scotlande to that effect, 
quhilk he affirmed was most meit for the unione of boith the    #
realmes, 
stanching of bluid, and for a perpetuall quietnes in tymis      #
cuming; and 
he assured hir, that utherwayis quhosoever mareit hir suld not  #
haif hir 
with his kindnes, bot he suld be ennemy to him in all tymis     #
cuming.
To the quhilk, the said nobill lady maid wyse ansueris,         #
affirmyng that 
the fault was in the rigorous perswit maid be fyre and suord    #
be the 
Protectour and utheris of his cunsall, aganis the realme of     #
Scotlande, 
that forced the nobilitie to seik support fro France, and       #
thair throch was 
constraned to send the Quene thair; and that sic fassione of    #
dealing was 
not the nerrest way to cunques a lady and princes of heretage   #
in mariage,
quho suld rather be socht be curtes, humane and gentill         #
behaviour, 
nor be rigorous crewell and extreme persuit; and forder, gif    #
thay had 
begun at hir guid will quha was modir to the Quene, quhen thay  #
attempted
uther extraordinall meanes, sho had shawin hir moir faworabill 
in that mater. Yit since so it was happinnit, that the King     #
him selfe 
had proponit the mater unto her, sho promiset to make           #
advertisment 
thairof to the King of France and hir freindis thair, shortlie  #
eftir hir 
returning in Scotland. And so eftir guid intertenement, sho     #
tuike hir 
leif of the King, and was honorablie convoyit through the       #
citie of 
Lundoun be the Duik of Northumberland, Erle of Penbruch, and 
mony uther nobill men; the Mair of the citie and auldermen      #
being 
placed in the way in honorabill cumpaneis, and thairfre passit  #
to Wair;
and all the way quhill sho come to Bervicke, certane nobill     #
was appointit
in everie sherefdome for hir honorabill convoye; and thairfre 
past in Scotlande, quhair sho was receaved be the Erle          #
Bothuile, Lord 
Hwme and utheris barronis apoun the bordouris, and convoyit to  #
Edinburgh,
<P 241>
quhair the Governour receaved hir with gret honour and fawour. 
And here is to be rememberit, that quhen the Quene ambarqued    #
at 
Newhevin to pas in Ingland, that the Erle of Huntlie wald not   #
pas 
with hir, for that he feared that in case he entered within     #
Ingland, he 
walde be stayed be reasoun he departed, being presoner in       #
thair handis, 
bot thair licence or ransoun payed; and thairfoir saled the     #
neirest way 
be the coast of Ingland in Scotland, and landit at the toun of  #
Montrose, 
in the end of the moneth of September; and mony of the          #
princepall of  
the nobill men returnit also in Scotlande be the same way.      #
Quhill 
the Quene regent was in France, thair was ane tressonable       #
practise devised
and interprised to be execut, for poysoning of the Quene of     #
Scotland 
in France, quhilk was tryed furth and reveled be ane            #
Scottisman 
callit James Hendersoun, at that tyme resident in Ingland; be   #
quhais 
advertisment, the principall authour callit Stewart, being      #
ane archear of 
the King of France gard, quha had takin upon hand to execut     #
the same, 
was apprehendit in the towne of Blaisse in France, and eftir    #
dyvers tormentis
was hangit and quarterit for the same. 
   In this yeir of God, I=m= V=c= and fiftie ane yeiris, the    #
Governour caused
hald ane parliament in the moneth of Maij, and ane uther in     #
the moneth 
of Februar thaireftir; quhairin thair was sindry actis and      #
guid lawis
maid for the commone wele of the realme, and executioun of      #
justice. 
   Sone eftir the Quenis returning, sho labored to aggre all    #
the nobill
men o sic debaittis, controversies and querrellis, as had       #
bene nurist 
amangis thame the tyme of the warris, specialie for the rycht   #
and tytilles 
of certane of the princepall benefices of the realme, quhilkis  #
had bene 
lang in question amangis thame, quhairof the agrement was       #
refferred 
unto hir; quha, be the adwyse of the Governour, Erlis of        #
Huntlie, Angus,
Argyle, ordanit, that the Governouris brodir suld remane        #
bischop of 
Sanct Androis, quhairto he was alreddy provydit; and his        #
seconde sone 
suld haif the abacye of Arbroith; and that Maister James        #
Betoun, quha 
<P 242>
had richt to the said abacye, suld be promoved to the           #
archebischoprik 
of Glasgw; and the possessione of the bischoprik of Dunkell     #
suld be left 
be the abbot of Cowper, quha was the Erle of Argylis frend,     #
and gevin 
to ane Creychtoun, quha was lauchfullie providit thairto; and   #
in recompense 
of the said abbot, suld haif the first bischoprik that          #
hapinnit to 
waik, quhilk was the bischoprik of Brechin, to the quhilk he    #
was nominat
be the Quene thaireftir. Lykwyse, Maister Alexander Gordoun, 
brodir to the Erle of Huntly, being anis providit and           #
consecret at 
Rowme archebischope of Glasgw; for renuncing of the tytle       #
thairof, 
he gat the gift of the abbacy of Inchechaffray, and retynit     #
the stile of 
ane archebischoppe, being titillit of Athenis, till he was      #
promoved to the 
bischoprik of Galloway in Scotlande. Thir and mony uther        #
controverseis
war aggreit, be the wisdome and gret discretione of the         #
nobilitie, 
and the Quene douarier, to the quietnes and contentatioun of    #
all the 
hoill cuntrey. 
   About the samyn tyme, ane lerned wyse aged father, callit    #
Doctor 
Wauchop Scottisman, archebischop of Armacham in Ireland, quha   #
was 
contenowalie frome his infancy blind, yit was of so excellent   #
guid lerning
and knawlege, that he was maid doctour of theologie in Paris;   #
for  
the quhilk, and for his wisdome and experience, he was          #
promoved be 
Paip Paule the third to the said archebischoprike, and send     #
legate and 
ambassadour be him and Paip Julij the third oftymes to the      #
Empreour, 
and in France, Scotland, Ireland, and uther partis, with        #
commision also 
of a legat a latere, quhair he execut his charge wyslye and     #
discretlie to the 
admiratione of many, and to the gret honour of his hoill        #
natione, and now 
deceissit in Paris the x day of November, and was bureid in     #
the Gray freris. 
   During the tyme that the Quene douarier and the nobilitie    #
of Scotlande
was in France, thair come ane doctour phisitiane, callit        #
Ramsay, 
Scottisman, furth of Turing in Pyedmount to France, being of    #
gret 
aige and guid lerning and experience, quha served all the       #
nobill men of 
<P 243>
Scotland and thair hoill cumpanye, with sic things as was       #
necessar for 
thame, frelie apoun his awin charges, moved onely for the       #
zeill he buir 
toward his cuntrey; swa that he wald not suffer thame to cum    #
onder the 
cuir and medicine of strangers, in case thay mycht haif         #
hapinnit in sum 
onrecoverabill inconvenient, ather be evill drogges or          #
onlerned mixtour 
thairof; as happinit to the nobill men quha come to the         #
mariage of the 
Quene in France in the fiftie aucht yere of God thaireftir.
   The hoill realme of Scotland being this maner in quyetnes,   #
everye 
man addrest him self to policie, and to big, plant and          #
pleneise those 
rowmes quhilkis throch the trublis of the warris, be Inglismen  #
or utheris 
had bene wasted, brint, spulyeit, or distroyit; and for         #
establissing throch 
all the partis of the realme, the Governour be advyse of the    #
Quene and 
nobilitie, determinit to hald justice aris throch all the       #
partis of the 
realme, and that rather for staying of trubles in tymis, nor    #
for rigorous 
punishment of anye offences by past; and to that effect, he     #
being accumpaneit
with the Quene and syndre uther nobill men, past in the 
north partis of Scotlande, and first held his aris at Invernes  #
in the moneth
of Julij; quhair thair was litill punishment or executione of   #
mennis 
bodeis, bot certane compositioun of money takin frome every     #
man according
to his strait conditione, and qualitie of the cryme; and fra    #
that 
come forduart to Elgin, Banf and Aberden; thaireftir to Dundie  #
and 
Perth, quhair the lyk ordour was observed and kepit; and from   #
that past 
in the west cuntrey to Glasgw, Langrig, Dumfreis, and utheris   #
partis, 
doing the like thair; as in Edinburgh, Louthiane and these      #
partis in the 
nixt winter. And in the tyme of Lentren thaireftir he past to   #
Jedbrough 
quhair he held his aris, putting ordour and guid rule to all    #
the effaris of 
the bordouris, boith on the eist and myddill merchis, as he     #
had done in 
Dumfries on the west of befoir; appointing wyse and discrete    #
capitanis, 
wardanis and officers thairupoun, quha kepit all the bordouris  #
in guid 
justice and quietnes. 
<P 244>
   In this progres, Sir George Douglas of Pettindrich knycht,   #
brodir to 
the Erle of Angus, quha had beine a man of gret wit and         #
experience, 
deceissit in the tyme of the aris in Elgin; quhome I do heir    #
remember, 
for that he was so well knawin in his tyme in France, Scotland  #
and 
in Inglande, for his politeque and wechetie effares in the oft  #
changes of 
the governement of Scotlande, quhairin his inventionis and      #
moyens was 
not the leist. About the same tyme, Alexander Lord Gordon,      #
eldest 
sone to the Erle of Huntly, quha had mareit the Governouris     #
dochtir, 
and was a verrey wyse young man of guid qualiteis, deceissit    #
of ane 
bleding at Edinburgh. 
   At the tyme of the Governouris residens in Jedbruche,        #
Maister Dauid 
Panter bischope of Ros, albeit not than consecrat, quha had     #
bene contenowalie
ambassadour resident in France sevin yeris preceding, arryvit 
in Jedburgh, and was thair consecrat bischope with grete        #
solempnitie, 
triumphe and banqueting; quhair thair was sindrie of the        #
bordouraris 
maid knychtis, sic as the lairdis of Sesford, Farneherst,       #
Coldounknowis,
Sir Androw Kar of Littildein, the Larde of Grenheide,           #
Balcleuch and 
sindre utheris; and swa the Governor leissing all in quietnes   #
apoun the 
bordouris, returnit to Edinburgh. 
   During all the tyme of this progres and holding of aris,     #
the Quene 
douarier passit contenowalie in company with the Governor       #
throche all 
the partis of the realme; quhair sho laborit secreitlie at all  #
the lordis 
handis, boith spirituall and temporall, to aggre and gif thair  #
consentis 
to hir to be admittit regent of the realme of Scotlande,        #
during the rest 
of the minoritie of the Quene hir dochtir; and that sho mycht   #
be receaved
thairto quhosone the yeris of the tutorie suld be run furth     #
and 
endit, and soner gif law wald permit the samin; or in cais the  #
Governour
mycht be persuadit for favour, pleasour or guid deid, befoir    #
the tyme 
thairof war run out, to leif the samyn; and for this effect     #
sho maid syndrie
promiseis of gret rewardis, with privie bandis to the lordis    #
particularlie;
<P 245>
be the quhilk sho drew almost the hoill nobilitie of Scotland   #
to be 
of hir opinione, and to subscrive secretlie with hir; and so    #
thinking hir 
self assured of thame, sho caused the said bishope of Ros move  #
the mater 
to the Governour, desyringe him, apoun the King of Frances      #
name, to 
leiff the office and governement of the realme to the Quene     #
douarier 
with favour and benevolens. To the quhilk the governour on no   #
wayis 
at the first wald aggre, so that thair apperit gret divisione   #
to be betuix
him and the Quene, in sic sort that all the rest of that yeir   #
the Governour 
remained for the most pairt in Edinburgh, accumpaneit with ane  #
few 
nomber of lordis, and the Quene in Striveling, quhair sho had   #
gret resort
and almost contenowall cumpanie of the Erle of Angus, Huntly, 
Argyle, Atholl, Cassillis and mony utheris, in hoip of change   #
of the 
authoritie, to be rewardit for thair assistance. The Quene      #
perceaving 
the Governour not willing to leif the tutorie befoir the xij    #
yeris war compleit,
be the adwyse and counsall of sum exparte, did bringe a         #
questione 
that the same was alreddy experit and run furth quhosone the    #
Quene 
was xj yeris compleit and entered in the xij yeir of hir aige,  #
as sho was 
than presentlie apoun the sevint day of November in the yeir    #
of God
I=m= V=c= liij yeris; affirming that a yeir befoire the birth,  #
quhen that a prince 
is in the modir wombe suld be compted as they had bene borne,   #
quhensoevir
it may further advance thame in ony thing, and so to haif bene 
observed alsweill to the Princes of the realme of Scotlande as  #
within 
utheir cuntreis in tymis past. And to that effecte sho wreit    #
to all the 
nobill men of Scotlande, to conveine with hir at Striveling at  #
ane certane
day appointit thairto, to gif thair adwyse and consent          #
thairupoun;
quhair thay all convenit to that effect; so that the Governour  #
remanit 
almost his allaine in Edinburgh, accumpaneit onlie with the     #
bischope 
of Sanct Androis and Lord Levingstoun; quhair considering that  #
he 
culd not weill resist aganis the Quene douarier and the hoill   #
nobilitie, 
be eirnstfull messages and lettres send to him be the Erle of   #
Huntlye 
<P 246>
and utheris nobill men, he past towart Striveling, and thair    #
be the adwyse 
of the hoill nobilitie and counsall, thair was a finall         #
aggrement 
maid betuix the Quene and Governour, that he suld leif, dimit   #
and gif 
our the office of tutorie of the Quene and governement of the   #
realme, 
to the effect that the Quene mycht cheife curatouris in         #
France, and be 
thair adwyse appoint the Quene douarier Regent of the realme    #
of Scotlande,
or ony utheir at thair pleasour; and that one parliament sould  #
be 
appointit to be haldin in the monethe of Aprile nixt following  #
in Edinburgh,
quhair the Governour sould publiclie gif our the said office;   #
and 
in the meintyme, for suir keping of his part, he aggreit to     #
deliver than 
presentlie the castell of Edinburgh in the handis of the Lord   #
Erskin, to be 
kepit unto the saide parliament, apoun that condicioune, that   #
in caise the 
Governor wald not keip his promeise, than the samyn sould be    #
delivered 
to the Quene douarier; and on the uther parte, in case sic      #
conditions as 
was promised to him suld not be kept, the said castell sould    #
be randerit 
agane to the Governour. Lykwyse the Quene douarier promesed to  #
the 
Governour ane full and ample discharge of all intromissioun     #
with King 
James the fyftis treassouris of gold and money, jowellis,       #
silver veshell, 
copbourdis, movables and plenishing, all utheris thingis        #
belonging
unto him the tyme of his deceis; and siclik ane discharge of    #
intromissioun
with all the fruittis, rentis, alsweill of the propertie as     #
causualtie 
pertening to the patrimonie of the crowne, intromettit or       #
receaved, or 
quhilkis suld haif bene receaved be him or ony in his name,     #
from the 
deceis of the King to the tyme of the nixt parliament; with     #
sufficient 
confirmatione of all giftis of benefices, wardis, mariages or   #
uther 
causualiteis quhatsumevir during the said tyme, and ane         #
confirmatione 
of the gift of the ducherie of Chattillirault to him and his    #
aris; and that 
the castell of Dumbartane suld remane in the Governouris        #
handis quhill 
the Quenis perfit aige; with sindre utheris pactionis,          #
promesis and conditionis.
And for suir keping thairof, the Quene promesed to caus the 
<P 247>
thre estatis of the realme to be bundin and oblist onder thair  #
hand wreit 
and seales, lyk as the lordis thair present did than oblis      #
thame, that all 
the foirsaid suld be keipt unto the Governour, and that the     #
Quene sould 
nevir revoik, bot ratifie and appreve the samyn at hir perfyt   #
aige. And 
that in the same parliament the Duik of Chattillorault suld be  #
declarit 
be the thre estatis to be secounde persone to the realme, and   #
just and 
lawful heretour to the crowne, failyeing the Quene and the      #
lauchfull successione
of hir body. And swa all thir heades being well aggreit, the 
conventione was dissolvit; and for performing thairof, the      #
Governor 
presentlie caused deliver the keping of the castell of          #
Edinburgh, with 
all munitione being thairintill, to the Lord Erskyn; and the    #
Quene 
send with all speid in France, to obtene all sic discharges,    #
giftis, confirmations,
commissionis, and sic uther thingis necessar to be had agane 
the nixte parliament. 
   Quhill this appearance of divisione was standing betuix the  #
Governour 
and Quene, thair was sum in dyvers partis of the realme that    #
preissed to 
waikin auld deidlie feaddes, and to quyt querrellis, thinking   #
than to be 
tyme most convenient, for that it apperit most easie to thame   #
to get remissioun
of thair wicked dedis ather frome thame that left the           #
authorite, or 
thame that entered thairintill. Apoun this pretence, as         #
appered, the laird 
of Balcleuch was slayne in Edinburgh be the Karris;             #
quhairupoun gret 
fead and displeasour followit betuix the surnames of the        #
Karris and 
Scottis; and about the samyn tyme the maister of Ruthven slew   #
ane 
wailyeant gentill man callit Johne Charteris of Kinclevin in    #
Edinburgh,
apoun occasione of auld fead, and for staying a decreit of ane  #
proces 
quhilk the said Johne persewit aganis him befoir the Lordis of  #
the Sessione;
quhairupoun occasioun was taikin in the nixt parliament, that 
thair was a law maid that quhasumevir he was that slew any man  #
for 
the persuit of any actione aganis him, that he sulde lose the   #
rycht and 
tytle of his actione, and the slayer suld be also punished in   #
body and 
<P 248>
guidis according to the lawis of the realme; quhilk was the     #
occatione 
of staying of sic crewell attemptis in tyme cuming. At the      #
same tyme, 
the Lord Sempill slew the Lord Creychtoun of Sanchar in the     #
Governouris
awin hous, apoun a suddan, within the toun of Edinburgh; for    #
the 
quhilk he was taikin and put in the castell of Edinburgh, and   #
had bene
execut thairfoir, war not the gret laboris maid be the Lorde    #
Sancharis 
freindis for sauftie of his lyf, through ane aggrement that     #
was labored 
betuix thame, be moyence of the bischop of Sanctandrois and     #
utheris 
his frendis at that tyme. 
   Quhen thir things was in doing in Scotlande, Edwarde the     #
sixt King 
of Ingland be long lingering seiknes departit out of this lyf   #
the sixt daie of 
Julij I=m= V=c= liij yeris; and immediatlie eftir his deceis,   #
apoun the ix daye 
of Julij, be meanis and laboris of the Duik of Northumberland   #
and 
utheris of his factione, ane callit Lady Jane, dochtir to the   #
Duik of 
Suffolke, was proclamed Quene; quhilk was the caus of gret      #
trubill to 
the said Duik and Ladye and all thair frendis; for apoun the    #
xx day of 
Julij nixt following, Ladye Marie, eldest dochtir of King       #
Henry the 
aucht, was proclamed and receaved Quene be the hoill nobilitie  #
and 
universall consent of the Estatis of the realme; and shortlie   #
thaireftir,
the Duik of Northhumberland, Duik of Suffolk, Lady Jane and     #
hir 
husbande Lorde Gilford, with a gret nomber of utheris, war all  #
beheidit 
at Lundoun; and the said Quene Marie being cronit, convenit a   #
parleament,
in the quhilk sho reduced the hoill realme to the auld          #
catholique 
religion, for observatione of the ordour used, ministratioun    #
of the 
sacramentis, messe and utheris service; admitting also the      #
suppremicie 
of the seate of Rome  within that realme, as it had bene used   #
in the 
beginning of King Henry the VIII hir faderis regne. And         #
shortlie 
thaireftir sho was mareit with Philip than Prince, now King of  #
Spainye, 
eldest sone to the emprior; for the quhilk caus thair was       #
rased sindre 
insurrectionis and conspiraceis within the realme of Inglande   #
aganis the 
<P 249>
said mariage; quhilkis was quenched and set doun, bot not       #
without 
gret executione and bluid shed of the conspiratours thairof, as #
may be 
sene in thair cronicles and annellis, quha liftis to reid at    #
lenth. 
   Sone eftir the coronatione, all strangers, specialie the     #
Scottis men, 
quha ather for crymis or for religione, war banished thair      #
awin cuntreis, 
and ressait in Ingland in King Eduardis tyme, war charged to    #
depairt 
furth of that realme; and thairfoir Normound Leslie Maister of  #
Rothes, 
Laird of Grange, Maister Henry Balnafeis and thair cumpanie,    #
being 
banished Scotlande for the slauchter of the Cardinall, also     #
the Lairdis 
of Brunstoun and Ormestoun, and utheris than resident in        #
Inglande, 
returnit in France. Normound was employed in service of the     #
warris 
be King Henry of France aganis the Emprior, and gat the charge  #
of  
ane hundrethe lycht horsmen, in the quhilk he used him self     #
verrey vailyeantlie;
purposing thairby, that he mycht recover boith his honour and 
leaving, quhilk he had losed in Scotland be wicked counsell of  #
utheris,
in assisting that ungodlie deid, quhilk he repented verrey      #
soir at all 
tyme. Bot eftir syndre vailyeant factis and dedis of armes,     #
verrey happelie 
and curageouslie done be him in tha weares, to the gret honour  #
and 
confort of his natione, in a scarmushe at Rentoun in Picardie,  #
he was 
woundit be a shot of a pistolet, and of that hurt he deceisset  #
at Montrell 
the xxix day of August 1554. The King of France, for            #
recompance of 
his service, receaved his eldest brodir Williame in fawour,     #
and maid him 
gentill man of his chalmer, and he send the Lord of Grange and  #
all the 
rest of his companie in Scotlande, and caused thame to be       #
restored to 
thair levinges agane, be the Quene regent and estatis of        #
parliament. 
   The tyme of the appointit parliament for ending of all       #
thingis betuix
the Quene douarier and the Governour being cumin, the estatis   #
of 
Scotlande was convenit at Edinburgh, quhairupoun the xij day    #
of the 
moneth of Aprill, the Governour and Quene comperit, and the     #
parliament
was first set and fensed in the Quene oure soveranis name,      #
with 
<P 250>
consent of James Duik of  Chattillire Erle of Arrane, hir       #
tutor and governour;
and thair was presented and red in presens of all the estatis, 
all the contractis maid betuix the Quene and Governour, with    #
the confirmationis
granted be the Quene, with consent of hir curatouris in 
France thairupoun, in ample forme; quhilkis war ratefeit and    #
apprevit be 
the estatis of parliament; and lykwyse was red ane contract,    #
be the 
quhilk the hoill estatis oblished thame to warrande the same    #
to the Governour
according to the former appointment, quhilkis was presentlie 
subscrivit be all those quho voit in parliament, and thair      #
seales affixit 
thairto; quhilkis being done, and he declared secound persoun   #
of the 
realme, the Governour in presens of the estatis and of the      #
Quene douarier
and Monsieur Dosell, ambassadour resident for the King of       #
France
in Scotland, renuncit an dimittit the office of tutorie and     #
governement
of the realme; and than presentlie was pronunced and            #
publiquelie red, 
ane commission gevin be the Quene of Scotlande in France, with  #
the 
consent of hir foirsaid curators, in most ample forme, making   #
the Quene 
hir modir regent of hir realme and lieges; quhilk commissione   #
and office 
sho acceptit apoun hir, and was admittit and receaved be the    #
estaitis 
thairto; and the parliament being of new sensed agane in name   #
of the 
Quene, with consent of the Quene regent hir modir, and          #
approved be 
the estatis, thaireftir the same wes dissolvit. 
   Quhen the Quene was placed in this maner be universall       #
consent of 
the estatis, and receaved as regent of the realme, than as the  #
commoune 
use is, at the change of the prince and authoritie, all the     #
princepall 
officiaris to be changed, the Erle of Cassillis was maid        #
thesaurar; ane 
Frenche man callit Welemort wes appoynted comptroller; Maister 
James M=c=Gill maid clark of the register; the abbot of Cowper, #
Lorde 
Privie Seill; ane callit Monsieur Rubie, Frenchman, a           #
procutour of 
Paris, appointit to keip the gret seill, and to be as vice      #
Chancelar and 
assister to the Erle of Huntlie than Chancelar; and sindre      #
uther particular
<P 251>
offices war changed lykwyse. Bot the Quene regent shortlie 
thaireftir begouth to use the counsall of these Frenche men,    #
Dosell, 
Rubie, Welemort, moir nor of the nobilitie of Scotland, and of  #
ane 
called Monsieur Bonet, quhome sho maid governour of Orknay      #
thaireftir;
quhilk maid thame to conceave sum jolesie aganis the Quenis     #
governement,
evin in the beginning, albeit thai kepit the same secreitlie 
within thair breistis quhill the fiftie sevin yeir of God; at   #
quhilk tyme it 
was utterit at Maxwellheuch, to the gret disquieting of the     #
hoill estait. 
   Eftir the dissolving of this parliament the Quene Regent,    #
willing to 
put ordour to sum troubles in the hie landis of the cuntrey,    #
caused the 
Erle of Huntlie, with a commissione of livetennentrie, pas      #
with ane 
gret army to Abirtarf, within the sherifdome of Invernes, to    #
invaid 
Johne Mudyard his kin and assisteris; quhair the said Erle      #
being convenit
with ane gret nomber, alsweill of hieland as lawland men, he 
proponit to the principallis of the hoill oist, desyring thame  #
to merche 
forduart in the hie landis, for apprehending of the saide       #
Johne Mudyard
and his kin; bot the barronis and gentill men of the lawlandis  #
in 
speciall, refused to go in that cuntrey les nor thay mycht      #
travell on hors, 
as they culd on no wayis do in that boundis; and the said Erle  #
wald 
not merche with the hieland men onlie, for the lait hattrent    #
that thai
had conceaved aganis him for the deithe of M'Intoche, and       #
thairfoir he
returned. Quhairfoir the Quene send for the said Erle of        #
Huntlie, and 
accused him befoir the counsall for negligent executione of     #
his commissione,
and thairfoir he was wardit within the castell of Edinburgh in  #
the 
moneth of October, quhair he remaned contenowalie till the      #
moneth of 
Merche nixt following; and in the meintyme, gret inquisitione   #
was 
maid aganis him, be the informatione of his privat ennemeis;    #
bot at last 
the matter was so appointit, that the said Erle was maid        #
content to renunce
and dimit to the Quene regent the heretabill infestment of 
the erledome of Murray and Lordship of Abirnethy, the takkis    #
and 
<P 252>
possessione of Orknay and Zetland, the baillierie and takkis    #
of the erledome 
of Mar and lordship of Straythdie, and was content to pas in 
France, thair to remaine for the space of fyve yeris; and be    #
this appointment
he was releissit furth of the castell. And eftir he had maid 
his preparatione reddy to depairt in France, and to that        #
effect the 
Quene regent had gevin him licence to conye all his silver      #
veshell for 
his furnessing, sho was content to discharge him of that        #
vyage, swa 
that he suld remane in Scotland, for payment of certane gret    #
sowmis of 
money, quhilk he caused deliver to hir than presentlie; and     #
thairfoir 
was restored to his office of chancellarie agane, althocht      #
Monsieur Rubie 
had the princepall charge thairof, and kepit the gret seill     #
during the 
hoill tyme of the Quene regentis governement. 
   About the samyn tyme returned in Scotland furth of France    #
ane 
wyse and lerned prelat, maister Henrie Sinclair deane of        #
Glasgw, vice 
president of the college of justice, quha had bene a familiar   #
counsalour to 
King James the fyft; bot during all the tyme of the             #
Governouris regement
was not in gret credeit; yit for his wisdome, knawlege and      #
experience,
was holdin in gret honour and estimatione be the Quene regent, 
and be the hoill nobilitie. Immediatlie eftir his arryving, he  #
caused be 
his counsall the bischoppe of Orknay, than president of the     #
college of 
justice, and all the senatouris thairof, mak certane statutes   #
for abbreviation
of processis, guid ordour to be observed in the said college,   #
reformatione 
of abusis, quhairof the actis, statutes and monumentis remanis  #
yit 
to thir our daies in the said college, quhairby justice may be  #
indefferentlie,
sinceirlie and uprichtlie ministred to all personis, and        #
frevolowis 
and superflowis termis and delationis cut away, and diligent    #
ordour be 
the lordis, thair scrybis, advocattis and members of court      #
observed, and 
all abuse removed; swa that thaireftir justice was dewlie       #
ministrat within 
the samyn, according to the lawis of the realme, in bettir      #
ordour nor it 
had bene in ony tyme preceding. 
<P 253>
   In this mene seasoun thair was a parliament haldin at        #
Edinburgh, in 
the monethe of Julij, be the Quene regent and thre estatis of   #
the realme;
quhair thair was convenit mony nobill, wyse, lerned and expart  #
men 
as evir had bene at ony parliament mony yeris preceding; and    #
thair 
was mony and sindre guide statutis and lawis maid for the       #
commoun 
weill, tending princepallie to the quietnes of the hoill        #
subjectis thairof;
quhilkis ar contenit at lenth in the register buikis of the     #
actis of parliament,
and thairfoir I will not be superflowus in rehersing thairof;
albeit mony of thame be worthie of memorie, specialie the acte  #
of the 
dischargeing of gadderinges and assembleis used in flitting     #
Fryday and 
Witsoundaye, the dischargeingis of conventionis under the       #
cullour of 
Robeine Huid, and the discharge of ligges or bandis to be       #
taikin or 
gevin frome one subject to ane uther, and utheris siclik; for   #
the quhilkis 
sufficient ordour was providit in the saidis statutis, for the  #
commowne 
tranquilitie to be observed in tymis cuming. 
   At the same tyme, Quene Marie of Ingland was mareit to King 
Phillop Prince of Spaingye, upoun the xxv day of Julij at       #
Winchester;
quha send thairfre ane ambassadour in Scotland in baith thair   #
names to 
the Quene regent, to congratulat and rejose for the said        #
marriage; desyring 
hir to conserve amitie, freindship and peace betuix the twa     #
realmes;
and for conferming thairof, thair was appointit certane         #
commissioners 
to meit in the nixt symmer, as thay did apoun the bourdouris. 
   Quhill the Quene was putting ordour to the effaris of the    #
south partis 
in this wyse, the Erle of Atholl was send with speciall         #
commissione into 
the hielandis for apprehending of Johne Mudyarde; quhair he     #
wrought 
so be wisdome, policie and guid convoy, that the saide John     #
come with 
him to the Quene regent, with tow of his sonnis and certane of  #
his kin, 
and submitted thame into hir will; quha as a clement and        #
mercifull 
princes, moir of hir guidnes nor thair desertis, pardonit       #
thame at that 
tyme, and caused thame remane in waird within the toun of       #
Perth and 
<P 254>
castell of Meffane, quhair thay war weill treated; yit as the   #
tod can not 
byd furth of his hoill, eftir thay had tareit thair certane     #
space, thay brak 
thair wardis, and past secreitlie in thair awin cuntrey,        #
quhaire thay sterit
up be thair counsall new troble agane, lyk as was also in       #
diverse partis of 
the hie landis; quhilk moved sore the Quene to make a jornay    #
in the 
nixt yeir in the north partis, to hold justice aris for         #
punishment of gret 
offences and stenching of sic misreule in tymes cuming. 
   In the beginning of this symmer thair was ane parliament     #
haldin at 
Edinburgh; in the quhilk the lairdis of Brunstoun, Ormestoun,   #
Grange, 
and certane utheris quha had bene forfaltit in the Governouris  #
tyme, 
war at the speciall request of the King of France restored,     #
and the same 
parliament was contenowit thaireftir, and callit a running      #
parliament. 
   During the tyme of the samyn, the Quene regent, be the       #
counsall of 
Monsieur Dosell, Rube, and certane lordis of the nobilitie,     #
desyred ane 
new ordour to be taikin be the estatis of the realme for        #
sustentatione of 
the warris aganis Ingland, quhen soevir thay suld happin to be  #
in tymes 
cuming; and that be payment of certane taxationis, impostis     #
and controbutionis,
to be raised and payit be everye man of quhatsoevir qualitie    #
or 
estait, conforme to the quantitie of his landis, rentis,        #
guidis, and substance.
And to that effect it was devysed that inventouris suld be      #
taikin 
be the shereffis of everie mannis rentis, goodes and            #
substance; and that 
with this taxation, men of weir to be conduced to ly apoun the  #
bordaris,
swa that no man suld be trubled to cum frome thair awin         #
housses for 
defence thairof, bot quhen the gret army of Ingland come        #
within the 
realme; quhilk new inventione, albeit sum of the lordis of the  #
nobilitie
for pleasour of the Quene seamed to aggre thairto for the       #
tyme, yit 
the barronis and gentill men was nathing content thairwith,     #
and for 
staying thairof maid mony privie assembleis and conventions;    #
and at 
last thair convenit in the abbay kirk of Halieruidhous to the   #
number of 
iij=c= barronis, and send tua of the most ancient amangis       #
thame,  quhilkis 
<P 255>
was the lairds of Calder and Weames, to the Quene regent and    #
lordis 
of hir counsall, desyring moist humelie not to alter the        #
ancient custome, 
lawis and liberteis of the realme, in putting thame to sic      #
charges of payment
of sowmes of money; affirming that thair foirfatheris and       #
predicessouris 
had defendit the samyn, mony hundreth yeris, vailyeantlie with 
thair awin handis; and for that caus principallie thay had      #
thair levingis 
and landis gevin unto thame be thair prince, to serve him with  #
thair 
awin personis into the warris; and as thay beleiffit            #
assuredlie, none had 
power to dispence with thame, or alter the maner of thair       #
halding, or 
discharge thame of that service, specialie during the           #
minoritie of thair 
prince and soverane; for in that respect the King has bene      #
callit at all 
tymes, King of Scottes, that is rather in respect of men nor    #
of money or 
substance of the cuntrey; declaring also, that thay quha        #
presentlie inhabited 
the realme, was of als good curage and hardement, abill and 
vailyeant to defende thair realme as utheris thair forbears     #
hes bene in 
tymes past, thairfoir wald fecht with thair awin handis, and    #
defende 
the same with thair bodeis; for thay culd not trust any waged   #
man that 
he walde so faythfullie defende thair libertie, wyffis,         #
bairnis, landis and 
possessionis; and that thair was not so gret substance to be    #
spared within 
the realme, as to sustene so monye ydill men as war necessar    #
for defence 
of the bordouris; and last of all, thay affirmed, that the      #
same sulde caus 
the loirdis, barronis, gentill men, fall into sic ydilnes and   #
onskilfulnes, 
throuch laik of use of bearing and exercing thair armour, that  #
thay suld 
becum ane easie pray to quhatsumevir natione that waild invaid  #
the 
realme. Quhilkis thingis being declared to the Quene and        #
counsall, 
all the ressonis alleged be thame considerit, the Quene regent  #
be the 
adwyse of the nobilitie, desisted for any further travelling    #
in that matter;
and thocht thame nothing worthie of thankis that was the        #
inventaris
thairof, becaus it maid ane gret gruge and murmour amangis the  
people of the realme. 
<P 256>
   At the same tyme thair was send to the bourdouris the        #
bischope of 
Dumblane, the laird of Lethingtone, and maister James M=c=Gill  #
commissioners 
for Scotlande, to meit with ane wyse and learned man, 
Tonstaill bishop of Durhame, and certane utheris commissioners  #
for 
Ingland; quhair thay remanit at Dunce during the monethis of    #
Julij, 
August and September, (at quhilk tyme the Quene was in the      #
north 
partis of Scotland at the aris,) quhair thair was treated sic   #
things as 
stude in controversie betuix the twa realmes, and guid justice  #
done and 
redres maid on ather of the sydis. 
   In this meintyme the Quene regent, making hir voyage in the  #
north 
partis, come in the moneth of Julij to Invernes, accompaneit    #
with the 
Erles of Huntly, Argyle, Atholl, Merchall, bishop of Ros and    #
Orknay, 
and syndre uther nobill men, and hir foirsaid counsaloris of    #
Frenche 
men, quhair sho held justice aris with most extreme and         #
rigorous 
punishment, and charged everie ane of the capitanis of the hie  #
landis 
to bring in the offendaris of thair awin kin, according to the  #
ordour prescribit
in King James the Fiftis tyme, onder gret panis; quhairthrow 
mony was entered, boith of M'Kenzey kin, Banagowin, Lord        #
Lowat, 
M'Kintoche, Laird of Grant and mony utheris, quhairof thar was  #
sindrie
execut; and amongis the rest, the Laird of Grant being charged 
to bring in ane speciall freind of his awin callit James        #
Graunte, for his 
oppressione, becaus he culd not be apprehendit and brocht       #
quick to the 
justice, he caused him and the rest of his cumpanye be slayne,  #
and thair 
heidis be presented to Quene regente. At the samyn tyme, the    #
Erle of 
Cathenis was charged lykwyse for the lyke causes, and was put   #
in warde, 
first in Invernes, and next in the castell of Edinburgh,        #
quhair he pait 
gret sowmis of money or he was delivered. Makky, the samyn      #
tyme 
capitane of Stranever, be the assistance of the Glengwn, quha   #
had done 
gret injures and wronges to the cuntrey of Sutherlande nixt     #
adjacent to 
thame, walde not entre: Thairfoir ye Quene caused the Erle of   #
Sutherlande 
<P 257>
convene ane gret army, and pas within the cuntrey of            #
Strathnaver; 
and lykwyse send certane shippes be sey, quhairby he was        #
constraned 
to rander him selfe, and come with Sir Hew Kennedy to the       #
Quene,
quhair he remaned in waird in Edinburgh dyveris yeris           #
thaireftir; and 
syndre pledges was receaved for the Glengwn, quha was kepit in  #
sum 
strenthes for thair guid rule during the Quene regentis         #
pleasour. 
   Eftir the Quene had maid her residens in Invernes, and       #
visited the 
cuntre of Ros, sho returned to Elgin, Banf and Abirdene, quhair #
sho 
held aris lykwyse; bot not with so gret executione of mennis    #
bodeis, 
bot rather be compocitione of money; and so returned to Dundie  #
and 
Perthe, keping the like ordour; and in the nixt winter, caused  #
the Erle 
of Huntlie, with the counsall and assistance of the bischoppes  #
of 
Ros and Orknay, and Sir Hew Kennedy, take up privie             #
indytmentis, 
and hald ....... courtis thairupoun, within the shyres of       #
Invernes, 
Elgin, Fores and Nardin, quhair thair was a gret nomber execut,
quhilk maid the cuntrey to be haldin in gret quietnes           #
thaireftir. And 
here is to be remembred, that in all this jornay and progres    #
quhair 
the Quene Regent and her companie did pas, sho was receaved
verrey honorablie, and intertenit sumpteouslie in the nobill    #
mennis, 
prelattis and barrouns housis, so that the Frenche men praised  #
the same 
verrey meikill. 
   About this tyme, thair come ane gret ship, and with hir a    #
pink, furth 
of Muscovia, bowin toward Ingland with ane ambassadour frome    #
the 
Emperor of Muscovia, quhilk ship and pink was drevin be gret    #
stormes 
and windis apoun the northest of Scotlande, at Kynardis heid,   #
within the 
cuntrey of Buchane, quhair a gret nombre of thair cumpanie was  #
dronit 
and boith the shippes, the moist pairt of his guidis losed be   #
the wrake of  
the sey; bot the ambassadour him selfe was saved, with a gret   #
part of 
his cumpanie, and was weill intertenit be the cuntreymen, and   #
convoyit
thairfre to Edinburgh to the Quene Regent, quha efter guid      #
intertenement
<P 258>
caused the Lord Hwme accompanie him to Berwik in the moneth 
of Februar thaireftir. 
   All this tyme, thair was gret and hoit ware betuix the King  #
of France 
and King Phillip of Spaine, quha had new receaved the           #
governement 
and possessioun of the Low Countres of Flanders, Holand,        #
Zelland and 
the rest; and for his support Quene Marie of Inglande send and  #
denunced 
warre to the King of France; and sho send ane army of ten       #
thowsand 
men, the Erle of Penbruch being appointed thair generall of     #
Flanders, 
to the support of King Phillip; and quhen sho was making        #
preparatione
thairfoir, sho sende to the Quene Regent, and desyred, that     #
commissioners
sould meit apoun the bordouris for intertenement of peace 
betuix the tua realmes; and to that effect thay met in the      #
moneth of 
Junij at Carleill; for the pairt of Scotlande, the bischop of   #
Orknay, 
the deane of Glasgw, Sir Robert Carnegy, and with thame the     #
Maister
of Maxwell, wardene of the west merchis; for the pairt of       #
Inglande, 
Tunstale, bishop of Durahame, Lord Dacres and Lord Whortoun;    #
quha 
remanit thair certane space, treating apoun redres of sic       #
wrangis and 
injureis as had bene laitlie doune apoun the bordouris. In      #
this meinquhyle,
thair arrived ane gentill man furth of France be the west sey, 
send to Quene Regent, declaring that the Quene of Ingland had   #
send 
and declared to him be ane of hir harraultis, callit            #
Clarentious, and had 
ane army in redines to be transported in Flanders for the       #
supporte of 
King Phillip hir husbande aganis him; thairfoir desyred hir to  #
move 
the nobilitie of Scotlande to make war aganis Inglande, be the  #
quhilk 
thay mycht be constraned to retire thair army within thair      #
awin realme 
agane. The Quene Regent being not onwillinge to forduart that   #
thing
mightly in her power, to the contentatione and pleasour of the  #
King of 
France and hir freindis, sho caused suddantlie make ane         #
conventione of 
the lordis at Newbottle, quhair sho persuadit thame ernistelie  #
to move
the war aganis Ingland; bot thay consydering the same rather    #
to procead 
<P 259>
for pleasour of the King of France, nor for defence of thair    #
awin 
realme, principallie haiffing the commissioners of Scotlande    #
lying at Carleill
for redres to be had apoun the bourdoris, and that Ingland was  #
willinge 
to keip peace with thame, it maid thame thairfoir to be laith   #
to 
aggre to hir desyris, bot gaif differing ansuer to the Quene    #
Regent. 
Bot sho be the counsall of hir French capitanis, thinking to    #
entre onis 
the warris, quhairby the Scottismen suld be constraned to go    #
forduart
in the mater, send Monsieur Dosell and Capitane Charlebus with  #
all thair 
garnesonis of Frenche men suddantlie to Dumbar; and fre that    #
caused 
thame entir in Heymouth, not far distant frome Berwicke, and    #
fortefie 
the samyn most stronglie, to the gret annoyance of Inglande;    #
and thairfoir 
the Inglismen being in Berwicke perceaving thair interprice,    #
send 
furth to make impediment thairto, quhair thair was hott         #
scarmushing
amangis thame, bot yit the warke of fortificatione was sett     #
fordwart. 
And the Quene Regente in the meintyme, send with all speid to   #
the 
Scottis commissioners lying at Carleill, to caus thame retire   #
thame self 
within Scotland, as they did shortlie, albeit not without gret  #
hassard and 
perrell to haif bene retened thair, gif thai had tareit ij      #
houris longer 
than thay did in Inglis ground. 
   The lordis being with the Quene at Newbottill, hering of     #
Monsieur 
Dosellis procedingis, thay culd do no utherwyis nor aggre to    #
the Quenis 
Regentis desyris; and thairfoir thay send ane harrauld to the   #
Quene of  
Ingland, to desyre hir to retire hir army furth of France, or   #
ellis, conforme
to the ancient leage and confederacie standing betuix           #
Scotlande 
and France, thay behoved to denunce war; and gaif commissione   #
presentlie 
to the said harrauld to do the same, quha passit and fulfilled  #
the 
pointis of his commissione; and quhill he was in this jornay,   #
the Quene
appointed the Erle of Huntlie generall liuetennent apoun the    #
bordouris, 
with certane cumpaneis of horsmen and fuit men to await upoun   #
him;
quha acceptit the charge and past to the bordouris, and remaned #
at 
<P 260> 
Dunse in the Merse, quhair he prepared all thingis necessar     #
for the war;
and eftir the returning of the harrald frome Ingland, he        #
caused the 
Lord Hwm wardane of the eist merchis maik the first raid        #
within Ingland,
quhair he brint divers townis, spulyeit and tuik awaye gret     #
praye 
of guidis, in the beginning of the monethe of Julij; and fre    #
that furth,
the said erle accumpaneit with the Scottis men and Frenche men  #
maid 
sindre incursionis within Ingland, burning and spulyeing the    #
cuntrey, 
but any gret resistance, saiffing onlie sum litell scarmishis   #
that the souldioris 
of Berwick wald sum tyme make for the fassione. And in the 
meintyme, the Quene caused quarters to be keipt on the          #
bordouris, for 
assistance to the Erle of Huntlie livetennent, quhill the       #
conventione 
of the gret army in October nixt. 
   Quhill thay war thus bisse occupiet apoun the bordouris,     #
the Quene 
Regent caused assemble ane gret army furth of all the pairtis   #
of the 
realme; quha convenit at Kelso in the moneth of October,        #
quhair sho 
maid ernist persuatione to the nobilitie to pas within          #
Ingland, and invaid
the samin with fyre and sword. Bot thay taiking to be adwysed 
thair upoun, past our the Watter of Tueid to Maxwellheuch to    #
make 
thair generall mustoris, and eftir advisment to gyf ansuer      #
unto the 
Quene. Bot eftir lang and guid deliberance, the Duik of         #
Chattillero,
quha was appointed livetennent generall of the army,            #
accumpaneit with 
the Erles of Huntly, Argyle, Cassillis, and sindre utheris      #
nobill men, 
come to the Quene and delated unto hir, that thai thocht it     #
sufficient 
aneuch to thame to haif moved weir aganis Ingland,  and to      #
haif maid 
so great invasions as thay had done alredy, be the Erle of      #
Huntlie livetennent
of the bordours, all the iij monethes preciding; and gif it     #
war 
hir pleasour, thai wald remane with thair haill sortis apoun    #
the bordouris 
so lang as the army mycht be sustened together, abyding gif     #
the Inglismen
walde mak any invasione; bot thai culd not think it for the     #
weill of 
thair realme to pas within Ingland with thair hoill army at     #
that present,
<P 261>
to hassard batle furth of thair cuntrey, thair princes being    #
absente and 
of les aige; thairfoir desyred hir most humelie to take the     #
samyn in 
guid pairt. Bot yit the Quene beinge impacient of thair         #
ansuer, wald 
not desyre thame to remaine any longer apoun the bordouris,     #
les nor 
thay wald enter within Ingland. And thairfoir, in a gret coler  #
and 
anger gaif thame licence all to depairt, leiffing only the      #
Frenche men
in Haymouth, with certane cumpaneis of horsmen and fuit men;    #
and 
fre that daie furth, the Quene Regent could nevir aggre with    #
the nobilitie;
and on the uther pairt, sindre of thame soucht be all meanes    #
for 
to raise sum seditione within the cuntrey aganis hir and the    #
Frenche;
and to that effecte thair was mony conventions keipt in dyvers  #
nuikis
of the realme all the nixt yeir following. And amangis all      #
politique 
devyses, ingenious and craftie inventionis, none was thocht so  #
guid to 
serve thair turne, and gif so guid a cullour to thair           #
interprice, as the 
cullour of reformatione of the religion; thinking that thairby  #
the hoill 
nobilitie mycht be brocht to one aggrement, and onder that      #
pretence
to take armour and go to the feildis; and being onis entered,   #
and showing 
thair faces aganis the authoritie, thay mycht be the moir       #
easelie persuadit 
to concur to the expelling of the Frenche men furth of the      #
realme. 
And to that effect, thay send in divers partis of Almany, for   #
sindre 
ministers and precheouris to cum in Scotland; as thay did in    #
the nixt
yeir followinge. 
   During the tyme of thir troblis in Scotland, thair was       #
verrey gret 
warris betuix the King of France and King Phillip of Spane,     #
apoun the 
fronters of France, and mony nobill men war taikin also be ane  #
gret 
assault and force of King Phillips army shortlie thaireftir;    #
quhilk moved 
the King of France to haist the mariage of the Quene of         #
Scotlande with 
the Dolphin his sone, soner nor his purpose was befoir;         #
fearing that by 
this and sic lyke ourthrowes and accedentis, the estatis of     #
Scotlande 
shuld be fundin the moir unwilling to accomplishe the mariage;  #
and 
<P 262>
thairfoir the King send to the Quene Regent in Scotland,        #
message desyring
hir to assemble ane parliament, and thairintill be the adwyse 
of the estaitis, to appoint certan commissioners to pas in      #
France for 
accomplishment of the mariage, and to aggre to sic lyk          #
conditionis as 
war necessar to be treated, for the perpetuall aggrement of     #
boith the 
realmes. 
   Swa the Quene Regent being most willing to satisfie the      #
Kingis desyre,
caused convene ane parliament of the hoill estatis in           #
Edinburgh, 
in the monethe of December nixt, quhair was elected and         #
chosin, 
be universall consent of the thre estatis, certane nobill,      #
wyse and discreit 
men, James Betoun archebishop of Glasgw, Robert Reid bishop 
of Orknay, president of the college of justice, James Stewart   #
priour of 
Sanct Androis, for the clargy; George Leslie Erle of Rothes,    #
Gilbert 
Kennedy Erle of Cassillis, George Settoun Lord Setoun, James    #
Fleming
Lord Fleming, for the nobilitie; and John Erskin laird of Dun,
provest of Montrois for the burgessis; ambassadouris and        #
commissioners 
to pas in the realme of France as representinge the estatis,    #
and thairto 
contract the mariage of the most excellent princes Marie Quene  #
of 
Scotlande, our Soverane, with Frances, Dolphine, and eldest     #
sone and 
apperande air to Henry King of France, and to end and           #
solemnizat 
the samyn; quhairupoun thair was sufficient commissionis and    #
instructionis
maid to thame be the hoill estatis of the parliament, and thay 
acceipt the samyn apoun thame; and eftir dew preparatione maid  #
for 
thair viage, thay embarqued in the moneth of Februar in the     #
raid of 
Leyth, and saled throw the seyis with gret stormes and          #
tempestious windis,
till thay landit in France. Bot be the way, thay losed in that  #
jornay 
ane of thair shippes ladynit with horses, and all the nobill    #
mennis cofferis 
and utheris riches being thairintill, befoir Sanct Ebbis heid   #
in the mouth of 
the firth of Scotlande, and ane uther ship with gret riches     #
and mony gentill 
men, with the capitane thairof, callit Wattertoun, was losed    #
lykwyse 
<P 263>
in the raid of Bullongye, eftir that the Erle of Rothes and     #
bischope 
of Orknay, with a few number, was put on land furth of the      #
same;
and all the rest of the commissioners was also landit furth of  #
thair uther 
shippes at the same tyme; and fre that thay war honourable      #
convoyit 
to Pareis, quhair thay war with gret honour and fawour          #
receaved be 
the King of France and his nobilitie in the monethe of Merche.  #
And 
shortlie thaireftir the contracte of mariage was maid, and      #
thair was 
landis assignit for hir dowarie in France, pairtlie the         #
cuntrey of Pouictiers 
and Towris, and ane uther pairt in Champaine and Picardie,      #
extending 
in yearlie rent to thrie scoir ten thousande franckis, and      #
with 
threttie thousande franckis of yeirlie pencione during hir      #
life tyme, besydis 
with mony jowellis gevin to hir be the King; the auld lig and 
band confermed, and was be publict act aggreit, that everie     #
one of the 
nationis suld be fre naturalized in boith the realmes; that it  #
suld be 
lesum to thame to joyse and bruik all kindis of offices,        #
heretages, beneficis,
and siclike alswell a Frenche man in Scotland as a Scottis man  #
in 
France, as thay had been naturallie borne, and mony siclike     #
priviliges 
concludit and past. 
   About this tyme in the moneth of Januar, the duik of Gwyse,  #
accumpaneid 
with Monsieur Daumell his brodir, Marchall Strossy, Monsieur 
de Thermes and syndre utheris vailyeant capitanis, merched      #
with a 
gret army towarde Caleis, being than in the Inglismennis        #
possessione, 
and laide suddantlie the gret artailyerie to the toun, and      #
dang the same 
with ordinance; and so gret assaultis was gevin thairto, that   #
the capitanis 
war constraned to rander the toun to the Duike, apoun sic       #
condicionis
as he pleased to aggre unto, upoun the viij daye of Januar      #
1557;
and shortlie thaireftir, all the hoill countrey with the toun   #
of Guynes, 
quhilk was rased, and the castell of Hames, quhilk had bene in  #
the 
possessione of the Inglismen moir nor two hundrethe yeir        #
befoir, was 
now holliely randerit and reduced to the King of France         #
obedience,
<P 264>
with no les honour to the duik of Guise forthis vailyeant       #
interprice so 
happelie accheved, nor commoditie to the hoill realme of        #
France. And 
whosone the advertisment was brocht to Scotland thairof, the    #
Quene 
regent causit mak publick fyris of joy in the principall        #
townis of the 
realme, for the confortable newis of the same. 
   At the same tyme, Charles the fyft Empriour, being aged and  #
subject 
to seiknes, and thairfoire retired to Spane to pas the rest of  #
his dayis in 
quyet and solitarie lyf, send ambassadors to the electouris of  # 
the impyre, 
with sufficient commissionis and mandatis to renunce all his    #
authoritie 
and office of the impyre, in favours of Ferdinande his broder,  #
King of 
the Romanis; quha was admitted thairto and crownit Empriour be  #
universall 
consent of the electors, the xvij day of Merche. Not long       #
eftir, 
the said Charles, quha was all his daies a vailyeant and        #
victorious 
prince, deceissed in Spane in the nixt yeir 1559.



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<N PITSCOTTIE HISTORY>  
<A LINDESAY PITSCOTTIE>  
<C SC2>  
<O DATE A 1578>  
<M MEDIUM MS>  
<D CSC>  
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[^THE HISTORIE AND CRONICLES OF SCOTLAND.  
FROM THE SLAUCHTER OF KING JAMES THE FIRST
TO THE ANE THOUSANDE FYVE HUNDREITH THRIE SCOIR 
FYFTEIN ZEIR. WRITTEN AND COLLECTED BY 
ROBERT LINDESAY OF PITSCOTTIE. 
ED. AE. J. G. MACKAY. VOL. II.
SCOTTISH TEXT SOCIETY, FIRST SERIES, 43.
EDINBURGH AND LONDON 1899.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 112.11-131.9 
SAMPLE 2: PP. 134.4-150.9^]


<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 112>
[}THE XX CHAPTER .}]

   Guid pace in Scotland the space of thrie zeiris; iustice     #
airis haulding
be the gowernour. Hou the quein moder passit to France.
The protectour of Ingland heiddit be the Erle of Warwick.
King Edwart poysonit and deid. The quein of Scotlandis
returning out of France come to Ingland and how scho come
in Scotland and resauit the authoritie frae the Duik. The
Erle of Warwick heiddit in Ingland. Hou quein Marie
resauit the croune. The Erle of Huntlie and the Erle of
Cathness was impresonit.

   At this tyme the allmightie god mowit the quene
nocht to stand witht thair proceidings and thinkand
that thair tyme was schort thairfor scho prevenitt the
same and passit haistalie to France, and tuik certane
of the nobillis of Scottland witht hir and thair procurit
at the king of France and hir dochteris hand that
scho might have the governance in the realme of Scotland
thair to be as regent thairof because scho saw the
<P 113>
realme nocht weill gydit at that tyme, ffor scho saw
nothing bot awarice and gredienes in the place of
Iustice, nor nothing sought ffor weillfair of the realme nor
for the profeit of hir dochter that was to succeid thairto.
The king of France and consall heirand this grantit
immedeatlie to hir desyre, that is to say [{to{] be regent
of Scotland and he to tak on him to satisfie the governour
ffor his goode will and tyttill thairof and that he
did schortlie as ze sall heir efter; ffor the quhilk cause
he maid the governour Duike of Chattellaroy witht
wther grit giftis of gould and silluer and satisfieit him,
that he was content to renunce ower the office into the
quene that scho might be regent induring his will and hir
douchteris. To that effect he send ane ambassadour in
Scottland quho was callit Monsieur Doyswall to remane
witht the quene and to gif hir consall how scho sould
rule and gyde the realme to the king of Franceis plesour
and hir dochteris profeit and to the commone weill of
the contrie. Ffor this ambassadour was ane man of
singular goode iudgement and ane weill experiementit
in weiris and weill estemmitt in France for the samin,
and quhene he come in Scottland he presentit the king 
of France awin body at all consall and convensieouns
decreittit in Scotland or was decreitit be quene and
consall be his awyse was performitt and admittit in
France and in Scottland that man in Scottland did 
<P 114>
nathing but his adwyse and consall. Nocht lang efter
the quene come hame in Scottland thair was ane parlieament 
proclammitt to be haldin at Edinburgh in the
monetht of [{Julij{] in the zeir of god i=m= v=c= [{liii{]
zeiris, quhair the haill nobilietie of Scottland baitht
sperituall and temporall compeirit that day at the day
appoyntit, thair to minister Iustice conforme to the
common order of thair predecessouris, but in this
meane tyme the quene gif sic giftis of gould and silluer
amang the lordis that scho drew the maist part of
thame to hir effect that they war content that the
governour was depossit of his office and that scho war
placeit in the same and that because of the gredienes
and cowitousnes of him and his brother in tyme bypast.
Thairfor money of the lordis of Scottland baitht
sperietuall and temporall consentit gladlie herinto and
spetiall the governouris awin fameliear freindis quhom
he had done maist for befor, and spetiall be allurement
of the quene consentit swne thairto and so the parlieament
proceidit wpoun the day appoyntit fordwart as
ze sall heir. The governour and his lordis and heraldis
raid wpe the gait frome the abbay to the tolbutht witht
septer suord and croune borne befor him in order
be his lordis as was the wse to be done befor the
governouris and maiestratis at sic tymes. Bot the
quene and Monsieur Dosuell the king of France ambassadour
they come wpe the gait efterwart be thair selffis
and raid in lyke maner to the tolbutht and remanitt
thair ane certane quhill, quhill the order was proceidit,
that is to say the parlieament and court fenceit, the
governour dischargit, and the quene ressauwit, and the
croun sett wpoun hir heid and suord deliuerit into
hir, quho raid doune the gait treumphantlie and the
same scepter suord and croune borne befoir hir witht
<P 115>
the lordis of Scottland they buire wpe the gaitt befoir
the governour, in lyke maner they buire it doun the
gaitt befor hir in signe and takin that scho had ressawit 
the autorietie and sould rigne ower the pepill of this
realme as regent and governour thairof; thocht I can
nocht tell at this present nothing bot godis ire and
wraith to fall wpoun that realme that wantis ane goode
man and wittie to governe it and syne gif woman
the gowerment off the same as ze will knaw heirefter.
Bot as to the governour he come doune the gait
him allane desolat of septer suord or croun or ony
autorietie in Scottland at that tyme, bot was contentit
to ryde in amang the laif of the lordis and his nichtbouris
to beir him companie. Than the prophiesie
was fullfillit quhilk was spoken into him in the tyme
of the burning of Mr George Wischart, be ane of
his awin freindis sayand in this maner, 'gif ze suffer
the servanttis of god this wyse to be handlit and put to
deid for christis ewangell the quhilk ze have professit
zour self, and now thoillis the preicharis thairof to
be murdreist in this maner wnder zour handis I have
no doubt, gif ze remeid it nocht hastalie, that this
gowerment and autorietie that god has put zow into
salbe ruttit frome zow schamfullie quhene ze leist
weine.' Thir ar the wordis that war spokin to him
affoir the deid of Mr George Wischart be ane trew
protestane and freind of his awin, quhilk that day 
come to pase quhene his autorietie was schamfullie reft
fra him and gevin to ane woman.
   Then this proceidit fordwart. Then quen went to the
<P 116>
Abbay witht great mirrienes and bankating to hir
lordis witht great giftis and propynes wnto thame quho
war in hir oppinioun and swne efter scho changit all
offiecearis that is to say, the thesawrar controllar secretar
and maister houshold, to wit, scho maid ane
Mr Rwbie controllar, quho withtin schort tyme wssit
sic scharpnes that few was content witht him.
   [^HERE BEGINS A PASSAGE FROM MS I^] At this meantyme the     #
secund day of Januar in
the zeir of god I=m= v=c= lij zeiris the duik of summersyd
and protectour of Ingland was beheiddit at the tour of
Londoun. Schort quhyll eftir in the zeir of god I=m= v=c=
liij zeiris king Edwart was poysonit in the tour of
londone and dieit thairefter and on the tent day of
Junij the duik of Northumberland with his adherentis
did proclame lady Jeane dochter to the duik of Suthwoik
and wyff to Golfreid Dudlie the quein quhilk
duik incontinent maid ane gret airmie aganes lady Marie
richt heretour to the crowne of the realme of Ingland
bot his attempt was nocht just for als muche as it was 
nocht of god it cuild cum to na guid succes for quhan
he thocht himsellff most strang ane pairtie aganes quein
Marie the maist pairt of the nobillitie ze with all the
common peopill fled frome him so at Eamriche he with
his sones and his wyff war left thair alone and war
arreisted be the mair of londoun and had to the tour
and was heistie heiddit and foirfaltit with all his complices
In the zeir of god I=m= v=c= liij zeiris. So this stryff in
Ingland amangis thame sellffis gart the realme of Scotland
<P 117>
sit in guid pace and rest for ane lang tyme. In this
zeir the erle of huntlie was impresonit in Edinburgh
and the erle of Cathnes in Edinburgh bot the erle of
huntlie was sett at libertie the nixt zeir. Bot                 #
nochtwithstanding
he payit sex thousand pound to the quein.
In this zeir the quein held ane parliament and desyred
ane taxatioun viz. that evirie mark land sould pay four
markis.

[}THE XXI CHAPTER .}]

   Hou thair was ane schip of Muscowiae that brak at Abirdein.  #
Hou 
the schip was spuilzeit be the inhabitantis and indwellaris of  #
the
cuntrie. Hou the lord of the schip past and pleinzeit to the
quein. The forth of haymouth biggit. Weir proclamit betuix
ingland and scotland. How the quein of ingland send ane
airmie in Orknay and war defeitt. 

   In the zeir of god I=m= v=c= lvj zeiris thair landit ane     #
schip
of Muscowe at Aberdein quhilk schip was richlie leidnit
with all kynd of coistlie wairis. So our northland lordis
and lairdis seand this schip cum in into Aberdeine thay
zeid and tuik all thair geir frome thame and left thame
nothing nor wald pay thame for the samyn to the maister
of the schip. So the maister of the schip seand this
passit to the quein thinkand to haue gottin ane remedie
at hir and so thay pleinzeit to hir and I beleive they gat
bot ane littill answer to effectt. And than thay past to
Ingland quhilk causit thame to speik meikill euill of
Scotland thair. At this mean tyme the king of france
send letteris to Scotland to mowe weir aganis ingland
Bot zit the quein and Monseur Doiswell with sum of
her privie counsall thocht it nocht guid to mak weir
quhill thay had maid strenthis on the bordour quhair
thay micht lay thair arteilzerie and men to be in raddynes
quhatevir hapnit. Be this Monseur Doiswell and
<P 118>
Monseur decapis dewysed ane strang fort at haymouth
and biggit the samyn verie starklie and garnisit it with
men victwallis and arteilzerie and maid it that it micht
ludge twa thowsand men of weir and pat in it sex
cannonis with sax vthir schot of gret arteilzerie and
twentie schot of small arteilzerie, Twa hundreith of
lang culwerins, twa thowsand pickis with poulder and
bullattis and all thingis that affeired for ane airmie and
layd ane thowsand men thair in garisoune and Monsewr
Doiswell himsellff captane thairof. At this tyme the
inglismen knawand this war no wayis content thairwith
and maid gret prowisioun on thair bordouris and raid
thick thairin bot the quein incontinent heiring of the
Inglismenis conversiounis proclamit weir betwix Ingland
and Scotland for pleasour of the king of france  In the
mean tyme the quein of ingland send ane gret navie of
schippis to scotland quha landit in orknay and thocht
to haue done sum wassallage thair. Bot in the mean
tyme of thair landing thair come sic ane storme of wind
downe at anes vpone thame that it stoppit thame to get
thair arteilzeries landit. Thairfoir the inhabitaris of the
cuntrie seand that adwantage maid frack ill to thame
and sett vpone thame stoutlie and dang thame to thair
schippis bot the wind blew swa thay culd nocht get
schippis and so war dung into the sea and evirie man
slaine and drownit that come aland of their schippis,
sum of thame eschaipit that landit nocht to gang hame
to bear tydingis of the leave bot the orknay men gat
gret spuilzie of the Inglishmen at that tyme bayth of
siluir and gould wictuallis and arteilzerie waponis and
harnas with mony presonaris quhilk payit thame gret 
sowmes of money in ransoune that mony inhabitaris
of orknay war the better sensyne.
<P 119>
[}THE XXII CHAPTER .}]

   Ane airmie gadderit be the quein and monseur doiswell to pas
in Ingland. Hou the lordis wald nocht consent thairto.
letteris send by the king of france to the quein and lordis of
scotland. The tennour of the letteris hou the lordis convenit.
The lordis choisin to pas to france to the queins
mariaige  Ane commissioun gewin to thame. The quenis
mariaige with the dolphin of france. The desyre of the
counsall of france. The lordis answeris thairinto how the
lordis war poysonit in france.

   In the zeir of god I=m= v=c= fyiftie sewin zeiris thair was  #
ane
proclamatioun maid be the quein and monseur doiswell
To vit that all the lordis lairdis barronis friehaulderis
and substentious gentilmen ze and all maner of man
betuix saxtie and sexteine bayth spiritwall and temporall
to mak thame sellffis reddie at ane certane day to
meit the quein at Edinburgh with fourtie dayes wictwallis
and to pas with hir quhair scho pleisit in defence
of the realme. The day appoincted come the airmie at
Edinburgh and raid fordward to the hill of ancrame and
thair remanit the space of thrie dayes and gave thair
musturis and syne thairefter passit to maxwell heuche and
thair held ane counsall that is to say The quein desyred
the lordis and the airmye to pas in Ingland and to seage 
wark. And to that effectt Munseur doiswell brocht the
frenchmen and the arteilzerie out of haymouth To wit
four gret cannonis and four gros culweringis four battartis
with poulder and bullattis and all vthir necessaris
for seageing of houss or of castellis and brocht thame
ovir the watter of tweid at hempfeildis furd bot the
lordis of scotland layd thair heiddis togidder and consultit
that thay wald nocht pas in Ingland at that tyme 
to invaid it with na sharmes without they knew ane
<P 120>
gret caus quhy. At thir answeris the quein was wery
discontentit and sa was monseur doiswell bot the lordis
fra tyme thay hard Monseur Doiswell speik commandit
him vnder the paine of tressoune to have hame his arteilzerie
agane ovir the watter of Tweid the gait that it 
come for thay wald nocht pas in Ingland at that tyme
to seage na castellis nor townis for his plesour nor the
quenis at that tyme quhill thay war forder adwysed so
this airmie skailled and passit no forder at that tyme.
Bot the quein went hame very dolorus and commoweit
at the lordis that wald do na thing for hir saik to Ingland 
at that tyme and Monseur Doiswell tuik it very
hich in hairt at that tyme he beand the king of france
ambassadour thinkand that thay sould haue done sum
of his counsall and command for the king of france saik
bot the scoittis lordis war sic ane nomber vpone the
feildis at that tyme that thay cuired nather quein nor
king for oft tymes the scoittismen growis nevir misnorturit
nor dissobedient to thair governouris or magistrattis
quhilk thay be vpone the feildis and knawis thair awin
power as ze may reid afoir in this buik. Bot quein
regent beand ane vyse and naturall woman consawand
the myndis and natur of scoittismen thairfoir consultit
with Monseur Doiswell that scho culd not put at the
lordis of scotland as scho wald do quhill hir dochter
war maryit with the dolphin of france. And to that
effectt scho conclwdit and Monseur Doiswell to send
priwie wreittingis vnto france schawand the king of
france how that scho was obeyit in Scotland and his
ambassadour schawand the king that scho culd mak na
puneisment thairof quhill hir dochter war maried desyrand
him to haist the mariaige als schone as he cuild
declairand to him that hir dochter was auld anewche.
The king of france heirand thir nowellis he adwysed
with his counsall heirvpone and incontinent send letteris
<P 121>
in scotland to the quein and counsall quhairof desyrand
certane of the wysest lordis quhome thay thocht maist expedient
to cum to the quenis mairiaige with commissioun
to fulfill all things conteined in thair contractt  Of this
quein regent and the lordis set ane parliament at Edinburghe
the [\The date is blank.\] and thair be adwyce of the thrie
estaitis chuisit sex lordis to pas in france to the quenis
mariaige viz. Twa erlis Twa lordis and twa bischopis  The
erlis was Gilbert erle of cassellis George erle of rothus the
lord flemyng the lord seattoun the bischop of glascow
the bischop of orknay thir sax lordis to pas to france
with commissioun foirsaid to end the quenis mariaige
with the dolphin of france lyk as it was commowit and
forder to the king of france pleasour. This beand done
thir lordis tuk the sea and inbarcat at Kirkcaldie in the
moneth of [\The month is blank.\] In the zeir of God I=m= v=c=  #
fyiftie sevin
zeris To wit the erle of rothus and the bischop of orknay
passit in ane schip with serwandis and mony vther
gentilmen and barronis passit with thame in ane gret
schip of leith and thair hors in ane vther bark besyd
thame and the leave of the lordis scheippit in leith
with vthir schipis and sailled all east the firth togidder
bot or thay came by Sancttobbis heid the storme begoud
to ryse and blew so strang that it drownit my lord
of rothus schip quhair his hors was befoir his ein. Than
the skipper of the schip spak vnto my lord and said
'god send ws better handsell and mair forder in our
wayage for zon is verie evill at this tyme and dolorus
to me for zonder is my eldest sone drownit afoir my
ein quhairfoir I set nocht by now quhat becum of
me.' The lordis heiring the skipper at this poynt set
thair intentis to gif him comfort and baid him be blyth
and thank god for all wald wirk for the best and this
<P 122>
thay sailled on all that nycht with gret stormes of wind
quhill on the morne at nyne houris that thay come
fernent the coist of Italie. Than the storme come so
wehementlie out of the heavins with thunder and fyrflaucht  
and all vther tempestis that culd blaw that maid
all the marineris and lordis sa agast that thay knew
not quhat way to turne thame for my lord rothus schip
was gret and drawe nar the foirlandis. Than ane
skipper of leith callit Williame Gibsone past out of his
awin schipp in ane floitt bott to cum to my lord rothus
schip to help him bot the tempest and storme blew
so gret that he micht nather win my lord rothus schip
nor zit his awin bot Immeidiatlie drownit thair afoir
all thair eies. Than my lord rothus wist na way how
to eschaip bot gave all ane evintur and lap in the floitt
bot he and the bischop with vthir twa or thrie barronis
and gentilmen with him sa mony as the bot wald
hauld on drowning thame sellffis and wrocht aland be
the grace of god and was sawit swa. Bot nathing thay
culd get saiff bot thair wreittingis and thair sellffis quha
landit vpone the sandis a-eistell Callice and thair stuide
ane quhyll and saw thair schip perrische befoir thair
eine with mony gentillmen landit and onlandit and
mony jowallis siluir and cleithin bayth of my lord of
rothus and my lord of orknay with vther certane barronis 
that was with thame beleiwe weill thay war vonder sorie
and at ane gret stres and eschaiped with thair lywes
narrowlie betuix the bow and the string. Bot the leave
of the rest of the schippis raid sturdelie in the reid of
Callice quhill the storme was past and syne passit to
the new hewin besyd deip quhair thair thay landit. Than
my lord of rothus and my lord of orknay and thay that
<P 123>
war with thame gat hors to the new heavin and  met
thame that war thair nichtbouris quha wer very glaid
of thair cuming and that thay had eschaipit for thay
beleiwit that thay had beine all perrisched and  drownit.
And quhan thay war refreschit thair twa or thrie dayes
thay tuik thair journay to parreis quhair thay war
honourabillie resauit of king and court and also of
the cardinall and war weill intertenit be thame bot
quhan thay schew the king quhat danger and perrell
thay war in  In thair cuming to his grace he merwellit
meikill and thankit god that thay war saiffit and was
very wo for the gentilmen and marineris that war tint
and sa incontinent gart send and mak proclamatiounis
and prowisioun for the mariaige quhilk was solempnouslie
ordourit and endit at notrodames kirk in parreis
in the moneth of [{April{] . In the zeir of god I=m= v=c=
[{lviij{] zeiris and thair war convenit in the said kirk
at the hour of ten The king of france and the quein of
france The king of neverone, the prince of condie the
cardinall of loren, The duik of gwise. Than was brocht
in the Dolphin of france the duik of Orleance and with
him in cumpanie all the young lordis of france with the
king of francis traine and gaird about him. Than was
brocht in the quein of Scotland with all the young 
lustie ladyis of france and the scoittis lordis and the
scoittis companie with hir. Than war all the bischopis
and kirkmen and vniwersitie and clergie of france in
ordour evirie estait as affeired. Than the bischop of
parreis maid him to the mes and to vse the office of
the mariaige. Than was brocht to our bischoppis keippis
of gold and mytouris of gould set with pretious stones
and areyit than in thair pontificall ordour and estait.
Than was brocht to our lordis and erlis the garmondis
of the claithis [{of{] the ordour of the cockill quha war
<P 124>
maid knichtis thairof instantlie afoir the ordour of the
mariaige and that be the king of france and gret rewardis
givin vnto thame and propynes be the king of
france conforme to the ordour of the cockill. Than
thaireftir the mariaige was solempniouslie maid betuix
the dolphin of france and the duik of orleanes and
Marie quein of Scotland and syne heireftir the proclamatioun 
with the herauldis of airmes zeid in ordour
befoir the king and thair coit airmes as perteined to
thair office makkand the proclematioun and cryand on
this maner Charllis Dolphin of france and duik of
Orleance and king of scotland and alswa Marie be
the grace of god quein of scoittis dolphines of france
and duches of Orleance. Quhan thir proclematiounis
war endit and messis done than the trumpattis and
schalmes blew and so did the arteilzerie schuit and
bellis rang and all soundis of Instrumentis played that
na man mycht for the eirdine heir ane vthir for bellis
gunis and trumpatis. Than the king went to his palace
and the king of Neverowne [{and{] the duik of guise leiddand
our scottis quein hame to hir palace with hir tryne
of ladyes and hir scoittis lordis with hir and eftir the
dolphin of france was convoyit be the cardinall and all
the zoung gentilmen and lordis of france with him and
come to the kingis pallace to the gret hall quhair the
bancat was prepaired and thair was set the king of
france at the middis of the buird and his quein; on his
richt hand the quein of scotland and on his left hand
the dolphin and that day the erle of cassellis of Scotland
was carver to the quein of scotland quha was bryd and
the Erle of rothus was capper and the rest of the
scoittis lordis stuid behauldin quhill the ordour and
tryumphe of bancat was nar endit. And than thair
<P 125>
was ane fair burd prepaired for thame quhair thay
dynnit with gret cheir and all delicattis provydit for
thame that mycht be had or gottin be thame in france
Than was thair gret singing playing dansing and pheirsis
quhilk continwed on quhill even quhill supper tyme
Than quhan supper tyme was done and all ceremonies
war vsit perteining to the mariaige so the bryd and
bryd grome war put to thair beddis. Than the menstrallis
of musick played and the ladyes dansit quhill
it was neir midd nycht so eviry man bownit to his
bed quhill on the morrow. So this  trywmphe and
bancatting lestit and continwit the space of xx dayis
with gret justing and turnament running at the rigne
and aircherie and all knychtlie game convenient for the
tyme. So the xx dayis being past and all the bancatt
done the king of france and his lordis went to the
counsall and alswa the scoittis lordis that war thair for
the tyme to wit lord James the quenis broder the  erle
of cassellis the erle of rothus the lord flemyng the lord
seattoun the bischope of glascow the bischope of orknay
all thir lordis war callit to the counsall and plaicit and
set conforme to thair estait. Than the chancellar of
france begoud and desyred at the scoittis  lordis the
principall crowne of Scotland that thay micht crowne
the dolphin and mak him king of Scotland. To this
answerit the Erle of Cassellis and schew thay had nocht
that commissioun at that tyme. Than the chancellar
desyred thame to promeis the samyn. Bot the bischop 
of orknay answerit we will promeis na thing forder nor
our commissioun beiris. Than the chancellar answerit
agane and said 'we desyre na thing mair heir nor zour
guid will and woit and zour handwrettis heirvnto.'
Than answerit my lord rothus rewerentlie and said
'My lord chancellar of france with leive of zour
wisdomes that is heir present I man speik for my
<P 126>
native cuntrie and honour thairof as it becummeth
me to do quhen tyme requyres' and than the
chancellar bad him speik quhat he pleisit. Than the
erle of rothes begoud in this maner as eftir followis
sayand, 'my lordis it is nocht onknawin to zow the
poinctis of our commissioun quhilk was maid to
ws be the counsall and nobilitie of scotland and
that we have na power forder nor it bearis and givis
vnto ws and quhair zour lordschip and the counsall
heir desyres ws to gif or to promeis the crowne of
scotland to the dolphin of france zour lordschip sall
vnderstand we have na power thairof and thocht we
had we wald be adwysed or we promeisit or gave sic
thingis for zour lordschip sall vnderstand our crowne
of Scotland is ane Imperiall crowne and was nevir
conquest nor subiectt to na realme christnit nor hauldis
of na king bot god and the lyone thairfoir we can not
pairt with our principall crowne in that maner bot
quhan evir god sendis the dolphin airis of his bodie
gottin vpone our quein as maill childering to be zour
king and cum in Scotland he sall resawe the crowne
with all honouris and digniteis perteining thairvnto
and vthirwayes for my awin pairt I will nocht consent
forder at this tyme.' The rest of the Scoittis lordis
heiring this thay held the same opinioun. Be this the
erle of rothus had endit his talking to counsall of
france was nocht content heirwith and incontinent
derectit letteris in Scotland to the quein thairof and the
counsall desyring the same of the quein and counsall as
thay desyred of the lordis as I schew to zow and in the
meantyme the lordis war hauldin still in france that
thay sould stop no thing of the king of france and 
counsallis desyres gif thay had come to Scotland at
that time. And sum sayes eftirward quhan thay
sould haue depairtit hame to Scotland thay war
callit to ane bancatt quhairin thay gat ane Italiane
<P 127>
posset as weill appeired eftirward for thair was nocht
ane thair that eitit meikill meat eftir that bancatt that did
thame guid nor nevir ane of thame come hame to Scotland
bot dieit thair except lord James the quenis broder
quha was hangit be the heillis be the metsouneris to
caus the poysone to drop out and evir stuid still vnder
medicine all the dayes of his lyff bot the erle of Cassellis
depairtit thair, the bischop of Orknay the erle of rothus
the lord flemyng and the laird of easter Wemys. Sum
sayes that all thir war poysonit thair becaus thay war wys
men and contrair the will and appetyd and desyre of the
counsall of france at that tyme. Thairfoir thay thocht
nocht thay sould pas in Scotland againe to stand in that
contrair. The xxiij day of september in the zeir of god
I=m= v=c= lviij zeiris letteris was send be the king and        #
counsall
of france to the quein and counsall of Scotland the tennour 
heirof as eftir followis.

[}THE XXIIII CHAPTER .}]

   Ane parliament haldin in Edinburge. Hou waltir mill was      #
brunt.
Hou paull mephin come in Scotland and prechit in dundie.
The quarter reidis of the bordour thuirsdayis chess.

   Thir letteris foirsaid producit the tennour heirof
desyred the Imperiall crowne of Scotland togidder with
the septure sword and rob royall and all that perteined
to the corronatioun of the king of Scotland that the
dolphin of france micht be crownit thairwith and maid
king of Scotland. Fforder that the seallis of scotland
sould be brokin and new seallis maid to the effectt that
the airmes of france and scotland may be joyned togidder
in ane ordour and that all bandis and letteris and all
<P 128>
cunzie of money struckkin within the realme may be
prentit thairwith. Fforder that it sould be liesome that
frenchmen  may by land with thair money and bruik the
samyn in scotland and sall have fredome to mak salt
vpone the coistis quhair thay pleisit. To this the quein
and counsall consulted and set ane parliament at Edinburgh
the xxiij day of November and thair was grantit
be the quein and the lordis and the thrie estaitis quhairin
was grantit the poinctis and tennour of the lettres and
desyres of the king of france and his counsall be our
lordis quhilk heistelie and rashlie lyk febill fuillis and
vnworthie corrupted beistis aluired and flatterit and
corruptit be the quein and the king of frances money 
nocht knawand the common weill of thair cuntrie nor
what inconvenient was to cum heireftir of thair conclwsioun
bot heistelie granted to all the desyres foirsaid
of the king of franceis letteris. All the lordis allennerlie
eccept the duik maid his protestatioun contrarie and wald
nocht consent thairto and inlykwayes Atholl quha was
absent at that tyme and glencairne maid ane protestatioun
in the name of the haill barronis of Scotland that
thai wald nocht consent thairto nor that the crowne of 
Scotland sould pas out of the realme quhill thay saw
lauchfull successioun that is to say airsmaill gottin of
the quenis bodie and thay to cum in Scotland and
bruik the samyn. This beand done the seallis var intercheingit
and the airmes joyned france and scotland as I
have schawin to zow bot quhidder the crowne or nocht
passit at that tyme I can nocht tell. [^HERE ENDS THE PASSAGE   #
FROM MS I^]
   In the zeir of god I=m= v=c= lviij zeiris in the moneth of
December the thrid day thairof ane parlieament haldin
at Dumblaine be the quene and the lordis and the thrie
<P 129>
estaitis of Scotland quhairin was desyrit be the ambassadour 
of France in the presentis of the lordis of parlieament
and the thrie estaittis of the realme the Inperieall croun
of Scottland togither witht the septar suorde thairof to
pase to France to that effect that the Dollphin might
be crounit thairwitht and proclamitt king of Scotland;
and also desyrit the seillis of Scottland to be brokin
and new seillis maid to that effect to ioyne the armes of
France and Scottland togither in, all the said money was
strikin heirefter to be of that same printt, and forder
ane act to be maid that it sould be lesum to all frinchemen
that plessit to come and conqueis landis in Scottland 
witht thair money and also to mak saill wpoun the
costis of Scottland at thair plesour, taxatiounis to be
taine wpe be the Dollphin of Franceis name and the
quen of Scottland. Thir desyris and wther ma was
proponit and desyrit in the said parlieament be Monsieur
Dosie the ambassadour conforme to the tenour of the
lettres send be the king of France and his consall. Be
this the quene and consall of Scottland and the thrie
estaittis consultit and concludit to the same, as febill
corruptit beistis, allurit and flatterit be the quene, nocht
knawand the commonweill of thair contrie nor quhat
inconwenient was to come heirefter of thair conclusioun;
thai granttit the desyris hastalie and raschlie,
lyke febill foollis as thay war, and maid ane act contrair
the weillfair of Scottland in the maner that efter followis,
gewand thame the croune septar and suord sould pase
to France that the Dollphin sould be crounitt thairwitht
and proclammitt king of Scottland and that the
seillis sould be brokin and new maid, and the armes of
France ioynitt to Scottland, and it sould be lesum to
frinchemen to conqueis landis at thair plesouris into
<P 130>
Scottland witht thair money and to mak saill in the
eist of Scottland as they plessit. Bot at this act the
Duik was nocht present bot maid his protestatioun
contrair the samin, and lykewyse the earle of Atholl and
Glencarne and the haill barrouns of Scottland appoyntit
the contrar of the same and said the croune septer nor
suord sould nocht depart out of Scottland quhill they
saw successioun of the quens bodie. Bot the seillis
was brokin and maid new againe, as it is knawin, and
Monsr Dosie gat the palice of Lythtgow witht wther
landis pertening to the king at that tyme; bot the croune
was continewit and zeid nocht out of Scottland quhill
they saw forder about thame.
   In the zeir of god I=m= v=c= lviij zeiris, the xx day of
Appryle ane poore man callit Wallter Myle was taine in
Dysart be Schir Hew Currie, preist to the bischope and
Schir George Strawchquen. The said Walter Mylie was
warmeand him in ane poore womans house in Dysart
and teichand hir the commandis of god to hir and hir
bairnes and leirand hir how scho sould instruct hir house
to bring wpe hir bairnes in the feir of god. Bot thir fornameit
preistis as I have schawin to zow, heiring of this
poore man came and tuik him, and had him to Sanctandrois
to the bischope thair maister quho incontenent send and 
conwenit certane bischopis, abbottis and pryouris, to
wit, the bischope of Sanctandrois, the bischope of Caitnes,
the bischope of Murray, the bischope of Dunkell, the
bischope of Dumblane, the Abbott of Cowper, the Abbott
of Lindoiris, the abbot of Duinfermling, the Abbott of
Kilwining witht the docteris of the colledgis Mr Iohnne
Douglas, Mr Iohnne Windrum suppryour of the abbay,
witht money wther leirnitt men conwenitt at Sanctandrois
<P 131>
in the Abbay kirk the 25 day of Appryle in the zeir of
god forsaid and thair putt wpe ane freir callit Maltman
quhilk preichit the wangell and interpretit the sam fer     
fre the meaning of the spreit of god. But quhene this 
sillie poore man hard him he fell grovelingis on his face
and crayit witht ane loude woyce, 'Allace, zone freir, he
leis, my lordis; quho accussit the poore man Walter
Myle of heresie.' His accuser was Mr Androw Olephantt
quho said to him in this maner following: -  

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 134>
[} (^THE SENTENCE^) }]

   Then the bischopis and preistis laid thair heidis
togither and gaif sentance and condamnitt this poore
man to the deith, syne heirefter continewit him tuo
dayis or thrie because they could not gett ane iudge
criminall to him to execut that office. Then the
bischope send for the provest of Sanctandrois quho was
stewart of his regalietie at that tyme and desyrit him to
execut that man into the deid ffor they had found him
guilltie. The provist ansuerit and said, 'that will I
nocht, my lord, I will haue nothing to do witht the
serwandis of god to trubill thame nor gif iudgement on
thame nor to burne thame bot ony wther thing pertening
to my office I will wssit and stand witht it to the
plesour of god and iustice and that I do at zour command
bott wther wayse I will nocht mell witht no
innocent man and spetiall the servantis of god that
preiches his worde.' Then the bischope ansuerit and
said, 'prowist, ze ken ze ar my iudge and stewart of my
regalietie, ze aught to iudge all thame that transgres or
faultis withtin my boundis.' The provist ansuerit 
and said, 'that is of truth and weratie, and gif zour
lordschip pleissis I will be contentit I sall tak him
and gif him ane fair syse of temporall men and perchance
to cleng him of all the ditta and the poyntis ze
haue put to him.' The bischope ansuerit and said,
'quhy not, witht ane goode will I ame content that ze
wse that order wpoun him and mak me quytt of him
ony wyse that ze lyke best, ffor I haue no will that he
sould die at this time.' But sowme wyse men that war
freindis to the provist at that tyme schew that that
matter was perralus to cleng him, ffor the bischopis and
<P 135>
the clargie condemnitt him all redy, heir for bad him
be advyssit quhat he did, and gif the bischope fair
wordis in the meane tyme bot haif not ado witht that
man ffor he was innocent. The provist heirand this
desyrit at me lordis to contienew the matter quhill on
the morne quhill they might be adwyssit thairwpoun
and so my lord did. The provest went hame to his
ludging quhill on the morne tymose in the morning he
departit of the toun. Than worde come to the bischope
that the provist was departit of the toune, thane he was
werie crabit that he was frustrat in that maner and wist
nocht weill quhat to do and sought lang heir and thair
bot he could not come to his intent quhill at last thair
was in his awin court ane callit Sumervaill ane crapinell
of the devill without ether faitht or reliegieoun, nocht
haueing the feir of god in him, tuik the office in hand
and sett in iudgement and thair accussit this poore man
criminallie and condemnitt him to the deid. And thairefter
they sought burieoris and sought towis to bind him
bot they could not obtein nane in all the toune of
Sanctandrois in all the bouthis ane inche of ane tow
nether to by nor to be sellit for money because the
marchantis knawin the same matter had hid thame all
for loue they buire to the servandis of god, so it was
lang or they could obteine fyre pullder and towis. Zeit
at length they gat all thingis neidfull according to thair
desyre and thair they buildit the fyre on the northt syde
of the Abbay kirk on the south hand and thair thay
brocht the poore innocent Walter Myle out of pressone
and presenttit him to the fyre and first spoillzeit him of his
wmest claithis and syne stuffit him witht pulder and sett
him on the skaffald and syne bad him recant for skorne.
Thane he ansuerit thame againe bauldlie and stoutlie
<P 136>
witht ane strang and mightie spreit, 'I marwell of zour
wisdomes ze foollis and wode hiepocreitis that heipis
fourtht ane condemnatioun wpoun zour awin heidis in
melling this witht the servantis of god causles, and
cruellie putting thame to the deid innocentlie but ether
the law of god or man. As for me it makis not
mekill for I ame fourescoir of zeiris by-gaine thairfor
be nature I haue nocht lang to leif, bot gif I be brunt
at this tyme thair sall ane hunder ryse in the asse of
my bones better nor I and sall skatter the proude pak
of zow hiepocreitis that perturbis the serwandis of god
and quhilk of zow that thinkis zow hieest sall nocht be
worthie ane deid as I sall die now; I trust to god to
his plesour and that I salbe the hindmest that sall
suffer for this cause.' Witht that he exortit the pepill
to pray for him and he for thame, and so he recommendit
his spreit in the handis of god and his sacriefice
ffor his saik; and syne [{they{] pullit the tow and lut him
fall in the fyre and so he bruntt. This cruell act and
persecutioun of the trew servand of god quhilk was done
foir the testamoney of the reliegieoun of Christ as I
haue schawin to zow, in the zeir of god I=m= v=c= lviij
zeiris. The xx day of Appryle [^HERE BEGINS A PASSAGE FROM MS   #
I^] about this tyme thair
was ane scoittisman callit Paull Mephin quha was borne
in the towne of falkland in fyiff quha passit to Ingland
to leirne letteris and to preach godis word bot he was
banisit out of Ingland be quein marie vtherwayes callit
Jesobell becaus scho distroyit the serwandis of god the
ministeris that prechit the vord and also thame that war
professouris of the religioun to the nomber of fyve or
sex thowsand baith gentill and commonis leirned and
onleirned and zoung als weill the woman as the man
<P 137>
non eschaiped hir handis bot all war crwelie persecuted
and brunt to the death and that be counsall of hir
wickit bischopis quha war the paippis souldiouris. This
puire man paull mepheine seand this addressit him selff
and come in Scotland in the zeir of god I=m= v=c= lviij zeiris
and [^HERE ENDS THE PASSAGE FROM MS I^] efter this Paul Meffen  #
come in Scottland and
preichit in Dindie and in sindrie gentillmens places in
Angus and also in Fyfe, to witt, in Coupar, in Lundie
and at Fasyde and in sindrie wther placeis, and ministrat
the sacramentis in Lundie imagis thairof to be
cassin doune and abolisched the popis reliegieoun sa far
as he passit or preichit for the tyme; for the quhilk
cause he and they that resait him and spetiall the men
of Dundie war sowmond befor the quene and secreit
consall at Edinburgh the xx day of Julii in the zeir forsaid
to witt, I=m= v=c= Lviij zeiris bot he was so assistit witht
temporall men be solistatioun thairof was contienewit
quhill they saw forder in the matter.
   This same procurit great weir on the bordar betuix
Ingland and Scotland and was callit the quarter raidis
quhair thair was ane raid ridin in Ingland and mekill
slaughter maid in baitht the sydis quhair thair was
taine the Maister of Marchall, the lord Gray the Maister
of Ghrame witht wther sindrie gentill men and barrouns,
and money slaine in Scottland and far mo of Ingland.
In the same zeir ane taxatioun was maid to the kirkmen
and barrouns of xxiiij m pundis, to wit xvj m pundis
to the kirkmen and viij m pundis to the barrouns.
<P 138>
[}THE XXV CHAPTER .}]

   Hou the bischoppis convenit in edinburghe and hou thay       #
causit
quein moder to sumond paull Mephine and all thame yat
resisted him and consentit to his preaching. Hou paull
Mephin was put to the horne for [{non{] compeirance. Schir 
Thomas Jamesoun sumond. Hou the  quein of ingland depairted
Hou Lord James be advyce of the congregatioun brocht Johne
Knockis out of genavoe and Johne Willockis out of ingland
Ane battell betwix the laird of graunge and the lord everis
Ane conventioun of the bischoppis.

   [^HERE BEGINS A PASSAGE FROM MS I^] In the aucht of nowember #
the haill bischoppis and
kirkmen causit quein moder than beand regent for the
tyme to summond paull Mephin befoir hir grace at
Edinburgh. Bot paull Mephin compeired nocht at that
tyme becaus he knew thair wicked myndis aganes him
and his favouraris and swa causit him to be put to the
horne and siclyke thame that resett him bot zit god of
his gret guidnes steired vp the hairtis of the haill towne
of Dundie with the maist pairt of the gentilmen of the
meirnis and fyffe kyll and cunninghame that favourit
goddis word and passit to the quenis grace and desyred
him to be relaxit fra the horne bot onnawayes the
bischopis wald tholl nor permit hir grace bot gave to
hir grace ane gret sowme to hald him still at the horne.
The gentilmen with the burgesis persawand thair gret
malice passit to evirie schyre within this realme quhair
goddis word was preachit and requestit thame that wald
defend goddis word and Paull Mephin and put thair
handwreittis to ane wreitting and callit than the congregatioun
this was the first begining of the congregatioun
in this realme. In the samyn zeir ane man callit Schir
thomas Jamesoun of cowper in fyffe was summond for
preaching aganes the mes in sanctandros bot the maister
of lyndsay the laird of craighall the laird of lundy and
<P 139>
Patrick Kynninmond of Calleinge with vtheris sindrie
gentilmen of fyffe that favourit goddis word raid with him
and brocht him perforce fra Sanctandros [{who{] thair
eftir was maid minister of largow. In this same zeir
vpone the xvij day of nowember the wicked quein Marie
depairted of this lyff to the gret comfort of the protestans
of ingland and scotland and Elizabeth was maid quein in
hir steid. At this tyme lord James with adwyce of the
congregatioun brocht Johne Knox out of genavoe  and
Johne Willox out of Ingland quha war bayth scoittismen
borne and cuning men in the scripture of god and trew
preachouris of Chrystis evangell quha war banisit out of
scotland befoir for the samyn and judgment led on thame
be dauid beattoun cardinall for the tyme quho causit to
condamp thame for arracie and burne thair picturis.
Nochtwithstanding thay war preseruit be goddis graice
and the said cardinall gat his reward for the said banisment
and that be the hand of god for punisching of his
trew serwandis as ze haue hard befoir I neid nocht to
reheirs. [^HERE ENDS THE PASSAGE FROM MS I^] And this zeir I=m= #
v=c= lviij zeiris the viij day of
November queine Marie of Ingland deit wtherwayis 
callit Iesobell, quho pat doune the servantis of god,
departit out of this present lyfe and Eliezabetht secund
douchter to the king of Ingland was proclaimitt queine.
In the same zeir Lorde Ewerse brother desyrit to fight
witht Williame Kirkcaldie laird of Grange in singular
battell on horsebak witht tuo scherp speiris. The said
Williame was werie weill content thairof and to meit him
at ony place he pleissit, the quhilk day and place was
sett and appoyntit quhair they sould meit, to wit, at
[\A blank.\] , quhair they met weill accompanit on
baitht the sydis, to witt, the lord Ewerse brother accompanitt
witht the generall for the tyme witht all the
<P 140>
souddartis and gariesone thairof witht wther gentillmen
of Ingland; on the wther syde Williame Kirkcaldie
accompanitt witht Monsr Doswell the king of Frances
lutennent, witht all the souldeouris and gariesone of
Haymoutht witht wther gentillmen of Scottland. Quhene
the tuo airmeis war convenitt and consulltit and determenat
wnder the paine of treasson that na mane sould
come neir thir campieouns be the space of ane flight
schot, bot everie ane of thame to haue ane man to beir
his speir, and thair sould be tuo trumpattouris and tua
lordis be the Inglischemen to sie the matter finischit.
And quhene all thing was put to order and thir captans
horssit on horsebak and thair speiris in thair handis, then
thair trumpatis soundit and the heraldis cryit and the
Inglische 'Lutt thame go, god schaw the right,' and so
they rane togither werie cruellie and furieouslie on baitht
the sydis, bot the laird of Grange ran his marrow the
Inglischman out throw the schoulder blaid and of his
horse and so he was wondit deidlie and in perall of his
lyfe. Quither he dieit or leiffit I can nocht tell bot
Grange wan the wictorie that day.
   In this zeir begane the wproir of reliegieoun ffor all
gentillmen and commons war haill inclynnitt to heir
the preicharis of godis word trewlie, and to interpreit the
wangell of Christ to thair ediefiecatioun. At this the 
bischopis was werie affrayit and so was all the haill
clargie of Scottland. Thairfor they convenit ane provintial
[{council{] at Edinburgh the xxviij day of December
to be haldin in the blak freiris and thair to gar sowmond 
all bischopis, abbottis, pryouris, persouns wicaris and all
maner of men of thair reliegieoun that had knawledge or
lettres to heir and sie and consallit quhat was best to be
done aganis the wprore of the protestantis and thair new
<P 141>
reliegieoun and to sie quhat way thay might sett done
the samin maist easalie ffor thair particular and commone
weill of the popis kirk. To that effect they maid money
actis and constitutiouns, to witt, the first [{no man{] sould
haif ane benefice bot ane preist; secundlie, that na benefeit
sould haue huris nor wse harlotrie nor adullterie ffor
the first fault gif he did, he sould pay great sowmes of
money, the secund fault he sould lose his benefice. To
this contrair appeillit the bischope of Murray quhilk ever
was ane hure maister all his dayis and committit huredome
and adullterie baitht witht meadins and men
wyffis, saying he wald nocht put away his hure noe mor
nor the bischope of Sanctandrois wald put his away ffor it
was as lesum to him to haue ane hure as hie; and farder
he wald preif it lesum to him, to call the popis bowis that
is writtin in the degreis, that he might haue ane hure in
absence of his wyffe. Ffarder they maid ane act that
Schir Dawid Lyndsayis buike sould be condemnid and
bruntt and so they performitt the same and bruntt it as
ze sall heir efterwart. Bot in this meane tyme thair
come ane ambassadour fre the kirk of god that is to say
frome the protestanttis nameit Iohnne Erskin of Dun
quho desyrit hwmanitie at thair handis.
   [^HERE BEGINS A PASSAGE FROM MS I^] In this same zeir the    #
bischopis with the haill schavelling
sort had ane counsall in the blak freiris in Edinburghe
and thair thai set furth certane artickillis condampning
the preaching of paull mephin as heresie and set furth
in prent that god was flesche bluid and bones in the
consecratioun of the bred in the mes and affirmed purgatorie
and the invocatioun of sanctis and that nane
<P 142>
within this realme sould deny the foirsaid artickillis vnder
the panes of deid and to be reput as arratykes and
aganes the statute of the romane kirk and the dewill
thair fader the paip. And also Johnne hammiltoun
bischop of sanctandros and lord James commenditour
of the pryorie with Maister Johnne Winrome suppryour
of Sanctandros with vtheris channonis in cumpanie
passit throch fyff to the kirkis thairof and prechit the
word of god. Quhan the sermon was done Johnne
Hammiltowne bischop of Sanctandros start vp and maid
ane exhortatioun to the peopill deir of the heiring
That is to say commanded the peopill vnder the pane
of cursing to gif ony credence or ear or attendance to
the new preaching and doctrin of soutteris tailzeouris
skynneris baksteris or ony vther quhatsumevir that had
nocht his licence and admissioun thairto or thane my
lord James.

[}THE XXVI CHAPTER .}]

   Captouris maid be the bischopis and send to ewirie parroche  #
kirk
Ane ambassadour fra the protestanis send to the bischoppis.
Ane sumondis on the ministeris of goddis word  Pace concludet 
betwix france scotland and ingland.

   Wpon the sext day of februarj the bischopis and kirkmen
causit certane captouris to be maid to that intent
that quhatsumevir thay war that eat flesche in lentrone
or maid nocht thair confessioun to the preistis sould be
reput airt and pairt and as partakeris with the congregatioun 
and thir captouris passit in evirie parroch be the
bischoppis myanis. [^HERE ENDS THE PASSAGE FROM MS I^] At this  #
tyme the kirk of god that
is to say the trew protestanis and congregatioun thairof
send ane ambassadour to the bischoppis desyrand thame
<P 143>
humanlie that they wald for the lufe they aught to god
leif of thair pryd and presumptousnes and great furie
and regor and malice that they beir towart the reliegieoun
and poore kirk of god and the professouris
thairof and be content that they might serue god
according to his commandement and conforme to thair
conscience and that they wald be content that they may
haue the common prayeris in everie paroche kirk in Inglische
for ane quhill quhill thai saw farder about thame.
To this the bischopis wald in novayis consent bot
grew werie proud and high myndit, thinkand that they
had the quene and king of France on thair partie in
Scottland, they cairit not christ thair maister nor the 
evangell bot presumptouslie caist thame to thair awin
libertie and the popis conditiouns. Bot it become
of thame as it become of Luciefer quhene he rang
hiest in the hewin in this impyre and did offend aganis
the maiestie of god he was most sudenlie deiectit and
cassin done to the hell and that be the devyne maiestie
and powar of god, and so become of the proud and
presumptous bischopis and hiepocreittis and finzeit reliegeous
men. Quhene they stude in thair hiest degre
and wald nocht grant no libertie to the servandis of
god to serue thair maister christ as thai desyrit tham,
became suddenlie thair deprevatioun and fall ffor thair
was withtin schort tyme thair durst nocht ane mese be
said in Scotland in publict placeis, nor ane kirkman
<P 144>
nor ane bischope weir ane nwikit bonnett nor ane freir,
monk or channon weir ane cull, nor durst nocht presum
to gang to ane pullpit withtout he recantit the popis
reliegieoun and become ane trew protestant. Bot we
will leif this and returne to our historie.
   The quene sieand this wprore and heiring the evangell
of christ preichit abrode, and the commwnioun callit the
lordis supper was ministrat according to christis institutioun.
This the bischopis and scho laid thair heidis
togither and consultit to sowmond Paull Meffen Iohnne
Willox Williame Harlaw Iohnne Douglas againe the
tent day of Maij witht wtheris of the serwandis of god
to compeir at Edinburgh the said day abone writtin
befor the secreit consall bot be means of the laird of
Dun and wther gentillmen, the day of compeirance was
deferit. At this tyme I=m= v=c= [{lviij{] zeiris peace being
concludit betuix Ingland and France quhairin Scotland
was comprehendit and it was aggreit and promist that
Haymoutht sould be cassin doun. Bot we will returne
to our purpose. The quene and the clargie war movit
so at the protestantis that they brak thair promissis to
thame and keipit never ane worde thairof bot patt the
preicharis of godis worde regurouslie to the horne and
chargit sindrie barrouns and gentillmen to waird. Bot
they dissobeyit and tuik it plainlie wpoun thame, convenitt
in Sanct Iohnnstoun money of the gentillmen
and commons of Fyfe and sum of Stretherne and sum
of Angus, to witt, in Fyfe the Maister of Lyndsay
the laird of Lundie zounger and elder, the laird of
Cragie hall, the laird of Abeschaw, the lard of Newhall
witht money wtheris diuerse gentillmen and commons
quho passit haistalie and desperatlie to S. Iohnnstoun
rether to ieopard thair lyffis witht thair body in defence
of the evangell of christ nor to sie thair broder put to
pains and the evangell abolischt.
<P 145>
[}THE XXVII CHAPTER .}]

   Ane conventioun of the congregatioun in sanct Johnstoune.    #
The
doune castin of the idollis. The preaching of goddis word
opinlie. The resaving of Johnne Knox. The Counsall of Johnne
Knox to the congregatioun upon the brig of Sanctiohnstoune.
The doun castin of the charterhous.

   Thair to they convennitt at Sanct Iohnnstoun in the
zeir of god I=m= v=c= lx zeiris in the monetht of appryle.
This conventioun come to Sanct Iohnnstoun and thair
preichit the evangell of christ opinlie be Iohnne Knox,
and syne quhene they had dynnitt efter none zeid to  
the kirk againe to the sermon, and efter the sermon was
done gaif command to cast doune the idollis of the
kirk that is to say the allteris and the imagies and all
wther waine idollis quhilk was done hastalie. And
thairefter that same night past to the brege of Sanct
Iohnnstoun and thair held ane consall and callit on the
serwant of god Iohnne Knox and caussit him to make
his prayeris and supliecatiounis to allmightie god that
he might gif thame ane trew and godlie consall conforme
to the glorie of god and his will to sett out and
defend his trew kirk and the glorie heirof; and syne it
was consultit amangis thame selffis inmediatlie that they
sould pase to the chairtourhouse. Bot the pryour thairof
knew the same that they war purpossit to the same had
brocht certane of his hielandmen out of his landis of
Atholl to defend his place gif it war persewit. Bot thir
men seing great appeirance thairof and that they war abill
<P 146>
to be put to ane strait in defence of the place, come to
the pryour and desyrit of him thair wyffis and thair
eldest souns to be putt in thair takis during thair lyfe
tymes and he wald do that thai wald fend the place
and die in defence of it and fight thair foir, bot the
pryour gaif thame nothing bot ane repullssit ansuer.
Than they desyrit the pryour to fill the wyne and gif
thame thair fillis of the best drink quhilk wald incurage
thame bot he wald grant nothing to thame bot saltt
sallmond and thin drink quhilk gart thame tyne curage
quhene they had maist ado. Then the congregatioun
send ane ambassadour to the pryour desyrand him to
become the serwant of god and to leif idollatrie and to
serue god according to his will and commandement and
gif he wald do so they wald wse him genttlie conforme
to conscience and marcie. This ambassadour that past
to him was the laird of Moncreif quho was werie neir of
kin to him quho beleiffit that he sould drese him in all
thingis according to godis will and thairis bot never the les
this man gat nothing bot ane ewill ansuer baitht proud and
wngodlie saying that he wald navayis apply to thair will
and plesour till he saw farder about him. This gentillman
the laird of Moncreif getting sic ane repulsit ansuer
was nowayis content witht him and passit to the congregatioun
and prayit to do witht him as they thocht
cause ffor he could gett no order of him that was good.
This they concludit incontenent and past it all haist to
tha chairterhouse and thair tuike the pryour and spullzeit
the place and gaif the spullze to the toun and thairefter
on the morne caist doune ewerie stoune and stik and
maid it equall witht the ground; and thair efter passit
to the grayfreiris and blakfreiris and to the freiris of
Tillielum and caist thame all done except the freiris of
Tillielum quhilk the lord Ruthven saiffit be his moyane
bot abolischit the freiris thairof.
<P 147>
[}THE XXVIII CHAPTER .}]

   The reformeing of cowpar kirk  the incuming of certane       #
frenchmen
Hou the quein send about my lord duik. Hou the quein and
my lord duik met at Stiruilling and hou thay come with thair
haill force to haue fochin with the protestanis at              #
sanctjohnstoune
Hou the Erle of glencairne come with ane gret armie
to the support of the protestanis  Hou they war appointed.

   This being done the quene hapnit to be in Stirling
ffor the tyme and heiring of this was wondrous wraith,
angrie and wowit to god scho sould haue mens and
punische that deid cruellie and to that effect send to 
the Duike and desyrit him to speik with hir and haue 
his consall thairin to, quho came haistalie to hir witht
all his forcess to sie quhat war hir will. Thair scho
begane in this maner saying to him, 'my lord I marwell
of zow, ze being secund persone of Scottland and nane
betuix zow and the autorietie bot my douchter quho
hes no successioun as zeit, and I bot ane woman that
knawis nocht the natur nor falssietie of men and
berneage of Scottland and I beleif they stand no aw
of me because I ame bot ane woman and thairfor I
marwell of zow that ze will nocht help to correct the
men that so abusse the common weill and pollacie
of the cuntrie in casting done of abbayis and reliegieous
placeis, and destroying the libertie of hallie
kirk. I think it sould be zour dewtie and zour
brotheris to defend this realme sa far as it lyis in
<P 148>
zour powar, thocht I had nothing ado witht it considdering
that ze ar, as I haue schawin to zow, secund
persone of the realme.' Be hir fair wayis and subtill 
wordis scho brocht the Duike to hir purpois that he
witht all his forces kin and freindis that he might, come
fordwart witht hir to Sanct Iohnnstoun. Bot the first
night that they came no neirar nor Auchterardour witht
the rest and thair remanitt quhill the artaillze come
fourtht of Edinburgh and Stirling quhilk was the space
of sex or sewin dayis or it could be gottin in redienes.
In this meane tyme worde come to the congregatioun
that the quene was command fordwart to Sanct Iohnnstun
to distroy the toun and the inhabetantis thairof
quhilk was werie displessant to thame and incontenent
raissit all that they might be in Fyfe, Angus Stretherne
and the Merse and sum of Lowthieane and send ane
post incontenent to thair brother and freind the Earle
of Glencairne desyrand him to come in all haist to
defend thame and godis cause, declairing to him quhat
cace they stude intill. And he, lyk ane trew christieane,
inflaimitt with luffe and cheratie to his bretherin raissit
hallalie all that he might be in the wast land baitht
of gentillmen and commons and come fordwart baitht
on futt and horse to the number of xviij=c= men, and
spairit no trawell nether day nor night quhill he was
withtin tuo myle to Sanct Iohnnstoun. The quens
companie and frenchemen being in thin order ffor the
time and takand wpe thair airmie and command fordwart
to the toune, at this meane tyme word come
to tham that the earle of Glencairne was come to
Sanct Iohnnstoun witht ane great host of men baitht
on horse and futte to the number of ij=m= men, ane
thowsand horsemen and ane thowsand futtemen and
<P 149> 
that to tak pairt witht the congregatioun. The quene
and the governour heirand thir wordis war nocht contentit
thairwith and was greatlie effeirit heirof knawand
weill the earle of Glencarne was come to defend godis
quarrell and the rather that the Duik and his was in
his contrair. Bot in this meane tyme thair come worde
to the quens grace out of Sanct Johnnstoun that they
war iij=m= goode lyke men redy arrayit in tuo battellis
wpoun the Inche of Sanct Iohnnstoun witht xx schot
of goode artaillze in contrair thame and that they war
command fordwart to meit hir, and was determinat
never ane to flie frome ane wther bot rather to die
in godis cause nor to flie to be punischt be frinchemen
as strangeris to thame. And in signe and taikin thairof
the maist part of thame patt sex quarteris of cordis
about his hallis that gif he fled he sould be hangit
and gif they owercome thair enemeis the frenchemen
sould be hangit thairwith; and ffarder they left the
earle of Glencairne with ij=m= men to keip the toun of
Sanct Iohnnstoun to be ane releif to thame gif neid
war. Quhene the quene governour and frinchemen
hard this nowellis they war nocht contentit, knawand
they could gett nothing thairat and had nocht men
anew to gif thame battel; thairof thai consulltit
amangis tham selffis and send tuo souldeouris to the
toune to the congregatioun, to witt, the earle Bothuell
and lord Iames the quens brother quho desyrit to tak
wpe the matter to freindis. The quene cheissit the
earle of Argyle and lord Iames for hir and the congregatioun
was content heirof; they cheissit for thair part
the earle of Glencairne and the laird of Dun to convene
for thame, so thir foure tuike wpe the matter and contractit
in the samin maner as efter followis: -  It was 
contractit and finallie aggreit that the congregatioun
sould leif the toune of Sanct Iohnnstoun woyde and
<P 150>
fre, redy to resaue the quene thairin so money Scottismen
witht hir as scho pleissit, provyding allwayis that
no frincheman sould come withtin the toun nor neirhand
the samin be thrie myle and that the quene sould 
not call thame nor molest nor trubill ony induallar
no inhabetar withtin the toune but repois hir tua or
three dayis and to leif the toune frie as scho fand it,
and to that effect the congregatioun everie man sould
pase hame to his awin duelling.



<B SHIST2C> 
<Q SC2 NN HIST MOYSIE> 
<N MEMOIRS> 
<A MOYSIE DAVID> 
<C SC2> 
<O DATE 1590-1598> 
<M MEDIUM MS> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T HISTORY> 
<G X> 
<F X> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X MALE> 
<Y X> 
<H HIGH PROF> 
<U NET DOCUM/PUBLIC> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I X> 
<Z NARR NON-IMAG> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^MOYSIE, DAVID. 
MEMOIRS OF THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND, 1577-1603.
ED. J. DENNISTOUN. BANNATYNE CLUB AND MAITLAND CLUB.
EDINBURGH 1830.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 85.1-104.29
SAMPLE 2: PP. 129.7-139.26^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 85>
   Vpone the feird day of November, Mr Alexander Lyndsay        #
brother to 
the erle of Crafurde wes maid lord of Spynie, and with him sir  #
George 
Home and sir James Sandilandis knichtit. 
   In the begining of December, newis come out of France that   #
the 
King had wyn Torbet againe, and pat all to the aidge of the     #
suorde;
and that he had teane the feildis, and that vij=m= gentlemen    #
voluntaris 
come in vpone thair awin chairgis, and myndit to fecht the      #
diuk of 
Parmay befoir his away going; and the Bastillyee of Pareis wes  #
mannit 
be certane tounsemen, quho called (\Viva la Roy\) .
   Ane great controuersie fell out about this tyme, betuix      #
certane of 
the erle of Huntleis freindis and the Grantis; quhairvpone      #
forces wer 
reased vpone ather sydis: and the erles of Atholl and Murray    #
with the 
laird of Grant being in Tarnuay, the erle of Huntlie come to    #
beseadge 
the house, quhaire thear wes sundrie of the Gordouns slayne,    #
namlie 
ane Johne Gordoun, schot in at the movthe throw the craig and   #
died. 
They wer all chairged afoir the secreit counsall. Lykas, about  #
the end 
of December, they wer all compellit to find cautioun for        #
keiping the 
Kingis pace, and not inuading of utheris. Bot the erle of       #
Huntlie,
now being reconciled with the chanceller, had great court, and  #
all doune 
at his plesour. 
   Great inquisitioun at this tyme for witches. Lykas Barbara   #
Neapper 
and Evphane M'Kallian and Agnes Sampson, wemen of guid          #
reputatioun 
afoir, wer teane as witches, with sundrie utheris baithe men    #
and 
weemen. Sampsoun wes brunt, and died weill; the rest wes        #
keipit. 
Amangis the rest, ane Ritchie Grahame accusit of witchcraft     #
confest 
many poyntis, and declaired that the erle of Bothuell wes ane   #
treffecker 
with him and utheris, anent the conspyring of the Kingis dead. 
Quhairvpone the erle Bothuell, being send for and accusit,      #
being ane 
great poynt of treasoun, wes committed to waird within the      #
castle of
Edinburgh, and werie straitlie keipit. 
<P 86>
   In the beginning of Merche 1591, theare come in a great man  #
out 
of Irland, to tak vp men aganis the Queine of Ingland, namit    #
Bryanne 
Arroyk; quho remayning about ten or tuelf weikis in Glasgow,    #
at last 
wes committed to waird within the castle of the samyn; and      #
theirefter 
transported be the pryour of Blantyre and the laird of          #
Carmichell to 
Carleill toun, quhairfra he wes caried to the Queine and        #
delyverit in 
hir handis, to the great greife of many and slaunder of the     #
countrie, 
besyd the skaithe the merchandis of the west had that           #
trauelled to Irland. 
Vpone the xvj or xvij day of the said monethe, suir word come   #
that the 
Chairterhous wes wyn be the King of France, quhairin the haill  #
ritches 
of Pareise wes put in keiping. Vpone the xvij day of Junij      #
1591, the 
King maid his generall reuocatioun at Falkland. 
   Vpone the xxij day of the said monethe of Junij, the erle    #
Bothwele 
brak ward out of the castle of Edinburgh at twa houris in the   #
morning, 
be the conuoy of Gilbert Lauder quho went with him. The King    #
being 
in Tullibardin come immediatly to Edinburgh, and socht for ane  #
force 
to persev him at Kelso. The erle of Bothuell come to the        #
Nether bow
and cryed in, desyring ony man to bid the chanceller come and   #
tak him, 
and he wald give ony man a croune; and that samyn nicht sovpit  #
in 
Leithe, quhair the erle of Home joynit with him; and the erles  #
of 
Mortoun, Errole, maister of Glamis and vtheris wer his          #
fauoreitis. 
Quhairvpone the chanceller being affrayed, he sent for the      #
King, quho
come to Edinburgh in all heast. And his Majestie beand be the   #
way in 
Westerweymis, the erle of Merschell come to him, quhom he wold  #
not 
heir, bot committed him in waird. The samyn erle wes brocht     #
before 
the counsell, accusit and committed to waird within the castle  #
of Edinburgh;
schortly therefter fred. 
   Vpone the penult of Julij, the King wreyt for the nobillety  #
and 
barronis in all heast. The lord of Spynie past to Angus for     #
taking of 
the maister of Glamis, bot come back without him. Quho          #
therefter wes 
<P 87>
committed to waird in Blacknes, and releivit within a schort    #
space, 
and wardit beyound Die. The lord Home wes commandit out of the 
countrey, and the laird Balcleuche lykwayis past of the         #
countrey with 
licence.
   Vpone the xxvij day of December  1591, be a conspiracie the  #
abbay 
of Halyroudhouse wes supprysit. The erle of Bothuell, laird of  #
Spot,
laird of Nethrie, Archibald Douglas sone to William erle of     #
Mortoun, 
and Mr John Colwill with thair associatis, to the number of     #
fourtie or 
fiftie personis, enterit in at a stable dur besyd the east      #
geavill of the 
treatour toure, quhilk wes called the diukes stable, within     #
the quhilk 
thaire wes a trape and ane entres priuielie maid, quhilk past   #
in to the 
plaice. And hafing entered therin, they first bereft the        #
portour of the 
keyis, and then past to the chancelleris chalmer dur; they vp   #
the 
samyn; he being forsein be the kry of ane boy that theare wes   #
ane 
tumult of men in the close, he withdrew him selff and sum       #
vtheris 
within his inner chalmer, quhilk hes ane narow entrie, at       #
quhilk the 
saidis conspiratouris strak with foir halmeris and schot        #
pistoletis. Theare
wes sum schotis of muscatis schot out againe; sum of thame wer  #
hurt, 
and for fear to be trappit past to the Quenis chalmer dur,      #
quhilk they 
brak vp, and wer put from it till they gead that samyn way      #
they come:
and in that meane tyme, John Schaw maister stabler wes slayne   #
vpone 
the morne, and vther morne folowing, theare wes aucht of the    #
samyn 
personis teane, and hanged without assyse foranent the Abbay    #
yet. 
   The diuk of Lennox wes suspect of this purpois, be ressoun   #
that ane 
of his seruandis William Steuart wes at the deid doing, and     #
fugitiue 
with the rest. Certane of his Majesteis awin seruandis wer      #
suspectit, 
specially Robert Land and Mr James Durhame of Duntarvie, quho   #
wer 
apprehendit and committed to waird vpone the iiij of Januar.    #
Lykwayis 
John Nesmyt wes accusit, quho wes committed to waird within     #
the 
castell of Edinburgh, and fund heirefter to have bein the       #
speciall plotter 
<P 88>
and devyser of that bussines; his lyfe wes speared, bot him     #
selffe
banischit. 
   About the xx day of Januar, word come that the erle of       #
Bothuel with
a great cumpany wes in the west pairtes, myndit to pas to       #
Spayne. The 
diuk of Lennox and the erle of Huntlie war sent with            #
commissioun to
tak the said erle; he narovly escapit thair handis and past to  #
Buit, or
sum vther ile therabout. And they, remaining their aucht or     #
ten dayis 
vpon a chack, wer compellit to returne home as they come as     #
feild, 
except that they brocht in the scheref of Buit with thame,      #
quho maid 
his awin pairt good. And then some of the said gaird wer send   #
for to 
tak John Smollert, as suspect to have bein vpone this           #
conspiracie; and 
the said John being brocht afoir the counsall, he wes           #
examinat, and 
keipit a certane spaice. In lykmaner sir James Sandelands and   #
the 
scheref of Buite war send, with commissioun to searche and      #
seik the 
said erle of Bothuell. 
   Vpone the vij day of Februar or therby, the erle of          #
Huntlie, with 
sex or sevin scoir of his freindis, past out of the Kingis      #
house, and maid
thame to giang to ane horse rease at Leithe; bot quhen they     #
wer theare, 
hafing the executioun of a blouddie conspiracie in thaire       #
hairte, they 
past to the Queinis ferrie, quhair they had causit stay the     #
passing over of 
all boittis, and past toward the plaice of Donnybirsell besyd   #
Aberdour, 
perteining to vmquhill James erle of Murray. Quhilk being the   #
duelling 
house of his mother, and he brocht to the samyn be the lord
Vchiltrie, vpone his Majesteis promeis to ressave him in his    #
hienes 
fauour, for any occasioun of hafing to doe with the erle of     #
Bothuell, 
and vpone his Majesteis promeis to aggrie him the  erle of      #
Huntlie and 
the chanceller Mettland, sua vpone his Majesteis desyre and     #
command 
foirsaid, the said lord Vchiltrie wreyt for him; quheare        #
[{vpone{] he 
come to Donnybirsell, quhaire he wes slayne. 
   That samyn nicht that he wes slayne, efter his Majesteis     #
come in fra 
<P 89>
the hunting, to his ludging in Nithreis wynde in Nicoll         #
Eduardis house, 
quhair he ludgit at that tyme; the lord Vchiltrie, hearing the  #
bruit 
quhairof he had no certantie, being accumpained at the tyme     #
with 
fourtie of fiftie horsse of his awin, be ressoun of his         #
deadlie feadis that 
he stood vnder, past thame all in armes, and maid thame         #
selffes radie to 
giang over to Dunnibirsell to sie the maner: lykas the erle of  #
Mortoun 
promisit to send sum of his men with him also. Quhairof the     #
King 
being informed, send for the said lord Vchiltrie with all       #
diligence to 
come vnto him, and in the meanetyme causit cloise the portis,   #
and geve 
command to the bailyeis to stay all his horsses within thaire   #
steables. 
Lykas at his coming to his Majestie, eftir long conference his  #
Majestie 
discharged him in ony soirt to steir that nicht, or to ryd by   #
his knavledge.
The said lord efter sum speiches to his Majestie reteired to    #
his 
awin ludging. And vpone the morne therefter, quhaire the said   #
erle 
of Huntley with his bloudie menzie maist tressonablie reased    #
fyre, brunt 
the house of Donnybrisell, and maist vnvorthelie and            #
schamefullie murdreist
and slew the said vmquhill erle of Murray, being the lustiest   #
youthe, 
the first noble man of the Kingis bloode, and one of the        #
peiris of the 
countrey, to the great regrait and lamentatioun of the haill    #
pepill. And 
slew with him the scheref of Murray, and hurt thrie of four     #
vtheris his 
seruandis; tuik some of his seruandis also, and returnit        #
peceablie back 
fra that execrable murthour, to the toun of Innerkeathing,      #
quhaire they 
remanit all that nicht. The bloodie traitouris awowit that      #
they had the 
Kingis commissioun to this purpois, quhilk his Majestie denyed. #
In the 
meanetyme of theare staying in Innerkeathing that nicht, the    #
said erle
Huntlie send over Gordoun of Buckie to tell the King the        #
newis; 
quha wes haldin at the Kingis yet, and depairted to his         #
ludging. 
Quhairof knavledge comming to the lord Vchiltrie, and sum of    #
the diuk 
of Lennoxis seruandis, and erle of Maris, he went and focht     #
him warie 
diligentlie in the Cannogeat; and hearing that he had teane     #
horse at a 
<P 90>
backsyde and ridden away, the said lord Vchiltrie sent for his  #
horsse
with all diligence, and folowit efter him; bot he eschappit     #
werie narroulie,
and come agayne to the erle of Huntlie in Innerkeathing, quhair 
he being at his denner rease thairfra, and slipped away         #
without paying
of his lawing. 
    Vpone the nynt day of Februar, the dead bodeis of the erle  #
of Murray 
and scheref of Murray wer brocht over the waiter to Leithe be   #
the lady
Doun his mother, quha myndit vpone the morne therefter to       #
present 
thame to the King; quhairof his Majestie being forseine, he     #
past out to
the hunting, and commandit the bailyeis of Leithe to arreast    #
the dead 
bodeis in theare ludging quhair they wer, and suffer thame not  #
to be 
transported quhill they knew mair of his Majesteis mynd. Many   #
noblemen
wer wreyttin for, bot nane come except the lord of Hammiltoun, 
quha went out that samyn day with his Majestie to the hunting.  #
Captane
Gordoun and his man wes brocht over lykwayis, with the dead 
corpis. Theare wes ane warrand procurit be the lord of Spynie,  #
till 
have teane captane Gordoun out of Leithe to the castle of       #
Edinburgh, 
to have eschewit the present tryell of law; quhairof the lord   #
Vchiltrie 
being informit, tuik horse, and his seruandis with him to the   #
number 
of xxx or xl gentlemen weill horsit in thair armour, and        #
folowit furthe 
efter the King to the hunting. Quhaire he come vnto the King    #
vpone 
the northe syde of Corstorphin craiges beyound Cravmound,       #
quhaire his 
Majestie wes takin a drink, lichted, and stayed his horse at    #
the hill fute, 
and come to his Majestie, and schew him that he wes informit    #
that 
theare wes ane warrand procurit to carie captane Gordoun to     #
the castle
of Edinburgh, quhilk wald he ane henderance to his tryell in    #
law, and 
the assyse and all vtheris thingis maid rady; declairing to     #
his Majestie 
how far this murthour tuitched his hienes, quhairof he besocht  #
him most 
humblie to considder, and quhat great wrong he had ressavit     #
heirin his 
Majestie best knew; quha causit him wreyt for the said erle     #
and the 
<P 91>
chanceller Maitland. Vpone the said lord Vchiltrie his earnest  #
desyre, 
his Majestie granted him a warrand to present the said captane  #
Gordoun 
and his man to the tryell of ane assyse that samyn day; quhilk  #
with all 
diligence the said lord did performe, and the said captane wes  #
beheadit, 
and his man hanged, quho wer baithe at the said murthour.
   Proclamatiounis wes maid the tent day of the said monethe,   #
to all 
noblemen, barronis and vtheris within a great number of         #
scherefdomes, 
to ryse in armes with tuentie dayis loading, and mak forduard   #
with the 
Kingis Majestie, [{the{] tent day of Merche nixt, for pursuit   #
of the erle 
of Huntlie, and the committeris of the lait tressonable fact    #
within the 
palace of Halyroudhous, efter the King and Quenis Majesteis     #
had remanit
a certane tyme in Edinburgh, and the King and chaunceller wes 
murmured aganis be the commoun pepill, for not haffing sick     #
regaird 
to the punischment of that murthour as become. The Kingis       #
Majestie, 
the chanceller and court tuik jorney about the end of the said  #
monethe 
of Februar to Linlithgow, quhair his Majestie remanit a         #
certane tyme. 
They past fra that to Glasgow and Dumbartane, quhaire calling   #
befoir 
thame and thair counsell sum of the resetteris of the erle      #
Bothuell, 
laitlie in these pairtis about Dumbartane, they wardit the      #
laird of Foulwood
and his wyfe, with sum vtheris; and hafing taried a certane     #
tyme, 
in theare backcomming from Dumbartane, in the toun of Glasgow   #
(as 
all the countrie thocht purposlie, and as it appeared to        #
eschew the exclamatioun
of the pepill,) they returnit to Linlithgow. At the Kingis 
being in Dumbartane, the maister of Elphinstoun wes send to     #
him in 
commissoun be the erle of Huntlie, quho, in the said erles      #
name, offerit 
him and his companie to a tryell for the said murthour, ather   #
befoir his 
Majestie and his counsell, or the justice generall and his      #
deputis; thinking
that a commissioun, quhilk he purchest of his Majestie for the  #
persuite
of sick as assisted the erle of Bothuell, sould bein a          #
sufficient warrand
for the slauchter of the erle Murray. Alwayis it wes thocht     #
meit
<P 92>
heirvpone, that the erle of Huntlie sould be chairged to        #
compeir befoir
the King and counsell at a day, that his compearance to abyd    #
tryell
micht be maid suir, albeet nothing wes les meanit then wer      #
that he 
sould bein therby indengerit or trubled. The chairge being      #
direct out,
it wes thocht meit that he sould [{not{] be sufferit to come    #
in his Majesteis
presence, for the bruites cause, and for eschewing of forder    #
mislyking
of the pepill; bot befoir the day of compearance to [{be{]      #
committed 
in waird for his tryell. And sua the said erle, comming         #
forduard 
in armis to keip the day, accumpanied with sevin or aucht=c=    #
men, wes 
chairged be the way in the toun of St Johnstoun, to enter his   #
persone
in waird in the castle of Blacknes, and his freindis in the     #
castle of Edinburgh.
He come to his waird, and enterit therin, bot his freindis past
back, and dissobeyit the chairge. Efter he had remanit a fyve   #
or sex
dayis in wairde, he geve in ane bill to the counsell, and       #
desyrit to be 
fred, vpone cautioun that he sould compeir vpone the thrid day  #
of the 
nixt justice air within the schyre quhair he duelt, or sooner   #
vpone xv
dayis warning, and vnderly the law for the said murthour:       #
quhilk, efter 
sum circumstances vsit, wes granted be the King and maist       #
pairt of the 
counsell, and his releif put in the Kingis awin handis; and     #
sua wes fred
quyetlie be his Majestie, and past therfra to the castell of    #
Fyndheavin, 
quhair he remanit in cumpanie with the erle of Crafurde a       #
certane 
tyme; and therefter wes fred simpliciter, or vpone cautioun     #
never fund, 
as I hard. The lord Vchiltrie, seing how thir maiteris wer      #
handlit, 
and how the reuendge of this murthour be law wes neglectit,     #
quhairvpone
he had stayed all this tyme, and that his Majestie had promisit
vnto him to folow furthe that maiter he law in all rigour; he,  #
seing no
appearance therof, passes over the water to the erle of         #
Atholl, the erle 
of Montroise, M'Kuntosche, Grant, the laird of Weymis of that   #
ilk,
with the haill barronis apperteaning and depending vpone the    #
house of 
Atholl, and causses set doun a band in wreyt, oblissand thame   #
to concur 
<P 93>
and goe forduard at all occasionis quhen they sould be          #
requyrit, or that 
occasioun sould offer, for the reuendge of that murthour:       #
lykas he red 
throw all his freindis vpone the southe syde of Forthe, and     #
causit thame 
to subscryve the said band. Quhairof the King hearing be        #
informatioun 
of chanceller Maitland, and his instigatioun movit his          #
Majestie to send
for the said lord Vchiltrie, and to inquyre for the said band.  #
The lord
Vchiltrie affermit and confest his trauelling and obteaning of  #
the samyn 
band, alledging that he had great ressoun so to doe, for he     #
saw no vther 
appearance of reuendge to come; afferming oppinlie to his       #
Majestie at 
all tymes, that he wald embrace and refuse no freindschip that  #
wald
assist and tak pairt in the reuendge of that murthour. 
   The Kingis Majestie remaining in Merche at Linlithgow, the   #
nobilletie
and estaitis wer wreyttin for to ane conuentioun, the xx day    #
of 
Apryle befoir the parliament, quhilk wes continowit to the      #
xxiiij day
of Maij thairefter. For eschewing and schuilting this           #
conuentioun, the 
Kingis Majestie ten or xij dayis befoir tuik jorney out of      #
Edinburgh 
vpone the suddand toward Dundie, quhair he hard that the erle   #
Bothuell 
wes schipped at Bruchtie, and passing thairfra to Kaithnes. At  #
that 
tyme he remanit viij or ix dayis in Dundie, quhaire he vsit a   #
tryell of 
sum personis that had ressavit the erle of Bothuell; and        #
thairefter past 
to Perthe, quhaire the erle of Atholl wes desyred to compeir    #
afoir his 
Majestie and counsell, to ansuer for the reset of the erle      #
Bothuell in 
his boundis and countrie. The maister of Gray [{wes{]  chairged #
for this 
samyn reset, quho wes fugitiue. The erle of Atholl  being       #
sumquhat 
slaw in his incomming, proclamatiounis wer direct to mak        #
forduard 
vpone him, bot the erle of Mar perceaving the extreametie,      #
purchest 
a commissoun to him selfe and the lord of Tullibardin, to pas   #
for Atholl
and bring him in, quho did the samyn, bot Athol come            # 
substantiuflie
accumpanied. And remaining quhill the day of the conuentioun    #
wes
expyred at St Johnstoun, his Majestie come to Falkland. quhaire #
resolutioun
<P 94>
wes teane that the conuentioun and parliament sould bathe hald 
forduard, the conuentioun the xxiiij day of Maij, and the       #
parliament 
within v or vj dayis thairefter; quhairvpone the nobilletie     #
and estaitis 
wer wrettin for of new to that effect. And thairefter the King  #
come 
over at Erlsferrie to Fentoun; and remayning theare about       #
thrie or 
four dayis come to Dalkeithe, furthe of the quhilk he come the  #
xxiiij
of Maij 1592 to Edinburgh, for halding of the conuentioun and   #
parliament. 
   At this same tyme word come of the King of France wictorie   #
over 
the prince of Parmey: and how he had teane flicht, and wes      #
defeat. 
   It wes thocht meit that, at the beginning of the             #
conuentioun and 
parliament, they sould cheise the lordis of artickelis, vpone   #
the xxix
day of Maij in the tolbuithe of Edinburgh. Theare repaired to   #
the 
samyn the duik of Lennox, erle of Anguse, Mortoun, with         #
vtheris diverse 
erles and lordis. Theare wes a new counsall chosen the same     #
tyme. 
The proces of forfaltour wes led aganis the erle Bothuell,      #
laird of Spot,
laird of Samuelstoun, Nithre, William Steuart sumtyme           #
constable of 
Dumbartane, Patrik Comming, with certane utheris partakeris     #
with 
the erle Bothuell. Sundrie guid actis maid in favouris of the   #
ministrie, 
and vtheris of the temporall estait; I remit thame to the buik. 
   The King and Queinis Majestie remaining in Falkland in       #
Junij 1592,
vpone the xxviij day betuix ane and twa in the nicht, the said  #
erle 
Bothuell hafing conspyred the apprehensioun of the Kingis       #
persone that 
nycht, accumpanied with iij=c= personis, and persevit the       # 
palace thairof fra 
that tyme to vij houris in the morning; bot the King with       #
these about 
him, being for seine and advertisit be the watche, withdrew     #
himselff to 
the tour of Falkland, quhilk they had furnischit with wiveris,  #
and schot 
furthe, and keipit the samyn without hurt. And sua said erle    #
depairted
with his companie west fra the said palace, about vij houris    #
in 
the morning, bot his Majestie not being any number, and his     #
horsses 
<P 95>
teane be Bothuell, he left of the foloving of thame. The        #
gentlemen 
and haill inhabitantis of Fyffe come fast in hearing of this,   #
and that 
Bothuell wes fled: theare come also Perthe, Dundie, Covpar,     #
with 
sundry vtheris burrowis, to the number of iij=m= personis or    #
thairby, or 
sex houris at ewin. His Majestie tuik purpois that same nicht,  #
to pas at 
aucht houris at ewin to Brunteland, and vpone the morne come    #
over 
to Halyroudhouse, quhaire his Majestie remainit a certane       #
spaice.
   The erle of Angus wes command forduardd to that              #
conspiracie, bot 
suerued and stayed at Merkinsche; quhairvpone he wes chargit    #
to compeir
befoir the King and counsall. The laird of Balweirie and        #
Ardrie 
joynit thameselffes with Bothuell. 
   The lairdis of Burley and Logie, delaitted to [{have{] had   #
intelligence
with the erle Bothuell, wer takin and apprehendit be the diuk   #
of Lennox,
the ix day of August 1592, and committed to ward within         #
Dalkeithe;
quhaire being examinat they baithe confest the same. Burley
gat his lyfe for telling the treuthe, bot Logie, being a great  #
courtiour 
with the King, and dealler with the erle Bothuell, in           #
Bothuellis interpryse 
quhilk sould bein done at Dalkeithe, to wit, that they sould    #
come 
in at the back yet throw the yeard, and gottin the King in      #
thair 
handis, the said laird of Logie wes ordeanit to be tryed be     #
ane assyse, 
and execut to the dead. Bot the same nycht that he wes          #
examinat, he 
escapit out be the meanis of a gentlevoman quhom he loved, a    #
Dence, 
quho conuoyed him out of his keiperis handis throw the Queinis  #
chalmer, 
quhaire his Majestie and the Queine wer lyand in thair beddis,  #
till a 
wyndow in the backsyde of the plaice, quhair he gead doun       #
vpone a 
tow; and schot thrie pistoletis in takin of his onloyping,      #
quhaire sum 
of his seruandis with the laird of Nithrie wer awating him. 
   Vpone the xv day of August 1592, the lord of Spynie wes      #
accusit of 
the reset and intercommuning with the erle Bothuell, be         #
crovnall 
Steuart befoir the King and counsall. Quhilk being denyed,      #
efter mony 
<P 96>
attestatiounis and offer of the combat, the said crownnar       #
offerrit to 
prove, be witnesse and sundrie vtheris circumstances, vpone     #
the xxix
day of the samyn monethe, assienit to that effect. The lord     #
Spynie 
wes committed to ward in Sterling castle, and the crounar in    #
Blacknes in 
the meantym, quhair he had beine of befoir, as suspect giltie   #
of Falkland 
read. The day hafing come, the crovnar refusit to vse ony       #
witnesses or 
circumstances, alledging that it mycht be preiudiciall to the   #
cause, for 
they mycht be slayne or subornit, and declaired that he wald    #
vse his 
witnesse at the day of tryell; quhilk the counsell thocht       #
expedient, and 
set a day to that effect, the xij of September nixt, and in     #
the meanetyme 
wardit. Vpone the v of September, Airdrie and captane           #
Hackertoun,
associates of the erle Bothuell, wer bathe teane in Leithe be   #
the maister 
of Glamis  and sir James Sandelandis. 
   In the meanetyme the chanceller fled of court, and durst     #
not remayne 
thairat be ressone of the illwill [{of{] the diuk of Lennox.    #
The erle of 
Ergyle, erle of Mar, maister of Glamis remanit about his        #
Majestie at 
Dalkeithe. The diuk quarrellit the chanceller for vsing sum     #
tanting 
wordis. The court at this tyme beguid to mislyk the chanceller  #
and 
Lyndsais that buir court of befoir. 
   It wes aggreet betuix [{the diuk{] and Sesfuird, that Patrik #
Murray 
seruand to the King sould leid the teindis; sa the diuk         #
returnit. They 
had ane vther purpoise, to wit the taking and bringing in of    #
Fernihearst, 
Hunthill, and certane vtheris bordourmen, suspect of the reset  #
of the 
erle of Bothuell; bot not finding the tyme fit, and hearing     #
that they 
wer gathered, they left, and returnit home. The purpois of the  #
vplifting
of the teindis of Kelso and Sprouistoun wes refusit be all men. 
Then the Kingis Majestie pressed the lord Ochiltrie thairwith,  #
quho 
freelie vndertuik the samyn; quhairvpone theare fiftie horsmen 
<P 97>
givin him in pay, quhom the said lord payed monethlie, with     #
the said 
rent of Sprovstoun and Kelso, during all the tyme of his        #
theare being. 
His Majestie lykwayis wes informed that Boduell had ane that    #
conyeed
fals conyee, in the house of Row in Liddisdeall: vpone the      #
quhilk informatioun,
his Majestie wreyt to the lord Vchiltrie, desyring him to go 
to the said house, and to bring sick men to his Majestie as he  #
fand 
theare, togither with all sick instrumentis as could be their   #
had for 
conyeing, with pover to rease the haill countrie gif neid war.  #
Quhairvpone
immediatelie the said lord Vchiltrie gatherd to the number of 
sevin or aucht scoir horsse, all in armour, weill horsit, and   #
red first to 
Jedburghe, quhair they stayed that nicht, and refreschit him    #
selff and 
his companie; and Ferniheast his brother in law sent with him   #
thriescoir
horsse vpone the morne at nicht, red to the house of the Row    #
at 
Liddisdeall, and theare tuik the twa men out of the             #
house besyde the 
toure, and thairefter strouk vp the duris of the toure, and     #
broclit the 
ironnis that prented the conyie, with all the instrumentis,     #
togither with 
ane number of xxx s. peices to the King, quhilk wer counyied    #
theare, 
and delyverit the same to his Majestie in the Abbay. The fals   #
conyier 
wes gone in Ingland, and wes not to be had; to seik metle to    #
counyie 
moir, as wes reported. 
   Vpone the tuelt day of September, prefixit to my lord Spyny  #
to abyd
assyse for the  treasoun quhairof Crounar Steuart accusit him,  #
the maiter 
wes continowit, and nothing doune till the xiiij day, quhilk    #
wes also 
continowit, and his Majestie promitted to have the witnesse     #
rady aganis 
the  thrid of October. At this tyme a rayd wes proclamit to be  #
at 
Jedburghe, the xxv of September, for taking of the border       #
barronis 
resetteris of Bothuell, to the quhilk ane great number of       #
scherefdomes 
wes warnit. The saidis personis being chairged to compeir       #
dissobeyit, 
and past to the horne. The erle of Bothuell come to Haick,      #
accumpanied 
with thrie or four hundreth brokin men of the Grahames of Ask.
<P 98>
and vtheris, to meit the King of purpois command to Jedburghe:  #
and 
the King wes stayed hearing heirof, because they repared not sa #
soone 
as they wer warnit to the King. 
   In the meanetyme Ferniehearst come in to Dalkeathe to the    #
King 
vpone his knees, and cravit pardoun. He gat sick ansuer as he   #
luikit 
not for; alwayis it wes deliberat that his lyfe and landis      #
sould be saife: 
quho come in thairefter, wes wardit in the castle of            #
Edinburgh, and 
the provest and bailyeis of Jedburghe beyound Forthe. 
   Thairefter his Majestie lifted ane hoist of twa or thrie     #
thovsand men, 
and come to Jedburghe, quhair his Majestie held court vpone     #
the malefactouris
and resetteris of the erle Bothuell, quhair he coost doun       #
certane 
of thair housses. The diuk at this tyme was maid keippar of     #
Liddisdeal, 
and provest of Jedburghe, and in November thairefter, sundrie   #
of 
the outlawis come in, and offerit thame selffis in will. 
   Immediatlie heirefter the erle of Atholl past to Tarnoway,   #
accumpanied
with sundrie of his freindis, viz. the lord Vchiltrie, Louit,
M'Kuntosche, and quhat they with many vtheris could mak, of     #
intentioun
to be reuendgit of the erle of Huntlie for the murthour of the  #
erle 
of Murray: lykas M'Kunthosche vpone Straboggie land slew a      #
great 
number thairefter. The King, for pacefeing this purpois, sent   #
the erle 
of angus as leiftennent to the northe, vpone the [{xij{] day of #
November
1592; and according to the Kingis directioun, causit bathe the  #
parteis 
subscryve ane assurance, bot of theare awin forme. They wer     #
baithe 
commandit away; the one pairtie to Dunkeld, the vther to        #
Aberdein, 
to sunder the pairteis. Bot immediatlie thairefter, theare wes  #
slauchter 
maid be Allane M'Kildowie vpone M'Intosche men and frendis,     #
and 
great hearschip. 
   Vpone the thrid day of December 1592, captane James Steuart  #
was 
brocht in to the Kingis Majestie, be his cheife my lord         #
Vchiltrie, quho 
wes as that tyme in great credit with the King, be ressoune of  #
sundrie 
<P 99>
guid proufes of seruice his Majestie had of him fra tyme to     #
tyme of
befoir, and speciallie aganis the erle Bothuell; and gat        #
presence of the
Kingis Majestie and wes weill ressavit, efter he had bein sevin #
yeiris or
therby from court, evir sen the read of Sterling. Quhairat the  #
ministeris
cryed out and fand falt, because he had schewin him selfe hard  #
to the
ministeris quhen he wes in court, and wes the persever of the   #
erle of
Mortoun at the King and counsallis command, according to a      #
warrand
granted theranent, as lykwayis of the erle of Govreis dead. The #
said
lord Vchiltrie brocht him againe to the Kingis Majestie, quhom  #
with
he spak therefter, and then past to the west countrie with the  #
said lord
Vchiltrie, quhair he had interteined him in his house therefter #
thrie
yeiris, till the day of his deathe, quhilk wes the [^BLANCO^]   #
day of the 
yeir of God [^BLANCO^]. Quho wes werie foully slayne be James   #
Douglas
of Torthoreall, of quhom he luikit for no herme: as it wes      #
constantlie
reportit, he was stirred vp be sum about the King, fearing his  #
incomming,
bot chieflie remembring that he wes persever of the erle of     #
Mortoun,
quhilk he did at the Kingis command and counsalis. He wes
slayne command to Vchiltrie from Haselsyde: quhaire of the lord
Vchiltrie, being in court with the King informit his Majestie;  #
the
quhilk his hienes wes heichlie offendit at, and promisit to had #
hand, and
sie that maiter repaired with all rigor, according to justice.  #
Quhairvpone
the lord Vchiltrie folowit furth that maiter befoir the         #
iustice, and gat
him to the horne for non compearance, and vsit all the meanis   #
he could
to have had the reuendge of that bloude.
   About the beginning of Januar 1592, theare wes ane Mr George
Ker, brother to the lord Nevbotle, apprehendit in Cumray ile,   #
as ane
traffickin papist; and letters of the Peapis and King of        #
Spanyis gottin
in ane sark sleive of ane marineris; and he and they brocht to  #
Edinburgh.  
Theare wer also apprehendit with him certane wreytis and
missives, direct from the erles of Angus, Huntlie, Erroll and   #
sundrie
<P 100>
vtheris, with blank letters subscryvit be thame, discovering    #
theirin ane 
conspiracie aganis relligioun, the King and thair natiue        #
countrie. 
   The erle of Angus, comming accidently to Edinburgh, wes      #
teane and 
apprehendit be the secreat counsall, and toun therof, and put   #
in the 
castell in waird. The King hearing heirof come to Edinburgh in  #
all 
heast from Sterling, quhair he send  for ane great number of    #
the nobilletie
to tak ordour with this maiter. 
   And then sir Dauid Grahame of Fentrie and Mr George Ker wes 
brocht from Sterling, to the tolbuithe of Edinburgh. It wes     #
thocht 
meit, because of Mr George Keris denyell, that he sould be      #
butted, and 
the justice clerk and Mr William Hairte, being bosted be his    #
freindis, 
durst not doe the same, vntill the tyme his Majestie taking     #
the maiter 
hiechly, wold have the same donne. And efter the secund streak  #
he 
cryed for mercie, and confest all, and declaired that the       #
blankis subscryvit
be the erles of Huntlie, Angus, Arrol, Auchindovne [{and{] sir 
James Chisholme, sould bein caried to Spayne; and that ane Mr   #
William
Crichtoun of [^BLANCO^] a Jesuite sould filled thame as he      #
thocht
guid to the King of Spayne. The commissioun wes that xxx=m= men 
sould land out of Spayne at the west seas, and he connoyed to   #
the noble 
men theare adherentis in at Carlelle, and sua furthe to         #
Ingland, and 
that fyve thovsand Spayneyeardis sould be left in Scotland,     #
quhilkis, 
with assistance of the nobilletie, sould proclame libertie of   #
conscience. 
In respect of Mr Georges declaratioun of the treuthe, the King  #
granted 
him his lyfe. The laird of Fentrie deponit the samyn, and       #
therfoir 
wes execut. 
   About the first day of  Februar 1592, the erle of Angus      #
brak ward 
within the castle of Edinburgh, and past north over to the      #
rest of his 
adhearentis. Theare wes a read proclamit toward the northe      #
immediatly 
heirefter. His Majestie tuik jorney be Sterling and Perthe,     #
and 
wes in Aberdeen the xxij of the said monethe. The rebelis wer   #
not 
<P 101>
seine, bot fugitiue to Caitnese. The haill countrie men wer     #
called in;
the blankis and vtheris schawin; and a declaratioun maid of     #
his Majesteis
comming in these pairtes. Cautioun wes fund of the barronis     #
for 
the Kingis peace, rysing and concurring with him quhen he       #
pleasit, and 
for all obedience. And a generall band subscryvit be the King,  #
his 
nobilletie and barronis, for strait persuit of the erles and    #
vther foloveris 
with all rigor. The erle of Atholl wes maid commissioner        #
within the 
boundis of Elgin, Forres, Nairne, Nes, Cromartie and all        #
beyound Spay;
the erle of Merschell from the north waiter to Spay.
   At this tyme come in ane Inglische ambassadour namit the     #
lord 
Barroche. The commissioun wes, that, seing the King of Spayne   #
had 
teane vp banner aganis Ingland and Scotland for professioun of  #
the 
treuthe, it wald please his Majestie to denunce wear with him;  #
nixt that 
these that wer of the lait conspiracie mycht be folowit with    #
all rigor;
thridlie, that the league of amitie betuix the twa realmes      #
mycht be 
reiterat. 
   To the quhilkis ansuer wes maid be sir Robert Melvill of     #
Murdocairnie
knicht thesaurer deput: To the first, that no occasioun of      #
wear 
wes offerrit, be reasone that the haill subiectis of this       #
realme had frie
passadge and tread within Spayne; and incaice he meanit to      #
persev 
Ingland be landing of his men heir, he wald give pledges that   #
theare 
sould be no skeath donne: calling to mynd that theare wer many  #
fair 
offeris maid of befoir to the King at thair last strait, bot    #
never a vord
keipit. It wes ansuerit to the secound, that his Majestie,      #
being a frie
prince, wald tak na directioun from the Queine of Ingland to    #
vse or 
not vse his subiectis. And to the thrid, that theare wes no     #
break and 
therfoir na reneving. 
   About the xj of Apryle 1593, the embassadour departed        #
homeward. 
It wes then concludit that sir Robert Melvill sould be send     #
embassadour;
with a full resoluing ansuer to Ingland. 
<P 102>
   At this tyme the diuk and lord of Spynie wes aggreet, and    #
he with 
his brother put in thair owin plaices. Vpone the xxviij of      #
Apryle, 
the Kingis Majestie, alledging he wes to hunt, read quicklie    #
out of 
Haddingtoun to Leidingtoun to the  chanceller, dynit with him,  #
and 
conferred long, quhairat the counsall wes agast. 
   Vpone the nynt of Junij 1593, for Robert Melvill wes sent    #
in Ingland,
with ane full resolutioun to the Queine, and for ressaving the  #
Kingis 
annuell he had yeirlie out of Ingland.  The ministrie cryed     #
alwayis out, 
and wer offendit at the ladie Huntlieis being in the Abbay,     #
hir husband 
being ane of the speciall conspiratouris: at last the Kingis    #
Majestie 
movit heir with, and at the desyre of Mr Bowes embassadour,     #
pat hir 
away. 
   The parliament began vpone the xiiij day of Julij 1593. The  #
diuk 
of Lennox buir the croun, the erle of Ergyle the sceptour, and  #
erle of 
Mortoun the suord. The lordis of the articklis electit. Vpone   #
the 
xxj day of Julij, the King red againe to the tolbuithe. The     #
erle of 
Atholl being in the toun wald not ryd, because his Majestie     #
wald not 
condiscend to the erle of Huntleis forfaltour; nor yit the      #
lord Hamiltoun,
being their also. And his Majestie caused mak offeris to be     #
gevin 
in in the erle of Huntleis name and the conspiratouris, for     #
satisfactioun
of his Majestie and the kirk. This parliament wes litle thocht  #
of, because
the erles wer not forfalted; it wes maid a current parliament,
and continowit to November nixt. In the meanetyme ane great 
number of personis wer slayne in Sanquhaire, and theare         #
bloudie sarkis 
brocht to the King. 
   Vpone the xxiiij day of Julij 1593, the erle Bothuell and    #
mr John 
Coluill, quho had bein thrie yeiris banischt, come in,          #
accompanied with 
the erle of Atholl, the lord Forbes, the lord Vchiltrie (quho   #
joynit 
with thame for reuendge, and vpone promeis to assist the        #
reuendge of 
the erle of Murrayis slauchter) to the number of twa or thrie   #
hundreth 
<P 103>
men, to the abbay of Halyroudhouse; quhaire it wes reported     #
that the 
said erle and Mr John war brocht in be the lady Atholl, at the  #
back 
yet of the said abbay, betuix aucht and nine houris in the      #
morning; and 
at the Kingis rysing, entered in his chalmer, quhaire his       #
Majestie being 
putting on his clothes, the said erle and Mr John fell doun on  #
thaire knees, 
and geve theare suordis vpone the grund, craving mercie and     #
pardoun 
moist humblie, quhilk his Majestie yeildit to. There wes vpone  #
this 
practize the diuk of Lennox, the erle of Atholl, the lordis     #
Vchiltrie, 
Forbes and Spynie, with sundrie vtheris bandit to the samyn     #
purpois
with the erle Bothuell. Theare wes ane great tumult in          #
Edinburgh 
for this. They come all doun in armis, and cryed to vnderstand  #
the 
Kingis mynd, quho cryed out, and sayd that he wes not captiue,  #
bot 
weill, incaice that quhilk wes promisit be thame sould be       #
keiped; and 
commandit thame all to the Abbay kirk yeard, to stay theare     #
quhill he 
cald for thame; and immediatly thairefter sent for the          #
provest and 
bailyeis, and commandit thame to dissolue and goe homeward; he  #
hovpit
all sould be weill.
   Schortlie heirefter the erle of Mar, maister of Glamis,      #
priour of 
Blantyre, with sundrie vtheris, reteired thame selfes as        #
malecontentis of 
the toun. It wes thocht meit that Bothuell sould reteir him of  #
the toun,
quhill he wer tryed of the cryme of witchcraft layd to his      #
charge; and the 
tent of August set for that effect. The King red immediatlie    #
thairefter 
to Falkland, accumpained with the diuk, the lord Vchiltrie and  #
Spynie, 
and returnit to Edinburgh to the tent day of August appoynted   #
as said 
is. At quhilk day the erle of Bothuell wes put to the           #
knavledge of ane
assyse, and purged be thame all in ane voce. Immediatlie        #
heirefter the 
King being bound to Falkland wes stayed be the lordis, quhill   #
it wes 
agreet that his Majestie sould pas as a frie prince quhaire he  #
plesit, and 
that the erle of Bothuell nor none of his confederatis sould    #
come neir 
him without his licence; and sicklyk that the chanceller, the   #
erle of 
<P 104>
Mar and thair confederatis sould not repair to court, quhill    #
the parliament 
appoynted the tent day of November. So as his Majestie          #
depairted 
weill content, promitting be his oathe and handwreyt to         #
restoir the erle 
of Bothuell to his landis, and all his confederatis. 
    Word come that the King of France wes turnit papist, and    #
then 
crounit at Pareise. 
   Theirefter at a conuentioun appoynted at Sterling, it wes    #
concludit 
and aggreet be the King and nobilletie, that seing his          #
Majestie wes not 
sufficientlie pleased to his honour, anent the erle of Bothuell #
for his 
double treasonis, theirfoir he and his foloveris sould come in  #
theare 
presence of new agayne, and crave pardoun on theare kneis,      #
quhilk 
sould be granted, and thairefter that he sould reteir him       #
selfe from 
court, to the tyme that the parliament sould hald, at quhilk    #
tyme he 
and his sould be restoired; and then that he sould goe of the   #
countrie, 
and remaine during his Majesties pleaseour. Quhairat the erle   #
of Mar, 
my lord Home, sir George Home, maister of Glamis, the pryour    #
of 
Blantyre and vtheris being glad, returnit to court, and war     #
weill acceptit 
of. Sir Robert Meluill and Mr Robert Bruce wer sent to the      #
erle 
Bothuell to signefie the conclusioun afoir said; quho           #
attending theare 
comming at Linlithgow acceptit werie gladlie heirof, and        #
promitted to 
performe the same to his Majesteis pleseour. And this being     #
declaired 
to the King be the afoirsaidis commissioneris, his Majestie     #
wes weill 
contented thairwith. Schortlie theirefter proclamatioun is      #
maid that 
Bothuell sould not come neir the court, within ten myles, etc.  #
And 
the state stoode sa at this tyme, that it wes feared that the   #
papist lordis
sould be ressavit in fauour againe: and on the vther syde, all  #
the ministry
fauored the erle Bothuell, thinking him moist meit to be a      #
chiftaine 
for the professouris, incaice they fand occasioun to come       #
aganis 
the papistes. 

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 129>
   Sundrie conferences wer betuix his Majestie and the          #
ministrie anent 
the pollitick and externall gouernament of the kirk. Maiteris   #
thairof 
[{wer{] hardlie ressonit and stuckin at on ather sydes, quhill  #
at last, be 
the ministeris constant abyding at theare declinatour, and      #
that they wer 
onlie competent judges in thair doctrine delyverit in pulpit    #
(\in prima 
instancia\) , his Majestie wes heichlie exasperat thairat, and  #
at thear daylie 
declaming aganis his Majestie and his counsall, finding falt    #
withe his 
Hienes course in the fauour schewin to the papist erles,        #
speciallie Huntlie,
and impunging his Majesteis lawis, actis of parliament and      #
proclamationis,
maid anent thair restraynt from convocatioun of thame selfes, 
and with thame the noblemen and barronis of the countrey at     #
theare 
assembleis and vther tymes, without his Majesteis privetie and  #
licence, 
alledging the same to tend to a seditioun. Sum of the           #
ministrie, that 
wer commissioneris for the rest at Edinburgh for the tyme, wer  #
chairged 
and commandit to depairt of the toun. Sum also of the           #
tounsmen thocht 
maist familiar with the ministeris of Edinburgh, to the number  #
of xj or 
xij, wer chairged of the toun, and not to come within twa       #
myles thairto. 
   The ministrie of Edinburgh, incensit at his Majesteis sa     #
hard proceiding
as they thocht, geve out maist griuous and vnkouthe speiches 
againis the counsall; to wit, president, secretar, Mr Thomas    #
Hamiltoun
aduocat. Speciallie Mr Walter Balkanquholle ane of the          #
ministeris of 
Edinburgh, preaching in St Jeilis kirk the xvij day of          #
December 1596,
ane euill day for the toun of Edinburgh, maist griuouslie       #
exclamit aganis 
the saidis counselleris be theare names exprest, and aganis     #
his Majesteis 
<P 130>
course in fauouring of Huntlie, afferming thairby the kirk and  #
relligioun 
to be in denger, and exhorting his auditouris, lordis,          #
barronis, gentlemene,
burgesse and vtheris to repeare immediatlie to the Litle kirk, 
quhaire the lordis Lyndsay and Forbes, withe the lairdis of     #
Bargeany,
Blackwane, Duntreathe, Hatton, Faldounsyde, M'Kleane and        #
sundrie 
vtheris barronis, gentlemen and burgesses being convenit at     #
his desyre, 
ane exhortatioun wes maid be Mr Robert Bruce, ane vther of the  #
saidis 
ministeris, declairing to the pepill the denger quhairin the    #
kirk and 
relligioun stood, be the returne of the papist erles within     #
this realme, 
and the fauour schawin to thame; and thairvpone desyrit sick    #
as wer 
convenit theare to hald vp thair handis, and awow the defence   #
of the 
kirk and relligioun aganis quhatsoever. Quhilk being doune,     #
sum of 
the saidis noblemen and barronis, and sum of the ministrie wer  #
directed 
to the Tolbuithe, quhairin his Majestie wes for the tyme in     #
the ower 
house, with commissioun to desyre his Majestie, in respect of   #
the denger 
quhairin the professouris of Godis relligioun stood, to put     #
these counsellouris
from him quho geve him counsall to bring home they papiste 
erles, to the perelling of relligioun and his awin estaite.     #
Quhilk commissioun
being dischairged sum pairt to his Majestie, his Hienes, as 
the commissioneris and pepill murmurred, tuik not the same in   #
guid 
pairt, bot as ane miscontent, withdrew him selfe out of the     #
heiche house
doun to the laiche [{doun to the{] Tolbuithe, and theare        #
convenit sa mony 
togither of the counsell as wer present, to advyse vpone ane    #
ansuer. 
   And sua in this meanetyme, as his Majestie and lordis wes    #
sittand 
theare in counsell at the backcomming of the commissioneris     #
agane, ane 
fray arrease in the Tolbuithe being full of pepill, quhilk      #
proceidit vpone 
ane fray that first beguid in the Litle kirk, quhairin ane      #
cryed "The 
suord of Gidioun!" and some vtheris cryed " Armes! Armes!" And 
sua a great number of tounsmen, quhilkis wer thocht maist       #
zealous in 
relligioun, and hanted in the companie of the ministeris, pat   #
thame 
<P 131>
selfes in airmes, some in corsleatis and sum vther wayis.       #
Lykas the 
lord Lyndsay, lord Forbes and sum of the barronis conuenit in   #
the 
Litle kirk, and with the ministrie past forduard to the         #
Tolbuithe in ane 
great companie togither. And sua exclamationis passing throw    #
the 
haill toun, and all men making to armes, theare fell out ane    #
exceiding 
great tumult, to the terrour of his Majestie and all the        #
lordis and vtheris 
with his Hienes in the tolbuithe, bot speciallie the greatest   #
fear of the 
four lordis, quhilkis wes thocht to have beine slayne, to wit,  #
the president,
the secretar, Mr James Elphinstoun, the aduocat Mr Thomas 
Hamiltoun, and my lord of Menmure. Theare wes directit out      #
from 
his Majestie and counsall theare present, the erle of Mar and   #
the lord
Vchiltrie, to the lordis barronis and ministrie convenit in     #
the kirk yeard, 
to stay the tumult. They had great truble and bussines in       #
thaire outgoing,
be ressoun of the thronge of pepill; and at thaire comming to 
the kirkyeard on the back syde, quhaire the lordis, ministrie   #
and all wer 
conuenit, some wordis wer wissellit at the first betuix the     #
erle of Mar
and lord Lyndsay, quhilkis could not be quenched a long tyme,   #
quhill 
the lord Vchiltrie desyred the lord Lyndsay to have patience,   #
and heir 
the erle of Mar delyver his Majesteis commissioun, as it        #
become him 
weill to doe: Quhilk efter he did, he returnit with my lord     #
Vchiltrie to 
his Majestie and counsall, quho wer sittand expecting theare    #
back comming.
In this meanetyme the magistrates and honest men of the toun, 
ignorant of the maiter meanit, comming to speak his Majestie,   #
be his 
Hienes command stayed the tumult, and commandit all theare      #
nichbouris 
to theare ludgingis. And quhen the matter wes quyetted, and     #
that the 
lordis barronis and ministrie that wer convenit wer ordeanit    #
to come 
doun to his Majestie at efter noune, and so schaw theare        #
greifes, the 
quhilk they promisit to doe, his Majestie past doun the Hie     #
streit to the 
Abbay on fute. 
    Theirefter the moveris of the tumult, convening thame       #
selfes togither 
<P 132>
in Mr Robert Bruces galrey in the back of the kirk at           #
efternoune the 
samyn day, maid choise of sum commissioneris, viz. the lord     #
Forbes, the 
laird of Bargeanie and laird of Blackwane, laird of             #
Faldounsyde with 
sum of the ministeris, quhilkis they send doune with sum        #
artickelis to 
his Majestie to be ansuerit. They held forduard the way,        #
quhill they 
come to the Abbay close about four houris at ewin. The Kingis   #
Majestie, 
being informed of theare commissioun and of theare comming, 
called the lord Vchiltrie, and directit him, as he wald doe     #
him maist 
acceptable seruice, to move and draw Bargaynie and Blackwane    #
fra 
that companie. Quhilk he did with all diligence, for these twa  #
men
wer his speciall freindis, and brocht theare be him vpone ane   #
day of 
law, for persuite of the lord Torthorell, for the slauchter of  #
his vmquhill 
vncle James Steuart sumtyme chanceller of Scotland. Sua efter   #
the 
said lord had teane twa out of that companie back to the toun   #
with 
him, the rest of the commissioneris, efter a litle              #
consultatioun and advysement
with thame selfes,  separat thame selfes, and ilk ane of thame 
past ane sundrie geat, leavand of thaire commissioun            #
vndischarged. The 
same nicht Barganie and Blackwane wer brocht in quyetlie to     #
his Majesteis 
chalmer, at ten houris at ewin, be the meanis of the lord
Vchiltrie, quho wer pardonit be his Majestie, and commandit to  #
ryd
home to theare awin housse. 
   Vpone the morne the noblemen and barronis in this quarrell   #
separat 
thame selfes and past hameward; some of thame wer called        #
thairefter 
befoir his Majestie, and committed to sundrie wardis, furthe    #
of the 
quhilk they wer be tyme releisit. Some of the inhabitantis of   #
Edinburgh,
thocht bussie on the calsay that day armit with corsletis, and  #
delaited
as pairtakeris of that tumult, being thocht a treasonable       #
conspiracie, 
(albeet never sa yit tryed out) wer straitlie put at, and for   #
non 
compearance some put to the horne and vtheris wardit, bot       #
finally all 
releiscit and put to libertie home againe. 
<P 133>
   The four ordinar ministeris of Edinburgh, viz. Mr Robert     #
Bruce,
Mr Walter Backanquhell, Mr William Watsone and Mr James         #
Balfoure,
being chairged to compeir afoir his Majestie and counsall, and  #
to 
be entered be the provest and bailyeis, they wer fugitiues and  #
denuncit
to the horne for non compearance. Quhilk passing over a long    #
tyme, 
and sum meanes being maid for restoiring the ministrie to       #
theare awin 
places, efter the samyn had waiked, and nather preching nor     #
prayeris 
vsit in the kirkis of Edinburgh for ane great spaice, it wes    #
dressit with 
great deficultie, his Majestie standing in werie hard termes    #
with the 
ministrie, that they sould be restoired to thair places.  And   #
for accomplesching
of that work, with the resolution of sum questionis             #
debeattable,
and thocht meit to be aggreed on betuix his Majestie and the    #
kirk, conuentioun
of the estaitis and generall assemblie wes appoynted and        #
haldin 
in Dundie, beginnand vpone the tent day of Maij 1597.
   In this foirsaid tyme, Mr John Welsche minister wes chargit  #
to compeir
befoir his Majestie and counsall, for sum speiches vttered be   #
him in 
a sermone maid in St Jeilis kirk in Edinburgh, within thrie or  #
four 
dayis efter that tumult, quhilk wes the xvij day of December,   #
and for 
non compearance wes lykwayis denuncit to the horne, and aganis  #
quhom 
his Majestie wes heichlie offendit. The lord Vchiltrie delt     #
werie earnestlie 
with his Majestie in his fauouris, and procurit his pace, gat   #
him 
relaxit and restoired to his awin plaice againe. 
   At this conuentioun appoynted the tent day of Maij 1597,     #
the four 
ordinar ministeris of Edinburgh compearit in presence of the    #
generall 
assemblie haldin theare, and geve vp theare offices, as it wer  #
at the 
apostles feit, affirming that they sould never serue quhill     #
the diuisioun 
of the congregatioun wer maid in aucht, and aucht ministeris    #
appoynted 
to serue the cure of the same. For that commissioun wes gevin   #
to 
certane of the ministrie theare, to sie that kirk of Edinburgh  #
planted, 
with the kirkis of St Androis, Dundie and utheris; as lykwayis  #
to sie 
<P 134>
ordour taking with a great dissastour fallin out amangis the    #
clergie of 
St Androis, quhilkis had devydit that haill cittie in           #
factionis; and a 
request wes maid be the assemblie to his Majestie to concur     #
with the 
saidis commissioneris for the better effectuatting of that      #
turne. His 
Majestie and the saidis commissioneris of the assemblie, with   #
sum of his 
Hienes counsall, immediatlie heirefter convenit at St Androis,  #
and displacit
fra seruice thear Mr Dauid Black and Mr Robert Wallace          #
ministeris;
as lykwayis, in schort tyme therefter, inioynit Mr Andro        #
Melwill 
and the rest of the doctouris to keip theare scoiles and        #
colledges, and 
medle with na assembleis or presbitereis therefter; and in end  #
maid 
choise and placit Mr George Gladsteanis minister theare,        #
thocht weill 
of and lykit be his Majestie and commissioneris of the kirk at  #
that tyme, 
and the haill honest citizenis of the cittie. Efter this the    #
four ordinar
ministeris of Edinburgh suitted to be reponit in theare awin    #
plaices, 
quhilk wes therefter granted. 
   At the said conuentioun quhilk endit the xvij day of Maij    #
1597, the 
artickles folowing wer concludit: first, That the money sould   #
be cryed 
to 1. s. the vnce; that no forrane gold nor siluer sould have   #
course, bot 
be vsit as bulyeoun to the counyiehouse; the counyeis of v      #
lib. peices of 
gold, and x.s. peices of siluer salbe continowit and struckin   #
without 
alteratioun; that na Inglische cleathe sould be brocht within   #
this realme;
that the woll transporting sould be restrainit; that bulyeoun   #
sould be 
brocht hame be the merchandis, conforme to the actis of         #
parliament;
that the customes salbe heichtit, conform to the actis of       #
parliament and 
practick of old; that customes salbe takin als weill of guidis  #
command 
within the realme, as transportit furthe therof, quhilk wes     #
thocht a 
noveltie. It wes concludit in the said assemblie, that erle     #
Huntlie, 
Angus, Errol sould be absoluit fra the excommunicatioun be      #
thair 
ordinar presbitreis. 
   Efter this immediatlie a parliament wes  proclamit to be     #
haldin at 
<P 135>
Edinburgh vpone the [^BLANCO^] day of [^BLANCO^] , quhilk wes   #
fencit and 
continowit to the [{iij{] day of [{November{] therefter. In     #
this tyme the 
saidis erles wer absoluit fra the sentence of excommunicatioun, #
and ressavit
to the societie of the kirk. 
    Immediatlie therefter his Majestie past about the [{ix{]    #
day of October 
toward Dumfreische, for repressing the insolencie of the        #
brokin men of 
the west bordour, of that resolutioun not to returne thairfra   #
quhill that 
turne wes effectuat; as in deid his Majestie did mikle to it.   #
In that 
tyme he hangit xiiij or xv lymmeris and notorius theifes, and   #
compellit 
the principalis of everie breanche of the surnames of           #
Johnstoun and 
Airmestrange, Beattisoun, Bell, Irwing and vtheris to enter     #
ane or twa 
of the moist notable malefactouris of evrie breanche, quhairof  #
theare 
wes xxxvj in number, as pledges that the haill skeathes and     #
reafes committed 
be thame or ony of theare particular brenche, sen the laird of 
Johnstounis acceptatioun of the wardeanrie, quhilk wes about    #
ane yeir 
and ane halfe befoir that tyme, sould be redrest, the pairteis  #
compleanand
betuix and the secund of Februar nixt therefter; and that they  #
and 
all thaires sould absteine fra sick insolencie and thift in     #
tyme comming, 
vnder the paine of hanging. Thir pledges being enterit wer      #
committed 
to waird in his Majesteis housse and strenthes, and for the     #
better effectuatting
of this conclusioun, and keiping of the countrie in obedience 
and guid ordour, his Majestie constitute theare presentlie      #
Andro lord
Vchiltrie leiftennent and wardin over that haill west merche,   #
and geve 
pover be commissioun to hald courtes of redres for tryell of    #
complayntis 
and satisfactioun of his Majesteis guid subiectis               #
compleaneris.  And for 
meiting with the opposit wardenis, making and ressaving of      #
redres, and 
also for suppressing of all forder insolenceis quhatsoever.     #
Quhilk commissoun
wes als lairge and ample as any quhatsumever ever granted 
to ony leiftennent heirtofoir. 
   This doune, his Majestie returnit from Drumfreische to       #
Edinburgh.
<P 136>
quheare the said parliament wes begun vpone the [{iij{] day     #
of [{November{] ,
and endit within aucht or nyne dayis thairefter. At the quhilk 
the saidis erles wer restored, baithe be reductioun of theare   #
forfaltouris,
and ane act of abolitioun granted in theare fauour. The         #
honouris wer 
borne the first day as folowis; the erle of Cassilis buire the  #
croune,
Sutherland the sceptour, and the erle of Mar the suord: the     #
secund day 
the erle Cassilis buir the croune to the Tolbuithe, the erle    #
of Keatnes
the sceptour, and the erle of Mar the suord: and in the doun    #
comming
from the Tolbuithe efter the restitutioun of the erles, the     #
erle of Agnus
buir the croune, the erle of Huntlie the sceptour, and the      #
erle of Mar 
the suord. Theare wes a taxatioun of twa hundrethe thovsand     #
merkes 
granted to the King be the estaites of parliament, for          #
directing embassadouris
in Ingland, France, Denmerk, Germanie and sundrie vtheris 
pairtes. Sundrie actis of parliament wer then concludit, the    #
particularis 
quhairof I remit to the parliament buik. 
   The lord Vchiltrie remanit leiftennent vpone the bordour     #
fyve or sex 
monethes at Dumfreische, halding courtis of redres, and         #
pacifeing the 
countrey; he hangit and slew thriescoir, with the moir of       #
notable thiefes. 
He geve sundrie decreitis, and in his tyme causit mak great     #
executioun
of the saidis decreitis; and keipit the countrey in great       #
quyetnes and 
guid ordour all this tyme. 
   About this tyme theare wes ane assemblie of the ministrie    #
haldin at 
Dundie, quhair his Majestlie being present vpone the [{xxvj{]   #
day of 
Merche 1598, quhair it wes proponit that bischopis sould have   #
woit in 
parliament, bot yit the maiter wes continowit. Sundrie greifes  #
wer 
given in be the foure ordinarie ministeris of Edinburgh, and    #
the presbitreis
thairof and thairabout, for that Mr Peter Ewet and Mr George 
Robertsoun wer admitted ministeris thear; yit all maiteris wer  #
weill 
aggreet. The maiter of the planting of the kirk of Edinburgh    #
wes long
dispute betuix his Majestie and Mr Robert Bruce, vpone  this    #
particular, 
<P 137>
that Mr Robert wald not ressave his admissioun to a particular  #
stoke be 
impositioun of handis and ordinatioun, without ane declaratour  #
givin 
[{to{] him be the commissioneris of assemblie, that he had      #
lauchfullie exercit
the office of ane pastour in the kirk of befoir; quhilk maiter  #
efter 
many trystes wes aggreet and packet vp. 
   At the dissoluing of the quhilk assemblie haldand at         #
Dundie, quhilk 
wes about the [^BLANCO^] day of [^BLANCO^] ,quhen his Majestie  #
wes in his 
returne to Edinburgh, the diuk of Holsten his Majesteis         #
guidbrother 
come throw Ingland in to Edinburgh, and wes convoyed the first  #
nicht 
to Halyroudhouse, quheare he wes ressavit gladlie, and vsit in  #
all sortis 
as a Prince. His Majestie heasted to Edinburgh to meit with     #
the said 
diuk, and at his thearecomming interteined him alwayis as       #
became; he 
maid progres out of Halyroudhouse ower the water of Forthe to   #
Rewinsheuche 
the  first nicht, fra that to Balcolmie, Pittinweem, St         #
Androis, 
Leucheris, Dundie, Foulis, St Johnstoun, Sterling, Linlithgow   #
and 
Edinburgh, quhaire he wes bancketted all the way. His Majestie 
bancketted him in Halyroudhous and Sterling mony a tyme, with   #
great 
drinking and pastymes, and with learge propynes. 
   In the end of Merche 1598, Mr Eduard Bruce commendatour of 
Kynlose wes directed in embassadge towardis the Queine of       #
Ingland, 
with a commissioun to excuse his Majestie of sum thingis        #
allegit spokin 
be his Hienes in parliament, anent hir proceiding in            #
nominatioun of the 
secund persone and great steuart, in his Majesteis preiudice    #
to the richt 
of the croune of Ingland, and to propone sum vtheris            #
particularis concerning
the estait of the twa bordouris and twa realmis. He returnit 
in Maij thairefter, with word that a peace wes concludit        #
betuix the King 
of Spayne and France, within the quhilk it wes craved that the  #
Queine 
of Ingland and the estaites of the Law countreis sould be       #
includit, if it 
pleased thame vpone sick conditionis. In this peace it wes      #
concludit
that the inquisitioun of Spayne and halye house sould be        #
dischargit, and 
<P 138>
not extendit to strangeris; that all forreneris mycht tread     #
theare at 
thear plesour without challenge; that Caleyse sould be          #
restoired to the 
King of France, vpone the xxiij day of Maij foirsaid. 
   Vpone the xxiiij day of Junij nixt, theare wes a             #
conuentioun appoynted
to hald at Edinburgh of the nobilletie and esteatis: at quhilk 
day theare wer present, the diuk of Lennox, lord Hamiltoun,     #
the erles 
of Angus, Erroll, Cassilis, Mar, Glencairne, Sutherland; the    #
lordis 
Settoun, Leivingstoun, Nevbotle, with sundrie vtheris.          #
Quheareat wes 
treatted the headis and artickelis folowing; for setting doune  #
a rent to 
his Majestie for the dischairge of his princelie effearis;      #
anent the electioun
of his defynit counsall remitted to the parliament; the         #
checker to 
sit anis in the yeir in Julij allenerlie; Mononday appoynted a  #
play day;
his Majestie passing to Kyntyre; the bischop of Glasgow         #
restoired;
anent the scherefis and horneris; the ordour alreadie set doun  #
to stand 
anent away taking of feadis; anent provisioun for armour, with  #
sundrie 
vtheris guid actis. 
   Immediatlie efter the dissoluing of the said conuentioun,    #
his Majestie 
past out of Edinburgh to Sterling, and from that to Falkland.   #
His
Majestie returnit againe to Edinburgh the xx day of Julij, for  #
ordour 
taking with the fead betuix the erle of Mar, lord Leivingstoun  #
and maister 
of Elphingstoun. About the tuentie of October, the gentlemen    #
interpryseris
to conqueis the Lewes past forduard in that woyadge. 
    Vpone the xxviij day of October, theare wes a conuentioun   #
of ane 
number of the nobilletie, quhairat the counyie als weill our    #
awin as 
forrene wes cryed doun, to the great hurt of the leidges; an    #
electioun 
of the counsall, and ane greatter number of the nobilletie      #
concludit to
be wreyttin for, agane the tent day of December nixt            #
thairefter at 
Edinburgh.
   At quhilk tyme they met, and treattit vpone the materis      #
folowing;
to wit, that theare sould be ane defynit counsell of xxxj       #
personis, quhairof
<P 139>
of xvj sould be noblemen, and the rest officiaris, barronis     #
and vtheris at 
his Majesteis nominatioun, quhilk sould sit in his Majesteis    #
palice vpone 
Tysday and Thursday weeklie at efternoune, and have a pover     #
and 
auctoritie to command, in quhatsoevir pairtes they sould        #
happin to resoirt,
his Majesteis subiectis makaris of conuocatioun, ryotis or      #
sick tumultis
in the countrey, [{and{] to commit in waird or syne as they     #
sould
think guid. They war first suorne, and with subscryving geve    #
theare 
oathes that they sould give his Majestie trew and faithfull     #
counsall in 
all his royall effearis, ather concerning himself or the weill  #
of the countrey.
The names war thir; the diuk of Lennox, the erles of Angus, 
Cassilis, Mar, Glencairne, Montroise quho wes maid president    #
of this 
counsell; the lordis Settoun, Flemyng, Leivingstoun,            #
Vchiltrie, Newbotle,
Fyvie; the thesaurer, secretar, comptroller, clerk of           #
register, 
aduocat, justice clerk, priuie seall, collectour elymoyinare,   #
commendatour 
of Kynlose, bischop of Dunkeld; the lairdis of Traquaire, sir 
George Home, Carmichell. Thir war present, and the rest         #
remitted
to his Majesteis nominatioun quhen his Hienes thocht guid. The  #
conyie 
wes ordeanit to be cryed vp againe in this maner folowing;      #
viz. the 
vnce of our awin frie fyne siluer to be at liij s. iiij d. and  #
the vnce of 
forrene siluer to be at 1 s., and the gold proportionallie      #
according to the 
spaices particularlie set doun; wapponschawingis wer appoynted  #
to be 
haldin vpone the first Monondayis of Maij, Junij, Julij; the    #
counsell 
wes ordeanit to tak ordour with the bordour maiteris,           #
scherefis, hornaris,
and sick vtheris thingis proponit at the conuentioun. Quhilkis  #
being 
endit, the counsall helde forduard, and began according to the  #
prescryvit 
ordour. 



<B STRA2A>
<Q SC2 NN TRAV LITHGOW>
<N TRAUAYLES>
<A LITHGOW WILLIAM>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1632>
<M MEDIUM PRINTED>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T TRAVELOGUE>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y 40-60>
<H OTHER TAILOR>
<U NET PUBLIC>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z NARR NON-IMAG>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^LITHGOW, WILLIAM.
THE TOTALL DISCOURSE OF THE RARE ADVENTURES ... OF LONG 
NINETEENE YEARES TRAUAYLES, ETC.
GLASGOW: JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS, 1906 (LONDON 1632, ALSO 
REPR. 1682). 
PP. 333.1-369.36^]

<P 333>
[}THE NINTH PART .}]

Tunneis beene sightlesse left, I sought the Ile
Of little Malta: famous for the stile
Of honour'd Knight-hood, drawne from great Saint John,
Whose Order and the Manner, I'le expone:
Whence Coasting Sicilie, a tripled view
I tooke of AEtna: Time discussing you
A miracle of Mettall; for its Kind
Is nurs'd by Raine, and suffled up with wind:
And thwarting Italy, the Venice Gulfe,
Carindia, Carneola, the stiffe stream'd Dolf;
Head-strong Danubio, Vienne, Austriaes Queene,
And Kinde Moravia, set before mine eyne.
To Hungary I came, and Vallechie,
The Transilvanian Soile, and Moldavie.
Whence sighting Polle, and many Scotsmans face,
I Kiss'd Sigismonds hands, at Warsow place:
Whence Swethland I, and Denmarke last bewray,
Noruegia too, in my sought London way;
Where bin arriv'd, safe on the brow of Thames,
To Court I came, and homag'd Royall James.

And now my Wish, and my arrivall, being
both desirous for a while setled in 
Tunneis, I dispatched my Dragoman, and
the other Barbarian hireling, with a
greater consideration, then my two former
conditions allowed me: Yet being urged
to it by Captaine Wairds decernitour, I
freely performed his Direction. My Conduct gone, and
<P 334>
I staying heere, Captayne Waird sent twice one  of his servants
with me to see two sundry Ovens drawne, beeing
full of young Chickens, which are not hatched by their
mothers, but in the Fornace, being thus. The Oven is 
first spred over with warme Camels dung, and upon it
the Egges, closing the Oven.
Then behind the Oven, there is a daily conveyance of
heate, venting through a passage beneath the dung, just
answerable to the naturall warmnesse of the Hens belly;
upon which moderation, within twenty dayes they come to
naturall perfection. The Oven producing at one time,
three or foure hundred living Chickens, and where defection
is, every sharer beareth a part of the losse; for
the Hatcher or Curator, is onely Recompensed according
to the living numbers he delivered. Surely this is an
usuall thing, almost through all Affricke, which maketh
that the Hennes with them are so innumerable every
where.
   And now it was my good fortune, after five Weekes
attendance for Transportation, being about the 14. of
February 1616. to meete here with a Holland ship called
the Marmaide of Amsterdam, beeing come from Tituana,
and bound for Venice and Malta, touched here by the
way. In this time of their staying, came one Captayne
Danser a Fleming, who had beene a great Pyrate and
Commaunder at Seas, and the onely inveterate enemy of
the Moores; beeing imployed by the French King in
Ambassage, to relieve two and twenty French Barkes that
were there Captivated, done by the policy of the Bashaw,
to draw  Danser hither; notwithstanding that hee was then
Retired, and marryed in Marseilles.
   Well, he is come, and Anchored in the Roade, accompanied
with two French Gentlemen: Two of which came
a shoare, and saluted the Bashaw in Dansers behalfe:
they are made welcome, and the next day the Bashaw went
franckly a boord of Danser, seconded with twelve
followers: Danser tooke the presence of the Bashaw for
a great favour, and mainely feasted him with good cheare,
<P 335>
great quaffing, sounding Trumpets, and Roaring shots,
and none more familiar then the dissembling Bashaw,
and over-joyed Danser, that had relieved the Barkes, for
thy were all sent to him that morning, not wanting 
any thing.
    After deepe cups, the Bassaw invites him to come a
shoare, the day following, and to dine with him in the
Fortresse: To the which unhappy Danser graunted,
and the time come, he landed with twelve Gentlemen,
and nearing the Castle, was met with two Turkes to
receive him: where having past the draw-bridge, & the
gate shut behind him, his company was denied entrance:
where forthwith Danser being brought before the Bassaw,
was strictly accused of many ships, spoyles, and great
riches he had taken from the Moores, and the mercilesse
murther of their lives, for he never spared any: Whereupon
he was straight beheaded, and his body throwne over
the walles in a ditch; which done, off went the whole
Ordonance of the Fort, to have sunke Dansers two ships;
but they cutting their cables, with much adoe escaped, but
for the other Gentlemen a shoare, the Bassaw sent them
very courteously and safely aboord of the redeemed Barks,
whence they hoised Sayles for Marseilles.
   Loe there was a Turkish policy more sublime and crafty,
than the best Europian alive could have performed. A
little while thereafter, the afore-said Hollander being
ready to goe for Sea, I bad goodnight to Generous  Waird,
and his froward Runagates, where being imbarked, with
prosperous windes upon the third day, wee landed at
Malta, and there leaving my kind Flemings and their
negotiation, I courted the shoare, saluting againe my
former hoste.
   The fift day of my staying here, I saw a Spanish
Souldier and a Maltezen boy burnt in ashes, for the
publick profession of Sodomy, and long or night, there
were above a hundred Bardassoes, whoorish boyes that fled
away to Sicilie in a Galleyot, for feare of fire but never
one Bugeron stirred, being few or none there free of it:
<P 336>
The Knights that remaine here, as they are of divers
howsoever, they of the better sort, are resolute in their
atchievements.
   The Maltezes aunciently did adore the Goddesse Juno,
whose Temple was superbiously adorned with rich decorements,
and to which for homage  and devotion, came all
the Inhabitants of the circumjacent Iles; bringing rich
presents and gifts; and they were also honored with the
Temple of Hercules, the ruines of which appeare to this
day.
   Now as their order of Knighthood, the oath which is
made at their receiving, in the order of St. John, or of the
Religion of the holy Hospitall of Jerusalem, is thus: I
vow, and promise to God, to the most blessed  Virgin
Mary, the Mother of God, and to our glorious Patrone
St. John the Baptist, that by the grace and helpe of 
Heaven, I shall ever be obedient to the superiour, that God
and this Religion have appointed; and from henceforth
that I shal live chast, forsaking Marriage, and all other
lusts, and to be without the proper possession of any thing
that may be mine.
   After this, the Chappell clarke, a Priest of the order,
receiving him with divers ceremonies, taketh a blacke
Cloak in his hand, and shewing him the white crosse that
is fixed thereon; demandeth if he doth not beleeve that
to be the signe of the Crosse, whereon Jesus Christ was
crucified for our sinnes, he confesseth it, kissing the
Crosse: After which, his receiver putteth the crosse of the
Cloake upon the heart and left side of the new made
Knight, saying: Receive this signe in the name of the 
trinity, the blessed Mother of God, the Virgin Mary, and
of St. John the Baptist, for the augmentation of the
Catholick faith, the defence of the Christian name and
service of the poore: Also we put this crosse on thy left
side, to the end, that thou mayst love it with all thy heart,
and with thy right hand for to defend it: And in fighting
against the enemies of Jesus Christ, thou shalst happen to
flee, and leave this holy Signe behind thee, thou shalst of
<P 337>
good right be depraved of this holy religious order, and
of our company: This done, he knitteth the Cordon of the
Cloake about him saying; Receive the yoake of our Lord
that is sweet, and light, and thou shalst find rest for thy
soule: This spoke, he kisseth the Cordon, and so doe all
the circumstanding Knights, and there are made unto him
divers Orations and precepts, contained in the Booke of
their Ordinances: They have a Priest-hood too of this
same order, being Masse-Priests that weare this badge of 
the white Crosse.
   Now  bidding farewell to Malta, and to mine aforesayd
Countrey Gentleman William Dowglas, I landed the next
morning at Sicly in Sicilia, being twenty leagues distant.
And now this being the third time of my traversing
this Kingdome, (triple experience, deeper knowledge) I
begin to give you a perfit description thereof.
   Sicilia was first named  Trinacria (whose figure is
Triquetria) for that being triangular, it butteth into the
Sea with three Promontories: Capo di coro, South, Cap
di passaro West: and Cap di saro East: The length of
each triangle from point to point, being 200. miles.

(\Terra tribus scopulis, vastum procurrit in aequor,
Trinacris a positu, nomen adepta loci.\)

An ile with corners three, out-braves the Mayne
From whence the name Trinacry it doth gaine.

   It is now called Sicilia from the Siculi or Sicani who
possessed it, and hath beene famous in all former ages:
   By Diodorus Siculus, it was cognominated the Paragon
of Iles: By Titus Livius, the Garden of Italy: It was
also aunciently called the Grange of the Romanes, and is
never a whit decayed to this day.
   The length of the Iland lyeth East and West, in circuit
sixe hundred,  large fifty, and in length two hundred fourty
Italian miles: The soyle incredible fruitfull, excelling
in all sorts of graine, as cornes, Wheat, Wine, Sugar, Ryce,
Oyle, Salt, Allom, all kinds of fruit, wholesome Hearbs,
<P 338>
exceeding good Silke, exquisite mines of mettall, and the
best Corall in the world is found here, beside Trapundy;
growing under the water greene and tender, but when
arising above, it becommeth red and hard: The like
whereof is sayd to be found in the red-Sea, and gulfe of
Persia.
   The most of the Townes and Villages within land, are
builded on the highest hills and greatest hights in the
Countrie; the reason is two-fold; first it serveth them for
strength, and a great defence in time of cursarary invasions,
of which divers bee so strait in ascending, that
one man may easily resist and beat downe five hundred.
The second is, because their dwellings being farre above
the parching Plaines, these situations are good preservatives
for their health, whereon they have a sweet and
cooling ayre, which in such a hot climat, is the soveraigne
salve to prevent sicknesse.
   Their  Villages be farre distant, some sixe, ten, fifteene,
twenty miles one from another; in all which grounds there
is no sequestrate house, unlesse (being a high way) it
be a Fundaco or Inne. About the sides of the  hills,
whereon their Townes  stand, grow all their Wines, and
on the Plaines nothing but red Wheat, which for goodnesse 
is unparalelled, and the best bread and abundance of
it in the world is here. Sicilia was formerly devided in
three Regions, to wit, the valley of Demonia, containing
AEtna, Catagna, Messina, and that angle of Cap di faro, of
old Pelora: The other the valley of Neitia, containing
Syracusa, Terra nova, and the angle of Cap di Cora of old,
of Lilibea; and the third was the valley of Matzzara
contayning Palermo, Trapundy, Malzara, and the angle of
Cap di passero old Pachinum: Many thinke that Sicilia
was rent from Italy by the violence of waters, at the
generall Deluge, some by infinit earthquakes, and some
simply conjecture the cause to have proceeded from combustious
AEtna, which is meere ridiculous.
   There are divers grounds and valleyes in this Ile, that
abound so in Wheat, that the Inhabitants recoyle a
<P 339>
hundred measures for one, and commonly are called the
fields of a hundred measures.
   The Sycilians for the most part are bred Orators, which
made the Apulians tearme them, men of three tongues:
Besides they are full of witty sentences, and pleasant in
their rancounters, yet among themselves, they are full of
envy (meaning their former kindnesses was unto strangers)
suspicious and dangerous in conversation, being lightly
given to anger and offences, and ready to take revenge of
any injury comitted: But indeed I must confesse, more
generously than the Italians, who murder their enemies in
the night; for they appeale other to single combat, and
that manfully without fraudulent practices.
   They are curious, and great lovers of novelties, and full
of quicknesse and rare inventions in all kind of Sciences,
great intelligencers, and lovers  of histories: As I found
in divers of them, who knew the passages formely of my
Countrey so exquisitly that I was astonished at their
relations, so agreeable with the trueth and times past. The
Parliament of Sicily hath a wonderfull great authority;         #
insomuch
that the Viceroy can not have the free gift (as 
they call it) which is every third yeare, nor no extraordinary
thing, nor the renewing of any matter concerning
the Common-wealth, without the generall consent of the
whole Kingdome: The generall counsell whereof is
composed of three branches, called by them, the armes of
the Kingdome: viz. first the Prelats, and inferiour Clergy
men, named the arme Ecclesiastick: secondly of Barons
called the arme Military: and the third, the Commissioners 
of Cities and Townes, intitulated the arme
Signioriall: The Crowne-rent of this Kingdome amounteth
to a million and a halfe of Duccats yearely: which being
disbursed ever for intertaining of Captaines, Garrisons and
of Gallies, and cursary ships, the Badgelloes and servants
for the fields, the maintaining of Towers, and watches
about the coasts, the reparations of Colledges, high-wayes,
Lords pensions, and other defrayings, there rests little,
or nothing at all to the King.
<P 340>
I remember in my twice being in this Kingdome,
(especially the second time, wherein I compassed the whole
Iland, and thrice traversed the middle parts therof from
Sea to Sea.) I never saw any of that selfe Nation, to 
begge bread, or seeke almes; so great is the beatitude of 
their plenty. And I dare avow it (experience taught mee)
that the porest creature in Sicily eateth as good bread, as
the best Prince of Christendome doth. The people are
very humane, ingenious, eloquent and pleasant, their
language in many words is nearer the Latine, then the 
Italian, which they promiscuously pronounce: somewhat
talkative they are, and effeminate, but generally wonderfull
kind to strangers. In the moneths of July and 
August, all the Marine Townes every yeare, are strictly
and strongly guarded with them of the inland Villages
and Bourges, both on foot and horsebacke: who are
compelled to lie there at their owne charges, so long as
this season lasteth; in which they feare the incursions
of the Turkes; but the rest of the yeare, these Seacoast 
Townes are left to the vigilant custody of the
Indwellers. 
   This Countrey was ever sore oppressed with Rebells and 
Bandits, untill such time that the military Duke of Sona, 
came to rule there as Viceroy, Anno 1611. where in the 
first yeare he brought in five hundred; some whereof
were hanged, some pardoned, and some committed to the 
Gallies: So that within two yeares of his foure yeares
government, there was not a Bandit left at random in all
Sicilia; the like before was never seene in this Region,
nor one in whom Astreas worth was more honoured, in 
fortitude of mind, and execution of true Justice than this
Duke, before whose face, the silly ones did shine, and
the proud stiffe-necked oppressours did tremble. 
   And in a word, he was no suppressour of the subjects
(as many now be) to satisfie either licentious humors, or
to inrich light-headed flatterers, but serving Justice, he
made Justice serve him: for the equitie of Justice of 
itselfe, can offend none, neither of any will it be offended;
<P 341>
unlesse the corrupt tongue and hand of the mercenary
Judge, suffer sound judgement to perish  for temporary
respects; which this noble Governour could never doe, 
neither suffer any inferiour Magistrate to doe the like
under him: As it well appeared by his just proceedings
against the Jesuites of Palermo, and his authority upon
them imposed in spight of their ambition. The circumstances
whereof were very plausible, if time did not 
slaughter my goodwill; and yet my patience could 
performe my paines with pleasure. 
   And likewise against a Seminary  Gallant, a Parochial
Priest of that same City, who had killed a Knights servant
in a Brothell-house, the brother of a Shoomaker, which 
fellow, the Victory caused to Pistoll the Priest in 
spight of the Cardinall, and thereupon absolved him for
the dead. 
   The Cardinall having onely for the Priests fact, discharged
him to say Masse for a yeare without satisfaction
for the mans life: so the Duke inhibited the Shoomaker
to make shooes for a yeare, and neverthelesse 
allowed him two shillings a day to mainetayne him for 
that time. 
   Many singular observations have I of his government, 
the which to recite would prove prolixious, though worthy
of note to the intellective man; hee was afterward Viceroy
of Naples, and now lately deceased in Spaine. It is 
dangerous to travell by the Marine of the Sea-coast
Creekes in the West parts, especially in the mornings, 
least he finde a Moorish Frigot lodged all night, under 
colour of a Fisher-boat, to give him a slavish breakfast:
for so they steale labouring people off the fields, 
carrying them away captives to Barbary; notwithstanding
of the strong Watch towers, which are every one in sight
of another round about the whole Iland. 
Their arrivalls are usually in the night, and if in day 
time, they are soone discovered; the Towers giving 
notice to the Villages, the Sea coast is quickly clad with 
numbers of men on foot and horse-backe: And oftentimes
<P 342>
they advantagiously seaze on the Moores lying in obscure
clifts and bayes. All the Christian Iles in the Mediteeranean
Sea, and the Coast of Italy and Spaine, inclining
to Barbary, are thus chargeably guarded with watch
Towres. 
   The chiefe remarkeable thing in this Ile from all
Antiquity is the burning Hill of AEtna, called now Monte
Bello, or Gibello, signifying a faire Mountayne, so it is,
being of height toward Catagna from the Sea side, fifteene
Sicilian miles, and in Circuite sixty. The North side
toward Rindatza at the Roote beeing unpassable steepe;
yet gathering on all parts so narrow to the top, as if it had
beene industriously squared, having a large prospect in 
the Sea; about the lower parts wherof, grow exceeding 
good Wines, Cornes, and Olives. 
   And now in my second Travailes, and returne from
Affricke, I not being satisfied with thee former sight, the 
kinde Bishop of Rindatza courteously sent a Guide with
me on his owne charges, to view the Mountayne more
strictly. Ascending on the East and passable part, with 
tedious toyle, and curious climbing, wee approached neare
to the second fire being twelve miles high; which is the 
greatest  of the three now burning in AEtna: whose vast 
mouth, or gulfe is twice twelve-score long and wide, lying
in a sraight valley betweene a perpendicular height and
the mayne Mountayne; whose terrible flames, and cracking
smoake is monstrous fearefull to behold. 
   Having viewed and reviewed this, as neare as my 
Guide durst adventure (the ground meane while whereon
wee stood warming our feete, and is dangerous for holes,
without a perfect Guide) wee ascended three miles higher
to the maine top or Cima, from which the other two fires
had their beginning. Where when come, wee found it 
no way answerable to the greatnesse of the middle fire;
the other two drawing from it the substance, wherewith
it hath beene aunciently furnished; yet betweene them
two upper fires, I found aboundance of Snow (beeing in 
July) lying on the septentrion sides of the Hill. It was 
<P 343>
heere in this upmost Fornace, that Empedocles the 
Phylosopher cast himselfe in, to bee reputed for a god. 

(\Deus immortalis haberi
Dum cupit Empedocles, ardentem fervidus AEtnean
Insiluit\)
To be a god, this curious Wretch desires
And casts himselfe, in the fierce AEtnam fires. 

   As we discended on the North-east side, we came to 
the third and lowest fire, which is within a short mile of the
Mountaynes foote, over against Rindatza; and if it were
not for a sulphureat River, which divideth the Towne 
and the Hill, it would bee in danger to be burned. This
last and least fire, runne downe in a combustible flood,
from the middle above, Anno 1614. June 25. Where 
the Sulphure streames, before it congealed, falling in a 
bituminous soyle, where Wine and Olives grew there 
seased, and daily augmenteth more and more; having
quite spoiled the Lands of two Barons in Rindatza : But
the King of Spaine, in recompence of their miserable mishapes,
did gratifie them with some of his Crowne lands for
their maintenance. 
   I speake it credibly, I have found the Relickes of these
Sulphure streames, which have burst forth from the 
upmost tops of AEtna Westward, above twenty miles in 
the playne. The reason of such ardent disgorgements, 
is thus; that when the abundance of Sulphure, being put
on edge with excessive Raine, and the bituminous substance
still increasing; which by the chaps, slits, and 
hollow chinkes of the ground (rent partly by the Sunne,
and by the forcing flames) is blowne by the Wind, as by
a payre of Bellowes; the vault or vast bosome, of which
ugly Cell not being able to contayne such a compositure
of combustible matter, it impetuously vomiteth out, in 
an outragious Torrent; which precipitately devalleth, so 
long as the heate remayneth : and growing cold, it congealeth
in huge and blacke stones, resembling Minerall
mettall, and full of small holes, like to the composed
<P 344>
Cinders of a Smithes Forge, wherewith the Houses of 
nine Townes Circumjacent thereunto, are builded. 
   This is that place, which the Poets did report to bee
the shop of Vulcan, where Cyclops did frame the thunderbolts
for Jupiter : Wherof Virgill doeth make his Tract, 
called AEtna. Under this hill the Poets faine the Gyant
Enceladus to be buried, whose hote breath fireth the 
Mountayne, lying on his face; and to conclude of AEtna,
the grosse Papists hold it to be their Purgatory. 
   The chiefe Cities therein are Palermo, the Seate of the 
Viceroy, situate in the North-west part over agaynst
Sardinia: It is a spacious City, and well Watered with
delicate Fountaynes, having goodly buildings, and large 
streetes, wherof Strado reale is principall, beeing a mile
long. In which I have seene in a evening march along
for Recreation above 60. Coaches; a paire of Mulets, 
being tyed to every Coach : The Gallies of Sicilia, which 
are ten, lye here. 
   The second is Messina, toward the East, over against
Regio, in Calabria, being impregnable, and graced with
a famous haven : having three invincible Castles, the 
chiefe wherof, is Saint Salvator by the Sea side; there 
be divers other Bulwarkes of the Towne wals, that serve
for offensive and defensive Forts, which is the cause (in 
derision of the Turkes) they never shut their Gates.
   The third is Syracusa, standing on the Southeast Coast
fifty miles beyond AEtna, and halfe way twixt Messina and
Malta, a renowned Citty, and sometimes the Metropolitane 
Seate : It is famous for the Arathusean springs, 
and Archimedes that most ingenious Mathematician : He 
was the first Author of the Spheere, of which instruments 
he made one of that bignesse, and Arte, that one standing
within, might easily perceive, the severall motions, of 
every Caelestiall Orbe : And when the Romanes besiedged
Siracusa, he made such burning glasses, that set on fire all
their Shippes lying in the Road : At last he was slayne
by a common Souldier in his studdy, at the sacke of the 
Towne, to the great griefe of Marcellus the Roman 
<P 345>
Generall; when he was making plots, and drawing figures
on the ground, how to prevent the assaults of the 
Romanes. 
   The fourth is  Trapundy  in the West, over agaynst
Biserta in Barbary, which yeeldeth surpassing fine Salt, that
is transported to Italy, Venice, Dalmatia, and Greece;
made onely in some certayne Artificiall Salt pooles, by
the vigorous beating of the scorching Sunne, which 
monthly they empty and fill. The Marine here excelleth 
in Ruby Corall, which setteth the halfe of the 
Towne at work, and when refined, is dispersed over al 
Christendom.
   This City is in great request amongst the Papists
because of the miraculous Lady heere, reputed the Ilands
Protector, and sole Governour of these narrow Seas, for
Shippes, Gallies, and Slaves : which indeede if an image
cut out in white Marble were so powerfull, it might be
credible; but besides this Idolatrous title, they               #
superstitiously
thereunto annexe a rable of absurd lies. 
   The fift is Catagna, placed at the Marine foot of AEtna,
that was so vexed by Dionisius the Tyrant. The sixt
is Matzara South-west, over against the Barbarian Promontore
of Lystra, the rest be Rindatza, Terra nova, 
Emma, whence Pluto is sayd to have stone Proserpina, 
Malzara, Francavilla, Bronzo, Terramigna, and Argenti
once Agrigentum, where the Tyrant Phalaris lived, who
tortured Perillus in the Brazen Bull, which he made for the 
destruction of others. 
   The tyrannies which were used in Sicilia  were in times
past so famous, that they grew unto this Proverbe, (\Invidia
Siculi non invenire tyranni, tormentum majus\) . The 
elder and younger Dionisius, were such odious tyrants, 
and the third Dionisius worst of all, that when the
people powred out continuall execrations on the last, wishing 
his death; onely one old woman prayed for his life:
This reason she gave, since from the grandfather, his 
father, and he, each succeeding worser and worser, and 
least (said she) he dying, the divell should come in his 
<P 346>
place, (for a worser never lived) I wish him to continue 
still.
   This Kingdome after it was rent from the Romanes, 
remained in subjection under the French till the yeare, 
1281. in which Peter of Arragon, contrived his purpose so 
close, that at the sound of a Bell, to the evening vespers, 
all the French men in Sicilia were cruelly massacred; 
since which time it hath ever belonged to the house of 
Arragon, and now of Spaine, which exploit masketh under
the name of Vesperi Siculi. For nobility this Iland may 
compare with Naples, their styles (like unto Italy) are
great, but their revenewes wondrous small. 
   The Sicilians have a Proverb, as having experience of 
both, that the French are wiser than they seeme, and
the Spaniards seeme wiser than they are : And even as the 
Spaniard is extremely proud in the lowest ebbe of 
Fortune: So is the French man exceeding impatient, 
cowardly desperate, and quite discouraged in the pinch of 
sterne calamity. The Spaniard and the French man have
an absolute opposition, and conditionall disagreement in 
all fashions; and in their riding both different, and 
defective: For the Spaniard rideth like a Monkey
mounted on a Camell, with his knees and heeles alike
aside, sitting on the sadle, like to halfe ballast ship, 
tottering on the top-tempestious waves: And the French 
man, hangeth in the stirrop, at the full reach of his great 
toe, with such a long-legged ostentation, pricking his horse
with neck-stropiat spurres, and beating the wind with his 
long waving limbes, even as the Turkes usually do, when 
they are tossed at their Byrham, hanging betweene two 
high trees, reciprocally waving in the ayre, from the force
of two long bending ropes. 
   The women ride here stridling in the sadle, and if 
double, the man sitteth behind the woman : The women 
also after the death of their friends keepe a ceremonious 
mourning twice a day, for a moneths space, with such 
yelping, howling, shouting, and clapping of hands, as if 
all Sicilia were surprised by the Moores : Yet neither
<P 347>
shedding teares, nor sorrowfull in heart, for they will both
hollow and laugh at one time : The same custome for the 
dead, the Turkes observe, and all the Orientall people of 
Asia. 
   This Iland finally is famous, for the worthy Schollers 
shee once produced: Archimedes the great Mathematician; 
Empidocles, the first inventer of Rhetoricke; 
Euclide the textuary Geomettrician; Diodorus Siculus that 
renowned Historian, and AEshilus the first Tragedian of 
fame, who being walking in the fields, and bald through
age, by chance, an Eagle taking his bald pate for a white 
rocke, let a shell-fish fall on it, of that bignesse, that it   #
beat
out his braines. 
   But to proceed in my itinerary relation, having twice
imbarked at Messina for Italy, from Asia, and Affricke, I 
have choosed the last time (double experience, deeper 
knowledge) for the discourse of my departure thence: 
After a generall surveigh of this Iland and Monte Bello
arriving at Messina, Anno 1616. August 20. I encountered
with a Worshipfull English Gentleman Mr. 
Stydolffe Esquier of his Majesties body, accompanied 
with my Countrey man Mr Wood now servant to James 
Earle of Carelill, who instantly were both come from 
Malta, the generous affabilitie of which former Gentleman
to mee in no small measure was extended; meeting
also afterward at Naples, as in the owne place shall be 
succinctly touched. 
   Here I found some 60. Christian Gallies, assembled to 
the Faire of Messina, which holdeth every yeare the 17. 
of August: Wherein all sorts of Merchandize are to be 
sold, especially raw Silke in abundance: 30 of which
Gallies went to scoure the coasts of Greece. Messina is 
foure miles distant from Rhegio in Calabria, and two miles
from the opposit Maine. This Rhegium was that Towne 
where Saint Paul arrived after his ship-wracke at Malta
in his voyage to Rome: It was miserably sacked by the 
Turkish Gallies of Constantinople, Anno, 1609. but now 
by the Spaniards it is repaired with stronger walles, and 
<P 348>
new fortifications, sufficiently able to gaine-stand any such
like accidentall invasions. 
   In this time of mine abode here, there happily arrived
from Italy my singular good friend Mr. Mathew Dowglas
his Majesties Chirurgion extraordinary, being bound also 
for the Levant in the same voyage of the Christian incursions
against the Infidels, whose presence to me after so 
long a sight of Hethnike strangers was exceeding comfortable,
and did there propine him with this Sonnet (which 
I made on AEtna) as the peculiar badge of my innated love. 
   
High stands thy top, but higher lookes mine eye, 
High soares thy smoake, but higher my desire, 
High are thy rounds, steepe, circled, as I see, 
But higher farre this breast, whilst I aspire: 
High mounts the fury of thy burning fire,
But higher far mine aimes, transcend above: 
High bends thy force, through midst of Vulcans ire, 
But higher flies my spirit, with wings of love, 
High presse thy flames, the Christall aire to move, 
But higher moves the scope of my engine, 
High lieth the snow, on thy proud tops I prove, 
But higher up ascends, my brave designe. 
Thy height cannot surpasse this cloudy frame
But my poore soule, the highest Heavens doth claime, 
Meane while with paine, I climb to view thy tops, 
Thy height makes fall from me ten thousand drops. 

Here in Messina I found the (sometimes) great English 
Gallant Sr. Frances Verny lying sick in a Hospitall, whom
sixe weekes before I had met in Palermo: Who after many
misfortunes in exhausting his large patrimony, abandoning
his Countrey, and turning Turk in Tunneis; he was 
taken at Sea by the Sicilian Gallies : In one of which he 
was two yeares a slave, whence hee was redeemed by an 
English Jesuite, upon a promise of his Conversion to the 
Christian faith: When set at liberty, hee turned common
Souldier, and here in the extreamest calamity of extreame
miseries, contracted Death: Whose dead Corpes I charitably
<P 349>
interred in the best manner, time could affoord me 
strength, bewailing sorrowfully the miserable mutability 
of Fortune, who from so great a Birth, had given him so 
meane a Buriall; and truly so may I say, (\Sic transit 
gloria mundi\) . 
   After sixteene dayes attendance for passage, their
fortunately accoasted heere twelve Napolitan Gallies come
from Apulia, and bound for Naples : In one of which, by 
favour of Marquesse Dell Sancta Cruce the Generall, I 
imbarked, and so set forward through the narrow Seas, 
which divide Italy and Sicilia: The strait wherof, is 24. 
miles in length, in breadth 6.4. and 2. miles. This Sea 
is called the faro of Messina, and fretum Siculum; at the 
West end whereof, wee met with two contrary chopping 
tides, which somewhat rusling like unto broken Seas, did
choake the Gallies with a strugling force: 
      
(\Incidunt in Scyllam, cupiens vitare Charibdim\) .

Who strive to shunne, the hard Calabrian coast, 
On sandy Scilla, wrestling they are lost. 

   Yet of no such eminent perill, or repugnable Currents, 
as be in the firths of Stronza and Westra: especially Pentland
firth, which divideth Katnes from Pemonia, the 
mayne Land of Orknay; wherein who unskilfully looseth
from eyther sides, may quickly loose sight both of Life 
and Land for ever. As we entred in the Gulfe of Saint
Eufemia, we fetched up the little Ile of Strombolo: 
This Isolet is a round Rocke, and a mile in Compasse, 
growing to the top like to a Pomo, or Pyramide, and not 
much unlike the Isolets of Basse and Elsey, through the 
toppe wherof, as through a Chimney arriseth a continuall
fire, and that so terrible, and furiously casting foorth great
stones and flames, that neyther Galley nor Boate, dare
Coast or boord it. 
   South from hence, and in sight therof, on the North
Coast of Sicily lye the two Ilands, Vulcan Major, and 
Minor; whereof the lesser perpetually burneth, and the 
greater is long since consumed. On the fourth day we    
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touched at Ischa, the greatest Ile belonging to Naples, and 
20. miles in Circuite, being strongly  begirded with Rockey
heights. The chiefe Towne is Ischa, whether Ferdinando
of Naples fled, being thrust out of his Kingdome by 
Charles the eight. 
   There is a Fountayne here of that incredible heate, that 
in short time will boyle any fish or flesh put in it, and the 
taste agreeable to digestion. Departing from thence, and 
coasting the mayne shoare, we had a Moorish Frigot in 
Chase, where seazing on her, we found 16. Moores 
therein, and sixe Christians, three men, two Women, and 
a Boy, whom they had taken up, in going betweene two 
Townes by the Sea side.  The Peasants were set at liberty,
and the Moores immediately preferred to chaynes of Iron, 
bloody lashes, tugging of  Gally oares, and perpetuall
slavery. 
   Neere the Marine, and in sight of Naples, wee boorded
close by the foote of the Hill Vesuvio, which in time past
did burne, but now extinguished: It was here that the 
elder Pliny who had spent all his time in discovering the 
secrets of Nature; pressing neere to behold it, was stifled
with the flame, so that he dyed in the same place, which
is most excellently described in the Booke of his Epistles,
by his Nephew the younger. 
   Arriving at Naples, I gave joyfull thankes to God for 
my safe returne to Christendome, and the day following, 
I went to review the auncient Monuments of Putzola or 
Puteoli: Which when I had dilligently remarked in my 
returne halfe way to Naples, I met the aforesayd English
Gentleman and M. Woode, who needes would have me 
turne backe to accompany them hither.  When come, we 
tooke a Guide, and so proceeded in our sights; the first
thing of any note wee saw, was the stupendious Bridge, 
which Caius Caligula builded betweene Putzolo and Baia, 
over an arme of the Sea, two miles broad: Some huge
Arches, Pillars, and fragments whereof remayne unruined
to this day:  The next, was the new made Mountayne of 
Sand, which hath dryed up Lago Lucrino, being by an  
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Earth-quake transported hither; at the foote of this 
fabolous Hill, we saw the remnants of Ciceroes Village. 
   Thence we came to the Temple of Apollo, standing on 
the East side of Lacus Avernus, the Walles whereof, and 
pendicles (the Tecture excepted) are as yet undemolished.
   This Lake Averno is round, and hemb'd in about with 
comely heights, being as our Guide reported infinitely
deepe, and in circuite a short mile. The West end whereof, 
is invironed with the Mountayne of Cuma, whether 
AEtnas arrived when hee fled from Dido Queene of 
Carthage, and sister to Pigmalion King of Tyrus.  
   Advancing our way, along the brinke of the Lake, we 
came to Sybillaes Cave, the entery being darke, because of 
the obscure passage, hewen out and cut through the mayne 
Rocke, our Guide strooke fire, and so with a Flambo 
marched before us. The first passage was exceeding high
Cime, and the further end stopped with mouldring earth. 
Inclining to our right hand, we passed through a very 
straite and low passage, and so arrived in Sybillaes 
Chamber, which is a delicate Roome, and Artificially
decored with Mosaical Worke: Here it is sayd, the Divell
frequented her Company, and where shee wrot her Prophecies. 
From thence hee conducted us through a most 
intricate and narrow way, (wherein we were forced to 
walke sidling in) to a large and vast Rome: The Rockey 
vault whereof, was hanging full of loose and long stones,
many of which were fallen to the bottome. 
   This great Cell or Hall, is a yard deepe of blackish
Water, and was the dining Roome of Sybilla: In which
hearing toward the further end, a scriking noyse, as if it 
had beene the chirking of Frogs, the hissing of Serpents, 
the bussing of Bees, or snarling of Wolves; we demanded
our Guide from whence such a sound proceeded? Who 
answered, they were Dragons and flying Serpents, praying
us to Returne, for the fellow was mightily affrayde: 
Whereat I laughing, Replyed, there was no such matter;
and M. Stydolffe desirous to know it, hee onely and I,
leaving the other two behind us, adventured the tryall: 
<P 352>
Having more then halfe way entered in this Sale, stepping
on huge stones because of the Water, and I carrying the 
Flambo, for lacke of ayre, being so far under ground, the 
light perished. Whereupon wee hollowed to our Guide, 
but the Reverberating Eccho avoyded the sense of our 
words, neyther would he, nor durst he hazard to support
us.
   Meanewhile it being Hell-darke, and impossible to find 
such a difficult way backe, and tendering (as by duty) the
worthy Gentleman, I stepped downe to my middle thigh
in the water, wrestling so along to keepe him on the dry
stones. Where indeed I must confesse, I grew affrighted
for my legs, fearing to be interlaced with water Serpents, 
and Snakes, for indeed the distracting noyse drew aye
nearer and nearer us. At last, falling neare the voyce of 
our guide, who never left shouting, wee returned the same 
way wee came in, and so through the other passages, till
wee were in open fields. 
   Here indeed for my too much curiosity, I was condignely
requited, being all bemired and wet to the 
middle, yet forthwith the vigorous Sunne disburdned me 
quickly thereof: From thence (to be briefe) we came to 
the Bagni, the relicts of Pompeis Village, to the Fort of 
Baia, and the Laborinth of Ciento Camarello, into the 
admirable fish ponds of Lucullus, (the coverture of which,
is supported by 48. naturall pillars of stony earth) to the
detriments of Messina, Mercato sabbato, and the Elisian 
fields: Thence we returned by the Sepulcher of Agricula, 
the mother of cruell Nero, who slit up her belly to see the
matrix wherein he was conceived; and by the two decayed 
Temples of Venus, and Mercury: Crossing over in a boat
to the Towne of Putzolo, the chiefe monument we saw, 
was the auncient Temple of Jupiter, who serveth now for
their Domo, or Parochiall Church: The latter Idolatry 
of which, is nothing inferiour to the former. 
   Meanewhile here arrived the French  Gallies, fetching 
home Chevalier du Vandum, the Prior of France from
Malta: Who scouring the coast of the lower Barbary, their
<P 353> 
fortune was to fall upon a misfortunate English ship
belonging to Captaine Pennington, which they as a 
Cursaro or man of Warre confiscated. Their Anchors
fallen, I boorded the Queenes Galley, where to my great
griefe I found a Countrey-man of speciall acquaintance, 
George Gib of Burrowtownenes (who was Pylot to 
the English) fast chained to an oare, with shaven head and 
face: Who had his owne shippe twice seazed on by the
Turkes, and Mamora, which ship he lastly recovered at the 
Ile Sardinia, and sold her at Naples being miserably 
worme-eaten. To whose underserved miseries, in my 
charitable love, I made a Christian oath, that at my arrivall
in England, I should procure by the helpe of his friends,
his Majesties letters to the Duke of Guyse Admirall, for 
his deliverance.  But soone thereafter, being of a great
spirit, his heart broke, and so died in Marseils. 
      
(\Tempora labuntur, tacitisque senescimus annis,
Et fugiunt fraeno, non remorante Dies\) . 

Times slide away, gray haires come posting on, 
No reyne can hold, our dayes so swiftly gon. 

   Departing from Putzolo, we came to thee Sulphatara, 
where the fine Brimstone is made, which is a pretty incircling
Plaine, standing upon a moderate hight; having three
vents, through two of which, the smoaking flame ariseth, 
and the other produceth no fire; but after an excessive 
raine surgeth sixe foote high with blacke boyling water, 
which continueth so long as the rayne lasteth. 
   From thence (our Guide leaving us) we came to Grotto 
di cane; wherein if a Dogge be cast he will suddenly die, 
and taken thence, and cast in the Lake, he will forthwith
revive: This  Grotto or Cave, standeth on the side and
root of a sulphure hill, the brinke of Lago di Avagno:
We desirous to make tryall of a Dog; and finding the
fellow that purposely stayeth there somewhat extortionable,
I adventured in stead of a Dog to make tryall of 
my selfe; Whereupon Maister Stydolffe holding up the 
quartered doore, I entered to the further end thereof,
<P 354>
bringing back a warme stone in each hand from thence:
whereat the Italians swore, I was a Divell and not a man: 
for behold (say they) there was a French Gentleman the 
former yeare, who in a Bravado, would needes goe in: 
whereupon hee was presently stifled to death, and here
lyeth buried at the mouth of the Grotto to serve for a 
caveat, to all rash and unadvised strangers to doe the like. 
   The relation indeed was true, but I counting nothing
of it, would needes (sore against the Gentleman and
Master Woods will) goe in againe, where entred to the 
bottome being ten paces long, the moysty and choaking 
heat did so suffocate and benumbe my senses, that with
much adoe I returned backe; where receiving the fresh
ayre, and a little Wine, I presently forgot my former
trance: which when the Dog-keeper saw, he for an easie
composition made triall of his Dog; and having tyed a 
string to his hinder leg, he cast the Dog scarce halfe way
in the Cave, where immediately his tongue hanging out, 
he fell downe dead: And forthwith his Master repulling
him backe, cast him in the Lake, powring in water in his 
eares, but hee could never recover his life. Whereupon 
the poore man cried out, alas I am undone, what shall I 
doe, the Dog that wonne my dayly food is dead; in compassion
whereof the worthy Gentleman doubled his wages. 
   In our way and returne to Naples, we passed through
Virgils Grot, being halfe a mile long, and cut through the 
maine body of a Rocke, whereby the Mountaine of Cataia
by the Sea-side is made passable; at the East end whereof
neare the Cyme of the vault is Virgils Tombe: and 
arrived at Naples, Mr. William Stydolffe reporting to 
divers of his Countrey Gentlemen and mine, of my
adventure in Grotto di Cane, they could hardly be perswaded 
to beleeve it: But when avouched, they all avowed 
I had done that (so did divers Neapolitans) which never 
man had done before me reserving life. 
   Bidding farewell to my generous friends, I marched 
through Terra di lavoro, and in the way of Saint Germane, 
and Mount Cassino to Rome; within ten miles of Capua, 
<P 355> 
I found the poorest Bishop ( (\Nomen sine re\) ) the world
affoordeth: having no more (nor never had he, nor any
before him) than dui Carolini or Juletti twelve pence a 
day to spend. So is there many a Marquesse, Earle, 
Baron, and Knight in Italy, who is unable at one time, to 
keepe a foote-man at his heeles, a Dog at his foote, a 
Horse betweene his legs, a good sute of clothes on his
backe, and his belly well fed; so glorious be their stiles, 
and so miserable their revenewes. 
   Touching at Rome, I secretly borrowed one nights
lodging there, and at the breach of day another houres
sight and conference, with my Cousing Simeon Grahame; 
who ere the Sunne arose, crossing Ponto flamingo, brought
me on in my journey, till a high way Taverne like a Jayle 
held us both fast,  where leaving our reciprocall loves
behind us, wee divided our bodies East and West. 
   And now ere I leave Rome, I thinke it best, to let our 
Papists here at home, see the shamefull lives & cruell
deaths, of most of their Popes beyond Seas: which 
their owne best Authors in France, Italy, and Spaine, 
have justly & condignely avouched & recorded; & authorized
also to light by their prime powers civil and spirituall. 
the papists generally hold, that in their Popes, is all power;
(\Super omnes Potestates, tam Caeli quam Terrae\) ; above all
powers both in Heaven and Earth: They tearme him 
(\Alter Deus in terris\) ; a second God upon the Earth: (\Deus
mortalis in terris, et immortalis homo in Caelis\) ; a mortall
god upon the Earth, and an Immortall man in the 
Heavens: Some of them have allotted, that he is, (\Non 
deus, non homo, sed utrunque\) ; neyther God nor man but
both: The Popes former title was (\Servus servorum Dei\) ;
and they call him (\Rex Regum, Dominus Dominantium\) , 
King of Kings, and Lord of Lords. 
   Paul the third, entering Tolentino in the vale of
Ombria joyning with Tuscany, had this salutation: (\Paulo 
tertio, Maximo, in terris Deo\) ; to Paule the third, the 
best, and greatest God on earth. Then since they will 
have them gods, above the God of Gods; tell me I pray
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you, what a May pole Dauncer, was John 12. alias 13. of 
18. yeares old, who made the Lateran their great Church
in Rome, a playne Stewes or Brothel house. 
   What a Pope-boy of twelve yeares old, was Benedict
the ninth? and after wrought by inchantments. Another
Pope they had, whom they called (\Unum pecus, in co quod 
de mane faciebat gratiam, et de soro revocabat\) : A very
Asse, for in the morning hee would grant many great 
kindnesses, and at night revoake them all agayne. What 
a thiefe was Pope Boniface the seventh? who robbed St. 
Peters Church? What a sodomiticall Pope was Sixtus 
the fourth; who builded Stewes of both kindes, 
granting his Cardinals the use of Sodomy, for three hote
moneths. What an Atheisticall Pope, was Leo the tenth? 
who called the Gospell a Fable. What a Hereticall Pope 
was Honorius the first? who by sixe general Counsels, was 
condemned for a Monothelit: What a perjured Pope was
Gregory the twelfth? and openly forsworne: What a 
Negromancer was Silvester the second? who gave himselfe 
both soule and body to the divell, to attaine the Popedome: 
What was Pope John the eleventh, but a bastardly 
brat to Pope Sergius? What a sorcerer, Charmer, and 
Conjurer, was Hildebrand, called Gregory the seventh? 
given to all beastlinesse, and diabolicall practices; this was
he that threw the Sacrament in the fire: What was 
Innocent the third? who was branded with this black
marke, (\non est innocentius, imo nocens vere\) , he is not
innocent; but vey nocent: What a wicked and cruell 
murtherer was John the twelfth a Romane borne, who 
caused to cut off the nose of one Cardinall, and the thumbe
of another Cardinall; onely because they had wrot the 
whole tract of his abhominable vices to the Emperour
Otho. 
   What an inhumane and homicidious Pope was 
Stephanus the seventh? who after he had cancelled the 
decrees of his predecessour Formosus, caused to deterre his 
dead body, cut off his fingers, and lay him in the fields to 
be devoured with the fowles of the aire: What a beastly
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Pope was Sergius the third? that after he had imprisoned
Christopholus his predecessor, he caused to draw 
out the corps of Pope Formosus his old compeditor from
the grave, and cut off his head, as though hee had beene 
alive. 
   What a cruelty was shown upon John the 17. who after
he was depraved his Papacy, had his eyes pulled out, his 
nose cut off and his members, and was hanged: What a 
poysonable Pope was Damasus? who poysoned his predecessour 
Clemens the second, to attaine the Papality, and 
yet dyed within a moneth there after being Pope: What
a mercilesse Pope was Boniface the seventh, that after he 
had Rob'd Saint Peters Church and fled to Constantinople, 
hearing that Pope John the 14. was replaced, he returned, 
and pulling out his eyes, did cast him in prison, where he 
dyed of extreame hunger. What a persecution had
Gelase borne in Gaetta neare Naples, who first by the
Romanes was imprisoned, then stoned through the Citty, 
miserably dyed. Gregory the 8. succeeding him, was 
Deposed by Caliste brother to the Duke of Burgondy, who 
imprisoned the other, and starving him to Death, made
him selfe Pope. 
   What devotion fell out from the braines of Rome,to 
stone Pope Lucius the second to Death: What a shamefull
division was in your Papality; for fifty yeares, when 
Urbanus lived Pope at Rome and his Successours; and 
Clemens 7. and his Successors at Avigneon. Nay, you
have had three Popes at one time; even when Sigismond
King of Hungary and Boheme was elected Emperour, to 
wit. Benedict 3. at Avigneon; Johnn 23. at Bullogna; and 
Gregory the twelfth at Rimini: I pray you, could every
one of them open and shut the Gates of Heaven and Hell.
What an Infidell, was Pope John 22. who denied the 
immortality of the Soule. 
   What was Clement the 5. but open Whore munger 
and a drunken sot. What was Boniface the 8. he was 
called a Theefe,a Robber,and rooted in all unspeakable
sinnes, the eight Nero of Rome. What a furious and 
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wicked Pope, was Julius the second? who given more to 
Warre then to Christ, cast Saint Peters keyes (as they call
them) into Tiber. What a prophaine skoffer of Christ,
was Paule the third? who lying in bed with his owne 
Cousin Laura Farnesia, was sore wounded by her Husband;
he lay with his owne Daughter, and poysoned 
her Husband; and then lay with his owne sister, and
after poysoned both her and his owne mother. What
was Julius the third? an open Sodomite, and horrible 
blasphemer. What was Pope Eugenius? a damnable 
scandalizer of the Church, and condemned by the Counsel 
of Basil, for an incorrigible and wilfull Hereticke. Pope
John 23. was deposed by the Counsell of Constance, for
Heresie, Symony, Murther, Enchantment, Adultery, and 
worst of all for Sodomy. What was Pope John 13. a 
vilde monster in his life, committing incest with both his 
sisters, and fathers Concubine Stephana: Hee was a 
gamster, and playing at Dice, did call for helpe to the 
Divel, and would drinke to the Divels health; hee was 
repleate with all abhominable vices; at last being taken in 
the acte of Adultery, was wounded to Death.
   Boniface the 8. afore named, came to bee Pope, by 
cousning his predecessour Celestine, in speaking through
the Wall in a Reed (as if it had beene a voyce from
Heaven) admonished him to surrender his Papacy; whose
Epithit was thus: (\Intravit ut Vulpes, Regnavit ut Lupus, 
Mortuus est ut Canis\) : He came in like a Fox, he ruled
like a Wolfe, he dyed like a Dogge. 
   At the sixt Counsell of Carthage, was not the treachery
and falshood of Pope Zosimus, condignely sifted out, in 
corrupting for ambitious government the Counsell of 
Nyce. Bernard about 500. yeares agoe, complayned much 
of the Tyranny of popes in his time, calling them Defrauders,
Raveners, Traytors, darknesse of the world,
Pilats, Wolves, and Divels.
   Albertus Magnus affirmeth, that they who now governe 
their Church, are for the most part Theeves and
Murtherers. And Platina, calleth some of their popes
<P 359>
vile Monsters, uncleane beasts, and strange creatures. 
And I remember it was noted by a Historian: (\Episcopos 
Romanos ne peccata quidem sine laude committere\) : The 
Popes could do nothing, were it never so mischievous, but 
it was commendable. 
   And even likewise are their prime Pardons, for (\Noxas
preteritas, aut futuras\) : and their future (\potestatem, tam
quo ad commissa, quam quo ad committenda crimina 
absolvenda\) ; That his Holinesse hath all manner of power,
as well to absolve them from crimes to commit, as from
crimes committed. And I remember about twenty yeares 
ago Paulo papa Quinto, Cannonized Carolo Borrameo, the 
late Bishop of Milane for a notable Saint, being knowne 
to bee a notorious and scelerate liver: done sooner by
fifteene yeares then their ordinary time, and that for the 
touch of forty thousand Duckats; allotting Prayers,
Miracles, Pardons, and Pilgrimages to him, and erecting
a new Order of Friers, and Monasteries unto him. And 
yet the poore Bishop of Lodi, a good and charitable liver 
by all reports, could never, nor cannot attayne to the 
dignity of a Saint, his meanes was so small when dead, and 
his friends so poore being alive. 
   And how wonderfull absurd is the Popes (\Bulla di Santa 
Cruzada, pro defunctis\) in Purgatory; that for one Pater
noster, at a Masse saying, or a Masse sayd for them: 
(\Sicavano fuora dalla Purgatorio, tre anime qualche ci 
vogliano\) , viz. You shall relieve any three soules out of 
Purgatory whom you please. Nay, I have seene the 
Popes Edict so gracious, that induring on Masse, as many 
Paters as you can recite, as many soules you free from 
thence.    
   And thus me thinketh in one halfe yeare, he might 
soone empty that purging pit: Yet unlesse the Suppliant 
touch with his finger, during his Prayers, a gaudy beede
inraveled betweene five small fast made irons, placed before 
the Altar; their Bulla, their payment for it; their Paters,
their Devotion for their friends soules, are all lost. Then
say, if peradventure, the friends of the defunct be oblivious
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in this officiousnesse, and neglect both the Ceremony, and 
Pater noster, might not the Pope justly be reputed a cruell 
Monster, that for want of pattering an abridged Pater, his 
Cerberian Office in Hell, should detayne any poore soule 
in such torments, as they say are in Purgatory. 
   Infinite passages of the like kind could I Recite, if I 
had longer time and larger leisure; and especially of their 
miraculous leyes, or leying Miracles; in erecting of falshood, 
and maintayning of perjury; but till a fitter 
occasion, I will revert to my Itinerary Discourse, and so 
proceede. Having left my afore-sayde friend Maister 
Grahame, at a Taverne at Bilbo neere to Rome, I set
forward through the vaile of Ombria and the Countrey 
Romania, wherof Ravenna is Lady, and the Pope Lord, 
I arrived (the way of Ferrara and Padua) at Venice. 
Who then was levying an Army against the Croatian 
Scokes of Gradisca, and the Duke of Grasso now 
Emperour. Of which Army Count Mansfield was 
Generall, and with whom I crossed the Gulfe to Pola in 
Istria, and from thence to the siege of Gradisca: The 
discourse whereof, I have here formerly avouched in the 
second Part of my first Travailes. Now to speake of a 
Souldier, certainely hee is more then prayse-worthy and 
fortunate, that hath faced the Low-Countries, reviewed
Briscia in Lombardy, and footed and sighted the Arsenal 
of Venice, then his eyes have first seene, the sonnes, the 
force, the policies and Kingdome of Mars: Secondly, the 
fiery shoppe of Vulcan, where rarest Armes and Weapons 
are hammer'd out upon the Anvill, for the honour of 
Mars; and lastly the incomparable Armory or storehouse
for Sea and Land, the Meggazin and treasury of 
Mars. 
   Now leaving both the Armies barking at other like to 
Hircanian wolves, I traced the fertile soyles of Carindia, 
Carneola, and Stria even to Vienna: all which were subject
to the Emperour, save a part of Carneola, that groanes 
under the Turke. Being arrived at Vienne, I found the 
Towne, and the flying fame of it far different, either for
<P 361>
greatnesse, strength, or wealth: for the Towne rising upon 
a moderat height circular, is but of small compasse without,
not passing two English miles.   
   The suburbs round about, being twice as great as the 
Towne; and the strength of it is no way comparable
to a hundred Cities that I have seene, neither is it for 
wealth so much to be admired, being depraved of Seas, 
shipping, and navigation, having onely the needfull prosperity
of dry land Townes. 
   Here I found a Turkish Ambassadour, going downe 
the Champion Danubio of Europe, for Constantinople; 
and with him one Gratianus, a Greeke his Interpreter, to 
whose familiar love I was much obliged; and with whom 
I imbarked downe the River to Presburge a place where 
the Hungarian Crowne is kept, and from thence discending 
the River to Comorre, the downemost Towne the 
Emperour retayneth on Danubio, I left my noble Interpreter,
and traversed the Champaine Countrey. 
   The chiefe Townes whereof I wil briefly touch, and so 
proceed: Buda is the capitall Citie of Hungary, wherein
the Turkish Bassaw hath his residence, and was taken in 
by Solyman the Emperour, the twenty of August 1526. 
the other is the aforesaid Presburge, aunciently Bosonia;
the rest are Belgrad or Albegrek, aunciently Taurinum, in 
Dutch Griechs: Weissenberge, that was taken by 
Soliman ,1520.  Valpa, and Singidum, upon the Danubio, 
both under the Turke, and that of the seven Churches
upon the River Drana taken in, in the yeare one thousand 
five hundred and forty three, and Zigeth taken also in 
the yeare one thousand five hundred sixty sixe. 
   Moreover upon the Danubio, the Towne Strigonium
commonly Grana, and Alberoyall otherwise Stulvesenburg, 
a place destined for the Sepultures and Coronations 
of the Kings of Hungary, and was taken by the Turkes, 
Anno 1543. 
   Neare the same place in Stridon, where they say St. 
Jerome was borne: And now above all other the strong 
Towne of Gamorra, standing in the Ile of the Danuby of 
<P 362>
that same name, which the Turkes have so oft besieged, 
yet never could surprise it. 
   There is also Tockay, and Januarin or Rab seated too 
upon Danuby, a Towne as it were impregnable, yet it was 
overtaken by the Turkes, and lastly recovered by the 
Christians. 
   The Beglerbeg of Buda, hath under his command, 
eight thousand Timariots, and twelve thousand common 
Souldiers which lye in Garrison, in continuall pay on the 
confines of Hungary, Croatia, and Dacia, and these confines 
belonging to the house of Austria: The Bassa hath 
under his authority 13. Sanzacks, lying at these thirteene
Townes here undernamed, to wit, Novaguard, Semendria, 
Simontorno, Zetshen, Ecclesiae, Sirnium, Capan, Zornock, 
Alba Regalis, Sigedin, Mucchatz, Zegedin, and Sexard. 
   The other Beglerbegship of Hungary is at Temesara, 
who retaineth under his command eight Sanzacks and as 
many jurisdictions, spreading his authoritie over sixe          #
thousand 
Timariots, and eight thousand foote souldiers; and 
these Sanzacks lying at Temesara, Lippa, Itishinad, 
Mudania, &c. The great Turke hath eight Beglerbegs or 
Bassawes under him in Europe, that of Bosna being one of 
them, who commandeth ten Sanzacks and eight thousand 
Timariots; the residence of which Bassa is at Bagivialezza, 
a commodious place lying in the midst of 
circulating Provinces; over which he spreads the Ballucco
of the power. 
   The soyle of Hungary aboundeth infinitly in all things 
the earth can produce for the well of man; and produceth
admirable good Wines, the best whereof grow neare and 
about the Towne of Sirmia, and so sweet, that they may 
compare with the Wines of Candy, yea, and aboundeth in 
all kind of bestiall, that it is thought this Kingdome may 
furnish all Europe with Beefe and Mutton. 
   The Hungarians are descended of the Hunnes, a people
of Scythia or Tartary. The auncient Inhabitants divided
their habitations in nine circles, which the Germanes
named Hagyes, and impaled them with high walles, made 
<P 363>
of earth and wood, being twenty foote high, and as much 
in breadth, being rampierd with divers Bulwarks and 
Towers of earth, whereon grew all sorts of hearbes, and 
fructiferous trees. 
   The space from side to side of each one of these circles, 
amounted to twenty Dutch miles; the Townes, Villages 
and houses being within, and so contrived, that each one 
was within cry of another: this was the first admirable 
plantation of the Hunnes in this Kingdome. 
   The Hungarians have ever beene thiftuous, treacherous
and false, so that there one brother will hardly trust 
another, which infidelity among themselves and distracted
deceitfull governours, was the chiefest cause of their          #
overthrow
and subjection under Infidels: And so have corrupt 
Counsellors, and insolent Princes beene the ruine of their
owne Kingdomes; for if we would have a Prince fit to
governe others, and to direct him selfe with the square 
rules of wisdome and judgement, to know how to become 
all places, and to use all fortunes; let him bind his tender 
youth with a disposition temperd with sadnesse: for such 
a man can neither seduce his minority with ill examples, 
nor marre his waxen age with a false impression, too 
common a condition of these dissolute times. 
   Now as for the Hungar soyle, and Kingdome it selfe, 
and for the goodnes of it, it may be tearmed the girnell of 
Ceres, the Garden of Bachus, the Pastorage of Pan, and 
the richest beauty of Silvan: for I found the Wheat here 
growing higher then my head, the Vines over locking the 
trees, the Grasse jusling with my knees, and the highsprung
Woods, threatning the clouds: surely if I should 
enter on particulars here, I have more subject to worke 
upon, than any Kingdome that ever I saw: The Kingdome 
is divided in two parts, the higher and the lower, the 
lowest, largest, and best is under the Turke, and the other 
narrow proportion under the Emperour. 
   The Hungarian miles are the longest upon earth, for 
every one of theirs, is sixe of our Scots miles, nine
English: so that the most that ever I could travell there
<P 364>
in one day, was but sixe miles: Their language hath no 
affinity with any other kind of speech, and yet the gratest 
part of the Countrey both under the Turke and Emperour 
are Protestants, and are the best of all the rest, the other
being Arians and Papists.   
   There is a great Gentry in this Kingdome, but untravelled
abroad, farre lesse mannerly at home, being
luxurious and ill taught, and damnably given to that 
Masculine misery, the whole Southerne World is defiled
with. Having now traversed all the Countrey to Grana, 
and so to Gatterad in Valechia, I found the Country so 
covered with Woods, and them full of Murtherers (for I 
was robbed on these confines, and hardly saved my life)
I was constrayned I say, to returne to Tockai in the higher 
Hungary, and from thence in one day I stepped into 
Transilvania. 
   This Countrey is so environed with high and unpassable 
mountaines about, that there is but only five entries to 
come into it, which make it so strong and impregnable: 
Within there is rich bottome or plaine of thirty miles 
long, and sixe broad, being beautified with six faire
Townes; the chiefest whereof, are Cromestate, Juliastrad, 
and Hermestat. The sides of the mountaynes within rise 
all upward halfe levell way even to the tops, which 
maketh a pleasant and prospective Countrey, and the best 
mixt soyle of Europe: For on the incircled plaine, there
groweth nothing but Wheat, Rye, Barley, Pease, and 
Beanes: And on the halfe, or lower parts of the Hills
about, nothing but Wines, and infinite Villages; and 
toward the extreame circulary heights, only Pastorage for 
Kine, Sheepe, Goates, and Horses, and thickets of woods: 
So fram'd that every one supplieth another, for they of 
the Valley furnish the other two parts with Victuall, and
they againe them with Wines, Bestiall, Butter, and 
Cheese; each interchanging all necessary things with one 
another as they need. Here I found every where kind and 
familiar people; yea, and the very Vulgars speaking 
frequent Latine, and so commonly doe all the Hungarians. 
<P 365>
The Inhabitants here are all Protestants, but for their 
Vayvod or Prince Bethlem Gabor, I saw him not, for hee
was lying sicke of a Feaver at Juliastrad: This Province
is a free Principality, and notwithstanding adherent in 
some respect to authority of the Turke. But now 
having left this Religious Country, and crossing the North
passage of the Hils, called the Borean Berger, or North
mountaine, I entred in Moldovia; where for my welcome 
in the midst of a border-Wood, I was beset with six 
murderers, Hungarians and Moldavians: where having 
with many prayers save my life, they robbed mee of
threescore Hungar Duccats of gold, and all my Turkish
clothes, leaving me stark naked; save onely they returned 
to me my Patents, Papers, and Seales.   
   This done, and for their better security, they caryed mee
a little out of the way, and bound my naked body fast 
about the middle to an Oaken tree, with wooden ropes, 
and my armes backward so likewise: swearing to me, that 
if I cryed for helpe, or marred them of their designes
before the Sun set, they would turne backe and kill me; 
promising then to set me free. 
   But night come, and I forgotten, was left here in a 
trembling feare, for Wolves and wild Boares till the 
morrow; where at last by Gods providence I was relieved 
in the morning by a company of Heards: who clothing me 
with an old long coat of theirs, and refreshing me with 
meat; one of them caryed me five leagues unto the Lord
of the ground, and Baron of Starhulds a Moldavian 
Protestant, with whom I stayed fifteene dayes: And was 
more than repaired of all my losses, by his owne bounty, 
and Noble Kinsmen, his neighbouring friends, and would 
not suffer mee to goe any further in the Countrey, because 
of the Turkes jealousie over strangers, in regard it was 
but lately wrested from a Christian Prince, with whom I 
was conversant at Constantinople in Sir Thomas Glover, 
the Ambassadours house. 
   Well, I yeeld to the Noble mans counsell, and giving
him all dutifull thankes for his kind regards, he sent a 
<P 366>
guide with mee for two dayes journey through a part of 
Podolia, the upmost Countrey of Polland, bordering with 
Tartary. 
   The halfe of which Countrey I found left disinhabited
and desolat by incursions of Tartarians. Here I determined
to have entered in Tartary, but finding no conduct 
nor assurance of my safety, I continued my course to 
Crocavia, situat on the upper Frontiers of Polland bordering 
with Hungary. 
   Tartary is thought to be sixe hundred leagues in length, 
confining Eastward with China, to the South with the 
Caspian Sea, to the North with Russia, and to the West 
with Podolia, and Moldavia. 
   The Tartars are not expert in Warre, neither are they 
so valerous as the Turkes, nor so manly as the Polonians, 
who counter-blow them at rancounters; neverthelesse by
stealth of inroades, they mightily suppresse the extreamest
parts of Polland. The Turkes tearme the Cham or 
Emperour of Tartary, Vlakim, that is a great Prince, and 
the Moscovites call him (\Catzar Cataiski\) , to wit, the Caesar
of Cataia: And hee is so obeyed and reverenced among the 
Tartars, that they intitulate him the sonne of God, the man
of God, and the soule of God: yea, and the greatest Oath 
that they thinke can be sworne, which they usually doe in 
matters of fidelite and importance, is by his Throne 
Royall. 
   This custome of idolatrous obeysance, came first by one 
Rangavistah, who being chosen to their Emperour, 
would try their promptnesse and goodwill of obedience
towards him, commanding seven of his chiefest Princes, 
and head Governours under him of the people, to kill 
their Infants, with their owne hands. 
   And notwithstanding the Commandement seemed very 
rude and intollerable, yet they fearing the common people,
who esteeme their Emperours to be the divine Kinsmen
(as it were) of God; they did cut the throats every one 
of them, of their owne Children, before his owne eyes, and 
the sight of the people. 
<P 367>
   Insomuch that ever since, the life and death of the 
Tartars, depend upon the good-will and word of the King, 
which no way they dare contradict, such is the ignorant 
reverence they carry toward him. As for the idolatrous 
Rites they use at his Death, in inclosing or interring 
quicke in a Vault neere to his Tombe, one of every Office
that he loved best, being alive, to goe serve him in 
Paradice; I will not meddle with it, neither with the 
Vulgars Superstition, who Religiously feast upon the 
Corpes of their aged Parents, and then doe burne their 
bones into ashes, giving them such a buriall, as we give 
our Witches; for indeede the Wormes come short among 
the dead Tartars of their foode. 
   Being arrived in Crocko or Crocavia, the capitall City 
of Polland (though but of small importance) I met with
diverse Scotish Merchants, who were wonderfull glade of 
mine arrival there, especially the two brothers Dicksones,
men of singular note for honesty and Wealth. It was 
my lucke heere, to bee acquainted with Count du Torne, 
the first Noble-man of Boheme, who had newly broake out 
of Prison in Prage, and fled hither from Bohemia for
safety. Mathias then being Emperour, against whom hee 
had highly offended in boasting him in his Bed-Chamber 
with hard and intollerable speeches: Saying to Mathias in 
his face, and before his Wife the Empresse: Loe there is 
the right hand that helped to put the Imperial Crowne on 
thy head, and behold now there is my foote shall strike it 
off againe.
   This Fugitive Earle stayed me with him ten dayes to 
discourse, and beare him Company, for then hee had but 
onely one follower that came post with him: I found him 
Princely disposed in all things, and very familiar in his 
cariage: At last his trayne and treasure comming with 
many other Bohemian Barons and Gentlemen his friends, 
I humbly left him, and touching at Lubilina where the 
Judges of Polland sit for halfe the yeare, I arrived at 
Warsow, the resident place for the King Sigismond who 
had newly married the other Sister of his former Wife
<P 368>
being both Sisters to this Ferdinando now Emperour: A 
match I dare say more fit for the savage Sabuncks of Lybia,
than for a  Christian Prince or shepheard. 
   But it is no matter Pope Paulus Quintus gave him 
licence, and in that liberty,a wide passage to Purgatory: 
who, when dead that incestuous guilt will bee royally
purged; loe there his pontificall absolution. 
   Betweene Crocavia, and Warsow Lubilina; lying halfe
way it is a hundred Pollonian miles or French leagues: 
Here I found abundance of gallant rich Merchants my 
Countrey-men, who were all very kind to me, and so were 
they by the way in every place where I came, the conclusion
being ever sealed with deepe draughts, and God be 
with you. 
   Polland is a large and mighty Kingdome, puissant in 
Horse-men, and populous of strangers; being charged
with a proud Nobility, a familiar and manly Gentry, and 
a ruvidous vulgarity: They are all for the most part, of 
square and thicke bodies, having Bull-necks, great thighes 
and legs, grim and broad faces, and commonly their shaven 
heads are finely covered with overthwarting strokes of 
crooked shables: for they, and the Armenians of Asia are
of stature and thicknesse the biggest, and grossest people 
the world affoordeth.
   The soyle is wonderfull fruitfull of Cornes, so that this 
Countrey is become the Girnell of Westerne Europe for
all sorts of graine, besides Honey, Waxe, Flaxe, Iron, and 
other commodities: And for auspicuousnesse, I may rather
tearme it to be a Mother and Nurse, for the youth and 
younglings of Scotland, who are yearely sent hither in great 
numbers, than a proper Dame for her owne birth; in 
cloathing, feeding, and inriching them with the fatnesse 
of her best things; besides thirty thousand Scots families, 
that live incorporate in her bowells. And certainely
Polland may be tearmed in this kind, to be the mother of 
our Commons, and the first commencement of all our best 
Merchants wealth, or at the least most part of them. 
   And now ceasing to peramble through any moe particulars
<P 369>
of this familiar Nation to us, I was kindly 
transported from Warsow upon a Waggon to Dansick, 
being fifty leagues distant, with a Generous young Merchant 
William Bailey my cliddisdale Countrey man, to 
whose courtesies I still rest thankfull. 
   Here in Dansick I fell deadly sicke for three weekes 
space, insomuch that my Grave and Tombe was prepared 
by my Countrey-men there. 
   Neverthelesse in end (it pleased almighty God) I 
recovered my health, and then imbarked for Alseynure in 
Denmarke, where being better convalessed, I recoursed 
backe in a Flemish Pink to Stockhollem: where after five 
or sixe dayes being there, and finding my sicknesse like to 
returne againe, and fearing the worst, I made hast for 
England. 
   At last finding the commodity of an English shippe 
belonging to Ratcliffe, wee hoysed sayle, and set froward 
through the sound, or Belticke Sea for Alseynure agayne: 
Whence after three dayes abode, bidding farwell to that 
tributary Towne and Castle, wee Coasted the scurrile and 
Rockey face of Norway, at two severall parts, but not 
without great stormes, and contrary Windes, yea and once 
finally indangered with a threatening shipwracke, which 
with good lucke we happily escaped. 
   These tempestuous dangers past, upon the seaventh 
day the winds refavouring us, wee safely arrived at 
London, from whence I first began Voyage, and there 
ended my second Peregination. 
   (\Magnum virtutis principium est, ut dixit paulatim
exercitatus animus visibilia & transitoria primum Commutare,
ut post-modum possit derelinquere. Delicatus 
ille est adhuc, cui patria dulcis est, fortis autem jam
cui omne solum patria est: perfectus vero, cui mundus 
exilium est.\)
   THE END OF THE SECOND BOOKE, OF MY SECOND
TRAVAILES.



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[^CORRESPONDENCE OF SIR PATRICK WAUS OF BARNBARROCH, KNIGHT, 
1540-1597. ED. BY ROBERT VANS AGNEW. EDINBURGH: DAVID DOUGLAS,
1882.
PP. 396-400 (A JOURNAL)^]

<P 396>                                                         
[} A Journal of Sir PATRICK WAUS's Journey when he went
  Ambassador to Denmark, and came from it, 30th May 1587 . }]

  The forme and maner of our procedens in oure Voyage in
Ambassadie to Denmark fra our leife taiking fra the K. Ma=te=   #
our
master, quhilk vas at Halryrouidhous the 25 of May at ane
efternone or thairby, Anno 1587; and remainit in Edy=r=         #
awaittyn
the wind to tyesday thereaftir, quhilkis vas the penult of May
and com that nycht to Leyth, quhair we remainit till 9 houris
upon the morne, quhilkis the last of May 1587.
  Upon Wedensday, quhilk vas the last of May, ve tuik chip,
and lovsit, and twik saill the said day abovit 11 houris        #
befoyr
none vyth fayr vynd till Settyrday, that the vind contrareit    #
uss,
quhilk vas the 3 of Junii, and come that day to ane sovund in
Norway callit rosbov, quhayr ve remanit that nycht, and upon
the morne, quhilk vas the 4 of Junii, we lovsit from resbov,    #
and
come to Elsoneuy=r= upone fouyrsday at 8 houris at evyn, or
thairby, quhilk vas the 8 of the said moonathe, and come that
nycht to Ricardus Weddyrburnes hoviss at Elsoneuyr in Denmark.
and upon the morne, the 9 of Junii, the Capitano of the 
Castell of Croneburge, and Phalrik Boyall, toylmastyr, send to
uss, and desyrit our namis, the namis of our Gentillmen and
servandis, and quhow mony ve var in tryne, to the effek thay
mycht adverteise the K. of Denmark thair Mastyr, for sua thay
haid command to do. And lyik as ve did geif our namis, vyth
the namis of the Gentillmen and servandis to the numer of 44,
or thairby, and send thame to the toylmastyr upon Fryday,
quhilk vas the said 9 day. and because the said K. of Denmark
haid past of elsoneuyr 3 or 4 dayss befoyr our arreval to
Andyrskov, 17 duche mylis thairfra, ve avittit upon the K.
anser till mouninday 8 dayis thaireftir, quhilk come to vss be
<P 397>
Gerardus ranzoo quhilk the 18 of Junii, and declairit to vss
that it vas the K. mynd that ve suld pass to Andyrskov, quhayr
the K. vas at the present; And that It vas the K. vill that ve
suld begyne and taik our jornay upone fryday nixt thaireftyr,
quhilk vas the 23 of the said moonathe of Junii, and that vee
var ordanit to be that nycht In coipman hovyne, Lykas ve var;
and shew vss the K. haid commandit the rentmastyr to furneyss
vss wagance for ourselfis, our haill compane, and coffyiris,    #
Lykas
It was done to the nvmer of 30 vagance dalye, or thairby. and
upone settyrday, quhilk vas the 24 of Junii, ve past fra        #
Coipman
hovyne to rosgvill, quhilkis 4 dens mylis thairfra, And there
ramanit that nycht, and upone the morne, quhilk vas sounday
the 25 of Junii, ve past to remesteid, quhilkis uthir 4 dens
myllis, quhair ve ramanit that nycht, and vas upone the K.
expensis; quhilk vas ane fayr abay bot now maid in ane castell
of the K.; bot ve mycht haif beyne bettyr cheip twa nycht       #
upone
our avyn expensis nor that ane nycht, in respect of the         #
revardis 
geifen as is accustomett vyse of strangeris. and upon 
Mouninday, quhilkis the 26 of Junii, we come to Andyrskov
quhilkis be 2 eftyrnone, quhilkis vther 4 dens myllis distant
thairfra; and shortlie eftyr our arryvell thair ve derrekit     #
M=r=
David Myrtone, quha haid the duche langage, to the Chancellar,
(Nicolaus Kaos) to desyir hys (ll) to declayr the K. Ma=te= ve  #
var
comyn thayr, as the K. Ma=te= haid appointet our dyettis, and
that he vald desyir the K. Ma=te= ve micht haife his presens    #
upone
the morne; Lyck as the Chancellar did, and send to vss abovit
4 houris that day ane Doctor callit Paspclay, quha in the K.
name velcumit vss verray hartlie, and eftyr our conference,     #
and
lytill befoyr his leife taikyn, declarit to vss that ve suld    #
haife
presens of the K. Ma=te= upone the morne, and he vas verray     #
glaid
of our cumyn; and geif ve haid ane guid anser to geif anent 
Orknay, he dovittit nocht all uthir thingis we had ado, or      #
vald
requeiyr of the K. Ma=tie=, suld be verray thankfullie          #
ressavit, and
vald be grantit; and sua he twik his leife as for that nycht.
Upon tyisday the 27, the Chancellar, Nicolayus Kaos, derekit
ane servand of his to vss be 6 houris at morne, or thairby, to
<P 398>
schaw vss that the K. ma=tie= was evill at eyss, and haid sayr
teyth and that he, and sum uthirs of the Consell, vas derekit   #
to
vss to confer with vss upon sik effaris as ve var cumin for,    #
and
vald be shortlie at vss be 8 houris or thairby, Lyik as the     #
said
Chancellar, monser Mandrop and Below, and the said Doctor
Pasclay, quha at the cumin welcumit us in the K. name verray
hartlie, and shew to us that albey=t= Doctor Pasclay shewit     #
uss
the nycht befoyr that ve suld haife haid presens of the K.      #
that
day, yit in respect of the K. diseyss of his sayr theytht ve
behuiffit to tak patience quhyll the K. war bettyr, and         #
thaireftyr
ve suld haife presens; and in the meyne tyme thay var
derekitt to confer with vss in ony sic thing as ve haid to      #
propone,
and that fyrst it vas the K. vill to begyne at the mater of
Orknay.
  We anserit and said eftir our advyssment, that the K. our
mastyr haid onlye derekit vss to the K. ma=te= of Denmark, and  #
to
na vthir in his cuntre, and onto the tyme we haid presens of
the K. Ma=te=, and had delyuerit to hym the K. our mastyris     #
lettre,
we culd nocht confer our erand to na vthir. And as for the
mater of Orknay, ve haid na Commissione thairof. bot at the
tyme appontit, quhilk as yit was nocht cumyn, we douit nocht
but the samin suld haif anser as appartenit, and thairfor at    #
that
present we haid na commissione to traitt thairof. and fardor
ve desyrit that, gafe it mycht be the K. plesour that we mycht
haif conference vyth me L Chancllar his alleyne, ve vald        #
declayr
to his L fardor of our mynd; and thairto ve haid ane lettre of
the K. ma=te= our mastyr to delyuer his L, and at our           #
conference
he suld knaw fardor of our erand; quha all fovyr drev apart,    #
as
ve did on the vthir syid, and eftyr thair conference comme to
vss, and said me L. Chancellar culd nocht confer vyth vss
quhill he haid fyrst schavyn it to the K. ma=tie=, and to       #
haife his
advyis thair-unto, and quhoo sone he said spokyn the K. his
mastyr he suld aduerteyss vss quhat vas the K. vill concernyng
our desyir, and eftyr sum vthir generall towin thay twik thair
leif, and past to the Castell, quhayr the K. and the Consell    #
was
at that present, and schew quhat vas ressonit amangis vss.
<P 399>
   Sua sone eftyr dinner the Chancellar send his servand to     #
vss
to declayr that he vas to cum schortlie to vss be 2 houris
eftyrnone, and to confer vyth vss as ve desyrit; and before 3
houris the Chancellar com as he appontit, sua ve thankit his
L verray hairtlie of his taikyn of panis to cum to vss, and     #
conferrit
vyth his L in generall, and sine delyuerit him the K.
ma=tie= our masteris messive, and vyth his ma=ties=             #
commendatiouns
and thankis for his panis tane the last yeir in his mat=es=     #
effaris; 
quha ressauit the K. our masteris messive verray hartlie, and   #
said
to vss quhat he culd do in ony soyrte, aythyr be his travell    #
or
Consell, to the forderence of quhat sumeuer erand the K. our
Master haid to do, he vald do the sam vyth all his haill harte  #
to
the vytrmest of his pouer, and in speciall at the K. of         #
Denmark
his masteris handis.
   Sua undystandyn the guid vill and effektione he haid to the
K. our master, and quhat travell he twik the last yeir in the   #
K.
our masteris effaris, ve schew that ve haid sum secreit to      #
declayr 
to the K. ma=te= of Denmark, bot he haid command of the K.  
our master nocht to declayr it except we vndyrstuid our desyr
mycht taik effek; and that ve haid command fyrst to trye
secreitlie the K. of Denmarkis mynd thayrinto, and to knaw as
far of his ma=ties= mynd as ve mycht befoyr ve suld propone     #
the
mater. and becaus ve haid delyuerit his L the K. our mastyris
messive, and that we vndyrstuid his L secreitness, ve vald
sumpart schaw his L a part of our erand, sua his L vald         #
promeis
that na vthir suld be participant thairof, except onlye the K.
ma=te=, and that me [\we\] mycht the bettyr vndyrstand the K.   #
his
mastyris mynd in our beseness. quhaa upon his fayth and
honour promesit to keip all secreit that ve vald declayr, and
none suld knaw be him, saife ony the K. his master, quhatt ve
haid to desyir. And vpon this promeyss ve begucht to inqueyr
at his L geif that Madame Elezabethe the K. eldest dochtyr wes
in guid helthe, and geife schoo was contractit and promesit to
ony at that tyme; quha said to vss schoo vas vyth the rest of
the K. barnis in zettland, and vpon his honour as he knev was
<P 400>
nathyr contractit, nor promesit, nor spokyn for, and promesit   #
to
lat vss vndyrstand geife ony sik thing haid beyn spokyn to the
K. his mastyr as schortlie as he convenientlie mycht gett       #
tyme, 
and sua twik his leif for that nycht. And as he haid cumyn to
the Castell to speik vyth the K., the K. vas at his super, and  #
the
Chancellar Rammell vas cumyn ovit of Dvcheland fra the Dvik
of Sax, quha vas at the Baptyme of ane sone to the Dvik of
Sax in the K. name, and held the K. att the supper, and mykyll
of that nycht in porposs, sua that the Chancellar Kaoss culd
gett na lasour to speik of ony porposs to the K. ma=te= quhyll  #
on the
morne, and quhoo sone he had spokyn the k ma=te= in the         #
morninge 
he vreitt to vss vyth ane servand of his awin, schavyn vss
of the K. mynd. And as ve thocht nocht in forme as derek as
vass desyrit, and vreit anser to his L that. upone the quhilk
his L com to vss at eftyrnone, quhilkis vas vednisday, and
declarit vss that the K. vas sumpart bettyr nor he vas, and     #
that
he haid commandit hym to declayr ve suld [\haif\] presens of    #
the
K. the morne; and als ve var desyrit to dyne vyth his ma=te=,   #
and
that ve suld be reddy to pass to the Castell about 8 houris 
vpone the morne, and that 2 of the Consell vald cum for us
abovit that hour, and that ve suld be verray velcum to the K.
ma=te=, quha vald schav vss guid contenence, as he did. sua     #
for
that nycht thay procedit na farder, and sua the Chancellar
twik his leif. upone the morne, quhilk was fvyrsday, the 28 of
Junii, the Chancellar Kaos send to vss be 6 houris at morne to
declayr vss that 2 of the Consell vald be at vss be 8 houris    #
to
convoy vss to the Castell, quhair ve suld haife presens of the
K. ma=te=, and alss that we suld tare and dyne thayr Lyik as
eftyr 9 houris Monser Mandrop and Belov com to vss, and
brocht 3 coverit vaganis, and declayrit vss it ves the K. will
ve suld pas to the Castell to the effek foyrsaid; sua, eftyir
salutationes maid ve past vyth thame and enterit in the 
vaganis and past to the castell, quhair or ve enterit in the
Castell we saw the K. men of vayr, pairt standand without the
yett, and utherss within the yett in the cloyss, sua that ve    #
var
convoyit be the said Mandrop and Belov to the K. Hall.       
    


<B SDIA2A>
<Q SC2 NN DIARY MELVILL>
<N AUTOBIO AND DIARY>
<A MELVILLE KILRENNY>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1600-1610>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T DIARY PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y 40-60>
<H HIGH PROF>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E X>
<J X>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z NARR NON-IMAG>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY AND DIARY OF MR. JAMES MELVILLE, MINISTER
OF KILRENNY, IN FIFE, ... WITH A CONTINUATION OF THE DIARY.
ED. R. PITCAIRN. WODROW SOCIETY. EDINBURGH 1842.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 13.19-38.3
SAMPLE 2: PP. 323.1-330.3
SAMPLE 3: PP. 414.24-424.2^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 13>                       
[^THE TEXT IS PRECEDED BY A QUOTATION FROM THE BIBLE.^]
   I knawe a man in Chryst, brought from the wombe  of his      #
mother 
be God, the 25 day of the monethe July, (dedicat of auld to S. 
James the Apostle and Martyr,) in the yeir of our Lord 1556;    #
wha, 
for thankfulness of hart, to the praise and honour of his       #
gratius God 
and deir father in Chryst, and for edification and comfort of   #
his 
childring, and sic as sall reid the saming heirefter, is movit  #
to sett 
down, in monument of wryt, the benefets of God bestowit  on     #
him 
sen his first conception and day of his birthe foremarked; sa   #
far, 
at leist, as his weak understanding and freall memorie in       #
maters 
that ar esteimed of importance can conceave and recompt.        #
Whowbeit,
<P 14>
as I haiff professed, in the words of the Psalme with David, 
that the smalest of his unknawin benefits passes the graittest 
reatche of my apprehension and utterance. 
   And, first, God wald haiff me begottin of godlie, fathfull,  #
and 
honest parents, bathe lightned with the light of the gospell,   #
at the 
first dawning of the day thairof within Scotland, knawing and   #
beleving 
that Covenant of Grace, and sa the seid of the fathfull,        #
expreslie
mentioned in that Covenant, quhilk assures mie of the benefit 
thairof, yea of that root and weal-spring of all his            #
benefites, my 
eternall election in his Chryst befor the foundation of the     #
warld. 
These parents, be name, war Richard Melvill of Baldowy, and     #
Isobell 
Scrymgeour, sistar to the Lard of Glaswell for the tyme. 
My said father, brought upe in letters from  his youthe, and    #
gentlemanie 
effeares till he was past twentie yeirs of age, therefter 
chosine paedagog to James Erskine appeirand of Donne, he past 
with him to Germanie, whar he remeaned at the studie of         #
letters, 
namlie, Theologie; first with Doctor Macabeus, in Denmark, and 
thairefter a heirar of Philip Melancton in Wittenberg, be the   #
space
of twa yeirs. Of the grait mercie of God, haiffing the happe    #
of 
sic maisters as war the graittest lights of that age within     #
the countrey,
in the toun of Montrose, and companie of that Lard of Donne, 
and the maist godlie, lerned, and noble Scots Martyre, Mr
George Wyshart, and these nominant in Germanie. And the Lord 
blessing the seid sawin be tham in his hart, at last, soone     #
efter the 
first Reformation of Religion, thrust him out into his          #
hervest, and 
placed him Minister of his Evangell at the kirk of Mariton, a   #
myle 
from Montrose, harde adjacent to his awin house and roum of     #
Baldowy;
in the quhilk he continowed fathfullie unto his lyffes end. 
He died the 53 yeir of his age, (in the moneth of Junie,)       #
[\What is within brackets is supplied on the margin of the      #
MS.\] (\anno\) 
1575, in a icterik fevar, maist godlie; for efter manie most    #
comfortable 
exhortationes maid to the noble and gentle men of the 
cowntrey, wha all resorted to visit him during his disease,     #
and to 
<P 15>
his breither and frinds wha remeaned about him, about the       #
verie 
hour of his deathe, he caused reid to him the 8 chapter of the 
Epistle to the Romans, and immediatlie efter his brother, Mr    #
James, 
minister of Arbrothe, asking him, what he was doing? Lifting    #
upe 
eyes and handis toward heavin, with reasonable might of voice,  #
he 
answerit, "I am glorifeing God for the light of his gospell,    #
and 
resting in assurance of his sweit promises of lyff maid unto    #
mie, in 
my Saviour, the Lord Jesus Chryst;" and na ma intelligible      #
words 
thairefter. He was a man of rare wesdome, judgment, and         #
discretion;
and, therfor, mikle imployed in the trysts and effeares of the 
noble and gentle men of the countrey, quhilk distracted him     #
fra his 
calling, hinderit his vertew, and schortened his lyff. The      #
recompence 
quhilk he had was estimation and affection of all. Ther was 
nane of his rank, and verie few above it, that was sa honored   #
and 
loven as he: quhilk kythed specialie at his buriall, and hes    #
bein
often tauld me be men of all degries sen syne. 
   My mother died about a thrie quarters, or at least within a  #
yeir, 
efter I was born; a woman exceidinglie belovit of hir           #
housband's 
frinds and nibours. I haiff divers tymes hard, when my          #
father-breither
Roger, Jhone, Mr James and Robert, could nocht satisfie 
tham selves in comending hir godlines, honestie, vertew, and    #
affection
toward thame. And I haiff often hard Mr Andro say, that he 
being a bern verie seiklie, was maist lovinglie and tenderlie   #
treated 
and cared for be hir, embrasing him and kissing him oftentymes,
with these words, "God giff me an uther lad lyk thie, and syne  #
tak 
me to his rest!" Now sche haid haid twa laddies befor me,       #
wharof 
the eldest was dead; and betwix him and the second, sche bure 
thrie lasses; sa, in end, God granted hir desyre, and gaiff     #
hir an, 
wha wald to God he war als lyk to Mr Andro in gifts of mynd as 
he is thought to be in proportion of bodie and lineaments of    #
face;
for ther is nane, that is nocht utherwayes particularlie        #
informed, bot 
taks me for Mr Andro's brother. 

   The nixt benefit is of my education, till I cam to the age   #
of a 
<P 16>
man, and entered in my calling, wharin als manie moments, als 
manie benefits; bot the maist remarkable, to my judgement and   #
memorie,
I will record. And first, in generall, to the praise of my      #
heavinlie
parent, I man confess, with David, "My mother has now left 
mie, bot Jehova hes receavit mie;" and with Esai, "The mother 
hes forgat the fruit of hir wombe, bot the Lord hes rememberit  #
me 
alwayes!" I haid an evill-inclyned woman to my nuris;           #
therefter 
speaned and put in a cottar hous, and about four or fyve yeir   #
auld
brought hame to a step-mother; yit a verie honest burges of     #
Montros [\"Robert Clark," supplied by the author on the         #
margin.\]  
hes oft tauld me, that my father wald ley me down on my 
bak, pleying with mie, and lauche at me because I could nocht   #
ryse, 
I was sa fatt; and wald ask mie what ealed mie: I wald answer, 
"I am sa fatt I may nocht geang." And trewlie sen my            #
rememberance, 
I cam never to the place bot God moved sum an with a 
motherlie affection towardis me. About the fyft yeir of my      #
age, the 
Grate Buik was put in my hand, and when I was seavine, lytle    #
thairof
haid I lernit at hame; therfor my father put my eldest and      #
onlie 
brother, David, about a year and a halff in age above me, and   #
me 
togidder, to a kinsman and brother in the ministerie of his,    #
to scholl, 
a guid, lerned, kynd man; whome for thankfulnes I name, Mr      #
Wilyam
Gray, minister at Logie-Montrose. He haid a sistar, a godlie 
and honest matron, rewlar of his hous, wha often rememberit me  #
of 
my mother, and was a verie loving mother to us, indeid. Ther    #
was 
a guid nomber of gentle and honest men's berns of the cowntrey
about, weill treaned upe bathe in letters, godlines, and        #
exerceise of 
honest geames. Ther we lerned to reid the Catechisme, Prayers,
and Scripture; to rehers the Catechisme and Prayers (\par       #
ceur\) ; also
nottes of Scripture, efter the reiding thairof; and ther first  #
I fand,
(blysed be my guid God for it!) that Sprit of sanctification    #
begining
to work sum motiones in my hart, even about the aught and 
nynt yeir of my age; to pray going to bed and rysing, and       #
being 
in the fields alan to say ower the prayers I haid lernit with a #
sweit 
moving in my heart; and to abhore swearing, and rebuk and       #
complean 
<P 17>
upon sic as I hard swear. Wherunto the exemple of that 
godlie matron, seiklie, and giffen to read and pray in hir      #
bed, did 
mikle profit me; for I ley in hir chamber and heard hir         #
exerceises. 
We lerned ther the Rudiments of the Latin Grammair, withe the 
vocables in Latin and Frenche; also dyverse speitches in        #
Frenche, 
with the reiding and right pronunciation of that toung. We      #
proceidit
fordar to the Etymologie of Lilius and his Syntax, as also a    #
lytle 
of the Syntax of Linacer; therwith was joyned Hunter's          #
Nomenclatura,
the (\Minora Colloquia\) of Erasmus, and sum of the Eclogs 
of Virgill and Epistles of Horace; also Cicero his Epistles     #
(\ad Terentiam\) .
He haid a verie guid and profitable form of resolving the       #
authors;
he teatched grammaticallie, bathe according to the Etymologie
and Syntax; bot as for me, the trewthe was, my ingyne and 
memorie war guid aneuche, bot my judgment and understanding
war as yit smored and dark, sa that the thing quhilk I gat was
mair be rat ryme nor knawlage. Ther also we haid the aire guid,
and fields reasonable fear, and be our maister war teached to   #
handle 
the bow for archerie, the glub for goff, the batons for         #
fencing, also 
to rin, to loope, to swoom, to warsell to preve pratteiks,      #
everie ane 
haiffing his matche and andagonist, bathe in our lessons and    #
play. 
A happie and golden tyme, indeid, giff our negligence and       #
unthankfullnes
haid nocht moved God to schorten it, partlie be deceying of 
the number, quhilk caused the maister to weirie, and partlie    #
be a 
pest quhilk the Lord, for sinne and contempt of his Gospell,    #
send 
upon Montrose, distant from Over Logie bot twa myles; sa that 
scholl skalled, and we war all send for and brought hame. I was
at that scholl the space of almost fyve yeirs, in the quhilk    #
tyme, of 
publict news I remember I hard of (the mariage of Hendrie and 
Marie, King and Quein of Scots), [\This supplied on margin of   #
MS.\] Seingnour Davie's slauchter, of 
the King's mourder at the Kirk of Field, of the Quein's taking  #
at 
Carbarri, and the Langsyd feild. Wherof reid Mr Bowchannan 
Cornicle, lib. 17, 18, 19. 
<P 18>
   Even at that tyme, me thought the heiring of these things    #
moved 
me, and stak in my hart with sum joy or sorrow, as I hard they 
might helpe or hender the Relligion: Namelie, I remember the    #
ordour 
of the fast keipit (\in anno\) 1566; the evill handling of the  #
ministerie 
be taking away of their stipends; for Mr James Melvill, my      #
uncle, 
and Mr James Balfour, his cusing-german, bathe ministers and    #
stipendles, 
with guid, godlie, and kynd Patrick Forbes of Cors. The 
Lard of Kinnaber, and the godlie and zealus gentlemen of the    #
countrey,
partlie for thair bernes' cause, and partlie for that notable   #
instrument
in the Kirk of Scotland, Jhone Erskine of Done, Superintendent
of Merns and Angus, his residence in Logy at certean 
tymes, did oftentymes frequent our hous, and talk of sic        #
maters. 
Also, I remember weill whow we past to the head of the muir to  #
sic
the fyre of joy burning upon the stiple head of Montrose, (at   #
the 
day of the King's birthe). [\On margin of MS.\] These things    #
I mark for the grait benefit
of that place and companie, wherin the Lord wald haiff me 
treaned upe in my first and tender age. 
   Now, when my brother and I war come hame, our father         #
examined 
us,and was glad to sie that we had profited reasonablie: 
   Now, when my brother and I war come hame, our father         #
examined 
us, and was glad to sie that we had profited reasonablie: 
Nevertheless, the esteat of the countrey was sa uncertain and 
troublesome, the moyen he haid (wanting his awin stipend, and 
helping diverse that wanted of his breithring) bot mean and     #
small,
and the occasione of scholles nocht serving, we remeaned a      #
wintar 
at hame, rememberit of our buiks bot now and then, as our       #
father 
haid leaser, quhilk was bot verie seindle. Yit the Lord         #
sufferit
nocht that tyme to be fruittles nather, bot I remember therin   #
twa 
benefites; ane the reiding of the Storie of the Scripture that  #
wintar,
quhilk stak in my mynd; and of David Lindsayes book, quhilk 
my eldest sistare, Isbel, wald reid and sing, namlie,           #
concerning the 
letter judgment, the peanes of hell, and the joyes of heavin,   #
wherby 
scho wald caus me bathe greit and be glad. I lovit hir,         #
therfor, 
exceiding deirlie, and scho me by the rest. Scho schew me a     #
day,
amangs uthers, a ballet sett out in print against ministers,    #
that for 
want of stipend left thair charge, beginning -
<P 19>
Who so do put hand to the pleuche,
And therfra bakward goes;
The Scripture maks it plean aneuche,
My kingdom is nocht for those, &c.
With this scho burst furthe in teares, and sayes, "Alas! what   #
will 
com of thir at that letter day? God keip my father, and Mr      #
James 
Melvill, and Mr James Balfour, fra this!" And efter, cryes out  #
the 
verses of Davie Lindsay:-
Alas! I trimble for to tell
The terrible torments of the hell;
That peanful pit who can deplore?
Quhilk sall endure for evermore. 
With hir speitches and teares sche maid me to quak and chout 
bitterlie, quhilk left the deipest stampe of God's fear in my   #
hart of 
anie thing that ever I haid hard befor. I was giffen to a       #
bernlie 
evill and dangerus use of pyking; the quhilk sche perceaving,   #
of 
purpos gaiff me the credit of the key of hir kist, and haiffing #
sum 
small silver in a lytle schottle, I tuk sum of it, thinking     #
sche sould 
not haiff misset it. Bot be that occasion sche enterit sa upon  #
me 
with sa soar threatnings, and therwithall sa sweit and loving   #
admonition
and exhortations, that I thank thie, my God, I absteinit from 
it all my dayes therefter; and wherever I was, giff I could     #
haiff 
gotten anie thing to by, worthie of hir, I was accustomed to    #
send it 
hir, (in taken of our affectioun) [\Margin of MS.\] sa lang     # 
as sche leivit. This benefit 
I haid of God, by hir meanes, that wintar, for incress of his   #
fear 
and honestie of lyff. 
   The uther was for civill conversation and prudence. My       #
father, 
that wintar, put in our hands Palingenius, wherin he delyted    #
mikle 
him self; injoyning to us, at his rydings fra ham, to lern sa   #
manie 
verses (\par ceur\) . Therby I lernt weill, and ever keipit in  #
memorie, 
<P 20>
for daylie practise sen syne, these precepts for winning of     #
heartes, 
concielliating of affectiones, and peacable conversation,       #
quhilk he 
hes in Cancro from these verses following to the end of the     #
buik:-
[^LATIN VERSE^]
  Onlie a thing in the end, (quhilk he wald nocht haiff us to   #
lern,) for 
subtill revenge is nocht Christian, bot yit maist neidfull to   #
be market,
it is sa in use in the warld in this our age, and esteimed a    #
mean
point of prudence:
[^LATIN VERSE^]
   Machiavel him selff could nocht haiff prescryvit it sa       #
weill as I 
haiff knawin it practised in this countrey; and as yit it is    #
working
on: God mak us simple as doves, and wyse as serpents! I thank 
God fra my heart, that maid me to ken it fra my youthe to be    #
war 
of it, bot nocht to use it, as I bles my Chryst I deteast all   #
revenge 
as devillrie, and namlie serpentine. 

   About the spring tyme, my father resolved to keipe my eldar 
brother at hame withe him, to lern him housbandrie and          #
experience 
of the wardlie lyff, now almost past from the age of bernheid;  #
and
to send me to the scholl againe for a yeir or twa, that         #
therefter he 
might acquent me also with housbandrie, and prepear for me a 
roum; and that becaus he nather saw the meanes to mak us attein
to sic lerning as we might live upon, nor when we haid gottin 
it, anie sure interteinment in the countrey for it. Sa I was    #
put to 
the scholl of Montrose; finding, of God's guid providence, my 
<P 21>
auld mother, Marjorie Gray, wha parting from hir brother at     #
his 
mariage, haid taken upe hous and scholl for lasses in           #
Montrose; to 
hir I was welcome againe as her awin sone. The maister of the 
scholl, a learned, honest, kynd man, whom also for thankfulnes  #
I 
name, Mr Andro Miln; he was verie skilfull and diligent. The
first yeir he causit us go throw the Rudiments againe,          #
thairefter
enter and pas throw the first part of Grammer of Sebastian;     #
thairwith
we hard (\Phormionem Terentii\) , and war exerceisd in          #
composition;
efter that entered to the second part, and hard thairwith the 
Georgics of Virgill, and dyvers uther things. I never get a     #
strak 
of his hand, whowbeit I committed twa lurd faultes, as it war   #
with 
fyre and sword: Haifing the candle in my hand on a wintar       #
night,
befor sax hours, in the scholl, sitting in the class, bernlie   #
and negligentlie
pleying with the bent, it kendlet sa on fyre, that we haid 
all ado to put it out with our feit. The uther was being        #
molested 
by a condisciple, wha cutted the stringes of my pen and         #
ink-horn 
with his pen-knyff, I minting with my pen-knyff to his legges   #
to 
stey him; he feared, and lifting now a lag, now the uther,      #
rasht on 
his lag upon my knyff, and strak him selff a deipe wound in the 
schin of the lag, quhilk was a quarter of a yeir in curing. In  #
the 
tyme of the trying of this mater, he saw me sa humble, sa       #
feared, 
sa greived, yeild sa manie teares, and by fasting and murning   #
in the 
scholl all day, that he said he could nocht find his hart to    #
punishe 
me fordar. Bot my righteus God let me nocht slipe that fault,   #
bot 
gaiff me a warning, and rememberance what it was to be defyld   #
with 
blude, whowbeit negligentlie; for within a short space efter I  #
haid 
causit a cutlar, new com to the town, to polishe and scharpe    #
the sam 
pen-knyff, and haid bought a pennie-worthe of aples, and        #
cutting 
and eatting the sam in the Linkes, as I put the cheive, in      #
[{my{]
mouthe, I began to lope upe upon a litle sandie bray, haiffing  #
the 
pen-knyff in my right hand, I fell, and thairwithe strak my     #
selff, missing
<P 22>
my wombe, an inche deipe in the inwart syde of the left knie, 
even to the bean, wherby the aequitie of God's judgment and my
conscience strak me sa, that I was the mair war of knyffes all  #
my 
dayes. 
   In Montrose was Mr Thomas Andersone, minister, a man of mean
gifts, bot of singular guid lyff. God moved him to mark me,     #
and 
call me often to his chalmer to treat me, when he saw anie      #
guid in 
me, and to instruct and admonish me utherwayes. He desyrit me 
ever to rehearse a part of Calvin's Catechisme on the Sabothes  #
at 
efternoone, because he hard the peiple lyked weill of the       #
clearnes of 
my voice, and pronuncing with sum feiling; and thairby God      #
moved a 
godlie honest matron in the town to mak mikle of me thairfor,   #
and 
called me hir lytle sweit angle. The minister was able to       #
teatche 
na ofter but annes in the ouk; but haid a godlie man reidar,
wha read the Scripture distinctlie, and with a religius and 
devot feilling; wherby I fand my selff movit to giff guid       #
eare, and 
lern the Stories of Scripture, also to tak plesure in the       #
Psalmes, 
quhilk he haid almost all by hart, in prose. The Lard of Done, 
mentioned befor, dwelt oft in the town, and of his charitie     #
interteined
a blind man, wha haid a singular guid voice; him he causit the 
doctor of our scholl teatche the wholl Psalmes in miter, with   #
the 
tones thairof, and sing tham in the kirk; be heiring of whome   #
I was 
sa delyted, that I lernit manie of the Psalmes and toones       #
thairof in 
miter, quhilk I haiff thought ever sen syne a grait blessing    #
and comfort.
The exerceise of the ministerie was keipit ouklie then in       #
Montrose, 
and thair assemblies ordinarlie; quhilk when I saw I was movit 
to lyk fellon weill of that calling, bot thought it a thing     #
unpossible 
that ever I could haiff the abilitie to stand upe and speak     #
when all 
helde thair toung and luiked, and to continow speaking alean    #
the 
space of an houre. Ther was also ther a post, that frequented
Edinbruche, and brought ham Psalme buikes and ballates; namlie, 
of Robert Semple's making, wherin I tuik pleasour, and lernit   #
sum 
<P 23>
thing bathe of the esteat of the countrey, and of the missours  #
and 
cullors of Scottes ryme. He schew me first Wedderburn's Songs,
wharof I learned diverse (\par ceur\) , with great diversitie   #
of toones. 
He frequented our scholl, and of him also I lerned to           #
understand 
the Calender, efter the commoun use thairof. 
   And, finalie, I receavit the comunion of the bodie and blud  #
of 
the Lord Jesus Chryst first at Montrose, with  a graitter       #
reverence 
and sence, in my saull, then oft thairefter I could find, in    #
the 13 
year of my age; whar, coming from the table, a guid honest      #
man, 
ane eldar of the kirk, gaiff me an admonition concerning        # 
lightnes, 
wantonnes, and nocht takin tent to the preatching and word      #
read, 
and prayers, quhilk remeaned with me ever sen syne. Sa God 
maid everie persone, place, and action, to be my teatchers;     #
bot, 
alas! I used tham never sa fruitfullie, as the guid occasiones  #
servit, 
bot was caried away in vanitie of mynd with young and fullishe 
conceattes, quhilk is the heavie challange of my conscience.    #
The 
tyme of my being in Montrose was about twa yeirs, during the 
quhilk the comoun newes that I hard was of the grait praises of #
the 
government; and, in end, the heavie mean and pitiful regrat,    #
amangs 
men in all esteatts, for the traiterus murdour of James Earl    #
of 
Murro, called the Guid Regent, anent the quhilk, sic the 19     #
book 
of the fornamed Cornicle.

[}M.D.LXXI.}]

   The esteat of Montrose schol changit, be occasion of the     #
master's
taking of him to the ministerie, I cam hame to Baldowy about    #
the 
Lambes, (\in anno\) 1571. The fourtein yeir of my age, now      #
expyred,
whar my father setts me about the hervest-labour, wherin I haid 
litle pleasour; for whowbeit I spendit nocht the tyme sa        #
fructfullie 
as I might at scholl, yet I lyked the schollar's lyff best;     #
bot my father
held us in sic aw, that we durst nocht reasone with him, bot    #
his 
will was neidfull obedience to us. Sa to the glorie of my God,  #
I remember
<P 24>
a certean day my father send me to the smeddy for dressing
of hewkes and sum yron instruments, the way lying hard by       #
Mariekirk,
wherin my father pretched, I begoude to weirie soar of my 
lyff; and as my coustome haid bein fra my bernheid to pray in   #
my 
hart, and mein my esteat to my God, coming fornent the kirk,    #
and 
luiking to it, the Lord steirit upe an extraordinar motion in   #
my hart, 
quhilk maid me atteans, being alean, to fall on gruiff to the   #
ground, 
and pour out a schort and ernest petition to God, that it wald  #
please 
his guidnes to offer occasion to continow me at the scholles,   #
and inclyne 
my father's hart till use the saming; with promise and vow, 
that whatever missour of knawledge and letters he wold bestow   #
on 
me, I sould, by his grace, imploy the saming for his glorie in  #
the 
calling of the ministerie; and rysing from the ground with joy  #
and 
grait contentment in hart, again fell downe and worschipped,    #
and 
sa past on and did the earand, retourning and praising my God, 
singing sum Psalmes. Within a few dayes thairefter, Mr James 
Melvill, my uncle, comes to Baldowy, and brings with him a      #
godlie 
lernit man, named Mr Wilyeam Collace, wha was that sam yeir to 
tak upe the class as first regent of St Leonard's Collage,      #
within the 
Universitie of St Andros; efter conference with whome that      #
night,
God moves my father's hart to resolve to send me that sam yeir  #
to 
the Collage. Trew it was, I was bot weaklie groundit in         #
grammar, 
and young of yeirs; yit the lovingnes of the gentleman, and     #
promise 
of the benefeit of a bursare's place, and of taking peanes on   #
me, 
maid the mater to go fordwart; wherof, when I was informed be 
my said uncle, and haid sein and spoken a lytle with the man,   #
Rebecca 
was never blyther to go with the servant of Abraham, nor I 
was to go with him. And trewlie this finding of God, at a       #
neid, 
was the beginning of a ritche treassour of the pruiff of his    #
providence,
mercie, and grace, continowallie increassing sen syne, that I 
wald nocht giff for ten thowsand warlds. 
   Sa I cam to St Androis about the first of November, in the   #
forsaid
yeir 1571, and enterit in the course of Philosophie, under the 
<P 25>
regenterie of the said Mr Wilyeam, wha haid the estimation of   #
the 
maist solide and lernit in Aristotle's Philosophie. And first   #
hard 
under him Cassander his Rhetorik; but at the beginning, nather 
being weill groundet in grammer, nor com to the yeirs of        #
naturall 
judgment and understanding, I was cast in sic a greiff and      #
dispear, 
because I understood nocht the regent's langage in teatching,   #
that I
did nathing bot bursted and grat at his lessones, and was of    #
mynd
to haiff gone ham agean, war nocht the luiffing cear of that    #
man
comforted me, and tuik me in his awin chalmer, causit me ly     #
with 
him selff, and everie night teatched me in privat, till I was   #
acquented 
with the mater. [\"We hard the Oration, Pro Rege                # 
Deiotaro." Margin of MS.\] Then he gaiff us a compend of his    #
awin of  Philosophi
and the partes thairof; of Dialectik, of Definition, of         #
Division,
of Enunciation, and of a Syllogisme Enthymen, and Induction,
&c.; quhilk I thought I understuid better. About the quhilk     #
tyme 
my father coming to the town, begoude to examine me, and        #
finding 
sum beginning was exceidinglie rejoysit, and uttered sweittar   #
affection
to me then ever before. He interteined my regent verie hartlie 
in his ludging, and gaiff him grait thanks. He send me to him, 
efter he haid taken leive, with twa piece of gold in a          #
neapkine;
bot the gentleman was sa honest and loving, that he wald haiff  #
non 
of his gold, but with austere countenance send me bak with it,  #
na 
never wald receave gold nor silver all the tyme of my course.   #
We
enterit in the Organ of Aristotle's Logics that yeir, and       #
lernit till 
the Demonstrations. He haid a lytle boy that servit him in his 
chamber, called David Elistone, wha, amangs threttie-and-sax    #
schollars
in number, (sa manie war we in the class,) was the best. This 
boy he causit weat on me, and confer with me; whase ingyne and 
judgment past me als far in the wholl course of philosophie,    #
as the 
aigle the howlet. In the multiplication of Propositiones,       #
Medalles,
Conversion of Syllogismes, (\Pons Asinorum\) , etc., he was als #
read as 
I was in telling an-and-threttie. This I mark for a speciall    #
cause 
of thankfulnes following.
<P 26>
   Bot of all the benefites I haid  that yeir was the coming    #
of that 
maist notable profet and apostle of our nation, Mr Jhone Knox,  #
to 
St Androis; wha, be the faction of the Quein occupeing the      #
castell
and town of Edinbruche, was compellit to remove thairfra with 
a number of the best, and chusit to com to St Androis. I hard   #
him 
teatche ther the prophecie of Daniel that simmer, and the       #
wintar 
following. I haid my pen and my litle book, and tuk away sic
things as I could comprehend. In the opening upe of his text    #
he 
was moderat the space of an halff houre; bot when he enterit to
application, he maid me sa to grew and tremble, that I could    #
nocht
hald a pen to wryt. I hard him oftymes utter these thretenings 
in the hicht of their pryde, quhilk the eis of movie saw        #
cleirlie 
brought to pass within few yeirs upon the Captean of that       #
Castle, 
the Hamiltones, and the Quein hir selff. He ludgit down in the 
Abbay besyde our Collage; and our (Primarius, Mr James Wilkie, 
our) [\Margin of MS.\] Regents, Mr Nicol Dalgleise,             #
Mr Wilyeam Colace, and Mr
Jhone Davidsone, went in ordinarlie to his grace efter denner   #
and 
soupper. Our Regent taried all the vacans to heir him, whowbeit
he haid urgent effeares of his brother-sonnes to handle, to     #
whom he 
was tutor. Mr Knox wald sum tymes com in and repose him in our 
Collage yeard, and call us schollars unto him and bless us,     #
and exhort
us to knaw God and his wark in our contrey, and stand be the 
guid cause, to use our tyme weill, and lern the guid            #
instructiones, 
and follow the guid exemple of our maisters. Our haill          #
Collage, 
maisters and schollars, war sound and zelus for the guid        #
cause. 
The uther twa Collages nocht sa; for in the New Collage,        #
whowbeit
Mr Jhone Dowglass, then Rector, was guid aneuche; the 
thrie uther maisters and sum of the Regentes war evill myndit, 
viz. Mrs Robert, Archbald and Jhone Hamiltons, (wharof the      #
last 
twa becam efter apostates,) hated Mr Knox and the guid cause;
and the Comissar, Mr Wilyeam Skein, could nocht lyk weill of 
his doctrine. The Auld Collage was rewlit be Mr Jhon            #
Rutherfurd, 
<P 27>
then Dean of Facultie, a (man lernit in philosophie, bot)       #
[\Margin of MS.\] invyus
corrupt. This I mark for the setting furthe of the benefit I    #
receavit in the Collage and companie I was into. The public
newes I hard that yeir was of the Engliss armie that cam in     #
under 
the conduct of Mr Druri, and brunt and slew throuchout          #
Cliddisdall
and all the dominiones of the Hamiltons, for the slauchter of 
the Guid Regent. They brunt the castell, and palice, and town   #
of 
Hamiltone, and caried away grait pray; they wracked all the     #
Bordars
wast and est, and tuik the castell of Hume. Also Mathew 
Stewart, Erle of Lennox, was schosine Regent, wha that hervest 
cam to Breachine, beseigit the castell thairof, haldin be the   #
suddarts 
of the Erl of Hountlie, compellet tham to rander, and hangit 
threttie thairof, quhilk was callit "the Bourde of Breachine."
   (This yeir, in the monethe of July, Mr Jhone Davidsone, an   #
of 
our Regents, maid a play at the mariage of Mr Jhone Colvin, 
quhilk I saw playit in Mr Knox presence; wherin, according to   #
Mr 
Knox doctrin, the Castle of Edinbruche was beseiged, takin,     #
and 
the Captan, with an or twa with him, hangit in effigie.)        #
[\Supplied on margin of MS.\] 

[}M.D.LXXII.}]

   The second yeir of my course, we hard the Demonstrations,    #
the 
Topiks, and the Sophist Captiones. And the Primarius, a guid,
peacable, sweit auld man, wha luiffed me weill, teached the     #
four 
speaces of the Arithmetik, and sum thing of the Sphere; bot     #
the 
graittest benefit I had of him was his daylie doctrine at the   #
prayers
in the kirk, everie morning; for he past throw the twa buiks    #
of 
Samuel, and twa of the Kings, very pleanlie and                 #
substantiuslie, 
quhilk I rememberit the better ever since. He causit sing       #
comounlie 
the 44 and 79 Psalmes, quhilk I lernit (\par ceur\) , for that  #
was 
the yeir of the bludie massacres in France, and grait troubles  #
in 
this countrey, the warres betwix Leithe and Edinbruche being 
verie hat. The Castel of Dumbarten was notablie tean, and Jhone
Hamilton, Bischope of St. Androis, hangit. 
<P 28>
   In the monethe of August, " the Blak Parliament" of Stirling
haldin, [\"The parliament was haldin in August 1571, before I   #
cam to the Universitie." Margin of MS.\] whar the second        #
Regent was slean, in Womistones armes,
&c., (\vide\) Buchan. Chro. 

[}M.D.LXXIII.}]

   The thrid yeir of our course, we hard the fyve buikis of     #
the 
Ethiks, with the aught buikis of the Physiks, (and (\De Ortu et #
Interitu\) ). [\Margin.\]
That yeir we haid our Bachlar art, according to the solemnities 
then used of declamations, banqueting, and playes. And in 
the mean tyme thairof, my father maried my said eldest sistar 
Isbell, and second, Majorie, bathe on a day; bot efter that     #
festing,
we gat hard newes of the defeat of the Forbesses at the         #
Crabstean,
besyd Aberdein.

[}M.D.LXXIV.}]

   The fourt and last yeir of our course, quhilk was the 17     #
yeir of 
my age outpast, and 18 rinning, we learned the buikis (\de      #
Coelo\) and 
Mateors, also the Spher, more exactlie teachit be our awin      #
Regent,
and maid us for our Vicces and Blakstens, and haid at Pace our
promotion and finissing of our course. The beginning of this    #
yeir 
was also maist dulfull to me, by the departour of my deirest    #
sistar 
Isbell, wha died of hir first bern; in whom I lossit my         #
naturall 
mother the second tyme. 
   (The ordour of four kirks to a minister, then maid be the    #
Erl of 
Morton, now maid Regent; against the quhilk Mr Jhone Davidsone,
an of the Regents of our Collage, maid a buik called the 
"Conference betwix the Clark and the Courtieur;" for the        #
quhilk 
he was summoned befor the Justice-ear at Hadinton this wintar, 
the last of our course, and banisched the cowntrey.) [\This     #
paragraph is also supplied from the margin of the MS.\] )
   In the thrid and fourt yeirs of my course, at the            #
direction of my 
father, I hard the Comissar, Mr Wilyeam Skein, teatche Cicero   #
(\de 
Legibus\) , and divers partes of the (\Institutiones\) of       #
Justinian. I was 
<P 29>
burdet in the hous of a man of law, a very guid honest man,     #
Andro 
Greine be nam, wha lovit me exceiding weill; whase wyff also 
was ane of my mothers. I am sure sche haid nocht sone nor bern 
sche loved better. This lawier tuk me to the Consistorie with   #
him, 
whar the Comissar wald tak pleasour to schaw us the practise,   #
in 
judgment, of that quhilk he teatched in the scholles. He was a 
man of skill and guid conscience in his calling, lernit and     #
diligent 
in his profession, and tuk delyt in na thing mair nor to        #
repeat ower 
and ower again to anie schollar that wald ask him the thingis   #
he haid 
bein teatching. Lykwayes my ost, Andro, acquentit me with the 
formes of summonds and lybelling, of contracts, obligatiounes,  #
actes, 
&c.; but my hart was nocht sett that way.
   Mairower, in these yeirs I lerned my music, wherin I tuk     #
graitter
delyt, of an Alexander Smithe, servant to the Primarius of our 
Collage, wha haid been treaned upe amangis the mounks in the    #
Abbay.
I lerned of him the gam, plean-song, and monie of the treables
of the Psalmes, wherof sum I could weill sing in the kirk; bot  #
my 
naturalitie and easie lerning by the ear maid me the mair       #
unsolide
and unreadie to use the forme of the art. I lovit singing and   #
playing
on instruments passing weill, and wald gladlie spend tyme whar 
the exerceise thairof was within the Collage; for twa or thrie  #
of our 
condisciples played fellon weill on the virginals, and another  #
on the 
lut and githorn. Our Regent haid also the pinalds in his        #
chalmer,
and lernit some thing, and I eftir him; bot perceaving me ower 
mikle caried efter that, he dishanted and left of. It was the   #
grait 
mercie of my God that keipit me from anie grait progress in     #
singing 
and playing on instruments; for, giff  I haid atteined to anie  #
reasonable
missure thairin, I haid never don guid utherwayes, in respect 
of my amorus disposition, wherby Sathan sought even then to 
deboiche me; bot my God gaiff me a piece of his fear, and       #
grait naturall
shamfastness, quhilk by his grace war my preservatives. Als
I haid my necessars honestlie aneuche of my father, bot nocht   #
els;
for archerie and goff, I haid bow, arrose, glub and bals, but   #
nocht a 
<P 30>
purs for catchpull and tavern; sic was his fatherlie wisdom for #
my 
weill. Yit now and then I lernit and usit sa mikle bathe of     #
the hand
and racket catche as might serve for moderat and halsome        #
exerceise
of the body.
   I wald haiff gladlie bein at the Greik and Hebrew toungs,    #
because 
I red in our Byble that it was translated out of Hebrew and 
Greik; bot the langages war nocht to be gottine in the land.    #
Our
Regent begoud and teatched us the A, B, C, of the Greik, and    #
the 
simple declintiones, bot went no farder. Be that occasion he    #
tauld 
me of my uncle Mr Andro Melvill, whom he knew in the tyme of 
his course in the New Collage to use the Greik Logics of        #
Aristotle;
quhilk was a wounder to tham that he was sa fyne a schollar,    #
and 
of sic expectation. This maid me inquyre for Mr Andro, when
I cam ham, the second and thrid yeir of our course; bot my      #
father 
and Mr James schew me they fearit he was dead, because of the 
grait civill warres in France, and that they hard he was in     #
Poictears 
beseiged; that it was aught or nyne yeirs sen he past to        #
France, and 
four or fyve yeirs sen they gat anie letters or word from him.  #
This
twitched my hart wounder soar, in respect of the grait          #
comendation 
I hard of him be my Regent and diverse uthers. Bot soon efter, 
about the middes of our thrid yeir, Alexander Young cam ham     #
from 
Genev, from his uncle, and my neir kinsman, Mr Henrie           #
Scrymgour, 
of honourable memorie, with sum propynes to the King, and       #
letters
to Mr. George Bowchanan and Mr Piter Young, that an the 
King's maister, that uther his paedagog; and amangs the rest 
brought letters from the said Mr Andro to my father, and his    #
brother 
Mr James; and thairwithall word of his weilfear and singular 
estimation in Genev, whar he haid four yeirs professit. Of      #
these 
newes my hart was exceiding glade, and the said Alexander       #
being 
with all diligence to return againe to Genev, I haid a letter   #
in readines 
pennit at lainthe in Latin, the best I could, quhilk I          #
delyverit 
to my cowsing Alexander, wha within a twa monethes put it in    #
the 
hands of my said uncle Mr Andro. And he tauld me at meitting, 
<P 31>
and oft sen syne, it was a speciall motion of his ham-coming,   #
then 
the quhilk, I, nor Scotland nather, receavit never a graitter   #
benefit 
of the hands of God, as will better appeir heirefter. 
   Bot because, in all my course, the graittest benefit was     #
the sight 
and heiring of that extraordinar man of God, Mr Jhone Knox; sa 
far as I then knew and hard of him, I man heir record. In the 
tyme of his being in St Androis, ther was a General Assemblie   #
hauldin
in the scholles of St Leonards, our Collage. Thair, amangs      #
uther 
things, was motioned the making of Bischopes; to the quhilk Mr 
Knox opponit him selff directlie and zealuslie. Yit a number    #
of 
Commissionars of the Kirk, meatt at Leithe, [\"The Conference   #
at Leithe was in Januare; and the General Assemblie in Merche   #
therefter, 1571." Margin of MS.\] with the Lords that 
haid the guid caus in hand, (wherof everie ane was hounting     #
for a 
fatt kirk leiving, quhilk gart them feght the fastar,) and      #
ther aggreit 
to mak Bischopes; the warst turn that ever was done for the     #
kirk 
leiving, as experience atteanes declared, when they war named 
"Tulchains," that is, calffs' skinnes stuffed with stra, to     #
cause the 
cow giff milk; for everie lord gat a bischopric, and sought     #
and presented
to the kirk sic a man as wald be content with least, and sett 
tham maist of fewes, takes, and pensiones. Amangs the rest, the
Erle of Mortoun gat the bischoprik of St Androis, efter the     #
hanging 
of Jhone Hamiltone; and presented therunto that honorable       #
father 
of the Universitie, as Rector thairof for the present, Mr       #
Jhone 
Dowglass, a guid, upright-harted man, bot ambitius and simple, 
nocht knawing wha delt with him. I hard Mr Knox speak against 
it, bot sparinglie, because he lovit the man; and with regrat,  #
saying,
"Alas! for pitie, to lay upone an auld weak man's back that     #
quhilk 
twentie of the best gifts could nocht bear. It will wrak him    #
and 
disgrace him!" And, indeid, it cam to pass sa; for within twa   #
or 
thrie yeirs he died; during the quhilk he haid nather that      #
honour,
welthe, nor helthe, as he was wount to haiff, ever repenting    #
that he 
tuk it on. That was the first tyme I hard Mr Patrik             #
Constantine, 
wha, then new retourned out of France with young Mr James       #
Macgill,
the Clark Register eldest sone, thought, be the said Clark's 
<P 32>
court, wha was grait with the Erle of Mortoun, to haiff bein    #
preferrit
to the bischoprik, bot coming schort, becam a zealus            #
preatchour 
against Bischopes. I hard a sermont of his the ouk efter the    #
Bischope
was maid, upon ane extraordinar day, that he might haiff the 
graitter audience; wherin he maid thrie sorts of Bischoppes:    #
My 
Lord Bischop, My Lord's Bischop, and The Lord's Bischope. "My 
Lord Bischope," said he, " was in the Papistrie: My Lord's      #
Bischope 
is now, when my Lord getts the benefice, and the Bischope 
serves for na thing bot to mak his tytle sure: And The Lord's
Bischope is the trew Minister of the Gospell." Mr Patrik was 
then weill lyked, and of guid expectation with sic as knew him 
nocht intus. The yeir efter was maid Bischope, Geordie of       #
Murro, 
whom I saw a haill wintar mumling on his pretching af his       #
peapers 
everie day at our morning prayers; and haid it nocht weill      #
(\par ceur\) 
when all was done: And efter him, Bischope Patone of Dunkell. 
[\"I saw them bathe gett imposition of hands be B. Douglas and  #
Mr Jhon Woundrom, Superintendent, whom I saw inaugarat (as they #
cald it) B. Douglas." Margin of MS.\] 
This greivit the hart of the man of God to the dead; bot the    #
warres
war sa hatt, and the Lords cryed they behud to leave tham, giff
they gatt nocht the kirk leiving; and monie knew nocht yit the 
corruption and unlawfulness of that invention of men, and sa    #
the 
mater past fordwart. 
   At Mr Knox coming to St Androis, Robert Lekprivik, printar, 
transported his lettres and press from Edinbruch to St          #
Androis, 
whar first I saw that excellent art of printing; and haid then  #
in 
hand Mr Patrik Constant's Catechisme of Calvin, converted in 
Latin heroic vers, quhilk with the author was mikle estimed of. 
   About the sam tyme cam to St Androis, to visit Mr Knox, 
Jhone Durie, fellow minister of Leith with Mr David Lindsay,    #
wha 
was then for stoutness and zeall in the guid cause mikle        #
renouned
and talked of. For the gown was na sooner af, and the Byble     #
out 
of hand (fra the kirk) [\Taken from the margin of MS.\] )       #
when on ged the corslet, and fangit was 
the hagbot, and to the fields! Him I saw first at St Androis    #
with 
Mr Knox.
<P 33>
   The town of Edinbruche recovered againe, and the guid and 
honest men therof retourned to thair housses. Mr Knox with his 
familie past hame to Edinbruche. Being in St Androis he was     #
verie 
weak. I saw him everie day of his doctrine go hulie and fear,   #
with 
a furring of martriks about his neck, a staff in the an hand,   #
and  guid 
godlie Richart Ballanden, his servand, halding upe the uther    #
oxtar, 
from the Abbay to the paroche kirk; and be the said Richart     #
and 
another servant, lifted upe to the pulpit, whar he behovit to   #
lean 
at his first entrie; bot or he haid done with his sermont, he   #
was sa 
active and vigorus that he was lyk to ding that pulpit in       #
blads, and 
fly out of it! Sa, soone efter his coming to Edinbruche, he     #
becam 
unable to preatche; and sa instituting in his roum, be the      #
ordinar 
calling of the kirk and congregation, Mr James Lawsone, (a man  #
of 
singular learning, zeal, and eloquence, whom I never hard       #
preatche 
bot he meltit my hart with teares,) [\This has been afterwards  #
added by the Author on the margin of the MS.\] he tuk him to    #
his chamber, and 
most happelie and comfortablie departed this lyff. (\Vide\)     #
concerning 
his lyff and dathe, Mr Thomas Smeton's buik against Hamiltone 
the Apostat. 
   Ther was twa in St Androis wha war his aydant heirars, and   #
wrot
his sermonts; an, my condisciple, Mr Andro Yowng, now minister 
of Dumblean, wha transleated sum of tham in Latin, and read     #
tham 
in the hall of the Collage in stead of his orations: that       #
uther was 
servant to Mr Robert Hamilton, minister of the town, whom Mr 
Robert causit to wrait, for what end God knawes. The            #
threatnings 
of his sermonts war verie soar; and sa particular, that sic as  #
lyket 
nocht the cause, tuk occasion to reprotche him as a rashe       #
raler, 
without warrand. And Mr Robert Hamilton himselff being          #
offendit,
conferrit with Mr Knox, asking his warrand of that particular 
thretning against the Castel of Edinbruche, that it sould rin   #
lyk a 
sand-glass; it sould spew out the Captan with scham; he sould 
nocht com out at the yet, bot down ower the walles; and sic     #
lyk.
Mr Knox answerit, " God is my warrant, and yie sall sie it."    #
Whill 
as the uther was skarslie satisfeit, and tuk hardlie with it,   #
the nixt
<P 34>
sermont from pulpit, he repeates the thretnings, and addes      #
therto, 
"Thow, that will nocht beleive my warrand, sall sie it with     #
thy eis 
that day; and sall say, What haif I to do heir?" This sermont   #
the 
said Mr Robert's servand wrot; and, being with his maister in   #
Edinbruche
a twa yeir thairefter, at the taking of the Castell, they ged
upe to the Castell-hill, saw the forwark of the Castell all     #
demolished,
and rinning lyk a sandie bray; they saw the men of wear all 
sett in ordour; the Captan, with a lytle cut of a staff in his  #
hand, 
takin doun ower the wall upon the leathers; and Mr Robert,
troublet with the thrang of the peiple, sayes to his man, "Go,  #
what 
haif I ado heir?" And, in going away, the servant remembers     #
his 
maister of that sermont, and the words; wha was compellit to 
glorifie God, and say, he was a trew prophet. 
   Ane uther strange particular was recompted to me be Mr       #
David 
Lindsay, minister of Leithe: That efter Mr Knox haid taken      #
bed, he 
cam in to visit him, as he was accustomed, and asked him whow   #
he 
did? He answerit, " Weill, brother, I thank God. I haiff        #
desyrd 
all this day to haif yow, that I may send yow yit to yon man    #
in 
the Castell, whom yie ken I haif loved sa deirlie: Go, I pray,  #
and 
tell him that I haif send yow to him, yit annes, to warn and    #
bid
him, in the nam of God, leave that evill cause, and giff ower   #
that 
Castle; giff nocht, he salbe brought down ower the wals of it   #
with 
shame, and hing against the sune: Sa God has assurit me." Mr 
David, whowbeit he thought the message hard, and the thretning 
ower particular, yit obeyit, and past to the Castell; and       #
meiting 
with Sir Robert Melvill walkin on the wall, tauld him; wha      #
was, as 
he thought, mikle movit with the mater. Therefter communed 
with the Captan, whom he thought also sumwhat moved; but he 
past from him to the Secretar Lithintone, with whom, when he 
haid conferrit a whyll, he cam out to Mr David again, and said  #
to 
him, "Go, tell Mr Knox he is bot a drytting prophet!" Mr David 
returning, tauld Mr Knox he haid dischargit the commission      #
fathfullie;
but that it was nocht weill accepted of, efter the Captan 
haid conferrit with the Secretar. "Weill," (sayes Mr Knox,) "I 
<P 35>
haif bein ernest with my God anent tha twa men; for the an I    #
am 
sorie that sa sould befall him, yit God assures me ther is      #
mercie for 
his saul; for that uther I haif na warrand that ever he salbe   #
weill."
Mr David sayes, he thought it hard, yit keipit it in mynd till  #
Mr 
Knox was at rest with God. 
   The Engliss armie cam in, with munition meit for the seage   #
of 
the Castell; and within few dayes the Captean is sean to        #
rander,
and com down the leathers ower the wall. He is committed to a 
ludging in the town with a custodie of souldarts. Mr David,     #
because 
of grait acquentance, comes to visit him, whom he employes to 
go to the Erle of Morton, and offer him his haill heritage,     #
the band of 
manrent of all his frinds, and to pass af the countrie in       #
exyll, during 
his will. Mr David goes that night and speakes the Erle, then 
being Regent, proponing to him the offers. The Regent goes      #
asyde, 
and consultes with the Abbot of Dumfermling and Clark Register;
thairefter Mr David comes, craving his answer. It was giffen,   #
It 
could nocht be: The peiple could nocht be satisfeit, nor ther   #
cause 
clerit and crowned, with [{out{] exemplar punishment of that    #
man and 
his counsellour, the Secretar. Mr. David the morn, be nyne      #
hours,
comes agean to the Captean, the Lard of Grange, and taking him 
to ane fore stare of the ludgin apart, resolves him it behoved  #
him 
to suffer. "O then, Mr David," sayes he, "for our auld          #
frindschipe,
and for Chryst's seak, leave me nocht!" So he remeanes 
with him, wha paecing up and down a whyll, cam to a schot, and 
seeing the day fear, the sune cleir, and a scaffald preparing   #
at the 
Corss in the Hie-geatt, he falles in a grait studie, and        #
alteris countenance
and cullour; quhilk, when Mr David perceaved, he cam to 
him, and asked him what he was doing? "Fathe, Mr David."
sayes [{he,{] "I perceave weill now that Mr Knox was the trew   #
servant 
of God, and his thretning is to be accomplissed;" and desyred 
to heir the treuthe of that againe. The quhilk Mr David         #
rehersed;
and added thairunto, that the sam Mr Knox, at his retourning,   #
haid
tauld him that he was ernest with God for him; was sorie, for   #
the 
<P 36>
love he buir him, that that sould com on his bodie, bot was     #
assurit 
ther was mercie for his saull. The quhilk he wald haiff         #
repeated 
ower againe to him; and thairupon was graitlie comforted, and   #
becam
to be of guid and cheirfull cowrage. Sa that he dyned           #
moderatlie;
and thairefter tuk Mr David apart, for his streinthning to 
suffer that dethe; and in end beseikes him nocht to leave him,  #
bot 
convoy him to the place of execution: "And tak heid," sayes he,
"I hope in God, efter I salbe thought past, to giff yow a taken #
of 
the assurance of that mercie to my saull, according to the      #
speakine 
of that man of God!" Sa, about thrie houres efter none, he was 
brought out, and Mr David with him; and about foure, the sune 
being wast about af the north-west nuk of the steiple, he was   #
put 
af the leddar, and his face first fell to the est; bot within   #
a bonie 
whyll turned about to the west, and ther remeaned against the 
sune: At quhilk tyme, Mr David, ever present, sayes, he marked 
him, when all thought he was away, to lift upe his hands that   #
war 
bund befor him, and ley tham doun again softlie; quhilk moved 
him, with exclamation, to glorifie God befor all the peiple.    #
This last 
part of his execution I hard also of Jhone Durie, wha was       #
present
with him on the scaffald. 
   Sa, in lyk maner, whatever he spak concerning the            #
Hamiltones 
and the Quein, whowbeit in appeirance, in the mean tyme, bot    #
contrar,
and monie guid folks thought hard and strange, yit cam to 
pass, and was marked in particular to the grait glorie of God,  #
terrour
of the enemies, and joy of the godlie.
 
   Thus, ending my course of Philosophie in St Androis, whar    #
upon 
the part of God I haid offerit to me all guid occasion of       #
godlines, 
lerning, and wesdome, sa mikle as was in the countrey for the   #
tyme, 
(and might fall in my age;) [\Added on margin of the MS.\]      # 
bot on my part, wha throw wantones 
and vanitie neglected and mispent the occasiones, haid gottin   #
na thing
bot a nam and opinion of lerning, a babling of words without    #
wit,
at least wesdome: For my light young nature was giffen mair to 
<P 37>
be superficiall nor solid, circumferentiall nor centrik,        #
desyring to 
heir and haiff the names of manie things, bot never weill       #
degesting 
nor ryping out the nature of anie, bot fleiting and flowing,    #
soon 
lyking and soon lothing everie thing. Onlie now and then I      #
fand 
sum sweit and constant motiones of the feir and love of God     #
within 
me. 
   I cam to Dondie, whar my uncle Roger, a man godlie, kynd,    #
and 
wyse, enterit with me to understand to what calling my hart     #
inclyned;
and gaiff out that my father's intention was to haiff me a 
lawer. I said nocht mikle against it, bot wissed at God I       #
might 
haiff the gifts and grace to be a minister. Coming ham, my      #
father 
tented me in the sam maner, bot nocht sa familiarlie; nather    #
durst
I utter anie thing against his opinion and judgment, bot said   #
I was 
readie to obey his will and direction in all things. He         #
commandit 
me then to occupie my tyme weill amangs his books till the      #
vacans, 
at what tyme he wald haiff occasion to meit with sum guid man   #
of 
law in Edinbruche, to whom he wald put me in service. Giff sa   #
he 
meinde, indeid, because he saw na provision for the ministerie, #
or to 
essay my resolution, I can nocht tell. Going a day to Bonitone, #
I 
past by the Kirk of Maritone and place wher I haid prayed, and 
vowed to God: the sam cam in my memorie, with a grait motion 
of mynd and determination to pay my vow, giff God wald giff     #
the 
grace and moyen. Sa, praying and worshiping befor God, it cam 
in my mynd to pen a sermont upon a part of Scripture, and       #
leave 
it in a buik of my father, whar he might find it; and sa I tuk  #
the 
beginning of the nynt of Jhone's Evangell, of the blind man,    #
and 
studeing his comentares thairon, Musculus and Marlorot, wrot    #
it and 
left it in Musculus' Comentars; quhilk, when he fand it, lyked  #
him 
weill; yit spak na thing, bot left me in suspence till it       #
pleasit God
to giff me full resolution. For, a lytle befor Lambes, word cam
that Mr Andro was com to Edinbruche, and within twentie dayes 
efter he cam to Baldowy; with whom when my father had conferit,
and knawin what opinion he haid of me, he delyverit me ower     #
unto
<P 38>
him, thinking he was disburdenit of me; and sa indeid he was,   #
as 
the continuation of this narrative will declar. This was in     #
the yeir 
of God 1574.

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 323>
[}M.D.XCV.}]
   [In the monethe of Merche, 27, (1595,) being Furisday, about
alleavin houres of the night, in place of a sarie las that      #
never
leuche, God gave me of my wyff, dearlie beloved, a pleasand     # 
boy,
wha, during his infancie, being of a fyne sanguine              #
complexioun, was 
a pastyme and pleasour, nocht onlie to my haill familie, bot    #
almost 
throw all the town whar ever he was caried. Sa it is a guid     #
thing 
to tak in patience whatever God sends. His guid-shyr, Jhone 
Durie, being with me at that tyme, gave him the bage of         #
baptisme,
and called him Jhone, in remembrance of the inspeakable grace   #
of 
God bestowit on him and his successioun. The grace of God mak 
as mikle to kythe in him, coming to age, if sa be His           #
pleasure, as 
appeires in the youthe inwartlie and outward!] [^EDITOR'S       #
BRACKETS^]
   The yeir following, (1595,) Mr David Blak's ministerie in    #
St Androis,
quhilk haid wrought notable guid effects, bathe in the town
for the weill of all the peiple's saulles, and ther republict,  #
and guid 
ordour of provisioun for the pure, as also to landwart for      #
purpose 
of biging of kirks, and in the Presbyterie moving               #
non-residents to 
tak tham to thair kirks and charges, began now, be the devill   #
invying
it, to be branglit. The instruments war the Manse-moungar, 
(sa Mr David named him,) Wilyeam Balfour, and his favourars, 
wha, fearing Mr David's prevaling against him, and evicting of  #
his 
hous in the Abbay to be a manse to the Minister, causit, be     #
divers 
courtiours and uthers, the King's cares to be filled with       #
calumnious
informationes of the said Mr David his doctrine and ministerie:
As lykwayes be his occasioun of Mr Andro, my uncle, Rector of 
the Universitie, being the principall mean of the said Mr       #
David's 
bringing and placing thair, and meantiner and assistar of him   #
in his 
ministerie. 
   Sa, in the monethe of August 1595, the said Mr David and my 
uncle ar chargit to compeir befor the King and Counsall at      #
Falkland,
to answer for certean speitches uttered be tham in thair        #
doctrin
<P 324>
against his Majestie's progenitours; of the quhilk I knew na 
thing bot be advertisment fra my uncle from St Androis to       #
keipe 
the dyet. Coming to Falkland, the King inquyres of me, What I 
thought of Mr David Blak? I answerit, "I thought him a guid 
and godlie man, and a mightie preatchour, and a man whase       #
ministerie
haid bein verie forcible and fruitfull in St Androis." - "O,"
sayes the King,"yie ar the first man, and onlie, that ever I    #
hard 
speak guid of him amangs ministerie, gentilmen, or burgesses!"-
"Surlie, then, (says I,) I am verie sorie, Sir, that your       #
Majestie 
hes nocht spoken with the best sort of them all."-"I ken,"      #
sayes 
the King in coler, "the best, and hes spoken with tham; bot     #
all 
your seditius deallings ar cloked, and hes bein with that name  #
of 
the best men."-"Then, surlie, (says I,) Sir, your Majestie      #
sall 
do weill to giff Mr David a syse of anie in all tha thrie       #
ranks, excepting
nan bot sic as hes knawin particulars; and giff they fyle 
him, I sall speak na mair in this maner to your Majestie, till  #
your 
Majestie find what he is in effect." The King slipping away     #
fra 
me, goes to a speciall courtier, and sayes to him, "Fathe, Mr
James Melvill and I ar at our graittest, for I perceave he is   #
all for 
Mr David Blak, and that sort!" The King, lest he sould irritat 
the Kirk be calling befor his Counsall anie Minister for thair  #
doctrine,
quhilk haid nocht succeidit weill of befor, called onlie a      #
nomber 
of the Breithring of the ministerie, (namlie, sic whilk war     #
offendit
with Mr David's scharpe and plean forme of doctrine, sparing 
nather King nor Minister,) to try the mater, and judge          #
thairupon. 
   Mr David compeiring, declynit the King's judicator, in       #
doctrine;
and as for the Breithring, he refusit tham nocht, being anie    #
sort of 
Assemblie of the Kirk, rightlie callit for that effect, or      #
utherwayes
in privat to confer with thame, and satisfie tham in anie dout  #
conceavit
of his doctrine. The King summarlie and  confusedlie passit 
ower all, and put nan of these things to interloquutor, bot     #
called for 
the witneses. And Mr David, called to sie what he haid to say
against tham, answerit, Gif that was a judicator, he sould      #
haiff an 
<P 325>
answer concerning the unlawfulnes and incompetencie alleagit;
as lykwayes, put ceas it war, as it is nocht, he sould haiff    #
an accusar
fortifeit with twa witneses, according to the rewll of the      #
Apostle,
&c. That in lyk maner is past, and a nomber of witneses is      #
examined,
Burley, the delatter and accusar,  being alwayes present:       #
Whilk,
when my uncle, Mr Andro Melvill, perceaving, chapping at the 
chalmer dure, whar we war, comes in, and efter humble reverence
done to the King, he braks out with grait libertie of           #
speitche, letting
the King planlie to knaw, that quhilk dyvers tymes befor with 
small lyking, he haid tooned in his car, "That thair was twa 
Kings in Scotland, twa Kingdomes, and twa Jurisdictiones: Thir
was Chryst Jesus, &c.: And gif the King of Scotland, civill     #
King 
James the Saxt, haid anie judicator or cause thair,             #
presentlie, it 
sould nocht be to judge the fathfull messanger of Jesus         #
Chryst, the 
King, &., bot (turning him to the Lard of Burley, standing      #
there)
this trator, wha hes committed divers poincts of hie treasone
against his Majestie's civill lawes, to his grait dishonour     #
and offence
of his guid subjects, namlie, taking of his peacable subjects 
on the night out of thair housses, ravishing of weimen, and     #
receatting
within his hous of the King's rebels and forfault enemies!" &c.
   With this, Burley falles down on his knies to the King, and 
craves justice. "Justice!" sayes Mr Andro, "wald to God yow 
haid it! Yow wald nocht be heir to bring a judgment from Chryst
upon the King, and thus falslie and unjustlie to vex and        #
accuse the 
fathfull servants of God!" The King began, with sum             #
countenances
and speitches, to command silence and dashe him; bot he,        #
insurging 
with graitter bauldnes and force of langage, buir out the
mater sa, that the King was fean to tak it upe betwix tham with
gentill termes and mirrie talk; saying, "They war bathe litle   #
men, 
and thair hart was at thair mouthe!" Sa that meitting was       #
demissit
the forenoone. Nather war we assemblit again in anie forme of 
judicator; bot, when I perceavit the King to be incensed, and 
<P 326>
verie evill-myndit bathe against Mr Andro and Mr David, I spak 
the Erle of Mar, being at Court, informing him of the treuthe   #
of 
maters, and whow dangerus a thing it was to his Majestie, at    #
sic a 
tyme, to brak out with the Kirk, whill as Boduell haid          #
confederit 
with the Papist Lords, and as he knew ther war presentlie a     #
grait 
commotioun in all the Bordars, besought him thairfor to         #
counsall 
his Majestie aright, and mitigat these maters. The quhilk he    #
did 
fathfullie. And sa, the King callit Mr David to him selff, in   #
privat 
and hamlie maner, desyring to understand the treuthe be way of 
conference; the quhilk Mr David schew him to his satisfactioun.
In lyk maner, Mr Andro, wha, efter his fasone, maist frilie     #
reasonit 
with the King, and tauld him his mynd betwix tham to the King's
contentation; and sa, in end, his Majestie directed me, efter   #
lang 
conference on thir maters, to go to St Androis and teatche,     #
and 
declar the mater, sa as the peiple might be put out of evill    #
opinion,
baithe of his Majestie and thair Minister, and whow that all    #
was 
weill aggreit. Whilk I did upon the morn, in St Androis,        #
teatching
the 127 Psalme; and because I knew it wald be marked, I sett 
down the haill poincts I was to speak, in wrait, upon that      #
mater, 
as followes:
   "Now, I am sure, guid Christianes and breithring, yie wald 
fean haiff newes from this last dyet whilk we have keipit with  #
his 
Majestie at Falkland! And, indeid, the King's Majestie and      #
breithring
of the Ministerie ther convenit, fearing that quhilk in effect  #
is 
fallen out, viz., the fasones of evill fame, quhilk ever        #
reports of all 
things to the warst, and oftentymes sawes abrod lies for        #
veritie, 
and evill newes for guid, as we heir it hes been reported       #
amangs 
yow, that the King haid begoun to put at the Kirk, and to       #
plunge 
in maters with the Ministerie, namlie, haid melde with your     #
Pastor,   
and ather put him in exyll, warde, or sylence, whilas, indeid,
ther is na thing les; therfor hes his Majestie and the said     #
breithring
directed me to this place to testifie and declar the treuthe. 
<P 327>
First, then, it is of veritie, that a grait number of evill     #
reports hes 
bein caried from this place to the King, sa bissie hes men      #
bein, 
specialie sic as war twitched in thair particulars, quhilk      #
might
have easelie moved and crabet the King; bot he suspendit his 
opinion, and reservit all to a just tryell, as occasion might   # 
best 
serve for the saming. 
   "Amangs the rest, a delatioun of leat was maid, maist        #
offensive 
and odious, That Mr David, your Pastor, by name, sould have 
publictlie from pulpit traducit the King's mother maist         #
vyllie, to 
mak his Majestie contemptible in the eis of his peiple, and to  #
steir 
upe the seditius to treasonable and dangerus attempts against   #
his 
Majestie's esteat and persone; the quhilk could nocht be        #
sufferit 
unput to tryell. Compeiring then befor his Majestie, and a      #
guid 
number of the breithring of the Ministerie, bathe the accusar   #
and 
accusit, the accusar affirmed that your Pastor haid spokin      #
never a 
guid word of the King's mother, but mikle evill; the quhilk,    #
gif he 
sould nocht prove be sufficient witneses ther present, he       #
sould be 
content to tyne his land, his lyff and all.
   "Your Pastor answered, he haid comendit his Majestie's       #
mother 
for manie grait and rare gifts, and excellent verteus; and      #
onlie 
verie sparinglie and soberlie haid twitched the treuthe of the  #
judgments 
of God, quhilk haid com on hir for refuising the wholsome 
admonitioun of the Word of God. Sa the witneses war producit 
and examined. It was fund cleir, in end, that your Pastor,      #
contrar 
to the accusation, haid spokin mikle guid of the King's         #
mother, as 
also haid spokin concerning the judgments of God upon hir, in   #
hir 
fall. 
   "The King could nocht think it altogidder unlawfull to use   #
his 
mother for example; bot thought it na wayes expedient in his 
tyme, because of the peiple, that is ever readie to draw that   #
to the 
contempt of his Hienes' persone, and of the seditius and        #
treasonable,
wharof ther is manie in the land, wha ar ever readie to grip
thairat; as thought the forme of men's dealing against hir,     #
quhilk 
<P 328>
was extraordinar, might be drawin in exemple, and usit be tham:
Therfor, it was thought expedient be the haill breithring       #
ther, that 
nather Mr David nor na Minister sould speak a word of his       #
Majestie's 
mother, till that a certean Act of the Generall Assemblie,
maid thairanent at Dondie, war sein and considderit, and in     #
all 
tymes coming the tennour thairof to be keipit preceislie.
   "And for satisfaction of his Majestie, the said Mr David     #
cam 
maist humblie in his Majestie's presence, and acknawlagit       #
ther, 
that, as he sould mak answer to God, upon the usage of his      #
ministerie, 
he thought nocht that his speitches could be offensive to his 
Majestie, nor anie wayes meinit to haiff offendit his Hienes,   #
bot 
onlie usit that exemple to bear down sinne in the persone       #
quhilk
he was rebuking; nather yit wald he heirefter use that          #
speitche,
nor anie uther wilfullie or undewtifullie, to his Majestie's    #
offence or 
displeasour; bot as his hart wes afauld, upright and maist      #
affectioned
to his Majestie, as anie subjects or Ministers in this realme, 
sa wald he mak it knawin in experience, and all dewtie to his 
Hienes heirefter. Wharwith his Majestie was weill pleasit, and  #
in 
guid favour dimissed the said Mr David. Conceave thairfor       #
rightlie 
and reverentlie, and stand in guid opinion bathe of your Prince
and Pastor, for the discharge of all dewties addettit to tham,  #
and 
pray God to keipe his Majestie in guid concord and aggriment 
with his fathfull and trew servands, deteasting from your       #
harts the 
evill disposition of sic persones, that, for thair particular,  #
is sett to 
the contrar."

   This piece of service was weill aneuche lyked and accepted   #
on 
bathe the partes; bot my court grew les thairefter, and, as we  #
will 
heir, at the ham-coming of the Papists Lords, clean deceyit.    #
And 
to leave the treuthe of my courting testified befor God, befor  #
whom 
I walked, I sought it nocht, but it fell on me be the occasion  #
rehersed.
When it cam on, I interteined it as I could in conscience, 
(quhilk, indeid, was hard to do, and cost me manie soar prik
<P 329>
in hart,) chieflie and first, to mak the King to ken that we    #
loved 
him deirlie, and wald do anie thing that ley in us for his      #
pleasuring 
with the warrand of God and a guid conscience, that, by his 
throuche lyking and conjunction with the Kirk maters, bathe in 
Kirk and polecie, might go right and weill forwart. And         #
trewlie, 
I thank God, during my twa yeirs court, it was sa. Bot as I     #
was 
thus about to win the King, as in me lay, to the Kirk, sa was   #
he 
in winning of me to the Court; and when on ather syde all       #
meanes 
was usit, and bathe keipit our groundes, without grait vantage  #
an 
of another, we relented and fearlie reteired, as the            #
continowing of 
this storie will in the awin place declar. The onlie particular
quhilk I haid, was the pitifull esteat of the guid honest men   #
of St
Androis, whase cause and condition was joyned sa with the       #
esteat 
of the Kirk and guid breithring, that thairwith it stud and     #
fell.
Bot for my selff, as God knawes, I haid never a croun be my     #
courtein,
bot spendit everie yeir the halff of my stipend thairon; and 
the treuthe was, I never sought nane, and I gat nan unsought.
   In the monethe of September following, the Erle of Orkney,   #
be 
the Lard of Burleyes moyen, cam to St Androis, as direct from 
the King, and reconcyled the said Lard with Mr Andro Melvill, 
Rector, and Mr David Blak, and Mr Robert Wallace, Ministers of 
St Androis, and that verie craftelie, under pretext thairof to  #
draw 
again the peiple to the hous of Darsy, and cause tham change    #
thair 
Provest again, as they did: For Captean Murray, perceaving the 
changeablenes of the peiple, and the weght of the office,       #
demitted 
the sam willinglie; and sa be the uther faction of the peiple,  #
favored
be Court, the Lard of Darsy wes receavit again. That cost us 
a faschius jorney to St Jhonstoun. Returning fra the quhilk,
certean newes cam of the Chancellar, Mr Jhone Metellan's        #
departour,
whom Mr Andro, Mr Robert Bruce, and I, haid  visited nocht
lang befor, and left at a verie guid esteat for the lyff to     #
come. He 
was a man of grait lerning, wisdome, and stoutnes, and kythe    #
in 
end to have the feir of God, deing a guid Christian, and lovar  #
of 
<P 330>
Chryst's servants. And, indeid, he was a grait instrument in    #
keiping
the King af the Kirk, and fra favoring of Papists, as the yeir 
efter it kythed cleirlie.

<S SAMPLE 3>
<P 414>
   Sic an Assemblie then as this first cam in, and was haldin   #
at 
Dondie the ...... day of May, 1597. In the quhilk the twa cheiff 
purposes was, ane to relax from excomminicatioun the Papist
Earls, ane uther to gett the Articles, alleagit concludit in    #
ane Generall
Assemblie at Perth, declarit and ratified at the present        #
Assemblie,
and as far furthe further as might be atteined unto. For 
preparatioun to the quhilk, the King, perceaving the estats of  #
the 
Ministers of Edinbruche and of Mr David Blak to be mikle        #
meined,
for purchassing ther favour and forderance to his purposses, he 
<P 415>
heires sic as travelit in thair cause, and makes his awin men   #
of the 
Ministerie till obtein sa mikle at his hand as to bring the     #
Ministers 
of Edinbruche to his conference; efter the quhilk, he grantes 
tham to be relaxit from the horn, and libertie to do thair      #
effeares 
abrod as frie subjects, yea, to come to Dondie to the           #
Assemblie to 
knaw farder of his mynd. In lyk maner, to Mr David Blak licence
from his warde to com to Dondie. 
   Also ther was a grait plat leyed, and mikle ado usit,        #
(plewing 
alwayes with our hiffers!) whow to gett a Moderator meit for    #
the 
purpose. For this effect, Mr Thomas Buchannan was woun be the 
grant of verie weill lyked sutt for the guid Lord Lindsaye's    #
relaxing
and restitutioun, wha haid at tutorie, in a maner, Mr Robert 
Rolloc, Principall of the Collage of Edinbruche, a guid,        #
godlie,
lernit man, bot fellon simple and pusillanimie, and sa as he    #
was 
easilie caried with counsall; sa, efter the Assemblie was       #
lawfullie 
fenced be the doctrine of the last Moderatour lawfull, viz., Mr
Robert Pont, and a Clark chosine, viz., Mr Thomas Nicolsone,    #
it 
was drifted and weiried be the King's command till the coming   #
of 
the said Mr Robert Rolloc, nocht being present at the first;    #
and 
then be the fore-provydit sure course of maniest vottes         #
moyennit 
be manie and grait persuasiones and motives usit with the       #
breithring,
bathe in publict and privat, the said Mr Robert was declarit
Moderator; whom, when the King and his men haid dressit for 
thair purposses, the Assemblie is keipit frequentlie,           #
(\Imperatore presidente\) ,
with grait congratulatioun.
   With this all men of anie mark or valour was practised be    #
Sir
Patrik; and sic as war alreadie woun, and brought to be         #
acquented,
and to confer with his Majestie. This was the  exerceise,       #
morning
and evening, diverse dayes. On a night at evin, I, sitting at 
my supper, Sir Patrik sends for me to confer with him in the    #
kirkyeard.
I, raising from supper, cam to him. The matter was 
anent my uncle, Mr Andro, whom the King could nocht abyde. 
I wald do weill to counsall him to return ham, or the King      #
wald 
<P 416>
discharge him. I answerit, It wald be bot in vean to me sa to   #
do,
for he wald nocht tak that counsall; and gif the King wald use 
his authoritie, he wald suffer patientlie; bot I was certean    #
that 
deathe wald nocht cause him do against his conscience!          #
"Surlie,"
sayes he, "I fear he suffer the dint of the King's wrathe!"     #
"And 
trewlie," said I, "I am nocht fearit bot he will byd all!"      #
Returning
to my uncle, whar I left him at supper, I tauld him; whase 
answer I neid nocht to wrait.
   Upon the morn, befor Assemblie tyme, I was commandit to com 
to the King, and Mr Andro withe me; wha, entering in his        #
Cabbinet,
began to dell verie fearlie with my uncle; bot thairefter       #
entering 
to twitche maters, Mr Andro brak out with his wounted humor
of fredome and zeall, and ther they heeled on till all the      #
hous,
and clos, bathe hard, mikle of a large houre. In end, the King 
takes upe and dismisses him favourablie.
   The things that war done at that Assemblie I can nocht       #
exactlie 
recount. Ther was, at the chosing of the Clark, an ordonnance, 
that at the penning of everie act ther sould be certean         #
Brether with 
the Clark, wharof I was an, and Mr James Nicolsone an uther;
but whill as I cam till attend, they war commandit to com to    #
the 
King with the Minutes, and sa I gat nocht acces againe. Also,   #
it 
was ordenit that all sould be read in publict befor the         #
dissolving of 
the Assemblie, bot [{that was{] nocht keipit.
   The Articles proponit at St Jhonstoun, and answerit, war     #
hard 
again at this Assemblie. It was schawin and verifiet to the     #
Assemblie
whow they haid past, bot litle mendit ther; whowbeit a 
guid number of guid honest Breithring did honestlie ther part,  #
as 
they might.
   The Lords excommunicat war be a worschipfull Commissioun     #
ordeanit
to be relaxit, and that be a few vottes ma, efter sic           #
reasoning,
as when a speciall frind asked me, coming out of the Assemblie 
the Sessioun befor, to schaw him my judgment in effect,         #
because it 
dependit on his credit, wither I thought they wald be ordeanit  #
to 
<P 417>
be absolvit at that tyme? I tauld him, as I thought, that, in   #
my 
judgment, they wald gett na absolutioun at that Assemblie nor   #
the 
nixt, till they kythed better fruicts of repentance. Bot by     #
votting
and dealling the King's will was wrought.
   The Ministers of Edinbruche's mater and Mr Blak I refer to 
tham selff. 
   Mr Jhone Lindsay, Secretar, intendit an accusatioun against  #
Mr 
Robert Walace, Minister of St Androis, befor his Presbyterie,   #
wha 
was ther challengit also, bot all these are leiving, and can    #
declar 
thair awin causses better nor I. 
   In end was devysit a certean Commissionars, to have powar    #
from 
the Assemblie to convein with the King at what tyme and place 
his Majestie sould requyre, to keipe concord betwix the Kirk    #
and 
King, and to intreat of all maters that might serve or          #
apertein to 
that effect. The quhilk, as experience hes provin sen syne,     #
hes devolvit 
and transferit the haill powar of the Generall Assemblie in 
the hands of the King and his Ecclesiastic Counsall, these      #
Commissionars;
for, bathe in Generall Assemblies, and without, they 
rewill all.

   In the monethe of Junie, immediatlie efter his retourn from  #
the 
Assemblie, the King enters in practise with his Commissionars   #
conveinit 
at Falkland; and, calling the Presbyterie of St Androis,        #
reducit
a sentence of depositioun pronuncit against Mr Jhone            #
Rutherfurd 
from his ministerie of Kinnouchar be the said Presbyterie, and 
approvin be the Synod of Fyffe. The quhilk, nochtwithstanding,  #
I 
am certean was ratefied in the heavines, for he never did guid  #
in 
the ministerie sen syne! (And, now, hes renunced the            #
ministerie, and 
takin him to be a mediciner.) [\This is added, at a             #
subsequent period, by the Author on the margin of the MS.\] The #
said Mr Jhone purchassit his 
court be calumnies and dilationnes of Mr David Blak and his     #
ministerie.
   And within a fourtein dayes thairefter, the King commandit   #
Mr 
Jhone Lindsay to com to St Androis, (as the said Mr Jhone       #
allegit,)
<P 418>
and intend the prosecutioun of his actioun against Mr Robert 
Wallace befor him and his Commissionars, takand it out of the 
hands of the Presbyterie.
   Mr Robert was to teatche upon the morn efter the King's      #
coming, 
according to the cours of his office in the ministerie of St    #
Androis. 
The King coming to his doctrin, heires him till he cam to       #
applicatioun,
at the quhilk he interrupted him, and spak against him          #
publictlie.
For the quhilk, all uthers being sylent, Mr Andro Melvill 
rebukit the King maist scharplie, thretning him with feirfull   #
judgments, 
gif he repented nocht; and those Commissioners of the Kirk, 
and his particular Ministers also, for nocht discharging a      #
fathfull 
and maist necessar dewtie to him in that respect. Thus, God     #
assisted 
his servant wounderfullie, nochtwithstanding he knew that 
the cheiff purpose of thair coming was against him. For his     #
cause 
they intendit a visitatioun and reformatioun of the             #
Universitie;
they sought out all they could gett or find against him. (Ther  #
was 
a number of strangers, Polonians, Dences, Belgians, and         #
Frenchmen,
schollars, wha, at the fame of Mr Androe's lerning, cam to the 
Universitie of St Androis that yeir, and war resident within    #
the 
sam; quhilk crabit the King mikle, and restranit his purpose 
against him. This is remarkable for God's providence.)          #
[\Margin of MS.\] I saw 
befor the King lying, and thairefter haid in my hand, a quare   #
of 
peiper of calumnies, in fear wraitt, giffen upe to the King.    #
They
called him diverse tymes, they leyed diverse things to his      #
charge,
they hard all his mislykers, evill-willars, and sic as haid     #
anie complents
against him; bot God was sa withe him, with sic courage,        #
utterance,
and powar of his image, that they could do na thing to him 
in end, but mak a new chose of the Rector of the Universitie.   #
At 
the quhilk, according to the custome, he willinglie dimitted    #
his 
office, wherof he wald have gladlie bein quyt for manie         #
causses, 
namlie, for that it importeth a mixture of the Civill           #
Magistracie, 
with the Ministerie Ecclesiastic, war nocht from yeir to yeir   #
the 
haill Universitie haid burdenit him thairwithe. And yit they    #
fearit
<P 419>
sa the publict opinioun, that they gaiff him ane office als     #
honourable,
and mair setting and aggreiable to him in all respects, to      #
wit, 
to be Dean of the Facultie of Theologie, the quhilk indeid      #
they 
could nocht giff by him to nan uther bearing ever the sam in    #
effect, 
without compear or matche for his incomparable lerning; and     #
yit 
of that quhilk they behoved to do of necessitie, they wald      #
moyen 
thanks bathe at his hands and the comoun aestimatioun. 
   As they wald have thankes in this, sa wald they in the       #
mater of 
the Ministerie of Edinbruche, for whom they sufferit tham to    #
be 
suted and intreated that they sould be enterit againe everie    #
an in 
thair awin roumes, and that to thair severall flocks, with a    #
new 
stampe of impositioun of hands. Bot all this was to the wrak    #
of 
the thrid, viz., the Ministerie of St Androis; that that being  #
done, 
the rest might be the easiar prey as occasioun served           #
thairefter. 
And sa Mr Robert Wallace was proceidit against and removit      #
from 
St Androis, be sum form of kinglie Commissionar proceiding and 
proces. Bot Mr David Blak was never annes called, and yit of 
mere kinglie powar it behovit him to be debarrit St Androis,    #
and 
tak him to an upeland roum, or then want all roum in his native
countrey; and with post diligence, summarlie, Mr George         #
Gladsteanes
placed in his roum. 
   To receave Mr Robert Bruce, Minister of Edinbruche, and      #
giff 
him impositioun of handes, war apointed be his Majestie and     #
Commissionars,
Mr Thomas Buchannan and Mr James Nicolsone, wha 
apprehendit sic a feare of leying of on the handes of the       #
peiple upon 
tham, [\"The peiple of Edinbruche was almost in an uproar that  #
day, at least the Commissionars war effrayit of it." Note by    #
Author on the margin of MS.\] that it stak to thair stomak all  #
that yeir efter-hend; and
was the occasioun of a verie faschious antipathie and           #
contradictioun
betwix the Ministers of Edinbruche and the Commissionars; whom,
gif the King haid nocht stoutlie with might and mean assisted,  #
the 
said Commissionars haid gottin lytle thank, and all thair awin  #
travell 
at the nixt Generall Assemblie. And, as it was, they spak na    #
thing 
<P 420>
les tham selves, bot that they haid gottin peyment for thair    #
travell 
of that coyne and streak. 
   About the sam verie tyme that the King interrupted Mr        #
Robert 
Wallace, and undid the Ministerie of St Androis, ther was an    #
erthquak
quhilk maid all the North parts of Scotland to trimble, from 
St Johnstoun throw Athall, Bredalban, and all these Hie-lands   #
to 
Ros, and thairin, and Kinteall; quhilk was schawin me for       #
certean 
be sum of our merchants wha war in Ros and Crommartie Firthe    #
for 
the tyme; and as the countrey peiple ther reported it to my     #
selff,
being directed that sam yeir, in the monethe of October, be     #
the 
King and Generall Assemblie, to the Visitatioun of the Northe. 
   This maid sic as haid red the storie of the King of Juda,    #
Uzzias, 
to remember, whow that when he, at a solemn feast, usurped the 
Priestlie office, and went in to the Temple to offer incense    #
on the 
Golden Altar, the Lord sent a mightie erthquak quhilk reased    #
the 
halff of the montean Eroge, situat on the southe and west of    #
Jerusalem,
and caried it four stades, that is, halff a myll, toward the
Est, and lighted on the syde of the Mont of Offence, condamnit  #
the 
hie-way, and spilt all the King's Gardings. Thairwith also the
Temple reave, and, a beam of the sune coming throw, strak the 
King in the face, wharby he becam leprouse, and sa be the       #
preists 
was cast out of the Temple, yea of his kingdome, and finalie    #
died 
of melancholie and greiff; as wryttes Josephus, lib. ix.        #
Antiq. Jud.
cap. 11. Wharof also by the storie of the Kings, Amos and       #
Zacharie 
the prophetes mentionnes. Anent the quhilk this                 #
(\Dix-huitaine\) was maid:- 
[^VERSE^]
<P 421>
[^VERSE^]
   A heavie fact for all the hartes of the godlie and honest,   #
and 
maist detestable, traterus, and crewall in respect of the       #
devysars 
and committars, fell furthe upon this alteratioun of the        #
ministerie 
of St Androis. For the forementioned malitius, craftie          #
misrewlars 
of the citie, seing now the auband of that ministerie removit,  #
and 
all sic as lyked of the best ministers to be mislyked at        #
Court, and 
that they haid gottin a ministerie that wald go throuch with    #
thair 
factioun, they steir upe and incitats four deboshit young       #
limmers, 
and wattes that maist notable man amangs all the merchants of 
St Androis, and for godlines and vertew nocht inferior to       #
manie in 
the land, James Smithe, as he was coming ham at night from the 
cost syde, and crewallie demeanes and murdares him. The guid 
honest man was maist innocent of anie cryme or wrang done to 
anie, as we schew befor, (whowbeit, persones led with the       #
sprit of 
that murdarar and liar from the begining, nocht contented to    #
have 
murderit his body, presses yit to murdar his guid fame, bot in  #
vean, 
<P 422>
amangs the childring of godlines and treuthe!) and thinking it  #
was 
bot gear they sought, was resolvit to have bought pace with     #
large 
soumes; and for aggriment thairanent, the King him self haid 
apointed the day following to be keipit be frinds, and a        #
commissioner 
directed from him expreslie for that effect, and thus under     #
tryst 
was cut of. Thair was never a cais that befell a man that       #
woundit 
my hart sa sare, and cast me in sa terrible a tentatioun of     #
doutting 
of the Providence of God, [seing sa guid a man left in the      #
hands of 
sa vyll lowns!] [^EDITOR'S BRACKETS^] I knew the innocencie and #
gudnes of the man sa 
weill, the vylnes of his maist wicked enemies, and the veritie  #
of his 
cause. I was even drounde, a certean dayes, even almaist in a   #
deadlie
and sencles dispear, till my deir Father of mercie and God of 
all consolatioun haid pitie on me, and brought me in the light  #
of 
his sanctuarie, and maid me better to knaw and beleive thairby,
that ther was a hell prepared for the wicked, and a heavine     #
for 
the godlie heirefter! and all the rest of the poincts of that   #
maist 
deipe and comfortable doctrine of his Providence.
   I haid a grait cear of that man's esteat, for the onlie      #
reasone befor 
schawin; and seing that alteratioun coming on, I often said 
to him, that he haid a thing graitlie for his comfort, that     #
the cause 
of Chryst and his Kirk in Scotland was sa joyned with his, that #
sa 
lang as the an went weill, I sould warrand the uther; bot when 
the an alterit I fearit the uther! And often hes he answerit    #
me, 
"That was over grait honour for sic a vyll worme; and that      #
maist 
gladlie wald he tak his part in the hardest sort as in the      #
best." At
the tyme of that alteratioun I was meikle and verie instantlie  #
urget 
be the King to mak the sermont at the receaving of Mr George. 
Fallon leathe was I, and soar was it against my hart for manie
weghtie reasones, bot, seing the guid honest men was at ane     #
extream 
poinct of wrak, having ane interlocutor of the Sessioun past 
against tham of ten thowsand mark, quhilk tendit to thair       #
utter 
hearschipe, I indented with the King for the staying of that    #
decreit,
and composing of that mater, (wherin I haid sa lang travelit    #
with 
<P 423>
his Majestie,) I wald  condiscend to do that quhilk utherwayes  #
my 
hart could nocht suffer me to do: For I thought ther could be   #
na 
ill don in teaching the Word trewlie; and I thank God thairin   #
I 
satisfied my conscience; bot the doing of it, at that tyme,     #
and by 
sic a compactioun, was a grait huik in my hart, and wrought     #
sear 
remorse at the newes of his deathe. Bot as the cersar of harts  #
and 
reanes knawes, the overthraw of that ministerie of St Androis   #
was 
a heavie overthraw to the joy and pleasure of my saull, sa far  #
was 
I from art, part, read, counsall, consenting thairto, or        #
allowing thairof. 
And wheras I tuk grait peanes thairefter in placeing of Mr      #
Blak at 
Mr George's Kirk, I did it because I kend the fathfull, honest 
brother's danger; for the King and Commissionars bathe war 
carles of him, and desyrit nocht better nor to cast him lous on #
his
awin default, (as they wald alleage,) that throw necessitie he  #
might 
be compelled till abandone the countrey.
   James Smithe was my deir frind whill he leivit, and from     #
whom 
I parted in my awin hous about twa houres befor his slauchter,  #
with 
als grait sweitnes and joy of hart, arissin of a heavinlie      #
conference, 
whilk haid stowin twa houres from us or we was awar, as ever I 
haid in this warld; during the quhilk me thought that he and I
bathe was caried from the erthe, and delyting our saulles in    #
that 
lyff and glorie purchassed be the deathe of the Mediator and    #
Saviour 
Jesus Chryst; till Mr George Mernse, bailyie of St Androis
for the tyme, a guid simple man, and his frind, cam and tuk     #
him 
out of my maist hartlie embracing, sear against my will, for I  #
was 
determined to keipe him with me that night, and go with him to 
St Androis on the morn, for keiping of that tryst of agriment 
apointed be the King. 
   Gif the reidar be holelie affectionat in trew and godlie     #
frindschipe,
he will nocht lothe of the poeticall passioun quhilk pleasit 
and easit me for the tyme; and, thairfor, for my frind's sak,   #
I can 
nocht suffer to pearishe, whowbeit bot a dwabbling countrey     #
ryme, 
<P 424>
meittar to be swipped away with the mouse-wobbes, nor byd as
a picture in the palace of Apollo!



<B SDIA2B>
<Q SC2 NN DIARY BIRREL>
<N BIRREL DIARY>
<A BIRREL ROBERT>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1605>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T DIARY PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E X>
<J X>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z NARR NON-IMAG>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^THE DIAREY OF ROBERT BIRREL, BURGES OF EDINBURGHE, 
1532-1605. ED. J.G. DALYELL. FRAGMENTS OF SCOTTISH HISTORY.
EDINBURGH 1798.
PP. 15.3-51.13.^]

<P 15>
   The 2 day of Maii, the Queine came oute of Lochleuin by the  #
convoy 
of George Douglas, the laird's zounger brother. Ther mett her, 
after she came out of Lochleuin, certaine Lords; as, namely,    #
Settone,
Herreis, and the Bischope of S=t= Androis, with uthers ther     #
complices, 
and convoyett her to Hamiltone, quher ther wes a grate maney    #
conveinit 
vith diligence. 
   The Regent being in Glasgow, conveinit a grate armey of all  #
these 
yat vald assist him, vith grate suddentie as ves possible, and  #
ther raised 
men of weir on both sydes: during vich tyme, ther wes           #
proclaimed in 
Edinburghe a grate faste for ye space of 8 days. 
   The 13 of Maii, being Thursday, both the armies mett upone   #
Gonew 
Muir, besyde a hill called Langsyde: and ther mett togidder     #
one the 
Queines syde, the Earll of Argyll, and ye Hamiltons led the     #
avant 
guarde.
   My Lord Home led the avant guard of the Regent's armey, and  #
ves 
hurte in the face vith ane speare. The Regent, at the pleasour  #
of God, 
obteined ye victory. In this batell, ther wes slaine about ye   #
number 
of 7 score and 15 persons; and these all one ye Quein's syde,   #
except 
tuo only: but ther wer diverse hurte and voundit, quho dyed     #
afterhend. 
In the midst of the batell, the Queine, despairing of ye        #
victory, fled, 
accompanied vith the Maister of Maxwell, and his companey of    #
Galloway
men, quho tooke away ther fellows horses yat as zet endured     #
the 
brunt of ye batell. Ther wes taken prisoners one the King's     #
syde,
Lord Settone, shriffe of Aire, laird of Trabrone, laird of      #
Innerweike. 
   The 15 day of Maii, the keyes of Hamiltone and Draphane ver  #
delivered
to my Lord Regent.
   The 18 day of Maii, being Tuesday, the Lord Regent came to   #
Edinburghe.
   The 20 day, being Thursday, Hamiltone laird of Innerweike,   #
vith 
9 uther gentlemen quha ver taken in the batell, did underlay    #
the law, 
<P 16>
and ver convicte by ane assyze, and, after ther hands wes       #
bound, zet 
obteined all of them remissione from ye Regent. 
   The same day, the Queine entred Carleill in England. Her     #
convoys 
ver, the Lords Fleeming, Leuingstone, and Maister of Maxwell.
   The 21 day, being Fryday, the Regent raid to Striveling to   #
the 
chrystening of ye Lord Erskine's chyld.
   The 27 of Maii, being Thursday, the spoyles of the castells  #
of Hamiltone
and Draphane came to the castell of Edinburgh.
   The 28 of Maii, the Regent returned to Edinburghe.
   The 3 day of Junii, being Thursday, James Hendersone of      #
Fordell 
had hes place of Fordell brunt by ane suddaine fyre, both the   #
old worke 
and the new. 
   The 10 day of Junii, Morreis Souttarke was hangit at the     #
crosse of 
Edinburghe, for takeing of ye Regent's vages, and then past to  #
ye 
Quein's syde at the batell of Langsyde.
   The 11 day of Junii, being Fryday, the Lord Regent past out  #
of 
Edinburghe to Biggar vith 2000 men; and the 12 day of this      #
same 
moneth, ye place of Skirlinge, by the Regent's command, ves     #
blowin 
up vith gunpouder, and destroyed; at the quhilk tyme, ye laird  #
therof 
wes in England. 
   The 14 day of Junii, ye Regent caused blow up, vith          #
gunpouder, ye 
castell of Kenmure, belonging to ye laird of Lochinvarre: and   #
ye 27 
day of ye same moneth, ye Regent returned to Edinburghe. 
   The 5 day of Julay, the Regent raid to S=t= Androis, and     #
caused 
drouin a man called Alexander Macker, and sex more, for         #
piracie. 
   The 15 of Julay, Tourane Murray, brother-german to the       #
laird of 
Tullibairdyne, was shote and slaine out of ye place of          #
Aughtertyre in 
Stratherne, be one vode Andrew Murray and his confederatts,     #
quho 
keipt ye said place certaine days, and slew some 6 persons      #
more, zet 
made escaipe at yat present. 
   The 24 day of Julay, the Regent past to Striveling. 
<P 17>
   The 2 day of Aguste, the peste wes knowen to be in James     #
Dalgliesh's 
hous. 
   This same day, about 2 in the afternoone, S=r= William       #
Steuarte, 
Lyone K. of Arms, departed out of Edinburghe to Dumbrittane     #
castell, 
being suspecte of conspiracey against the life of ye Regent     #
the Earll of 
Murray.
   The 9 of Aguste, ye Regent came to Edinburghe, and ye        #
Persone 
Knowes taken for conspiracey against ye said Regent. 
   The 16 day of Aguste, the Parliament raid, which wes the     #
first day 
therof; the Earll of Mar bore ye croune, Glencairne the         #
scepter, and 
Mortone ye suord; the towne of Edinburghe not being in armes    #
yat 
day. 
   The 18 day, being Vedinsday, the Lords raid also to the      #
tolbuith;
the shouldiers and toune both in armes: and on Thursday they    #
raid in 
lyke manner as the day befor; ye toune in armes. 
   The 22 day of Aguste, being Sonneday, S=r= David Lindesay    #
ves vith 
grate solemnity inaugurate King of Armes, ye most of ye         #
nobility being 
present at the ceremonie with my Lord Regent. He wes            #
proclaimit 
S=r= David Lindesay of Ratheillet, Knight, Lyone King of Armes. 
   The 24 day, being Tuesday, the last day of ye Parliament,    #
the 
Lords raid to ye Parliament Hous, for ye forfaultrey of such    #
as did not 
compeir at ye Parliament.
   The 13 day of September, ye Lord Regent raid to ye faire to  #
Jedburgh
to apprehend the theives; but they being advertised of hes      #
coming,
came nocht to ye faire; sua he wes frustrat of hes intentione,  #
exceptand
three theives quhilk he tooke, and caused hang vithin ye toune 
ther.
   The 3 day of Januarii, Johne Andrew, tailzeour burges of     #
Edinburghe, 
vith hes vyffe, children, and servants, ver takin prisoners by 
the Hamiltones and ransomed, and sua sett at liberty.
   The 8 of Januarii, Johne Auld, miller at the Vater of        #
Leith, drouned 
<P 18>
in the North Loche, passing over at 4 houres at even; and ane   #
uther 
vith him in grate danger of hes lyffe. 
   The 14 of Januarii, Robert Hepburne, sonne to ye laird of    #
Waughtone,
came to the hous of Waughtone, and brake ye stabills, and       #
tooke 
out 16 horses: the laird of Carmichall being capitane and       #
keiper of the 
said house of Waughtone. They issued out of the place, and      #
slew three 
of them; and divers ver hurt of bothe ye parties.
   The 17 of Januarii, the castell of Draphane randred for      #
laick of 
victualls, by Johnstoun of Vesterhall, being capitane therof,   #
quho randred
it to ye Hamiltouns. 
   The same night, Roslinge surprisit and voune by the laird    #
and hes 
seruants from ye laird of Lochinories seruants, Syme of         #
Panango being 
capitane therof.
   The 26 of Februarii, the Earle of Murray, Regent, came home  #
out 
of Ingland, quho had beine ther since the 21 of September       #
last. 
   1569 endit vithoute aney notable passage more, in that the   #
warding 
of Duck Hamiltone in the castell of Edinburghe in strait        #
prisone. 
   The 23 of Januarii, James Steuarte Earle of Murray, the      #
good Regent
of Scotland, wes slaine in Linlithgow, by James Hamiltone of 
Boduel Haughe, quho shote the said Regent vith a gun out at     #
ane vindow,
and presently therafter fled out at ye backsyde, and leaped     #
one a 
verey good hors, which the Hamiltons had ready vaiting for      #
him; and, 
being followed speedily, after yat spure and vand had failed    #
him, he 
drew forth hes dager, and strooke hes hors behind, quhilk       #
caused the 
hors to leape a verey brode stanke; by quhilk meines he         #
escaipit, and 
gat away frome all ye rest of the horses. 
   The 27 day of Januarii, Mathew Steuarte Earle of Lennox, ves 
proclaimit Regent, and ye Earle of Mortone hes Lieutenant.      #
This Mathew
Earle of Lennox, halding ane Parliament at Striveling, quher    #
the 
zoung King wes present, he made ane oratione to the haill       #
nobility, being
sitting in ye Parliament. Ye chyld King looking upward to ye 
<P 19>
roofe of the hous, he saw ane holl throughe the sclaitting; he  #
said, I 
think ther is ane holl in this Parliament; sua that shortly     #
therafter hes 
Maiestie's vords came true. 
   The first of Apryll, Dumbartane castell voune by the said    #
Regent 
and hes armies. Hes chieffe commanders wer, Thomas Craufurd,    #
and 
Dauid Home. 
   Betwix ye Regent and ye Queine's factione, the first of      #
Maii, ves 
Lusilaw foughten. 
   The 14 of Maii, ane Parliament haldin in the Canongaitt,     #
in Villiam 
Cocker's hous neir S=t= Johne's crosse, by the King's folks:    #
Also at ye 
same tyme, ane Parliament hald in the tolbuith of Edinburghe.   #
Ther 
wes maney forfaulted at both ye Parliaments. 
   The 16 day of Junii, ane skirmish betwix ye Earll of Mortone #
upone
ye Kinges pairt, quho came out of Leith, and the Earll of       #
Huntley, 
vith the Hamiltons, quha keiped Edinburghe, one the uther       #
syde. At 
ye same tyme, quhen the tuo armies wer standing upone ye        #
fieldes, the 
Earle of Mortone standing at ye Halkhill, the Hamiltones,       #
Homes, &c. 
standing at ye Quarrell Holes, ther wes ane English             #
embassadour quho 
traiuelled betwixt them, to haue gotten them  stayed from       #
batell; bot 
they being of contrarey opinions, vold not be stayed from ye    #
batell. 
In ye end, they ioyned both togider; sua that the Earll of      #
Mortone pute 
the Queines folk backe sua far, yat they wer forced             #
dishonourable to 
flee, and, in ther flight, maney of Huntley and Hamiltones men  #
ver 
slaine and hurte. Amongst ye chieffe men yat ver slaine of ye   #
Hamiltons,
wes Gauine Hamilton and 3 or four uther captains, vith numbers  #
of 
comon shouldiours; and ye Lord Home ves taken prisoner. 
   In the moneth of Auguste 1571, about the tyme of the riding  #
of 
the Parliament, ther came to Striveling, or day light, befor    #
euer the 
Regent, nobility, or toune of Striveling vist or trew, the      #
Erle of Huntly
the Quein's lieutenant, Claude Hamiltone, vith the lairds of    #
Buccleugh
and Farniherst; and by day brake wer going throughe the 
<P 20>
toune, crying, God and ye Queine; sua that the King's peopell,  #
vith 
ye Regent and nobilities and ye shouldiours, raise in such a    #
steir, yat 
they could not vine togider, because the streits ves full of    #
enimies; and 
quher they could find aney of the Regent's peopell, vithout     #
mercey they 
killed them. In the end, ye Regent being taken by the laird of  #
Buccleugh
prisoner, ane unhappy fellow lifted upe his jack taill, and     #
shot 
him through ye body, he being sitting behind Buccleugh one hes  #
hors 
back; and immediatly the Earll of Mar wes proclaimed Regent. 
   The last of Julay 1572, the toune of Edinburgh ves randred   #
to ye 
King and his Regent, quha placed ther sex companies of old      #
shouldiours
for keiping of the same in tyme coming. 
   Upon the 24 day of Aguste, ves yat inhumane, bloudy, and     #
cruell 
massacker at Pareis in France, quherin ye noble Admirall wes    #
slaine, 
at ye mariage of ye King of Nauar vith ye King of France hes    #
sister. 
At this horrible murthering of trew Christians, it wes said     #
yat ye streitts
of Pareis rane bloud a quhole day and night, which, if be       #
true, it is a 
horror for all posterity of the bloudy dangers and hellish      #
inhumanity.
   Also at this tyme, ye Duck of Northfolk and ye Earle of      #
Northumberland,
wer both beheadit in Ingland for treasone. 
   The 28 of October, ye Regent the Earle of Mar depairted out  #
of 
Scotland.
   The 24 day of Nouember, James Douglas Earle of Mortone,      #
quha 
wes the King's lieutenant, wes chosen, and solemnly proclaimed  #
Regent,
in place of Johne Erskine Earle of Mar, quha had laitly left    #
the 
countrey.
   In the first of Januarii, the castell of Edinburghe wes      #
beseidget. 
   Upone the 2 day of Maii, the Englisch cannone, vich ves      #
sent by 
Queine Elizabeth for ye aide and helpe of ye King and hes       #
Regent, in 
number 20 grate peices, began to shoute at ye castell of        #
Edinburghe, 
being steillit [\Quas. Steittit, or stated.\] at foure several  #
places, viz. 5 at Egers hous in the Castell 
Hill, 5 at the Grayfriar church zaird, 5 at Scotts land neir ye #
West 
<P 21>
   Porte, and uther 5 bezond the North Loche: they shote so     #
hard continually,
yat ye 2=d= day they had beitt doune quholly 3 touers. The 
laird of Grainge, called Kircaldy of surname, quho wes          #
capitaine therof,
vold not giue over, bot shote at them continually, both vith    #
grate 
shote and small; so yat ther wes a verey grate slaughter        #
amongst the 
English canoniers, sundries of them having ther legges and      #
armes torne 
from ther bodies in the aire by the viholence of the grate      #
shote. At 
last, the Regent continuing his seidge so closse and hard, the  #
capitaine 
being forced by the defendants for laick of victualls, randret  #
ye same, 
after a grate maney of them ver slaine. The castell wes thus    #
randred. 
to ye King and hes Regent the Earle of Mortone, the 29 of Maii  #
in this 
zeir 1573, quha continued Regent, and keipt ye cuntrey in       #
grate justice 
and peace all ye tyme of hes government.
   The 3 day of Aguste, the laird of Grange, surnamed           #
Kircaldy, quho 
wes capitane of the castell of Edinburghe, ves hangit at ye     #
crosse of the 
said toune, for keiping of the said castell against ye King     #
and hes 
Regent.
   Ane man named Black Ormistoune, wes hangit at ye crosse of   #
Edinburghe
for being present at ye murther of King Henrey.
   The 10 day of Marche, the King, vith hes nobility, deprived  #
the 
Earle of Mortone frome hes Regency, and tooke the government    #
upone
himself; and ther wer 16 counsellors chosen to sitt vith his    #
Maiestie 
in the tolbuith of Edinburghe. 
   [\The xxvi day of Apryll\] , the Earle of Mortone and the    #
Earle of Mar, 
vith ther freinds, surprysed ye castell of Striveling, to have  #
had out ye 
King, quho wes haldin in by ye capitane; at wich surprys ye     #
capitaine's
sone wes slaine.
   The 18 day of Aguste, ye Lordis of ye King's secret          #
counseill made 
proclamatione at the crosse of Edinburghe, yat all hes          #
Maiestie's subiects
yat wes of age betwix 16 and 60, should be ready to pas forvard
with them to relive hes Ma=tie= out of Striveling; or           #
utherwayes, if aney
<P 22>
man vald not goe, to be repute partackers in the contrair.      #
The Lords 
passing forward to ye forsaid effecte, ther wes a batell sett   #
at Falkirk, 
both the parties being in the fields. Ther wes ane embassadour  #
of England,
and ane of France, quho went betwix them and aggreit both ye 
parties. At that time, the motto one the ensigns one the        #
King's syde 
wes, Capitane I am, Libertie I crave, Our lyves sall we loss,   #
Or yat we 
sall have.
   The 10 of Maii, the castell of Hamiltone wes castin doune. 
   Esme Steuarte Lord Obigney, landit at Leithe ye 8 of         #
September, 
quha wes created Duck of Lennox therafter. 
   Upone ye first day of Januarii, ye Earll of Mortone wes      #
putt in varde 
in ye castell of Edinburghe for conceilling the King's          #
murther, and zit 
neuir consentit to it, bot fled from place quhen he heard word 
it wes to be done, for feir yat they quho wes upone the         #
conspiracey,
viz. the Queine and the Earl of Bothuell, should urge him to    #
subscryue 
to ye same; notwithstanding yat he had faughten maney tymes in  #
perseuing
for the murther, these yat had consentit to it, and acted ye    #
same, 
zit he wes beheidit for conceiling of it. And in this moneth,   #
ye 
said Earl of Mortone ves takin out of ye castell of Edinburgh,  #
and 
convoyet to ye castell of Dumbartane. 
   Upone the 9 Maii in this zeir, the Erle of Mortone ves       #
brought 
out of Dumbartane castell to Edinburghe, and being accusit for  #
committing
ye King's murther, ves convicte be ane assyze; and one the 
second day of ye moneth of Junii therafter, wes beheidit at     #
ye crosse of 
Edinburghe. 
   The 23 of Aguste, the King's Maiestie being in the place of  #
Ruthven,
he wes presumptuously holden in ye place by the Lord therof     #
against
his vill, quhill the said Lord Ruthven, and hes complices,      #
caused, 
hes Ma=tie= to expell the Duck of Lennox, and banische him out  #
of ye 
realme, quha at yat same tyme vent to France. This ves a verey  #
grate 
presumptione in a subiecte to hes Prince.
<P 23>
   Upone ye 24 of December, the Duck of Lennox entred in        #
Beruick 
to goe through England to France; and being arrived in France,  #
therafter 
tooke seiknes, and departed this mortall lyffe, 5 Junii 1583. 
   The 18 of Apryll, ye Earles of Angus, Mar, and ye Master of  #
Glamis,
vith some kirkmen and ther complices, quho had beine exyled, 
came home and vent to Striveling, they being all of ane         #
factione, and 
tooke in the toune and castell, and bult forts, sua yat no man  #
could travell
or pas ye river of Forth, for ye bridge ves stoppit. 
   Upone the 27 of Apryll, ye King and the Earlls of Craufurd   #
and 
   Arrane, vith divers of ye new maid Lordis and courtiers,     #
brought frome 
Edinburghe 3 regiments of shouldiours, and vent to Striveling,  #
quha 
looked yat ye said toune and castell should haue beine haldin   #
against hes 
Ma=tie=; bot quhen he came, they yat ver vithin fled, sua yat   #
hes Maiestie 
entred and tooke ye toune and castell vithout stroke of suord;  #
and hes 
Maiestie lodgit this night in the castell. 
   The 4 day of Maii, William Earle of Gowrie ves beheidet in   #
Striveling 
after he ves convicte, for presuming to detein his Maiestie     #
prisoner 
in his awin hous of Ruthven, the 23 of Auguste 1582; and ther   #
ves 
execute vith him Archibald Douglas beheadit, and M=r= Johne     #
Forbes 
hanget. This executione ves done ye forsaid day betwix 8 and 9  #
houres 
at night. 
   The 8 day of Aguste, the castell of Edinburghe ves givin     #
in keiping
to James Stewarte, Earl of Arrane, and he made capitane         #
therof. 
   Upon the 4 day of Maii, ye pestilence begune in Edinburghe,  #
and 
ves first knawin to be in Symeon Marcerbank's hous; quhilk      #
pest continued
till Januarii therafter: the haill peipell quhilk wer abill to  #
flee,
fled out of ye toune; nevirtheles, ther dyed of peipell wich    #
ver not abill
to flee, 14 hundreth and some odd.
   Upone the 1 of Nouember,ye King's Maiestie being in          #
Striveling, 
the nobilitie quho ver exyled, viz. Angus, Hamiltone, Mar,      #
Bothuell,
Glamis, came to Striveling vith ther haill forces, thinking     #
they had beine 
longe exyled fra hes Maiestie's presence, and yat by the        #
counsell of new 
<P 24>
come courtiers, desperatly surprysit ye of Striveling, and      #
vane ye 
castell, and ver receivit in favour with hes Maiestie; many     #
wer fled 
from ye King, bot ye Lords remainet lyk loyall and trew         #
subiects, bot 
not veill to them quho wer the contrivers and causers of the    #
exyle. 
   Upone the 13 of Maii, the King being in Holyruidhous,        #
convenit ye 
haill lords and noblemen yat had feid; and ther, in the palace  #
of Holyruidhous, 
he caused ye haill noblemen yat had deidly feid at uthers, to 
aggre togidder; and after they had shoken hands togidder, and   #
drunken
ane to ane uther, for confirming of ye said aggrement and       #
freindschipe, 
and also, yat the haill cuntrey might the better understand     #
yat it wes 
hes Maiestie's vorke, caused them to come from ye palace of     #
Holyruidhous,
euery one in uthers hands, and hes Maiestie vith them, to ye 
crosse of Edinburghe, quher ye city made them a verey sumptous  #
banquett;
at quhilk tyme, ther wes much ioy and solemnity, with mutuall 
saluations of good vill one to ane uther; hes Maiestie          #
drinking peace 
and happines to them all, yat ye lyke ves nevir befoir sein in  #
Edinburghe.
   The 24 of Maii, the Earlls of Huntly, Craufurd & Bothuell,   #
ver 
accusit upone treasone for insurrectione against the King's     #
Maiestie;
bot ther ves no such thing in ther heids at yat tyme.
   The 30 day of Julii, S=r= Villiame Steuarte ves slaine in    #
the Black friar 
vynde be the Earl of Bothuell. The cause he slew him for wes,   #
yat upone
a tyme befor, ye Earle and he being at vords, S=r= William bad  #
ye 
Earll kis his .... ; the Earl heiring yat base and despytful    #
ansuer, ther 
made a voue to God, yat he should kis hes .... to hes no grate  #
pleasour: 
sua therafter rancountering the said S=r= Villiam, in ye Black  #
friar vynde 
by chance, told him he vold now kis his .... , and vith yat     #
drew his 
suord; S=r= Villiam standing to hes defence, and hauing his     #
back at ye 
vall, ye Earle made a thruste at him vith his rapier, and       #
strake him in 
at the back and out at the belley, and killed him. 
   In this zeir of God 1588, Philipe, the King of Spaine, the 2 #
of that 
name, having an armado, vich wes maney zeirs in preparing,      #
came to 
<P 25>
sea, and thinking to have landit one the vest pairts of         #
Scotland, and so 
past into England, ves of intentione to have subdewed both ye   #
kingdomes,
and to have destroyed both man, vyffe, and children; bot ye 
grate God of armies destroyed them vith stormey tempests, yat   #
verey
few of them escapet undrowned, but some few yat ver drivin in   #
upone 
the vesterne isles. This wes named by the Spaniards and ther    #
adherents,
ye Invincible Armado, and, for a tyme, put all this part of 
christendome in a steir. 
   The 18 of Junii, the Earll of Marishall wes sent ambassador  #
to Denmarke,
for ye King's marriage. 
   The 22 of October, the King's Maiestie tooke iorney by sea,  #
and 
loused from Leith about 10 houres at evin, and sailed to        #
Noruay.
   Upon the 23 of November, hes Maiestie ves mariet upone Anna  #
of 
Denmarke, in the toune of Upslo in Noruay. This vord came home  #
as 
certeinty to ye Duck of Lennox, and Earle of Bothuell, quho     #
wer lefte 
to governe the countrey in hes Maiestie's absence. The King's   #
Maiestie 
traviled togider vith his Queine, beiyng in vinter, frome       #
Denmarke, quher 
he remained till Maii therafter, in anno 1590.
   Upone the first day of Maii 1590, ye King's Maiestie and     #
Queine
landit at Leith from Danmarke. 
   The 7 of Maii, Anna of Denmark wes crouned Queine of         #
Scotland 
at Holyrudhous. 
   The 19 day of Maii, the Queine made her entrey in            #
Edinburghe,
vith grate triumphe and ioy, pageants being erected in every    #
place, adorned
vith all things beffitting: zoung boys, vith artificiall        #
winges, at 
her entrey, did flee touards her, and presented her tuo siluer  #
keyes of 
ye city. The castell shott of all her ordinance 5 several       #
tymes, and at 
night the toune ves putt full of bonefyres. 
   The 22 day of Junii, the Earle of Bothuell brak ward out     #
of ye 
castell of Edinburghe, quha had beine ther in prisone some 20   #
dayis 
befor, for alledgit vitchcraft, and consulting vith vitches,    #
especially vith 
ane Richard Grahame, to conspyre the King's death; and, upone   #
the 
<P 26>
25 of Junii, ye said Earle Bothuell wes forfaulted, and         #
intimatione made 
therof by opin proclamatione at the crosse of Edinburghe. 
   The same 25 of Junii, Euphane M'Kalzen ves brunt for         #
vitchcrafte. 
   The 6 of September, ane proclamatione at ye crosse of        #
Edinburghe, 
yat ther should be four-pound pices made, new halfe marke       #
pices, and 
new 48 pices, for seruing of hes Maiesties leidges. 
   The 27 of September, the Earle of Bothuell made a steir in   #
the  
Abbay of Holyruidhous, quho came in over ye hous in ye south    #
syde of 
the palace, and the said Earle taking too grate presumptione,   #
he, with
hes complices, strake vith ane hammer at his Maiesties chalmer  #
dore, 
and, in the meine tyme, the haill noblemen and gentlemen of     #
hes Maiesties 
hous raise, quho thought to have taken ye said Earll Bothuell   #
and 
hes complices: and the said Earle fled: zet he returned at the  #
south syde of 
the Abbay, quher the said Earle and hes complices slew hes      #
Maiesties 
maister stabler, named Villiam Shaw, and ane with him, named    #
M=r= 
Peiter Shaw. Bot the King's folks tooke 8 men of Bothuell's     #
factione, 
and, on the morrow, hangit them all vithout ane assyze, betwix  #
the 
girth crosse and ye Abbay gaite. 
   The 28 of December, ye King's Maiestie came to S=t= Geill's  #
kirk,
and ther made ane oratione anent the fray made by Bothuell,     #
and William 
Shaw's slauchter, hes maister stabler. 
   The 7 of Februarii, 
the Earle of Huntlie came to the hous of 
Dunibirsell in Fyffe, quher the Earll of Murray, vith a few     #
number, wes 
for the tyme, being his awen hous. The chieffe man yat ves      #
vith him, 
ves Dumbar, shriffe of Murray. The Earll of Huntley sett ye     #
said hous 
on fyre; the Earll of Murray being vithin, vist not quhither    #
to come 
out and be slaine, or be burned quicke: zet, after advysment,   #
this Dumbar
says to my Lord of Murray, I vill goe out at ye gaitt befor     #
your 
Lordshipe, and I am sure the peopell will chairge one me,       #
thinking me 
to be zour Lordshipe; sua it being mirke vnder night, ze sall   #
come out 
<P 27>
after me, and look if yat ye can fend for zour self. In the     #
meine tyme, 
this Dumbar, tutor to ye shriffe of Murray, came furth, and     #
rane desperatly
among the Earle of Huntley's folks, and they all rane upone 
him, and presently slew him. During this broyle vith Dumbar,    #
the 
Earle of Murray came running out at ye gaitt of Dunibirsell,    #
quhilk
stands besyde ye sea, and ther satt him doune among ye rockes,  #
thinking
to have beine saue; bot unfortunattly the said Lord's           #
cnapscull tippet,
quherone ves a silk stringe, had taken fyre, vich betrayed him  #
to 
hes enimies in ye darknesse of ye night, himselue not knowing   #
the same;
they came doune one him on a suddaine, and ther most creuelly,  #
without
mercey, murthered him. 
   At quhilk tyme, one Capitane Johne Gordone takin upon the    #
12 
of Februarii; himselue wes heidit, and hes man wes hangit. 
   The last of Februarii, Richard Grahame wes brunt at ye       #
crosse of 
Edinburghe, for vitchcrafte and sorcerey.
   The 18 of Marche, ane proclamatione that ye zoung of Earle   #
of 
Murray should not perseu the Earll of Huntley, in respecte he   #
being 
vardit in ye Blacknes for ye same murder, he wes villing to     #
abyde ane 
trial, saying, yat he did nothing but by hes Maiesties          #
commission, and 
sua ves nather airt nor pairt of ye murther. 
   The 12 of Maii, the Earle of Bothuell and hes complices ver  #
denuncit
rebells, and summond to ye Parliament, quhilk ves to be haldin 
at Edinburghe ye 12 day of Julay, quherin the said Earll, with  #
all his 
quhole complices, wer all of them forfaulted.
   Upon ye 17 of Julay, the Earll of Bothuell, with hes         #
complices, 
made a fray at Falkland, hes Ma=tie= being ther, and therafter  #
hes Ma=tie=
came over the vater; and, upone ye 26 day of this same moneth,  #
hes 
Ma=tie= made an oratione concerning the same in ye grate kirke  #
of Edinburghe.
Immediatly after ye fray, Bothuell and hes men came over ye 
<P 28>
vater, and ther ver 18 of them in Cader mure, and in other      #
pairts 
neir Cader mure, laying sleiping for vant of rest and           #
interteinment;
and immediatly after ther taking, they wer all brought to       #
Edinburghe,
and hangit. At ye same tyme, ye lairds of Nidrie and            #
Samuelstone, ver 
takin by  Johne Lord Hamiltone, and vardit in the castell of    #
Draphane, 
and came to Edinburghe, thinking to haue gottin grace to them   #
from 
hes Ma=tie=: he came doune to hes Ma=tie's= ludgings at the     #
Netherbow, and, 
going into M=r= Johne Laing's hous quher hes Maiestie ludgit,   #
the guard 
standing above ye port vith ther hagbutts, guns, and uther      #
veapons, the 
forsaid guard seeing my Lord Hamiltone, for the honour of his   #
Lordshipe,
shott ane volley at my Lord: ther wes ane man speiking to hes 
Lordshipe, shott through the head, ane uther by him shott       #
through the 
legge, and ane bullet strooke the lintell of ye gait iust       #
above my Lord's 
head quher he stoode, zet no more harme done; so yat by meir    #
accident
ye said Lord Hamiltone had most haue beine slaine, and not      #
through 
aney eiuil vill. The Lord Hamiltone seeing yat he could gett    #
no grace 
to ye said tuo gentlemen, he sent vord to hes bastard sone S=r= #
Johne, 
quho convoyett ye said tuo gentlemen away, and vent vith them   #
himselue
for ther more saftey. 
   The last of Julii, Francis Hay Earll of Errole, ves put in   #
vard in the 
castell of Edinburghe, for papistry. 
   The 18 of October, ye Earll of Angus vardit for papistry.
   The 7 of Nov=r=, hes Maiestie did receive again ye laird of  #
Nidrie in 
his fauor, and restorit him to his former dignity and estait.
   The 17 of Nouember, ye lady of Bothuell ves received into    #
his Maiesties 
fauor.
   The 18 of Nouember, ane proclamatione, yat no man receive    #
the 
Earle of Bothuell, and siclyke, yat all these yat had received  #
hes Maiesties 
fauor, quho had beine vith ye Earle of Bothuell, should not     #
come 
neir his Ma=tie= vithin 20 miles, under the paine of death.
   The 23 of Nouember, ane proclamatione, yat no man should     #
resett 
ye Countesse of Bothuell, giue her enterteinment, or to haue    #
aney commerce
<P 29>
or society vith her in aney cais, quha had beine bot so laitly  #
received
in his Maiesties fauor befor, viz. one ye 17 day of ye same 
monethe. Behold ye changes of courte. 
   The last of Nouember, Johne Cohoune ves beheidit at ye       #
crosse of 
Edinburghe, for murthering of his awen brother the laird of     #
Lusse.
   The 2 of December, Capitane James Steuarte came to ye King,
quho had beine banished since ye road at Striveling befor,      #
which wes 
aboute ye I day of Nouember 1585.
   The 17 of December, ye ministers wer accusit by the King     #
for opin 
treasone in speiking agains hes Maiestie; zet hes goodness      #
past it ouer 
at yat tyme. 
   The last of December, M=r= George Ker ves brought to         #
Edinburghe
out of Calder, and putt in vard, for carrying of letters out of #
ye countrey
frome ye papists to ye King of Spaine.
   The first of Januarii, the Earll of Angus ves commandit to   #
vard in 
his awen lodgeing, and straitly keipit till ye morrow, and      #
then ves convoyit 
to ye castell of Edinburghe, for sending letters to Spaine to   #
ye 
Spanish King vith M=r= George Ker. 
   The 3 of Januarii, ane proclamatione to resist ye papists,   #
and all 
men to stand to ye religione presently professed vithin this    #
realme, in 
vich hes Maiestie hes beine brought up frome hes zouth: and     #
siclyk 
chairgeing all suspected papists to come and subscryue ane      #
band yat they 
sall not live as papists, bot in religione conforme to yat      #
presently professed. 
   The 8 day of Februarii, the Earlls of Huntley and Errole     #
ver denuncit
rebells, and put to ye horne, for not compeiring to subscryue   #
ye 
band concerning religione. 
   The 14 of Februar, S=r= Alex=r.= Stewart and M=r= Johne      #
Grahame slaine 
be S=r= James Sandilands at ye fitt of Leith wynd. 
   The 15 of Februar, the Earle of Angus brake ward out of ye   #
castell 
of Ed=r.= quha had beine in sen the first of Januar befor, for  #
sending l=res= 
to Spaine. 
<P 30>
   The 17 of Februar, Dauid Grahame beheidit at the crosse for  #
opin 
treasone, callit Lord of Fentries. 
   The 15 of Marche, the King's Maiestie came fra ye northe,    #
q=r= he had 
beine sex veiks befor, and causit cast doune the palace of      #
Strabogie, and 
and place callit ye Slains, ane place callit the Newtoun, and   #
ane place 
for the tyme quhilk belongit to M=r= Walter Lyndesay, callit    #
the Brumhous,
vith ane hous of Sir Jo=n.= Ogilvy's, callit ye Craige. His     #
Maiestie 
had vith him 5 bandis of men of weir out of Ed=r= Capitanes     #
George Todridge,
James Inglis, James Williamson, and C. Dauidson and Geddes.
   The 20 of Marche, ane proclamatione at the crosse, charging  #
the 
Earles of Huntlie, Angus, Errole, w=t= diverse gentlemen and    #
Irishmen of 
the iyles, to compeir to the parliament for divers points of    #
treasone. 
   The 18 of Maii, ane suddaine shower of rain and haile, the   #
said day 
being Monday, the chapmans standis and stuillis came sweming    #
doune 
the streit of Ed=r.= lyke as they had beine selling doune the   #
vater. 
   The 19 of May, Katherine Muirhead brunt for vitchcrafte,     #
quha confest 
sundrie poynts y=r=of. 
   The 4 of Junii, the laird of Johnestoun brake ward out of    #
the castell 
of Edinburghe.
   The 20 of Junii, M=r= George Ker brake ward out of ye        #
castell. 
   The 21 of Julii, the Parliament haldin; the Earll of         #
Bothuell forfaulted,
and hes armes rivin at the crosse of Ed=r.= be the heraldis. 
   The 24 of Julii, at 8 hours in the morneing, the Earle of    #
Bothuell,
the laird of Spott, M=r= Villiam Leslie, and M=r= Jo=n=         #
Colvill, came into the 
King's chalmer weill provydit with pistol; this Earle and hes   #
complices, 
came not yis way provydit with pistollis and drauin suordis to  #
harme the 
King's Maiestie aney wayis, bot becaus he could not get         #
presence of his 
Maiestie, nor speich of him, for the Homes, quho wer courtiers  #
with 
the King, and enimies to the said Earle of Bothuell, sua they   #
came in 
into hes Maiestie's chalmer, resolving yameselues not to be     #
haldin back,
till they sould haue spoken vith him: and sua after yai came    #
in, hes 
Maiestie wes coming frae ye backstair and his breiks in hes     #
hand in ane 
<P 31>
feir; howbeit he needit not. Ye forsaid Bothuell and hes        #
complices fell 
upone yair knies, and beggit mercie at hes Maiestie; and his    #
Maiestie 
being wyse, merciful, a noble Prince of grate pitie, not        #
desyrous of 
bluid, grantit yame mercie, and receivit yame in hes favour;    #
and at 4 
hours afternoone, causit proclame yame hes frie leidges; and    #
upone ye 
27 day, ye same proclamatione of ye Earll of Bothuell's peace   #
wes renewit
at ye crosse vith heralds and trumpettis sounding for ioy.
   The 10 of Aguste, ane new alteratione offerit againe. 
   The 20 of September, ye said Earle Bothuell chargit by ane   #
proclamatione 
at the crosse, yat he sould not come vithin 10 myles of ye 
King's Maiestie, under the paine of deathe. 
   The 11 of October, the King's Maiestie ryding to ane day of  #
law, 
the excommunicat Lordis mett him, q=m= he receavit in his       #
favor, viz. 
Huntlie, Errole, Angus, S=r= James Chissim, vith sundrie        #
uthers. 
   The last of October, ane conventione haldin at Leith, for    #
the same 
purpos concerneing Angus, Huntlie, and Errole, and yair         #
complices. 
   The 2 of November, ane proclamatione yat na man truble ye    #
said 
papist Lordis, bot to receive yame and interteine yame as his   #
faithful
and trew subiectes, as yai will be ansuerabill to him.
   The 7 of November, Smetoun hangit for braking of ward with   #
M=r= 
George Ker out of ye castell of Edin=r.= 
   The same 7 of Nouember, ane proclamatione yat na man sould   #
repair 
to the toune of Ed=r.= without leive grantit be his Maiestie;   #
quhilk 
proclamatione greived the toune of Ed=r.=, specially the        #
ministers. 
   The 27 of No=r.= ane proclamatione of the act of absolution  #
in fauors 
of the papist Lordis.
   The 7 of December, the Lord Maxwell slaine be the laird of   #
Johnestoun.
   The 11 of December, the Earle of Bothuell put to the horne;  #
quhilk 
day the said Earle Bothuell and Ker of Cessfurd met and faucht  #
tua 
for tua. 
<P 32>
   The 27 of Dec=r.= the Erle of Bothuell, nor the laird of     #
Johnestoun, 
na man sould receive yame, nor give yame interteinment. 
   The 7 of Januar, the 4 penny plakis proclaimed: the 19 day   #
of the 
same, 4 penny plakis dischairgit. 
   The 22 of Januar, the act of absolutione quhilk wes maid,    #
null and 
to no effect. 
   The 4 of Februar, ane proclamatione for new cunzie, viz. 5   #
pund 
pices of gold, and 50 sh. pices of gold; and of silver, 10 sh.  #
pices, 5 sh.
30 penny pices, and 12 penny pices. 
   The 19 of Februar 1594, Prince Henrie wes borne, at the      #
pleasour 
of Almightie God, quhilk day befell on Tuysday. 
   The 13 of Marche, his M. came to M=r= Robert Bruises         #
preiching,
being Sonday, q=r= M=r= Ro=t= Bruis said to hes M. yat God wald #
steir up
ma Bothuells nor ane, yat wes ma enimies to him nor Boduell,    #
if he revengit 
not his and faught not Godis, quarrell and batells one the      #
papists, 
befoir he faucht or revenge hes awen particular. 
   The 3 of Apryll, the King being ludgit in Robert Gourlay's   #
ludging, 
he came to the sermone, and ther, in presence of the haill      #
peipell, he 
promest to revenge God's cause, and to banische all the         #
papists, and y=r= 
requystit the haill peiple to gang with him against Boduell,    #
quha wes in 
Leith for the tyme. The same day, the King's Maiestie rais and  #
the 
toune of Ed=r= in armes. The Earle of Bothuell, quha wes in     #
Leith, heiring
that his Maiestie wes coming doune, with the toune of Ed=r=, he #
rais 
with his fiue hunder hors, and rode up to the Halkhill besyde   #
Lesteric, 
and ther stood till he saw the King and the toune of Ed=r=      #
approching neir 
him. He drew hes companie away throw Duddingston. My Lord Home 
followit till the Wowmet, at qlk place, the Earle Bothuell      #
turnit, thinking 
to have a het at Home; bot Home fled, and he followit; zit be 
chance little bluid. The King's Maiestie flue himself, seeing   #
the said 
chaice. 
   Siclyke the King, upone the 5 day, raid out to have tane     #
Bothuell, 
bot gat him not. 
<P 33>  
   The 29 of Apryll, W=m= Hegie hangit for receiving the Earl   #
of 
Bothuell.
   The 17 May, my Lord Home maid hes repentance into ye new     #
kirk 
befor ye Assemblie upone hes knies. 
   The 8 of Junii, the Parliament haldin; at qlk tyme, the      #
Earles of 
Angus, Huntlie, Errole, M'Leane, Mackoneill, and Achindoune,    #
wer 
all forfaulted. 
   The 30 day of Aguste, ye Prince baptized and named Henrey    #
Frederic,
by the grace of God. 
   The 16 day of September, ane proclamatione yat nae man       #
resett nor 
interteine the Earle Bothuell.
   The 17 of September, Allan Orme hanget for interteining the  #
Earle 
of Bothuell. 
   The 24 of September, Johne Gibsone hanget, and James         #
Cochrane 
hanget, for enterteining the Earle of ye Earle of Bothuell. 
   The 15 of October, the Capitane of Blacknes hangit, for      #
receiving 
and interteining the Earle Bothuell.
   The 3 of October, the battel of Glenlivit foughtin betwix    #
the Earl 
   of Argyll, Generall for the King, agains the Earles of       #
Huntlie and 
Atholl, and ther associates. The chieffe, of not, yat wes       #
slaine one Huntlie
and Atholl's syde wer, ye laird of Gight, Assinlie, M=r=        #
William Gordone,
the Guidman Derth and hes sone. This Derth wes brother to 
Abergeldie. Thrie brethren of Tillachoudy, and ye zoung laird   #
of 
Drumdelgie.
<P 34>
   The 4 of December, ane proclamatione charging all men not    #
to haue 
to doe w=t= the Earle Bothuell.
   The same 4 of December, Capitane Baillie hanget for          #
counterfetting 
the Great Seall agains the merchants. 
   The 13 of Januar, George Muir hangit for slaing of twa       #
ministers, 
viz. M=r= Dauid Blayth, and ane Aikman. 
   The 19 Januar, the zoung Earle of Montrois fought ane        #
combate w=t= 
S=r= James Sandilands at the Salt Trone of Ed=r.= thinking to   #
have revengit 
the slauchter of hes cusine M=r= Johne Grahame, quha wes y=r=   #
slaine with 
ane shot of ane pistol, and four of hes men slaine with         #
suords, viz. 
Johne Craufurd, Johne Grahame, George Dundass, and Alexander 
Boner. 
   The 14 of Februar, ane of the keipers of the wardes in the   #
castell of 
Ed=r.= hangit for letting the Earle of Angus out of ward. 
   The 18 of Februar, Hercules Stewart hangit, and ane Johne    #
Syme, 
for bearing companie and interteining his awen brother and the  #
Earle of 
Bothuell.
   The 23 of Februar, the Earle Bothuell excommunicate. 
   The 10 of Marche, ane horrible tempest of snaw, quhilk lay   #
upone 
the ground till the 14 of Apryll yrafter. 
   The 26 of Maii, Johne Gilchryst, Hendersone, and Huttoun,    #
all 
thre hangit for making of fals writtis, and pressing to         #
warifie the same. 
   The 11 of Junii, ane callit Cuming the Muncke, hangit for    #
making 
of fals writtis. 
   The 19 of Julii, James laird of Indermarchie, and his        #
servant, heidit,
as partakers of the murder of the Earle of Murray and Patrick   #
Dumbar, 
in Dunibirsell in Fyfe, quha wer slaine the 7 of Februar 1591. 
   The 14 of Aguste, Christian Johnestoun, ane widow in Ed=r.=  #
revest 
be Patrick Aikenhead. The toune wes put in ane grate fray be    #
the 
ringing of the commone bell. The said Christian wes follouit    #
and 
brocht back fra him, sua yat the said Patrick got no advantage  #
of her. 
   The 15 of September, Johne Macmorrane slaine be the shott    #
of ane 
pistole out of the schooll. This Johne Macmorrane being         #
baillie for the 
<P 35>
tyme, the bairns of the  said gramar schooll came to the tounes #
counsell
conforme to yair zeirlie custome, to seek the priuiledge, quha  #
wes refusit;
upone the qlk, ther wes ane number of schollaris, being         #
gentelmens 
bairns, made ane mutinie, and came in the night and tooke the 
schooll, and prouydit yameselfis w=t= meit, drink, and          #
hagbutis, pistolet, 
and suord: they ranforcit the dores of the said schooll, sua    #
yat yai refusit 
to let in y=r= m=r.= nor nae uthir man, w=t=out they wer        #
grantit ther 
privilege, conforme, to y=r= wontit use. The Prouost and        #
Baillies and 
Counsell heiring tell of the same, they ordeinit John           #
Macmorrane baillie, 
to goe to the gramar schooll and take some order yrwt. The      #
said Johne,
with certein officers, went to the schooll, and requystit the   #
schollaris to 
opin the doreis: yai refusit. The said  baillie and officers    #
tooke ane geast 
and rane at the back dore with the geast. Ane schollar bad him  #
desist 
from dinging up the dore, utherways, he vouit to God, he wald   #
shute 
ane pair of bulletis throw hes heid. The said baillie thinking  #
he durst 
not shute, he, with his assisters, ran still w=t= the geast at  #
the said dore. 
Ther came ane schollar callit William Sinclair, sone to         #
William Sinclair 
chansler of Gatnes, and with ane pistolet shott out at ane      #
window, and 
shott the said baillie throw the heid, sua yat he diet. Pntlie  #
the haill 
tounesmen ran to the schooll, and tuik the said bairns and put  #
yame in 
the tolbuith: bot the haill bairns wer letten frie w=t=out      #
hurte done to 
yame for the same, w=t=in ane short tyme yairafter. 
   The [^BLANK^] day of September, the Ladie Bothuell receivit  #
in fauor w=t= 
the King in Glasgow. 
   The 4 of Oct=r=, S=r= Johne Maitland deceasit, being         #
chansler, and quha 
had bein chansler sen the Parliament haldin at Linlithgow in    #
December 
the zeir of God 1585.
   The 20 of October, Gilbert Lauder  slaine in Linlithgow be   #
the 
Cranstouns. 
   The 22 of Nov=r=, 4 heralds sitting drinking, tua of yame    #
fell in words, 
viz. Johne Purdie and Johne Gladstanis. The said Johne          #
Gladstanis 
stikit Johne Purdie at the table; and the said Gladstanis       #
being apprehendit, 
<P 36>
he wes beheidit upone the 25 day of the same moneth of Nov=r=, 
for the same slaughter. 
   The 3 of Dec=r=, the Ladie Bothuell banishit zet anes        #
againe. Bot 
w=t=in sex dayis yrafter, the said Ladie purchest ane letter of #
peace sub=t= 
be his awen Maiestie's hand. 
   In this pnt zeir of God, the dearthe of victuall increased,  #
and yair 
wes sic famine in yis countrie, the lyk wes nevir heard tell    #
of in aney 
aidge befoir, nor neuir red of since the world wes maid, as ze  #
sall heir: 
In yis moneth of October and Nouember, the quhyt and malt at    #
ten lib:
the boll; in Marche yrafter, the ait maill 10 lib: the boll,    #
the humbell 
corne 7 lib: the boll. 
   In the moneth of Maij, the ait maill 20 lib: the boll in     #
Galloway. 
At this tyme, ther came victuall out of uthir partis, in sic    #
aboundans, 
that betwixt the first of Julii and the 10 of August, thair     #
came into 
Leith thre scoir and sex shippes laden w=t= victuall;           #
nevirtheless, the ry 
gave 10 pund 10 sh: and XI the boll. The 2 of September, the    #
ry came 
down and wes sauld for 7 lib: the boll, and new ait maill for   #
vii sh: the 
peck, and 7 sh: and 6d: the peck. The 29 of Oct=r=, the ait     #
maill came 
up again at 10 sh: the peck. The 15 of Julii, the ait maill at  #
13 sh: and 
4d: the peck; the pease maill at XI - the peck. 
   In this zeir, Clement Oor, and Robert Lumsden his            #
grandsone, 
bought beforhand from the Earle Marishall the beir mail         #
ourhead for 
33 sh: and 4d: the boll. 
   In the zeir of God 1597, sic incres of sawing, that the lyk  #
hes not 
bein hard of befoir. Ane man of Libberton, callit Douglas, had  #
of 
ten peckis of beir sawen 31 thrieff, and everie thrieff had     #
ane boll of 
beir and ane peck.
   Here we come to our former purpos againe in the zeir 1596.
   Ane proclamatione the 5 of Januarii, declaring perpetuall    #
peace betwix
Scotland and England, and yat nane of the borderers invaid ane 
anuther, under the paine of death. Siclyke at yis tyme, the     #
generall 
musters proclaimed to be haldin the 2 of Februar nixt. 
<P 37>
   The 12 of Januar, ane proclamatione, declaring he Ma: hes    #
appointed 
aught Lordis for heiring of the checker comptis, and taking     #
order 
with the enormities and disorders in yis countrie. These        #
Lordis, all 
callit Octavians, viz. Alex=r= Seytoun of Pluscartie, Walter    #
Stewart of 
Blantyre, M=r= Johne Lindesay, M=r= Thomas Hamilton, M=r= James #
Elphinston,
M=r= Johne Skeine, M=r= James Craigie of Killatie, and M=r=     #
Peiter 
Zoung of Seytoun. 
   The 2 of Marche, [^BLANK^] Campbell of Arkinles wes tane for #
the 
slaughter of Campbell laird of Cadder; and one the 4 day, he    #
tholit 
ane assyze, and continuit day till day, till the 8 of Apryll,   #
he wes conveyit
to the Blacknes till ward, and at length he wes maid frie. 
   The 15 of March 1596, the King's M: made ane orisone befor   #
the 
Generall Assemblie, w=t= maney guid promises and conditionis. I #
pray 
God he may keip yame, be content to receive admonitionis, and   #
to be 
collectit himself and his haill houshold, and to lay aside hes  #
awen authority
royall, and to be as ane brother among yame, and to see all     #
the 
kirks in this country weill plantit with ministers. Ther are    #
in Scotland 
900 kirks, of the quhilk ther are 400 without ministers or      #
readers. 
   The 6 of Apryll, 3 men hangit, viz. Patrick Douglas, Patrick
Boyd, and ane Syme. This Douglas wes a thieff or murderer, and 
brunt; and had continuit long unsuspected to be our man. 
   The same 6 of Apryll 1596, the laird of Buccleugh past to    #
the castell 
of Carleill w=t= 70 men, and tuik out Will: Kynmonth out of the #
said 
castell: the said Will: lyand in ironis w=t=in the irone zett.  #
Yis he did 
with shouting and crying, and sound of trumpet, puttand the     #
said toune 
and countrie in sic ane fray, that the lyk of sic ane           #
wassaledge wes nevir 
done since the memorie of man, no in Wallace dayis. 
   The 7 of Apryll, the toune of Calles in France won by the    #
Spaniards, 
be the treasone of the merchantis w=t=in the said toune of      #
Calles. 
   The 14 of Apryll, M=r= William Schaw wes stricken throw the  #
bodie 
w=t= ane rapier, be Francis Moubray, sone to the laird of       #
Barnbougle. 
<P 38>
   The last of Maii, ane proclamatione, chargeing all men       #
betwixt 60 
and 16 to be in readines betwixt that and the first day of      #
August, to pas 
w=t= the King to the Iyles. 
   Thair wes, betwixt the 1 of July and the VI of Aguste, to    #
the number 
of 66 schippes lost in Leith haven w=t= victuall. 
   The 12 of Julii, Colonell Stewart made be opin               #
proclamatione Lieutenant,
to pas to the Iylis.
   In this moneth of Julii, great troubill fell out betwix      #
Scottis and 
Inglishmen on the Border, nochtheles of the charge giuen in     #
the contrair
in the moneth of Januar befoir. 
   The 15 of Julii, 7 men hangit for reif, spulzie, and         #
murder. 
   The 13 of Aguste, the Earles of Huntlie and Angus receivit   #
be the 
King in Falkland. 
   The 19 of August 1596, the Quein's M: deliuered of ane       #
woman 
child, callit Elizabeth.
   The 18 of August, Colonell Stewart tuik iourney out of Ed=r= #
to Glasgow,
frae yat to goe to the Iylis. He bad w=t= him 3 companies of    #
men 
of weir.
   The 8 of September, thrie zoung men challengit for braking   #
of M=r= 
Johne Laing's hous. Some men sayis they did it mor for inuy     #
than povertie;
for they wer craftsmen. Y=r= names wer, Robert Horne, Dauid 
Hislope, and Thomas Porteuous. They wer hangit at the crosse    #
on the 
15 of September w=t= grate lament. 
   The 20 day of September or y=r=by, the Earle of Errole,      #
Francis Hay, 
came hame to Scotland, and landit at Stanehiue. 
   At this tyme, ane conventione haldin at Dumfermling, for     #
the Papist
Lordis, bot continuit to the 28 of Nouember, to be haldin at    #
Ed=r=.
   The 2 of Nouember, the Princes came out of Dumfermling to    #
the 
Abbay of Holyruidhous. 
   The 18 of Nouember, M=r= David Black minister accusit befoir #
the 
King and secret counsell. 
<P 39>
   The 21 of November, M=r= Peiter Galloway commandit out of    #
the 
pulpit, and out of the chapell royall in the Abbay. 
   The 24 of Nouember, the Papist Lordis commandit to pas out   #
of 
the countrie, or else to mak satisfaction to the Kirke. 
   The 27 day of November, ane proclamatione, discharging all   #
conventions 
or convocationes of the King's leidges, w=t=out hes Maiesties   #
libertie. 
   Ane uther proclamatione, charging David Black, minister at   #
S=t= Androis,
to compeir befor the secret counsell the last day of No=r=. for #
matters 
of treasone. 
   The 28 day of No=r=. the Princes bapteisit, callit Elizabeth #
be the 
grace of God, first dochter to hes Maiestie.
   The 8 of December, the Ladie Huntley came to Ed=r=. 
   The 10 of December, ane proclamatione discharging the        #
former 
proclamatione qlk wes made the 27 of No=r=. concerning the      #
convention 
of the ministers. 
   The 13 of December, commanding the ministers of aney shyre   #
or 
parochin to pas out of the toune within 48 hours, under the     #
paine of 
treasone. 
   The 17 day of December 1596, being Fryday, hes Maiestie      #
being in 
the tolbuith sitting in session, and ane convention of          #
ministers being in 
the new kirke, and some noblemen being conveinit w=t= yame, as  #
in special 
Blantyre and Lyndesay, ther came in some divilish officious     #
persone, 
and said that the ministers wer coming to take hes lyfe; upone  #
the qlk,
the tolbuith dores wer shut and steiket; and yair araise sick   #
ane crying, 
God and the King, uther some crying, God and the Kirk, that     #
the haill
commons of Ed=r=. raise in armes, and knew not quherfor         #
allways. Yair 
wes ane honest man, quha wes deiken of deikens, hes name wes    #
Johne 
Watt, smythe. This Johne Watt raisit the haill craftis in       #
armes, and 
came to the tolbuith, quher the entrie is to the checker hous,  #
and yair 
cryed for a sight of hes Maiestie, or ellis he sould ding up    #
the zet w=t= 
foir hammers; sua that nevir ane w=t=in the tolbuith sould come #
out w=t= 
yair lyfe. At length, hes M: lookit our the window, and spake   #
to the 
<P 40>
commonis, quha offerit to die and liue with him; quhilk         #
commonis of 
Ed=r= offerit to die all in ane moment for hes M: weill fair:   #
sua hes M:
came doune after the tounesmen wer commandit of the gait, and   #
wes 
convoyit be the craftis men to the Abbay of Holyruidhous, q=r=  #
he stayit 
yat night; and, upone the morne, he rode out of the toune, and  #
sent 
back the chairges, as ze sall heir heirafter. This tumult bred  #
grate 
troubill betwixt his M: and the toune of Ed=r=. 
   The 18 of this same December, ane proclamatione              #
dischairging the 
session, commissaries, justices or sheriffs, to sit or doe      #
justice; and siclyke,
dischairging all maner of personis, barons or gentilmen, to     #
pas out 
of the toune w=t=in 6 houres, under the paine of horning; and   #
siclyke, 
calling the ministers seditious persones in the proclamatione. 
   The 20 day, ane chairge to the provost and balzies, to take  #
and apprehend 
M=r= Robert Bruce, M=r= William Watsone, M=r= Walter            #
M'Canquell,
M=r= James Balfour, and M=r= Michael Cranstoun, with uyrs,      #
coming 
to the number of ten, and put yame in ward in the castell of    #
Ed=r=:
As also, they wer chargit to compeir the King and counsell the 
23 in Linlithgow, to be accusit as seditious and reasoris of    #
tumultis, and 
convocating of his leidges; and the 25 day, the ministers put   #
to the 
horne with some tounesmen. 
   The 22 day of December, Stephin Brunfield slaine upone Sanct 
Leonardis Craigis, as apeirs be James Carmichael, second sone   #
to the 
laird of Carmichael.
   Upon the Sabbath day y=r= after, nae preiching in Ed=r=,     #
nather befoir 
noon nor afternoon, the lyk hes not bein sene befoir. 
   The 27 of December, four proclamations. The first, that nae  #
man 
resett nor intercommon w=t= the ministers, nor w=t= the burgess #
quha are 
put to the horne. The second, concerning M=r= David Black, and  #
hes accusations 
and answers; and yat, since hes committing in ward, he sent 
letters to make sedition. Thirdly, that the ministers sall      #
have no 
stipends.
<P 41>
   The last day of December, the King came to the Abbay, and    #
pntlie 
command wes givin, by opin proclamatione, that on the  morne    #
the 
Earle of Mar sould keip the West Port, my Lord Seytoun the      #
Nether 
Bow, my Lord Livingstoun, Buccleugh, Cessfurd, and sundry       #
uthirs, 
to keip the Hiegate. Upone the morne at yis time, and befoir    #
yis day, 
yair wes ane grate rumour and word among the tounesmen, yat     #
the 
King's M: sould send in Will Kinmond the comone theiff, and so  #
maney
Southland men, as sould spulzie the toune of Ed=r=: Upone the 
qlk, the haill merchants tuik yair haill geir out of yair       #
buiths or chops, 
and transportit the same to the strongest hous that wes in ye   #
toune, and 
remained in ye said hous yair w=t= yame selfis, y=r= servants,  #
and looking for 
nothing bot yat yai sould haue bein all spulzeit. Siclyke the   #
haill craftsmen 
and comons conveinit themselfis, y=r= best guides, as it wer 10 #
or 12 
housholdis in ane, quhilk wes the strongest hous, and might be  #
best 
keipit from spulzeing or burneing, w=t= hagbut, pistolet, and   #
uther sic 
armour, as might best defend yameselfis: Judge, gentill         #
reider, giff 
this wes playing. Ther noblemen and gentilmen, keipers of the   #
portis 
and Hie Gaitt, being sett at the places foirsaid, with pike     #
and speir and 
uyr armour, stude keiping the foirsaid places appointit, till   #
hes Maiestie 
came to S=t= Geilles kirk, M=r= David Lindesay making the       #
sermone. Hes 
M: made an orisone or harang, concerning the sedition of the    #
seditious 
ministers, or as it pleased him to terme yame. 
   The same day, being the 1 of Januar, David Edmonston of      #
the 
Wowmit slaine be Thomas Christoun be the shott of ane gun. The 
session in Perth, and the provost and the bailzies, summond to  #
byde
tryal.
   The 10 of Januar, 3 proclamations at the crosse. The first,  #
yat the 
Session sould sit down in Perthe the 1 of Februarii: The 2.     #
chairging 
the provost and balzies and counsell, and deikens of craftis,   #
to enter in 
ward in Perthe the same first of Februar, ther to byde tryal    #
for the 
fault commitit be yame the 17 of December: The 3. yat giff the  #
ministers
speik aney thing of the King or counsell, they sall be tane     #
out of 
the pulpit and put in prisone, till yai be punishit; or ellis   #
the heirers to 
incur the paine of lyfe, landis and geir. 
<P 42>
   The 4 of Februar, ane proclamation, that the Session sould   #
sit in 
Leith, and to begin on Monday the 7 day. 
   The 6 of Februar, being Sunday, M=r= David Lyndesay made ane 
sermone befoirnoone, and afternoone ane uther to the comons of  #
Edinburghe 
in the grate kirk.
   The 5 of March, sundrie proclamations concerning the         #
ministers 
and the papistis, and of the personis appoyntit to traite w=t=  #
the Earle of 
Huntlie concerning Dunibirsell; and the ministers inhibit not   #
to excommunicate 
w=t=out the advyse of the General Assemblie, and yat yai speik 
not of the King, nor court, or secret counsell with diverse     #
injunctions:
and nae man to troubill the Earle of Huntlie, nor nane of his. 
   The 10 of March, the haill counsell and committie of Ed=r=,  #
wer denuncit 
rebells, and put to the horne, because William Mould compeirit 
not in Perth, w=t= the rest of the commissioners. Tua men slew  #
another,
the 11 of Marche. Williame Gluffer, and James Hepburne, slew    #
ane 
anuther at the single combat on the hill callit Sanct           #
Leonardis Craigis: 
the said tua ver buriet on the morne y=r=after. 
   The 15 of Marche, ane singill combat foughtin betwixt Adam 
Bruntfield and James Carmichael. The said Adam Bruntfield       #
challengit 
James Carmichael for murthering of his umqle brother Stephin    #
Bruntfield,
Capitane of Tantallon. The said Adam purchasit ane licence of 
hes M: and faucht the said James on Barnbougle Links, befor     #
fyve 
thousand gentilmen; and the said Adam being bot ane zoung man,  #
and 
of a mein stature, slew the said James Carmichael, he being as  #
abill a 
lyke man as wes living. 
   The 18 of Marche 1597, M=r= William Leslie hurt in the       #
Canongaitt 
be three brether of the Frenches. 
   The 22 of Marche, the toune of Ed=r= relaxit fra the horne,  #
and receivit 
into the King's favour againe, and the Session ordainit to sit  #
doune 
in Ed=r= the 15 of May yrafter. 
<P 43>
   The 23 of Marche, the King drank in the counsell hous w=t=   #
ye baillies,
counsell and deikens. The said baillies and counsall convoyit   #
hes 
M: to the West Port therafter. In the mein tyme of yis          #
drinking in the 
counsell hous, the bells rang in the steipell for ioy of yair   #
agrement:
the trumpetis sounded, and drums and quhistles playit w=t=      #
maney uther 
instruments of musicke, as might be playit one; and the toune   #
of Ed=r=, 
for the tumult raising the 17 of December befoir, wer ordainit  #
to pay to 
hes Maiestie threttie thousand merks Scottis. 
   The 13 of Apryll, Patrick Cuninghame heidit for slaughter    #
of George 
Preston of Haltries. This same Patrick confessit that he slew   #
the laird 
of Lag, vith ane shott out of hes awen hand. 
   The 20 of Apryll, Serlie Bui came to ye toune, ane hyland    #
man. 
   The 22 day, the ministers relasit simpliciter frae the       #
process of horning,
vizt. Messrs Robert Bruce, James Balfour, William Watsone, and 
Walter M'Canquell.
   The 4 day of Maii, James M'Oneill, alias Serlie Bui. The 7   #
day 
of Maii he went homeward, and, for honour of his bonyalla, the  #
canons 
shott out of the castell of Edinburghe.
   The 23 day of Maii, ther wer sex proclamations at the        #
crosse of 
Ed=r=. 1. The gold and silver cryed doune. 2. That no wares be  #
brought 
out of England. 3. That the wool be not transported. 4. That 2  #
penny 
peices of copper be cunzied. 5. Yat ther be a new custome       #
takin of 
all goods either importit or exportit. 6. Anent ye order of     #
home bringing
of bulzeon to the cunzie hous by the merchants.
   The 25 day of Maii, ane proclamatione, heightening the       #
custome to 
3od of every pund, vich extends to the 8 penny, and especially  #
of English 
goodes. 
   The 6 of Junii, ane proclamatione, yat no man take upone     #
hand to 
give out money aney deirer, nor ten for the hundreth, or        #
victuall according
therto,under ye paine of confiscatione of all ther goodes, and 
punishing of ther bodies as usurers, yat does in the contrarey.
<P 44>
   The 18, Archibald Wauchope of Nidrie slaine be the laird of  #
Edmonstoun
in Scletter's close. 
   The 19 day, Sybella Dewar spous to Johne Baillie, drounit    #
herself 
in the Northe Loche. 
   The 23 of Junii, ane proclamatione for taking of the cunzie  #
hous. 
   The 13 of Julii, ane feight or combat betwixt the laird of   #
Drumlanrick
and the laird of Johnestoun and y=r= assisters. Johnestoun had 
ane servant slaine, callit Adam Andersone. 
   The 21 and 22 dayis of Julii, proclamations discharging the  #
haill 
office men of the cunzie hous, as the master, warden, sayer,    #
sinker, 
and prenters. 
   The 24 of Julii, the King gave the ministers leive to        #
preich. 
   The 27 of Julii, George Heriot maid the Quein's goldsmythe,  #
and 
intimat at the crosse be opin proclamatione and sound of        #
trumpet; and 
ane Clei the Frencheman dischairgit, quha wes the Quein's       #
goldsmythe 
befor. 
   The first of August, the Earll of Angus relaxit fra the      #
horne and 
excomunication. 
   The 4 of August, the Earles of Angus, Huntley, Errole, wer   #
relasit 
fra the horne w=t= ane herald and 6 trumpettis. 
   The 6 of Auguste, the pest began in Leith. 
   The 15 of Auguste, Patrick Schilich hangit for being at the  #
raid of 
Leith with the Earle of Bothuell, qlk wes the thrid of Apryll   #
1594.
   The 7 of October, the laird of Buccleugh deliverit in        #
Ingland. 
   The day [^BLANK^] of November, the Earle of Cassilis mariet  #
upone 
Fleeming, quho wes Chansler Maitland's wyfe befoir. 
   The 6 December, the Earles of Huntlie and Errole came to     #
Edinburghe.
   The 7 day of December, being the first day of the            #
Parliament, 
Archd: Jarden, servitor and mr: stabler to the Earle of Angus,  #
wes 
slaine negligently be Andro Stalker, goldsmythe at Nidrie's     #
wynd 
heid. The said Andro wes apprehendit and put in prisone. The    #
zoung 
<P 45>
men of the toune being all in armes, as yai use to be in the    #
tyme of the 
Parliament, yai came to his M: and desyrit grace for the zoung  #
man 
quha had done ane reckles deid. The King's M: desyrit them to   #
goe to 
my Lord of Angus the man's mr: and satisfie and pacifie hes     #
wrath, and 
he sould be contentit to grant hes lyfe. James Williamsone      #
being capitane 
to the zoung men, came to my Lord of Angus, offerit him yair 
manreid to be readie to serue him giff he had to do: upone the  #
qlk, he 
grantit yame hes lyfe, and sua the said Andro wes releisit out  #
of prisone 
upon the reid-day at evin. 
   The 12 of December, the Earlis of Angus, Huntlie, and        #
Erroll, restorit,
and bure the honours frome the Parliament house to the palais   #
of 
Holyrudhous.
   The 19 of December, Home of Wedderburne and Thomas Fowlis, 
made thesaurer, comptroller, and collector. 
   The 16 of Januar, Thomas Fowlis conceivit seiknes. 
   The 8 of Februar, Johne Windiezetts, Johne Moscraip,         #
Alexander 
Lowrie, Johne Halliday, and cap=t=, James Lowrie, all hangit at #
the crosse 
for counterfeiting fals wreittis, quhilk wes grate pitie to     #
sie. 
   The 17 of Februar, the King being in the grate kirk of       #
Edinburghe 
at the sermone, M=r= Patrick Gallaway red out ane tikit, the    #
forme or 
maner of the devisione of the four kirkis of Ed=r= ane quarter  #
of the 
toune to everie kirke. 
   The said 17 of Februar, betwix 9 and 10 in the morneing,     #
ane grate 
darknes be reasone of eclipes, sic ane darknes hes not beine    #
sene, for 
the haill pipell w=t=in Ed=r:= yat knew not quhat it wes,       #
thought yat it had 
bene Duimsday. Merchantis and utheris yat wer ignorant,         #
steikit ther 
buith doris and ran to the kirke to pray, as gif it had bene    #
the last day. 
   The 20 day of Februar, Thomas Dobie drounit himself in the   #
Quarrel 
holes besyde the Abbay, and upone the morne, he wes harlit      #
throw 
the toune backward, and therafter hangit on the gallows. 
   The 12 of Marche, the convention or assemblie in Dundie. 
   The 14 of Marche, the Quein's brother came to Ed=r:= Hes     #
styll, the 
Duck of Holsten.
<P 46>
   The 18 of Apryll, Ed=r= wes devydit in four quarters to be   #
four parochines. 
   The 19 of Apryle, M=r= Ro=t= Bruce receavit and admittit. 
   The 26 of Apryle, M=r= James Balfour maid mariage and        #
baptisme in 
the Littil Kirk, qlk wes ye first yat wes done in yat kirk. 
   In ye beginning of yis moneth, the societie begun to y=r:=   #
work at the 
Gray Friar kirke. 
   The 2 of Maii, the Duck of Holsten got ane banquet in        #
M'Morran's 
ludging given by the toune of Ed=r.= The King's M: and the      #
Queine 
being both yr: ther wes grate solemnitie and mirrines at the    #
said banquet. 
   The 27 of Maii, the laird of Johnestoun his pictor hung at   #
the 
crosse with hes heid dounwart, and declarit ane mansworne man;  #
and 
upone the 5 of Junii, he, and hes complices, wer put to the     #
horne, and 
pronuncit rebellis at the crosse be opin proclamatione. 
   The 3 of Junii, the Duck of Holsten, the Quein's M: brother, #
tuik 
schipping at Leithe: to his bonalay, 60 shott of ordinance      #
shott of the 
bulvarke of Leithe. 
   The same 3 of Junii, Robert Cathcart slaine pisching at the  #
wall in 
Peibleis wynd heid be W=m= Stewart, sone to S=r= W=m= Stewart.  #
The same 
Robert Cathcart wes at the slaughter of the said S=r= W=m=      #
Stewart befoir, 
sua yai yat slayis will be slaine. The said S=r= William        #
Stewart, q=n= he 
wes slaine, wes in the Earle Bothuell's companie. 
   In yis zeir of God, the ait maill sold for 6 sh: the peck,   #
and 5 sh: 
and 6d. the peck. 
   The 26 of Junii, ane conventioun haldin, at qlk ther wes     #
maid certaine 
actis: 1. Concerneing the agrement of the deidlie feids. 2. Of 
yame yat wer put to the horne for slaughter. 3. Ane act for     #
the 9 Barones
that had tane the Iyles in few. 4. Y=t= the Monday sould be a   #
day 
of absteining from work. 5. That nae man speik for the laird    #
of 
Johnestoun, nor speik w=t= him, nor haue to doe w=t= him. 6.    #
The Earll 
<P 47>
of Angus maid lieutenant and wardene of the border. 7. That the #
debt 
awand by hes Maiestie to Thomas Fowlis, be payit in 6 zeirs,    #
viz. 30 
thousands merkis everie zeir. 8. The Bischope of Glasgow        #
restorit to 
hes liweing of the bischopric of Glasgow. 
   The last of yis Junii, ane suddaine fyir in Leithe. 
   The 10 of Julii, ane man, sume callit him a juglar, playit   #
sic sowple 
tricks upone ane tow, qlk wes festinit betwix the tope of S=t=  #
Geills kirk 
steiple and ane stair beneathe the crosse, callit Josias close  #
heid, the lyk 
wes nevir sene in yis countrie, as he raid doune the tow and    #
playit sa 
maney pavies on it. 
   The 3 of Aguste, ane tumult or faucht in the border be       #
deceit of 
Inglismen: q=n= the Scottismen wer at the hunting, yai wer sett #
on be the 
Inglismen, q=r= yair wes 6 Scottismen slaine, and 40 gentlemen  #
tane be 
the Inglismen.
   About yis same tyme, Neil M'Lane slaine, and twentie of hes  #
narrest 
freindis, and hes awen sone, be M'Connell, yai being at ane     #
tryst under 
trust. 
   The 23 of October, ane proclamatione of the laird of         #
Merkistoun,
that he tuik upone hand to make the land mair profitable nor    #
it wes befoir, 
be the sawing of salt upone it. 
   The 28 of October, Colonel S=r= William Stewart, with hes    #
complices, 
maid saill out of Leithe to the Iyles and Lewis, &c.
   The conventioun the last of October. Hes M. with hes         #
Estaitis, decernit
ane act concerning the papistis and jesuitis, yat nae persone   #
intertein
yame. Ane uther concerneing yame yat made excus for deidlie 
feids, yat yai wald not come and receive the communione, nor    #
be annuellie 
with them, bot remainit obstinat from the Lordis. 3.            #
Concerneing
horneris, yat yai sould be put in ane table, and yair names     #
writtin 
and hung at the mercat crosse of the heid burgh of schyr; w=t=  #
sundrie 
uther circumstances. 4. The forreine cunzie to have na passage  #
as of 
befoir; the Frenche croune III. 4.; the Inglishe teston 13. 6.; #
the 
ryal of 8. 4. 3. 4. 
<P 48> 
   The first of No=r=: the tolbuith alterit; and upone the 4    #
day, being 
the Sabbathe, ther wes preiching in it, and baptisme: the same  #
alteration
wes alterit to the former estait w=t=in fyve zeir after. 
   The 6 of No=r=: the King came to Ed=r=: to sie the           #
Magistratis chosen, 
and chusit Alexander Seton Lord Fyvie, and president of         #
Scotland, Provost
of Edinburghe: Baillies, viz. William Hamiltone, Johne          #
Moristone,
James Foreman, and Johne Lowrie. 
   The 19 and 20 of November, the Lordis Supper ministred in    #
all the 
4 several parioch kirks of Ed=r=: quhilk wes the first tyme     #
after the alteration
of the tolbuith. 
   The 5 of Februar, Lentrone began, bot wes stayit, be         #
reasone of 
the banquet and mariage of the Earle of Sutherland and M=r=: of #
Forbes 
w=t= twa dochters of the Mr of Elphingston. 
   The 12 of Februar, the laird of Riccarton stricken throw     #
the bodie 
be the twa brether of the Borthicks.
   The 15 of Februar, twa men hangit at the crosse for fals     #
l=res=
   The 16, James Corbet wryter, hangit in lyke maner. 
   The 20 of Marche, the assemblie haldin at Montros; sex       #
ministers 
chosen to be upone the secret counsell, and to have vot in      #
Parliament. 
   The 27 of Marche, the convention at Perthe. 
   The 2 of Apryll, being the Sabbathe day, Robert Achmutie,    #
barber, 
slew James Wauchope at the combat in S=t= Leonard's Hill, and,  #
upone 
the 23, the said Rt put in ward in the tolbuith of Ed=r=: and   #
in the meine 
tyme of hes being in ward, he hang ane cloke w=t=out the window #
of the 
ironehous, and anuther w=t=in the window y=r=, and saying yat   #
he wes seik,
and might not sie the light: he had aquafortis continuallie     #
seithing at 
the irone window, quhill at the last the irone window wes       #
eiten throw;
sua, upone a morneing, he caused hes prentes boy attend quhen   #
the 
toune gaird should have dissolvit, at qlk tyme the boy waitit   #
one and 
gaif hes Mr ane token yat ye said gaird wer gone, be the schaw  #
or waiff 
<P 49> 
of hes hand-curche. The said Rot; hung out an tow, q=r=on he    #
thought 
to have comeit doune; the said gaird spyit the waiff of the     #
handcurche, 
and sua the said Rot: wes disappoyntit of hes intentione and    #
devys;
and sua, on the 10 day, he wes beheidit at the crosse upone     #
ane scaffolt.
   The 2 of Julii, the laird of Johnestoun restorit to hes      #
honours at 
the crosse of Ed=r=, be the proclamatione of a herald and 4     #
trumpettis. 
   The same 2 day, Johne Kinland of Waristone murderit be hes   #
awin 
wyff and servant man, and her nurische being also upone the     #
conspiracy.
   The said gentilwoman being apprehendit, scho wes tane to the #
girth 
crosse upon the 5 day of Julii, and her heid struck fra her     #
bodie at the 
Cannagait fit, quha diet verie patiently. Her nurische wes      #
brunt at the 
same tyme, at 4 houres in the morneing, the 5 of Julii.
   The 11 of Julii, the laird of Carmichael buriet, quha wes    #
slaine be 
the Armstrangis and Carliles, he doing and executing his        #
office of wardenrie, 
upone the 16 of Junii befoir.
   The same 11 of Julii, newis came out of Flanders, of ane     #
batell 
fouchten at Newport, or betwix it and Slus, upone the 23 of     #
Junii befoir,
q=r= ther wes slaine 4 thousand Scottis and Inglish, and        #
sicklyke slaine 
of [^BLANK^] Spanzeardis 7 thousand men. 
   The 19 of Julii, Colonell Edmont landit at Leithe, and       #
haldin at 
great reputatione for hes wisdome and activitie in the waris    #
of Flanders. 
   The 21 of Julii, at 9 houres at evin, a combat or tuilzie    #
betwix twa 
brether of the Dempsters, and ane of yame slaine be Johne       #
Wilsone, 
and being tane wi hait bluid, he wes execut at the              #
flesche-stocks, qr: he
had slaine the man the nicht befoir. 
   The 5 of Auguste, his M: the King being invitit be the       #
Earle of 
Gowrie to banket w=t= him at the said Earle his hous at S=t=    #
Johnestoun.
The said Earle and hes brother bearing, or haveing malice and   #
deidlie 
hatred in their hairtis agains the King y=r= naturall prince,   #
yai had deuysit 
ane way to have tane hes lyff; bot the Lord preventit ther      #
intentione. 
The maner of the conspiracie wes - Quhen they fund occatioun    #
that hes 
M: haill nobillis and courtiers wer gone furthe, the twa        #
brether desyrit 
<P 50>
his M: to goe and sie yair cabinet. His M: a blist soul,        #
thinking of no 
euil, went w=t= yame, q=r= they enterit in gripis w=t= him w=t= #
dageris to have 
slaine him. The King of kingis, the grate God, gave him         #
strenthe;
sua that he twist the Mr: of Gowrie under hes feit: and befoir  #
the Lord 
hes brother came to hes M: he cryit ouir ane window, Treasone!  #
Treasone!
In the meine tyme, the foirsaid twa brether, had ane man        #
standing 
behind the tapestrie in armes with ane twa handit sword in his  #
hand, 
quha wes ordeinit, giff yair sould come aney helpe, he sould    #
come 
furthe and keip the dore till the murder sould be done; bot it  #
pleasit 
God yat he wes maid powerless, and could not steir out of the   #
place qr:
he stuid. In the meine tyme that hes M: and the twa brether     #
are at the 
wrestling, Thomas Erskine and Johne Ramsay, hes M: page of      #
honour 
for the tyme, came rinning up to the cabinet qr: yair pntlie:   #
wes hard 
payment: at the last, the twa brether conspyreris of hes M:     #
baith wer 
stikit; and the Lord preservit the holy innocent prince. 
   The newis came to Edr: the 6 day of August, that hes M: had  #
escapit 
sic ane danger, q=r=at yair wes sic ioy yat the canons shott,   #
the bellis rang, 
the trumpettis soundit, the drums strak. The toune rais in      #
armes with 
schutting of muskettis, casting of fyir workes, and banefyirs   #
set furth, 
in sic maner the lyk wes nevir sene in Scotland, ther wes sic   #
dancing 
and mirrines all the nicht. 
   The same day, in lyk maner, the  Earle of Montrois being     #
chanseler, 
the Master of Elphingston thesaurer, Sir David Murray           #
comptroller, 
S=r= James Elphingston collector, w=t= sundrie uther nobillis,  #
went to the 
crosse of Edin=r:= and yair hard Mr: David Lindesay mak ane     #
orisone, and 
the haill peiple sett down on yr: knies, giving thanks to God   #
for the 
King's deliuerance out of sic ane grate danger. 
   The 11 day of Auguste, being Monday, the King came ouer the  #
water. 
The toune, with the haill suburbis, met him upone the sandis    #
of 
Leithe in armes, w=t= grate ioy, and schutting of muskettis,    #
and shaking
of pikes. He went to the kirk of Leith to Mr: David Lindesayis  #
orisone. 
Y=r=after, the toune of Edr: haveing conveinit up to Edr:, and  #
standing at 
<P 51>
the hie gaitt, hes M: past to the crosse, the crosse being      #
hung wt: tapestrie,
and went up y=r=on wt: his nobillis. M=r= Patrick Gallaway      #
being yair, 
made ane sermone upone the 124 psalm; he declarit the haill     #
circumstances 
of the treasone proposit by the Earle of Gowrie and hes         #
brother, 
qlk the King testifiet be hes awen mouth sitting upone the      #
crosse all the 
tyme of the sermone. 
   The nixt day following, at 6 houris at evin, the fyve        #
ministers of 
Edr: banischit be opin proclamation and sound of trumpet at     #
the crosse, 
for not affirming the King's words qlk he ratifiet at the       #
crosse. Thair 
names, M=r= Robert Bruce, M=r= James Balfour, M=r= William      #
Watsone, 
M=r= Walter M'Canquell, M=r= John Hall, and chargit yame yat    #
yai come 
not w=t=in ten myles of hes M:, nor w=t=in ten myles to Edr,    #
and charging 
yame not to teich and preich, under the paine of deathe. 



<B SDIA2C>
<Q SC2 NN DIARY JOHNSTO>
<N JOHNSTON DIARY>
<A JOHNSTON WARISTON>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1632-1639>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T DIARY PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y 20-40>
<H HIGH PROF>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E X>
<J X>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z NARR NON-IMAG>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^DIARY OF SIR ARCHIBALD JOHNSTON OF WARISTON, 1632-1639.
ED. GEORGE MORISON PAUL.
SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY, 61.
EDINBURGH 1911. 

SAMPLE 1: PP. 366.37-380.39
SAMPLE 2: PP. 400.8-412.5^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 366> 
   On Mononday I heard of Gods work in mooving the doctors
of St. Androis, with confession of thair fault and profession 
of repentance, to subscryv and suear the covenant solemnely. 
<P 367>
I thought that Gods providence was remarquable in schuting 
out Mitchel, Thomson, Fletcher, Eliot, out of thair auin 
churches on the sam day tuelmonth they begoud to read 
the service book, and in putting in honest men to preatche 
in thair churches three sermons in that day of publik           #
humiliation
for this cause of God, quhylas they thought that day 
tuelmonth to haive custine out all refuising preatchers, and 
al preatching itselth; and in maiking the Counsel of Scotland 
quho had sat last on the Foorsday bygon tuelmonth befor, 
23 July, returne to sit in Edr. that same Foorsday tuelmonth. 
Gods works ar wonderful and his wayes remarqueable, bot we 
taik not paines to remarque or remember them and prayse 
him for them. That day I fand Gods assistance in revising
and correcting the Inglisch Information, and got good in the 
Tuesday morning. 
   On Wednesday, 25, in the morning I recommended to the 
Lord Mairion Barton, nurse to my daughter Eppie, quho was 
going to be maried that day, and sought the Lords blissing
thairunto in Chryst Jesus. 
   On Foorsday I was, by my exspectation, comandit to goe to 
Glasgou for setling the trouble was thair and the aparent 
rent was to be in the whol body; at desner I satisfyed my 
L. Montgomry, young Blair, and Mr. Gavin Forsyth. Afternoone,
being urged to goe, I gart refuise Mr. Gilbert Rosse, 
chuse Mr. Hery Rollok, and helped to drau over my L. Yester 
to the journey. I refuised Mr. Hery Rollok and Mr. Robert 
Dalgleisch for my auin ease to send out for my L. Balmerinos 
bildert; [\'Bilder, obs rare, a kind of horse, a nag.' -        #
Murray's New English Dictionary.\] sent out for my auin bot on  #
Frayday morning after  
prayer, seing myselth disapoynted, was in a great raige at my 
man, and was only setled with this thought that the Lord
had a providence in hindering me, and if he had any thing
a doe with he wald caive his providence in furnisching me. 
Haiving sent to al pairts and finding no horse to hyre nor 
to borrou, I went to the closehead to persuade Mr. Hery
<P 368>
and the burroues to goe without me; and, going to the port 
for that end, by gods providence drauing good out of evil 
the first man we meet with is my L. Balmerinos man with 
his litle bilzard, quhilk I out of discretion had refuised to   #
send
for. This rancounter of Gods particular providence incouraged
us al, and assured me of so good successe to the busines and 
of Gods using me as ane instrument thairin. I ryde behind 
the rest and thought on this and uther siklyk particular
acts quhairin I durst not deny the sight of Gods particular 
hand. At night we came to Glascou and the noblemen, 
Yester, Montgomry, Fleiming; siklyk al Saturday we had 
many difficulties meiting and reasonings foranoone with Patrik 
Bell, quhom we mooved to delyver his protestation and subscryve
simply with the ministers, to quhom I, being comanded, 
did represent the whol busines in a long discours. Afternoone,
I conferred the space of tuo hours and dreu over the 
Principal in our meiting; and, hearing Capringtoun and the 
Principal of Edr. (to induce the regents to passe from thair 
protestations) to declaire verbo that the Covenant itselth 
conteined thes same restrictions, did reserve thair judgment 
and rayther import that thes things in themselves wer allouable
nor disallouable, I rose and publickly protested in naime 
of the whol Covenanters, especyaly of thos quho in thair        #
consciences
condemned thos things,- amongst quhom I professed 
myselth ever to haive bein,- that no declaration eyther verbo
or scripto of that kynd sould eyther be maid be any of the 
Commissioners, nor suffred to be maid by any quho offred 
to subscryve, seing it was not only without the bounds, bot 
contrair to the whol tenor of our commission, quho cam thair 
only to cancell al declarations of that kynd already maid and
to imped the lyk in tyme coming; and I urged that any man, 
quho would subscryve, sould subscryve (\cum silentio et in 
comuni forma\) without expression of any reservation            #
quhatsomever;
<P 369>
and for cleiring the point itselth I declaired that, 
for the old Confession, it wer temeritie and disobedience to 
the General Assemblies and Acts of Counsel to seek              #
interpretations
and declarations of it, and ane high praesumption in 
us to give them; and as for that clause in the last addition, 
concerning our forbearing of practise and approbation til 
tryel, did not indeed medle with our judgments anent the 
laufulnes or unlaufulnes of them. After great disputing and 
thortrings Mr. Arch. Fleming and tuo doctors subscryved 
simply; al the protestations wer delyvered to be cancelled;
the ministers ordained publikly in pulpit to declaire thair 
sorrou; the Principal got fyfteine dayes for to advyse.         #
Thairafter 
in the toune house we was al maid burgesses. 
   On Sunday I heard Mr. Jhon Bell foranoone; and Mr. Hery 
Rollok afternoone upon Jacobs wrastling, 'Let me goe for 
morning apeareth,' 'I wil not let the goe except thou blisse 
me,' quhairupon Mr. Hery for tuo hours spaice went beyound 
himselth, was wonderfully assisted, and mooved mightely the 
people that day. The ministers maid thair confessions. 
   On Mononday Mr. H. Rollok preatched and thanked the 
Lord for his providence and successe in that our voyage quhilk 
I had almost omitted, craives pardon, and thanks the Lord 
for that work. The Proclamation coming to Glasgou by Gods 
providence, with the noblemen, gentlemen, burroues, and 
ministers I went up to the crosse and read solemnly the 
lairge Protestation; thairafter the Principal subscryved        #
simply. 
Afternoone, I went to Loudoun, and thair finding neyther 
Lord nor Lady, quhyle I was going away not knouing weal 
quhair to goe I was recalled by sight of them. That night 
my Lady and I discoursed til tuo hours of the morning, 
and I got good in the praying with hir and seing hir 
mooved. 
   On Tuesday afternoone and at night, after good conference,
I recomended hir to God. 
   Being deteaned on Wedensday I heard sermon foranoone, 
conferred afternoone with Mr. R. Blair; after supper with 
my Lady about Gods providence in bringing hir and hir 
<P 370>
husband to that unlooked for estait, and his contrarie yet as 
gracious a providence to me in disapoynting me of great 
estaits, quhilk sundry looked for unto me; - as first, quhen my 
grandsir S=r= Jhon Arnot offred to buy Graunton to me, then 
by my goodsirs deceas, then by my faythers naime in my 
guidames lands quhilk bot by ane particular act of Gods         #
providence 
schoe was remembred to follou hir affection in 
chainging them to my uncles naime, then by my uncles 
unlooked for children, then by removeal of my first wyfe 
with quhom it was thought quhat (\in re\) quhat (\in spe\) I    #
had 
gottin my airmes full of the world. Thairafter I got good 
in prayer. 
   On Foorsday morning I went with my Lady through the 
Beleif and applyed it in prayer. Being convoyed by my Lord 
beyound Loudonhill, meikle of the way I remembred my 
yesternights discours of the contrarietie of Gods providences, 
yet both gracious, to divers persons; and I thought that this 
same sight of Gods hand in thos disapoyntments of ordinary 
apearances and secondary means confirmed my hope and 
exspectation of his promised dealing evin aboundantly with 
me, notwithstanding I fand presently the contrary of my 
estait running al to ruyne; and the sight of som peices of 
mettal brought out of som of my L. Loudons hill maid me 
cast my thoughts if perhaps it was by som accidental mean as 
of coal in my ground, or by som unexpected way of succession, 
or his visible blissing on my lauful calling, he was to blisse  #
me. 
Howsoever my heart was so fully quyeted with that thought 
of my auin happines that my lot and portion was not in my 
auin carving nor praescryving, bot in the hand of my wyse, 
kynd, omnipotent, provident Fayther, on quhom alon and 
allanerly I reposed my rest. 
   On Frayday I heard hou matters went in Aiberdein that 
<P 371>
glaids bird, and receaved letters with ane Bible ful of      
pictures 
from London. 
   On Saturday I was idle with Mr. R. Lighton. 
   On Sunday I heard Mr. Jhon Chairtres on that Psalme,
125, 'They that trust in the Lord ar lyk Mount Zion.'
   On Tuesday I heard the Marquis was coming, gat neu 
lettres of faire neues from Ingland, got good that night and 
the morning thairafter in my familie, and hearing Mr. Jh.
Burne on that of Isay, 'In returning to the Lord is saifty,     #
and 
in confidence is your strenth.'
   On Foorsday night I dreamed the great danger I was 
brought in, to be minted with ane straik of an quhinger by the 
King himselth, bot without great skaith. I got good hearing 
Mr. James Scharpe on the Cananitisch woman; and I prayed
the Lord to give me occasion both of remarquing his general 
favors to this churche, and his particular favors to me in it   #
in 
this subsequent moneth and treatie with the Commissioner; that 
ever the Lords work may advance, and the Lord may contineu 
the imploying of his unworthy servant thairin for Chryst saik. 
   On Saturday I heard Mr. Hery Rollok maik the praeparation
sermon in Corstorphin upon 3 c. Coloss., 12 v., 'Put on 
thairfor as the elect of God, holy and beloved, bouels of 
<P 372>
mercies,' etc.; quhairin I got good, and in the hom ryding,
and at the hearing of Gods sudain hand on my daughter and 
his saif hand in delyvering hir againe unexpectedly from 
suerfing, and in recommending my familie to God. After 
desner, in the yaird being half custin in sleape by the devil   #
I 
rose, walked, and was wakned by meditation, and got som 
libertie. Finding the Lords Sprit coming, I went in to the old
high gallerie, and thair for ane long houre I got extreame      #
great 
libertie of pouring out my verry heart in Gods bosome with 
a sueat schoure of melting tears and sobs, and with ane long 
pouerful intercourse betuixt the Sprit of God and my saule, 
ever quaestioning of the Lord quhat he demanded and requyred 
of me; and, at every poynt and particle quhilk the Sprit        #
condiscended 
on al or mor nor ane hundreth particulars, my 
saule ever echoed back unto him with ane earnest petition for 
every point that he craived; as quhen he instanced that I
sould seek his face, setle my heart, and fixe my delight on     #
the 
light of his countenance, consecrat saule and body to his 
service, glorifie him in my lyfe and death, walk in him, with, 
and befor him, interteany the motions, follou the directions, 
beleive the consolations, feare the checks of his Sprit,        #
submit 
my will, familie, chyld, staite, naime, calling, absolutly to   #
his 
cutting and carving thairupon, to grou in union and comunion
with him; and so forth, for half ane houre, my saule 
rebounded with great fervencie ane particular petition to 
every particular demand, as, 'O my God, thou knoues my 
inabilitie, unworthines, guiltines, and gracelesnes; O Lord, I
desyre to seek thy face, maik me seek it and find it; I desyre 
to consecrat and imploy my saule in thy service bot I cannot:
O Lord thou, quho only can doe it, doe it for Chryst Jesus 
saik.' After this half hours continual intercourse in this      #
kynd 
with a neu rusch of tears at every particular demand of God
and my sauls aunsuear (quhilk was as sensible betuixt us as if  #
I 
had bein speiking face to face with God, yea as mutch mor 
sensible as the senses of the saule being fully possessed and 
taiken up with divyne objects ar mor sensible and               #
understanding 
nor the senses of the body) my saule got itselth fully          #
disburthened
on my God, and was comanded to receave the morrou
the sacrament as ane infallible pledge of Gods glorifying the 
aeternallie with himselth, and ane undoubted gage of the Lords 
<P 373>
glorifying himselth in thy lyfe and death, yea, in thy calling 
and in this thy particular imployment in his auin cause, 
quhilk he in his auin tyme wald assuredly perfyte and use the, 
albeit of al the most unworthie, yet as ane main instrument 
in his hand for that end; yea, as ane sure taiken that the 
Lord wald contineu his former maner of dealing with the in 
his outward providence and inward indulgence as sensible and 
visible to the, for the, and in the, yea mor nor ever befor;
wald performe al his promises quhairon he had maid you to 
trust; aunsuer your hopes; heare your petitions; croune the 
odnes of his beginnings with as odde ane progresse, ane odder 
end; and force the befor thou went of the world to acknouledge 
he had doone al this and mutch [{mor{] nor thou could ask, 
think, or beleive, yea evin that the Lord wald blisse visibly   #
his 
servant and his house, albeit thair was no present apearances 
bot of the contrary, quhairin yet I fully submitted my wil 
and also my interest of former hoopes and promises, if therby 
he might ony wayes be mor glorified, or his churche aedified 
by the contrary. Thairafter, befor supper, in the publik
prayer for the space of ane hour I was mightely mooved, and 
I got som good after supper. 
   On Sunday foranoone I heard Mr. Dav. Basilly on 4 Luik, 
of Chrysts reading the passage of Isay anent his coming to 
bind up the brokin hearted, and to preatch the acceptable yeir 
of the Lord. Thairafter I got good at the taible. Afternoone
I heard Mr. James Sharpe on 14 Hosea, 'I wil heale 
thair bakslydings, and love them freily'; quhilk I prayed the 
Lord to verefie the first pairt in me, as he had verified the 
second. As in my familie in the morning I had gottin libertie, 
after great deadnes in privat, quherby I promised to            #
acknouledge 
his mor immediat if he wald breath lyfe upon the dead bones;
so, after my privat retyring at night, for a long houre I got
good in my publik exercise befor supper, and som after supper. 
   On Mononday morning I got som good in privat and publik. 
On Tuesday I looked over Arnisaeus Politiks. On Wedensday
<P 374>
foranoone I was comanded to drau up som reasons if defence 
of ane of burroues ratifying the Covenant, and som reasons for 
chainge of moderators, quhairin both I fand Gods particular 
facilitating assistance; and therby was incouraged to venter    #
on 
the drauing up of som reasons against the praelimitation of 
Assemblee, quhairin I fand ane most present influence of Gods 
Sprit dyting it in me, and distilling it through me as bot 
through a chanel; quhilk moved me to exspect that God hes 
som good to doe be it, and maid me sensibly acknouledge and 
thank him in my nixt publik exercise both morning and evening. 
   On Foorsday morning, quhyl I am ending the last reasons, 
Mr. David Aytoun brings me in the first volume of the 
books of the General Assemblee, quhilk we haive bein seiking 
thes many year and could never heir tell of til nou; blissed
be the naime of the Lord our God quhos good hand, of ane 
gracious providence, is so sensible to cast al things and       #
means 
necessar in our lappe, and to remove al impediments out of 
the waye quhilk he suffers to fall in neyther for our sins nor 
sins of our faythers, as Chryst sayd of the blind man in 
the Gospel, bot that he might glorifie himselth in the 
removeal of them out of the waye, and manifestation of his 
mor visible in the perfyting and the perfection of his work 
through so many difficulties castin in be our adversaries, 
quhilk our Lord both turnes the furthering of thair ruyne 
and advancing of his auin work, and forceth us to seie it and 
to acknouledge it. Blissed be his naime for ever and ever;
and, O my saule, blisse thou him for ever and ever. 
   On Frayday morning, we gat elevin articles from the 
Commissioner to be performed by us befor the indiction. 
That afternoone we reasoned and dreu up in a committe 
som aunsuears to them. 
   On Saturday morning, the ministers Taible and the uther
threie Taibles differing about elders choysing of Commissioners
from presbyteries, Rothes and Loudon with som barons, 
<P 375>
burroues, went to the ministers, quhair the Lord mooved 
and inaibled me to cleir the quaestion from the 2 Book of 
Discipline and Act of Parl. 1592, quhilk did mutch good and 
settle us al in unitie. Afternoone, we delyvered our aunsuears 
to the Commissioner, quho protested that his resaiving them 
might not be called ane acquiescing with them.
   On Sunday I heard on Mr. J. Admiston preatch foranoone 
on 1 Corinth. 16 ch. 13 v., 'Watch ye, stand fast in the faith, 
quyt you lyk men, be strong'; and afternoone, Mr. J. Bennet 
on 10 Exod. 24 til the end, quhair he spook verry fitly
for the tyme, and quhair I applyed the hinder end of the 
26, v. 'And we knou not with quhat we must serve the Lord 
until we come thither,' unto our general aunsuear against 
al conditions and praelimitations of the General Assemblee 
quhilk most decyde al by Gods assistance. 
   Upon Mononday, the Commissioner his aunsuer was delayed
til Tuesday. That night Mr. Alr. H. got my ten 
reasons, quhilk he dreu up in sevin. 
   On Tuesday, we heard Mr. D. Dik preatch on 5 ch. 1 Jhon,
'Quho overcometh the world, bot he that beleiveth that 
Jesus is the Son of God?' Foranoone after sermon, quhilk was 
cleir against al limitations, threie noblemen spak with the 
Commissioner. At night I suped with the Inglisch gentleman
quho was nou come. 
   22 Aug.
   On Wedensday, 22, in the morning, I dreu up som reasons 
(\pro\) and (\contra\) the delay craived be the Commissioner;   #
it 
was disputt with great heat (\utrinque\) al foranoone quhair 
in the mean tyme the sight of the Marquis letter to sum 
Aiberdein doctors confirmed al refuisers of a delay, and al 
afternoone quhair againe the report of canon and armes 
come to Bervik confirmed them againe; and quhairas on
Tuesday night the souple, indefinit delay, as it wer, by on 
sprit raleing [\Ruling.\] and animating the hol foor Taibles    #
was refuised
in the verry sam expressions and for the sam reason, yet this
day the noblemen suithered and voited to ane delay, quhair
the Commissioners of the barons declaired thair absolut 
refuisal. This night againe was permitted to deliberation. 
<P 376> 
   On Foorsday morning, in the Grayfreires after Mr. A.
Ramseys sermon on 18 Revel., 'Come ye out of Babel,' on 
Jesuit Aibernethie maid his recantation and declaration, 
and was resaived within the bosome of this Kirk; after the 
quhilk, and the oportunitie of it, we blisse God and            #
acnoledgeth
his wonderful hand in both. After sermon I learned 
the project of the Kings subscryving the confessione apairt. 
Foranoone, I sustained 'no delay' against al oppugners, quhair 
in the reasoning we fell upon the point of present choysing
our commissioners for the Assembly, and after som doubts 
was cleired in this particular, first at the noblemens taible, 
then at al the rest; quhairupon we concluded to condiscend 
to the delay, bot without praejudice to us to use al lauful 
meanes of diligence for our busines, as the choysing of our 
commissioners in the interim, quhairin we sau Gods threefold
work, drauing unitie out of great distractions of mynds, 
both by diversitie of judgments, contrarietie of opinions, and 
jealousie of mens affections, maiking us al reneu our oath 
of union and of praevention of al corruptions; putting us 
a step forward by choysing our commissioners quhyle we 
was lyklie by delayes, praelimitations, corruptions, to haive 
gone many a step bakward; blissed be the name of the 
Worker by contraries. 
   On Frayday, the Commissioner refuises that condition of 
the delay (quhilk was indeed overmutch concealed) quhairupon
we was al put to a neu confusion; and in my L. Lornes 
chamber many promises, asseverations, and oaths was maid 
in the Commissioners naime that he sould treuly indevour 
and deale most earnestly for the freie Assemblee quhilk we 
craived. Then my L. Lorne publikly, at ane general meiting 
of al the Taibles in the neu checkerhouse, reneued the same 
promises and assurances. Quhairas upon this we wer al lyk 
to devyde, at night my L. Loudon and I in on pairt, my 
L. Rothes and Mr. Alr. Henderson in another, directed by 
Gods Sprit fand out this medium of delaying our choyse 
of commissioners til after the 20 of September, and then 
immediatly to be executed befor the Commissioner could 
<P 377>
devyde us be his projects and offers, threats, and              #
proclamations, 
quherby we al in on judgment agreied upon Saturday, 
blissed be the Lord, and delyvered to the Commissioner som 
articles quhilk he was to recommend to the King. He went 
away presently, and we dreu up in a privat Committe directions
hou to order the elections in presbyteries; the Lord mor 
and mor direct us for Chryst Jesus saik, and taik caire least 
his auin churche suffer any detriment be thir delayes. 
   On Sunday morning in Costorphin yaird I dreu up betuixt 
the bells a narration of our proceidings anent the declaration 
of the Covenant, and our arguments preiving that the            #
Commissioner 
was weal satisfyed thairwith, quhilk thairafter was 
the ground of Mr. Aler. his aunsuear to the Marquis his         #
declaration.
I heard foranoone Mr. D. Dick upon 5 Acts v. 29,
'Better to obey God then man'; quherby he prooved that 
disobedience to God could not be obedience to authoritie, -
(\nec contra\) , obedience to God could be disobedience to 
authoritie, it might weal be disobedience to man.
   Upon Mononday, Mr. David and I went in to Edr., mett in 
privat with Mr. Alr. and Mr. D. Calderwood, dreu up our
directions, publik for presbyteries conteaning the draught of
the Commission, and privat for trustie persons. Afternoone,
<P 378> 
we dreu up the publik letter to be sent to presbyteries, and
reasons for  ruling elders, and against constant moderators. 
   On Tuesday, we heard Mr. William Colin preatch on 102 
Ps. 13v., 'Thou wilt aryse and haive mercie upon Zion, for 
the apoynted tyme is come.' Afternoone I distributed amongst 
the ministers for every presbyterie on of the printed reasons 
for the assemblee, on of the publik, on of the privat           #
directions, 
on of the reasons for ruling elders. That night, and on 
Wedensday morning, I got the letters subscryved be the 
noblemen, barons, ministers, burroues, and delyvered the 
letters to the ministers that afternoone; siklyk, letters to 
the schyres was delyvered to the barons. 
   On Foorsday I wryte out my aunsuear to D. Corse, and 
gaive it to Mr. D. Calderwood quho was aunsuering it fully. 
   On Frayday morning I was verrie seak, had a great loosnes 
in my belly; heard Mr. Robert Bruce upon Chryst casting the 
buyers and sellers out of the temple. I went out to Wairistone,
and remembred hou the Lord had brought me up 
through many diseases in my bairne aige, contrair to any 
bodies exspectation; did yet every yeir nurtur me by yeirly
seaknesses and paines to hold me lou; and yet assured me he 
was not soone to remove me, bot was praepairing great things 
for me, and me for them; 'Blissed be his naime', sayd my saule,
'for this his continual kyndnesse, and blissed be his naime     #
that 
at this last meiting maid us to advance in his cause, at least  #
in 
resolution, tuo great steps, the on of restoring ruling         #
elders, 
quhilk wil mainteane our kirk discipline and hold Episcopacie
at the staffe end, the uther of chusing commissioners to the 
assemblee befor they be distracted, brybed, corrupted.' I pray 
the Lord we may heare of the Lords hand holding hand to 
the execution of thir resolutions quhilk he put in our mynds, 
so we may seie the Lords work further and further advancing
to his glory and our comfort, for Chrysts saik. 
   On Sunday, I heard Mr. Jhon Chairtres, and read privatly
the treatise of 'Timothy and Titus unbischoped.' That day, 
amongst uther thoughts, it pleased the Lord to bring to my 
<P 379>
mynd that he resolved to justifie al the former proceidings of 
his saints our forfaythers, quho opposed and resisted al thes   #
corruptions
quhilk nou we ar endevouring to roote; and quhairas 
thair action of protesting (in face of Assembly and Parliament)
in naime of the reformed churche of Scotland was reproved 
by many as both usles to us, and hurtful rayther by irritating 
authoritie; nou the Lord schaues the laufulnes and expediencie
of that, quhilk as it held lyfe in the cause and keeped the 
Lord as it wer in a legal possession of his right and           #
priviledges 
quhairof he was violently robbed by mens tyrannie, so nou it 
is justified by the most pairt of this whol churche and         #
kingdomes
adhaering to thos Protestations, Greivances, and Supplications
maid of old to Assemblies, Parl:, Counsels, against 
thes corruptions. And, quhairas thos worthy servants of God 
wer confyned and condemned as traitors for holding Aiberdeins 
Assembly and declyning the Counsail, the Lord wil haive us to 
justifie that passage also as we haive doone by our printed 
Reasons for ane Assemblee, our Resolutions and Declarations, 
in word and deed, to hold it without the kings indiction; and 
nou by chusing commissioners to it afor hand; by our auin 
declyning of the Counsail, and declairing in our schort         #
relation 
that the Assembly sould only haive judged of thair proceidings,
and can only judge of ours. Lykas I remembred that the 
Lord by Balmerinos proces was maiking way for this busines, 
albeit contrair to the then aparant reason; and, by my parerga 
and distractions fra my calling to Parquer, Amesius,            #
Cartwright 
and siklyk for ane yeir or tuo was therby praepairing me (by 
my knouledge and exspectation) for this present imployment. 
Oh, the deipnes of the wysdome of the wayes of the Lord!
 Al the nixt week I was reading Altare Damascenum de 
Episcopo and Parquers 3 book de Politeia.
   Upon Frayday, after distractions with my Lady Cranston  
and my L. Balmerino, I sate up the most pairt of the night 
maiking Annas compts, quherby I fand myselth adebted to 
hir above ane thousand pounds quhairof  I did not befor 
dreame, quhilk reneued my feares o my estaits undermynding
running to dogdraive and dyverie, and with the thoughts 
<P 380>
thairof confounded me and begoud to dasch my assurances
and exspectations evin of the Lords liberal external dealing 
with me; bot that, in the verry mean tyme of thir my confused 
thoughts, the Lord brought to my mynd his particular caire 
and providence in casting in my lap, during al my wants and 
sumptuous expenses of building and spending ever aboundance 
of moneys albeit perteining to uthers, as first Riccartons 
moneys, then Beatrix hir moneys, then Anna hir moneys 
quherby the Lord hes staiked me in the mean tyme, and be 
that his provyding caire forassures me that, in his auin tyme, 
he wil find out the wayes (quhilk semes nou to be hedged in 
on al hands and syds) quherby to releave my estait and mynd 
both of this burden of debts, compts and reckonings. For, as 
he never cust me on a great straite, lot me seie ane            #
impossibilitie
to winne out of it by human helpe or apearance of a 
secondarie mean, maid me notwithstanding thairof both cry 
to him and trust in him, bot he heard me above my prayer 
and blissed me above my desyre, and forced me thairafter to 
acknouledge both in his presence out of ane sensible            #
experience,
as naimly and mainly in the setling me in my calling 
and imploying me thairin immediatly to his glory, so nou I 
am in this particular mutch straitned, seieth many              #
impossibilities,
yet calleth and trusteth in the promises and forassurances
from my God, and certainly wil find the constancie of 
the same maner of dealing in the event; albeit evin nou whyle 
I am wryting, the world, reason, sense, al apearances, and 
secundarie means beareth on my throat and sueareth in my 
face to the contrary; yet evin in this particular, beyound,     #
above, 
yea contrair to hope, I rest on the infallible love,            #
irresistable 
pouer, indulgent providence, and forseing, forcairing wysdome
of my Lord, my God, my Fayther, my Saviour, my Sanctifier, 
quho persuads me as in the principal, so in this corollarie of 
the neu covenant to me in that maner and measure quhairin
the world schal seie, and I schal be forced to acknouledge,     #
the 
Lords outward providence to drop fatnes in my lape; to cover 
my taible in despyte of my enemies; to maik my portion of
fatt and marrou in pleasant places; and to maik my cup to 
overfloue. Remember, O Lord, thy promises quhairon thou
forceth thy servant to trust. 

<S SAMPLE 2>

<P 400>
   Upon Saturday morning, Mr. Airthour Mortoun and I disputed
anent constant moderators and anent bischops, and 
anent the expedience or inexpedience of offending the king 
or the weak Christian, quhairin I got and gaive mor and mor
light. By the way, Mr. Alr. Henderson told me, quhen I 
was schauing him the absolut necessitie that he most be the 
Moderator, that the Lord had bein humbling him and 
exercising his mynd the whol moneth befor, quhilk I told him 
I took as ane praesage that the Lord was to use him as ane 
greater instrument of his work in his hand, albeit he was 
emptying him out of himselth befor hand: and, I thinking 
again and again, I took sutch ane impression of God will in 
poynting out that man as the man quhos hand he had blissed 
hitherto and wald blisse cheifly in that main work, that I 
went through the noblemen, and barons, and maid every on 
sensible of that impression.
   Haiving come to Glascou and brought in the Commiss.
with intelligence of the bischops being in Hamilton, I was 
vexed that night with irresolution anent my lodging; at last 
I was forced to goe up to my L. Louduns chalmer, quhair I 
got libertie both at night in privat and publik, bot especyaly 
in the morning of the Saboth in my bed and, after my rysing, 
in his bakstaire. That night we held som privat meitings 
anent choysing the Moderator and the Clerk. I got libertie 
at night.
   Mononday al day I went from hous to hous seiking lodging 
<P 401>
to Mr. Alr. Henderson, Mr. D. C., and myselth, quhilk I got 
after a dayes traivel. 
   Upon Tuesday, I dreu up the reasons against the objection 
of horning, quhairin I fand Gods assistance, quhilk satisfyed
every bodys mynd. 
   On Wedensday after sermon be Mr. Jhon Bell, the 
Assemblee entred and proceided publikly according to the 
treatise of proceidings in privat. I dreu up the reasons for 
election of a Moderator, of a Clerk, for refuisal of            #
assessors, 
for refuisal of advocats to plead thair, and anent the          #
registers. 
I fand Gods assistance in them al. I heard that som wald 
haive had Durie clerk; I put it over upon God, and fully 
resinged my interest to him, that if I got it not out of the 
Lords hand I wald not medle with it. We heard of the 
Commiss. policie to naime Mr. A. R. moderator, and Durie
clerk; bot the Lord wonderfully maid the hearts and voices
of al to run on way, both in the election of Mr. Alr. and of 
me, without discrepance of a voice bot on. At my entree, 
being prohibit befor to maik no speatch, I did only acknouledge
the weightines of the chairge, my auin insufficience 
and want of experience, Gods providence and the Assemblees
unanimous good aestimation bringing me that chairge, and 
solemnely prayed the Lord to graunt me that occasion and 
assistance so to dyte, wryte, minute, and exstract, sutch       #
reasons 
and conclusions as might declaire unto al the royal             #
praerogative 
of King Jesus the Son of God above al praerogatives, and might 
tend to the extending of his Kingdome through al the borders 
of the earth. 
   This day I produced for my first act the registers of the 
Kirk, and can never sufficiently admire and adore the goodnes,
wysdome, and providence of God in praeserving them and 
<P 402>
bringing them to our hands at sutch a tyme, - magnified be 
his naime, - as this was a solid fondation to us, without the 
quhilk we wald haive seimed to haive buildet upon sand; so it 
was a sore strok and cutthroat of our adversaries and thair 
cause. 
   I got good every night by retyring to prayer with my Lady 
Loudon and hir daughter. I sau Gods providence praepairing 
my Protestation in the morning befor the Commis, went 
away. I sau the Lords hand moving my L. Erskins heart, in 
the jimp to ruin of the Commiss. depairting; moving my L. 
Argyle to resolve to taik pairt with us opinly, and to cleare 
himselth in the Commiss. face; moving the moderator, Mr. 
D. Dik, Mr. H. Rollok to speak so weal; and the Sprit of Gods 
presence in prayer never caived so mutch til that night, 28 
Novemb. Gods choysing sutch a tyme, so oportun for thes 
works to the incouragment of any doubtsom mynd, with  the 
manifold declarations and aprobations the Lord brought out 
of sundry counselors mouths, is to be wondred at and magnifyed;
als in the bringing Argyle of thair course at sik a tyme, 
quhairin it incouraged and strenthened the cause mor nor 
if had doone it befor; and especy~ I remarqued to seie the 
Lord cast in sik difficulties in the bischops proces as we 
could not weal seie throu, and yit thairafter to read our 
feit; to put us sik fears of division for ruling elders and     #
yit 
end us in unitie; to seie the Lord so cleirly convincing every 
bodys mynd by reading the warrands and proofs of the nullities 
of every on of the six laite assemblys, so that, as the Lord    #
layd 
a sure fondation for us in the production of the registers, so 
nou he hought the verry principals grounds of our adversaries, 
to wit thes laite assemblies, to dasch so our enemies stoutest 
champions, that neyther the doctors of Aiberdein durst come 
over, nor the bischops, albeit in the toune, compeir to         #
reasone; 
to cause condemne the books and the commissions; to seie 
thos traitors to God and man, the enemies of this church 
and kingdom, to get justice by deposition and excomunication 
after great difficulties. 
   In the great committe, quhair my L. Argyle was sitting in 
the Tolbooth, I cleired al thair mynds that Episcopacie was 
condemned in this churche. I dreu it up in a lairge treatise 
<P 403>
by Gods assistance, as lykwayes anent the articles; in the 
Assemblee I scheu al the warrants and read the verry acts 
themselves out of the registers and aunsuered al objections;
and quhairas, both in the morning we heard of some wald 
publikly disput for Episcopacie and many scores came to the 
house resolut to voyte for it, yet the Lord maid the Acts so    #
to 
convince thair mynds that every mans mouth acknouledgit 
that they had bein abjured and removed; and, quhen I was 
reading the roll and heard no word bot 'Abjured and 
Removed,' I was struken with admiration, and yit my thoughts 
fails to aprehend that great and wonderful work of God, and 
yit my ears sounds ever with thes words (Abjured and Removed)
Abjured and Removed. Siklyk it was als wonderful, 
in sik a diversitie of jugements and contrarietie of practises, 
thair was so great a unitie of abjuring and removing.
   About this tyme, looking on the imperfytnes of our minuts, 
I both thought sik schame and took sik thought that I almost 
fainted for very greif and anger; bot, in my extremitie, by 
Gods providence I was spokin to anent Sandie Nisbet, quhos 
coming to me I hoope evin heirby that neyther he nor I 
shal reu.
   To sie Gods providence maiking the ministers of Edr. be 
thair auin declinator to cast themselves out of that toune, 
and to seie the Lord assisting and directing me hou to guyde 
Mr. Alr. Hendersons transplantation so as it was doone:
blissed be the naime of God, quho had poynted him out as the 
man he called to that publik place, and quhos transplantation 
or not I took as ane prognostication of the durablenes or not 
of this work of God in that citie of Edr. as in this land. 
   Heir again the Lords gracious goodnes to me, after removing 
al impediments out of the way, by the Assemblees
unanimous choysing me to be advocat for the Kirk, ane 
honorable bot also ane onerable chairge. Lord, maik me 
thankful and fruitful. 
   Heir again after great fears, rumors, and apearances of 
division anent reuling elders, the Lord directed us to restore 
them to thair rights and liberties as they wer in the Book of 
Policie; as also after our resolution, out of fear, not to      #
medle 
with civil offices at this tyme, the Lord draive us to the 
<P 404>
proponing of it, and wonderfully inclyned al thair mynds to 
the abhorring of them; quherby is evident that the pastors 
admitting ruling elders, casting of bischops, and condemning 
civil offices, titles, and great benefices, ar neyther led be   #
avarice 
nor ambition. 
   Gods providence caived in turning the Ouvertures to Acts. 
Gods particular caire of me caived in remembring to maik 
the Act anent printing for the Kirks use and my benefyte. 
   And quhairas my L. Argyle was oposing our ratification of 
our Covenant and the dischairge of the Kings, and urging ane 
reconciliation of both, so that we was confoundit with          #
thoughts 
hou to please al and keipe our conscience saife, the Lord       #
disapoynted 
al mid ouvertures as that written by my L. Argyles 
lettre anent a neu Covenant to be drauen up and subscryved 
by the kings aprobation unto the L. thresaurer; he brought to 
our hand first the Marquis Declaration quhilk fried us of al
trouble to reconcile the Covenants, then word of the last       #
proclamation,
quhilk further setled us and cleired my L. Argyls 
mynd in our discharging the Kings Covenant and injoying
the Covenant subscryved in Febru. Heirin I fand God 
assisting me both to aunsuer the B. declinator, and to aunsuer 
at lairge the Marquis his Declaration. 
   In the hinder end of the Assemblee the Moderators discours 
and prayers, my L. Argyles aunsuer anent himselth, and the 
singing of the Psalme, wer remarquable. 
   Bot that last night was a heavie night to me, by reason I 
was eaten up with greif and anger against myselth anent 
taiking ane dolor for ane index, quhairof ministers compleined.
This galled and gnaued me strangly al night and the morrou
morning, bot befor my coming out of Glascou I got libertie 
in privat, promising to maik a right use of this sudain 
saire forwairning (quhilk I pray God graunt and opin my 
eyes to seie the use he requyres), and I got great libertie 
in Mr. Zacharie Boyds studie with my L. Loudon and hir 
daughter.
   Be the way I discoursed long with my L. Argyle anent the 
<P 405>
progresse bygon and the subsequent event of this work; quhilk 
I sayd for many spritual reasons wald be found aunsuerable to 
the former beginnings, that the Lord wald praeserve his people 
from imminent inconveniencies, confound his enemies plots 
evin quhen they seim to be cleikit, and protect his people 
to a peacible end of his work in the midst of the greatest 
contrarieties. 
   In Falkirk I got good with my L. Loudon, and was forced 
to acknouledge that the Lord had assisted this Assembly to 
doe mutch and far mor nor we could ever haive exspected, and 
that after so convincing a light and with so unanimous a 
heart and consent as was wonderful. 
   Upon Saturday, 22 December, we came home to Edr.,
blissed be the naime of God, and heard hou the lettre           #
presented 
to the Lords of Session was taiken up again, becaus it 
was lyklie to bread a broyle. I heard Mr. H. Rollok on the 
Saboth and Mr. Alr. Henderson on the Wedensday. The 
Commission of Edr. sat doune on Wedensday, 26 December, 
and went on in thos proces quhilk are nou decerned, as apears 
in that register. 
   In this mean tyme I was scrolling the Acts of the Assembly;
I was revising again Duries alterations of my aunsuear to 
the Marquis his Declaration; and was drauing up the connexion
of al the litle devyded treatises in ane body of the 
lang Protestation with my auin additions; quhatsomever 
I fand wanting I fand God assistance heirin. I was earnest 
with Mr. R. Douglas. I wryte to Mr. S. Rutherfoord, and 
thairafter to Mr. R. Douglas for furthering thair               #
transplantation.
   Upon the 7 Januar we send away Mr. George Wyndrhame 
to Court with our suplication, the Acts of Assembly, aunsuer 
to the Declaration of the Commiss., and to the B. Declinator, 
and ane Protestation against the lait Proclamation. Upon 
the Saboth befor I heard Mr. R. Douglas and Mr. Hery.
Upon the Foorsday Mr. Alr. Henderson was admitted 
<P 406>
minister of Edr.; and that night my wyfe, quhom the Lord 
had preserved til my homcoming, travailed and about 8 hours 
in the morning was lighter of a son, blissed be the good 
naime of God. I got libertie in seiking of God himselth in 
that blissing, and in recommending that infant unto the Lord. 
At this tyme I got libertie in my familie exerces. Margret 
Mitchel was in landwert seing hir guidame: schoe had spokin 
sundry tymes during the Assemblee, and once after our coming 
home. My mother was in the toune. 
   Mr. Alr. Henderson teatched on Sunday foranoone upon 
the first chap., Jhon v. 16, 'And of his fulnes haive we al 
receaved, grace for grace': ane most excelent sermon; and 
afternoone, for his first hansel after his entree, he baptised  #
my 
son Archbald after my L. Argyle; the witnesses wer my 
L. Balmerino, the Maister of Balmerino, my L. Craighal, S=r=
Leuis Steuart, Durie, Ingliston, Mr. R. Craig, Mr. Samuel 
Jhonston, Archb. Cambel. 
   Al this nixt week the schyres was meiting anent thair 
military instructions; my wyfe was seakly; my auin mynd was 
drumly; my tyme confused and on morning sp. 
   I had almost forgottin hou in the morning of the first of 
Januar I looked bak and read over my paipers of the first of 
Januar of the last yeir, and acknouledgit, first in privat and 
then in publik, the manifold transgressions of myselth, of my 
familie, of churche, of staite, since this tyme tuelmonth; and 
on the uther pairt, blissed the Lord for his manifold           #
unspeakable 
favors bestoued upon me, my familie, this churche, this 
staite, since this tyme tuelmonth; and layd a braid band befor 
the Lord the manifold necessities of me, my familie, the        #
churche,
the staite, and craived pardon that I could not get al my 
paipers nou read over againe, nor al the particulars remembred;
bot I promised to doe it quhen I got leasure, and told him 
that we lipend for als great favors the nixt yeir as this bygon
from the same freie undeserved love, irresistible pouer, and 
infallible wysdome, quhairupon I cust myselth, my familie, 
this churche, this staite, and exspect ane occasion to fill up  #
al 
<P 407>
my paipers with neu observances of Gods kyndnes and providence 
towards us. 
   This week we heare the Lord had disapoynted our adversaries
first plots, and wil disapoynt the second also. 
   This Sunday that I wryte thir threie last pages my wyfe
was unweal, the Lord releive and restore hir in Chryst. 
   Upon Mononday and Tuesday my wyfe continued in a fit 
of a fever, and that justly for then again sp.  That day M. 
Mitchel fel seik for greif of my wyfes seaknes. We heard of 
the kings receaving our suplication; we feared neu plots and 
mides of policie as mutch as acts of violence, bot the Lord of 
hosts against the on is the author of al wysdome against the 
uther. We feared my L. Argyles upgoing. I got good in 
privat exercises. 
   In the Tolbooth and out of it, in the exercise of that       #
calling,
I fand a great dulnes and absence of sprit and faintnes of 
courage and perplexitie of mynd; quhyle on Frayday both I 
begged his external providence and internal assistance to be 
with me in that calling, and to advyse if I sould undertaik L.
Saltons cause and to speir if he wald assist me thairin. In 
the looking upon Annas busines I fand his providence casting 
up Menochius to clear me in the cheifest quaestions, quhilk 
maid me, befor I looked the passages, boue my knee befor 
him and beg the continuance of his providence and assistance 
in that and al uther actions of my calling.
   I remembred heir hou my wyfes seaknes was thought to 
proceid from melancholy for the daylie decay of my stait; this 
I represented to God as a great strait both to haive my estait 
to melt away quhen I exspected with submission upon his 
promise for the increase of it, and to losse my wyfe for the 
greif of that decay; I hooped the Lord drauing it to so great 
a height after his accustomed maner was haisting his            #
delyverie, 
quhairof evin in this extremitie I durst not doubt, bot told 
my confidence both to my mother and the Lady Currihil.
'Lord, quho hes lottin me seie thyselth in every thing befell   #
me, 
hes maid me seie the verefying al thy promises thou maid me 
to trust in, and quho comanded me, in despaire of sutch a 
<P 408>
chainge, yet to exspect it from thy bounty, let me in his auin 
tyme seie himselth in the performance of this, that I may       #
evin, 
by his continuance of the rest, especyally his gloryfying       #
himselth 
in my lyfe, death, calling and graunt of that, be forced to     #
say, 
Nou al his external promises maid in my distres to me ar        #
performed 
indeed, housoever I taik heir the blank again and 
again, and puts in thy hand freily, fully.'
   Upon Frayday night I got word the Marquis of Hamiltone 
had a servand come doune with letters, apearantly to Counsel, 
anent the Kings voyage to York. We aprehended the deseinge 
of calling ane neu Assemblee, offring neu conditions and 
haiving ane armee ready upon our refuisal. I got ane long 
letter from Plam. informing me of many particulars. We          #
intended 
to haive intercepted the M. Huntlys letters. 
   Upon Saturday morning I lighted on the thought of maiking 
ane addition to the Protestation, cleiring us from the 
calumnies spread through Ingland. I fand Gods assistance in 
the drauing of the first draught and wisches it may be useful. 
Afternoon it was mutch aprovin. 
   On Sunday morning thinking on many things to doe, I was, I 
wayt not hou, induced to byde at home to draue up reasons of 
resistance (\in thesi, in hypothesi\) ; I craived in publik,    #
in privat, 
Gods direction quhither to doe it or not; and forsmelling that 
I wald not reu the doing of it becaus thair was som present 
necessitie and use of it quhilk as yit I kneu not bot wald      #
heirafter
seie Gods hand in this praevention, I resolved to fall to 
it, only I most humbly begged of the Lord his presence and 
assistance in that maner and measure I had oft found it befor,
bot especyaly in the praerogative and bischops caveats, and I 
sould acknouledge wonderful providence in the praevention and 
in his assistance. The Lord beginne and contineu with me,
for I wayte not evin nou quhat to wryte or dyte. I went to 
sermon afternoone, and heard on Mr. James Wright. I set on 
to work to exstract my remarques out of Knoxe and Buchanan 
for the hypothese, and to turne Althusius reasons and (\De
Jure Majestatis\) in Inglisch. 
   On Tuesday night, being desyred to wryte a suplication to 
the Session for comanding Mr. James Gordoune to signet 
letters without the Bischops styles, on Wedensday morning I 
<P 409>
dyted ane long suplication; and, incaise of thair refuisal of   #
it, 
I dyted that morning ane long Protestation. 
   We gaive in our suplication to the Session, and being 
delayed til Foorsday we was then forced to protest against the 
saids Lords. Afternoone, haiving bein informed of the kings 
lettre to the Counsel for to seik thair advyce in every thing,  #
we 
suplicated the Counsel that, in thair aunsuer to his M.         #
letter, 
they wald cleire us from the aspertions of casting of           #
authoritie, 
and of invaiding of Ingland. We sau Crouner Hamiltons reneual 
of litle canons and of tuentie muskets, quhilk maid me to 
seie Gods providence and goodnes, quho, knouing both our 
poverte and ignorance and faintnes, hes send us many men of 
skil, wisdome, and courage, to doe matters as politikly and 
cheaply as may be. We heard, by many letters, advertisments
of the Kings voyage to York with ane armee of tuentie or 
threttie thousand men. I got libertie in my privat exercises 
al this tyme, bot once sp. 
   Upon Foorsday again my wyfe was unweal; Margret was 
extream seak; and I went through Parquers treatise of           #
Superioritie
of the Churche over hir gouvernors, leaving blanks for a 
civil paralel. 
   On Saturday night I was verry heavie upon the report of 
the slaiding of sundry persons from this work, and with the 
thought of the great diligence and coast used by Gods           #
adversaries
for the ruyning of his cause with violence and policie 
they ar to use against, and of our cairlesnes, negligence,      #
and 
securetie. I got great libertie at my evening prayer for ane 
houre and ane half. 
   Upon Sunday I heard Mr. Hery doe notably foranoone in 
the College, and Mr. W. Colvin at his first entree in the Old 
Churche afternoone. 
   Upon Mononday I fand that the Lord gaive me a check 
and a rub in the entree of every thing I lipned for gayne,
and heir greived me at my auin inconsideratnes in suffering 
to be added the Latin licence at the end of the Protestation,
as befor at Glascou in giving out the first index;
Lord, let me seie his end that I may observe and obey. 
This week came in our Protestations and Informations for 
Ingland. 
<P 410>
   On Wedensday morning sp. On Foorsday came neu letters 
fra G. Wyndrhame of 32 thous. horse and 60 thous. foot, and 
great bruits if divisions and defections amongst us. 
   Upon Frayday I wryte to my Lord Loudon my judgment 
anent matters, that the Lord wald drau his people to the 
mount, thair to be seien be them the mor visibly; and that, 
upon thair weaknes and the pouer of his enemies as upon tuo 
pillers, he wald erect a touer of renomme to himselth; so       #
also, 
by suffering his people to contineu in securetie and            #
senslesnes, 
he was to manifest the mor sensible freidom of his undeserved 
goodnes to so misdeserving and indisposed a people, that 
the croun of his glory, quhilk he is winning, might be seien    #
to 
be plet with the threie links of a visible pouer, wysdome,
and undeserved freidome of ane unexpected kyndnes, I 
was thinking that, apearantly, the Lord was praepairing 
a judgment for Ingland, quhilk was lyklie to aryse eyther 
by a mutinie of the people Protestant against the Popisch 
armee led by Popisch comanders, or by the King of France 
his invasion in the mean tyme, or by the Lords removeal 
of C. 
   On Saturday the Acts of Assemblee came out; I pray God 
direct me anent thair pryces, and if that be the way of his 
releiving my burthens I craive his blissing thairto. 
   On Sunday I thought thair was many necessar things to 
be thought on as reasons for defence, treu stait of the 
quaestion, reason of putting every on to it nou to declaire 
himselth. 
   On Monday morning sp.; thairafter begoud to fall 
to the hypothesis of resistance in Scotland, quhairin I durst 
not hope for assistance without a pardone, quhilk I begd over 
and over again for Chrysts saik that my personal                #
transgressions 
imped not the great work of God. 
   Al that week I was busie on the quaestion of defence,
and by Gods assistance I wryte out my reasons and epitomized
Brutus his reasons. I wrote the stait of the quaestion;
and blisseth God for his felt assistance in al this. 
   On Saturday I went to the Pans, after that, on the Frayday,
I had endit a matche betuixt my sister Beatrix and the 
laird of Congilton. I got good in the ryding. I heard 
<P 411>
Mr. Jhon Ker; got good in the feilds. I got libertie on the 
Sunday morning in the familie prayer for the space of ane 
houre. I resolved to maik my confessions, petitions, prayses, 
conjurations, not so mutch for myselth as for the churche. 
I heard Mr. R. Ker doe notably on 3 Revel., 'I stand and 
knok,' etc., both befor and the taible for his churche. 
I spread befor the Lord the 4 Exod. 10 v. Moyses contest 
and prayer for the people, 14 c. Numb. and 9 ch. Deuter.;
the Psalmist confession for them, 78, and his experiences 
of Gods oportunitie in mans extremitie, 107 Ps., his wisch,
122 (for myselth, Jer. 1 ch.), for my challenges of             #
performance, 
Jerem. 32, 33, Ezek. 36, Hosea 2. I got good after the taible. 
Mr. Jo. Osual taught afternoone on 2 Ps., 'Be wyse, ye Kings,'
etc. 
   On Wedensday, the 20, was ane neu great meiting of 
noblemen; quhair, after many fals reports, we heard of Gods 
prospering by his providence the Earle of Montrois his voyage 
in the north, and that without blood, quhilk is a wonder and 
a great taiken the Lord is keiping this busines freie of        #
blood; 
and we heare of the Earle Marschals caiving mor nor befor 
and coming in at so peremptoir a tyme, and that by means 
of his Lady quho was bread a Paipist. 
   Upon Sunday, 24, was ane solemne humiliation keiped to 
God for reconciliation, union, direction, protection; Mr. Alr.
Henderson preatched notably in the Old Churche upon the 
end of the 43 Ps., 'Quhy art thou cast doune, O my saule?'
I heard Mr. Hery afternoone on the 2 v. 1 c. I say. 'O heavins, 
heare; O earth, give ear,' etc. moving the affections most 
pouerfully, as the first mooves the judgment wonderfully. 
At this meiting the ministers concluded to informe al thair 
people both of the treu stait of the quaestion, not for the 
bair naime of a bischop, bot for al the differences betuixt 
Proclamat: and Protestat: as also the laufulnes and necessitie 
of defending ourselves in this caice by airmes. On Mononday 
we was busie on committies. 
   On Tuesday Mr. Dav. Dick teatched on the 3, 4, 5, v. of
142 Psal. anent Davids defending himselth in the caive 
against Saule; quhairupon he cleired both the stait of the 
quaestion, and laufulnes of resistance. 
<P 412>
   Heir I most close this book, confessing my sins and 
blissing God for his former favors to this churche and to 
me thairin, and praying for many occasions to fill up many 
sutch like book with observations of his internal indulgence 
and external providence. Blissed be his name. 



<B SDIA2D>
<Q SC2 NN DIARY LESLDIA>
<N LESLEY DIARY>
<A LESLEY JOHN>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1571>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T DIARY PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y 40-60>
<H HIGH PROF>
<U NET X>
<E X>
<J X>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z NARR NON-IMAG>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^THE DIARY OF JOHN LESLEY, BISHOP OF ROSS, APRILL 11 - OCTOBER
16, M.D.LXXI. 
THE BANNATYNE MISCELLANY. EDINBURGH 1855.
PP. 117.1-149.24^]

[^JOHN LESLEY USES SIGNS TO REPLACE SOME PROPER NOUNS;
THESE INSTANCES ARE INDICATED BY THE WORD "SIGN" GIVEN
IN OUR COMMENT.^]

<P 117>
[} (\COMMENTARIA DIURNA JOANNIS LESLIE, EPISCOPI ROSSENSIS,     #
LEGATI SERENISSIMI MARIE SCOTORUM REGINE IN ANGLIA.\) }]

   xj (^Aprilis^) 1571. - My Lordis Gallovay and Leveinstowne   #
departit furth
of Lundon toward Scheffeild to the Queenis Majestie, quhair     #
thaj arriuit the
xiiij day, being Pashe evin. I tereit at London.

   xij (^Aprilis^) 1571. - William Leslie of Carny departit     #
furth of Lundon
towart France. That same nycht, James Cunneingam arryvit with   #
sure
word that Dunbartan was taken, and my Lord Fleming eschapet,    #
and my
Lord Sanctandrous in handis quha wald be execuite.

   xiij (^Aprilis^) 1571. - Jhone Chesholme departit towart the #
Queene with
letters. Charles Balze was takin at Dover with certaine printed #
buikis in
Inglish for Defens of the Queenis Honour and Title; and some    #
packedis
<P 118>
of letters quhilk war delyuerit till my Lord Burghly; and       #
Charles was put
in clois presone in the Marschelsea.

   xiiij (^Aprilis.^) - My Lord Burghlie declared to me albeit  #
the Queene haid
commandit me till depart towart the Queene my mistres +git he   #
had obtined
licens to me to remane.

   xv (^Aprilis, being Pasche day.^) - I passit in the morning  #
till my Lord
Burghly, and requestit him to be good in the mater tuiching     #
Charles.

   xvj (^Aprilis.^) - Robert Makesone and Melchior, the Spanes  #
Ambassadouris
secreter, passit till visie Charles, and was haldin presonaris  #
in the Marschelsea.
Bot Melchior was relivit within ten dayis, and Makesone still   #
kepit
two monthis therefter.

   xviij (^Aprilis.^) - Charles was examinat be the Concell,    #
and was send to the
Towre, quhair he was pute on the rak and racked a little, and   #
thairefter
careit to the court and examinet agane, and returnit to the     #
Towre, and
pepair and ink giffiin him to wreit his awin depositione: all   #
that tyme I
maid continuallie suite to the Concell for him.

   xxj (^Aprilis.^) - I wreit to my Lordis Lecester and         #
Burghly, complenand
for the racking of Charles, and that the president and example  #
was evile
till all ambasadouris; and the Frenshe Ambassadour send to      #
Court to assist
my former complent. And that same day the laird Garteley        #
departit
towart the Queene with letters, and ane packed of letters from  #
my self
to mony of the Nobiletie of Scotland, that no fault suld be     #
imput onto me
that the Treatie tuik nocht better effect.
   He borrowit fourtie pundis sterleing from Acerbo de Vitelly, #
for the
quhilkis I am becum cautionar till be peyit within sax          #
monethis, and I haf
Gartleis obligatione for my relief.
<P 119>
   xxiij (^Aprilis.^) - Jhone Chesholme arryvit from the Queene #
with certane
packeddes of letters to France for him and Capitaine Muire,     #
P.D.

   xxvj (^Aprilis.^) - Jhone Chesholme, and Capitane Muir, and  #
Jackes, the
Frensheman, departit from Lundon towart Ry, and so to France.
   I lenit to Johne Chesolm thre pundis, and to Capitane Mure   #
thre lib~s.
striueling, to be payit to me agane, (\ut patet per             #
obligationes eorundem.\)

   (\Primo Maii\) 1571. - That day began gryt triumphe and      #
justing befoir
the Queene at Vestminster; quhilk day I tuik the first fitte of #
my feaver at
ix hours at nycht, with ane gryt veirines, cold, schattring of  #
tyeith, and
thair efter a gryt hait, quhilk held me all that nycht. The     #
same day Mr
Dauid Borthik and Mr Williame Arthe arryvit with letters from   #
the
Queene.

   (\2=o= Maij.\) - Doctouris Caldvall and Goode com and        #
visitit me, and declared
I had the agew, and prescryvit remedeis, and that same day      #
caussit
minister ane clyster.

   (\3=o= Maij.\) - I hade the 2 futte.

   (\4=o= Maij.\) - A vayne of my rycht arme vas oppened. I     #
laten bloud, ten or
xij unces. The said day arryvit Williame Fuller, Michall        #
Gilbert, and vtheris
marchandes, and brocht letters from the Queene, makand mentione #
that my
Lord Schrewesberrie was commandit to keip hir moir strait, and  #
hade pute
new ordour till hir servandis; quheirupone I send till my Lord  #
Burghlie the
letters that I resaued, and desyred him till get answer of the  #
Queenis Majistie
of all thais particularateis, and delyuer the same till George  #
Dowglas,
quha was till repair towart the Queene; quhilk he did.

   (\5=o= Maij.\) - I tuik my 3 futte.
<P 120>
   (\6=o= Maij.\) - I tuik medecin, and George Dowglas departit #
towart the Queene,
quhairwith I send letters, and sic packedis as I hade resaued   #
from France.

   (\7=o= Maij.\) - I had the 4 futte of my ageu; and thair     #
arryvit from the
Queene Mr Nynean Vynnart, the perfoumer, Gileis Reid appointit  #
till remane
with me, and Gil+geam, Frenshman, to pas into France, and       #
Lowrence
Gordon apuntit be his fader, my Lord Gallovay, to go to         #
Camarage.

   (\8=o= Maij.\) - I wreit at lynth in Scotland till           #
Leidtheintoun, Huntlie, Grange,
and Robert Melving, and send thame be ship with ane marenall    #
callit
Smyth; and tuik ane cleyster the same day.

   (\9=o= Maij.\) - I hade the 5 futte.

   (\10=o= Maij.\) - The Frenshe Ambassadour come and visitat   #
me in my seiknes,
as he did very oft.

   (\11 Maij.\) - I had the 6 futte of my agewe.

   (\12=o= Maij.\) - I resauit letters from Mr Thomas Maitland  #
to be send to the
Queene, and letters from Mr George Hackert, quho send me sum    #
bookes
with Thomas Covy, viz., (\Theatrum Orbis Terrarum\) , contining #
all the chartes
that ar prented, with the Epistilles of Antonio de Gueuerra, in #
Spaneis and
Frenshe; with ane rym of fyne paper.

   (\13=o= maij,\) (^Sonday.^) - I hade my 7 fitte.
   That day efternovne, I lying seik in my fitte, thair com to  #
my lodging
the Erle of Sussex, Lord Burghlie, Sir Walter Myldmay, and Sir  #
Ralph
Saidlar, quha askit at me many questions, to the quhilkis I     #
anserit as seamit
most reasonable and conuenient to me. And than presentlie they  #
did
<P 121>
sequester all my servandes from me, saiffing two, to depend     #
upone me in
my chalmer, and apoynted two gentlemen of the Queenis           #
servandes, callit
Mr Kingismyll and Maister Skipwith, to attend upone me in my    #
howse, and
that none suld go furth nor cum in. Thai visitat my studie,     #
quhairin all
my principale wretingis was, with ane litill coffer with sum    #
jevuelles thairinto,
and tuk the key thairof with thame, and sealet the door; and    #
tuik
with thame ane wretin buik of the "Defens of the Queenis Title  #
and Honour,"
to confer with the prent book to see yf thai war conform. I     #
made a
minute of this conference.
   I deliuered to my Lord Burghly the copie of certaine lettres #
writtin be
Mr Randolph into Scotland aganis the Queene of Scottis my       #
Maistres, and
complenit thairupon.

   (\14=o= Maij.\) - Efternoune the Queenis litter was brocht   #
to my lodgyng be
hir awin servandes, quhairin I was careit to the Bischope of    #
Ely's howse in
Holburne; quhair I remanit, and two serwandis with me, with my  #
cooke boy,
and haid all my awin furniture, and maid my awin chargeis       #
during my
residens thair. Thair was one of the Bishopis servandis         #
appoynted to be
cator to by my meat, and all necessaries to me; and the said    #
two gentlemen
did continuallie attend upon me, quhil the 17 day of August     #
that I
departed from Lundon.

   (\15=o= Maij.\) - I hade my 8 fitte; and George Dowglas      #
arryvit in the towne
from the Queene, and brocht ane packed of letters direct to me; #
quhilk he
delyuered to my Lord Burghly, with ane memor till by sume       #
graith to the
Queene. Maister Fouller wreit to me to haif his lodging         #
delyuered onto him,
becaus of my absens, and that my servandis suld haif the vther  #
lodging to
remane into quhair my Lord Gallovay and Leveinstowne was; and   #
to that
effect he did speik with my Lord Leicister and Burghlie, that   #
no impediment
suld be maid be reasone of the studie that was loked and        #
sealet. I wreit to
him answer at lynth, and that I wald pleis hym in that, becaus  #
I was to
<P 122>
pass to Esleintoune, quhen I gat my libertie; and commandit my  #
servand to
gif him +L11, 13s. 4d. for the byrune maill of his howsis, as   #
is continit in
the dobbill of the letter quhilk I wreit to him.

   (\16=o= Maij.\) - Sir Walter Myldma and Sir Thomas Smyth com #
and spak
with me, at the command of the Concell, and told me, thai hade  #
bene with
the Spaneis Ambassadour, inquyring him, gif I hade delyvered    #
him any
letters; and askit me, quha maid the booik of the Title. To the #
quhilk
I maid reasonable answeris, as is to be seine be the minutes of #
that
conference.

   (\17=o= Maij.\) - I hade the 9 fitte.

   (\18=o= Maij.\) - The packed of letters was send to me,      #
quhilk George Dowglas
brocht be the Concell cloiss, quho willit me till take the      #
Queenis letters direct
on to me, and to send the remanent to thame agane; and efter    #
that I haid
oppened the packed and red the Queenis letter, I send the same  #
and all the
rest to thame agane, becaus thai war onlie letters com from the #
Erles
Cassilis and Egleintoune, and otheris, compleining on the Erle  #
Lenox for
the putting of thais two Erles in vairde during the Abstinance  #
and treatie;
and desyrit thame till caus the Queene thair Soverane put       #
remeid tharto,
becaus it tweched hir in honour to have that Abstinance kepit,  #
quhilk hade
beine so many vais brokin. But I culd haif no answer thairto;   #
and becaus
thair was credit commit till George Dowglas, I desyrit that he  #
mycht be
sufferit to cum and speik with me.

   (\19=o= Maij.\) - I hade the 10 fitte.

   (^Sondai,^) (\20=o= Maij.\)

   (\21=o= Maij.\) - I hade the 11 fitte.
<P 123>
   (\22=o= Maij.\) - George Dowglas com and spak with me in     #
presens of my
keiparis, and told me of the Queenis estait, and that Mr James  #
Boyd had
beine thair and returnit in Scotland, and that adverteisment    #
was cum thairfra
that the Erle of Argyle, the Lord Boyd, and many utheris, was   #
cum to
Edinbrucht; and that Mr James Kircady was saiflie landit at     #
Leith, and
convoyit to the Castell be the Lord Boyde, and all that he      #
brocht; and
that Lenox was in the Abbay, quhair he intendit to hold his     #
Parliament;
with sundre uther lyk adverteisments; and that the Frenshe      #
Ambassadour
had audience the day preceding, and that he himself hade        #
presented the
letter wretin to the Queene in George Dowglas favour; bot the   #
Q. Ingl.
wald not grant to wreit to Lenox for his favouris at this       #
present.
   That same day, the moist part of the Lordis of the Concell   #
com and dynit
with the Bishop of Ely, and send me word be my two keparis,     #
that Maister
Randell was callit before the Concell to answer to thaise       #
copeis of letters
quhilk I hade giffin in, and that he answerit, that he          #
rememberrit not that
he hade wretin ony such letters in Scotland; and thairfor thay  #
inquyred
me, gif I hade the principalles to be produced. I answerit,     #
that I trustit
the principalles was in the Queene my Mistres hands, and that I #
wald vreit
for thame so I myght haif my letters convoyed.

   (\23=o= Maij.\) - I hade the 12 fitte of my agew; and maid   #
ane letter to be
sent to the Queene my Mistres, declaring my estait, desyring    #
hir to vreit
to the Queene for my libertie, and to send Maister Randellis    #
letters, or els
hir awin answer to the court; and wreit ane letter thairwith to #
my Lord
Burghly, desyring him till send the same till the Queene my     #
Mistres be
the ordinar post, or els to gif ane pasport to one of my awin   #
to pass thairwith,
and to returne with answer. Mr Kyngismyll did present theis     #
letteris
to my Lord Burghly.
<P 124>
   24 (^Maij.^) - George Robysone passed to court and spak with #
my Lordis
Lecester and Burghly; quho told him, that no ordoure wold be    #
tane in my
effayres quhill the Parliament war endit. Quhilk nicht thair    #
com neuis that
Mr Androw Leslie, my cusing in Ab~e [\Aberdene?\] , was         #
deceissed the 20 of
Aprile, to my greif. This same day ane cariar passit to the     #
Queene, with
quhom M. N. wreit my estait.

   25 (^Maij.^) - I hade the 13 fitte of my agew. I receaved    #
ansuer from
Court to reforme some wordis of my letter, and to send it be a  #
servand of
my Lord Shreuberes, quha departit the 27 day; quhilk was done.

   26 (^Maij.^) - I had a fitte, being the 14; bot it was bot   #
licht, and therupon
I wan a nycht cap fra Doctour Calduell, who said I suld have no #
mair efter
the 12.

   27 (^Maij.^) - I was more fast, and gat a clistere, and      #
efter that had no
more fittes.

   28 (^Maij.^) - I had no access of fitt in effect.

   29 (^Maij.^) - I past furth first to tak the ayre, bot was   #
veray feble, and
very [\weary\] or I culd retorne to the house from the gardin.

   30 (^Maij.^) - The Queene of England past to the Parliament, #
and endit
the same; in the quhilk, contrare to the expectation of many,   #
she wold
not conferme any Actes past for more extreme using of the       #
Religion, and
sundry others.
   I was virie all that day for my passing furth the nycht      #
precedyng.

   30 (^Maij.^) - The two Doctours, Calduell and Good, was with #
me, and gafe
every one of thame 12 angell nobillis for thair panis,          #
(^inde^) , 12 lib~.; and to
<P 125>
thair apothecar, 4 lib~. or thereby; and to the barbour that    #
oppined my
vaine, ane angell; summa, 16 lib~. 10 sh. sterling; and thai    #
promesed to
retorne as I suld have ado.
   Then begouth I to reid the Historie of Polidorus Virgilius   #
Anglie, partly
be my self, and sumtymes causit my servand reid to me; quhilk   #
was compleitly
red before the 16 of Junij therefter following, wherin I lerned #
many
notable historeis necessarie to be knowen.

   (\Primo Junij\) 1571. - I was trobled with a deflux and      #
distillation humours
from my head, quhilk maid me to have sore teith, and a gryit    #
havines in my
body, with a reast and constipation; and so continewit quhill   #
the 6 of Junij, 
that I was constrained to send for the phisicians againe.

   6 (^Junij.^) - The two Doctours begouth a new cure, and gave #
me thrie dayis
following preparatives for a medicine.

   (^Sonday,^) (\x=o= Junij\) 1571. - They gafe me a potion of  #
medecine quhilk was
the most vehement that ever I gat in all my tyme, quhilk        #
provoked me
both to vomiting and other purgation, wherby I was mervelous    #
seik.
   My Lord Burly send me word that thair was letters cummin to  #
the 
Q. Ingl. for my liberte, fra the Q. my Mistres, and I suld      #
heare of them
within three or four dayes.

   xij (^Junij^) 1571. - Thair was prepared a bath-fatt for to  #
bathe me intill,
quhilk cost 30 sh., and efter I had used it I lenit it to       #
Doctor Good, quho
hes it still in keping.

   xiij=o=. (^Junij.^) - Efter the forsaid purgatione, I tuik   #
the baithe twa sundrie
dayis preparit with heit watter, and sindrie herbes, sic as red #
roses, vialet,
laiffiis, camavyne, malvis, quhilk was hotte with the water,    #
bot not put in
the baith-fatt, but the watter sythed throw ane cloith;         #
quhairin I tareit the
<P 126>
space of ane hour nereby at every tyme, and thairefter laid in  #
bed and dryit,
and ordinat to sleip.

   xvj=o= (^Junij^) 1571. - A skarmish in Skotland, betwix      #
Edinburgh and Leith,
betuix Huntly, Hwme, and thair cumpany, for the Queene, against #
Morton
and his cumpany, baith the parties drawin to the feildis be the #
Marshell of
Bervik, Sir William Drury, onder colour of a concord, quho      #
stude by and
did behold them. The Lord Hume was taken, the Abbot Kilvynning
slayne, Capitane Cullane, and mony otheris taken.
   The King of France had wreiten to the Queene of Ingland for  #
my
liberte, quhilk his Ambassadour hed delyverit, the day          #
preceding, to the
Queene in his audience.
   And this day I was send for at 7 of the clok at nycht, and   #
passit with
my keparis to the Erle of Sussex howse; quher the Erle, my Lord #
Burghlie,
and Mr Knollis, thesaurer, did inquire me of sic things as was  #
demandit
abefor, with uthers, as is contanit in the minute thairof, put  #
be me in wreit;
and thay promised to move the Queene for my libertie.
   The same day, the Lord [\Laird\] of Skeldon, Jhone           #
Dryisdell, and Alexander
Eskyne, arryvit from France with letters from Jhone Chisholme,  #
and
Jhone Daividson, and James Davidsone, requiring ansuer to be    #
send to
Jhone to Flanders, and to James to Paris.

   (^Sonday,^) xvij (^Junij.^) - I pat the examinatione in      #
forme, and send the copy
therof to D~. I begouth to reid (\Confession Augustianiana\) ,  #
quhilk is (\tanquam
Epitome omnium Operum diui Augustini.\)

   xviij (^of Junij.^) - I wreit to Scotland to Lid. Gr. V. M., #
in ane ship with
Thomas Ramsay.

   xix (^Junij.^) - Williame Leslie of Carny aryvit from        #
France. Letters fra
[^SIGN^] & [^SIGN^] Thoma Chisholme, and M. D~. C. A~.
<P 127>
   xx=o= (^Junij.^) - Capitane Bukell com fra Scotland with     #
newis of the forsaid
defait betwix Edinbrucht and Leith, and with letters desyring   #
support,
wherupon James Cuninghame was still avaitting at Lundon.

   xxj (^Junij.^) - Chalmer aryvit from the north partis of     #
Scotland, with letters
from sundry my freinds and servandis, of particular effaires,   #
and woord of
the dethe of the Lard of Geycht.

   xxij (^Junij.^) - I wreit to the Queene to be send with      #
Skeldon (dat. 20
Junij) with the copy of the last examinatione; bot he went away #
the nixt
day without my letters.
   I wreit a lang letter to the Queene of Ingland for my        #
purgation, her
satisfactione, and desyring my libertie (\ut patet\) , dat. 23  #
Junij; and two 
letters to my Lordis Lecester and Burghly, to present the same; #
quhilk
thay did, and the ansuer was promesed within three dayes.

   xxiij (^Junij.^) - I wreit to D., and send therwith the copy #
of my letter
written to the Queene of Ingland. Lecester told G. Robeson that #
I suld
have libertie shortly, albeit my lyfe was ...
and that he was still my friend. William Leslie made suite to   #
speik with
me, bot culd not have it; gat hard ansuer fra Lord Burghly, and #
faire
speches fra Lecester.
   This day Jhone Chesolm departit furth of Diep towart         #
Scotland, with
money and munitione.

   (^Sonday the^) 23 (^of Junij.^) - Midsymmer day. ...
   Letters fra xx, and fra the B. Dumblayne, and Mr Alexander   #
Chesolm,
and sundry others.

   25 (^Junij.^) - I wret to Glasgo be the 9 pacquett at lenth.
<P 128>
   26 (^Junij.^) - I wreit to my Lord Burghly to solicit the    #
Queene to gif
me ansuer, because the three dayes was past, allegeing the      #
verses of
Horace - 
[^LATIN VERSE OMITTED^]

   27 (^Junij.^) - I wrait in to Scotland, to Mr Alexander      #
Lesly, ansuer to all
the letters ressavit with Chalmer, and letters to D. Gr. Rob    #
Melving, to
certifie of all; but wer not send quhill 29 Junij 1571.

   28 (^Junij^) 1571. - I wreit to Glasgow with Johne Dryisdale.

   29 (^Junij.^) - Letters send to Lid. Gr. Rob Mel., with a    #
marchand of
Dundee.

   30=o= (^Junij.^) - The forsaidis letters sent to Mr          #
Alexander Lesly with Alexander
Zoung, to be delyverit to Johne Lyl of the Nachtane.
   This day thair airyved ane gentillman callit Monsieur de     #
Arange, capitane
of Monsieur D'Anjowis gard, at London, with a brave cumpany.    #
His
message was to treate with the Queene of Ingland for the        #
marriage of the
Duke Anjow:
   And he hed credit and commission from the King to speik for  #
the
Queene of Scotland, and for my liberte.
<P 129>
   (^Sunday, primo Julij^) 1571. - I wrat to the Ambassadour to #
congratulat
the cuming of the gentillman, wishing I was as I wont to be, to #
do him
service and plesour in his Majesties affairs. Thair audience    #
was differrit,
becaus the Queene was seik.

   2=o= (^Julij^) 1571. - The French Ambassadour and the said   #
gentillman had
audience. Amonges other thair affairs, thay spak for my         #
delyvery to my
Lordis Lecester and Burghly; bot the ansuer wes delayed.

   3=o= (^Julij.^) - I ressavit advertisment cuming fra         #
Scotland of certan challenges
for singular combat betuix the Lard of Grange and +goung        #
Garleis, in
Scotland; and certan articles of Abstinence betuix the Duke of  #
Shatullerault
and Lenox, be the mediation of the Mershell of Berwik; and      #
becaus thay
culd not aggrie in Scotland therupon, therfore, both ther       #
offeris was send
to the Q. to advyse.

   4=o= (^Julij.^) - I wrot to Glasgo, with Johne Dryisdale.

   5=o= (^Julij^) 1571. - I wrait a lang letter to my Lord      #
Lecester for my liberte,
and one to the Lord Burghly; quhilk Maister Kingismel delyverit #
on the
nixt day, being the sext day, and had ansuer of them both, that #
within two
dayes I suld be put to liberte.

   6 (^Julij.^) - Hary Cobham arryved fra Spayne.

   7 (^Julij^) 1571. - The Q[\ueene of\] Ingland removed to     #
Hampton Court.
They war so bissie that we culd have no resolution; bot         #
delayed, whill
foure of fyve dayes be past.
   Michell Gilbert com to the Court, and send me in his ringis  #
and tablettis
cumin furth of France, to be sene gif I wold be [\buy?\] ony of #
them.
<P 130>
   8 (^Julij.^) - Thair was letters written with Michell        #
Gilbert. Vl wreit to
[^SIGN^] and his cumpany, be M. Gilbert, of the occurrences.

   9 (^Julij.^) - I did reid the Actis of Parliament newly sett #
out by this last
Parliament; amonges quhilk, the first conteynis mony clauses    #
veray extreme
and prejudicial to D., as may be ivell considerit therby,       #
specially in the
word demand, and for speiking of a successour, and for bookes   #
(\ut patet\) .

   x=o= (^Julij.^) - The Franshe gentelman capitane departit    #
toward France, and,
as is reported, no gryit hope of the mariage.
   Cutbert wreit me a letter that the money quhilk I left with  #
him is neir
done, and therfore desyris me to provyd for more furnising. And #
therfore
I wreit to Mr Lesly of Carny to pas to Court and sutte for my   #
liberte, and
for a pasport, to send ane to the Queene for ordour taken for   #
more furniture,
and that he wold send down the keay of my study with ane of his
awn, quhair thair is sum money that will serve for sum tyme,    #
quhill we
send to the Queene and gett ansuer.

   xj=o= (^Julij.^)  - Newis that the A. is offendit, that      #
Leith is fortiffied mor; and,
in case Chesholm be taken, and the ship in quhilk he his        #
convoyit, in the
cuntrey it will move him more.

   xij=o= (^Julij.^) - .. com to the .. hous ... I resseivit a  #
letter for the
V. M., that H. C. had gotten ane cauld ansuer for M., quhilk    #
was the better
for D. and N.'s effaires, zit to caus .. N. liberte.

   xiij=o= (^Julij.^)  William Lesly advertist me that he hed   #
bene at Court and
spak with my Lord Lecester, who gaf him good wordis; bot my Lord
Burghly was gone to his hous in the cuntrey, and wold not       #
retorne for 8
dayes. It is certane that Johne Chesholm and Virak is taken,    #
with all the
money and munition that they caried into Scotland.
<P 131>
   I wrait to D. ansuer of the letter, quhilk I had ressavit    #
fra the Queene
of the dait the 28 of Junij, with a ticket of the 5 of Julij.

   xiij=to= (^Julij^) 1571. - The V. G. past to Hampton Court,  #
whair he hed
audience and complaynit upon the fortification of Leith as      #
aganis the
treteis betuix the three realmis; desyred ordour to be taken    #
for the Queenis
liberte, and als me to be relesit. He ressavit no direct ansuer #
bot for me,
quhilk was, that the Queene wold caus anes yit examine me, and  #
thereforth
send me to my Mistres, and fra that into Scotland.
   Michell Gilbert offered to caus ressave money fra me here,   #
and give in
Edinbrucht v li. vj sh. for every pound sterueling; bot I wold  #
have had
v li. x sh. and likwyse to give so mekle as suld be ressavit    #
here from Scotland.
He differred to the cuming of his good sone, Nicoll Vdwart, bot #
he
said he wold ansuer it in Deip, quhilk is most sure. He         #
affermed the sylver
is mekle fynar and better shaipe in Paris nor in London, to be  #
bocht.

   (^Sonday,^) xv (^Julij.^) - The [^SIGN^] send me his         #
audience in wreit, and I wreit
againe thankes for my part.

   16 (^Julij^) 1571. - I was adverteist that Sir Thomas        #
Stanley, Sir Thomas
Gerard, Mr Volson, and Hall was examinat, and put in the Towre.

   17 (^Julij.^) - My Lord Burghly retorned to Court, and Mr    #
Kyngesmell past
with my lettres to my Lord Lecester and Burghly, to remember to #
get
me the Queenis Majesties resolution, quhilk was promeist suld   #
be send from
Hampton Court.

   18 (^Julij.^) - I ressavit letters fra D., with ane copy of  #
ane letter fra the
Bishop of Galleway to the Queene, of the estait and procidinges #
in Scotland.
Newis, a Parlement halden in Edinburgh the 12 of Junij be the
Duke of Shatillo, Huntly, and utheris, with croun, sheptour,    #
and swourd;
<P 132>
the Queenis dimission maid null, the Queene restored, and       #
proclamed at
the Crosse be Haroldis with thair coittis of armoure; and of    #
the maner of
the skarmishes.
   Item, certaine articles for ane abstinance taken betwix      #
baith the parteis
in Scotland. Ane Parlement be Lennox to be haldin in Stirling,  #
and ane
be the Queenis partie in Edinburgh, the third of August, and    #
money summonit
to be forefalted in them baith.

   19 (^Julij.^) - I wreit to D. of all occurrentis with George #
Robisone, and that
the Frenshe Ambassadour hed ressavit money fra [^SIGN^] to be   #
send to the
Queene, wherof he desyrit ane acquittance and he wald delyver   #
it.
   I wreit to [^SIGN^] , and send him the copy of the Bishop of #
Gallewayis letter
and the articles from Scotland.

   20 (^Julij.^) - Robisone departit toward D.

   21 (^Julij.^) - I red a booke in Inglis, newly prented, for  #
the defens of Apparell
of the clergy, bering certane letters of Bullenger, Petir       #
Martyr, and M.
Buser and others, quhilk the Bishop of Ely willed me to reid.
   I red the book of the new Statutes sett out in this last     #
Parliment, bering
sundry actes worthy to be noted for examples to govern a        #
commounwealth;
specially concerning the ministres of the Kirk, that none be    #
promoved
before he be xxiij zeris of age, and bachelour in theologie, to #
be a precheour
or preist. That no leasse or tak be maid of any ecclesiasticall #
benefice of
landis, or possessiones partening therto, bot for xxj zeris, or #
thrie lyfes.
Nota, a lyfe is accounted heir bot v zere; for in bying of      #
purchasses, the
commone use is to gif fywe zeris purchasse, as they call it,    #
which is fywe
zeris proffeit for a lyfe rent, and xx zeris purchasse for      #
heritages.
   Item, ane Statut for usurie, that in all bondis, contractis, #
and lones, it
sall not be lesum to tak bot 10 for the hundreth in the zeare.
   Item, the act for fraudfull alterationes and bankruptes.
<P 133>
   Item, for fugityves from their cuntrey for conseyence sak,   #
or otherwyse
to losse their goodes and benefeit of their landis.
   Item, Nota, and acte maid for preservation of the Queenis    #
Majestie of
Ingland, and for her seurty, wherein the Queene our Mistres is  #
touched for
the Tytle.

   (^Sonday,^) xxij (^Julij^) 1571. - I had a book, intitilat   #
(\De Theologo, seu de
Ratione Studii Theologici, Libri 4, Andrea Hyperio authore\) ;  #
quhilk I begouth
to reid.
   Item, G. Rob. deperted toward D.

   xxiij (^Julij.^) - A. Cuninghame went into Scotland with     #
ansuer to Lennox,
to keip quyetnes quhill new adverteismente.
   Mr Henrie Keir arriuit from France, and broht me crydeit     #
from Glasco,
and send me ane new buk of Histories, (\Nostri Temporis ab anno #
1500, usq~
in annum 1568, authore Laurentio Surio\) .

   xxiij (^Julij.^) - I receaved a letter from my Lord Setoun.

   xxv. - A pasport refused to Keir, to pass towart the Queene; #
bot ane
granted till George Dowglas, so that he depart shortlie         #
thairefter furth
of this realme. The Bishop of Ely dyned with me, and his wyfe   #
and
cumpany.

   xxvj (^Julij.^) - I receaved lettres from the Queene, dated  #
19=o= and 21=o= Julij,
bearing newis from Scotland, wreiten at Edinbrucht, 2=o= Julij, #
desyring support
of money.

   xxvij (^Julij.^) - Diligence maid with Ambr. to satify the   #
contentis of D. lettres.

   xxviij (^Julij.^) - G. Rob. arryvit with letters from D.
<P 134>
   (^Sonday,^) xxix (^Julij^) 1571. - Lettres sent with George  #
Dowglas to D.
   Lettres sent to [^SIGN^] and Grange, be my Lord Herys.
   Lettres sent to my Lord Setoun.
   Lettres sent to Hamyltoun.

   30 (^Julij^) 1571. - I lennit twenty poundis to William      #
Lesly upon his
obligation.
   G. Douglas departed toward the Queene.

   (\Ultimo Julij\) 1571. - M. H. Keyr made me advertisment of  #
the desyres
of M., D., Th., Q., Flemyng, and of the -

   (\Primo Au=ti=\) 1571. - W. Lesly past to Court, and         #
Monsieur Saborine to
travell for an ansuer of my liberte.
   I was requyred by Mr Skypwoth, in the ... nayme, to send the
naimes of all my cumpany; quhilk I send in wreit, extending to  #
25
persones.
   Veneson send to me be the [^SIGN^] of France, ane quartar of
red deir, quhilk
was slayne be the Queene of Ingland, and send be her to him.
   I wreit a lettre to my Lord Burghly, to remember him to get  #
me
ane ansuer before the progres, quhilk was send to Mr Skipwothis
servand.

   2=o= (^Au=ti=.^) - Mr Skipwoth was send to remayne with the  #
Duke of Norfolk
for ane day or two, becaus his kepar, Sir Hary Nevell, was      #
lycenced to pas
hayme to visite his wyfe. Mr Kingesmell being still at Court,   #
and so no
kepar left to await upon me bot my Lord Ely's servandes.
   I dynit with the Bishop of Ely, and efter conferred with him #
upon
dyvers purposes, specially of an union to be maid in the        #
Religioun be
a Generall Counsell, quhilk is easy, gif the Princes will apply #
them selfes
therto.
<P 135>
   Mr Painter, the Bishopis servand, avaitted upon me during Mr #
Skipwothis
absence.

   3 (^Au=ti=.^) - Ane called Capitane Cais arryvit from Barvik #
with lettres from
the Marshell and Scotland, with newis that a part of the money  #
that
Johne Chesolme had was savely delyvered into the Castell.
   Erlis Eglinton and Cassillis was put to liberte, onder       #
condition they sall
not bear armis aganis Lenox. Morton and Mar was wery of Lenox;  #
that
Lenox himself was very of his quartaris in respect of the       #
chargeis; yet ane
Melvin was to cum fra him to requyre ayd of men to be send be   #
Queene of
Ingland to them, or ellis they wold aggre with the adversar.    #
That Virak
was keped with Lenox.

   4 (^Aug=ti=.^) - Ansuer fra Court be the Ambassadour of      #
France and be William
Lesly, that thair is no apperance of haisty liberte, (\ut patet #
per literas
Legati\) .
   Mr Skipwoth retorned at night.

   (^Sonday,^) (\quinto Aug=ti=.\) - Mr Kingesmell retorned     #
from Court to await upon
me, and told me that my ansuer was delayed, becaus the Queene   #
is not able
to go to progres.
   Lettres from Queene of Scotland, (\de dat. primo Aug=ti=\) , #
to the quhilk
ansuer was maid presently this day.

   (\Sexto Aug=ti=.\) - Ane called Inglis, ane archer of the    #
King of France gard,
arryvit be sea, quho tellis thair was frequent skarmushes       #
betwix Edinbrucht
and Leyth, and the last before his departing, thair was slane   #
xxx
on Lennox part. And told that Captane Cullane was beheadit at   #
Leyth;
and that the Lard Drumquhassill was the occasione of the        #
sending of
the boit with the munitione to Streviling, quhilk was taken be  #
the way,
be Wormeistowne; for the quhilk caus Lennox and Morton bostit   #
till
<P 136>
have hangit Drumquhassill, quho departed therfor suddantlie to
Dunbartaine.

   (^7=o= Augusti.^) - Mr Skipworth departed towart Court, to   #
solicit what he
could for my liberte and his awn releif; and I wreit two        #
lettres with him
to my Lord Lecester and my Lord Burghly. Bot he tareit at       #
Westmunster
all night, and past the nixt day at morne to Court, and         #
delyverit
my lettres.

   (\Octauo Augusti\) 1571. - I was send for to cum to Hamptoun #
Court,
quhair I past be watter, accumpaneit with Mr Kingesmell, and    #
com to
the keparis hous in the park at sex hours efter none; whair the #
Erl Sussex,
Lord Chamberland, Lord Burghly, and Sir Francis Knollis,        #
thesaurar,
com and declarit to me the Queenis mynd, that she culd not      #
presently
put me to liberte, as she intendit, for sundry respectis.       #
Therfore willed
me to tak patience quhill the progress tyme suld be done, and   #
in the
mene tyme that I suld pass with my Lord Ely into the cuntrey to
remayne. For the Queenis Majestie looked to ressave ane full    #
ansuer
from Scotland of sic articlis as was send thether be her        #
Majestie, wherof
they culd not send ansuer before they suld hald ane full        #
Parlement, quhilk
was to be haldin the 28 of this instant; efter the quhilk the   #
Trety suld
be begun agane, and I would be employed therto. Thair was       #
sundry
thingis inquirit of me, as touching Sir Thomas Stanley (\ut     #
patet\) , be the
tenour of the conference.
   I obteynit a passport to send ane to the Queene to advertis  #
her therof.
   I was in Kingstoun all that night.

   (\Nono Aug=ti=\) 1571. - I retorned to London, and the       #
Frenshe Ambassedour
travailled ernistly with my Lord Burghly to stay me in the town;
<P 137>
and he gave him hope therof. George Douglas retorned from D.,   #
and
broght lettres conform to the last, of the tenour of [^SIGN^] , #
and of the dait the
xxij day of Julij, of all proceidingis and intention, and of    #
the moyen that
they have used in furnishing money.
   Item, that the D. wreit to me anent St Andrese, that she     #
wold have
providit therto, and wold labour the Duke Shatt. gude will to   #
that effect.
Bot I will ansuer in my nixt lettres, that I wold not have it   #
for dyvers
respectis. And conselit the Queene to give it Glasco, and his   #
bishop[\rik\]
to ane of the D. Mad~ freindis.
   This night the Queene begouth her progres, and past to       #
Endein besyid
Lundoun, and my Lord Burghly com to Lundoun.
   I send the double of my ansuer to the Frenche Ambassadour.

   x (^Aug=ti=^) 1571. - I send certain articlis to my Lord     #
Burghly with Mr
Kingismell with my lettre; and in the mene tyme he send for me, #
and
promesed to travell at the Queenis hand to obtain the same.
   My Lord Burghly past to Court, at the Frenche Ambassadouris  #
hand, to
labour my stay; bot no thing was done.

   xj=o= (^Aug=ti=^) 1571. - Advertisment of the Queenis        #
spechis after my examination,
and of [^SIGN^] wordis.
   A pasport send to Makeson, to depart towart D.; and a letter #
send to
my Lord Ely to depart of towne shortly.
   Monsieur de Foyx arryvit at Lundon.
   (^Sonday, xij=o= Aug=ti=^) 1571. - I maid my despeshe to the #
Queene at Leyth,
<P 138>
viz. ane oppin lettre, with a discourse of the last conference  #
at Hampton
Court, and the Queene [\of\] Inglandis determination; desyring  #
to knaw her
plesour what suld be done with the servandis, and for           #
furniture; with sic
other advertissemens as occurred for the tyme.

   xiij=o= (^Aug=ti=^) 1571. - Makeson departed this morning    #
with my packquet
towart the Queene [\of\] Scotland.
   (^No.^) - Mr Kingismell, and Mr Windebankis, Clerk of the    #
Signett, past
with me to my wonted logeing, and oppined my study dur and      #
visitt the
hole lettres that was in it, to sie gif thair was any that hed  #
past betwix any
of the subjetts of Ingland and me, bot none was found; and      #
therefore they
advertisit my L. Burghly, quha caused delyver them all to me    #
the nixt day,
with all uther thing that was in the study.
   I appointed my servandis to prepaire sic thingis as was to   #
be taken with
me in the cuntrey, and which ordour suld be used for keping of  #
the rest of
my furniture and cofferis.

   xiiij=to= (^Aug=ti=^) 1571. - Angelo Maria, perfumer, and G. #
Robeson, past to
Court; and I wreit with them to my L. Burghly for ansuer to my  #
articlis;
and ressavit his ansuer that same night therto, that it was the #
Quenis
plesour that I suld be honourably treated with my Lord Ely,     #
with all
favour, and have all maner of good ayr and intertynement        #
necessaire for
my helth, having regard to my restrainet.
   Item, that I suld have with me two at least in my chalmer,   #
and ane
cook, yf I war scrupulous, and ane other to await on my horses.
   Item, that I might impart my materis to the Fr[\enshe\]      #
Amb[\assadour\]
be letters, bot not be speche.
   Item, that I might wreit oppin letters to the Q. my Mistres, #
to know
of her helth and estate, so being the same was first send to    #
Court.
   Item, that the Q. Ingland wold not grant licence to G.       #
Douglas to pass
towart D., nor into Scotland; nor to Angelo Maria to pass to    #
the D.
<P 139>
   Item, that I suld warne all these that did attend about me   #
to depart
with diligens out of the realme.
   As to the rest of the articles, he send no ansuer to me, bot #
all was
referred to my L. Ely's discretion touching my favourable       #
usages.
   This day I maid a letter, quhilk comprehendit a hole throch  #
of Lombard
paper, in the Frenshe tounge, and wreit it and send it to the   #
Ambassadour
of France; quhilk comprehendit the haill conferences with the   #
Consell, and
causes of my restraint; praying him and Monsieur Du Foys to     #
trawell
for the D. releve, and for her subjectis and my liberte. Mr     #
Kingismell
did reid it, and said, he never red ane better wreittin, of     #
more pith and
better order, nor it was. I send it with William Lesly of       #
Carny, quha
delyvered it to the Frenshe Ambassadour that same night.
   I prepared silver wark to be carried with me in the cuntrey; #
ane silver
bassie and lawer, ane salt falt, 6 silver sponis, two           #
goblettis, and ane drinking
pott gilt, which all was gottin fra G. M.
   Item, I caussit ressave fra the Frenshe Ambassadour, in the  #
Q. my
Mistres nayme, four hundreth crounes of the sone in ryallis,    #
quhilk makis
sax score pundis Stirveling: Wherof I ressavit bot forty        #
pundis, and left
with Cutbert the uther four score pundis, to outtred D. H. the  #
Quenis
servandes, and uther necessaries in the town; quhilk was all    #
debursed and
mair, (\ut patet per computum\) .
   Item, I raised a pasport for Theophilus and Chalmer to pas   #
into
Scotland.

   xv=to= (^Au=ti=^) 1571. - The Frenshe Ambassadour and        #
Monsieur Du Foys past
to Court. New letters sent to my L. Ely to depart with          #
diligens; therfore
he appointed Fryday to depart without further delay.
   I sorted all my letters that day, and took with me only bot  #
the commissionis
<P 140>
gevin be the Q. Scot. and the Nobilite, to me and my L.         #
Galloway
and Levinstoun for the last Treaty, with the Articlis, and the  #
ansueris subscryvit
and past at Chattisworth, and instructiones, quhilk ar in a     #
trein buist.
   Item, the K. Q. of France, and Monsieur De Anjow, Card. and  #
Glasgow
testimonialis in a box of whyit yerne.
   Item, certain copeis of oppin letters written sen my         #
restraint.
   Item, I put the principallis of the rest in a little coffre, #
which I left at
Lundon.
   Item, all uther generall letters in a tronk, which remains   #
with the rest
of my graith.
   And what was brocht with me of all furniture, is conteynit   #
in ane inventair
maid therof.

   xvj=o= (^Aug.^) 1571. - I wreit minutes of letters to the Q. #
Mr Alexander
Lesly, Glasgo, seind the gift of James Gord. to be gevin to the #
B[\ishop\]
of Aberden, be Chalmer.
   I wreit to the Ambassadours.
   I wold have left William Panton behind me to depart toward   #
Scotland,
bot Mr Kingismell wold not suffre him to be interchanged with   #
Cuthbert,
quhill we suld cum to Fenny-Stanton.

   (^Fryday^) , xvij=o= (^Aug=ti=^) . - I departed from Lundoun #
in cumpany with the
B. of Ely, and com to Wair at night, and with me William        #
Panton, Mr
Thomas Lesly, Willie the cooke, and Theophilus.

[^BILL OMITTED^]
<P 141>
   I wreit with Mr Kingismell to my L. Burghly, that I was      #
departed
<P 142>
notwithstanding the gret clamour of the Quenis servandis,       #
praying him to
have respect therto.
   xviij (^Aug=ti=^) 1571. - We com [\to\] Roystoun to denner,  #
quhair Robert Makeson
was arryved with letters fra the Queene, quhilkis was inclosed  #
in my
Lord Shreusbereis packet, directed to my Lord Burghly, and      #
therefore I
send him to Court with the same; and George Robeson with him,   #
to rais a
pasport to William Panton to passe into Scotland. Ressavit sum  #
other
letters fra D.
   We com to the Bishope of Elyis hous, callit Fenny-Stentoun,  #
within
five myles of Huntingtoun, at night.

   (^Sonday,^) xix (^Aug=ti=.^) - Makeson retorned from Court   #
with my awin packet
closed; and my Lord Burghly send ane other packet that was      #
thairwith to
the Frenshe Ambassadour, for it was directed to him.
   In my pacquet there was ane letter to myself, with ane       #
memoire for
ordour taking with the Queenis servandis, viz., that Mr N.      #
Vingzet suld
remayne with myself, Makeson to pass into Scotland.
   Parfumour and Polis to be ordourit by the Frenshe            #
Ambassadour; Laurence
Gordon to be sent to Caimerage, to the scooles; George Robeson  #
to
remayne at Lundon, gif it may be solisted.
   The Bishop of Lincolne, callit Doctor Coper, com and dynit   #
with the
Bishop of Ely, efter he had preched in the churche of ...; and  #
I
dined with them, whair we had conference of mony materis; bot   #
the Bishop
of Lincolne complayned fest that mony of his diocess was        #
favourable to the
old religion, and wold not come to the service.
<P 143>
   xx=o= (^Aug=ti=.^) - I despeched Makeson agane to my Lord    #
Burghly, and wreit
with him, and send the said letter and memoire to him.
   Item, I wreit to the Frenshe Ambassadour, praying him to     #
help to tak
ordour for accomplyshing of the Queenis direction.
   Item, I wreit to Cutbert Read to ansuer them of money to     #
that effect, viz. -
   To Makeson, to mak his journey into Scotland, and, as he was #
wont, to
get fra the Queene xxx crounis of the sone.
   To every one of them suld pass into France, xx crounis.
   To G. Robesone, gif he sall pass into Scotland, xxx crounis; #
gif he passis
into France, xx crounis; gif he remainis, x crounis.
   The same day, I send Laurence Gordon to Camerage, with Mr    #
Bell, tone
of the chapellaneis of the Bishop of Ely. He was bourdit with   #
Monsieur
Chevalier, Lectour in Hebrew in Camerage; and suld pay every    #
month
three French crounis for his bourd, chalmer, candill, and       #
weshing of his
clothis. I gave him fyve pounds with him, to by hym clothes and
necessaries.
   Item, I send to him with the carriar efteruart, 27 Aug=ti=,  #
3 lib~. to furneis
the rest of his necessaires; quhilk he ressavit, as he wreit to #
me with the
same caryar.

   xxj=o= (^Aug=ti=.^) - I begouth to the repetition of the     #
Greik and Hebrew toung,
and visited the rudimentis of boith, as tyme mycht serve.       #
Conference with
the Bishop of Ely anent the governement of commone weillis. He  #
dispyittis
Johne Knox and Gudeman, with the band, for the wreittin aganes
the Regement of Wemen, and otheris there singular opiniones,    #
and holdis
tham Puritanis. Goodman is depryved laitly from his benefice    #
and precheing
for the same caus.

   xxij=o= (^Aug=ti=^) 1571. - Conference with the Bishop of    #
Ely, quha counseled
<P 144>
me to tak panes at my retorning into Scotland, to recover all   #
the antient
bookis that was in the Abbayes and Cathedrall churches, as the  #
Archbishope
of Canterbery hes done in Ingland, and to gather furth of them  #
all
thingis notable touching the Religion from tyme to tyme; and    #
gif ther be
ony wreit in Inglis toung or Saxon towng.

   xxiij=o= (^Aug=ti=^) 1571. - I raid about the medowis with   #
my Lord of Ely and
his servandis; shot at revaris and buttis, and saw the ryvar    #
quhilk rynis
neir by, and is partative to Lin, quhilk is fourty myles be     #
wattir. The
Bishop of Ely said to me, upon the watir syde, that I micht tak #
boitt in
thair and pas to Ros be watter; bot he beleivit wele I wold not #
do it
respect of the appearance that thar was no caus to depart in    #
that maner, &c.

   24 (^Aug=ti=^) 1571. - I did reid upon Hiperius in the mene  #
tyme, and sum of
the Byble every day.
   25. - My Lord of Ely past to his chasse and perk of          #
Somershame, and
hunted a buk, and dynit thair, and returned at night.
   I gave the principall huntaris a croun amonges them, becaus  #
they killed
a buk, and I gat the honour to cutt the first cutt in his skin, #
as the use is
that honestast man in the company hes it.

   (^Sonday,^) xxvj=to= (^Aug=ti=^) 1571. - The Sheref of       #
Camerage, callit Mr Hynnein,
and Mr Maillery, quho was Sheref the +geir precedant, dynit     #
with the
Bishop of Ely.
   I maid certanes versis upon the hunting the day precedent,   #
and gave
them to Doctour Ty, doctour in music, for ane argument, to mak  #
the same
in Inglis.
<P 145>
   xxvij=o= (^Aug=ti=^) 1571. - The caryar of Camerage brocht   #
ane tronk, and bowes
and quaveris, with uther furniture, fra Lundon to Stentoun,     #
quhilk Cutbert
Read and Mr Ninian hed send before them.
   I send with the said carryar to Camerage, to Laurence        #
Gordon, thre lib~.,
quhilk he ressavit, (\ut patet supra\) .

   xxviij=o= (^Aug=ti=.^) - I had conference with the Bishop of #
Ely, quho did offer
to give me friely certain thingis, sic as bread and beir, and   #
uther small
thingis of frindship. To quhom I ansuerit, Gif the Qeene of     #
Ingland will
gif him any allowance to mak my charges, I will tak it glaidly, #
as the
Queene my Mistres doeth; utherwyse, it is nether my Mistres     #
honour,
nor her will, that I tak any thing of any subject. He ansuerit, #
He had hard
no thing of the Queene nor Concell in that mater, bot he did    #
offer it of
freindship.

   xxix (^Aug=ti=^) 1571. - Mr Ninian and Cutbert Reid com to   #
Stantoun, and
brocht a pasport for William Pantoun to pass into Scotland.
   Advertisement fra the Franche Ambassadour, that he and       #
Monsieur du
Foys hed bene wele treated at Court; [^PASSAGE IN FRENCH        #
OMITTED^]
   Item, Jame Broun, Archibaldis sone, and Wille Lesle, Johne   #
of the
Briggis sone, was cum to Lundon.
   Item, I ressavit two pair of perfumit gluffis, sent be       #
Angelo Maria.

   xxx (^Aug=ti=^) 1571. - I maid William Pontones despeshe for #
Scotland, and
instructed him as was necessar in all thingis.
<P 146>
   The Ambassadour of France and Monsieur de Foys was at        #
Camerage.
   I wreit to Nicolas, the Ambassadour of France servand, and   #
to William
Lesly, to place Jame Broun with a wretar in the Franche tongue, #
in London,
for thre moneth; and Wille Lesllie to remayne with .. Leslie,   #
or ellis
to remayne with a horse cosar to learne to treate horses.

   xxxj (^Aug=ti=.^) - William Pantoun departed towart          #
Scotland. I wreit with
him opin letteres -
[^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]
   Item, I send a lang memoriall with him of all my particular  #
affairis, (\ut
patet per copiam ejusdem\) .
   Item, I gave four auld angell nobilis to be gevin to Janet   #
Lesly of New
Lesly.
   Item, I appointed him to send Chalmer agane with the first   #
ansuer.
<P 147>
   Item, I gave him ten lib~. to mak his expensis in going and  #
retourning,
and fyve lib~. viij. s. more to by him a horse by the           #
Bordouris.
   Item, I wreit with him to the Queene of Scotland, in case he #
sall speak
with her Majestie be the way.
   William Pantoun made rekning with the Clerk of kitching for  #
all expensis
sence our departing furth of Lundon, and payit him compleitly;  #
and
every Fryday the count to be gevin in, (\ut patet p~            #
compot~\) .

[^LATIN OMITTED^]

   (^Sonday,^) 2=o= (^Septemb.^) 1571. - Mr Maleray and his     #
wyfe, with dyvers uderis,
was with the Bishop of Ely, and I sowpet with him.
   Thair com a servand of Lord Burghly to the Bishop of Ely     #
with a lettre
and a booke, new maid [^PASSAGE IN LATIN OMITTED^]
<P 148>
new printed at Lundon, 1571; quhilk booke the Bishop gave me to #
reid
over shortly therefter.

   3=o= (^Septembris.^) - (\Vacavimus studiis nostris.\)
   Item, I wisited Bervely. Cuthbert Reidis countis.

   4=to= (^Sept.^) 1571. - The Bishop of Ely removed fra        #
Stantoun and com to
Somershayme, with his hole company and plenissing, and I with   #
him.
And our hole furniture was caryed be cartes with the Bishoppis  #
own
furniture. And I was lugeit in a chalmer callit the Cardinallis #
chalmer,
and dynit and soupit myself with the Bishop of Ely.
[^LATIN OMITTED^]

   George Robeson arryvit that efternone with lettrs fra the    #
Franche
Ambassadour, the Bishop of Glasgo, and oderis, quhilk I         #
considered that
night. The Franche Ambassadour wreit that Monsieur du Foys was  #
departed,
and hes gotten a revard of silver weshell, worth 12 crounes;    #
bot as
to the mater he com for, it was incertane yf it wold tak        #
effect, (\ut patet p~
l~ras ejusd~.\)
   Item, that my Lord Burghly had advertist him that boith the  #
parteis in
<P 149>
Scotland was agreyit to hald a Parliment the 29 of August,      #
efter the quhilk,
neweis wold be send hether.
   Item, newis of the putting of Higford and Barkar in the      #
Towr, for dealing
with the Franche Ambassadour.
   Item, George Robeson hes license to remayne at Lundon.
   Robert Makison a pasport to pass in Scotland and retorne.
   Geilis and Perfumer to pass into France.
   I ressavit my huoh [\knok?\]

   (\Septimo Sept.\) 1571. - I wreit to the Queene Majestie,    #
and send all the
lettres quhilk I ressavit, to her for advertisment; and send    #
sum quenchis
to her to prove gif sho will have of them.
[^LATIN OMITTED^]

   Mr Adley lenit me Maister Escame's book callit The Scole     #
Mayster,
quhilk is worthy to be red.
[^REST OF DIARY IN LATIN, ALL OMITTED^]



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<W WRITTEN>
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<Y 60->
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<S SAMPLE X>

[^MEMOIRS OF HIS OWN LIFE BY SIR JAMES MELVILLE OF HALHILL,
1549-1593. ED. T. THOMSON. BANNATYNE CLUB.
EDINBURGH 1827.
PP. 115.5-141.14.^]

<P 115>
   Being arriuit at Londoun, I tok loging neir the court,       #
quhilk wes 
at Westmester. Incontinent my host aduertist of my commyng,     #
and 
that same nycht hir Maieste sent Maister Lattoun, now           #
gouernour of 
the Yll of Weicht, to welcom me in hir name, and to schaw me    #
that 
the nyxt mornyng sche suld be in hir garding be aucht houres,   #
to geue 
me audience; for sche wes aduertist from the Erle of Bedford,   #
gouernour
of Berwik, that I was be the way. That same nycht, Sir Nycholas 
Throgmortoun, ane of my auld and derest frendis be lang         #
acquantance, 
first during his banissement in France in the regne of 
Quen Marie, and efterwart being ambassadour in France for this 
Quen, wher I was for the tym yet very young, pensioner to the   #
King 
Henry II., and saruant to the constable his cheif consaillour:  #
This Sir 
Nycholas was not only my dear frend, wha had procured a         #
pension 
for me fra his mestres, to help to enterteny me, (when I was    #
willingly 
banissit from the court of France, sa lang as ther wes ciuill   #
warres betwen 
France and Scotland, during the quhilk tym I remanit in         #
Germany:)
The said Sir Nycholas being for the tym at court, cam and 
souped with me that same nycht; wha was also a devot frend to   #
the 
Quen my mestres, and to hir richt and title to the succession   #
of the 
crown of England. Be him I had ample and famylier               #
infourmation. 
and sur intelligence and frendly aduise, how to proceed with    # 
the Quen 
and euery courteour in particulair: for he wes a gret           #
instrument to 
<P 116>
help my L. of Murray and secretary Liddingtoun, to pak vp the   #
first 
frendschip and correspondance betwen the twa Quenis, and        #
betwen 
the Erle of Murray and my L. Robert, and betwen the twa         #
secretaires. 
Albeit he had na lyking for the tym, nother of my L. Robert, 
nor of Mester Cicill, yet he knew that then nathing culd be     #
done without
them. Amang vther thingis, he gaif me aduyse to vse gret        #
famylarite
with the ambassadour of Spain, in caice I fand the Quen his 
maistres our hard and difficill; alleging that it wald be a     #
gret spure 
to moue the Quen of England, to geue our Quen a greter          #
contentement 
in hir desyres then sche had yet done. 
   The nyxt mornyng, Maister Lattoun and Mester Randolphe,      #
lait 
agent for the Quen of England in Scotland, cam to my loging to  #
convoy
me to hir Maieste, wha wes as they said alredy in the garding;
and with them a seruand of my L. Robertis, with a horse and     #
futmantill
of veluet passemented with gold, for me to ryd vpon; quhilk     #
seruand 
with the said horse awaited vpon me all the tym that I remanit 
ther. I sand her Maieste spacing in ane alley; wher efter that  #
I had 
kissit hir hand, and presented my letter of credence, I tald    #
her Maieste 
in Frenche the effect of my commission, as neir to the forsaid  #
instructions
as I culd; and sometymes being interrupted be hir demandis, I   #
answerit 
accordingly. The cause why I spak Frence was, that I wes 
bot laitly com hame, and culd not as yet speak my awen langage  #
sa 
redely. Hir first demand was anent the lettre that the Quen     #
had 
wreten, with sic dispytfull langage vnto her, that sche         #
beleuit all 
frendschip and famyliarite had bene geuen vp; quhilk wes cause  #
that 
sche myndit never to wret again bot another as dispytfull,      #
quhilk sche 
tok out of hir poutch, for sche had it alredy wreten, to let    #
me see;
<P 117>
and said, because sche thocht it ouer gentill sche deleyed to   #
send it, 
vntill sche had wreten another mair vehement, for answer to     #
the 
Quenis angry bill. For my part, I apperit to find sic hard      #
interpretation
to be maid vpon the Quenis loving and frank dealing, very       #
strange; 
and how that the Quene culd not remember what wordes they ar 
wherat sche conceaues sic offence. Wherupon sche schew me also  #
the 
Quenis lettre, quhilk sche had redy in hir hand to let me see. 
Quhilk when I had sean, I said I culd find therein na           #
offensywe 
word, in respect of ther gret famyliarte; alleging that albeit  #
hir 
Maieste culd speak asgud Frenche as any that had never bene     #
out of 
the contre, that yet sche laiketh the vse of the Frenche court  #
langage, 
whilk wes frank and schort, and had oft tymes twa               #
significations, 
quhilk discreit and famylier frendis tok alwayes in the best 
part; preing hir to rywe the angerie wretingis quhilk sche      #
thocht to 
have send for answer, and in reuenge of the Quenis; and said,   #
that I 
suld never let the Quen knaw, that her trew plain meanyng was   #
sa 
misconstrewed. Alwais at lenth, sche being desyrous of ane      #
honest coulour 
or excuse, sche was the easelyer pleasit and satisfied in that  #
point, 
for the fear sche had that frendschip and correspondance suld   #
leaw aff;
our Quen being the first seaker to renew and continow the sam   #
be 
sending of me ther, and wald not stand vpon ceremonies with     #
hir eldest 
sister. Then in my presens sche rawe all the angrie wretingis   #
and 
answeres, with promyse of sic frendly and frank dealing in      #
tymes commyng,
as all hir gud sisters doingis and proceadingis suld be         #
interpret 
to the best. 
   The harrang that I maid first vnto hir in Frenche is bot     #
schort, as 
folowes. [^A LETTER WRITTEN IN FRENCH FOLLOWS.^]
<P 118>
Being procedit this far sche stayed me, and tok out the         #
lettres abone 
specified, to schew me as said is. 
   Now the auld frendschip being renewed, sche inquyred gene    #
the 
<P 119>
Quen had send any answer anent the proposition of a mariage     #
maid 
to hir be Maister Randolphe. I answerit as I wes instructed,    #
that the 
Quen thocht litle or nathing therof; bot lukit for the meting   #
of some 
commissioners vpon the borders, with my Lord of Murray and the  #
secretary 
Liddingtoun, to confer and trait vpon all sic matters of        #
gretest 
importance, as mycht concern the quyetnes of baith the          #
contrees, and 
contentement of baith the Quenis myndis. "Sa seing that your    #
Maiesteis 
can not sa schone find the opportunite of meting, samekle       #
desyred betwen 
your selues, quhilk is not expedient nether vntill all vther    #
doutis and 
desyres be first maid clear, be your maist trusty and famylier  #
consellours; 
the Quen my mestres, as I haue said, is myndit to send for hir  #
part, 
my L. of Murray and the secretary Liddingtoun, and is in hope   #
that 
your Maieste will send my Lordis of Bedford and my L. Robert    #
Dudly."
Sche said, that it apperit I maid bot small accompt of my L.    #
Robert, 
seing that I named the Erle of Bedford before him; bot or it    #
wer 
lang,  sche suld mak hym a greter erle, and that I suld se it   #
done before 
my returnyng hame; for sche estemed him as hir brother and      #
best 
frend, whom sche suld haue maried hir self, gif euer sche had   #
bene 
myndit till tak a husband. Bot being determinit to end hir lyf  #
in virginite,
sche wissit that the Quen hir sister suld mary him, as metest   #
of 
all vther; and with whom sche mycht find in hir hart to         #
declaire the 
Quen second person, rather then with any vther. For being       #
matched 
with hym, it wald best remove out of hir mynd, all fear and     #
suspision 
to be offendit be vsurpation before hir death; being assured    #
that he 
was sa loving and  trusty, that he wald never geue his          #
consent, nor 
suffer sic thing to be enterprysed during hir tym. And to       #
cause the 
Quen my mestres to think the mair of him, I was requyred to     #
stay 
<P 120>
till I had sean him maid Erle of Leycester, and Barron of       #
Denbich, 
with gret solemnite at Westmester; hir self helping to put on   #
his ceremoniall, 
he sitting vpon his knees before hir, keping a gret grauite 
and discret behauour; bot sche culd not refrain from putting    #
hir hand 
in his nek to kittle him smylingly, the Frenche ambassadour     #
and I 
standing besyd hir. Then sche asked at me how I lyked of him.   #
I 
said, as he was a worthy subiect, he was happy that had         #
rencontrit a 
princes that culd dicern and reward gud seruice. "Yet," sche    #
said, 
"ye lyk better of yonder lang lad;" pointing towardis my Lord   #
Darley,
wha as nerest prince of the bluid bure the swerd of honour      #
that 
day before hir. My answer again wes, that na woman of sprit     #
wald 
mak choise of sic a man, that was lyker a woman than a man;     #
for he 
wes very lusty, berdles and lady facit. I had na will that      #
sche suld 
think that I lyked of him, or had any ey or deling that way;    #
albeit I 
had a secret charge to deall with his mother my Lady Lenox, to  #
purches 
leawe for him to pass in Scotland, wher his father was alredy, 
that he mycht se the contre, and convoy the Erle his father     #
bak again 
to England. 
   Now the said Quen was determinit to trait with the Quen my 
souerane, first anent hir mariage with the Erle of Leycester,   #
and for that 
effect promysed to send commissioners vnto the borders. In the  #
mean 
tym, I was fauorably and famylierly vsed; for during nyn dayes  #
that 
I remanit at that court, hir Maieste plesit to confer with me   #
euery day, 
and somtymes thrys vpon a day, to wit a foir nun, efter nun     #
and 
efter supper. Sometymes sche wald say, that sen sche culd not   #
meit 
with the Quen her gud sister hir self, to confer familierly     #
with hir, that 
sche suld open a gud part of hir inwart mynd vnto me, that I    #
mycht 
<P 121>
schaw it again vnto the Quen; and said that sche was not sa     #
offendit 
at the Quenis angry lettre, as for that sche seamed to disdain  #
sa far the 
mariage with my L. of Leycister, quhilk sche had caused Mester  #
Randolphe 
propon vnto hir. I said that it mycht be he had tuechit         #
something 
therof to my L. of Murrey and Liddington, bot that he had not 
proponit the matter directly vnto hir self; and that asweill    #
hir Maieste, as 
they that wer hir maist famylier consellouris, culd conjectour  #
na thing 
thervpon bot delayes and drifting of tym, anent the declaring   #
of hir to 
be second persoune; quhilk wald try at the meating of the       #
commissioners 
abone specified. Sche said again, that the tryall and           #
declairation therof 
wald be haisted fordwart, according to the Quenis gud           #
behauoir, and 
applying to hir pleasour and aduyse in hir mariage; and seing   #
the matter 
concernyng the said declairation wes sa weichty, sche had       #
ordonit some 
of the best lawers in England, diligently to search out wha     #
had the best 
rycht; quhilk sche wald wiss suld be hir dear sister rather     #
then any vther. 
I said I was assured that hir Maieste wes baith out of dout     #
therof, and 
wald rather sche suld be declairit then any vther; bot I        #
lamented that 
euen the wysest princes will not skance sufficiently vpon the   #
parcialites 
and pretences of some of ther famylier conseillouris and        #
seruandis; 
except it wer sic a notable and rare prince as K. Hary the 8.,  #
hir Maiesteis
father of gud memore, wha of his awen head was determinit 
to declair his sister sone K. James the 5., (at what tym hir    #
Maieste 
was not yet born, bot only hir sister Quen Mary,) hayr          #
apparant to 
the crown of England, fail+geing the aires gottin of his awen   #
body, for 
the ernest desyre he had till vnit this haill ylland. Sche      #
said, sche was 
glaid he did it not. I said that then he had bot a dochter,     #
and was in 
dout to haue any ma children, and yet had not sa many           #
suspitions in 
<P 122>
his head; and that hir Maieste wes out of all dout euer till    #
haue any 
childrene, as being deliberat to dy a virgen. Sche said that    #
sche was 
never myndit to mary, except sche wer compellit be the Quen     #
hir sisters 
hard behauour towardis hir, in doing by hir consaill as said    #
is. I said, 
"Madam, ye ned not tell me that; I knaw your staitly stomak:
Ye think gene ye wer maried, ye wald be bot Quen of England, 
and now ye ar King and Quen baith; ye may not suffer a          #
commander."
   Sche apperit to be sa effectionit to the Quen hir gud        #
sister, that sche 
had a gret desyre to se hir; and because ther desyred meting    #
culd not 
be sa haistely brocht till pass, sche delyted oft to luk vpon   #
hir picture, 
and tok me in to hir bed chamber, and oppenit a litle lettroun  #
wherin 
wer dyuers litle pictures wrapped within paiper, and wreten     #
vpon 
the paiper, ther names with hir awen hand. Vpon the first that  #
sche 
tok vp was wreten, " My lordis picture." I held the candell     #
and 
pressit to se my lordis picture. Albeit sche was laith to let   #
me se it, at 
lenth I be importunite obteanit the sicht therof, and askit     #
the same to 
cary hame with me vnto the Quen; quhilk sche refused, alleging  #
sche 
had bot that ane of his. I said again, that sche had the        #
principall; 
for he was at the farthest part of the chamber speaking with    #
the secretary
Cicill. Then sche tok out the Quenis picture and kissit it;
and I kissit hir hand, for the gret loue I saw sche bure to     #
the Quen. 
Sche schew me also a fair ruby, gret lyk a racket ball. Then I  #
desyred 
that sche wald eyther send it as a token vnto the Quen, or      #
elis my 
Lord of Lecesters picture. Sche said, gene the Quen wald folow  #
hir 
consaill, that sche wald get them baith with tym, and all that  #
sche 
had; bot suld send hir a dyamont for a token with me. Now it    #
was 
lait efter supper; sche appointed me to be at hir the nyxt      #
mornyng be 
<P 123>
8. houres, at quhilk tym sche vsed to walk in hir garden; and   #
inquyred
sundre things at me of this contre, or vther contrees wherin I  #
had 
laitly trauelit; and caused me to eat with hir dame of honour,  #
my lady 
Stafford, ane honorable and godly lady, wha had bene at         #
Geneva, banissit
during the regne of Quen Mary, that I mycht be alwayes neir 
hir Maieste,  that sche mycht conferr with me; and my lady      #
Staffordis 
dochter was my mestres, for I was of ther acquantance when      #
they 
passit throw France, and had gud intelligence be hir and be     #
my lady 
Throgmortoun. 
   At dyuers metingis ther wald be dyuers purposes; and the     #
Quen 
my souerane had instructed me somtymes to leau matters of       #
grauite, 
and cast in some purposes of mirrines, or elis I wald be tyred  #
vpon, as 
being weill infourmed of hir sisters naturell. Therfore in      #
declaring 
the customes of Dutchland, Polle and Italy, the busking and     #
clothing 
of the dames and wemen was not for+get, and what contrey weid   #
was 
best setten for gentilwemen to wair. The Quen of England said   #
sche 
had of dyuers sortis; quhilkis euery day sa lang as I was ther  #
sche 
chengit; ane day the Englisch weid, ane the Frenche, and ane    #
the 
Ytalien, and sa of others; asking at me quhilk of them set hir  #
best. I 
said the Italien weid; quhilk plesit hir weill, for sche        #
delyted to schaw 
her golden coloured hair, wairing a kell and bonet as they do   #
in Italy. 
Hir hair was reder then +gellow, curlit apparantly of nature.   #
Then 
sche entrit to dicern what kynd of coulour of hair was reputed  #
best; 
and inquyred whither the Quenis or hirs was best, and quhilk    #
of them 
twa was fairest. I said, the fairnes of them baith was not      #
ther worst 
faltes. Bot sche was ernest with me to declaire quhilk of them  #
I 
thocht fairest. I said, sche was the fairest Quen in England,   #
and ours 
<P 124>
the fairest Quen in Scotland. Yet sche was ernest. I said,      #
they wer 
baith the fairest ladyes of ther courtes, and that the Quen of  #
England 
was whytter, bot our Quen was very lusome. Sche inquyred        #
quhilk 
of them was of hyest stature. I said, our Quen. Then sche       #
said, 
the Quen was ouer heych, and that hir self was nother ouer      #
hich nor 
ouer laich. Then sche askit what kynd of exercyses sche vsed.   #
I said, 
that I was dispatchit out of Scotland, that the Quen was bot    #
new com 
bak from the hyland hunting; and when sche had leaser fra the   #
affaires of hir 
contre, sche red vpon gud bukis, the histories of dyuers 
contrees, and somtymes wald play vpon lut and virginelis. Sche  #
sperit 
gene sche plaid weill. I said, raisonably for a Quen. 
   That same day efter dener, my L. of Hundsden drew me vp      #
till a 
quyet gallerie that I mycht heir some musik, bot he said he     #
durst not 
advow it, wher I mycht heir the Quen play vpon the virginelis.  #
Bot 
efter I had harkenit a whyll, I tok by the tapisserie that hang #
before 
the dur of the chamber, and seing hir bak was toward the dur,   #
I entrit 
within the chamber and stod still at the dur chek, and hard     #
hir 
play excellently weill; bot sche left aff sa schone as sche     #
turnit hir 
about and saw me, and cam forwartis semyng to stryk me with     #
hir left 
hand, and to think schame; alleging that sche vsed not to play  #
before 
men, bot when sche was solitary hir allaine, till eschew        #
melancholy;
and askit how I cam ther. I said, as I was walken with my L.    #
of 
Hundsden, as we past by the chamber dur, I hard sic melodie, 
quhilk rauyst and drew me within the chamber I wist not how;    #
excusing 
my falt of hamelynes, as being brocht vp in the court of        #
France, 
and was now willing to suffer what kynd of punissement wald     #
pleise 
hir lay vpon me for my offence. Then sche sat down laich vpon   #
a 
<P 125>
kusschen, and I vpon my knee besyd hir; bot sche gaif me a      #
kusschen 
with hir awen hand to lay vnder my kne, quhilk I refused, bot   #
sche 
compellit me; and callit for my lady Stafford out of the nyxt   #
chamber,
for sche was hir allain ther. Then sche asked whither the Quen 
or sche played best. In that I gaif hir the prayse. Sche said   #
my 
Frenche was gud; and sperit gif I culd speak Italien, quhilk    #
sche spak 
raisonable weill. I said, I taried not abone tua monethes in    #
Italy, and 
had brocht with me some bukis to reid vpon; bot had na leaser   #
to 
learn the langage perfytly. Then sche spak to me in Dutche,     #
bot it 
was not gud; and wald wit what kynd of bukis I lyked best,      #
whither of 
theologie, history, or loue matters. I said, I lyked weill of   #
all the sortis. 
   I was ernest to be dispetschit; bot sche said that I tyred   #
schoner of 
hir company nor sche did of myn. I said, albeit I had na        #
occasion 
ty tyre, that it was tym to retourn; bot I was stayed twa       #
dayes langer 
till I mycht se hir dance, as I was infourmed; quhilk being     #
done, 
sche inquyred at me whither sche or the Quen dancit best. I     #
said, the 
Quen dancit not sa hich and disposedly as sche did. Then again  #
sche 
wissit that sche mycht se the Quen, at some convenient place    #
of meating. 
I offerit to convoy hir secretly in Scotland be poist, clothed  #
lyk 
a paige disgysed, that sche mycht se the Quen; as K. James the  #
5. 
past in France disgysed, with his awen ambassadour, to se the   #
Duc of 
Vendomes sister that suld haue bene his wyf; and how that hir   #
chamber 
suld be kepit as thoch sche wer seak, in the mean tym, and      #
nane to 
be preuy therto bot my lady Stafford, and ane of the grumes of  #
hir 
chamber. Sche said, Alace! gene sche mycht do it; and seamed    #
to lyk 
weill of sic kynd of langage, and vsed all the meanis sche      #
culd to cause 
me persuad the Quen of the gret loue that sche bure vnto hir,   #
and was 
<P 126>
myndit to put away all geleusies and suspitions, and in tymes   #
comyng 
a straiter frendschip to stand betwen them then euer had bene   #
of before;
and promysed that my dispasche suld be delyuerit vnto me very 
schortly, be Mester Cicill at Londoun. For now sche was past    #
till 
Hamton court, wher sche gaif me my answer be mouth hir self,    #
and 
hir secretary be wret. 
   The nyxt day my L. of Leycister desyred me to faill in his   #
barge 
down the watter of Tames to Londoun, quhilk wes ten myles from 
Hamtoncourt. He had in his company, his gud brother Sir Harry 
Sidney deputy of Yreland. Be the way my said L. entrit with me  #
famylierly,
alleging that he wes weill acquented with my L. of Murray, 
Liddingtoun and my brother Sir Robert; and that he was also sa 
weill acquanted with me be report, that he durst be sa hamly    #
as to requyre, 
that I wald schaw him what the Quen my mestres thocht of 
of him, and of the mariage that Mester Randolphe had proponit.
Wherunto I answerit very cauldly, as I was be the Quen          #
commandit. 
Then he began to purge himself of sa proud a pretence as to     #
mary sa 
gret a Quen, estemyng him self not worthy to deicht hir         #
schone; alleging
the invention of that proposition to haue proceadit of Mester 
Cicill his secret ennemy. "For gif I suld," said he, " haue     #
seamed to 
desyre that mariage, I suld haue tint the fauour of baith the   #
Quenis;" 
preing me till excuse him vnto the Quen, that it wald please    #
hir Maieste 
not to imput vnto him that lourd falt, bot vnto the malice of   #
his 
ennemys. 
   Landing at Londoun, our denner was prepaired be the Erle of  #
Penburg;
wha being gret maister, yet humbled him sa far as to serve the 
said table, as mester househald him self; and schew him self    #
to be a 
<P 127>
deuot frend to the Quene anent hir title. That efter denner, I  #
tok my
leawe at the Frenche ambassadour, with dyuer aduertismentis     #
from 
him, and from the Spanisch ambassadour. My L. of Leycester      #
send 
also wretingis with me to my L. of Murray, till excuse him at   #
the 
Quenis hand. 
   The day apponted, I gat my despasche fra secretary Cicill,   #
together 
with a lettre of credit and a mair ample declaration of the     #
Quenis mynd, 
tueching the same answers that sche had maid vnto me hir self.  #
He 
gaif me also a wreting to the secretary Liddingtoun; for as I   #
haue 
said, my L. of Lecister, and he my Lord of Murray and the       #
secretary 
Liddingtoun, reuled baith the Quenis, and kepit correspondance  #
togither 
as yet. 
   When I tok my leawe, the secretary Cicill convoyed me throw  #
the 
close to the vtter +get of his palice, sa I may call it, efter  #
he had put a faire 
cheigne about my nek hym self. My Lady Lenox and Sir Nycholas 
Throgmorton send many gud aduyces to the Quen, to be folowed 
fourth according to the tym and occasions. My Lady Lenox send   #
also 
takens to the Quen, a ring with a fair dyemont; ane emeraud to  #
my 
L. hir husband, wha was yet in Scotland; a dyamont to my L. of 
Murray; ane orlege or montre set with dyamontis and rubis, to   #
the 
secretary Liddingtoun; a ring with a ruby to my brother Sir     #
Robert; 
for sche was still in gud hope, that hir sone my Lord Darley    #
suld com 
better speid then the Erle of Leycester, anent the mariage      #
with the 
Quen. Sche was a very wyse and discret matroun, and had many    #
fauorers in 
England for the tym. 
   At my hamecommyng, I fand the Quenis Maieste still in        #
Edinbrough;
to whom I declaired the maner of my proceding with the Quen of 
<P 128>
England, and hir answer to the speciall headis of my            #
instructions in 
wret. 
   Hir Maieste answerit to the first; That wheras the Quen      #
thocht the 
tym very lang sen sche resauit other word or wret fra hir,      #
wherby 
sche mycht vnderstand of her gud estait, and had send me ther   #
to vesit 
hir in hir behalf; That sche thocht the tym aslang, albeit      #
sche had 
conceaued some greif anent the angry lettre; quhilk was the     #
greter, 
in respect it apperit that sche disdanit the offer of the best  #
gud sche 
had till geue, to wit the man whom sche estemed as hir          #
brother. And 
wheras sche had send me to vesit hir, sche was mair content     #
with my 
commyng then sche wald haue bene of any vther; being of hir     #
gud 
acquantance, with whom sche mycht famylierly declair hir        #
inwart 
mynd vnto the Quen my maistres, seing sche culd not meit with   #
hir 
(sa schon as sche desyrit) hir self; as I mycht declaire, how   #
famylierly 
sche had conferrit with me all hir inwart greifis and desyres,  #
and how 
weill sche was satisfied, and how willing till continow all     #
gud offices of 
amytie; and suld for that effect send schortly doun to the      #
borders, 
commissioners that wer named be hir self, to meit with my L.    #
of Murray
and Liddingtoun. 
   As for the Parlement, it wes yet in dout whither it held or  #
not. 
Gene it held, the Quen suld get na hurt in hir richt, nother    #
directly 
nor indirectly, bot suld be alwayes foirwarnit in dew tym. 
   Then I schew hir Maieste at lenth, of all vther purposes     #
that fell out 
be occasion betwen hir and me; togither with the oppinions and  #
aduertismentis
of dyuers of hir frendis in England, asweill catholikis as 
protestantis; and from the ambassadour of Spain, of the K. his  #
masters 
gud will towardis hir Maieste; and lyk wayes of Don Carle the 
<P 129>
prince, albeit that he was for the tym in some suspition with   #
his father;
wherby the purpose of mariage wald apperantly tak some delay, 
vntill matters mycht fram better betwen the father and the      #
sonne; assuring 
hir Maieste of his awen perticulair seruice and futherance at   #
his 
power, and suld from tym to tym mak hir intelligence. 
   Hir Maieste was very glaid that matters wer brocht again in  #
sa gud 
termes, as that famylier dealing mycht continew betwen hir and  #
the 
Quen of England; wherby sche mycht haue acces to get            #
intelligence 
fra a gret nomber of noble men and vthers, hir frendis and      #
factioners 
in England; and because sche fearit also to get the wyet of     #
ther discord,
gif it had continowed. 
   Efter that hir Maieste had vnderstand at gret lenth, all     #
my handling 
and proceadingis in England, sche inquyrit whither I thocht     #
that Quen 
menit trewly towardis hir asweill inwartly in hir hart, as      #
sche apperit 
to do outwardly be hir speach. I said, in my jugement, that     #
ther was 
nather plain dealing nor vprycht meanyng, bot gret              #
dissimulation, emulation,
and fear that hir princely qualites suld ouer schone, chaise    #
hir out, 
and displace hir from the kingdome; as having alredy hendrit    #
hir mariage 
with the Archeduc Charles of Austria, and now offering vnto     #
hir 
my L. of Leycester, whom sche wald be laith as then to want.    #
Then 
the Quen gaif me hir hand, that sche suld never mary the said   #
new maid 
erle; albeit schortly whyll efter, my L. of Murray and Bedford  #
met 
besyd Berwik to trait vpon the mariage with Leycester, with     #
slenderer
offers and les effectuell dealing then was loked for. Bot the   #
said Erle 
of Leycester had wreten sa discret and wyfe lettres vnto my L.  #
of Murray, 
for his excuses, that the Quen apperit to haue sa gud lyking    #
of him, as 
that the Quen of England began to fear and suspect that the     #
said mariage 
<P 130>
mycht perchance tak effect. And therfore my L. Darley obteanit  #
the 
rather licence to com in Scotland, wha was a lusty youth, in    #
hope that 
he suld preuaill being present, before Leycester that was       #
absent. Quhilk 
licence was obteanit be the meanis of the secretary Cicill;     #
not that he 
was myndit that any of the mariages suld tak effect, bot with   #
sic schiftis 
and praktikes to hald the Quen on maried sa lang as he culd.    #
For he 
persuadit him self, that my L. Darley durst not pass fordwart   #
without 
the consent of the Quen of England to the said mariage; his     #
land lying
in England, and his mother remanyng ther. Sa he thocht it lay   #
in 
the Quen his mistres awen hand, to let the mariage go           #
fordwart, or to 
stey the same at hir plesour; and incaice my L. Darley wald     #
disobey 
the Quen of Englandis charge, to com bak at hir ca, intendit    #
to forfault 
him, wherby he suld lois all his landis richtis and titles      #
that he had in 
England. 
   The Quenis Maieste, as I haue said, efter hir returnyng out  #
of France 
to Scotland, behaued hir self sa princely, sa honorably and     #
discretly,
that hir reputation spred in all contrees; and was determynit   #
and also 
inclynit to continow in that kynd of comelynes, vnto the end    #
of hir lyf; 
desyring to hald nane in hir company bot sic as wer of the      #
best qualitez 
and conuersation, abhorring all vices and vitious personnes,    #
whither 
they wer men or wemen; and requested me to assist hir in        #
geuyng hir 
my gud consaill, how sche mycht vse the meatest meanis till     #
aduance 
hir honest intention; and incaice sche, being yet yong, mycht   #
for+get
hir self in any vnseamly gestour or misbehauour, that I wald    #
warn hir 
therof, with my admonition to forbear and refourm the sam.      #
Quhilk 
commission I refused altogither, saying that hir verteous       #
actions, hir 
naturell jugement, and gret experience sche had learnit in the  #
company 
<P 131>
of sa many notable princes in the court of France, had          #
instructed hir sa 
weill and maid hir sa able as to be ane exemplar to all hir     #
subiectis and 
seruandis. Bot sche wald not leaue it sa, bot said sche knew    #
that sche 
had committed dyuers errours, vpon na euell menyng, for lek of  #
the 
admonition of loving frendis; because that the maist part of    #
courteouris 
commonly flatteris princes to won ther fauour, and will not     #
tell them 
the verite, fearing to tyn ther fauour; and therfore adjured    #
me, and 
commandit me to accept that charge; quhilk I said was a         #
ruynous commission,
willing hir to lay that bourthen vpon hir brother my Lord of 
Mourray and the secretary Liddingtoun; bot sche said that sche  #
wald 
not tak it in sa gud a part of them as of me. I said, I fearit  #
that it 
wald cause me with tym tyn hir fauour; bot sche said, it        #
apperit I had 
ane euell oppinion of hir constancy and discretion, quhilk      #
oppinion sche 
douted not bot I wald alter efter that I had essayed the        #
occupation of 
that frendly and famylier charge. In the mean tym, sche maid    #
me famylier 
till all hir maist vrgent affaires; bot cheifly in hir dealing  #
with 
any forren nation, sche schew unto me all her lettres, and      #
them that sche 
resauit fra vther princes; and willit me to wret vnto sic       #
princes as I 
had acquaintance of, and to some of ther counsellours; wherin   #
I for+get 
not to set out hir vertus, and wald schaw hir again ther        #
answers, and 
sic occurrences as posted for the tym betwen contrees, to hir   #
gret contentement. 
For sche was of a quyk spirit, and curious to knaw and 
to get intelligence of the estait of vther contrees; and wald   #
be sometymes
sad when sche was solitary, and glaid of the company of them 
that had trauelit in vther partis. 
   Now ther cam heir in company with the ambassadour of         #
Scauoy, ane 
Dauid Ricio, of the contre of Piedmont, that was a merry        #
fallow and a 
<P 132>
gud mucitien; and hir Maieste had thre varletis of hir chamber  #
that 
sang thre partis, and wanted a beiss to sing the fourt part;    #
therfor they 
tald hir Maieste of this man to be ther fourt marrow, in fort   #
that he 
was drawen in to sing somtymes with the rest; and eftirwart     #
when the 
ambassadour his maister retournit, he stayed in this contre,    #
and wes retiret
in hir Maiestes seruice as ane varlet of hir chamber. And       #
efterwart 
when hir French secretary retired him self till France, this    #
Dauid 
obtenit the said office, and therby entrit in greter credit,    #
and occupied 
hir Maiesteis ear of tymes in presens of the nobilite, and      #
when ther was 
gretest conventions of the estatis; quhilk maid hym to be sa    #
invyed 
and hatted, cheifly when he grew sa gret that he presented all  #
signatours
to be subscryuit be hir Maieste,  that some of the nobilite     #
wald 
glowm vpon him, and some of them wald schulder him and schut    #
hym 
by, when they entrit in the chamber, and fand him alwais        #
speaking with 
hir Maieste. And some again that had hard turnis to be helpit,  #
new 
infestmentis to be tane, or that desyred to preuaill against    #
ther ennemys
in court or session, addressit them vnto him, and dependit      #
vpon 
hym; wherby in schort tym he becam very rich. Not without some 
fear, therefore, he lamented his estait vnto me, and askit my   #
consaill, 
how to behaue hym self. I tald him, that strangers wer          #
commonly envyed 
when they medlit ouer far in the affaires of forren contrees.   #
He 
said, he being secretary to hir Maieste in the Frenche tung,    #
had occasion 
therby till occupy hir Maiesteis ear, as hir formair secretary  #
vsed 
to do. I said again, that it wes thocht that the maist part of  #
the affaires 
of the contre past throw his bandis; and aduysit him, when the 
nobilite wer present, to gif them place, and prey the Quenis    #
Maieste 
to be content therwith; and schew him, for ane example, how I 
<P 133>
had bene is sa gret fauour with the Electour Palatin, that he   #
caused 
set me at his awen table, and the burd being drawen, used to    #
confer
with me in presens of his haill court; wherat dyuers of them    #
tok 
gret indignation against me; quhilk sa schone as I persauit, I  #
requested 
him to let me sit from his awen table, with the rest of his     #
gentilmen, 
and na mair to conferre with me in ther presens, bot to send 
a paige for me, any tym that he had leaser, till com to hym in  #
his 
chamber; quhilk I obteanit, and that way maid my master not to  #
be 
hated, nor my self to be invyed; and willit him to do the lyk.  #
Quhilk 
he did, and said vnto me efterwart, that the Quen wald not      #
suffer him, 
bot wald nedis haue him to vse him self in the auld maner. I    #
answerit 
that I was sory for the inconuenientis that mycht ensew         #
therupon; and 
efterwart, seing the invy against the said Dauid till           #
increase, and that 
be his wrek hir Maieste mycht incure displesour, I remembrit    #
vpon hir 
Maiesteis commandement, till foirwarn and admonish hir of all   #
apperant 
eylestis that mycht chance to fall out, as I had done dyuers    #
tymes of 
before, (quhilk was gratiously refourmed and redrest be hir     #
Maieste.)
Now I tok occasion lykwayes to enter with hir Maieste, and in   #
maist 
humble maner schew her what aduyse I had geuen unto Seigneur    #
Dauid,
as is aboue specified. Hir Maieste said, that he medlit na      #
farther 
bot in hir French wretingis and affaires, as hir vther Frenche  #
secretary 
had done of before; and said, that wha euer fand falt           #
therwith, sche 
wald not leawe to do hir ordinary directions. I remembrit hir   #
Maieste 
what displesour sche had tane of before, for the rasche         #
misbehauour
of a Frenche gentilman callit Chattellier, transported be hir   #
affabilite;
and lykwais of the Erle of Arran for the same cause; not        #
douting 
bot hir Maiesteis graue and comely behauour towardis sic        #
strangers,
<P 134>
and transportit leicht persones, wald bring them in a mair      #
deutifull
reuerence to hir honour, and the contentement of hir            #
subiectis. 
Sche thankit me for my continuell cair, and promysed to tak     #
sic gud 
ordour ther intill as the cause requyred. 
   I haue said alredy, how that my Lord Darley was aduysed to   #
sut 
liscence to com in Scotland; wha at his first commyng fand the  #
Quen
in the Wemes, makand hir progress throw Fyfe. Hir Maieste tok   #
weill 
with him, and said that he was the lustiest and best            #
proportionit lang 
man that sche had sean; for he was of a heich stature, lang     #
and small, 
euen and brent vp; weill instructed from his youth in all       #
honest and 
comely exercyses. And eftir he had hanted a quhill in court,    #
he proponit
mariage to hir Maieste; quhilk sche tok in ane euell part at    #
the 
first, as sche tald me that same day hir self; and how sche     #
had refused 
the ring quhilk he then offerit vnto hir. Wher I tok occasion,  #
as I had 
begun, to speak in his fauour, that ther mariage wald put out   #
of dout
ther title to the succession. I can not tell how he fell in     #
acquantance
with seignieur Dauid, bot he also was his gret frend at the     #
Quenis 
hand; sa that hir Maieste tok ay the langer the better lyking   #
of him, 
and at lenth determinit to mary him. Quhilk being knawen vnto   #
the 
Quen of England, sche send and chargit him to return; and also  #
send 
hir ambassadour Sir Nycholas Throgmortoun in Scotland, baith    #
to dissuad
the Quen to mary him, and incaice the Quen wald not folow hir 
advyse in hir mariage, to perswad the lordis and sa many as     #
wer of 
hir religion, to withstand the said mariage, onles the said     #
Lord Darley 
wald promise and subscryve to abyd at the religion refourmed,   #
quhilk 
he had planly professit in England. The Quen again persauing    #
the 
Quen of Englandis ernest oposition till all the mariages that   #
wer offerit 
<P 135>
vnto hir, thocht not meit to delay any langer hir mariage. Bot 
my L. Duc of Chattelerault, my Lordis of Argyll, Murrey,        #
Glencarn, 
Rothes, and dyuers vthers lordis and barrons, withstod the      #
said mariage;
wha efter that they had maid a mynt to tak the Lord Darley, 
in the Quenis company, at the raid of Baith, and to haue send   #
him in 
England as they allegit, I wot not what was in ther mynd, bot   #
it 
was ane euel fauorit enterpryse, wherintill the Quen was in     #
danger 
other of keping, or hart breking; and as they that had failed   #
of ther 
fulische enterpryse, tok on planly ther armes of rebellion.     #
Hir Maieste 
again convenit forces till persew them, and chacit them heir    #
and ther, 
till at lenth they wer compellit to fle in England for refuge,  #
to hir 
that had promysed be hir ambassadours to wair hir crown in      #
ther deffence,
incaice they wer dryuen till any strait for ther opposition     #
vnto 
the said mariage. Quhilk was all denyed at ther commyng to      #
seak 
help; and when they send vp my L. of Murray to that Quen, the   #
rest 
abyding at Newcastell, he culd obtean nathing but disdain and   #
scorn;
till at lenth he, and the Abbot of Kilwynning his compaignon    #
in that 
message, wer perswadit to com and confess vnto the Quen vpon    #
ther 
knees, and that in presens of the ambassadours of France and    #
Spain, 
that hir Maieste had neuer moued them to that opposition and    #
resistance
against ther Quenis mariage. For this sche had desyred, to      #
satisfie the 
saidis ambassadours, wha baith allegit in ther maisters names,  #
that sche 
was cause of the said rebellion, and that hir only delyt was    #
to steir vp
discention amang all hir nybours, not without cause; yet in     #
this allegence 
sche ouer cam them; for sche handlit the matter sa subtilie,    #
and 
the vther twa sa blaitly, in granting vnsuthfastly hir desyre,  #
vpon hir 
faire promyse, that sche tryumphed ouer the saidis              #
ambassadours, for 
<P 136>
ther allegence. Bot vnto my L. of Murray and his marrow sche    #
said, 
"Now ye haue tald the treuth; for I nor nane in my name sterit  #
you 
vp against your Quen; for your abominable tresoun mycht serue   #
for 
exemple, to moue my awen subiectis to rebell against me.        #
Therfore 
pak you out of my presens; ye ar bot vnworthy traitours." This  #
was 
all ther meritorious reward; and wer not the mair moyen was     #
maid 
be some in England that pitied them, they had not bene          #
sufferit to 
remain within hir dominions during ther banissement. Howbeit    #
sche 
had promysed of new again to assist and help them to the        #
vttermaist 
of hir power, with condition that they wald pleise hir sa far   #
as to sit 
doun vpon ther knees, in presens of the saidis ambassadours,    #
and mak
the foirsaid fals confession. As for secret help, sche maid     #
them nane;
only they obteanit a small contribution of a thre thowsand      #
poundis 
Scotis, amang some of ther awen religion ther, wha had born     #
them gud 
will of before; quhilk wes distribut amang the rest of the      #
banissit lordis, 
wher they remanit altogither at Newcastell, comfortles and in   #
gret 
miserie.
   I haue declairit, that asweill the consell of Englandis      #
courtly dealing, 
schifting and drifting, be staying the Quen sa far as they      #
mycht fra 
marieing with any man, far or neir, gret or small, caused the   #
Quen to 
haist fordwart hir mariage with my L. Darley; quhilk was        #
solemnssiit 
in the palice of Halyrodhouse, within the Quenis chapell, at    #
the mess; 
wherin seigneur Dauid was na small instrument, as said is. 
   Then Scotland being almaist hailely at the refourmed         #
religion, tok 
a dislyking of the K. because, as was allegit, he had planly    #
professit the 
same religion before in England. Then inventions and bruitis    #
wer 
raised, how that the said seigneur Dauid had a pension of the   #
Paip;
<P 137>
and having baith Quen and K. of his oppinion, mycht the rather  #
and 
easeyler attempt with tym, to plant again in Scotland the       #
Roman Catholik 
religion. And euen in tha dayes, the Paip send the soum of 
8000 crownis to be delyuerit to the Quen; bot the schip         #
wherein the 
said gold was, brak vpon the coist of England within the Erle   #
of Northomberlandis
boundis. Wha allegit the haill to appertean vnto him 
be just law; quhilk he caused his aduocat red vnto me, ( when   #
I was 
directed to him for the said siluer,) in the auld Normand       #
langage, 
quhilk nother he nor I vnderstod weill, it was sa corrupt. Bot  #
he wald 
geue na part therof to the Quen, albeit he was a Catholik him   #
self, and 
vtherwayes professit secretly to be hir frend. 
   Efter that the Quenis Maieste had maried my L. Darnley,      #
sche did 
him gret honour her self, and willit euery ane that wald        #
deserue hir 
favour to do the lyk, and to await vpon him; sa that he was     #
weill 
accompanied, and sic as sutted him and be him, for a whill,     #
cam best 
speid of ther errandis. And because he maried by the aduyse of  #
the 
Quen of England, my Lady Lenox his mother was committit til be 
wardit in the tour of Londoun, wher sche remanit lang. 
   All this whyll I attendit still vpon the Quen, with les      #
famylierite 
than I had of before; lykways the secretary Liddingtoun was in  #
suspition, 
as a fauorer of my L. of Murrey. I seing my seruice for the 
tym na mair nedfull, humilly procured liscence at the Quen to   #
return 
till France, and vther partis wher I had spendit the half of    #
my tym; 
bot hir Maieste wald not grant that I suld leaue hir, meruelen  #
what 
mycht moue me. I said that the tym was full of suspitions, and  #
that 
I was assured to do hir Maieste better seruice in any vther     #
contre then
heir at hame, as matters had fallen out. Sche said, that I      #
culd do hir 
<P 138>
asgud seruice heir at hame as any that seruit hir, gif I        #
plesit; bot that 
I had left af to tell hir my oppinion anent her proceedingis.   #
I said, that 
I fearit that my oppinionis mycht chance to be vnplaisant vnto  #
hir 
Maieste; bot sche affirmed the contrair, and said that I had    #
ennemys 
that did what they culd to put me in suspition with the K., as  #
being a 
fauorer of my L. Murrey; quhilk sche had put out of the Kingis 
head, as being better acquanted with my natur and conditions;   #
saying 
that sche knew weill that I had a lyking of my L. of Murrey,    #
bot not 
of his maner of doing, and that sche was assured that I loued   #
hir ten 
tymes better nor hym; and said mair ouer, that gif asmekle      #
euell wer 
spoken of hir to me, as was of me till hir, that sche wald      #
wiss that I 
suld geue them na mair credit against her, then sche did or     #
suld do 
against me; and gaif me hir consaill to await vpon the King,    #
wha 
was bot yet yong, and to geue him and hir my gude aduyse, as    #
I was 
wont to do, that mycht help hir till eschew all apperant        #
inconvenientis; 
and gaif me hir hand, that sche suld tak all in a gud part      #
what euer I 
spak, as proceding of a loving and faithfull seruand; willing   #
me also 
to be frend vnto seigneur Dauid, wha was haited without cause.  #
The 
K. also tald me, what they wer that had spoken in my            #
contraire; and 
said, that they were knawen to be sic commown liers as ther     #
tong was 
na slander. Be this meanis the Quenis Maieste obligit me, ay    #
mair and 
mair, to be carefull for the weill of hir seruice;  and to tak  #
occasion of 
new to geue hir Maieste my oppinion, to mak her proffit be the  #
mishandling 
of the Erle of Murrey and his associatis in England, be that 
Quenis vncourteous dealing with him before the twa specified    #
ambassadours,
and had broken all her faire promyses unto him and them.
   First I schew vnto hir Maieste, how that euer sen hir return #
in hir 
<P 139>
awen contre, sche had sindre tymes essayed to get hir nobilite  #
and haill 
subiectis entierly and soundly affected, to tak plaine part     #
with hir in all 
actions whatsomeuer; and cheifly against England, incaice sche  #
mycht 
haue occasion till employ them; quhilk sche culd not as yet     #
obtean, because 
of the secret band and promyse wes maid amang them, the tym 
when the Englis army cam in at Leith, to help to put the        #
Frenche 
men out of Scotland. 
   "Now," said I, "the occasion is offerit, wherby your         #
Maieste may 
bring your desyred intention till pass, gif ye culd find in     #
your hart, 
other till pardon my L. of Murray and his associatis, or elis   #
till prolong 
the parlement wherin they ar to be forfalted, vntill your       #
Maieste may 
aduyse and se what proffit may be drawen, other be ther         #
forfalting, or 
be putting them in hope of grace with tym, according as they    #
may mak 
cause in folowing and obseruyng sic reules and directions as    #
salbe set 
doun vnto them be your Maieste." To this sche answerit, that    #
now 
when they mycht not do na better they socht hir; bot when sche  #
socht 
ther concurrence, as subiectis vnto ther natywe prince, they    #
wald not 
heir hir; na mair wald sche now heir ther suttis. I said, when  #
soeuer 
they suld mak ther suttis, it suld not be by me; bot this I     #
propone of 
my self to your Maieste, wha can chuse the best and leave the   #
worst in 
all accidentis. Sen it is na litle matter to won the haill      #
hartis of all 
your subiectis, and also of a gud nomber in England that        #
fauours 
them and ther religion; wha wald admyre sic princely vertus,    #
as to se 
your Maieste to reull ouer your awen passions and affections,   #
and therby
think you maist worthy to regne ouer kyngdomes; redy to         #
forgeue, 
and laith to vse vengeance cheifly against subiectis alredy     #
vincust, 
and not worthy of your wraith, and wha ar now sa willing to be 
<P 140>
reuengit vpon your gretest aduersary. So that clemency at sic   #
a tym 
will be found maist convenient, and the part of justice callit  #
equite 
mair proffitable than rygour; for extremitie bringis on oft     #
tymes dispaired 
enterpryses. At this hir Maiste entrit in choler, saying, " I   #
deffy them. What dow they to do, and what dar they do?" I said, 
"Madame, with your Maiesteis pardone, my proposition is bo      # 
[^bot^] folowing 
your Maiesteis commandement, to schaw you my oppinion and       #
apperances 
at all occasions, for the weill of your seruice." Then sche     #
said, 
that sche thankit me for the same, and granted that it was a    #
gud aduyse
and necessary to be done; and that yet sche culd not find in    #
hir 
hart to haue ado with any of them, for dyuers respectis;        #
preing me 
not to leawe aff fra geuyng hir my continowell aduyse, at all   #
sic occasions;
for howbeit sche mycht not folow this, sche mycht perchance do 
better another tym. I said, that many noblemen being banissit,  #
and 
sa neir hand as the Newcastell, having many vther noblemen      #
heir at 
hame of ther kin and frendis, sa mall content as I knew them    #
to be 
for the tym, with sic vnhappy bruitis wherof sche was not       #
ygnorant, 
caused me to fear some attemptat till ane alteration; for I     #
said I had 
hard weyd speaches, that we wald heir newes or the parlement    #
was 
endit. Hir Maieste sayed, that sche also some aduertismentis    #
of 
the lyk bruitis, bot that our contre men wer weill wordy.       #
Efter that 
I had bene this way in hand with hir Maieste, I entrit with     #
s=r= Dauid 
in the same maner; for then he and I wer vnder gud frendschip.  #
Bot 
he disdanit all danger, and dispysed consaill, sa that I was    #
compellit to 
say that I fearit our lait repentance. 
   Ye haue hard how that Sir Nycholas Throgmorton was ane of    #
the 
twa Englis ambassadours, that wes sent in heir to stay the      #
mariage, 
<P 141>
and to mak many promises in his mestress name to sa many as     #
wald 
resist the same; quhilk promyses wer afterwart denyed be the    #
Queen of 
England, and be Mester Randolphe. Bot Sir Nycholas Throgmorton 
stod na aw, nother of the Quen nor consaill, to tell the        #
verite, how that 
he had maid sic promyses to them in hir name. Quhilk the        #
consaill 
and craftiest courteouris thocht strange, and wer myndit to     #
punise him, 
for aduowing the said promyse to haue bene maid in his mestres  #
name, 
wer not that he, wysely and circomspectly, had ane act of       #
consaill for his 
warrant till produce; and the said Sir Nycholas was sa angry,   #
for that 
he had bene maid ane instrument to disceaue the Scotis          #
banissit lordis, 
that he aduysed them to sut humbly for pardone at ther awen     #
Quen,
neuer again till offend hir for na prince alywe. And because    #
they had 
na moyen nor outgait, he pennit a perswasywe proposition, and   #
send in 
heir vnto hir Maieste.
   


<B SPRIV2>
<Q SC2 XX CORP WSCOTT>
<N WEM CORR>
<A SCOTT WILLIAM>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1569>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^FRASER, SIR WILLIAM.
MEMORIALS OF THE FAMILY OF WEMYSS OF WEMYSS.
3 VOLS. CORRESPONDENCE (VOL. III) EDITED BY THE AUTHOR.
EDINBURGH 1888. 

FRASER, SIR WILLIAM.
MEMORIALS OF THE EARLS OF HADDINGTON.
2 VOLS. CORRESPONDENCE (VOL. II) EDITED BY THE AUTHOR.
EDINBURGH 1889.

FRASER, SIR WILLIAM.
THE CHIEFS OF GRANT.
3 VOLS. CORRESPONDENCE (VOL. II) EDITED BY THE AUTHOR.
EDINBURGH 1883.

CORRESPONDENCE OF SIR PATRICK WAUS OF BARNBARROCH, KNIGHT,
1540-1597.
ED. ROBERT VANS AGNEW.
EDINBURGH: DAVID DOUGLAS, 1882.

FRASER, SIR WILLIAM.
THE SUTHERLAND BOOK. 
3 VOLS. CORRESPONDENCE (VOL. II) EDITED BY THE AUTHOR.
EDINBURGH 1892 

SAMPLE 1:  (WEMYSS)
           PP. 68.1-68.26 (WILLIAM SCOTT)
SAMPLE 2:  (HADDINGTON)
           PP. 143.24-145.6 (THOMAS, LORD BINNING)
           PP. 122.9-126.4 (JULIANA KER)
           PP. 157.9-157.31 (JULIANA KER)
SAMPLE 3:  (GRANT)
           PP. 53.28-54.5 (LILIAS GRANT)
           PP. 55.1-55.27 (JOHN GRANT)
           PP. 57.31-58.10 (JOHN GRANT)
SAMPLE 4:  (WAUS)
           PP. 379.27-380.19 (KATHERINE KENNEDY)
           PP. 384.22-386.3 (PATRICK WAUS)
           PP. 386.4-389.18 (KATHERINE KENNEDY)
           PP. 393.25-395.11 (KATHERINE KENNEDY)
           PP. 462.8-463.31  (PATRICK WAUS)
SAMPLE 5:  (SUTHERLAND)
           PP. 113.1-121.14  (JOHN, 12TH EARL OF SUTHERLAND)
           PP. 123.12-125.15 (JANE, COUNTESS OF SUTHERLAND)
           PP. 125.16-129.20 (ALEXANDER GORDON)
           PP. 131.1-132.18 (JANE, COUNTESS OF SUTHERLAND)
           PP. 142.9-142.20 (JANE, COUNTESS OF SUTHERLAND^] 

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 68>
[} [\90. SIR WILLIAM SCOTT OF BALWEARIE TO JOHN WEMYSS OF THAT 
ILK. 1ST APRIL 1569.\] }]

   Father, efter hartly commendatioun of seruice: This present  #
is till 
aduerteis yow that my Lord Bischop of Mwrray hes causit charge  #
me 
wyth letteris of the four formes for the payment of my teyndis  #
of 
Glendowok, and of ane pairt of the quhilkis I am nocht haldin   #
to pay 
him as I onderstand, and the letteris is sa generall that I     #
knawe nocht 
quhair wyth aw he charges me, and in respect of the             #
generalitie I will get 
thaim suspendit vpoun cautioun, wyth owt the quhilk I will      #
nocht get 
letteris of suspensioun: Quhairfor I pray yow effectuislie      #
that [{ye{] will 
send yowr obligatioun to Johne Wallace, that ye will be         #
cautioun and 
souirtie for me, to content and pay quhatsumevir sowme or       #
sowmes the 
bischop of Mwrray sall happin for till ewict or recover aganis  #
me. And 
I, Syr William Scot of Balwery, be thir presentis, bindis and   #
oblisis me, 
my airis, executouris, and assignais, to releife yow, and       #
keipe yow, 
yowr airis, executouris, and assignais, skaithles at the said   #
bischop of 
Mwrrayis handis, of quhatsumevir sowme or sowmes the said       #
bischop 
sall happin to recouer or obtene aganis me. In witnes of the    #
quhilk, I 
haif subscriuit this my mysiwe and obligatioun wyth my hand,    #
at 
Strameglo, the first day of Aprile, the yeir of God j=m=v=c=    #
thre skoir nyne 
yeiris, befoir thir witnessis, Mr. Thomas Lyndesay, Androw      #
Scot, and 
William Cwnynghame, apperand of Glengarnoche. 
[^SIGNATURE OMITTED^]
To his father the Lard of Wemis. 

<S SAMPLE 2>

<Q SC2 XX CORP THADDING>
<N HADDING CORR>
<A HADDINGTON THOMAS>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1625>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 143>
[} [\181. THOMAS, LORD BINNING, TO HIS FATHER, THOMAS, EARL OF  #
MELROSE, 20TH JANUARY 1625.\] }]

   My Lord, - I took occatione the vther day to speak to my     #
Lord of Mortone about the 
excambione of the superiorities your lordship speak of: he      #
tauld that he wald think 
wpon it, and gif ane ansuer at our meiting in Edinburgh.        #
Theirefter, my lord said to 
me he douted not bot your lordship had acquianted me with       #
quhat had passed betuixt
your lordship and him about his lands in Tueadell, and was      #
sorie it sould haue gon 
<P 144>
bak for so small ane soume: he said since he had first mad      #
offer of those lands to your 
lordship, he wald rather they fall in your hands then any       #
vther man. I desyred to 
knaw the price, and quhat securitie he could gif of the         #
teinds: he said the price 
he gaue my vncle was six score and fyve thowsand merkis for     #
the land, and fyv
thowsand merks for the superioritie of Kilbucho: for the teind  #
he could gif als good 
securitie as could be devysed, for he was patrone himself of    #
the kirk of Newlands,
quhich is of far mor worth then the vther of Lintone quhairof   #
he is kyndly taksman, and 
so hes his predecesores bein thir mony yers, quhich he can      #
schaw be four or fyve takis
wuhich he hes to schaw. It haulds of Kelso, and he hes ane      #
ninteine yeirs tak, set be 
my Lord Roxbruch, quhirof thair is sextein or seivteine yeir    #
to runne. Gif your lordship
haue any mynd to these lands, he doubts not to gife your        #
[{lordship{] contentment in 
the securitie; and for the price, he is content to let both     #
the lands and the superioritie
of Kilbucho be for six score and fyve thowsand merkis, quhich   #
is fyve thowsand merkis 
lesse then his first offer. Gif your lordship lyk of them at    #
this price, ye sall haue, and 
will think himself obleiged to your lordship quhill he liues    #
for takin them in tyme, 
becaus the langer he kepes them he will be more preiuged. He    #
desyred me to meit 
him in Edinburgh vpon the 26 of this moneth: gif your lordship  #
think it fit I cum 
soner, returne ane ansuer with this bearer, and I sall obey     #
it. - Your lordships most 
obediente son and humble servante,
(^Binning.^)
Frome Cuper, the 20 of Januar. 

   I deliuered your lordships commissione to my lord of         #
Stormont: he hes his 
seruice remembred to your lordship. 

To my most honored lord and father, the Erle of Melrose. 

[} [\182. THE SAME TO THE SAME,  4TH FEBRUARY 1625.\] }]
[^THOMAS, LORD BINNING, TO THOMAS, EARL OF MELROSE.^]

   My Lord, - I receaved my brothers letter, quhairby I         #
wnderstand your lordship hes 
changed your intentione of my wyfe cuming to sie your           #
lordship, becaus of the 
infectione at Crawmont. We are going this day to Stirling, and  #
quhen so euer your 
lordship thinks it fit schee cum thither, schee sall obey your  #
lordship's directione 
thairin. My Lord of Morton will be in Edinburgh wpon the tent   #
day of this moneth, 
wnles the plage increse so that the feare of it stay him: and   #
if so be, quhich God 
forbid, he will meate your lordship quhair and quhen your       #
lordship pleases to apoint 
him, and sall satisfie your lordship both in your securities    #
and the rentall, or else it 
salbe no bargaine. Till his cuming to Edinburgh, he can gif me  #
no resolute ansuer 
anent the excambion. Gif your lordship think fit that I cum     #
east befoire the apointed 
tym, let me knaw it, and I sall obey your lordships             #
commandementis. I haue sent yow 
<P 145>
heir inclosed the stent quhich your lordship directed me to     #
get from the clark of this 
toune. My Lord of Rothes and his lady, therr seruice remembred  #
to your lordship. 
So, wisching your lordship all happines, I rest your            #
lordship's most obedient sone and 
humble servante,
(^Binning.^)

Couper, the 4 of Februar 1625.
To my most honored lord and father, the Earle of Melrose. 

<Q SC2 XX CORP JKER>
<N HADDING CORR>
<A KER JULIANA>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1613-1629>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X FEMALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 122>
[} [\156. JULIANA KER, TO HER HUSBAND, THOMAS, LORD BINNING,    #
SECRETARY OF SCOTLAND. 4TH OCTOBER 1613.\] }]

   My deir hairt, - I resaifit your letter this Fryday: I am    #
verry euel plesit vith me 
lord's determenation, seing it fals to Sir Jamis be lyn the     #
vaird and to preuent that 
danger vos the gretest caus I craiued it. He is ouer the vater  #
in Balmereno, and his 
dyat verry vncertane. I desyr eirnestly, saifing your visdome,  #
that the mater be 
vneneded, and the naime left out til I mak tryal of his         #
mening, for he vil be als stokit
parhaps as me lord is: gif he be so, I had rether be in me      #
lords reuerence nor his. I 
haif no vol to cos for the vors. I desir that ether your        #
lordschipe or my vncle impairt 
the mater to Sir Jamis Steuart, to quhom I haif vritin to       #
interced vith me lord my 
brother, that on of the tuo els nomenat, may be pit in the      #
assignation; and gif it 
cannot be, thar is no remed bot pasience, perforce. As to my    #
langsumnes, my hart, I 
vol mak condetion vith you that quhan ye mend your predomenant  #
falt, I sall mend it, 
for I trou thay be both ouer sikar seuit till vs. Anent my      #
merrenes, gif you vald 
visch it, tret your self veil, and be content vith God his      #
vol, houeuer maters sucseid,
for vpon your contentment myn depends. Omit no ocation, I       #
beseik you, to send me 
haim gud tidings of your veilfair, quik salbe veilcomar to me   #
nor any vther neuis that 
can cum, houbeit it be gud: my commen to kis my cummer. Gif my  #
affection vold 
permit me to think ane euel thoucht of you, this letter vol     #
perhaps be construeit as the 
remarkable letter vos quilk I vol not gif my self leue to       #
think vpon. I purposit to 
haif send you my two taks, and Jhon Nasmith's letter about the  #
seluer he is adetit to 
me, and ane not of sum eirands; bot the vrgent haist of the     #
pairting of the pakit
about me lord Tounglands deid, quik I wald be glaid to haif     #
you the frist aduertisar 
of, and sum vther nesesar afairis forcis me to conclud, and     #
remit al vther maters til 
neu occation. Excus me to my vncle that hes not vritin to him,  #
and tak the vyt vpon 
<P 123>
your self, becaus ye deseru it veil. Euen quhan I had vritin    #
all this letter this Mononday 
at morn, I resaifit your letter from Morpeth, vith many         #
thanks, my suetest 
contentment, for your cairful rememberance of me, quhairof I    #
feir ye get ouer gud a 
meting; sua visching you al joy and happenes, both in this lyf  #
and in the voreld to 
com, quhairof I may be partaker. - I remaine, your affectionit  #
and obedyent vyf til 
deith,                                                          #
(^D. Juliane Ker.^) 

Edinburgh, this 4 of October 1613. 

   For gud nouels, ples your Lordschipe, vit that ye volbe on   #
fre man agane, and 
releuid of the bands that I beleue ye vor neuer fast bond       #
into. Gilbert Dik vol de, 
and consequently Jhon Tomsone your master must de also: he      #
thraif neuer sen ye 
scornit him to cal you his man. I suppon this lait leberte sal  #
expell the dregges of 
your melancolie, quilk I vol be glaid of rether to haif you     #
maister with merrenes nor 
said seruant be constraint. 

To my hairtly belouit husband, my lord Secretar of Scotland.

[} [\157.  JULIANA KER, TO HER HUSBAND, THOMAS, LORD BINNING,   #
SECRETARY FOR
SCOTLAND. 13TH OCTOBER 1613.\] }]

   My deirest hairt, - I resaifit your letter on Mononday, the  #
11 of October, daitit on 
Vedinsday the 6 of the samin, from Roystoun; quhairin ye aledg  #
that ye haif 
resaifit no vord nor vrit since ye pairtit from me. Remember    #
Thomas Foules broucht 
you on letter, and I am sur or nou ye haif resaifit vther thre  #
of myn, so that I am non 
behind vith you nou. In sted of merenes, your lat letter hes    #
broucht me gret heuynes, 
to remember that, for ony vareldly respect, ye sould so pyne    #
yourself with long and 
verresum jornays, and indanger your self so raschly quhen euer  #
ye haif occation, both 
vpon the sey and in the vatters, to my gret gref and            #
miscontentment. Tharfor my 
suet burd, as ye luf me, or desirs to bring any joy to my       #
hairt, mend thir falts for my 
veil, albeit ye vor cairles of your auin helth. As to my going  #
to the Mers, I haif 
chaingit that purpos, for I know be the conteneuance of this    #
euel vodir, that my 
corns is al split be the males of that godles menester; and so  #
I had rether heir tel 
of sorou nor se it: and by that, both the vay is extraordenar   #
deip, and I so euel 
horsit, that it is pasit my traueling til our fair cotch com    #
haim, and my haknay, 
and my sadil, and many vther decorments, quhairof ye sal        #
resaif ane not, by jeuels 
and susch ornaments, quilk I refer to your discretion. Gif the  #
haist of your haimcuming 
defraud me of al thir, ye salbe veilcumar to me, my hairt, in   #
helth and 
veilfair, quilk I pray God contineu you in al my days, and      #
many longer, nor al the 
<P 124>
jeuels in Londin vithout you sould be. God knaus, that kens     #
the secrets of al hairts, 
condetionally as ye vrit to me that ye abus not this luf vith   #
your dismal nichts, 
bot strif to gif it on perfit meting, quilk I trou scairsly be  #
in your possybelatie. 
In al your derektions I sal do, be Jamis Vinerhames aduis, any  #
thing I can, and 
hes delyuerit al your commistions ye vrit to me, also I haif    #
vritin to the tresorar 
at lenth, and hes referit the informmation of al my busines to  #
your lordshipe, and the 
letter quhairin I notit tham. Al vther maters I refer to nixt   #
aduertisment or 
meting, quilk I pray God may be both haype and joyful to vs.    #
As for your haist 
haim, I feir it be ouer gret, so that ye ouer hail your frends  #
eirands and your 
auin both tharvith, quilk I vald pray you not to do, bot to     #
tak resonable tim; and 
remember that Londin is not at the dor: far better to tary 8    #
or 10 days langer 
nor go agane. So leuing to truble you and my self both longer   #
this lait nicht, I 
commit you to God his holy keiping, for euer rests, your        #
faithfully affectionit vyf til 
deith,
(^D. Juliane Ker.^)
Edinburgh, this Vedinsday, the 13 of October, 1613 zeir. 

   Jamis Killouch hes vroacht on verry gret cur in schort tim,  #
as I vrait befor in 
houp of zour lordschipe's kindness for my caus, quilk I houp    #
ye vol not foryet, he 
being best vorthy of the imployment to. 

To my deirly belouit husband, my lord Secretar of Scotland.

[} [\158. JULIANA KER, LADY BINNING, TO HER HUSBAND, THOMAS,    #
LORD BINNING. 11TH APRIL, NO YEAR.\] }]

   My hairt, - Gif I pray not for you, I am sur God vil lay it  #
to your chairg that 
any eirthly caus sould a moueit you to go fro me at this tim.   #
Ye haif tryit my 
pasyence hardly aneuch heirtofor, howbeit ye had bidin vith me  #
nou, and fed me in 
al my humors. Gif ye had bein als laith to haif left me as I    #
vos to lat you go;
albeit I said nothing, ye vald not a crosit Forth at this tim.  #
Ye ken thair is ane ald 
prouerb, Folk may pund for det, bot not for kindnes, bot if I   #
vost quhat to pund 
I think I micht boldly, becaus your kindnes is proper det to    #
me, althocht ye defraud 
me thairof. I haif bein conteneually seik and verry feirit sen  #
your pairting to haif 
bein chairgit vith ane euel prouidit jornay, quhairfor I        #
request you, my suet hairt, 
to haist you haime that I may haif your company and louing      #
intertenyment, quisch I
esteme mor of nor any vther thing that is in your pouer. Ye     #
vol not beleu this 
langadg til I be deid, and then ye vol veip for the abus of     #
susch loue. Alexander 
Diksone said ye bad send vost the cofer and sum vith graith     #
quisch is redy to cum;
bot non heir hes the key of the cofer to lay in the graith in,  #
sua it mon ether cum 
<P 125>
tum, or stay til your haim cuming, any ye ples; sua vosing you  #
al felesate both in 
this lyf and the lyf to cum, quhairof I may be halfer, I ceis,  #
and sal remaine, your 
interly affectionit bedfalou til deith,
(^Juliane Ker, Lady Binning.^)
Edinburgh, 11 Apryle. 
To my deirly belouit husband, my Lord Binning, thes. 

[} [\159. THE SAME TO THE SAME. 31ST AUGUST, NO YEAR.\] }]
[^JULIANA KER, LADY BINNING, TO THOMAS, LORD BINNING.^]
   My hairt, - To obey you, leist ye had blaimit me for his     #
stay, I vrait not vith Maknab, 
bot hes send my ansur vith this boy, to lat you knou tharby     #
that my desir is to be 
quhair ye ar, quhether it be in landuart, or the boroustoune.   #
I pray God mak you 
as desirous of my company and kindnes as I am of yours, and     #
then I am sur ve vald 
neuer discord. I haif sene it so befor; and I houp in God his   #
merce, in despit of the 
deuel and al lears, to se it so agane, both sun and happaly;    #
for, God knaus, I neuer 
deseruit, nor, vith his grace, sal deseru the contrair. Gif it  #
had plesit you, sen your 
vay going, to haif commendit me ether to haif don or gart do    #
any of your eirands
heir, I am sur I both could and sould a don tham als vilingly   #
as any that euer ye 
imployit; bot seing it plesit you not to do it, I am content;   #
expon me as ye ples, as 
God sal judg my saul at that gret day, excep the loue I beir    #
you, thair could no caus 
erthly, feir of euel nor assuranc of gud, moue me to humble     #
myself so far to no man 
leuing as I haif don, and vald vilingly do to you. Tharfor, my  #
deir hairt, for his saik 
that deit for you, gif me on meting, that this fremit and       #
vnsemly sort of leuing betuen 
you and me may seis, quhilk, God knaus, I pray for dayly. As    #
to my coming vost, 
quhan ye ples to send for me I salbe redy. I haif nether hors   #
nor man of myn heir, 
bot any ye think gud to send. Gif ye ples, I sal send and       #
borou my sister's haiknay.
For weman, I vol bring non vith me bot on, excep ye bid. Sua,   #
feiring to be faschus,
I commit you to God's keping. 
Your louing and obedyent vyf,
(^Juliane Ker.^) 
Edinburgh, this last of Agust. 

To my deirly belouit husband, my Lord Binning. 

[} [\160. JULIANA KER (TO HER HUSBAND). UNDATED.\] }]

   My Lord, - In regaird it vos ane far better voreld for me    #
quhan I vrait ouer to 
you, and your lordschipe com ouer to me, I am forced to return  #
to my vriting agane;
lating you knau that gif I com ouer to my super, it salbe mor   #
for au nor for luf, excep 
<P 126> 
ye grant my sut. Thairfor it vol ples your lordschipe to vrit   #
me ouer ane neu 
oblegation, becaus I haif resaifit non this 8 days bygan, and   #
tham that I got befor, ye 
think, binds you not. So, according to your ansur, I remain,    #
your godmother or 
affectionit bedfalou,
(^Juliane Ker.^) 

<P 157>
[} [\195. JULIANA KER, TO HER HUSBAND, THOMAS, EARL OF          #
HADDINGTON. 12TH JANUARY 1629.\] }]

   My hairt, - I think long to her of your velfair, and my      #
bairn Roberts. I did neuer 
send this berar to thois parts since I resaifit your letter     #
til nou. I haif bene so 
sorouful for the vnlukit for deith of my nepheu, the maister    #
of Jedbrug, that it hes 
distractit me from doing any thing. I haif lost ane ner and     #
der kinsman, to my gret 
gref; and your lordschip vants ane vorthy frend that louit you  #
derly, I can ber 
vitness; bot ve must al be content vith Gods vil; it is not man #
ve haif to rekin vith in 
this busines: sua visching you many happe days, I tak my leue,  #
and rests your very 
louing vyfe,                                                    #
(^Juliane Kar.^)
Redbrais, 12th Januar 1629. 
To my very honorable lord and velbelouit husband, the Erle of   #
Hadinton. 

[} [\196. THE SAME TO THE SAME. 24TH FEBRUARY 1629.\] }]
[^JULIANA KER, LADY BINNING, TO THOMAS, EARL OF HADDINGTON.^]

   My hairt, - Albeit I her not oft from you, I am eirnest to   #
knou of your velfair, and 
my bairn Roberts, quisch I am glaid to her of be the report of  #
tham that cums betuen. 
I haif neuer sent any into Edinbrug since I resaifit your       #
letter, bot intendit to haif 
bene the first my self, gif this euel storme vother had not     #
hindirit me. I vos neuer 
ane very stout ryder, and nou I am mor affrayit nor euer I      #
vos, and vnable to help it 
vith: sua haifing no neuis in thir pairts vorthy to truble      #
your eiris vith, I tak my leue, 
visching you al happenes and contentment, I rest, your very     #
louing vyfe,
(^Juliane Kar.^) 

Redbrais, 24th Fabreuar 1629.

To my very honorable lord and velbelouit husband, the Erle of   #
Hadinton.

<S SAMPLE 3>

<Q SC2 XX CORP LIGRANT>
<N GRA CORR>
<A GRANT LILIAS>
<C SC2>
<O DATE C 1630>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X FEMALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 53>
[} [\95. LILIAS GRANT, WIFE OF SIR WALTER INNES OF BALVENIE, TO #
HER MOTHER, LILIAS MURRAY, LADY GRANT. (CIRCA 1630.)\] }]

   Madame, and loueing mother, I reseauit your ladyships        #
letter, and am glaid of your ladyships
good health and all your companie that hes easheaipit that      #
denger, quhilk I houp 
is avay. As to myself, I am veill, praisit be God, sum tyms     #
veill and sum tyms siklie;
and quhair your ladyship desyris to know giue I be vith bairne, #
I think I be sence Youill, 
bot it not quik bot vithin this aucht dayis, so that I can not  #
speik of it yeit. God preserue 
me and it both; for senc I knaue your ladyship vill not cum     #
and sie me, yeit I houp to cum 
<P 54>
and sie your ladyship onse ore I be in danger of death, and     #
sall refer all to God. Lat him 
doe vith me that pleasis him. So vising your ladyship manie     #
hapie dayis, I sall remaine, 
Your loueing and obedient dochter to serue you, 
(^Lilias Grant.^)
To my honnourable lady and loueing mother, the Lady Grant.

<Q SC2 XX CORP JGRANT>
<N GRA CORR>
<A GRANT JOHN>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1631-1635>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 55>
[} [\96. SIR JOHN GRANT OF FREUCHIE TO THE SAME.\] }] 
[^TO LILIAS MURRAY, LADY GRANT.^]
From the Strand in Londoune, att the sing off the
Holie Lame, 29 off Agust 1631.
   Honorabill and worthei mother, - I hawe vreittin thes to     #
know off your ladyship's good 
healthe; and for my selfe I doe thaink God I am weill. I hawe   #
doune nothing as yeitt in 
my affairs till the King cum to Londoune, bott I am still       #
doing sumquhatt, and I houp in 
God all ouir bissines sall succeid weill. My Lord, your         #
ladyship's brother, is weill, and will 
sie yow this nixt yeir. I am going this day to sie him at       #
Tibols att his auin houis, and 
with the nixt bearar your ladyship sall heir from me quhat I    #
hawe doune, and that sall be 
werrei shortlie. Sue woissing your ladyship and all your        #
companei all happines, I rest, your 
ladyship's loueing sone to serw yow,
[^SIGNATURE OMITTED^]
   Glenmoriestoune is cum heir on Teysday, the 23 of Agust, and #
was ane nicht att my 
lords houis in Tibols, quhar he was kyndlie acceptted. 

[} [\97. THE SAME TO THE SAME.\] }]    
[^SIR JOHN GRANT TO LADY GRANT.^]
From my vnkils houis att Tibols, the 15 September 1631.
   Honorabill and loueing Mother, - Thes ar to know off your    #
good healthe and all your 
companeis. Praisit be God we ar all weill, and your ladyship's  #
brother is in good healthe, 
and I woiss God that he mey long continow in ane prosperous     #
esteatt; for iff he haid bein
my father, he culd doe no mor for me. I houp, God uilling, to   #
putt ane end to all ouir
bissines shortlie, and that they sall hawe ane good succes,     #
God uilling. I thocht to hawe 
sein sume lynnis from your ladyship's hands with the last       #
letters that my wyff sent vnto me; 
bot I houp befoir ye get occation off anei vreitting heir to    #
sie yow att home, for I houp ons 
within ane veik to mak ane end off all heir. Sue woissing your  #
ladyship all happines, I rest, 
Your loueing sone to serwe yow, 
(^S. J. Grant.^) 

To my honorabill and loueing mother the Lady Grant - thes.

<P 57>
[} [\102. SIR JOHN GRANT OF FREUCHIE TO HIS MOTHER, LADY        #
GRANT.\] }]

Wrquhart, the eleventhe day of Junii 1635 yeires. 
   Rycht honorabill and lowing Mother, - ... Let yowr ladyship  #
send heire my twa 
boyes on Thuirsday nixt at night preyceislie, or on Freday at   #
the farrest. Caus some twa 
<P 58>
or thrie prettie men come with them. Pleas yowr ladyship, giue  #
direction to prowyd twa 
or thrie peassed naiges for them and Mr Johne Grant, with your  #
awin saidles. Let them 
be the first night at James M=c=Queyns hous, and send word      #
befor they come, and the 
next night they may be at ws, heir in Wrquhart. Let them        #
[{come{] by Duthell and Yland 
of Moy. They neid not goe neir Inverness, but come directly to  #
the Lochsyd anent the 
castell, and kyndle vp a fyre or mack some lycke signe, and we  #
shall send ane boatte for 
them. Swa wisching your ladyship all health and happines, I     #
rest and shall alway continow. 
Yowr ladyships affectionat sone to serue yow, 
(^S. J. Grant.^)
To my honorabill and most lowinge mother, the Lady Grantt -     #
theis are. 

<S SAMPLE 4>

<Q SC2 XX CORP KKENNEDY>
<N WAUS CORR>
<A KENNEDY KATHERINE>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1586-1587>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X FEMALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 379>
[} [\LETTER FROM LADY BARNBARROCH TO HER HUSBAND, 
5th MARCH 1586-7.\] }] [\HOLOGRAPH.\]

   Most speciall, efter meist hartle commendatioun, forsamekill
ye sall resaif fre this berar, m=c=knakill, tua hunder merkis,  #
and
I assuer yow that Jhone Kennedy heiss bene alss lesse [\lazy\]  #
in 
<P 380>
ingetting of silver as he culd be, and heiss send out with
m=c=kedy ane hundreth merkis. and furdar ye sall resaif ane 
memorandum of Jhone stewarttis to gar reis lettres to him. I    #
pray yow feill nocht bot ye causs sande vauss gange to the      #
pevderriss 
vith ij quart stoppis that da [\they\] ma be cassin, and send 
hame with the taggaris; and seiklyke feill nocht bot ye gar 
send hame the hard fyche vith the toll man, for I assuir yow    #
ye 
vilbe bot begyllit with petie stratoun; and geif ye haif nocht 
coft faggis and ressyngis. ye sall lat thame alon, for I vill   #
furneiss 
my self at hame vith thame that ye haif send hame; and 
seiklyke I pray yow that ye gar sande wauss get half ane 
galloun of vennagor, and send hame with the taggaris, and luik 
[{th{]at it be fyne; and, geif ye may, I pray yow to remember
vpone M=r= rogger gordoniss besenes, for he heis send silver    #
with
m=r= kedy to do his besseness vith. nocht haifand furdur        #
occation
at this present, bot committis yow in to the protectioun of     #
god.
   frome barnbarothe the v dy of merche. - Be youris assurrit   #
as 
knavis god vnto the end,
Dame Kathrein Kennady. 
To my most speciall eme me lord of barnebarroche.

<Q SC2 XX CORP PWAUSLET>
<N WAUS CORR>
<A WAUS PATRICK>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1587-1590>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT DOWN>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 384>
[} [\LETTER FROM THE LAIRD OF BARNBARROCH TO HIS WIFE, 
24TH APRIL 1587.\] }]

   Maiste Special and derest vnder god, Eftyr all my            #
commendationes, 
this Is to lat yow vndyrstand that as yit ve haif 
nocht resauit our dispeche, and the grytast parte of our care   #
Is 
the vant of siluer, quhilk can not be haid. the toune of Edy=t=
hais provydit and payit for our chipe and the vittalying        #
thairof, 
for the quhilk ve suld allow ijm libs, and as for the vther     #
iij=m=
libs It can nocht be haid, except the kingis majestie caus 
thomas achesone m=r= cunyeour furneyss It, and geife sua be, I
think it sall fall in my avyn hand, and he to grante hym to 
haife ressauit the samin fra me in name of me loyrde of mvrray
<P 385>
and sua I man furneyss It; thairfor I man pray you to be the 
mayr delygent that the siluer that Is to be gottyn at hame be 
gadderit in In your avyn hand to releife this dett. as for 
malcum flemyne, he Is not cumyn to me, and geife he be cumyn 
to yow, ressaue his siluer, or putt It In villame hovistonis    #
hand 
quhill he ressaue his Infeyftmente, quhilk salbe send to you 
vyth delygence vpon your aduertessmente. as for all vther 
besenes I can vreitt na farder nor I schow you befoyr your 
hame passyng, and minvit I delyuerit to yow, quhairin ye will 
do as your visdom sall think guid. I pray god I may heir guid 
nevis of you and your byrthe, and alsua ye of our voiage,       #
quhilk I 
hoipe in god salbegyne In the begynnyng of the nixt ovik, as 
vynd and veddyr sall serve. as for nevis, the ks ma=te= past    #
owr 
the vattyr to the ladye burlye vpon fryday last eftyr viii      #
hours 
at evyn, verray queatt, bot sex horss, and returnis nocht       #
quhill 
vednisday nixt. me loyrde huntlye vas heyr, and he, and me 
loyrde of mar, ar past to the king, and as I belefe cumis bak
heyr vyth the k ma=te=; at the leist he and mony of all the
nobilite beis heyr the x of may at the conventione, quhilk      #
vill 
nocht faill to hald, and I hoip the k ma=te= sall do guid vill  #
to 
aggre mony of the vareanzeis amangis the nobilite as he sall 
think best. ye vill aduerteiss me vpon sounday nixt or          #
thairby, 
as your visdome sall think guid; on to the quhilk tyme, and to 
my farder aduertessmente, I remitt the rest. your sone, god be 
praysit, Is veill, and verray contentit quhair he Is. I vill    #
send 
for hym vpon settyrday nixt, and hald hym vyth me for twa or 
thre dayss. Sua I committ you to god, and that ye vill commend 
me hartlie to the layrde of garleiss and all vther freinds 
as occasione servis. from edy=t= this xxiiij of aprill 1587. -  #
Be 
your avyn as knavis god to his end,      
Barnbarrache. 

   I haife maid my lattyr vill, and left It in my lettere, and 
sall leif the key thairof vyth M=r= Johne scharpe. 

To my maist speciall and derrest Ante [\or Ance\]
The lady barnbarrache. 
<P 386>
   And geif my sone barquhoony vill com vit, he salbe als 
vellcum as I can mak hym, and I sall furneyss hym as I 
promesit hym at my departyn. 

<Q SC2 XX CORP KKENNEDY>
<N WAUS CORR>
<A KENNEDY KATHERINE>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1586-1587>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X FEMALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 386>
[} [\LETTER FROM LADY BARNBARROCH TO HER HUSBAND, 
25TH APRIL 1587.\] }]
   Maist speciall, efter my maist hartle commendatioun, for sa
meikill ye sall vit that the maist speciall causs that I stayit
forge sa lang vas for the gettying of euery manis anser about
the siluer, and now ye se your self quhat I am indid sertane
of bathe affeill and at hame. quhairfoir I vald pray yow, geif
ye mycht spair it, that ye vald leif ane hunder pvnde, or twa
hundereth merkis, behynd yow in adineburg, how euery man
keipis promess; and geif ye may nocht spair it, speik to M=r=
Jhone scharpe for it, geif I haif neid and alss I pray yow that
ye vill forme your avin acquhyttance that me [{l{] of mvrray
suld subscrive, and leif it behynd yow, quhair Thomas may get
it at his out cummynge. And farder ye vill nocht feill bot at
ye vill get the thre hunder merkis fra malcome flemenge, and
the thre hunder merkis fra brochtone, and the thre hunder
merkis fra Jammiss m'colloch your self, and leif it in to my
avin coffer in edy=r=, and geif the keye to m=r= Jhone scharpe, #
or
vith his vyf, tyll thomas out cummynge. I pray yow at ye
vreit in to me quhow all tyngis is proseidit sene my hame
cummminge. I have sende na tynge afeill to yow bot the heid
scheit that suld be in the schepe with yow, becauss ye forbaid
me your self. I pray yow at ye vill vreit to me hame of all
tynge at I haif vretyne to yow on the vther syd. haifand na
fardar occatioun to trubill yow at this present, bot I pray god
at your vage may be schort and prospours, or ellis at day
vill leif yow to cum hame; and god prosper yow in your jurne.
<P 387>
frome barnebarroche, the xxv day of apryll. - Be your assouerit
as knowis god to the end,
Dame kathren kennedy lady of barenbarocht.
To my maist special ame and best belouit
the lard of barnebaroche this be delyuerit.

[\On the other leaf of the sheet of paper is written: -\]

   Memorandum - Item In the furst ye sall vit that tennendis of
the quhyt hillis is varnit; And ye ar varnit your self alss;    #
and
quhidder ye ar bund to sandie M=c=kee or nocht to obtene ane    #
tak
to him, or to geif to him the four hunder merks in keiss at
ye obtene nocht the take, I am nocht sartane; or quhat ye and
sandie M=c=kee did conssernyng the take of the quhyt hillis the
last tyme at ye var heir in. I assouer yow the master of
ovchiltre meniss nocht at euer sandie sall haif ane take of     #
that
land; and geif ye ken that, ye ar bund be vret to sandie        #
m=c=kee.
I feir that he styke to yow be vret, and causs yow to varrand
the take to him, And sa I vald that ye vret formallie to me in
vreit quhat ordour I sall tak with sandie m=c=kee; quhydder I
sall offer to him the four hunder merkis, and ye to furness     #
four
hunder merkis thair out or nocht, for I ken at he heiss gret
myster at this present.
   And fardar ye sall vit that the Lard of large heiss varnit
yow and thomas kennady bothe, as ye vill perseif be the
varnyngis quhylk ye sall reseif; and I assouer yow that I can
nocht heir that day ar myndit for to lat that land byd vith yow
and abeit at ye haife vretine hame to thome kennady that ye
sall varrand him for his yeir, he heiss nocht a sertantie be
quhat vay; quhairfoir I pray you to vreit to me quhat defence
I sall vss aganiss thair varnyngis, And, geif thair be na       #
defencis
to be vsit, quhyder he may cut doune the tymmer that he heiss
plantit in to it, and to cast doone his huvsis or nocht, becuss
he heiss varit his geir vpoune it, for he may take out the
best of the temmer and leif the huvsis standane.
<P 388>
   And fardar ye sall vit that the man at suld tak the half of
the lifke[{r{]eche is cum to me this nycht, and quhat I do vit  #
him
I can vreit na tynge to you quhyll at he be aniss thair, and
se the ground. And fardar ye sall vit as consernyinge barglass
I cane haif nane to take the kroftis of it bot for vittallis,   #
bot
thame that is in to it that had thair kroftis for vittall       #
afoir, bot
I am laborand to se geif I can get ma.
   And quhair ye geif to me our tykat that thome kennady suld
geif to me tu or thre hunderethe merkis, I assouer yow all that
he ma do vilbe bot tua hunder merkis, and that to be gottin fra
sandie lyndesay, and thome reid, and seike vther dethovrs as
ye haif gavin to me in vret, quha vill nocht pay to him and to
me bethe.
   And ane vther hunder merkis fra gilbert balye, and I assouer
you it is all that he may bie abill to do at the day apvntit,
and I assouer you he gatt vere evill payment of the folkis that
is thairvpe, for it vas meikill to my self to gar the tua       #
M=c=commiss
for to grant to my self xi lis of thre scoir at thai vilbe
avin to yow. And to yovnge m=c=karralle I cane fynde na tynge
at cane be had of him, and I am assourit that gylbert balye is
nocht sa meikill to vyte as ye vyit him. And alss ye sall vit
that I haif spokin with villame houstoun, quha assoueris me at
he heiss sene out his obligatioun to yow for fyve hunder
merkis, and said to me at how soune at I geif to him his avin
obligatioun at he suld geif to me the thre hunder merkis
quhairfoir ye vill nocht feill bot at ye vill send to me his
obligatioun.
   And alss I haif spoken vith patrike blane of vyge, quha
assoueris me at he vill gat to me vithin a xv day thre          #
hunderethe
merkis.
   And alss Robert lyndesay heiss promesit to me fourtie
merkis at the same day.
   And Villame Dunbar heiss promesit to me his thre hunder
merkis.
   I haif thryss send vord to arsbald mvir, and I haif resauit
<P 389>
na ansuer as yit; And this is all bot xii hunder merkis and
fourtie that I cane fynd in this cuntre, and [\if\] I get nocht
thome m=c=govinss syluer.
   And thair is dair out with yow at ye suld get fre makome
fleminge thre hunder merkis, and fre brochtone thre hunder
merkis, and fre Jamiss m=c=colloche thre hunder merkis, at ye
haif gevin to me vpe in covirtt. And ye man tak ordour vith
all thir your self, for I culd get nane of thame to speik       #
vith, for
da say at day ar all gene out to edy=r= to your self. I haif
my bruderis promiss of thre hunder merkis in keis ve vant.
   And fardar ye sall vit that I haif resauit arsbald mviris
syluer; and is to Jhone m=c=govniss syluer I luik na vayiss for #
it,   
for I beithe vret and sen to him, and I haif resevit na anser.
   And fardar ye vill nocht feill bot at ye vill geif sum       #
klaiss
to forge, geif ye tak him vith yow, or ellis sen him bake agane
to me.
   And fardar ye sall vit that arsbald kennedy of the           #
senninness
vill nocht put of his rycht.

<P 393>
[} [\LETTER FROM LADY BARNBARROCH TO HER HUSBAND,
9TH MAY 1587.\] }]
Jesus.
   Maist speciall and darrest, efter my maist hartly            #
commendatiounis,
forsamiklle as ye sall wit that I luikit not for James
<P 394>
M'Cullochis departing this tue or thre dayis, at quhait tyme I  
think I suld haif gottin a twell hundreth merkis, quharof       #
James
him self thre hundreth, to haif send out; quharfor I pray yow
faill not to rasaif this thre hundreth your self fra him, and   #
laif
it with the thre hundreth merkis that ye delyverit to Sir Jo=n=
Simson his wyif, and that will compleit betuix hir and me
aliwin hundreth merkis alrady thare, and the thre hundreth
merkis that me Lord of Doune hes ellis, quhilk will compleit
fourteine hundreth merkis, ye gettane James M=c=Cullochis       #
silwir
fra him presently; and sua I pray yow that ye send us to laif
ane hundreth merkis with it, quhilk will compleit ane thousand
libs thare, and god willing I sall ceip your day with me lord   #
of
murray, or thre or four dayis thairefter, quhilk salbe four     #
dayis
before Witsonday, with the uthir thousand lib, quhilk           #
compleitis
the haill soume, viz thre thousand merkis, quharof I am to
rasaif of the first silwir bot nyne hundreth merkis             #
allenarlie, and 
the rest to be furneist be your factouris. I am informit that
me brother Is past to edinburght with greit dilligence, quho
promeist to haif lent me thre hundreth merkis, and sue I think
he may len yow ane hundreth merkis to mak out the thousand
poundis quhare ye ar. and as to Brochtunis thre hundreth
merkis, ye sal rasaif his letter, quharin ye will persaif his   #
anser;
and farther I luik not to rasaif ane penny fra him before the
missummer fare. I send to the guidwyif of tiroch dow for
hir hundreth merkis, quo assuris me scho aucht hir sone         #
nathing,
and sayid scho gef him that hundreth merkis quhilk wes in the
first of the thre hundreth that ye haif rasauit all rady; ye    #
will
not faill to send hame ane atturnay to tak sesing for it, for   #
gif
michaell m=c=crecan had ony, quhome fra ye derecktid me to haif
gottin the samen, I assure yow It is tint - ye will not faill   #
to
expeid this to the effeck the sesing may be tane before         #
witsonday, 
for the witsonday maillis; and farther I pray yow faill
not to send me hame your exemptiounis, for there is divers of
<P 395>
the servandis that is persewit before the commisser, and in     #
your
absence may rasaif wrang, quharfor ye will not faill the same
for sindre uthir occasiounis that I can not express at this     #
present.
I am not as yit delyverit, bot I will had forge quhill Sonday   #
or
Mounday to se how I sall be, that I may mak yow resolute
before your departure omitting all uthir occasiounis thairto,   #
and
comittis yow to god. of barrnbarrach the 9=th= of may 1587. -
Youris assurit as knawis god to the end,
Dame Kathran Kenedy, lady of barnbarocht.
To her maist speciall and darrest ayme the laird of
barinbarroch.

<Q SC2 XX CORP PWAUSLET>
<N WAUS CORR>
<A WAUS PATRICK>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1587-1590>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT DOWN>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 462>
[} [\LETTER FROM THE LAIRD OF BARNBARROCH TO HIS WIFE,
15TH JULY 1590.\] }]
   Maist Speciall, I haife ressauit your lettyr, and haif       #
consyderit
the samin. as for James m'cullochis iiii=c= merkis, I hoip to
ressafe siluer for thame schortlie fra Johne ahannay, or fra
sorbe. as for gilbert m'keeis suspentione, I am content that he
haiss not left the land; alvayss assuritlie I sall seik the     #
layrde
of garthland for the action of contraventione. I wald ye causit
the land the officiar pas to the grund of the dyrre, and taik   #
tre
or fovyr vitness vyth hym, and to testefee that gilbert m'keeis
geyr Is vpon the grvnd as yit, and alss to fence, and arest, 
bayth
gilbert m'keis cornis, and alss James nivyns vpon the grund of
the dyrre, quhill I gett catione to anser me as lav vill. and
quhair ye vreit that I vill get xx libs for euery day that his
geyr Is vpon the grund, that is not of verete. as for the       #
layrde
of mochrumss entres of It, he hais geiffyn It ovyr to me, and
sall taik na entres ovthyr vyth It, or James mvyr. as for
the charges of the tennandis, ye sall caus denunce thame        #
accordeyn
to the letteris. as for gavane dunbar, he hais fund the
layrde of sorbe catione nocht to Intromett vyth ony devate of
altecry vndyr the paine of 1=c= lib. Sande dunbar Is heyr to
aggre, or to lefe the land, as I vill command; bot I vill       #
nathyr
to hym, nor to na vther, geife anser to I be at hame. I haife
ressauit ane of the vessis that hais your cheyn, quhilk I think
verray slycht tikat, for It declaris nocht quhow mykill It lyis #
in
<P 463>
vad of, and I haife nocht ane penne of loviss It vyth; for
quhen I gett this iiij=c= merkis, man relefe the layrde of      #
kynhilt
dett; and trevlie I pay [{ij{]d euery ovik for the pund for It.
as for the provost of lyncluden siluer, I can nocht gett ane
penne of It; for he Is in avyn in this toune mayr for fyve
thovsand pund, bot I haife the cheyn lyane In vad. I vill pray
yow send all the siluer ye can gett or can borrow, ovit vyth
the horss, for ye may persaife be my last lettyr quho mykill
thair Is ado vyth siluer, and thair Is mayr nor 1=c= lbs 
geifen,
and to be geffyn ovitt, nor I vrat to you last, as ye sall see  #
the
compt of the haill. Jhone man haif ane stand of figurit         #
taffate,
and ane stenneyn cloig, for his vther cloik Is vorne, and he
vants sarkis and ruffis. I pray you haist our horsis heyr vyth
the siluer eftyr the fayr, and send sande his naig, for trevlie #
I
think lang to be at hame; and send me voyrde quhat ye vald
haife cofte to pate, quhilk sall not be vndone. farder I pray
you taik na service nor devate fra the tennandis of             #
barschangane,
nor na vtheriss that ye vald haif remvffit. as for nevis, at
this conventione, thayr Is grantit to the k ma=te= ane Impost   #
vpon
all venis that Is to cum In scotland fra this tyme fvyrcht, and
that the k ma=te= sall haif of euery tovnne of veyne aucht      #
pundis
acht ss. I think the conventione sall reid the morne, and
quhat salbe done farder ye salbe farder aduertest. I think best
ye haif my horss heyr in the end of the nixt ovik, as ye sall
think guid, vyth all the siluer ye can gett, that all your vads
may be lovsit; for I can not gett ane penne fra the provost of
lyncluden. this, eftyr hartlie commendatione, I commett you
to god. vreittyn In haist this this 15 day of July 1590. - Be
youris avyn as knavis god, Barnbarrache.
To my dirrest (ainte) [\word doubtful.\] the
ladye barnbarrach.

<S SAMPLE 5>

<Q SC2 XX CORP JOHNSUTH>
<N SUTHERLAND CORR>
<A SUTHERLAND JOHN>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1615>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT EQUAL>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 113>
[} [\130. JOHN, TWELFTH EARL OF SUTHERLAND, TO HIS BROTHER, SIR #
ROBERT GORDON OF GORDONSTOWN.\] }]
[\Holyroodhous, the 23 of February 1615.\]
   Loueing brother, - I resaved tua lettres of youris laitlie,  #
one daitted from Newmarket
in the end of Januarij, whairby I persaue your cairfulnes to    #
attend the 
Erll of Caithnes cuming to court, whairof I fear salbe neid.    #
Your vther letter I 
haue resaved from your man, Robin, the aughtent of this         #
instant. That same day 
he cam, M=c=Ky, our sistersone, cam to Leith, whair your man    #
met with ws boith, 
and your last letter this day is cum in my handis, daitted      #
from Newmarket the 
first of this instant, whairof I am most sorie that ye wer      #
absent from your lady
in hir greattest distres; nather will I be glaid wntill I hear  #
of hir recoverie, which 
hath moved me to haist this berair with all diligens wnto yow.  #
Bot we must 
thank God of all. Ye ar boith young aneuch, so if your selffis  #
be in health, 
I hoip in God yow will haue chylden anew; thairfore be of gude  #
courage, for I 
knaw your melancolius humoris haue neid to be expelled. Bot I   #
hoip all sall go 
weill if yowr selffis be in health. 
   It will be no lytill vantage to our enemie that ye ar absent #
at this tyme. 
I wreit wnto yow the last day with one George Muirhead,         #
servitour to 
the ducke; so quhen ye wreit to court caus demand of the ducks  #
servantis 
if thai resaved my letter. Ye wreit wnto me in your first       #
letter sent from 
Newmarket that it is suspected his Maiestie wald mowe ane       #
agrement 
betuix Cathness and ws. I knaw your absens wilbe ane great      #
hinder to all our 
affaires. Bot I beseik yow haue ane cair of your avin health,   #
and think with 
your selff that God hath cassin yow in thais pairtis not onlie  #
for your selff, bot 
also for the weall of our hous, for what moyen wald we haif at  #
court if ye wer not 
thair. Alway if the king haid moved of any agrement betuix      #
Caithness and ws, 
whatsoever ye haid done sould bene ratified be ws. Now,         #
brother, I sall mak 
ansuer to everie head of your letter sent with your man,        #
Robein. I may not with 
reasone wrge yow to cum to court againe, bot if it pleas God    #
your lady recover 
health and your avin leasour could serue to tak ane start to    #
Londone, albeit 
your stay wer bott for tua dayis only to try what Caithness     #
haue done, for so far 
as we hear his reward will not be so great as he lipned for,    #
so I fear, if he can sie 
no better, he will do what he can to cros ws, and except ye be  #
besyd the king, it 
<P 114>
may be that the same may be granted that the king may be quyit  #
of his cumber 
and importunat sutes. I hoip this berair salbe at yow before    #
the erll returne. 
Ye ar wyis aneuche, do herein as ye think good. This            #
visitasione that God heath 
sent yow, and your retering from court hes giwen ws suche ane   #
dasche that ar 
your freindis, that we will daylie languische for word form     #
yourself and your bedfellow. 
I will intreat yow (brother) to haist back this berair, for I   #
am to giwe in 
my supplicatione in this weik wnto thais of the hie             #
commissione, and hoipes to 
gett libertie till go home, wiche if I obtene, the berair mon   #
cum to Sutherland; 
bot if I stay heir, I think me not weill wsed, for I daylie     #
haunt the preachingis, 
and haue subscryved sindrie articles at the ministeris          #
desyres. I am content to 
do all thingis they desyir at home. Bot since Lambes last I am  #
confyned. My 
haill affaires at home ar lost. I spend my money heir in        #
great. I am assured if 
the king wnderstood how I am wsed by all thais in Scotland, it  #
wald be hardly 
thoght of. Now to mak ansuer wnto the first pairt of your       #
letter desyring me to 
haue yow excused that ye did not go to court efter the resett   #
of my letter. 
Treulie (brother) I will tak your excuis in verie good pairt,   #
seing I knaw ye ar 
more troubled in my affaires then in your avin. And whair ye    #
desyir me not to 
wreit so mony dyvers motiones wnto yow anent my estate, as our  #
Scottisch 
by-word is, necessitie hath no law, for thair wes nane in       #
Scotland wsed [{as{] I 
wes; for I wes not ten dayis in Santandrous quhen I wes         #
charged ather to 
subscryue and communicat, or ellis to go wnto ye castell of     #
Edinbruch, so 
persaving suche rigour I yeilded to go wnto the churche. And    #
efter, as they 
saw me yeeld in one poynt, they wold haue me to communicat, so  #
persaving that 
I spendit my money in gryit in Santandrous I thocht it fittest  #
to cum to this 
toun whair I wald haue acces to my freindis. Bot being cum      #
heir, and hauing 
haunted the preachingis daylie as occasione offred, and         #
haueing lyikwayis subscryved 
suche articles as wes desyred of me, I now insist to obtene     #
libertie till go 
home, an ather I sall satisfie the ministrie at hame, or ellis  #
I sall abyid the 
censure of the hie commissione. So now, in one word, all that   #
I wold haue yow 
to do is to schaw the kings Maiestie of my dewtifull behaviour  #
in all thingis the 
ministrie hath put to my chairge, and wse your moyen, and sie   #
if ye can obtene 
the kingis missiue to my Lord Santandrous, that I be not        #
troubled nor brocht 
from my affaires so long as I haunt the churche at home; and    #
that I be not 
wrged to resaue the communione wntill this deadly fead be       #
satled betuix Cathnes 
and me, at wich tyme I sall ather giue the ministrie            #
satisfactione thairin, or ellis 
<P 115>
sall abyid thair censure. I beliue this can not be gudly        #
refused if ye be earnest 
with the king in this, seing I haue done beyond all those of    #
my professione in 
Scotland. I stik longest wpon this poynt becaus it concernis    #
me most. Wse 
diligens heirin, as ye loue the weill of our hous, for ye may   #
schaw the king of the 
great workis I haue interprysed laitly before I wer confyned,   #
quhilk I am assured,
if I yet liue to stay at hame, sall be tyme boith profeit the   #
contrey and 
myselff. Bot my stay heir since Lambes hath hindred me more     #
then I will 
wreit wnto yow. So I will rest in this poynt, remitting this    #
to your avin 
wisdome and cairfulnes. 
   As to the assignatione wnto the liveing of Chrichtoun, when  #
it sall pleas God 
ye cum in the contrey ordour salbe tane with thais turnes. It   #
wer also now time 
ye wer satisfied of that money I am awand yow. Bot God          #
willing, at your cuming 
in the contrey, all thais matteris salbe satled. Glaidlie wold  #
I haue yow to cum in 
the contrey this nixt summer for monie respectis, and           #
specially for satling of thir 
mairches betuix M=c=Ky and me. Yett when I consider what ye     #
haue till do whair 
ye ar, as also what extraordinar expensis ye wilbe in your      #
heircuming, I am 
leath to wrge yow for this yeir except necessitie compell ws.   #
I haue continued 
all my actiones against Cathnes whill the nixt cessione, seing  #
he hath 
gottin ane continuatione of all his actiones whill his returne  #
from court. I am 
informed boith be Robert Munro of Assint him selff, as also be  #
Jhone Froster, 
that himself and his wyiff haue renunced ther haill right of    #
the landis of Grindes
since my cuming from Sutherland. 
   Whair ye desyir me to wreit wnto yow suche occurrentis as    #
falleth 
furth be packet quhen as I wreit I knaw ye will not get thame,  #
ye being 
in Salisberrie, bot when as ye ar at court ye will resaue       #
thame. As concerning 
suche thingis as ye wreit wnto me to send yow anent our         #
genelogie, ye knaw I 
can do lytill in that matter, being still heir. I sent all      #
your informationes to our 
brother Alexander, and mervellis he hath not send me ansuer     #
bak again. Ye 
knaw it wilbe hard to try the particular dayis and yeiris of    #
suche affaires, and if 
I wer at home I knaw thair is amangst the wreittis that wer in  #
Kynnairdis 
custodie that wald do yow goode. Bot ye must haue pacience      #
whill my hamegoing,
which salbe the first turne I sall do. I am now wpon sick       #
haist that I can 
get nothing from Alexander Duff that may be sent wnto yow at    #
this tyme. Bot all 
I can get salbe in redines again Robins back cuming, whom I     #
will lippen for daylie. 
   Now, brother, I am assured ye haue hard of our               #
extraordainarie knychtis 
<P 116>
that wer created efter Christsmes, viz., the Laird of Ratter    #
and Young Mey; and 
since they ar the first that wer maid in that contrey to our    #
knawledge I wald 
not haue ws inferioures to thame in that; so my avin opinione   #
is that ye wse your 
moyen to sie if ye can get Jhone M=c=Ky maid knycht before his  #
hamecuming. I 
remitt the particulares anent him to his brother M=c=Kyis avin  #
letter, not douting 
bot ye will haue ane cair of him and haist him hame, seing all  #
his freindis in the  
north thinkis that he is dead. And whair ye wreit that ye may   #
not be leasoured 
to cum north this yeir except we haue sum weightie matter ado,  #
I salbe leath to 
wreit for yow, bot if any necessitie intervene ye must yeeld    #
to cum. Alexander 
Lintoun hes wreittin to yow the dait of our guidscheris         #
service. Bot all your 
freindis heir ar offendit that ye sould haif put your selff     #
out of possessione of 
Glenluce wntil ye haid bene mair certane of your satisfaction.  #
Alway ye ar wyis 
aneuch, bot the langer ye be continued it wilbe the wors for    #
yow. So I pray yow 
tak tyme. And whair ye wreit desyring to knaw anent our salt,   #
efter as our warkis 
beis put to sum satling this summer, in the nixt, God willing,  #
we think to 
allure sum Inglische men be your advyis to cum to the contrey. 
   Whair ye desyir to knaw of my younest dochteris name, it     #
wes Marie. My
Lady Mar wes hir godmother. Scho died tuentie dayis since. If   #
any lynning 
haid bene gettable in this contrey my wyiff haid bene glaid to  #
haue obeyed 
your letter. That is not gettable heir, for the linning is      #
maid in the north,
and how sone scho goeth north Robin sall not returne emptie.    #
Now I haue 
maid ansuer to all the heads of your letter, except anent my    #
tobaco I wreit 
for. Ye sall not fear that ever I mynd to wse the same. I       #
assuir yow it is to 
giue away, for good tobaco is in more estimatione heir away     #
then ane better gift. 
So, except ye send me of the fynest sort, and of the best that  #
can be haid, I will 
haue nane, for I haue promised it to a freind. I doubt not bot  #
ye haue hard of the 
Erll off Orknayis executione. It is ane pitie to sie his lady,  #
wha gettis no thing 
of that rent, seing it is cum in the kingis handis. So I will   #
request yow to moue 
the duck to speik in hir favouris, that scho may haue sum       #
moyen for hir tyme. 
As to our Scottische occurrentis they ar few in number and      #
lytill worth the 
wreitting. 
   I haue presentlie resaued ane letter from Mr. Jhone Gray,    #
out of Sutherland,
making mentione of the abuses of wicthcraft in that contrey,    #
quhilk they 
haue tryed laitlie in Dornach. Thairfoir I beseik yow,          #
brother, sie if ye can get 
ane commissione from his Maiestie to put ane nomber of witches  #
to ane assise. 
<P 117>
Ather this iniquitie be tane ordour with, or ellis honest       #
peopill can not liue 
in that contrey. I remitt the particularis of thais contreyis   #
to Mackyis letter. 
This is all I haue to wreit wnto yow at this tyme, onlie        #
remember vpon my hard 
estate for the present and wse your moyen to get ane warrand    #
from the king to 
my Lord Santandrous, that I may haue libertie to stay at hame   #
so long as I hant 
the churche and satisfies the presbiterie at hame. For if I     #
haid stayed at hame 
the church of Dornach haid bene weill repaired or now, and      #
monie good turnes 
done that never wilbe done in my absens. The least missiue      #
from the king wilbe 
ane sufficient warrand to my Lord Santandrous, for he is so     #
envyed be thais of 
his avin professione that he dar not schaw favour as he wald.   #
Schir James 
Stewart is till go wp to court in Apryill nixt. I pray yow, if  #
ye can, fail not to 
be throughly acquent with him. He is my great freind in all my  #
affaires. So 
he will moue my lord chalmerland to be our gude freind. Schir   #
James is ane 
wyis man and of ane gude spreit. He will informe yow            #
sufficientlie of the Erll 
of Cathnes proceidingis in Orknay. 
   I did wreit wnto yow in summer last how the hous of Cadell,  #
Maynis, 
Parke, with tuentie chalderis victuall thairabout is to be      #
sauld. Treulie, 
brother, it is ane commodious pairt for yow to duell into. It   #
hath both libertie
of the hillis and sea. Sick occasiones will not be found at     #
all tymes. So 
albeit ye wer in debt it is for ane honest caus. Advyis heiron  #
and think 
wpon itt, for thair is mony in sute of it, viz., our cheiff,    #
the tutor of Kyntaill,
with dyvers vtheris. I knaw not whair the lyik occasione wilbe  #
found again. 
This is all I haue to wreit for the present, onle haue cair to  #
get me libertie till
go hame. Adverteis me what ye wald haue done, and haist the     #
berair bak with 
your mynd in all thingis. Luik that ye send me ane fyne spying  #
glas with my 
tobaco if ye wald haue onything sent bak. Foryett not my        #
loueing commendationes 
to your goodfather and to your bedfellow, for whais health I    #
long to hear,
whom with your self I commit to Godis protectione, and sall     #
euer rest your 
loueing brother euer to his pouar, 
(^Suthirland^)

I haue [{given{] the berair tuentie poundis Scottis. 

<P 118>
[} [\131. JOHN, TWELFTH EARL OF SUTHERLAND, to SIR ROBERT       #
GORDON, HIS BROTHER. 22 MAY 1615.\] }]

   Loueing Brother, - I resaved your letteris from your man,    #
Robin, the secund 
day of this instant, daitted from Salisbery the nynt of         #
Apryill, and am glaid 
to hear of your avin weilfair, your goodfatheris and your       #
bedfellowes, which 
I longed for sence I hard not from yow from the tyme ye         #
depairted from his 
Maiestie to visitt your lady. I sie that when ye directed this  #
berair from 
yow ye haid no certantie of my homecuming; and now (brother)    #
since I 
haue obtened libertie to cum and visitt the contrey, haueing    #
sett catione wnder 
paine off fyue thousand merkis ather to subscryue and suear or  #
ellis to entir 
in waird again at Mertimes nixt. I wald not haue gottin releif  #
without I 
haid sett this catione. Alway the occasione that moved me so    #
till do wes that 
I hoiped that ye sould obtene of his Maiestie ane warrand to    #
the archibischop 
that I sall stay at home before Mertimes; for quhen I get the   #
said warrand, I think
to enter and to tak instrumentis that my cationaris ar          #
relived; thairefter I will
deall with the bischopes wpon my warrand, if [{I{] gett it. Iff #
it haid pleased God
the [{that{] the bischop of Santandrows haid lived, I wald not  #
haue put yow to this 
panis; bot now ye mon ather deall with the king for my stay at  #
home, and that 
so long as I haunt the church and dwelleth in Dornach, or       #
ellis I wilbe bot ane 
wraked man; for my last being in the south hath done me great   #
harme. I wes 
forced to sell my haill fermes at my being in Edinburgh, to     #
the number of four 
scoir chalderis, bot I haue not resaued tuentie chalderis of    #
the haill. Such ane 
yeir wes never sein with ws. Mony will parisch in thir          #
contreys throwgh fami[{n{]e
and neuir more ley land for falt of seid. The berair can        #
sufficientlie instruct yow 
heirof. This is the onlie sute I haue to crawe for the          #
present, to sie if ye can get 
me liue to stay at home, whiche I mon lippen to your avin       #
moyen and diligens;
and if this be not obtened, the nixt cours ye mon deall with    #
his Maiestie, and 
lat me haue ane licens to pas aff the contrey. For except this  #
my doing satisfie 
his Hienes will, I sall be glaid content to quyit my pairt of   #
Scotland, induring his 
Maiesties will. Ane of thir headis ye mon purches wnto me, or   #
ellis I wilbe 
forced to entir in ward. If so be, my estate is wndone for      #
ever. I will not regrait
farder thairof at this tyme. Alway ye must ather purches ane    #
warrand that I stay 
<P 119>
at home, or ellis libertie to leaue the contrey, which never    #
wes refused to any 
man; bot if I enter in waird again, ye will never sie me        #
relived again, for they 
think to excommunicat me, thinking thairby to get my lyifrent.  #
This is the onlie 
schott thai haue at me, and not for my religion. I neid not to  #
lippen for favour
as the warld goeth; thairfore haue ye ane cair to saiff me      #
from entrie to ward, 
and suche ansuer as ye obtene from his Maiestie I lippen for    #
adverteisment from 
yow about the end off September. 
   As to my affaires in law, if I go south in winter, which I   #
must do, I 
wald haue yow to obtene ane letter of his Maiestie to the       #
chanceller, ane 
vther to the secretar and the third to the advocatt, anent my   #
infeftment; 
bot I pray yow deall with my lord chalmerland for ane           #
particular letter to the 
secretar in my favouris, and luik that your selff wreit ane     #
earnest letter wnto
him also. I am leath to insist in that actione so long as the   #
erll is duelling in
Edinburgh, for I knaw he hath great moyen in the cessione. And  #
whair ye 
wreit that ye ar informed the counsell wes to burdene me with   #
ane new submissione,
I neuer hard such ane matter propened. We salbe war thairof. 
   As concerning Akinheadis turne, I knaw not what to wreit of  #
it, that is deir 
aneuch wnto me, and I did mak sindrie advysmentes with my       #
advocattis anent 
that actione. Bot I am resolved it will not availl me, yett I   #
will insist thairin. 
So the difficultie that is found in this actione is, the gift   #
of bastardie, quhilk is the 
ground of our gift of nonentrie, it [{is{] not worth, seing     #
that bastardie, wes disponed 
in the quenes minoritie, and wes revoked be act of parliament   #
in hir maioritie. 
So ye must be cairfull to find remeid heirof, viz., ye must     #
obtene of the kingis
Maiestie ane gift of the said bastardie, or ellis ane           #
ratificatione of his Hines 
motheris deid; but this our nonentrie will availl nothing, so   #
ye must haue ane 
cair heirof. 
   Whair ye wreit that ye may not be leasored to cum this yeir  #
in Scotland, 
I beliue that weill, seing ye can not await upon the king this  #
progres and cum to 
Scotland in one simmer. I knaw (brother) thair ar sindrie that  #
wilbe desyrous, 
wissing yow to cum in the contrey rather for their avin         #
particular and vther menis
also, then for your [{and{] my weill. Bot few consideris what   #
extraordinar expensis ye 
bestow on such vayages. If I saw any necessitie of your         #
cuming, I think I haid more
for me then any vther to wis yow to cum, bot I will not         #
counsell yow cum this 
yeir, first, becaus ye must attend his Maiestie for our         #
motheris releif and myne;
nixt, becaus the merches betuix Macky and me is continwed       #
whill simmer nixt, 
<P 120>
inrespect of this evill and stormie simmer that men may not     #
stay in the hillis for 
storme, and lastly, inrespect I knaw your bedfellow will be     #
leath to want your 
presens in hir motheris absens, and your goodfather seikly as   #
he is. But yow 
must resolue to cum the nixt simmer to sattle all thingis, and  #
cum in tyme that 
ye may haue the haill simmer before yowr hand to do your        #
turnes and ours also. 
   I persaue ye wer adwerteised be sum weill disposed persone   #
that I wes to pas 
ane contract queatlie with my Lord Elphinstoun. Thais who haue  #
so wreittin hath 
not schawin yow of the trouble and dett I haue contracted       #
boith for thame and 
the contrey; bot I beliue they haue not wreittin wnto yow my    #
estate might be 
recovered. I wald wis to God I haid never bene more begyled be  #
my avin contrey
people then I think to be  with him. Aneuch for this purpois. 
   Whair ye wreit anent Innirboll, that ye will continew the    #
same in your avin 
hand whill your avin cuming in the contrey, I mervell quhat     #
sould moue yow to be 
so suddenly altered, that wreit wnto me to caus tak ane crop    #
out of it, and to do 
with it quhat I pleased; whairwpon I coft baith hors and oxen   #
of my avin to 
plenisch the same, and now ye wreit again to behald it whill    #
ye cum. Alway I 
am content it ly ley as it hath done this yeir bygane, and      #
lyis presentlie ley. 
Bot if ye think it will do yow suche profeit, I lippin ye will  #
not hinder me, seing 
I sould yeirlie haue out of that toun better then thrie         #
hundreth markis, and hes 
not resaved ane pennie as yit. Bot I fear quhen ye cum to ane   #
compt with your 
greiff, ye salbe beyond ane hundreth crownes be yeir out of     #
purs. So adverteis 
me of your resolutione heirin with the first commoditie. As to  #
your memorandum 
ye haue sent of suche thinges as concernes the contrey, it is   #
not possable 
for me to get the same tryit at ane instant; so I think that    #
will not be weill done 
whill your avin cumming in the contrey, bot I sall try all that #
I can agane the nixt 
occasione. This is all I haue to wreit for the present; only    #
intreating yow to be 
cairfull for your motheris releif and myne. 
   Giff the bischop of Santandrous haid lived I wald haue maid  #
moyen for my 
releif, bot now we ar only lipned wnto yow. Macky and I         #
duelleth this winter 
in Dornach, if I get liue to stay at home. The haill gentilmen  #
of the contrey will 
duell thair also, so be tyme we think to mak the toun better.   #
I mervell also 
how ye wer so slouthfull that ye tuik ordour with ane merchant  #
in Edinburgh 
called Alexander Telfourd, wha heth your band wpon sex scoir    #
poundis Scottis, 
quhilk I am presentlie forced to tak wp and pay annuall         #
thairfore for releif of 
your band. I wreit wnto yow before to send me ane spying glas,  #
quhilk I lippin 
<P 121>
ye will send with this berair again that be good. So my         #
loueing commendationes 
being remembered to my lord, your goodfather, and to your       #
bedfellow, 
whom with your self I committ to Godis eternall protectione,    #
and ever sall remain, 
your loueing brother at all pouar,
(^J. E. Suthirland.^)

Dunrobin, the xxii of Maii 1615. 

   I will intreat yow (brother) to send me ane pair of the      #
fynest dowle 
virginallis ye can get for money, seing ye knaw I can not want  #
the lyik out of 
my hous in Dornach. I lippin ye will not faill to do this, as   #
ye wald haue me 
cairfull to do your turnes heirefter, seing my bearnis ar       #
learning to play and sing. 
Luik that ye caus sum skilfull weall thame, and to send thame   #
in sum suir crear 
that cumis to Scotland, and caus delyver thame to Alexander     #
Watsone or 
Lambes. Alexander Watsone will haue ane crear with salt of      #
myne in Londoun, 
so ye may appoynt. 
To my loueing brother, Sir Robert Gordone, of Kinmonowy,        #
knycht.

<Q SC2 XX CORP JANESUTH>
<N SUTHERLAND CORR>
<A SUTHERLAND JANE>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1616-1623>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X FEMALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
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<E INT DOWN>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 123>
[} [\133. JANE, COUNTESS OF SUTHERLAND, TO SIR ROBERT GORDON,   #
HER SON. 24TH SEPTEMBER 1616.\] }]
   Sonne, - Sen George Grayis hame cuming I haue resauit na     #
aduerteisment frome
yov. I think the occatioun is ve resaue not sic lettiris as ye  #
derec, nathir cumis
ouris to your hand, becaus sic as var acustomit to resaue and   #
taik ourdour vitht
our turnis in the souith ar becum our onfreindis. For your      #
gudsistir hes insencit
hir fathir sva aganist your brothir and me that he declaris him #
self our onfreind.
The parteculeris heirof I remit to your brothiris declaratioun. #
I pat your brothir
sonne to Mr. Jhone Gray to lerne sum mair vertes nor he culd    #
sie athir vitht hir
or me. I vas aduertesit that scho myndit to haue sent him to    #
hir fathir, and
thair eftir to haue purchast your gud vill. Gif ye be burthenit #
thairvitht aduyis
quha sall furneis him, for my moyen is not meit for sic         #
vayagis, and I beleue thay
sall be sueir to vair on him thameselvis. Ve heir that our      #
bischep is to be maid
bischep of Abirdin. Gif sva be, ye haue caus to taik attendance #
that ane onfreind
cum not in this cuntray, for gif thai do it salbe na small hurt #
to your brothiris
hous. Freindis hes travalit vitht Mr. Jhone Gray quha is varay  #
sueir to acsep
sic offece, albeit it var in his offir, for he thinkis that     #
vitht suir contience he
can not taik that offece, seing that leving is not abill to     #
plant the kirkis.
Thairfor gif his Maiestie vald taik sic ordour vitht Chatnes    #
that the bischepis
landis thair mycht be restorit to the kirk, I think freindis    #
suld moue Mr. Jhone
<P 124>
to acsep of it, othirvayis gif his Hines vald alov the thovsand #
pundis pentioun
this bischep of Chatnes hes to the nyxt, and that to be liftid  #
out of the erlldome
of Ross (the silvir to be convertit in vittuell), Mr. Jhone     #
vald be presit to deill
thairfor. Vithtout ane of this tva na honest man vill taik it,  #
and ane cum thair
that sekis it rather for gain nor gud contience. Remembir that  #
I aduerteis yov
that your houss vill repent it for sic resouns as I vill not    #
vreit. It salbe veill
done that ye aduerteis George Gray quhat may be lukit for       #
heirin for dyuers
respectis. I am not veill in helth presentlie, quhilk makis me  #
that I can not
vreit many thingis to yov that I vald. Ane thing I vreit vitht  #
greif of hart,
your sistir sonne M=c=Y, his hame bringing ane sistir of the    #
erll of Cravfuris to his
greit disgrace, lois of the chansler and his alya, and (that    #
quhilk is varst), hurt of
contience. Gif he mycht haue provin any caus of partesing       #
aganist his vyif (as I
am in dout of it), this bestlie cours hes takin that avay, and  #
I heir hir freindis
thinkis to intend partesing aganist him, and sva to caus hir    #
bruk hir lyuerent.
He hes not cum to this cuntray sen his cuming frome Ingland,    #
nathir resauit
your brothir nor I any aduerteisment frome him exsep at his     #
first landing that he
vas cume hame.  I pray God send him ane bettir advyisment nor I #
heir he is of.
I can vreit na farthir for the present, bot luking ye will      #
adverteis as occatioun
offiris, I rest
[^SIGNATURE OMITTED^]
Dunrobin, the tuantie fourt of September, 1616.
To my loving sonne, Sir Robert Gordoun of Kinmonvy, tutour of   #
Suthirland.

[} [\134. JANE, COUNTESS OF SUTHERLAND, TO SIR ROBERT GORDON,   #
HER SON. 22D NOVEMBER 1616.\] }]
   Sonne, - The xv of this instant November, I resauit ane      #
lettir of youris, daitit
at Salisberie the xvij of June, quhairin ye desyir mair of the  #
small lining cleith.
Trevlie gif I had gottin aduerteisment in tyme, I vald not haue #
slipit sic ane
turne, bot this tyme of yeir it is not in my pouer to get it.   #
Ye vreit that your
lettir is derec vytht Adam Sitharris sonne. I marvell quhov he  #
hes ovirsein himself
<P 125>
sa far that nathir brocht it vytht himself, not [\nor\]         #
aduertesit that he had left
it in Edinburgh. M=c=Yis boy that brocht the lettir hame schev  #
that he gat it fra
Alexander Vatsouns vyif. Aftir Barrisday your brothir schev me  #
ane lettir of
youris schavand that dalie ye expectit sic ane thing. I culd    #
gif na ansur thairto,
becaus I had nathir sein vreit fra yov nor your vyif. Heirfor   #
blame me not, 
for I vald bein vara leith to haue dissapontit hir fathir       #
dochtir (albeit the mater
had bein greter), altho scho var not your vyif. I haue sein na  #
lettir of your
hand sen Lambes. I pray as occatioun of berris offiris lat me   #
knaw of your helth.
Be not sa sueir, for ye knav not quhov lang ye vill haue me to  #
vreit to, and perhapis
may viss to haue me quhen ye vill not get me. The cuntray       #
effaris I leue
to your brothiris lettir. I leue to trobill yov forthir, and    #
restis, your loving
mothir,
(^Jane C. Suthirland.^)
Dunrobin, the xxii of November 1616.
Your brothir dochtir Annes hes her servece recommendit to yov.
To my loving sonne, tutour of Suthirland.

<Q SC2 XX CORP AGORD>
<N SUTHERLAND CORR>
<A GORDON ALEXANDER SC2>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1616>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT EQUAL>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 125>
[} [\135. SIR ALEXANDER GORDON OF NAVIDALE TO SIR ROBERT        #
GORDON, HIS BROTHER, 22D NOVEMBER 1616.\] }]
   Richt worschipfull and loweing Brother, - I wryt to yow      #
dywers tymeis
at gryt lenthe anent the cuntrey perticuleris, bot hes resaweit #
na ansuer as yit;
only ye wryt in your last letter to me, deattit in September    #
last, that ye receaweit 
thea lettres, and wald make ansuer thairto with the Erll off    #
Enzie, quhais
cuming we heir not off as yit, quhilk makis me daylie to        #
exspect your ansuer. I
resaweit this last letter off yowris from my Lord Elphinstowne, #
withe ane letter
of his awin thryss worsss than the former, quhairoff I sent yow #
ane coppie.
Allwayis I will newer make ansuer to sik daft lettres till his  #
lordschip and I meitt;
at quhilk tyme, quhen he heiris and onderstandis the weritie, I #
think his lordschipis
sellff will say he hes not done weill. He wrytis to me that ye  #
hawe
wryttin to him, that it is altogidder by your directioun that I #
hawe done any thing
to my lady anent hir teindis and wicaradgeis. Giwe sa be, ye    #
hawe done your
sellff and me bathe wrang, seing I will qualifie bathe be wryt  #
and witnes sik
directions as ye gawe me. My lady and I ar onder guid termis at #
this tyme,
and hir ladyschip schaweis ane letter of youris direct out off  #
Edinburgh, quhair
<P 126>
ye wryt that hir father and ye ar agreit in termeis and schoo   #
suld hawe hir awin
teindis this yeir, and ye to get the fisching off Brora this    #
yeir, quhilk we gat sa
far as was to, and the kaner dettour for the rest, and that na  #
alteratioun suld be
maid on hir ladyschipis this yeir. In this ye hawe owersein     #
your sellff far, and
maid hir ladyship to hawe the radge schoo haid againis me. For  #
giwe thair war
no alteratioun, to quhat effect war inhibitions serwit; for sa  #
far as schoo haid your
former letter for hir warrand ye wald newer get spuilzie,       #
quhilk hes moweit hir
father and hir to be in sik radge against me. Allwayis I think  #
ye suld do weill
to wryt to my Lord Elphinstowne heiranent to susspend his       #
lordschipis judgement
heirin till we all meitt, at quhilk tyme all materis salbe      #
tryit and sattlit to his
lordschipis contentment, for I am leithe we suld be hard at     #
this tyme, seing we
hawe grytter turnis ado. Wtherwayis I wald not suffer his       #
lettres onansuerit;
bot seing we ar liklie to be trublit be Duffus, we will do      #
weill to rin ane cowrss
for the Erll of Sutherlandis weill.
   The actioun anent the discussing of the richtis of the       #
chantorie is in doing
now, and I hawe wryttin to Allexander Lintoun to be cairfull to #
sie giwe 
he mey get it continowit (giwe thair be ony danger thairin) to  #
your awin
hame cuming; and ye sall do weill to wryt to my Lord            #
Elphinstowne to
be cairfull that the Laird Duffus get na advantage against the  #
Erll off Suthirland,
for it is schame he suld be outschot be his awin wassall. I     #
serwit
inhibitiouns and arrestment against thea teindis off Pronsseis, #
bot befoir they war
schorne the Laird Duffus purchassit lettres to lowsss the       #
arrestment, sa that in
tua dayis they leid all thair beir to thair cornyardis, quhilk  #
I thocht werie hard,
and ane gryt lichtlie, nocht onlie to the Erll off Suthirland   #
(quha is bot ane
barne) bot lykwayis to ws, quha hes ane cair off his adois for  #
the tyme; for the
leiding off thair cornis was war than the taking off the richt  #
of the teindis. For
pretending ane richt and putting thame sellffis in possessioun  #
by leiding thair
corns, they left nothing to the Erll off Suthirland bot ane     #
actioun, quhilk
I thocht hard. Sa I conweinit the gentillmen off the cuntrey    #
befoir M=c=Ky (quha
was heir for the tyme), and schew thame the esteit off the      #
mater, and that
I haid resolwit to cast thae teindis; for I thocht it was       #
fitter that the Erll off
Suthirlandis wassall suld suit his supperiour than his          #
superiour to suitt him,
quhilk M=c=Ky and sindrie wtheris thocht fit, yit thair was sum #
that grudgeit at 
it, as kythit in end. Allwayis I directit William Innes and     #
Robert Aikin and
Robert Bailzie withe my ladyis tennentis off the parischin off  #
Culmalie to
<P 127>
the turn; and befoir my cuming out of Dornoch I spake           #
Gollspitour to forder 
that caus with men and horsss, quhilk he promist me to do. Bot  #
efter
my cuming out off the towne, quhen William Innes socht helpe,   #
he absolutly
refuissit, alledgeing he was onder lawborrowis to the Laird     #
Duffus.
Sa that efter they enterit to cast the teinds they culd get     #
nather horss to
leid nor handis to helpe, quhilk moweit me to burding our haill #
name with
horss and men; bot I was haillily refuissit be thame all in ane #
woce, except
the guidman off Bakeis, quha send his sone Allexander with      #
sewintein or
auchtein horss. As to the rest, they seimit mair to grudge at   #
the turn doing than
wtherwayis. In end I was forcit to imploy my lady, my           #
guidsister, for support
of horsss, quha willingly send all hir ladyschipis tennentis    #
horsss for tua dayis
thair, sa that the haill burding lichtit wpoun the puir         #
tennentis off the paroschin
off Culmalie and Costsyid. I pray God the Erll off Suthirlandis #
guid turn be
never lippinit to manie in this cuntrey, for I think giwe they  #
sawe his bake at the
wall in ane gryt mater they wald stres thame sellffis littill   #
to releiff him quhen
they maid scruppill in sik ane triffill.
   Bot to return to the purpois; the teindis war all castin and #
led to Achindean
quhilk Duffus thinkis the gryttest oppressioun that ewer was    #
done to anie. He
is riddin sowthe to complein to the Cunsall and to rais lettres #
to charge me and
the haill puir men that war at the leiding to compeir befoir    #
the Cunsall; for he
will newer get spuilzie off it, seing his freindis and          #
tennentis hes intromettit
withe thair awin cornis again, quhilk cuttis away the spuilzie, #
quhairwpoun
instrument is tain. Sa I think giwe this turne be weill meinit  #
to the Cunsall,
it will be thocht littill wrang. Bot my opinioun to yow is to   #
wryt ernestlie
to the chansler anent this turn, meining bathe quhow the Erll   #
off Suthirlandis
richt was taikin ower his head, and quhow they preassit to      #
disposses him in his
minoritie, and that ye direct this letter to Allexander Lintoun #
to be giwein
my Lord Elphinstoun, giwe neid beis thairoff, and that ye wryt  #
ernestly to my
Lord Elphinstoun to be cairfull that Duffus get na advantadge   #
in that turn, seing
it is the Erll of Suthirlandis turn, and he can suit na man for #
the samen except
the chalmerlane and puir tennents quhais deidis ye man defend.  #
Allwayis in
your letter to the chansler ye sall wryt in my fawouris and     #
take the burding
wpoun yow, quhilk will putt off the mater to your cuming, at    #
quhilk tyme I
think maters will take wpe or at leist be warss for Duffus. I   #
can wryt no moir
to yow off this purpois bot refer it to your awin judgement.
<P 128>
   We heir off his Maiesteis cuming to Scotland in Merche,      #
quhilk I pray God   
it mey prowe trew, at quhilk tyme I think ye sall cum to        #
Scotland. I assuir yow
your adois heir requiris your cuming in tyme. Allwayis I lippin #
ye will adverteis
me withe the first occasioun, perticulerly off all thingis, and #
in speciall off your
dyet, for I hoipe to meit yow in Edinburgh; and giwe ye cum     #
with his Maiestie
your ludgeing vald be tain in tyme, for all the best ludgeingis #
in the toun ar taikin
alreaddy. As to cuntrey newis heir we hawe nane, bot thair is   #
ane wniwersall
fiwer in thir partis quhairon gryt deathe followis. We hawe     #
loissit tua guid
fellowis in that siknes, Allexander M=c=William M=c=Ain         #
M=c=Kenniche and Iwer 
M=c=Conchie, quhairoff I am sorie, yit the will of God man be   #
done.
   I am persuadit dywers will suitt delay at yow, bot I request #
yow promeis it to
nane till ye and I meit; for I will get yow als thankfull       #
peyment and serwice for it
as any man. I feir we will get na mair than fywe lib~s. for the #
boll off our wictuall
this yeir, for it is werie guid schaipe. We can get na monie    #
for the strenthe off
Dunrobin and Innerbo, sa we will be forcit to lat the           #
possessouris keipe thame
this yeir. Thair is na monie gettabill in this cuntrey. I       #
nather hawe gottin
your silver from Balnagowin or Jhone Murray, sa adverteis me    #
quhat to do.
M=c=Ky hes gottin nane except thrie hundrethe lib~s., quhilk I  #
cawsit William Innes
giwe him.
   I dowt not bot ye have hard or now quhow M=c=Ky tuik away    #
withe him
ane sister off the Erll of Crawffordis. I am sorie he suld hawe #
lost sa guid
ane fame as he haid for sa wyld ane caus. Adverteis me quhow he #
is thocht off
thair for it, or giwe his Maiestie hes hard off it. He thinkis  #
to put hir away
schortly. Scho is gryt with chyld and remainis as yit in the    #
Iyll off Lochtyoll.
He repairis nawayis to his maried wyffe, nor thinkis not to do. #
My Lord off
Kintaill and his freindis thinkis hard off the miswsage of his  #
sister. M=c=Ky
thinkis to get deworsment, and they think to pey him withe      #
recompensatioun.
They ar onder trysting efter Andersmes.
   I tuik occasioun to burding my freindis and gentillmen off   #
the cuntrey
with sum helpe be reassone off the dett I hawe contractit by    #
biging off the
howsss I bigit; bot I hawe gottin ane (\nolumus\) . Bot I am    #
glaid of the excuis
they pretend, alledgeing that ye ar to sik ane support off      #
thame at your hame
cuming. Thairfoir I pray yow lat thame nocht be desaweit in     #
thair opinions, and
sie that ye and I bathe be not disapointit; for in consciens it #
is weill gottin, and
can be tain off manie of thame, and ye mey weill get it for     #
your awe; ye will  
<P 129>
get littill for your lowe. Bot I pray God ye or I ather be      #
littill in thair rewerens.
I wische George Gray haid ane guid turn ado quhairin I mey      #
pleasour him; for
in my consciens I can newer find ane faill in him in any thing  #
he is imployit
apperteining any offris or our housss.
   Thair is ane John Crawfford in Inuerness takeing ordour with #
the adultereris,
and hes summond dywers off this cuntrey men thair to the xxvij  #
off this monethe;
quhair thair is gryt missing off yow, for I think giwe ye war   #
heir ye wald
nocht be out of guid companie. I lippin daylie for ane ansuer   #
off my lettres from
yow, and in speciall quhat ye will hawe tain from the puir      #
tennentis for thair
bow, for giwe ye suit xij merkis for your bow the land will go  #
ley; sa, as I wryt
befoir, my opinion is to take ather ten merkis or fywe firlatis #
as mey be gottin,
quhilk I will caus take to compt and rekining. I hawe na forder #
to new occasioun,
bot my humbll dewtie remembred to my lord, your guidfather, and #
his lady, with
my serwice to your awin lady, I rest and sall still remain,     #
youris loweing brother
to be commandit to death,
(^A. Gordoune.^)
Dunrobin, the xxij of November 1616.
   I spake my lady, our mother, anent the lining ye wryt for,   #
and hir ladyschip
hes wryttin hir auin ansuer, quhilk ye sall resawe heirwithe.   #
Faill not to get
ane gift off nonentrie off my lordis landis sens our brotheris  #
disceas till efter this
Mertimes, wtherwayis it will cost yow deir, as I wryt to yow in #
my former lettres.

<Q SC2 XX CORP JANESUTH>
<N SUTHERLAND CORR>
<A SUTHERLAND JANE>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1616-1623>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X FEMALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT DOWN>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 131>
[} [\137. JANE, COUNTESS OF SUTHERLAND, TO SIR ROBERT GORDON,   #
HER SON. 16TH MAY 1617.\] }]
   Sonne, havand the comodatie be this berer I haue vretin this #
lettir, albeit this
lang tyme past I haue hard na vord fra yov. I mynd not to       #
trobill yov vith the
cuntra affaris, for I supec ye sall find facherie at lenth      #
quhen God sends yov veill
hame. Sumthing of your avin parteculer I think gud to lat yov   #
knav. Young
Golspetour hes recallit the gift vas maid to yov of Golspetour, #
and maid intimatioun
thairof at the kirk of Dornoch the xx day of Apryll. Gif ye     #
think ye ar
damnefeit thairbe, it is thocht that ye may mend yourself gif   #
ye taik tyme. Ve
ar informit that at the last parlement thair vas ane act maid   #
that quha revischid
ane damisell vithout hir parentis consent (albeit scho vald say #
it var vith hir
avin vill), it suld be trasone. I knav not gif this act vill    #
stik on the complesis of
the prencipall actour: bot it is of trouth that the third of    #
Fabruer last young
Golspetour, acompaneit vith Villyam Our in Inverbo, Adam        #
Pypirsonne in
Crakok, Alester, George Govis sonne in Golspemoir, Gilbert,     #
Alester Pyperis
sonne, Alester Gordoun, Donald M=c=Kynich M=c=Onill M=c=Thomas, #
greif to the said 
Jhone, the vthir tva his servandis, vith dyvers othiris,        #
inspetiell Jhone Bovy,
sonne to Alester Pyper, thay come to Culmaliemoir about x       #
houris at evin to
Alester Chesomis houss and forsabillie tuik avay his doctir,    #
Janet, had hir to
Golspetour, quhair scho vas keipit tva nichtis and revischit be #
Jhone Bovy, Alester
Pyperis sonne. Your brothir vas in the souith. I vas not knavin #
nor obeyit
ontill my Lord of Chatnes come to Skelbo, at quhat tyme I       #
thretned gif thai vald
not put the damisell to libertie I suld taik him be the hand to #
reveing it. Then
vas scho brocht to me, quhen scho declarit that quhat vas done  #
vas aganist her
vill; and to gif pruif thairof scho remanis sensyne vith hir    #
fathir and mothir, and
vill nevir heir to marie that man albeit thair hes bein fair    #
offiris maid to hir.
   Gif ye think this actioune may mend yov, deill in tyme vith  #
the tresurer, and
be suir, for it is ferit, and he menis to deill for it. Ye may  #
knav varay veill
quhais opinnioun ye seik heirin. Your gudsistir is altogethir   #
gydid be his fathir,
and that at hir fathiris desyir. Scho hes set the half of       #
Badinloch to young Golspetour,
and four penne land in Lochbeg to his brothir Huchune. The act  #
of parlement
I vreit of thay say vas maid for the dochtir of Villyem         #
Tr[{u{]mbill in Edinburgh,
that vas takin avay be ane Moscrop, and eftirvart mareit to the #
last
presidend, Maistir Jhon Prestoune, his sonne. As to othir       #
cuntra affaris, it is
<P 132>
not neidfull to trobill yov vith thame at this tyme. Nathir     #
vald I haue vith
this gif I had not thocht it for your veill. Taik quhat cours   #
ye pleis heirin; 
bot I sie na cours takin heir be thir men bot that quhilk is    #
lytill for the
Erll of Suthirlandis profeit or youris. My guddochtir is        #
dissapontit of cleis
scho promesit to hir sonne, thairfor my barne vantis, and I     #
haue na radie
silvir; thairfor I vill desyir yov to caus bring hame ane stand #
of haliedayis
cleis to him vith the furnising, cloik, dovbillet, coit,        #
brekis, and schankis. Al my
avin partecularis I remit to meting. Ane thing I may not omit   #
quhilk is ve heir
his Maiestie is to reduce all fev landis to the kirk. Quhen my  #
lord, your fathir,
sauld the fev landis of Chatnes it vas in maner of excambioun,  #
and the landis of
Stravlze giffin in varandice. Thairfor ye man taik cair quhov   #
the barne may be
savid fra the varrandice. It vilbe ane comond cavs, thairfor    #
vill get many to
aduyse vith. At your brothiris suithcuming I sall wreit mair    #
parteculerlie heirin;
to quhilk tyme or farthir occatitioun I rest. - Your loving     #
mothir,
(^Jane C. Suthirland.^)
Dunrobin, the xvj of May 1617.
To the richt worschipfull and lowing maister, Schir Robert      #
Gordoun of Kynmonwe,
knycht, tutour of Suthirland.

<P 142>
[} [\147. JANE, COUNTESS OF SUTHERLAND, TO SIR ROBERT GORDON,   #
HER SON. 25TH MAY 1623.\] }] 
   Loving sonne, your brothir hes schavin me that ye ar myndit  #
to cum to this
countray, quhairof I am maist glaid. Quhen ye cum I pray yov to #
bring Any
vith yov. Elspet Lesle vilbe in Straboge at your returing,      #
quhome I haue villit
to stay ontill ye cum. Horss meit is varay schars in thir       #
partis; thairfor ye sall
do veil to cum from Mvrray be sie, and bring Any vith yov,      #
quhilk vilbe maist
esy and last chargabill. I haue vretin dyvers tymis to hir      #
gudbrothir for hir,
bot he vald nevir grant to lat hir cum to your hame cuming. Nov #
he hes na
excuis. Gif he vill lat his eldest sonne cum vith hir I vald be #
glaid of it, that
I micht schav sum thankfulnes to him. He nedis not feir materis #
of religioun,
quhairof he hes evir maid his excuis to me, for the barne is    #
not capabill of that,
and quhen he is, he salbe at his avin command as resone vald. I #
vill not trobill
yov farthir at this [{tyme{] seing ye [{haue{] so mone afaris   #
to trobill yov; bot
vissis to God that I may sie yov in gud helth, and restis, your #
loving mothir,
(^Jane C. Suthirland.^)
Dounrobin, the 25 of May 1623.
   Quhen ye cum to Frendrach send to Robert Rindis and he vill  #
[{let{] Elspet
Lesle speik vith yov.
To my loving sonne, Sir Robert Gordoun of Kinmonvy. 



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<N GRA MEL/LES WEM CORR>
<A JAMES VI>
<C SC2>
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[^FRASER, SIR WILLIAM. 
THE MELVILLES EARLS OF MELVILLE, AND THE LESLIES EARLS OF LEVEN.
3 VOLS. CORRESPONDENCE (VOL. II) EDITED BY THE AUTHOR.
EDINBURGH 1890.

FRASER, SIR WILLIAM.
THE CHIEFS OF GRANT.
3 VOLS. CORRESPONDENCE (VOL. II) EDITED BY THE AUTHOR.
EDINBURGH 1883.

FRASER, SIR WILLIAM.
MEMORIALS OF THE FAMILY OF WEMYSS OF WEMYSS.
3 VOLS. CORRESPONDENCE (VOL. III) EDITED BY THE AUTHOR.
EDINBURGH 1888.

FRASER, SIR WILLIAM.
MEMORIALS OF THE EARLS OF HADDINGTON.
2 VOLS. CORRESPONDENCE (VOL. II) EDITED BY THE AUTHOR.
EDINBURGH 1889.

FRASER, SIR WILLIAM.
THE SUTHERLAND BOOK.
VOL. II. (CORRESPONDENCE). 

SAMPLE 1: (MELVILLE AND LESLIE)
          PP. 11.1-12.6 (JAMES VI)
SAMPLE 2: (GRANT)
          PP. 3.28-6.31 (JAMES VI)
SAMPLE 3: (WEMYSS)
          PP. 25.4-36.27 (JAMES VI)
          PP. 41.17-42.20 (JAMES VI)
          PP. 44.1-44.19 (JAMES VI)
SAMPLE 4: (MELVILLE AND LESLIE)
          PP. 75.1-77.7 (ALEXANDER DUNFERMLINE)
          PP. 77.23-78.18 (ALEXANDER LESLIE)
          PP. 80.28-83.21 (ALEXANDER LESLIE)
SAMPLE 5: (HADDINGTON)
          PP. 120.29-121.37 (ALEXANDER DUNFERMLINE)
          PP. 162.19-168.32 (THOMAS HADDINGTON)
          PP. 168.9-168.32 (JAMES LAW)
SAMPLE 6: (SUTHERLAND)
          PP. 38.2-38.24 (JAMES HAMILTON)^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 11>
[} [\13. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO SIR ROBERT MELVILLE, 
CIRCA 1587.\] }]
   (\Rex.\)
   Sir Robert Melving, ye sall resaue into your companie Robert #
Waldegraue,
oure prentar, and deale with our direst sister, the quene, for  #
his pardoun, according
to our mony requistis interponit heirtofor in his fauour, that  #
he may thairbe
in surtie provyd him of sic materialis as ar necessarrie for    #
our seruice, and also
travell in his vthir lesum efferis in that his native cuntrey   #
without ony maner of
trubill or interuptioun, as we haif mair speciallie gevin yow   #
in directioun.
James R.

[} [\14. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO JOHN, LORD, AFTERWARDS FIRST   #
MARQUIS OF HAMILTON. LINLITHGOW, 30TH SEPTEMBER 1591.\] }]
   Richt traist cousing and counsallour, we grete yow hairtlie  #
wele.  The Lord Ros
being of a lang tyme bigane lauchfullie denunceit rebell, and   #
putt to oure horne
at the instance of Alis alias Alesoun Ros, now spous to Schir   #
Johnne Meluill of
Carnebie, knicht, and thairvpoun oure vtheris lettres of        #
tressoun being direct and
execute aganis him for randering of his castellis and           #
fortaliceis of Halkeit [^BLANCO^]
[^BLANCO^] to the officer executour of the same lettres, he     #
nocht onlie still continewis in
his rebellioun be his wilfull remaning at oure horne vnrelaxt,  #
bot to our forder
contempt and dishonnour, he still keipis and detenis his said   #
houssis, fortifeing the
same with men and victuallis, of intentioun, as appeiris be his #
procedingis, to keip 
the same as houssis of weir aganis ws and our authoritie,       #
declairing him selff
heirby a mockar of iustice, and a proude contempnair and        #
disdaneair of ws and
oure authoritie; quhairfoir we haue deliberat to see this his   #
rebellioun pvnist, and
himself reduceit to his debtfull obedience, and for this effect #
haue exped ane commissioun
to yow for persute, taking, and assegeing of his said houssis,  #
and recouering
of the same furth of his handis, quhilk commissioun we desire   #
yow effectuuslie
to accept vpoun yow, and effectuallie to execute the same in    #
all pointis, conforme
to the tennour thairof, with sic expeditioun as possiblie may   #
be; quhairby as ye
sall testifie vnto ws your gude affectioun and fordwartnes to   #
the repressing of
<P 12>
sic oppin and avowit rebellioun, sa sall ye do ws acceptable    #
plesour and gude
seruice, meriting oure speciall thankis.  Thus luikeing for the #
constant and effectuall
executioun of our said commissioun without shiftis or delay, we #
committ yow
to God.  Frome Linlithquhow, the last day of September 1591.
James R.
   To our richt traist cuising and counsallour, the Lord        #
Hammiltoun.

<S SAMPLE 2>

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<N GRA MEL/LES WEM CORR>
<A JAMES VI>
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<O DATE C 1587-1618>
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<P 3>
[} [\4. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO THE LAIRD OF GRANT, 
10TH NOVEMBER 1592.\] }] 
   Richt traist freinde, we greit zow hairtlie weill.  The      #
crueltyis and disordouris laitlie
committit be the lawles brokin Hielandmen, of quhom the Erlis   #
of Huntly and Atholl hes
<P 4>
takin mantenance, hes sa brokin the cuntre, that grit numeris   #
of honest and trew men ar in
poynt of present wrak; and baith thay noblemen likly to perrell #
thameselffis and thair houssis,
gif the gretar diligence be not vsed to stay thair intendit     #
revengis: And in cais persuasioun
can not presently move, thair being sic daunger in delay, we    #
haue directit our richt traist
cousigne and counsallour, the Erle of Angus, with commissioun   #
and instructionis, to haue all
thingis assuirit to ane day, or, incais of refuis be ather of   #
thame, to ioyne with the pairty
maist reassounable and obedient, and hes directit               #
proclamationis for convening of our obedient
subiectis to that effect; desiring zow effectuuslie that ze     #
faill not to addres zow to our said
cousing, the Erle off Angus, and assist him baith with zour     #
counsale and haill force that ze
may mak, quhill this mater in hand may be setled according to   #
our mynd and directioun
gevin him, quhome ze sall fermly credite: And sa lippning to    #
zour effectuall dealing in this
behalff, as ze luif quyetnes and abhorris cruelnes, and will do #
ws acceptable seruice, we
committ zow in the protectioun of God.  At Haliruidhous, the    #
tent of Nouember 1592.
James R.
   To our richt traist freind the Lard of Grant.

[} [\5. KING JAMES THE SIXTH DISCHARGING JOHN GRANT OF FREUCHIE #
FROM BEING PUT TO THE
HORN AS CAUTIONER FOR THE EARL OF HUNTLY. 13TH MARCH 1592.\] }]
   (\Rex.\)
   Officiaris of armes quhatsumeuir, ze sall decist fra putting #
to the horne of John Grant of
Freuchie as ane of the cautioneris for George Erle of Huntlie,  #
quhill ze ressaue farder directioun
in the contrair.  Subscriuit with our hand at Abirdene, the     #
xiij of Merche 1592.
James R.
S. Robert Meluill

[} [\6. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO SIR WALTER OGILVIE OF FINDLATER #
AND JOHN GRANT OF BALLACHASTELL, 3D JULY 1607.\] }]
   James R.
Trustie and weilbeloved, we greit yow weill.  Whereas the       #
Synode of Murray is appointed
to be haldin and keepit vpon the fourt daye of Auguste          #
nixtocum, we have made choise of
<P 5>
yow to be our commissioners for that synode.  And therefore     #
these are to requyre yow
to attend that meeting, in the ordinarye place thereof; and at  #
the first conveyning of the
bretheren, that yee present vnto them the act of the Assembly   #
held at Lynlythgow, touching
the election of constant moderatours in presbyteries and        #
synods, and that yee vrge them
according to the said ordinance to admitt Alexander Bishop of   #
Murray for there moderatour
in the same synode.  And if they refuse there obedience to the  #
said act, or the Bishop being
admitted, if he refuse to accept the charge and exerce the      #
same, that yee cause charge the
refusers by vertue of our letters, which ye sall herewith       #
ressaive.  And in cace of there
disobedience, cause denounce them rebbells, and the synod to be #
dissolved.  If ye ressaive
obedience, yee sall declare vnto the synod our earnest desyre   #
of the peace of the church, our
former travells takin for extinguishing the fyer of division    #
which is kindled amongst the
ministers of the same, the small effect that our paynes have    #
taken, partly by the immodest
behaviour of those particuler ministers whome we called to a    #
conference in our owne presence
in the moneth of September last, and partly by the vnquyett and #
turbulent dealing of others
there favourers, who have opposed themselves to the conclusions #
taken in the Generall Assembly
held at Linlythgow in the moneth of December thereafter, which  #
were agreed vpon with a
greate consent, both of noblemen, barrons, and others of the    #
ministrye.  And how that now
at last we have advised vpon a colloque of the ministrie, to    #
meete at Hallyroode House, the
27 of August nixt, with the bishopes, the commissioners of the  #
Generall Assemblye, and others,
whome we have appointed to preside for vs in that meeting for   #
removing of the presente
evills, and preparing a peaceable meeting in the Generall       #
Assembly, which we intend shal
be held at Dundee, the 24th of November nixt; which ministers   #
we have willed to be chosen
by the synode of every province, two at the most, of the        #
godliest, wisest, and best disposed
of there number, which shal be sent with power and commission   #
to conveyne, consult
and conclude vpon the fittest meanes to settle peace and        #
quyetnes in the church, and prepare
a peaceable Generall Assembly as said is, by which meanes we    #
are in hope that some
good shalbe done and effected in the church.  But if it faile   #
in the default and vnwillingnes 
of the synods, or in the obstinacye of anie of them, which shal #
be directed to that errand,
we are fully resolved to putt to our owne hande to that worke,  #
and with the advice of our
nobillitie and other our Estates, to redresse by authoritie     #
that which, by other meanes
vsed with themselves, we could not have amended.  And for this  #
effect cheifly, we have
commaunded the synods of all provinces to conveyne at this      #
tyme.
   Nixt yee sall requyre the moderatour and brethren of the     #
synod to examyne the dilligence
of the moderatours in persueing of Papistis within there        #
boundis, according to the
conclusion taken at Lynlythgow, and that they tak order with    #
such as they shall finde to
have bene remisse in that busines.
   And bicause the fifth of August is appointed to be kept with #
a solemne thankisgeving
to God for our deliverie from the treasonable conspiracie at    #
Perth, which deliverance should
<P 6>
be by them of all other subiectis most regarded, yee sall have  #
regarde and care that the same
be solemnely kept and celebrate in the same synod by the        #
ministers that sall be there conveyned.
And that yee cause election to be made of two of the most       #
godlye, wise, and
peaceably disposed in the synode, to kepe the appointed meeting #
at Hallyroodhouse, the
27 daye of August nixt.  And so remitting all these particulers #
to your grave deliverie and
wise behaviour in that synod, we committ yow to God.  At        #
Greynewich, the thrid of Julii
1607.
   To our trusty and welbeloued Sir Walter Ogiluie of           #
Findelater, knight, and to John
Graunte of Ballachastell.

[} [\7. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO THE LAIRD OF GRANT,
11TH MARCH 1613.\] }]
   James R.
   Richt trustie and weilbelouit we greit you hairtlie weill.   #
Yow ar nocht ignorant of the
great cair we haue had to settle the Hieland pairtis of that    #
our kingdome in quietnes, and to
roote out of the same all suche evill disposit personis of the  #
Clan Gregour and otheris brokin
men, inhabiting thairin, as hithertillis haue leived by         #
murthour, rapine, and thift, so as our
peaceable and good subiectis micht leive vnopprest, being euir  #
perswadit that no weil
desposit subiect wold so far cast of all fear of God and        #
dewitie to ws, his souerane, as to give
any confort to these lymmers.  Yet, whenas our cair and good    #
meaning haue produceit so
good effectes, as of all that most barbarous race of the Clan   #
Gregour none remaneth outlawis
saulffing Allester M=c=Allester Vreik and Duncane               #
M=c=V=c=Eandowy and thair followeris, we ar
informed that the onlie confort and ressett that they haue is   #
in your countrie amongis your
freinds, tennentis and dependaris; and altho the Lord of Scone, #
at his late being at our court,
wold haue perswadit ws that yow nather do allow nor is preuie   #
to this fauour schewin to
these rebellis, yet we will rest in suspens till suche tyme as, #
by your future actionis, yow
give proofe of your bigane cariage in this errand.  The Lord of #
Scone haith promist vnto
ws that yow shall do seruice aganis these lymmers, betuix whome #
and the Erll of Ergile, our
lieutenent, certane conditionis ar agreit vpoun concerning yow, #
whiche we wil haue a cair to
see performit, according as your future seruice shall merite.   #
And so we bid yow hairtlie
fairweell.  Frome our court at Thetfoord, the xj day of Marche  #
1613.
   To our right trustie and weilbelouit the Laird of Grant.

<S SAMPLE 3>

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<N GRA MEL/LES WEM CORR>
<A JAMES VI>
<C SC2>
<O DATE C 1587-1618>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
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<Z X>

<P 25>
[} [\33. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO DAVID WEMYSS OF WEMYSS. 
18TH MAY 1587.\] }]
   Rycht traist freind, we greit yow weill.  The lang trouble   #
and vnquietnes
of the thevis and brokin men inhabiting oure bordouris hes moved
ws to repair thair in propir persoun, and to gett in plegeis    #
for the maist
disordourit sorte to be kepit in the incuntrey amangis the      #
noblemen,
barronis, and vthiris of best habilitie, seing our awne houssis #
ar not
hable to keip sic a multitude as necessarlie for this gude      #
occasioun mon
be detenit; quhairfoir we require and command yow that ye       #
ressaue
in your custodie and keping Johnne Grahame of Stobohill, quhome 
presentlie we direct vnto yow, and retene him in your custodie  #
and
cumpany, vnletting him pas hame vpoun band, obligatioun, or ony
maner of conditioun, quhill he be lauchfullie fred and relevit; #
alwayes
ye neid not to keip him strait, becaus souirtie is found that   #
he sall
not eschaip.  Swa we commit yow to God.  Frome Halirudhous, the
xviii day of Maii 1587.  James R.
   To our richt traist freind the Lard of Westir Wemys.

[} [\34. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO THE SAME. 24TH
NOVEMBER 1587.\] }]
[^TO DAVID WEMYSS OF WEMYSS^]
Richt traist freind, we greit yow weill.  Off the plegis        #
quhilkis we haif    
takin in for the gud rule of the brokin men inhabiting the      #
cuntreis
ewest our bordouris, we haif direct the beirare heirof,         #
Archibald
<P 26>
Armstrang, sone to the Lardis Johnne, plege for the Armstrang   #
of
Mangertoun and Quhithauch, to remane in your custodie and       #
cumpany
quhill he be releuit; and thairfoir we require yow              #
effectuuslie, and
commandis yow to ressaue him, and on na wayis to lett him pas   #
hame
vpoun promeis, band, obligatioun, or ony vther conditioun       #
without
our speciall warrand in write; alwayes it sall not neid that ye #
keip
him in strait waird, becaus souirtie is ressauit of him be our  #
command
that he sall not eschaip or eschew, bot keip trew waird.  Thus  #
we
commit yow to God.  At Dalkeith, the xxiiii day of Nouember     #
1587.
   James R.
   To our richt traist freind the Lard of Wester Wemys.

[} [\35. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO THE SAME. 
2D MARCH 1587.\] }]
[^TO DAVID WEMYSS OF WEMYSS^]
   Traist freind, we greit yow weill.  Arche Armistrang, sone   #
to the
Lairdis Johnne, presentlie remaning with yow, being enterit     #
plege for
himself and certane vtheris of his branche, is appointit to be  #
interchangeit
with the berare heirof, namyt Johnne Armistrang, sone to the
Lard of Quhithauch, quhome we haue presentlie directit vnto yow,
desyring yow effectuuslie to ressaue him in your hous and       #
cumpany,
causing him be ansuerit of meit, drink, and bedding, and        #
suffering him
na wayis to pas hame vpoun band, obligatioun, or ony vther      #
maner of
conditioun, quhill he be fred be ws; and he being enterit, that #
ye
thaireftir put the said Arche Armistrang to libertie, and       #
suffer him to
pas hame at his pleasour.  Thus for the present we commit yow   #
to
God.  Frome Haliruidhous, the secund day of Marche 1587.
James R.
   To our traist freind the Lard of Westir Wemys.

<P 27>
[} [\36. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO THE SAME. 
15TH AUGUST 1588.\] }]
[^TO DAVID WEMYSS OF WEMYSS^]
   Traist freind, we greit you wele.  Althocht it be prouidit   #
be Act of
Parliament that na salmond fischis be slayne in the watter of   #
Leavin,
betuix the first and latter Martimes, yit, vpoun certaine gude  #
considerationis
moving ws, we haue grantit libertie to our trusty and           #
weilbelouit
seruitour, Andro Wod of Largo, to caus fische the watter mouth  #
of
Leavin, and to sla salmound and vther fischis within his awin   #
boundis
thairof, in the said prohibit tyme, at his pleasour.  It is     #
thairfoir our
will, and we effectuuslie requeist and desyre you that ye, as   #
watter
baillie within the said boundis, be your selff, your deputis    #
and officiaris,
desist and ceis fra all stop, truble, or impediment making to   #
our said
seruitour, or his seruandis and fischaris in his name, in       #
fischeing of the
said watter mouth of Leavin, in the foirsaid forbiddin tyme,    #
nochtwithstanding
of any act or consuetude in the contrarie, as ye will do
ws acceptable pleasour and seruice, and vtherwayis ansuer to ws #
vpoun
your obedience.  Sa we commit you to God.  Frome Edinburgh, the
xv day of August 1588.  James R.
   To our traist freind the Lard of Westir Wemys.

[} [\37. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO THE SAME. 
23D JANUARY 1588.\] }]
[^TO DAVID WEMYSS OF WEMYSS^]
   Traist freind, we grete yow weill.  It is our will, and we   #
command
yow that ye retene and kepe the plege quhilk we committit to    #
your
custodie in sure firmance and captiuitie, vnlatting him to      #
libertie
vpoun band, obligatioun, or ony vther maner of conditioun       #
without     
our speciall command thairto in write subscryuit be ws and our
<P 28>
Chancellair.  Thus we committ yow to God.  Frome Haliruidhous,  #
the
xxiii day of Januare 1588.  James R.
   To our traist freind the Lard of Westir Wemys.

[} [\38. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO THE SAME.
1ST APRIL 1589.\] }]
[^TO DAVID WEMYSS OF WEMYSS^]
   Traist freind, we greit yow hartlie weill.  Mynding to haif  #
heir a
frequent and solempne assemblie of our nobilitie, barronis, and #
vtheris
our estattis, vpoun the xxiiii day of Aprile instant, alsweill  #
for resolutioun
to be tane be thair aduise anent the mater of our mariage as    #
for
the quieting of this estate and diuerting of the appering       #
danegers
thretnid thairto, baith be domesticque and externall practises, #
it is
thairfoir our will, and we desyre yow richt effectuouslie, that #
all
excuses sett apairt, ye faill not to be at ws, the said day and #
place,
preparit to assist ws with your best counsale and aduise in the
premissis, as ye will testefie vnto ws your dewtifull           #
affectioun to the
weill of ws and this haill state, and thairin do ws richt       #
acceptable and
thankfull seruice.  Thus we commit yow to God.  At Halyrudhous, #
the first day off [{Apr{]ile 1589.  James R.
   To our traist freind the Laird of Wester Wemys.

[} [\39. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO THE SAME. 7TH MAY 1590.\] }]
[^TO DAVID WEMYSS OF WEMYSS^]
   Richt traist freind, we greit you hertly weill.  We haif     #
writtin to
yow to your hous of Wemys for ressait of the Commissioners of
Denmark, vpoun Monunday nixt at nycht, the xi day of this       #
moneth,
and, in cais of your absence, hes thocht gude to send this      #
vther letter
to yow to Elcho, desyrand yow effectuuslie, that ye will nocht  #
faill
without delay, all excuses sett apairt, to addres yow to be at  #
Wemys
<P 29>
with all diligence efter the ressett heirof, and to treate and  #
interteny
thame the best ye can that nycht, as ye luif the honour of ws   #
and the
cuntrie, and will do ws speciall plesour.  Thus we commit you   #
to God.
At Edinburgh, the vii of Maii 1590.  James R.
   To our traist freind the Lard of Wester Wemys.

[} [\40. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO THE SAME. 
29TH MARCH 1592.\] }]
[^TO DAVID WEMYSS OF WEMYSS^]
   Rycht traist freind, we greit you hertlye weill.  The desyre #
we haue 
alwayes careit to satisfie the commoun wische and expectatioun  #
of oure
weill affectit subiectis, and the present tyme and occasioun in #
this
wickit and declyning aige, craving sic solide and gude ordour   #
to be
takin as may best settill and quyet oure estate, hes movit ws   #
now efter
oure full and perfyte aige, to procleame a Parliament, quhilk,  #
be Godis
assistance, is to be haldin in the moneth of Maii nixtocum.  In #
the
meyntyme, thinking it convenient, that, in maters of sa great   #
wecht
and importance, we proceid be the aduise and concurrens of sic  #
or oure
nobilitie and best affected subiectis as ar knawin to cary      #
gretest guidwill
to the furtherance of sa necessar and godlie a work, we haue    #
maid
choyse, amangis vtheris, of yow, being acquent with your gude   #
dispositioun,
quhom we haue takin occasioun heirbye to desyre in maist
ernist maner (all excuses set apart) to addres yourselff toward #
ws at
Edinburgh, the xx day of Aprile nixt approcheing, instructed    #
with your
sound aduise and best opinioun, to be interponit alsweill in    #
sic thingis
as ar meit to be proponit and enactit in Parliament, as         #
lykewise in sum
further resolutionis then requisite to be takin in sic maters   #
as salbe
particularlie oppynnit vp at your cuming to that assemblie, at  #
quhat
tyme ye sall beare witnes of oure sinceritie and gude meanyng   #
to haue
the lawes and ordinances sett downe, effectuall and with dew    #
regard,
inviolablie kepit, and of oure earnyst cair in omitting na part #
with your
<P 30>
ayde and the rest of oure estates to haue that lang expectit    #
and wischit
executioun to follow.  Thus louking assuritlie for your presens #
in
keping precisle that dyett, as ye will kyth thairby your zeale  #
and
affectioun to the advancement of Godis glorie, preseruatioun of #
oure
croun and estate, with the setling of the samyn, to the great   #
quiet and
publict benefite of your natiue cuntrie, we commit yow to Godis #
protectioun.
From Halyrudhous, the xxix day of Marche 1592.
James R.
   To our richt traist freind the Larde of Wester Wemys.

[} [\41. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO THE SAME. 
27TH SEPTEMBER 1592.\] }]
[^TO DAVID WEMYSS OF WEMYSS^]
   Richt traist freind, we greit yow hertlie weill.  As the     #
gentill
vsage and lenitie, schawine at all tymes heirtofoir toward our  #
subiectis,
hes maid thame to leif vndir that cairles securitie that our    #
sindrie proclamationis
haue nocht bene sa dewlie respected as the importance and
necessitie of the erandis requirit, sa hes it gevin ws          #
occasioun to resolue
a cours quhairby we may receave better obedience, quhairof we   #
haue
thocht meit heirby to mak yow aduerteist, and that vpone sum    
occasionis contened at lenth in our publict proclamationis,     #
quhilk will
cum to your knawlege, we haue fund it expedient to continew the #
last
appointed raid to the tent day of October nixt to cum; to       #
quhilk tyme
we will desire yow in maist earnest maner to prepair your self, #
and
nocht to faill to meit and accumpany ws, as ye salbe directed;  #
as
thairby ye will kyith your zeale and affectioun toward our      #
croun and
seruice, besydes the reporting of our speciall thankes, and     #
concurre
with your help to the purgeing and conquischeing in a maner of  #
sic
boundis, specialie of Tiuidaill, as hes schaiken of thair       #
dewitie and
allegeance towardis ws, being infected with the repair and hant #
of our
notorious rebellis, and, in that respect, to be repute na les   #
culpable
<P 31>
nor thame selfis and equalie to be persewit.  Thus luiking      #
assuredlie
for your conformitie (all excuses set apart) as euir ye will be #
partaker
of our gudewill and fauour, we commit yow to Godis protectioun. 
From Dalkeith, the xxvii day of September 1592.  James R.
   To our richt traist freind the Laird of Wester Wemys.

[^A LETTER BY QUEEN ANNE OMITTED.^]

[} [\43. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO THE SAME. 
3D AUGUST 1594.\] }]
[^TO DAVID WEMYSS OF WEMYSS^]
   Richt traist freind, we greit you hairtlie weill.  The       #
incertaintie
of the arrivall of the remanent foreyne ambassadouris and sum   #
vther
<P 32>
speciall occasionis, hes constranit ws to prorogat the tyme of  #
our
derrest sonis baptisme to Sonday, the xviii of August instant;
quhairof ue haue thocht necessar to aduerteis yow, and          #
thairwithall
effectuuslie to desyre yow that ye will nocht faill to be with  #
us vpoun
the fyftene day of the said moneth at the farthest, and that ye #
will
haist in sic quick stuf as ye may haue in redynes, and may      #
spair, to the
support of the chargis, to Halirudhous, betuix and the vii or   #
viii day
of the said moneth; and vennysoun and wyldfoull as it may be    #
haid
calloure about the day of the solempnitie, evin as ye will gif  #
us a pruif
of your affectioun and guidwill; and alwayis let us haue your   #
ansuer 
that ue be nocht disapointit; and sa committis yow to God.  At
Striuiling, the thrid day of August 1594.  James R.
Yie sie now thai ar alreddy cum vpoun quhome the chargeis ar
to be maid.  We knaw that vennysoun and wyldfoull are nocht     #
frequent
in that cuntrie, albeit thai be expressit in this our letter as #
we
wrait to the Hielandis.
   To oure richt traist freind the Lard of Wester Wemys.

[} [\44. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO THE SAME. 
21ST JANUARY 1594.\] }]
[^TO DAVID WEMYSS OF WEMYSS^]
   Traist freind, we grite yow weill.  We haue, for the better  #
rewle
to be keipit be the disorderit personis, inhabitantis of our    #
bordouris,
in tyme cuming, taikin certane plegeis, quhilkis, according to  #
our Act
of Parliament, is thocht meit to be committit to remane with    #
certane
nobillmen, barronis, and vthiris in the incuntrie, seing our    #
awin houssis 
ar not aibill to keip sic a multitude as necesserlie, for this  #
guid occasioun,
mon be detenit.  Quhairfoir thir presentis salbe to desyir yow
effectuouslie to ressaue in your hous Andro Johnnestoun, sone   #
to
Cristie of Mylnbank, plege for the branche of Mylnbank, and     #
caus
<P 33>
ansuer him of meit, drink, and bedding, quhill he be fred be    #
our
speciall letter to be direct to yow, subscryuit be ws, and      #
sevin of our
Previe Counsall, our Chancellair and Justice-clerke being       #
alwayes twa
of that nowmer.  It is not necessar that ye be cairfull of his  #
keiping,
becaus he hes found souirtie not to eshew: bot ye sall not      #
grant him
licence or libertie to pas hame, as ye wald eshew the pane of   #
twa
thousand pundis, prescryuit in our Act of Parliament maid       #
heiranent.
Thus, for the present, we committ yow to God.  Frome            #
Haliruidhous,
the xxj day of Januar 1594.
   James R.
   To our traist freind the Lard of Westir Wemys.

[} [\45. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO THE SAME. 
31ST JANUARY 1595.\] }]
[^TO DAVID WEMYSS OF WEMYSS^]
   Richt traist freind, we grete yow weill.  The plegeis brocht #
in for
the gude rule of the Bordouris mon be kepit be the nobilmen,    #
barronis,
and gentlemen of the incuntrie, quhomto they ar directit,       #
according
to the order appointit be the Act of Parliament maid            #
thairanent.
Thairfore we require yow rycht effectuuslie, that ye ressaue    #
Jok Johnnstoun 
of Brumell, plege for the gang of Brumell and Elscheschelis,    #
and
keip him in fre ward, and cause ansuer of meit, drink, and      #
bedding, ay
and quhill he be fred and relevit be our speciall lettir,       #
subscriuit with
our hand and be sevin of oure Counsale; and that ye nawyse      #
grant
him licence nor libertie to pas hame, as ye will eschew the     #
incurring
of the pane of twa thowsand pundis prescriuit be the said Act   #
of
Parliament.  Thus we commit yow to God.  At Halyrudehouse, the
last day of Januar 1595.
   James R.
   To oure richt traist freind the Laird of Wester Wemys.

<P 34>
[} [\46. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO SIR JOHN WEMYSS OF WEMYSS OF 
THAT ILK. 30TH OCTOBER 1597.\] }]
[^TO DAVID WEMYSS OF WEMYSS^]
   Richt traist freind, we grete you wele.  The pledgeis now    #
enterit 
for gude reule of the Bordouris mon be keipit be the baronis    #
and vthiris
quhometo thay ar directit, according to the ordour prescriuit   #
be our
Act of Parliament.  Thairfoir we require you richt effectuuslie #
to
ressaue in your house and keiping Jok Johnnstoun of Brumell,    #
plege
for the gang of Brumell, and caus ansuer him of meit, drink,    #
and
bedding, quhill he be fred and releuit be oure speciall letter, #
subscriuit
be ws and fyve or our Preuey Counsale; and that ye suffir him   #
nocht to
departe or pas hame, be your ouersicht, licence, or consent, as #
ye will
eshew the pane of tua thowsand pundis, contenit in our Act of   #
Parliament
maid thairanent.  Bot incais he eshaip hame or departe oute of
your cumpany, by your witting, that ye aduerteis ws and our     #
Counsale
thairof be write, within xxiiii houris eftir his said eshewing, #
vthirwayes
ye will incur the said pane.  Thus we committ you to God.  At
Lynlythqw, the penult day of October 1597.  James R.
   To our richt traist freind the Lard of Wester Wemys.

[} [\47. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO THE SAME. 
30TH DECEMBER 1598.\] }]
[^TO SIR JOHN WEMYSS OF WEMYSS.^]
   Traist freind, we greit yow weill.  Wanting houssis of our   #
awin to
keip the pleges enterit to ws for the quietnes or our West      #
Marche, we
ar forceit to have recours to the remeid provydit thairto be    #
our
Estaittis at this lait conventioun; and, accordinglie, man will #
and
desyre yow that vpoun sycht heirof, all excusis set asyde, ye   #
faill
nocht to resaue Willie of Grenesyde plege for the gang of       #
Myreheid
and Lokerby, keip and deteine him in sure firmance, vnsuffering #
him to
<P 35>
escape or to retire him hame without our speciall warrand had   #
and
obtenit thairto, vndir the panis contenit in our actis, and as  #
ye wilbe
ansuerable to ws besydis vpoun your failyie at your further     #
charge
and perrell.  Thus we commit yow to God.  Frome Halyrudhous,    #
this
penult of December 1598.  James R.
   To our traist freind the Laird of Wester Wemys.

[} [\48. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO THE SAME, 
9TH JULY 1599.\] }]
[^TO SIR JOHN WEMYSS OF WEMYSS^]
   Richt traist freind, we greit you hertlie wele.  The Frenche #
ambassadour
being to viseit our burgh of Perth the morne or vthermorne, we
haue thocht guid, effectuusly to requeist and desir you, that   #
ye faill
nocht, as ye respect our honnour, to send heir, to Falkland,    #
with a
seruand of your awne, ane of your fynest hacquenays, with the   #
fynest
sadle and furnitour yee haue, betuixt and the morne at evin, or
Twysday in the morning at the fardest, for the monting of the   #
said
ambassadour or sum gentilman of his tryne in that iornay;       #
quhilk
your hors salbe returnit agane to you with your awne seruand.   #
And
swa lippynning this assuredlie to you, as ye will mereit our    #
thankis,
we commit you to God.  From Falkland, this ix of Julii 1599.
   James R.
   To our richt traist freind the Laird of Wester Weymis.

[} [\49. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO THE SAME, 
13TH JULY 1599.\] }]
[^TO SIR JOHN WEMYSS OF WEMYSS^]
   Richt traist freind, we greit you hertlie wele. In our       #
former letter
we desyrit you, as ye respected our honnour, to send ws ane of  #
your
<P 36>
fynest hacquenays, with the fynest sadle and furnitour ye haue, #
for
the monting of the Frenche ambassadour, or sum gentilman of his
tryne, in his progres toward our burgh of Perth, quhilk ye haue #
vilipendit;
and thairfoir, as of befoir, we haue thocht guid to will and
desyr you that ye faill nocht (all excuissis set apairt) to     #
send ws the 
same hacquenay the morne, or vther morne at the fardest, with a
seruand of your awne, quha sall returne him agane to you; and   #
swa
lippynning this assuredlie to you, as ye will report our        #
hertlie thankis,
and will eschew our forder wraith, we commit you to God.  From
Falkland, this xiii of Julii 1599.  James R.
   To our richt traist freind the Laird of Wester Weymis.

[} [\50. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO SIR JOHN WEMYSS OF WEMYSS, 
KNIGHT. 15TH AUGUST 1599.\] }]
   Richt traist freind, we greit you hertlie wele.              #
Vnderstanding that
thair is yeirlie ane lax nett sett within the mouth of the      #
water of
Levin, ower the quhilk ye ar baillie, quhilk is expreslie       #
contrair the
tennour of our Actis of Parliament, we haue thairfoir thocht    #
guid
effectuusly to requeist and desire yow that ye faill not to     #
suffer and
permit nane to lay or sett thair nettis, fra this day furth, as #
our said
Act of Parliament prescryuis, becaus it is ane great hinder and #
preiudice
to our commounwele and puir lieges, in taking of the baggit     #
fische
within the same water efter the said day, notwithstanding of    #
any
warrand or desir gevin or to be gevin to that effect to you, as #
ye will
do ws guid plesour.  Swa we commit you to God.  From Falkland,
the xv day of August 1599.  James R.
   To our richt traist freind S[{chir{] Johnne Weymis of that   #
Ilk, knycht.

[^LETTERS 51.-55. OMITTED.^]

<P 41>
[} [\56. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO SIR JOHN WEMYSS OF THAT ILK.
17TH MARCH 1603.\] }]
   Richt traist freind, we great you hertlie wele.  In respect  #
our cousing,
the Erll of Ergyle, and the rest of the Erll of Murrayes        #
speciall freindis,
wer not at this tyme present with ws heir, we haue continewit   #
the
handilling of that mater of his mariage and vther his effaires  #
vnto the
xxv day of Marche instant, quhairof we haue thocht gude to gif  #
you
aduerteisment, and effectuusly to requeist and desire you, that #
ye faill
not (all excuissis set a pairt) to be at ws in Sterling, the    #
said day
preceisly; quhair we mynd, God willing, to be for the tyme, to  #
gif
your best [{aduise{] and opinioun in the putting of our said    #
cousing, the
Erll of Murrayes effaires to sum point, as ye will do ws        #
acceptable guid
pleasour and seruice.  Sua, resting assured of your keping that #
day
<P 42>
preceisly, we commit you to God.  From Halyruidhouse, the xvii  #
day
of Marche 1603.  James R.

[} [\57. KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO SIR JOHN WEMYSS. 
10TH APRIL 1603.\] }]
   Richt traist freind, we great yow hertlie wele.  Seing our   #
people hear
langis na lesse for our dearest bedfollow, the Quene, and our   #
childrene
then they did for ourselff, and that it wes not your fortoun to #
accumpany
ws in this our wayage, in respect of the schortnes of tyme and
your not preparatioun, we haue maid chois of yow for the convoy #
to
Londoun of our said dearest bedfollow the Quene, quhom we haue  #
appointed
to begin hir journay betuixt and the first day of Maii          #
nixtocum;
and thairfoir will effectuusly requeist and desire yow to       #
prepair and
addresse yourselff, in your cumliest maner, to convoy,          #
accumpany, and
attend vpoun our said dearest bedfollow in that hir haill       #
journay to
Londoun; and for the same effect to be in readynes vpoun hir    #
aduerteisment
betuixt and the day foirsaid; as ye tender our honnour and
the honnour of the cuntrey with our speciall plesour and        #
seruice.  Sua
we commit yow to God.  From Newcastell, this tent of Aprile     #
1603.
   James R.
   To our richt traist freind the Laird of Weymis Wester.

[^LETTERS 58. AND 59. OMITTED.^]

<P 44>
[} [\60. LETTER BY KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO THE LAIRD OF WEMYSS.
8TH JULY 1618.\] }]
James R.
   Trustie and welbeloued, wee greete yow well.  Whereas        #
certeyne
articles were proposed by vs to be concluded by the church      #
there, at our
late being in that our kingdome, which at the last assemblie    #
holden at St.
Andrewes were deferred to the nexte ensewing, wee haue thoughte #
good
to calle an assemblie nationall of the Church in those partes,  #
and haue
appointed them to conuene at Perth, the 25th of August nexte,   #
to the
effecte those articles may be past in constitution              #
ecclesiasticall, at which
wee haue made speciall choise of yow to be presente, that yee   #
may
assiste and furder our good and royall intention, so far as     #
lyes in yow.
Therefor wee moste earnestlie desire yow to keepe the said time #
and
place, and attende our Commissioner whome wee shall appointe to #
keepe
the said assemblie, by whome yee shall more particularlie       #
vnderstande
what is our pleasour.  And this assuring our selfe that yee     #
will not
fayle to do, as yee wolde merite the continuance of our fauour, #
wee bid
yow farewell.  Giuen at our Castle of Windesor, the viii=th= of #
Julie 1618.
   To our trustie and welbeloued the Laird of Weemes.

<S SAMPLE 4>

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<A DUNFERMLINE ALEX>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1613-1614>
<M MEDIUM MS>
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<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST DOWN>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 75>
[} [\99. ALEXANDER, EARL OF DUNFERMLINE, CHANCELLOR OF          #
SCOTLAND, TO ROBERT,
LORD BURNTISLAND, AFTERWARDS FIRST LORD MELVILLE\] }]
   From Halyruidhouse, 21 Junii 1614.
   Maist honorabill good Lord, - I tak occasion to write this   #
to your lordship,
to gif yiow present taist in quhat estaitt wee ar heir, in the  #
gouernement off this
estaitt ondir his sacred Maiestie, be sic directions as wee     #
resaue daylie frome
thence; for this last counsall day wee had in counsall          #
presented to us twa lettirs
frome his Maiestie, direct to the haill counsall, quhairoff I   #
send yiow heirwith
copies, that yiour lordship may communicat on the same with my  #
Lord Somersett
as yie may haue guid opportunitie and occasion; for I assuire   #
yiour lordship thair
is na directions cuimis frome thence hither, bot (as yie know)  #
the burding thairoff
at this present lyis on my Lord Somersett, as he quha onlye has #
the absolute
powar baith be his office and be his creditt.
   I sould haue send the saidis lettirs or copies thairoff to   #
my Lord Somersett
my self, and my minde thairanent, war nocht I think his         #
lordship [^BLANCO^] [\The blanks in this letter are caused by 
the original paper being torn in various places.\]
with innumerabill greate affaires as I [^BLANCO^] lasour to     #
reid my lettirs or
luike on thame; and I wald be sorie to write my minde frielie   #
in sic maters, and
nocht witt quhat sould becuim off my lettirs, nor in quhais     #
handis thay may fall.
I am certane thir lettirs has neiuer bein directed be his       #
Maiestie as thay ar wrettin,
nor his Maiestie wald neiuer haue signed thame, gif thay had    #
bein red to his
Maiestie as yie will parsaue be thame your self, as yie reid    #
thame; for thay ar
direct aganist our law forme and practic, and by all rason and  #
in greate pairt
foundit upon ontreuth, as yie knaw in the mater, and will       #
considder be sicht off
the lettirs.
   To the first, the counsall for satisfactioun thairoff,       #
ordourd the kings aduocat to
cause summond onye off the parties mentioned thairin for onye   #
particular crimes,
offences, or riottis ony man sould giue him information off,    #
and furnish him probatioun.
To summond onye persoun upon the generall to ansuir upon his    #
misdemeanour 
or misbehauiour can nocht stand with our practic nor law, is    #
direct
aganist the acts off parlament. 
<P 76>
   The second lettir sould haue bein direct in guid forme to me #
onlye, for that
lyis to my charge and office yierlie to alter, change, or       #
establish the justices off
peace as occasioun may requere.  Bot beside that, as yie will   #
parsaue be reiding
the lettir, if his Maiestie war weill informed, wald neiuer     #
consent that directioun
sould be followed furth.  I am determined, neiuertheless, to    #
obey the same if I
gett nocht contrair [{wa{]rrand betuix and Michaelmes, for that #
lyis to my charge
onlye, and this I shiow to the counsall, for I will alvayis     #
obey his Maiestie's
commandementis.  I think thir lettirs has bein procured to the  #
behoue and at 
the Laird off Halkertounis desire; quhilk he neidit nocht for   #
onye thing he has
[^BLANCO^] anie raison for your lordship knawis he has          #
[^BLANCO^]
the lordis, and off my self in speciall as onye man has.  Bot   #
treulie thir forms ar
nocht guid, ar eiuill thocht off, wald be remeidit and stayed,  #
or ellis the service will
be werie onpleasand heir and diffiicill, if nocht impossibill,  #
to doe guid seruice,
and hald all affaires heir in guid frame.
   Sence the writing heiroff, thair is ane other lettir cuimed  #
hither to us frome
his Maiestie far by my expectatioun.  The lettir is to my lord  #
secretair, aduocat, 
and me, to the behoue and fauour off Francis, sonne to the late #
Erle of Bothuell,
with ane protectioun formed to the said Francis, with command   #
and charge to us
to aduyse his Maiestie gif the said forme off protectioun micht #
importe to him
onye thing micht be preiudicial to his fathers forfaltour; and  #
with command to
us if it may import that to forme ane other, and send it in all #
expeditioun to his
Majestie, quhilk sould beare na farder, bot his Maiesties       #
acceptatioun off him
ondir his protectioun and clemencie, and restitutioun against   #
his dishabilitatioun
be his fathers forfaltour, to import na farder bot libertie to  #
him, butt offence, to
marie with ony partie, to enjoye quhat eiuer he may acquire be  #
mariage or otherwayis
be laufull meanis, and to haue place, to stand in iugement, to  #
parsew, and
defend the same as onye other laufull subject, as gif the       #
sentence of dishabilitatioun 
had neiuer bein geiuin against him be occasioun off his         #
father's forfaltour.
To this wee haue ansuired the best wee could, [{and{] has send  #
our ansuir to James
Douglas to be presented to his Maiestie, [{r{]efused alluterlie #
to giue it to the
partie quha broght us the kings letter himself, and maed greate #
instance with us
to haue the ansuir deliured to himself; quhow thir things ar sa #
wroght and broght
about, and quha sould be the moyennars and pro [^BLANCO^] is 
mistie to me,
for I haue na intelligence off [^BLANCO^] quhilk man mak my     #
pairt werie [^BLANCO^]
and difficill in my seruice.  I hoipe alwayis, God willing, I   #
sall keip the pairt off
a guid skippar.  I sall doe all may be done be sic winde and    #
wadder as fallis to
me; and if the wadder sould ouer whelme me, I sall perish with  #
the ruidder in
my hand, on a dew and honest course.  Certanlie it apeiris to   #
me his Maiestie
<P 77>
intends be degrees to restore that mannis estaitt, and suim     #
sayis my Lord
Somersett is on that course also, suim that it cuimis other     #
wayis.  I hoipe be the
nixt occasioun I sall haue to write to yiow to latt yiow knaw   #
suim end off our
process with your guid toun of Bruntiland, for we haue          #
presentlie the aduocatioun
in hand, and nocht hauing farder for this present, bot to wish  #
yiow all happines, 
restis your lordships maist affectionat to serue yiow,
   Lord Bruntiland.  Dunfermeline.

<Q SC2 XX CORO ALESLIE>
<N MEL/LES CORR>
<A LESLIE ALEXANDER>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1631-1632>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
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<Y X>
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<E X>
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<Z X>

<P 77>
[} [\101. COLONEL ALEXANDER LESLIE TO JAMES, MARQUIS OF         #
HAMILTON.\] }] 
   From Hamburg the 12 of Maii 1631.
   My most nobil Lord and General, - I am now cum one vith Mr.  #
Elphinstone
and Mr. Meldrome vnto the towne of Hamburge, quher I haue       #
brocht letters of
credence vith me from his Majestie of Suedine to the bischope   #
and towne of
Breme, quither I mind to goe vith all expeditione, and to tak   #
the kings comissarius
along vith me thither to determine of all things quhich may mak #
suir your
excellences randevovs and landing.  Bot if they, as it is to be #
feared sinc the
enemie is so dispersed throch ther lands, be not eabil to giue  #
vs such assistanc as
<P 78>
is requisit, ve must tak a cours to secure our selfs, quhich is #
to heastine thos levies
quhich your excellence can sie in the instructione, and I vill  #
doe my indevor heir
to bring them vp.  Bot if ther be heir such difficultie throch  #
the levies of so many
princes and townes, that they can hardlie be brocht togither,   #
let me intreat your
excellence that I may know if ye vill vndertak your self the    #
leveying of them
troups or nocht, and in the mean tyme I vill goe one in         #
effecting all that I
possiblie can, not omitting any occasione to acquaint your      #
excellence how ewrie
particular goeth.  I haue many passages to haue vreatine vnto   #
your excellence,
both of his Majesties proceidings, as also of many things done  #
in thir feilds.  Bot
Mr. Elphinstone and Meldrome can record all to your excellence  #
at large, quho 
hath cariit them selfs so in this busines that they haue        #
omitted no tyme, bot hes
vith gryt deligence givne his Majestie all contentment.  As for #
me, sinc it hath
pleased his Majestie of Suedine and your excellence to imploy   #
me in this busines,
I assure your excellence my affectione to doe yow service is so #
gryt that ther sall
no thing be left vnessayd quhich may tend to your honour or     #
service, and I sall
doe my best to vitness my self your excellences most humil      #
servant,
   A. Lesle.
   To my most nobil lord my Lord Marques of Hambiltone.

<P 80>
[} [\105. COLONEL ALEXANDER LESLIE TO JAMES, MARQUIS OF         #
HAMILTON.\] }]
   The 21 Agust [{1631{].
   Pleis your Excellence, - We arryved at Wkermundt, fond the   #
soiours so
weried, being wnaqwainted with mairsching, I wes forced to ly   #
still a day to
<P 81>
repos them, and to prowyd for schipin to send the seik men be   #
watter, which
wer to the number of thrie hundreth; for the hopman of          #
Vkermundt wes
apoynted to be comissaries for owr prowissioun, quhilk wes      #
nocht so well as it
sould haue for lak of tyme, yit thai wer contentit ressonabill  #
well.  But the nixt
nicht lodging wes at Mutschellburgh, quhair I fond nothing, bot #
wes forced to
send and seek for it at vther places, for the which the         #
comissarie is to be blamed,
as Capitane Weir can schaw your Excellence, and the nixt nycht  #
salbe at Falk in
Wald; quhair I hop thai salbe a littill better vsed, and so I   #
sall caus to provyde
for your Excellence all the way that I am to pas, bot your      #
Excellence wald do
well and nocht to quyt the hopman will be brocht yow to         #
Mutschelburgh, least he
serue your Excellence as he has served me; for I will assure    #
your Excellence it
is verie gritt trubill to bring them forth and prowyd for them, #
yit with Godis
grace I sall bring them to Stattin.  As for the seik, I haue    #
writtin to Charle
Banneir, that thaj sall nocht lak thair wnto the rest come. - I #
rest your Excellenc
servant,  A. Leslie.

<P 82>
[} [\107. COLONEL ALEXANDER LESLIE TO JAMES, MARQUIS OF         #
HAMILTON.\] }]
   Stade, the 26 November 1632.
   My most noble and honourable good Lord, - I haue thought it  #
expedient to
mak to your Excellencie this sad nar[{ra{]tioun of the          #
lamentable death of our most
valarouse and worthie chiftaine, who, in the sixt of November,  #
did end the constant
course of all his glorious victories with his happie lyffe, for #
his Majestie
went to farre on with a regiment of Smolandis horsemen, who did #
not second him
so well as they showld, at the which instant ther came so thick #
and darke a mist
that his owin folkis did lose him, and he being seperate from   #
his owin amongst his 
foes, his left arme was shote in two, after the which being     #
shote againe through the
backe, fainting he fell upon the ground, one the which whill he #
was lying, one asking
him whate he was, he answeared, King of Sweddin, wherupon his   #
enemies that did
compasse him thought to haue caried him away; but in the meane  #
while, his owin
folkes comeing on, striueing in great furie to vindicate his    #
Majestie out of ther
handis, when they saw that they most quite him againe, he that  #
before asked what
he was, shote him through the heade; and so did put ane end to  #
his dayes, the
fame of whose valoure and loue to the good cause sal nevir end. #
When his corpes
were inbalmed ther waes found in them fyue shottes and nyne     #
woundis, so ar we
to our wnspeakable greife deprived of the best and most         #
valorouse commander
that evir any souldiours hade, and the church of God with hir   #
good cause of the
best instrument vnder God, we becaus we was not worthie of him, #
and she for
the sinnes of hir children, and altho' our lose who did follow  #
him salbe greate, yit
questionlesse the churche hir lose sal be much greatter, for    #
how can it be when 
the heade which gaue such heavenly influence vnto all the       #
inferiore members, that
nevir any distemperature or weaknes was seene in them; how can  #
it be since
that heade is taken from the body, bot the members therof sal   #
fall vnto much
fainting and confusion.  But this I say not, that ather I dowbt #
of Gods Providence
or of these whom he hes left as actores behind him, for I am    #
perswaded that
God wil not desert his owne cause, bot will yit stirre up the   #
heartis of some of
his anoynted ones to prosecute the defence of his cause, and to #
be emolouse of
such renowne as his Majestie hes left behind him for evir, and  #
I pray the
Almightie that it would please his Supreame Majestie now to     #
stirre the King of
Boheme, and to make choyce of him in this worke, which indead   #
is brought vnto
a great measoure of perfectioun, neither doe I think that ther  #
salbe any defect in
these his valorous souldiours and followers, in whome ther is   #
not the least suspicioun
<P 83>
of jelousie; bot this al men knowis that a bodie cannot long    #
subsist
without a head, which giues such lyffe and influence, ather     #
good or bade, as it hes
radically in it selfe, when it is present; and when it is cutt  #
away, cutts away
with itselfe all lyffe and influence.  As yit this bodie hes    #
done well, for indeid
the victorie was ours, and Papinhame is killed, Wallenstoune    #
wounded, Corronel
Commargen killed, with many other greatt officers which yit     #
I cannot particularly
nominate.  The enemie left the towne of Leipsich, and Duke      #
Ewiene of Lunnemberie 
hes beseiged very hardly the castle, and I think be now it is   #
taken in.
Duke Bernard of Veimers hes persewed Wallenstone with the       #
relictis of the
Emperours armies, and hes so compassed them about that I think  #
also by now
they ar ended.  Now it remaines that we turne our sorrow to     #
revenge, and our
hearts to God by earnest prayer that he would stirre up the     #
heartis of such men
as may doe good to his cause, and now tak it in hand when it    #
is in such a case.
   I haue no further wherof I can wreit to your Excellencie at  #
this tyme, bot
when occasioun offers I sal not be deficient to acquaint your   #
Excellencie with every
particulare. I intreat your Excellencie to haue me in your      #
remembrance as one
who sal evir be readdie and willing to serve your Excellencie   #
to the verie outtermost
of my power; of which assureing my selfe, and wishing your      #
Excellencie all
health and happines, I rest your Excellencies faithfull servant #
till death,
   A. Lesle.

<S SAMPLE 5>

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<A DUNFERMLINE ALEX>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1613-1614>
<M MEDIUM MS>
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<G X>
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<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET OFF>
<E X>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 120>
[} [\154. ALEXANDER, EARL OF DUNFERMLINE, CHANCELLOR, TO 
THOMAS, LORD BINNING, 
SECRETARY OF SCOTLAND. 26TH SEPTEMBER 1613.\] }]
   Maist honorabill good Lord, - I am glaid to onderstand be    #
yiour lettir, baith
that yie ar entrit agane in the band off mariage, and that yie  #
haue tane sa weill with
the yioke that yie haue stayed yiour iornay to Court till the   #
nixt oulke be ordonance
off heighar powars.  The lettir from his Maiestie quhilk yiour  #
lordship send to me,
I sall be cairfull baith to present to the Counsall the nixt    #
day, and to see obeyed quhateiver
<P 121>
is in it.  I haue na farder to yiour lordship for the present,  #
bot as may occurre
sall write to yiou to Court sa lang as yie ar thair, quhilk I   #
wis ather for lang tyme
or shiorte, as yie may find best for yiour weill and            #
contentement.  I wis yiour lordship
may remember off that I said to yiow at our last meiting.  I    #
think guid yie meit
before yiour parting with my Lord Register, and leiue him       #
directioun in yiour absence
nocht to be fra na Counsall day, and to supplie thair for yiou  #
the writing off all
ansuiris to his Maiesties directions, quhilk he may write ather #
to yiou, or onye in yiour
absence yie sall direct him.  Nocht hauing farder for the       #
present bot to commit yiow
to Goddis holye protectioun, restis euer
   Yiour lordships maist affectionat to serue yiow,
   Dunfermelyne.
   From Dalgatie, 26 September 1613.
   I entreate this may remember my seruice to my Ladye yiour    #
Lordships bedfallowe.
This Mononday, 27 instant, I intend, God willing, to be eist at #
my good sonne
Balcarres.
   After I had writtin all before, I haue resaued ane pacquett  #
frome Court with lettirs
to sindrie; na aduertisment nor newis in it wordie of mentioun, #
bot I parsaue his
Maiestie has werie hard information off me, as I doubt nocht    #
bot yiour lordship will
heir aneuch off at Court.  I thank God I am ansuirabill for all #
my proceidings quhen
eiuer I sall be laufullie challenged, and herd to my lawfull    #
defence.  My innocencie
and deutifull meaning has biddin and putt off monye stormis and #
blastis: I stand
nocht great aw off this, albeit I think it cuim fra the airth   #
regnis maist, and is maist
tempesteous this seasoun.  I haue nocht done my deutie in       #
constraning the burowis
to pay for the hanging of Starcouius; to cause the landislordis #
off the M=c=Greegours
satisfie my Lord Ergyles desires and laird Lawers, and to       #
satisfie Lawers for taking
all the M=c=Gregours barnis.  I thank God thair is na wars at   #
this tyme to lay to my
cherge, albeit thir points be heighlie aneugh agregit.  Yie     #
knaw als weill as onye my
pairt in all this, albeit I wish yiou neiuer to kenne the mater #
farder nor sall be speired
at yiou.  After the nixt Counsall day I sall mak ansuir for my  #
self werie shiortlie, nor
thinkis neiuer to trubill me meikill at the mater.  I think yie #
may eiuin lauch that
sic things sould be laid to my charge.  It micht moue me suim   #
thing gif I knew
nocht that bettir men nor eiuir I can think me self wordie to   #
be compared with, has
baith tane greitar panis and done bettir seruice nor my         #
habilitie can attane to, and
yit had wars rewardis nor sic detractions.  I will continew to  #
doe my deutie to my
good maister, to the countrie, to richt, and iustice, as my     #
ingine or strenth may furnish.
Sua doing, (\si fractus illabatur orbis\) , etc.
   To my maist honorabill good lord, my lord Secretair.

<Q SC2 XX CORO THADDING>
<N HADDING CORR>
<A HADDINGTON THOMAS>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1629>
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<P 162>
[} [\204. THOMAS, EARL OF HADDINGTON, TO WILLIAM, EARL OF
MENTEITH, PRESIDENT
OF THE COUNCIL. C. MARCH 1629.\] }]
   My most noble Lord, - My assured persuasion that your        #
worthie friend my Lord
Secretarie of Scotland will fullie informe your lordship of all #
that is wretin to him of
the counsels proceedings makes me forbeare to trouble your      #
lordship with repetition
of that which will be more perfitlie reported by him.
   Your lordship by your care and zeale in repressing the       #
encrease and bold profession
of poperie encouraged others to assist yow and follow yow       #
therein.  It is conceiued by
the Lords of Counsell that the Marquis of Huntlies going to     #
court after disobedience of
all the charges direct aganist him will so embolden the papists #
and affray the ministers
and best affected subiects in the north, and many other parts   #
of the countrie, that if he
being often denunced rebell sall, after contempt of the king    #
and churches lawes, find
countenance and fauour there, it will make many having charge   #
in the church and
estate to become more remisse heirafter nor in former times,    #
not without danger of
derogation to both, for preventing wherof your lordships place  #
in the estate and
<P 163>
affection to religion, makes such as honour yow to exspect that #
ye will vse the
opportunitie of your being neere to his Maiestie to inform him  #
trulie of the importance
of the occasion, wherin and all your other honorable            #
intentions, I wish your lordship
all happinesse, and sall remaine, affectionat to do your        #
lordship seruice,
   Hadinton.
   The Vicount Drumlanrik and Sir Richard Grahame haue giuen so #
good beginning
to the repressing of bordour owtlawes by taking a nomber of     #
them on both sides, that
if his Maiestie show fauour and authorise them and others well  #
affected to his seruice,
the quyetting of disorders in those parts which some would haue #
made to appeere
almost impossible will be found of no great difficultie.  The   #
first tryall is made by
your lordships particular friends, and if your lordships true   #
recommendation of their
merite to his Maiestie sall procure to them his gracious        #
thankes and encouradgement, it
will moue them to persist in their begunne endeuours and stir   #
vp others to do the like
seruice.
   To my much honored noble lord, the Earle of Monteith, Lord   #
President of his
Maiesties counsell in Scotland, at court.

[} [\205. THE SAME TO THE SAME. 24TH MARCH 1629.\] }]
[^THOMAS, EARL OF HADDINGTON, TO WILLIAM, EARL OF MENTEITH^]
   My most noble Lord, - I acknowledge with due respect and     #
thanks your lordships 
letter of the ellevint.  Friends haue aduertised me of your     #
lordships wise and religious 
cariage in the Marquis of Huntlies businesse, which will be     #
acceptable to all that loue 
God and the king.  Ye were a forward instrument when ye were    #
present to sie all
that wes convenient concluded and prosecuted in this countrie   #
which wes agreable to
Gods law and his Maiesties.  It rests now to make vse of his    #
Maiesties blessed zeale
to have the course approoved and strengthened by his            #
authoritie.  Your lordships and
my lord chancelars concurrence in things concerning the estate, #
reioices all that are
trulie affected to it, because there is much talked and feared  #
of brutes that a nomber
of our great men popishlie disposed intend either to goe beyond #
sea if his Maiestie
permit them, or to stay at or neere court, where they may haue  #
conveniencie to meet
amongst themselves and consult with Englishmen of their opinion #
vpon the meanes
tending to their ends, litle to our good.  Since God and the    #
king are vpon our side,
they are not to be feared if we do our part, which may be much  #
confirmed by information
to his Maiestie by your lordship, and my lord chancelar, of     #
how great
moment this businesse is, which not being timelie ordered may   #
make much ado, and
now being in time prevented will be easilie suppressed.  It is  #
an exercise worthie of
the care of all noblemen at court professedlie inclined to our  #
religion.
<P 164>
   The counsell will, by letters and notes, informe his         #
Maiestie and his secretaries of
some other particular affaires occurring heir, and since I know #
that your worthie friend
Sir William Alexander will not conceale any thing of that kind  #
from your lordship I
forbeare to trouble yow, remitting all to him.
   I cannot sufficientlie expresse how great and vniuersall our #
peoples joy is for her
Maiesties wished estate, and our assured hopes that God will    #
blesse the royall parents
and ws with the perfection of that most desired prosperitie by  #
her.  Some commissioners
vpon our side of the middle shires are informed that Sir        #
Richard Grame intends to
procure fauoure to his late prisoners, which they extreamelie   #
dislike both for the
present and the consequence, and haue entreated the counsell to #
prevent it by their
letter, whereof I have thoght fit to aduertise your lordship    #
for the respect I know your
lordship beares first to the publicke order and next to the     #
worthie men your friends
employed on both sides.  If constant reports of my lord         #
chancelars intention to come
from court before the packet come there had not persuaded me    #
that my letter could
not haue found him at court, I wold haue troubled him with a    #
letter of this subiect.
If it fall otherwayes furth I pray your lordship to excuse my   #
not writing to him, and
to belieue that I will alwayes remaine, your lordships assured  #
to do yow seruice,
   Hadinton.
   Edinburgh, 24 March
   To my most noble good lord, the Earle of Monteith, Lord      #
President of his 
Maiesties counsell of Scotland, at court.

[} [\206. THE SAME TO THE SAME. 1ST APRIL 1629.\] }]
[^THOMAS, EARL OF HADDINGTON, TO WILLIAM, EARL OF MENTEITH^]
   My most honored noble Lord, - I will reither incurre your    #
reproof for troubling yow
with idle lynes, nor be blamed for vndutifull silence. This     #
forenoone I haue no thing
to write but what will be signified by James Primrois to Sir    #
William Alexander by a
note of the proceedings in counsell and exchecker, which I know #
he will impart to
your lordship, and ease yow and me from repetition. In the      #
afternoone we expect the
great businesse betweene the Earle of Seafort and the borrowes, #
and betweene the
Lord of Lorne and the Ilanders and Hielandmen. In discussing    #
whereof I wish from
my heart your lordships presence and my lord chancelars, for as #
I told your lordship
at our parting I expected much businesse and small concurrence, #
which I find
ansuerable to my foresight.
   I need not of new to reiterat my recommendation concerning   #
the papists and
bordours, but cannot of dutie omit to tell that the action for  #
concealed moneyes, the
feare of fynes in the by past and future circuit courts, and    #
the tithes annuitie, and
<P 165>
the laird of Thorntons commission, doe so affright our people,  #
as I wish that your
lordship and other honorable and wise counsellours there may so #
informe his Maiestie
of the circumstances as things may be so directed and disposed  #
that when God sall make
ws happie by his wished presence heir, the people may be        #
prepared
to giue him that
large supplie which his weghtie affaires require, and he grant  #
to them that gracious
pardon, which is vsuall at the coronation of blessed kings. I   #
am certaine if your
lordship find thir pourposes fit to be imparted to my lord      #
chancellar, Sir William
Alexander, and other honorable counsellers of this kingdome now #
at court, ye will
find an vniforme concurrence by them for proponing all that ye  #
sall joyntlie think
good to propone for his Maiesties seruice and weell of this his #
Maiesties and your
natiue countrie. I am frie of privat interest and sall humblie  #
vndergoe whatever his
Maiestie, out of his excellent wisdome, or your advices, sall   #
be pleased to prescriue, and
euer remaine, your lordships assured to do yow seruice,         #
HADINTON.
   Edinburgh, first of April.
   To my most honorable good lord, the Earle of Monteith, Lord  #
President of his 
   Maiesties privie counsell in Scotland, at court.   

[} [\207. THE SAME TO THE SAME. 7TH APRIL 1629.\] }] 
[^THOMAS, EARL OF HADDINGTON, TO WILLIAM, EARL OF MENTEITH^]
   My most noble good Lord, - Immediatlie after I receiued by   #
packet of the last of  
March his Maiesties commandment to the counsell and             #
commissioners for continowation
of the parlement, I caused warne all of that nomber then being  #
in towne to
conveene presentlie, and finding more nor I looked for, after   #
that order wes giuen for
the businesse of parlement, I caused reade to the lords that    #
part of your lordships
letter concerning the Countesse of Nithisdaill.  The Bishop of  #
Dumblane said that
the churches part wes accomplished, and the aduocat told that   #
horning wes directed
agains my lady, but knew not if it wes registrat.  The          #
conclusion wes that since
things were done so laufullie vpon so good warrants, nothing    #
rested but forbearance
of farder prosecution till his Maiesties pleasure sould be more #
particularlie signified by
my lord chancelar at his returne, as your lordship had wretin,  #
which will be done.
Nothing hes occurred since my last to your lordship worth the   #
paines of your reading,
at least to my knowledge.  If I learne farther, I sall either   #
subioyne it to thir lynes,
or desire Sir William Alexander or Sir Archibald Acheson, whom  #
I perceiue much
affected to honour and serue yow, to report it to your          #
lordship.
   It is rumoured heer that some great men of this countrie at  #
court haue such
seuerall ends in particulars as make their concurrence not to   #
be so vniforme as is
<P 166>
wished for the publicke goode.  If it be so, wherof I sould be  #
most sorie, I will be bold
to entreate your lordship to persist in that indifferent        #
course, ayming onlie at his
Maiesties seruice and the countries good, which your lordship   #
has practised in your
actions, and professed to me by conference to be your constant  #
resolution.  My weakenesse
forbids me to promise much assistance where I can performe so   #
litle, but all
that I can sall be contributed to such ends by your lordships   #
affectionat seruant,
   Hadinton.
   To my most honored good lord, the Earle of Monteith, Lord    #
President of his
Maiestie's privie counsell in Scotland, at court. 

[} [\208. THE SAME TO THE SAME. 13TH APRIL 1629.\] }]
[^THOMAS, EARL OF HADDINGTON, TO WILLIAM, EARL OF MENTEITH^]
   My most honorable good Lord, I wes verie glade to know by    #
your lordships
letter of the fyft, your good health, and by others that your   #
lordships wise and circumspect
proceedings tending to his Maiesties honour and seruice and     #
good of this
countrie, gaue both contentment to his Maiestie and to all      #
worthie and well affected
men there, and that your lordships care of the dignitie of the  #
counsell in their lawfull
procedings had closed the mouthes of such as by sinister        #
relation could haue
disgraced, at least intended to blemish any of their actions.
   I haue learned that the minesters commissioners, to whom     #
letters of horning were
granted against the Countesse of Nithisdaill vpon her           #
excommunication, had denunced
her before your lordships letter for superseeding execution     #
came to my hands, but I
haue aduertised James Primrois not to direct letters of caption #
or any other farther
warrant till his Maiesties farther pleasure be knowne.
   I perceiue by your lordships letter that Sir Richard Grahams #
dealing with his
prisoners hes beene well warranted and much mistaken by the     #
commissioners on this
syde, but I dare assure your lordship they proceeded not out of #
malice, their intention
onlie being to prevent that no colour might procure impunitie   #
to notour fugitiues, and
Sir Richards actions tending to the quyet of the countrie will  #
be ansuered by the
commissioners on this side with all due correspondence.  Your   #
lordship knowes that
the Vicount of Drumlanrig, your cusing, is generous, and having #
great interest in the
peace of the middle shires cannot be blamed to concurre with    #
other well affected
officers to seeke all laufull wayes to worke it, those who haue #
greater place in the
commission being seldome in this kingdome, and when they are    #
present having other
businesse not permitting them much leiser to attend the         #
commission, leaves the
countrie more obnoxious to receive harme, and giues the more    #
adoe to the inferiour
commissioners, which I hope will move your lordship the more    #
fauorablie to excuse
<P 167>
their too great instance in that which concerned Sir Richard    #
Grame, the like wherof
I hope sall not hereafter fall furth amongst men so well        #
affected on both parts.
   If at the meeting of the counsell vpon the fyfteent I learne #
any thing fit to be
wretin I will then and all following occasions be troublesome   #
to your lordship by my
letters, wishing that your speedie and happie returne may ease  #
yow of that fascherie,
and in the meanetime where euer your lordship be ye may enioy   #
health and contentment.
I rest, your lordships affectionat seruant, Hadinton.
   Edinburgh, 13 April.
   To my most honorable good lord, the Earle of Monteith, Lord  #
President of his
Maiesties most honorable privie counsell of Scotland, at court.

[} [\209. THE SAME TO THE SAME. 16TH APRIL 1629.\] }]
[^THOMAS, EARL OF HADDINGTON, TO WILLIAM, EARL OF MENTEITH^]
   My most honorable good Lord, - My letter of the 14th might   #
haue promised to
your lordship exemption from importunitie by me for a long      #
time, if I had not
thoght myself bound in dutie to let your lordship know what had #
yesterday past in
Counsell of any moment.  The bishop of Dumblane shew to the     #
Counsell at their
preceeding meeting what preiudice had beene felt and wes feared #
by admitting of
papists vpon the Counsell, and others told how carefull order   #
blessed King James had
taken for preventing therof, which will be testified by the     #
extract of ane act made at
that time sent vp with the Counsels letter to his Maiestie to   #
Sir William Alexander.
   Yesterday we had many bussinesses in Counsell, most part for #
questions amongst
parties of small moment.  The greatest wes that betweene my     #
Lord of Lorne and the
gentlemen of the north Iles, debated by word and writ, but in   #
such maner that the
Counsell considering the importance, thoght it more fit to      #
conclude it deliberatelie at
their next meeting nor precipitatlie at the present.
   Eight dayes agoe I did sie a letter of a notable oppression  #
done to Grant of
Ballandalloch by James of Carron.  I wrate of it sparinglie,    #
not relying much vpon the
incertaintie of a missiue not sent to myself, but yesterday     #
there wes a letter exhibited
in Counsell, bearing that the rebell had killed or hoghed abone #
thrie score plough
oxen, and reft fourscore nolt, eight score sheep, and nyne or   #
ten horses and meares,
from Ballandalloch and his tennents, and when he following for  #
recouerie of his goods
had required those throw whose bounds the goods were driven to  #
concurre with him
in their rescue, he found none.  All that we could think fit to #
be first done wes to 
grant him summonds agains such as had resset, supplied, or      #
anywayes fauoured the
rebels in their passage, and those who, being required, had not #
assisted him in their
persute.  All our power will be in paper, vnles your lordship   #
informe his Maiestie how
<P 168>
necessare it is that powerfull noblemen and magistrats residing #
too long at court be
sent home to attend and execute their charges, or substitute in #
their place men willing
and able to obey the Counsels commandments for his seruice, for #
manie more seeke
imployment nor attend the timelie discharge therof.  I entreate #
your lordship to excuse
the freedome of your lordships seruant,  Hadinton.
   Edinburgh, 16 April.
   To my most honorable good lord, the Earle of Monteith, Lord  #
President of his
Maiesties most honorable privie counsell of Scotland, at court.

<Q SC2 XX CORO JLAW>
<N HADDING CORR>
<A LAW JAMES>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1629>
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<P 168>
[} [\210. JAMES LAW, BISHOP OF GLASGOW, TO THE EARL OF
HADDINGTON, 14TH SEPTEMBER 1629.\] }]
   Richt noble, and my most honorable guid Lord, - Presentlie   #
after I receaved your
lordships letter, quhilk was vpoune Satterday last, afternoone, #
I writt to the parochiners
of Kilmacolme, and geav them notice that Mr. Alexander          #
Hammiltoune was to be
removed fra the ministrie of thair kirk, that they micht be the #
moir cairful to provyd 
for sume vther in dew tyme.  Bot becaus I fear that thay sall   #
nather agrie with the 
patroune, nor among themselfs, and that sume of them shall be   #
als turbulent as thay
wer befoir; I have thoght it guid for dischairg of my dewtie    #
and conscience, and the
better planting of that kirk, to be ane earnest suiter for ane  #
Regent of our College
called Mr. George Young, a man of good learning, and godlie and #
honest lyf, that
your lordship wald be pleased to recommend him by your letter   #
to the Earle of Abercorne,
that he may be presented to the stipend of that kirk.  Maister  #
Alexander will
inform your lordship moir particularlie concerning the man and  #
his gifts, and the
necessitie of the planting of that kirk again with sume worthie #
and sufficient man,
quhilk is all that I seik.  Pardoune me, my lord, that I have   #
requeisted your lordship
to writt for him to the Earle of Abercorne, becaus I suspect    #
that I have lytill or
no credit to mak requeist myself for him.  Your lordships love  #
and kyndnes maks
me bold; for the quhich so long as I am in this lyfe I shall    #
remaine, your lordships
assuired to honour and serv yow.  Ja. Glasgow.
   Glasgow, 14th September 1629.
   To the right noble his verie honorable guid lord, the Earle  #
of Hadingtoune, -
thes.   

<S SAMPLE 6>

<Q SC2 XX CORO HAMILTON>
<N SUTHERLAND CORR>
<A HAMILTON JAMES>
<C SC2>
<O DATE 1631>
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<P 38>
[} [\47. JAMES, THIRD MARQUIS OF HAMILTON TO JOHN, THIRTEENTH
EARL OF SUTHERLAND.\] }]
   Halierudhous, 13 Maij 1631.
   My Lord, - As it is not wnknowin to your lordschip how I     #
being bund by my
vndertakin and signed articles to the King of Suedden to goe    #
over with a strong
armie into Germanie for assisting him in his present warre      #
vndertakin thair for
the libertie of the trew religione and recoverie of the lands   #
and possessiouns of the
professouris thairof vnjustlie vsurpit and deteynned by the     #
Empreour and wthers
enameis of that commoun caus, so I assure my self frome the     #
former proufs I
haue had of your lordschips trew favour and freindschip that ye #
will gif me all
the assistance ye can to further in a bissinis that is so just  #
of so great consequence,
and wherin both my fortoun and honour ar so deiplie ingadged;   #
as without all my
freinds best help for leving of guid and able men to accompanie #
me in this expeditione,
it sould not bot suffer beyond all masoure, which or it sould   #
receave the
least tash, I had rather suffer a thousand deathes.  Bot as I   #
doe not doubt of your
lordschips cair and assistance heirin, so I live all further    #
persuasione as neidles and
superfluus to be vsed to your lordship, who knowis how nierly   #
it concernes me, that
haue ever bein and sall still continew, your lordschips most    #
affectioned cowsing
and servant,
   Hamilton
   Becaus I am to inbark my men about the fyft of Julij I wald  #
thairfor intreat
your lordschip that so many as conveniently ye may send be at   #
Leith againe the
first of the said moneth.



<B SPARL3> 
<Q SC3 STA LAW ACTS3> 
<N PARLIAMENT ACTS> 
<A X> 
<C SC3> 
<O DATE 1661-1686> 
<M MEDIUM MS> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
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<G X> 
<F X> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X X> 
<Y X> 
<H X> 
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I FORMAL> 
<Z STAT> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^THE ACTS OF THE PARLIAMENTS OF SCOTLAND, 1124-1707, VOLS.  
I-XII. EDINBURGH 1814-1875.

SAMPLE 1: PP. VII,228.1 (2ND COLUMN) - 233.8 (2ND COLUMN)
SAMPLE 2: PP. VII,254.1 (2ND COLUMN) - 264.17 (1ST COLUMN)
SAMPLE 3: PP. VII,303.42 (1ST COLUMN) - 306.35 (1ST COLUMN)
SAMPLE 4: PP. VIII,348.18 (1ST COLUMN) - 359.37 (2ND COLUMN)
SAMPLE 5: PP. VIII,596.39 (1ST COLUMN) - 610.19 (1ST COLUMN)^]


<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 228.C2>
[}AT EDINBURGH,
MAY XXII, M,DC,LXI.}]

[}ACT FOR DENUNCEING OF EXCO~MUNICAT 
PERSONS.}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD with advice and
consent of his Estates of Parliament Considering
the insolencie of exco~municat Papists and others
who slight the dreidfull sentence of exco~munication
to the dishonour of God & obdureing of their oune
hearts Doth therfor Ratifie and Approve all acts
of Parliament and acts of Privie Councill standing
before the yeer 1640 against exco~municate persones
And statuts and Ordaines that in tyme comeing
fourtie dayes being past after the said sentence of
exco~munication letters be direct at the instance of
his Maiesties Advocat for denunceing all exco~municat
persones his Maiesties Rebells and putting
them to the horne And that by warrand of the
Lords of Privy Councill or Session Which denunciation
being vsed be vertew of the saids letters at
the mercate croce of Ed~=r= and Peir & shore of Leith,
is heirby declaired to be sufficient against them
and for vseing of caption thairvpon and takeing of
the escheat & lyverent of the Rebells Conforme to
the standing lawes of this Kingdome Provyding
alwayes that befor the passing of any such letters
of denunciation, The whole processe & sentence of
excommunication be exhibite & produced befor the
Lords of Session in session tyme To the end that
they may consider the legality of the processe &
grounds whervpon the sentence proceided: And
that accordingly they may give forth the saids
letters of denunciation as they shall think iust &
reasonable

[}ACT APPOINTING THE PURSUER OF THE THIEFF TO
HAVE THE GOODS STOLLEN FROM HIM RESTORED.}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD vnderstanding that
when thieves are taken and execute for theft or
declaired fugitives, their whole estate and the goods
stollen also doth fall to his Maiestie and to the
Lords of Regalities & others Justiciars pretending
right to the saids goods stollen: For remeid whairof
his Maiestie with advice and consent of the Estates
of Parliament Statuts and Ordaines That any persone
haveing goods or geir stollen from him, and
haveing persewed the Stealler thairof, Shall have
his oune goods agane wherever the same can be
apprehended And wher the stollen goods cannot be
had the persuer of the thieff shall have the iust
value of the goods and geir stollen from him out of
the readiest of the theiffs goods with the expences
waired out by the persuer he alwayes persewing the
<P 229.C1>
theiff vsq~ (\ad sententiam\) Reserveing alwayes to the
Shirreff or other Magistrats and taker of the theiff
the Expences waired out by them in the takeing &
putting of the theiff to execution.

[}ACT FOR THE PARDON OF PENAL STATUTS}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD Considering that the
precise & rigerous exaction of the paine arbitrary
& pecuniall, abiected to penall Statuts heirtofore
made, would prove a burden to his Maiesties
leidges heavy & vnsupportable, if by his Maiesties
grace & favour they should not be eased & liberate
of the same In consideration whairof His Maiestie
being willing to give ease and releiff to his Subiects
of the forsaid burden Hath therfore been
graciously pleased with consent of his Estates of
Parliament To discharge freely pardon and remit
And by these pn~ts discharges freely pardones and
remits all contraveeners of any of the saids penall
statuts for all deids done by them contrare to the
tenor of the same statuts in tyme bygone Except
only the statutes concerneing the vnlaufull takeing
of vsurie, transporting of silver and gold and slaying
of red & blak fishes which are nowayes discharged
be this pn~t act nor comprehended vnder the same.

[}ACT DISCHARGEING THE QUOTS OF TESTAMENTS}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD with advice and consent
of his Estates of Parliament for many weightie
considerations moveing his Maiestie Statuts & Ordaines
That no quots of testaments confirmed since
the sexteinth of November 1641 and to be confirmed
in tyme comeing Shall be exacted from any of his
Maiesties leidges by Co~missers Co~misser Clerks ffiscalls
and others whom it effeirs, But preiudice alwayes
of the ordinary fies due vnto them as accords.

[}ACT ANENT THE FEWARS & VASSALLS OF 
KIRKLANDS.}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD with advice and
consent of the Estats of this present Parliament Considering
that whairas by the Generall surrender of
Kirk lands and erections made by the Superiors &
titulars thairof in favours of his Maiesties dearest
father of ever blessed memorie; It is specially
provydit that the saids superiors & titulars notwithstanding
their surrender forsaid Shall have right to
the few fermes & dewties of the vassalls and fewers
of the said Kirklands & erections, till the Kings
Maiestie make payment to them of the pryces of
the saids few fermes and dewties modified by the
Lords and others of the Co~mission for surrenders
& teinds And siclyk the fewers and vassalls of the
saids kirklands & erections are obleidged by their
<P 229.C2>
new infeftments vnder the great seale to pay the
saids few fermes & dewties to the Kings Maiestie
& his successo=rs= And so against reasone may appeare
to be lyable to double payment thairof: It is therfore
Statute & Ordained by his Maiestie with consent
forsaid That the saids fewars & vassalls of kirklands
& erections their aires & successours Shall be
obleidged to make thankfull payment of the saids
few fermes & dewties contained in thair infeftments;
and whairof the saids Superiors & titulars
have been in possession preceiding that surrender
forsaid, to the saids superiors & titulars their aires
& successours Ay & whill they get payment of the
prices modified by the saids Lords & others of the
Co~mission forsaid according to the act of Parlia=t=
1633 yeers And that letters of horning & poinding
shall be granted to that effect, Without preiudice
alwayes to his Maiestie & his successours of the
superiority of the saids fewers & vassalls surrendred
in maner forsaid, and without preiudice
to them of their infeftments taken to be holden of
his Maiestie & his successo=rs= Lykas it is declaired
that the saids fewers & vassalls of kirklands &
erection have been in (\bona fide\) in pay=t= of the saids
few fermes & dewties to the saids superiors &
titulars of all tymes bygone, according to the provisions
contained in the said Generall surrender.
It is alwayes provydit that this act Shall not be
preiudiciall to ane act past by this Parliament in
favours of the Earle of Lawderdale of the Lordship
of Mussilburgh of the date the nynth day of
Aprile last

[}ACT CONCERNING THE REGISTRATION OF 
COMPRISEINGS}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD with consent of the
Estates of Parlia=t= Considering that the Registration
of appriseings wes only established by ane act of
Secreit Councill and never authorized by any law
or act of Parliament, and that the Registration
thairof did put the leidges to vnnecessar charges
Neither adding to the validitie of the Appriseing
nor to the benefite of the comprisers Hath therfor
discharged, and by these presents discharges all
registration of compriseings, with all gifts, acts of
Councill & other warrands and custome whatsomever
granted & observed at any tyme heirtofore
theranent; And by thir pn~ts Ratifies & Approves
the custome observed these many yeers past wherby
in place of the said registration, a short record of
all compriseings of lands teinds & others and of the
comprisers names and designations, the defenders
names, the debts for which the compriseing is deduced, 
the Messingers & Clerks names, the date of the
executions, the witnesses names thairto and of the
Superiors of whom the comprized lands are holden
hath been made in a book by the Clerk of Register
& his Deputs at the allowing of the saids appriseings
<P 230.C1>
(for which allowance & recording their is only
forty shilling scots to be payd) and which custome
is verie vsuall & necessar for information of +te
leidges. And therfore his Maiestie with advice &
consent forsaid; Ratifies and Approves the forsaid
custome And ordaines all compriseings formerlie
deduced and not allowed and recorded in maner
above written to be brought in to the Clerk of
Register & his deputs within three score dayes
after publication heirof And all compriseings to be
led and deduced heirafter to be brought in to the
said Clerk of Register & his deputs within threescore
dayes after the date theirof, With certification
that if they be not allowed and recorded within
the said space Any other compriseing tho posterior
in date, yet if it be allowed & recorded befor
the prior Compriseing The same shall have preference
according to the date of the allowance &
Record But preiudice always to any further diligence
by infeftment or Charges against the superior
According to the priority or posteriority theirof
(\prout de jure\)

[}ACT CONCERNING HERETABLE & MOVEABLE
BANDS}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD with advice and
consent of his Estates of Parliament for many iust
& reasonable causes moveing him Statuts and Ordaines
That all contracts and obligations for soums
of money payable to parties at any tyme made &
dated since the sexteinth day of November 1641 or
to be made in tyme comeing Containing clauses for
payment of a~rent & proffeit Are and shall be holden
and interpret to be moveable bands Except in these
caces following viz=t= That they beare ane expresse
obleidgement to infeft, Or that they be conceaved
in favours of airs & assignayes secludeing exe~rs In
either of which caices Ordaines the sums to be heretable
& to pertaine to the air, Otherwayes to be
confirmed be the executer and to apperteane to the
nearest of kin and to the defuncts exe~rs and legators
according to the law & practick of moveables
Declareing alwayes that all such bonds (\quoad fiscum\)
shall remaine in the same condition as they
wer before the said sexteinth of November 1641,
nor to fall vnder the compasse of single escheat, nor
shall any parte thairof perteane to the relict (\jure
relictae\) wher the bonds are made to the husband,
nor to the husband (\jure mariti\) wher the bonds are
made to the wiffe wnlesse the relict or husband
have otherwise right & interest therto Declareing
nevertheles that this provision shall nowayes preiudge
wiffe nor husband and their exe~rs of their
respective titles & interests to the bygone a~rents
of the saids bands resting befor either of their
deaths
<P 230.C2>
[}ACT FOR THE RIGHT PACKING OF SALMOND}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD and Estates of Parliament
vnderstanding That the Salmond fishings
are one of the principall benefits wherby trade is
mantained and money brought into the Kingdome
And that throw the evill ordering thairof, both in
the insufficiency of the barrells and also in the disloyall
paking of the same; Not only is the merchants
estates damnified therby Bot also the Nation
is dishonoured abroad and disappointed of what
should returne therby. Thairfore our said Soverane
Lord with advice & consent of the saids Estates
Ratifies & Approves all & sindrie acts of Parliament
lawes and constitutions of this Realme made anent
Salmond fishing, and the sufficiency of the barrells
and loyall paking thairof With this addition That
the whole Coupers within this Kingdome, make
the said Salmond barrells of good & sufficient new
knappell, for which they shall be ansuerable, without
worme holls and white wood, and of sufficient
tichtnesse for containing the pickle, and sufficient
tichtnesse for endureing all kynd of stresse in the
handling; And that the barrells containe no lesse
then ten gallons of the Stirling pynt (conforme to
ane act of his Maiesties Councill of the date at
Holyrudehouse the fifteinth day of July 1619 yeers
Which his Maiestie with consent forsaid Ratifies
and Approves in all the heids clauses & articles
therof) wnder the paine of fyve pund to be payd
by the Couper for each insufficient barrell & escheat
of the said barrell And that the same be well pinned
in the pickle before the packing; And thairafter
the said barrells to be well tichted and double
girthed before the transporting thairof to forrane
Nations. And that no barrell be sooner made and
bloune but the Coupers birne be set theron, on the
tapon staff thairof in testimony of the sufficiency
of the tree And that every Couper be answerable
& lyable in payment of such losse as happen to be
laid on the fish at the mercat, if it be fund to be in
the default of the Couper by the insufficiency of
the tree or packing or any other meanes in the
Coupers default And that they keep right gage
both in the lenth of the staves, the bilge girth, the
widenesse of the head & deapnesse of the Chine, the
barrell being made, marked and thrice gene in the
paking shall be marked with the marking yron vnder
a verie particular merchant marke as vse is And that
no burgh or any other tradeing with salmond
Shall presume to counterfit the mark or birne of
any other trade vnder the paine of confiscation of
the salmond by & attour the punishment of the
parties Counterfitters, at the pleasure of the Judge
ordinare, and the one halff of the said paine to pertaine
to his Maiestie, and the other halff to the
burgh so wronged And ordaines the Magistrats
within burgh to put this act to execution.
<P 231.C1>

[}ACT AGAINST CLANDESTINE & VNLAWFULL
MARRIAGES}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD and the Estates of
this present Parlia=t= Considering how necessarie it is
that no mariage be celebrate but according to the
lawdable order & constitution of this Kirk, and by
such persones as are by the Authority of this Kirk
warranted to celebrate the same And that notwithstanding
therof sindrie either out of disaffection to
the Religion presentlie professed within this Kingdome,
or being desireous to eschew the censures of
this Kirk, or to satisfie their promeise of mariage
formerlie made to others, or to decline the concurrence
and consent of their parents, or others haveing
interest or out of some other vnlawfull pretext
Doe procure themselffs to be married and are
married either in a clandestine way, contrary to the
established order of the Kirk, or by Jesuits, Preists,
deposed or suspended Ministers or any others not
authorized by this Kirk Thairfor his Maiestie with
advice of his saids Estates Statuts and ordaines
that whatsoever persone or persones shall heirafter
marie or procure themselffs to be married in a clandestine
and inorderly way, or by Jesuits, Preists, or
any others not authorized by this Kirk, That they
shall be imprissoned for three moneths, and beside
their said imprissonment shall pay each Nobleman
one thousand pund scots; each barron and landed
gentleman one thousand merks; each Gentleman
& Burges fyve hundreth punds; each other persone
one hundreth merks And that they shall remaine
in prisson ay and whill they make payment of these
respective penalties abovementioned, which are
heirby ordained to be applyed to pious vses within
the severall paroches wher the saids persones duells
And that the Celebrator of such marriages be banished
the Kingdome never to returne therin vnder the
paine of death Lykas his Maiestie with advice forsaid
Prohibits and discharges all men and women
haveing both thair ordinar residence within this
Kingdome to get mariage to themselffs with others
within the Kingdome of England or Ireland without
proclamation of Banns heir in Scotland, and
against the order and constitution of this Church
or Kingdome vnder the paines following vi~z for
each Nobleman so maried one thousand punds;
for each landed Gentleman one thousand merks, for
each burgesse fyve hundreth punds, and for each
other substantious persone fyve hundreth m~k~, for
ane yeoman one hundreth punds, for each persone
of inferior qualitie one hundreth merks, The one 
halff of the which penalties shall belong to the
Kings Maiestie, the other to the paroche, or paroches
wher the maried parties did reside And ordaines
his Maiesties Advocat and the Procurator of the
kirk to persue befor the Civile Judge the parties
contraveeners of this act or either parte therof for
payment of the penalties respective abovementioned
<P 231.C2>
And in caice of the poore condition of any man
married in maner forsaid Ordaines him to be punished
with stocks and yrons Which paines corporall
and pecuniall shall nowayes be prejudiciall to or
derogate from the Order and censures of the kirke
to be inflicted against the delinquents 

[}ACT ANENT THE REDEMPTION OF THE FEE OF 
LANDS GRANTED UNDER REVERSION FROM THE
AIRES & ASIGNAYES OF THE FIARS}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD Considering that infeftments
of fie hes been in vse to be and are daylie
granted be Parents and others to their eldest sonnes
and other neir relations Reserving their oune lyverents
& vnder reversion and with power to them
and thair assignayes to redeeme the lands and others
contained in the saids infeftments from the saids
persones to whom the fie is granted at any tyme
dureing the life tyme of the granters for payment
of a rose noble or some such lyk soume, And sometymes
through the informality & vnskilfulnes of
Notters and others Writters of such writts & rights,
mention is not made in the said reversions of the 
airs & assignayes of the receavers of the saids rights 
And that they should be redeemable from them 
and their forsaids Thairfor his Maiestie with advice
& consent of the Estates of Parliament for removeing
and preveening all questions that hes been or
may arise vpon the occasion forsaid Doe Declare
Statute & Ordaine That in all caces wher any infeftment 
of fie hes been alreadie granted or shall be
granted at any tyme heirafter beirand or affected 
with a reversion clause provision or condition of
reversion, and power to any persone & his Assignayes
dureing his lifetyme to redeeme from the
persones to whom the fie is granted It wes and shall
be lawfull to the said persone & his Assignayes
dureing the tyme forsaid to redeeme the lands and
others contained in the saids fie infeftments Not
only from the said fiar himselff but from his aires
& assignayes tho they be not exprest Wnlesse it be
expreslie provydit that it shall be lawfull only to
redeeme from the fiar himselff & not from his aires 
And it is ordained that in all such caces the Lords 
of session and other Judges shall proceid and determine 
conforme to thir presents.

[}ACT RESCINDING THE PRETENDED FORFALTOUR OF
S=R= ROBERT SPOTISWOOD OF NEWABBAY}]

THE KINGS MAJESTIE takeing to his consideration
the many good & faithfull services done to 
his Maiesties Royall goods~=r= and father of ever blessed
memorie by the deceast Sir Robert Spotiswood of
<P 232.C1>
Newabbay in his employments as one of the Secreit
Councill as Lord of the Sessioun and thairafter president 
thairof and lastly as Secretary for Scotland to
his Maiesties said Royall father And that the said 
Sir Robert Spotswood for his loyaltie and faithfulnes
being forced to flie out of this Kingdome Did
amidst all the confusions in England constantlie
attend vpon his Maiesties Royall fathers persone
in the greatest difficulties And being therafter sent
into Scotland by his Maiesties said Royall fathers
speciall co~mand with a co~mission direct to the late 
Marques of Montrose Did performe his royall
co~mands in the tymes of greatest danger hazarding
his liffe and fortune and leaveing all to the mercy
of his enemyes ffor the which his faithfull service
he wes forfalted and inhumanelie murdered And
his Maiestie conceaveing himselff bound in honour
& conscience to have regaird to the sufferings of the
said Sir Robert Doth therfor with advice & consent
of his estates of Parliament Rescind Retreat & Annull
all and whatsoever sentences of forfaltour given
against the said S=r= Robert in the yeer 1646 with
all acts interloquiturs sentences or decreits of Parliament
or Co~mittie of Estates or any other Judicatorie
any way relateing therto And declares the
same to have been from the begining and to be
now & in all tyme comeing null & of no availl
force nor effect To the end that M=r= Alexander
Spotswood eldest sonne to the said deceast Sir
Robert and all others his aires and exe~rs may enioy
brooke and possesse all and whatsomever lands [{hereditaments
possessions goods geir and vthers q=t=soever{]
perteaning or belonging or which may be
knoune to have perteaned and belonged to the
said deceast Sir Robert or any other his predicesso=rs=
And that the said M=r= Alex=r= Spotiswood or any
others the aires or exe~rs of the said Sir Robert or
his predicesso=r=~ may be served and retoured aires of
lyne maill or tail+gie rex~tive and may be infeft as
airs rex~tive forsaids and that they may be confirmed
exe~rs to them Siclyk as if the said forfaltour had
never been And this present act to be valide any
act or statute to the contrarie notwithstanding.

[}ACT RESCINDING THE PRETENDED FORFALTOUR
OF COLLONELL M=C=GILLESPICK & ARCHIBALD
M=C=DONNELL OF COLINSAY HIS SON}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD Takeing to consideration
That Archibald M=c=Donnell of the yles of
Colinsay & Ornsay wes killed in his Maiesties service
And that Collonell M=c=gillespick his father wes
put to ane violent death at Dunstaffnage for his
faithfull and constant adherence vnto and serveing
of his Maiesties dearest father of glorious memorie
in those late troubles And that the said deceast Collonell
M=c=gillespick and the said deceast Archibald
M=c=Donnald his sonne were forfalted at the least
dispossest of their whole estate in the yeer 164 [^BLANK^] for
their good & faithfull service done to their dread
<P 232.C2>
Soverane by ioyneing & concuring in armes with
the Marques of Montrose for asserting his Maiesties
iust Authority & opposeing the enemies and invaders
therof Which estate hath ever since the decease
of the said Collonell M=c=gillespick & Archibald
M=c=Donnald his sonne who wer put to death &
killed in a~no 16 [^BLANK^] Been brooked & enioyed be
the Marques of Argyle & John M=c=alaster roy or
others to whom they have disposed the same By
which and their debarring of Sara M=c=Donnell only
lawfull daughter & appearand air to the said deceast
Archibald M=c=Donnell and oy and appearand air to
the said Collonell M=c=gillespick from the said estate
ever since their decease, and her suffering therby
She hath been redacted to great extremities &
hardship and as yet continewes so And his Maiestie
being sensible therof and how far it doth concerne
his honor That all and everie such decreit & sentence
of fforfaltour pronunced by Parlia=t= Convention
Co~mittie of Estates or Justice Court and all
acts interloquiturs and others relateing thairto preceiding
the date heirof Be reduced as vnwarrantablie
and illegallie pronunced vpon most vniust
grounds And that the said Sara M=c=Donnell as only
daughter and appeirand air to her said father and oy
& appearand air to her said Grandfather Be reponed
& possest to the said Estate & yles of Colonsay &
Ornsay with the pertinents Notwithstanding of any
such sentence decreit or interloquitur as said is.
Thairfor his Maiestie with advice & consent of his
Estates of Parliament Cassis Annulls Declares &
Decernes all & everie such sentenc or decreit of
fforfaltour pronunced by parliament Convention
Co~mittee of Estates or Justice Court and all acts
interloquiturs or others relateing therto against the
said Collonell M=c=gillespick & Archibald M=c=Donnell
his sonne, and all acts & deids done and past thervpon
in preiudice of the said Sara M=c=Donnald their
appearand air preceiding the date heirof To have
been from the begining To be now and in all tyme
comeing null voyd & of no strenth force nor effect
As if the same had never been pronunced And
that it shall be lawfull to the said Sara Mackdonnell
to serve her selff & enter air to the said deceast
Archibald M=c=Donnell her father or the said Collonell
M=c=gillespick her grandfather or any of her 
predicessours in the said Estate or any other estate
wherin they or any of them died infeft And to
brooke & enioy all freedomes & im~unities as if the
said sentences or acts had never been pronunced or
made And to enter to the peaceable possession of
the said estate im~ediatly but any let obstacle or
gainsaying.

[}ACT RESCINDING THE PRETENDED FORFALTOUR
OF ARCHIBALD M=C=DONELL OF SANDY}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD Takeing to consideration
That Archibald M=c=Donnell of Sandy wes
violently put to death at Dunnavertie for his faithfull
<P 233.C1>
and constant adherence to and serveing of his
Maiesties dearest father of glorious memorie dureing
the late troubles And that [^BLANK^] M=c=Donnell
his sonne did faithfullie serve his Maiestie by ioyneing
and concurring in armes with the Marques of
Montrose for asserting his Maiesties iust Authority
and opposeing the enemies and invaders thairof
And that the said Archibald M=c=Donnell and [^BLANK^]
M=c=Donnell his sonne were forfalted At the least
dispossest of their whole estate in the yeer 164 [^BLANK^] for
their good & faithfull service done to their dread
Soverane Which estate hath ever since the decease
of the said wmq=ll~= Archibald M=c=Donnell who
wes put to death in a~no 16 [^BLANK^] Been brooked
and enioyed be the Marques of Argyll and Alexander
M=c=naughtoun of Dundraw, or others to
whom they have disposed or set the same By which
and thair debarring of Christian Stewart relict of the
said wmq=ll~= Archibald M=c=Donnell from her lyverent
of so much of the said estate As she stands
infeft in And by debarring of Ronnald M=c=Donnell
sonne to the said [^BLANK^] M=c=Donnell and oy
and appearand air to the said deceast Archibald
M=c=Donnell from the possession of the remanent of
the said Estate wherin the said Christian is not
infeft since their deceases And therby have been
reduced to great extremities and hardships, and as
yet continewes so And his Maiestie being sensible
therof and how far it doth concerne his Maiesties
honour That all and everie such decreit & sentence
of forfaltour pronunced by Parlia=t= Convention
Co~mittie of Estates or Justice Courts and all acts
interloquitors or others relateing therto preceiding
the date heirof Be reduced as vnwarrantablie and
illegallie pronunced vpon most vniust grounds
And that the said Christiane Stewart relict of the
said wmq=ll~= Archibald M=c=Donnell and the said
Ronnald M=c= Donnald his oy and appearand air be
reponed and possest in the said estate Conforme to
their respective rights thairof Notwithstanding any
such sentence decreit or interloquitur as said is.
Thairfor his Maiestie with advice and consent of
his Estates of Parliament Cassis An~ulls Declares
and Decernes all and everie such sentence or decreit
of fforfaltour pronunced by Parliament Convention
Co~mittie of estates or Justice Court and all acts
interloquitors and others relateing therto Against
the said deceast Archibald & [^BLANK^] M=c= Donnells
or any deid done in preiudice of the said Christian
Stewart or Ronald M=c= Donnell preceiding the date
heirof To have been from the begining to be now
and in all tyme comeing null voyd and of no
strength force nor effect As if the same had never
been pronunced And that it shall be lawfull to the
said Christian Stewart relict of the said deceast
Archibald M=c= Donnell presentlie to enter to the
peaceable possession of so much of the said Estate
as she stands infeft in And that it shall also be lawfull
to the said Ronnald M=c= Donnell to serve himselff
air to the said deceast Archibald M=c= Donnell
<P 233.C2>
his goods~=r= or to the said [^BLANK^] M=c= Donnell his
father, or any of his predicesso=rs= in the said estate
or any other estate wherin they or any of them
died infeft And to enter presentlie to the possession
of the same and brooke and enioy all freedomes
priveledges and im~unities therto belonging As if
the said sentence or acts had never been pronunced
or made But any stop or gainsaying.

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 254.C2>
[}ACT FOR THE COYNING OF COPPER MONEY}]

AT EDINBURGH the tuelff of Junii 1661
OUR Soverane Lord with advice of the Estates
of Parliament now presentlie conveened by his
Maiesties speciall Authority Considering how necesser
and expedient copper money is for makeing
of change and supplieing the poore of this Kingdome
Orders and Co~mands Charles Maitland of
Haltoun Generall of his Maiesties Mint heer in
Scotland and Sir Johne ffalconer Master of the
Con+giehouse joyntlie & equallie to coyne or cause
to be coyned in Turners Three thousand stane
weight of good poore copper (which is to be provyded
and furnished be the saids Officers equallie
betuix them) without any mixtour of brasse And
the said turners to be of the same intrinsick value
the last iurney of turners wes vi~z Each turner
weightand ane drop and ane halff (four graines
lesse) of Trois weight Which is to be vnderstood
wher one turner is four graines lesse ane other turner
may be four grains more and on the contrare
And that the said three thousand stane weight of
copper be coyned at the rex~tive tymes following
vi~z Tuo thousand stane weight of the said copper
to be coyned within the space of three yeers after
the date heirof And the thrid thousand stane to be
coyned within such tyme & space after the expiration
of the saids three yeers appointed for coyning
of the said tuo thousand stane As the Lords of his
Maiesties Secret Councill shall judge the same to
be meit & necesser which his Maiestie with advice
forsaid Recommends to the saids Lords with the
impression & circumscription to be stamped vpon
the saids haill Turners to be coyned Which impression
& circumscription to be stamped vpon the
saids haill Turners Ordaines and appoints to be as
the saids Lords of his Ma~ties secreit Councill shall
resolve theranent And siclyk his Maiestie with advice
forsaid Recommends to the saids Lords of
Secret Councill that howsoone they shall be informed
by the saids officers of the Mint of the vpsetting
of the Minthouse That they Forthwith therafter
issue forth ane proclamation not only prohibiteing
& dischargeing the importing of all forrane Copper
coyne vnder the paine of confiscation therof But
also the passing of the same after the date of the
said Proclamation And inrespect the said copper is
to be imployed in his Maiesties coyne heir in Scotland
<P 255.C1>
and to be imported from England or ffrance
or from any place beyond Seas Thairfor his Maiestie
with advice forsaid Statuts & ordaines that the said
quantitie of copper to be coyned at the rex~tive
tymes aforsaid be free of all custome excise or other
burden whatsumever And for that effect Discharges
all fermoures or customers to exact or demand any
custome excise or other burden whatsumever for the
said copper As they will answeir vpon their perrill.

[}ACT FOR PROVYDEING A STOCK FOR THE 
MINTHOUSE}]

AT EDINBURGH the tuelff day of Junii One
thousand Six hundreth threscore one yeers OUR
Soverane Lord with advice of the Estates of
Parliament now presentlie conveened by his
Maiesties speciall Authority Considering how necesser
and expedient it is That ther be a stock
provyded for his Maiesties Minthouse heere in
Scotland Enacts Statuts and ordaines That Charles
Maitland of Haltoun Generall of his Maiesties
Mint and Sir Johne ffalconer M=r= Coyner (and all
other their successo=rs= in their respective Offices)
equallie betuixt them be their oune moyen and
vpon their oune credite Provyde ane stock of
tuentie thousand merks scots money, and that the
a~rent therof be payed yeerly to them be the Lords
of his Maiesties Exchequer Ther not being so much
proffeit of money coyned be them (for which they
are to compt to the saids Lords of his Maiesties
Exchequer) to defray and releive them off the said
a~rent Out of the which proffeit, the dueties due
to the saids Officers & wages due to the workmen &
others vnder officers is first to be deduced And that
the said quantitie of Stock shall be vpholden constantly 
be the saids Officers of the said Mint and
Minthouse the tyme of the exercise of their respective 
Offices And that at either of their removealls
or both, they take payment of their respective proportions
severally or ioyntlie as shall be resolved on
be both the saids officers or partie removed or persons
representing him or them As also considering
how much the con+gieing of the gold or silver oore
digged & fund heer in Scotland would contribute
and tend to the increase of his Maiesties coyne in
Scotland Advancement of Trade & honor & Credite
of the Kingdome Thairfor it is Statute and ordained
That all silver & gold oore & mettall after the
same is refyned that shall happin to be fund &
digged heer in Scotland be con+gied within the said
Minthouse And that none persume to transport the
same furth of the Kingdome vnder the paine of
confiscation thairof and punishing of the transporters
conforme to the paines set doun in preceiding
acts of Parliament made against transporters of
money out of the Kingdome Lykas his Maiestie
with advice forsaid Statutes and Ordaines That the
saids officers of the Mynt pay and delyver to the
<P 255.C2>
ouners & inbringers of the said gold & silver mettall
for ilk ounce of gold of tuentie four carretts
fyne (and being baser to be considered be weight &
reckoning) one ounce of coyned gold of his Maiesties 
coyne of tuentie tuo carrets fyne being his
Maiesties standard of gold And siclyk for each
ounce of silver mettall of tuelve deneir fyne (and
being baser to be considered by weight & reckoning)
one vnce of coyned silver of eleven deneir
fyne being his Maiesties standard of silver And to
the effect the saids officers of the Mynt may be
warranded what species of money to coyne and
what impression & circumscription to stamp vpon
the same Thairfor his Maiestie with advice forsaid
Statuts & ordaines the species afterfollowing to be
con+gied vi~z one pennie of silver of the value of four
merks and another pennie of silver of the value of
tuo merks, And another pennie of silver of the value
of one merk, [{And another penny of silver of the
value of halfe ane marke{] and another pennie of silver
of the value of fourtie pennies all scots money And
as to the impression & circumscription to be stamped
vpon the aforsaid rex~tive pennies of silver His
Maiestie with advice forsaid Remits the same to be
considered & ordered be the Lords of his Maiesties
Secret Councill which is declared to be als valeid
& sufficient as if the same had been done be his
Maiestie & Estates of Parlia=t= now conveened.

[}ACT ESTABLISHING COMPANIES & SOCIETIES FOR
MAKEING LINING CLOTH STUFFS &C.}]

OURE SOVERANE LORD Considering that all
the lawdable lawes and Statuts made be his Maiesties
Ancestors anent Manufactories for inriching of
his Maiesties antient kingdome putting of poore children
ydle persons and vagabounds to work for the
mantenance & releiff of the Cuntrie of the burden of
such vnproffitable persones, have been hitherto rendered
ineffectuall And that many good spirites haveing
aimed at the publict good, have for want of sufficient
stocks councill & assistance been crushed by
such vndertakeings Doe conceave it necessar to
create & erect companies and societies for manufactories
That what wes above the capacity of single
persones may be caried on by the joynt assistance
Councill & means of many And therfor his Maiestie
with advice & consent of his Estats of Parliament
Doth establish particular societies & companies
in the persones of such as shall enter themselffs
in the said societies within any Shire or burgh
one or moe of this Kingdome, and after their decease
in the persons of their successo=rs= (it being
alwayes declared heirby that not any of them shall
be represented but by one persone allenerlie) or any
other who shall lift & enter themselffs therin betuixt
& the [^BLANK^] day of [^BLANK^] as the #
first
moderne societies & companies for makeing of
lining cloath worstead stockings searges baises sayes,
cottons, sempeternums, castilians, perpetuanaes and
<P 256.C1>
all other wollen stuffs and cloath; And for their encouragement
and good of his hienes Kingdome His
Maiestie with advice and consent forsaid Prohibites
and discharges any of his Maiesties leidges to carie
& transport into Spain Portugall Biscay Russia
ffrance or any place beyond seas any lining cloath
bases says cottons, sempeternums castilians perpetuanaes
or any other wollen stuffs or cloths except
they be frie and of one of the societies forsaid; And
it is heirby declared that all materialls imported
for the vse of the said manufactories; and that all
the saids stuffs or cloaths exported by the said
Companie shall be frie of all custome excise or any
other imposition whatsoever for the space of nyntein
yeers after the [^BLANK^] day of [^BLANK^] all other
merchants not frie in one or other of the saids
companies paying the vsuall customes excise or any
other impositions for any of the saids co~modities
exported by them As also his Maiestie with advice
forsaid for the good & encouradgement of those who
shall enter themselffs in the saids companies Doth
discharge the saids companies rex~tive wherever the
same shall be erected to receave any within the
same except these who shall contribute and bring in
to make vp a stock to the saids manufactories the
sume of fyve hundreth merks scots, and doth grant
libertie to the saids members of the saids societies
rex~tive to choise and elect a certane number of their
oune incorporation & societie to be a councill for
makeing of lawes for the better regulateing & ordering
of the said company and manufactorie and things
belonging therto Provyding alwayes that no person 
elected have lesse of stock in the said companie
or societie nor one thousand merks scots money.
And that this pious charitable & proffitable designe
may be no longer frustrat, nor poore childreen, vagabounds
or idle persons continew to be burdensome
to their Cuntrie It is Statute & ordained That ther
be in each paroche one or moe persons provided &
appointed vpon the charges & expences of the
heritors thairof for instructing of the poore childreen
vagabounds and other idlers to fine and mix wooll
spin worstead & knit stockings And for the more
speedie perfecting of the lawdable designe and policie
so much aimed at by his Maiesties Royal predicesso=rs=,
and now prosecute by his Maiestie in his prudence
and condescending care for the meanest of his
subiects It is Statute and ordained that within
[^BLANK^] moneths after the dissolveing of this pn~t
Parlia=t= The Co~missioners of Shyres doe conveen
the whole heritors within their respective shires
for electing of some of the heritors within each
paroche to sie this present act made effectuall and
persones appointed for instructing of the childreen
and others forsaid to fyne & mixe wooll, knit stockings,
& spin worstead and to sie a mantenance satled
in everie paroche vpon the saids instructors And
within the space of [^BLANK^] next after
the said first meiting That they convocat the persones
elected within the severall paroches of the
<P 256.C2>
respective Shires to take ane accompt of them &
of their care & diligence in the matters aforesaid;
And in caice they shall be fund to have failled +t=r=in,
That the saids Commissioners now attending this
present Parliament doe sie this present act put in
execution after the tyme forsaid in all the saids
paroches wher the saids persons elected shall be
found to have been deficient And ordaines Magistrats
of burghs to be carefull that the same be made
effectuall within their burghes and liberties. And
in caice all or any of the saids Co~missioners or
Magistrats aforesaid doe faill heirin after the forsaid
tyme His Ma~tie with advice and consent of the
Estates aforesaid Doth co~mit the care heirof to the
Lords of his Maiesties secret Councill that the
lawes may be no longer frustrat nor the Kingdome
burdened with idle persones vagabounds or poore
childreen And that manufactories may be promoved
And for the encourageing of skillfull artizans 
to come from abroad for traneing vp the persones
forsaids & workeing for the vse of the saids
companies It is heirby declared that all such as
shall be brought home & imployed for the saids
companies Shall be frie to set vp & worke in burgh
& landward wher the companies shall think fit
without payeing any thing whatsoever to any persone
or persones vnder whatsoever culour or pretext
for their freedome, and shall be frie of taxes publict
burdings or exactions dureing their lifetyme Notwithstanding
of any law statute priveledge or indulgence
made or granted in the contrair be his 
Maiestie or any of his predicessours in favours of any
Co~mittie or incorporation whatsoever which are all
heirby cassed rescinded & declared voyd & null in
so far as they may be conceaved to derogate from
the priveledges and im~unities granted by this pn~t
act in favours of tradsmen natives or strangers belonging
to or brought home by the saids companies
for workeing in the sd~s manufactories And to the
end that the forsaids stuffs & cloaths may be more
vsefull at home and have the better vent abroad
His Maiestie with advice forsaid doth prohibite &
discharge any weaver belonging to the saids companies
or private tradsman to make any searges
vnder the breadth of an ell & a naill perpetuanaes
& sempiternums vnder the breadth of three quarters
and a halff nor no wollen cloath vnder ane ell and
ane halff broad; Wnder the paine of tuentie punds
to be payd by the weiver thairof, and the saids
stuffs and cloaths to be confiscat, the one halff to his
Maiesties vse and the other halffe to the vse of the
discoverers therof. ffurther his Ma~tie with advice
forsaid for encouragement of these who shall enter
into the saids companies or manufactories Doth
grant to ilk one of the saids companies all the
priveledges & im~unities that are or shall be heirafter
by the Kings Maiestie indulged to the companies
or societies of fishers as if the same wer heirin
exprest Wheranent his Maiestie with consent forsaid
hath dispensed and heirby dispenses forever
<P 257.C1>
[}ACT DISCHARGEING THE EXPORTATION OF LINING
YEARNE & REGULATEING THE BREADTH OF LINING
CLOATH &C.}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD Conceaveing it necessary
for the good and wellbeing of his Maiesties
Subiects to project and endeavour the improvement
of all the native co~modities of this his Maiesties
antient Kingdome and to make lawes and ordinances
for eveiting and preventing of all fraud and
deceit vsed heirtofore in makeing sale of the saids
Co~modities And considering that it would tend
more to the advantage of his Maiesties subiects and
promoveing of manufactories To restraine the
libertie that merchants have taken to export lining
yearn [{one of the choicest co~modities of this his
Majesties auncient Kingdome{] then still to suffer
them to carie the same into other places and
Kingdomes. Thairfor his Maiestie with advice
and consent of his Estates of Parliament Discharges
any merchant or others whatsoever to
transport out of this Kingdome any lining yearne
vnder the paine of confiscation of the same The
one halffe to his Maiesties vse and the other halff
to the vse of the attatcher & apprehender of the said
Yearn And Statuts and Ordaines that all yearne
be sold be weight And that no reill be made vse of
within this Kingdome vnder the measure & lenth
of ten quarters and that vnder paine of confiscation
of any yearn brought to the mercat of a
shorter reill the one halff to his Maiesties vse, and
the other halffe to the vse of the dilaters and apprehenders
of the said yearn. And also his Maiestie considering
that lining cloath is one of the most vsefull
co~modities of the product of this Kingdome wherby
much money in antient tymes wes brought home;
And that now to the great preiudice of the said
Co~moditie the same is brought in contempt abroad
and become hardlie vendible throw the deceatfull
makeing evill bleitching & vnequall breidth thairof:
Thairfor his Maiestie with advice & consent of
the saids Estats Doth Discharge and Prohibite all
Weavers to make any lining cloath of the price of
ten shilling scots the ell or above vnder the breadth
of ane ell and tuo inches after the first day of
November next to come vnder the paine to be
imprisoned for the space of fourtein dayes and of
tuentie pund scots to be payed for each fault to
Magistrats of burghs Shirreffs of Shires Lords of
Regalities and Barrons within their respective
bounds, and of the confisca=o=n of the same to the vse
of the attatchers and discoverers thairof; And Statuts
that all lining cloath be taken vp by the selvage
and not by the rig And so to be presented to
the mercat, and that all lining cloath be bleitched
without lyme vnder the paine of tuentie punds for
each fault to be payed to the Magistrats forsaid
within their respective bounds. And lastlie it is
heirby declared That all flax and lining yearne imported
<P 257.C2>
and all lining cloath exported by such as
shall enter into the companies and manufactories for
makeing of lining cloath Shall be free of custome
and all other imposition for the space of fiftein yeers
after the saids manufactories shall be established in
the persons of such as shall enter themselffs in the
saids companies betuixt and the first day of January
next conforme to ane other ordinance of Parliament
for establishing the said companies.

[}ACT FOR ENCOURAGEING OF SHIPING AND
NAVIGATION.}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD Considering that
the wealth safety and strenth of this his Kingdome
are very much concerned in the increase of shiping
and encouradgement of trade & navigation, both
which are much decayed if not wholly rwined by
the late vnhappie wars, and the sad effects that
have followed thervpon, And perceaveing the present
low condition of trade and the small number
of Ships & seamen within this Kingdome Hath
thoght expedient out of his Princely zeale for the
publict good with advice & consent of his Estates
of Parliament now presently conveened to Statute
and Ordaine And by these presents Statuts and 
Ordaines That from & after the [^BLANK^] day of
[^BLANK^] and thenceforward no goods nor co~modities
whatsoever that are of forrane grouth product
or manufactorie which are to be broght into
Scotland or any of the yles therto belonging shall
be shiped or brought from any other place or places
Cuntrie or Cuntries But only from those places
wher the saids Co~modities doe grow are produced
or made or from the ports wher the saids goods &
co~modities co~monly ar or vsually have been first
shipped for transportation, and from no other place
or Cuntrie, and in no other ships or vessells but
such as doe truely & only belong to his said Kingdome;
and whairof the Master and three fourt
parts of the mariners are natives and inhabitants
within the same, Or at least in such ships & vessells
as doe truely and only belong vnto, and are of the
build of these Kingdomes or Cuntries wher the
saids Co~modities doe grow, are made or produced,
and whairof the Master and three fourt parts of
the mariners are natives and inhabitants within the
same. All which is to be verefied and attested
vnder the Seale of the City or place from whence
they come, & oath of the parties to whom the said
ships or vessells doe belong wnder the paine of confiscation
of all such goods as shall be imported
from any other place or Cuntrie or in any other
ship or vessell contrair to the true intent and meaning
of this act; As also of the ship in which they
shall happin to be imported, with all her guns furniture
takle a~munition & appereling the one halff
to his Maiestie and the other halff to the vse of
those who shall discover the contraveeners of this
<P 258.C1>
present act and persue for the same befor the Lords
of his Maiesties exchequer And further it is Statute
& ordained by his Maiestie with advice and consent
forsaid That all goods or co~modities whatsoever
produced or shipped as is above exprest which from
& after the said day and thenceforward shall be
imported into this Kingdome or any Ilands therto
belonging in any ships or vessells that shall not
truely and only belong to the Natives and inhabitants
thairof (except in English or Irish vessells
Provyding alwayes that Scots vessells enioy the
lyke benefite of trade within the Kingdomes and
dominions of England & Ireland and no otherwayes)
Shall be lyable to double custome and pay accordinglie
whither the saids goods perteane to natives
or aliens. And further it is Statute & Ordained
that from and after the said day and thenceforward
all goods and co~modities whatsoever belonging to
aliens exported or imported in whatsoever ships or
vessells whither forrane or scotish shall be lyable to
double custome and pay accordingly. And it is
further Statute and ordained that from and after the
said day and thence fordward, all goods or co~modities 
whatsoever, exported in any other ships or
vessells then such as doe truely and only belong to
the natives & inhabitants of this Kingdome shall
be lyable to double custome and pay accordingly
whither the saids goods apperteane to Natives or
aliens. And it is further enacted and ordained by his
Maiestie with advice & consent forsaid That at and
after the said day and thence fordward all ships &
vessells belonging to this Kingdome Shall be navigated
only by Scotismen duelling in Scotland at
least the master and three fourt parts of the seamen
being such, wnder the paine of being esteemed forraigne 
vessells and paying double custome for all
the goods and co~modities imported or exported
within the same. And for preventing of all fraud
which may be vsed in the buying of forrane ships,
It is Statute and ordained by his Maiestie with
consent forsaid That from and after the said day
No ship whatsoever shall be deemed or passe as a
ship belonging to Scotland, or enioy the benefite of
such a Ship or vessell vntill such tyme that he or
they, clameing the same to be theirs, Shall make
appeare to the cheeff Officer or Officers of the Customehous
at Leith he or they resideing in any
place betuixt Berwick & Stirling on the southside
of fforth, and to the cheiff Officer of Officers at
Bruntilland he or they resideing in any place betuixt 
Stirling & ffifeness vpon the north side of
fforth And in caice of their aboade in more remote
places To the Officer or Officers of the port next to
the place of his or their aboad That he or they are
not strangers, and shall have taken an oath before
such Officer of Officers who are heirby authorized
to administer the same, that such ship or vessell
wes (\bona fide\) and without fraud bought by him or
them for a valuable consideration, expressing the
sume tyme place and persones from whom it wes
<P 258.C2>
bought, and who are his partners (if any he have)
All which partners shall be lyable to take the said
oath befor the cheiff Officer of Officers of the customes
rex~tive as said is And that no forraner directlie
nor indirectly hath any parte interest or
share therin And that vpon such oaths he or they
shall receave a certificate vnder the hand or seall of
the said cheiff Officer or Officers of the port next
the aboad of the persones so makeing oath, Wherby
such a ship may for the future passe and be deemed
as a ship belonging to the said port and enioy the
priveledges of such a ship or vessell And the said
Officer or Officers shall keep a register of all such
certificats as he or they shall so give, and returne a
duplicate therof to the Cheeff Officers of the Customes
at Leith, for such as shall be granted in all
the other ports of this Kingdome, Together with
the names of the persone or persones from whom
such ships wer bought, and the sume of money
which wes payd for the same; As also the names
of all such persones as are partners if any such be;
And it is further enacted be his Maiestie with consent
forsaid That if any Officer of the Customes
Shall from and after the said day allow to any forrane 
ship or vessell the priveledges due to a Scots
ship till such certificat be by them produced, or
such prooff & oath taken befor them Or such as
they shall appoint to receave the same And to
examine whither the Master and three fourt parts
of the mariners at least be Natives and inhabitants
within this Kingdome That for the first offence
such officer or officers shall be put out of their
offices or places And it is further Statute and
Ordained that no merchants belonging to this
Kingdome shall imploy any alien or persone not
borne within this Nation or naturalized or made a
frie Denizen therof from and after the said day as
factor in any place beyond seas for the vse and
accompt of the merchants of this Kingdome wnder
paine of a pecuniary mulct, to be payed by him or
them that shall imploy him Which sume shall be
imposed at the discretion of the Councill of trade
The one halff thairof to his Maiestie & his successo=rs=
and the other halff to him or them that shall informe
& pursue for the same. It is alwayes heirby
provydit that this act nor any clause thairincontained
extend not to or be meaned to restraine or
prohibite the importation of any of the co~modities
of Asia Africa or America, as also of the co~modities
of Musco and Italie from such ports and places and
in such ships & vessells as may be gotten most conveniently
wntill such time as the merchants of this
Kingdome have actuall trade to these respective
places; and that the same be prohibited be act of
Parliament Privy Councill or Councill of Trade.
It is heirby declared That it shall be lawfull to
import any sort of cornes in tyme of dearth from
any place or places in any ship or vessell whatsoever
without being lyable to confiscation double custome
or any other penaltie contained in this present act;
<P 259.C1>
The dearth & necessity of import being alwayes
congnosced & declared by a publict act of the Privy
Councill or Councill of Trade

[}ACT DISCHARGEING THE EXPORTATION OF SKINES
HYDS &C.}]

THE Kings Maiestie Considering how necesser it
is that all former lawes for improveing of native
Co~modities be revived And vnderstanding That
the Deacons and remanent tradsmen of the Skinners
have vpon their oune charges brought from
forrane places perfumers makers and preparers of
lether, by whose pains & arte the Kingdome may
be furnished with gloves at easier rates and able to
furnish other Nations abroad with made worke
Doth therfor with advice & consent of the Estates
of Parliament Ratifie & Approve the 178 act of the
13 Par: of K: Ja: 6: of blessed memorie, dischargeing
the exportation of skins and others thairin contained
And ordaines the same to be put to execution
conforme to the tenor thairof in all points,
And also considering how vsefull goat skins, hart,
Deer & other wilde beasts skins might be, if they
wer prepared and improven by Skinners within
the Kingdome His Maiestie Doth therfor with
advice forsaid Discharge all Merchants tradsmen
and others to transport any calff skin kid skin
hudderon or shorling skins or any goat skins hart
buck deer or any other wilde beasts skins forth of
the kingdome vnder paine of confiscation of the
same And for the further encouragement of the
Skinner trade and manufactorie Licence is heirby
given to export gloves made within the Kingdome
frie of all custome and excise for the space of Nyntein
yeers after the date heirof Reserveing alwayes
to the Lord Thesaurer and Co~missioners of Exchequer
to give licences for exporting of skins as
they shall find cause after one yeer from the date
heiroff.

[}ACT FOR THE FISHINGS & ERECTING OF COMPANIES
FOR PROMOTEING THE SAME.}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD Considering the best
and readiest means for improveing the benefite and
advantages which propperlie belong vnto him by
the fishes which are or may be taken within the
Seas, Channells firths and loches adiacent and surrounding
this his antient Kingdome, And perceaveing
the same may be of advantage many wayes
especially in that the said trade will not only be a
nursery for seafairing men and a speedie occasion of
building ships for his Maiesties & his subiects vse
both in peace and war; But likewise will set many
poore & idle persones awork, and furnish the matterialls
of a great native export for the continuall
enritching of his Maiesties Kingdomes by a sure
fundation of trade & co~merce. ffor which ends
<P 259.C2>
and that the said trade of fishing may be more
effectually advanced and promoved within this his
Maiesties antient Kingdome His Sacred Maiestie
with consent of his Estates now conveened in this
present Parliament Hath erected and be the tenor
heirof Erects Creats and Establishes particular societies
& companies of his Maiesties oune frie borne
naturalized inhabitants in Scotland; and of all others
who shall be taken and enrolled in any of the
same Companies & societies and admitted to the
priveledges thairof, and shall enter themselffs
in the said Societies within any Shire or Burgh
of this said Kingdome one or moe betuixt and the
[^BLANK^] day of [^BLANK^] as the first #
moderne societies
and companies to the effect afterspe~it, Constituteing
& createing such persones who shall enter themselffs
and their successo=rs= in a bodie and incorporation
pollitick to exerce the trade underwr~in. And ordaines 
that none be accepted therin except he who
shall enter the sume of fyve hund=th= merks scots at
least of stock in the said societie And wills & grants
that whosoever are of the forsaid societies or companies
to be constitute their airs of assignayes, Shall
enioy the yeerly benefite of the Stock to be given
by them, in all tyme after the ingiveing thairof,
but to have no power to vplift the stock, except by
consent of the company of Councill thairof afterspe~it
Granting and Co~mitting Lykas his Maiestie
be the tenor heirof Gives grants and Co~mitts to the
saids Companies and societies to be constitute, and
to all such whom they or their successours shall
admit to receave therin full power to take and fish
herrings and white fish in all and sundrie seas channells
firths rivers floods laiks & lochs in this his
Maiesties said antient Kingdome of Scotland and
yles thervnto belonging whersoever herring or
white fishes may be taken, and to bring in
and disburthen the saids herrings and other white
fishes to all and sindrie ports, harbours, shoars, and
to lay the same on the land and to pikle them with
salt, and to dry and load the same in barrells &
punshons; and for conservation of the saids herring
& fishes to build houses and litle cottages and other
things necessarie for the vse of the said fishing trade
in whatsoever places shall be convenient vpon the
payment of the allowance vnderwr~in vnto the Lord
or master of the ground; or otherwise to sell vse
and dispose vpon the saids herrings and other fishes
to the inhabitants or to keep and conserve the same
in their ships & boats, and to make & prepare them
therin, and to cary and transport the same to forrane
parts beyond seas in Ships and other vessells
belonging to them or his Maiesties other Subiects
and to sell vse and dispone thervpon to such who
shall be in freindship and amitie with his Maiestie
& his successours. With power also to the saids
companies & societies rex~tive, to elect & make choise
of such of their oune number as they shall think fit
for makeing & frameing of laws statuts & rules for
the right regulateing manageing and carieing on
<P 260.C1>
of the said trade of fishing (the saids lawes being
alwayes approven & allowed by the Councill of
trade) and to punish transgressours accordingly.
And that none be admitted to be councellers of the
saids Societies, except such who shall enter of stock
the sume of one thousand merks money forsaid And
that they be scotsmen or naturalized strangers and
residenters within the said Kingdome. And to the
which Councill so to be nominate & constitute, the
said companies rex~tive shall submit, and to all their
acts statuts & rules Especially but preiudice of the
generalitie forsaid to the particular rules vnderwr~in
To wit first that none after the erecting & setling
of the said companie or societie may enter of come
in but by consent of the companie or the Councill
thairof after the said [^BLANK^] day of [^BLANK^] next
Except they be appointed to be enrolled & taken
in by the Councill of trade, to whom any persone,
incaice of exclusion may make his addresse. Secondlie
that the returne from forrane places vpon
this stock may be all sold in frie burghs and to frie
burgesses within this Kingdome by the saids companies
or any of them or their factors without any
previous offer to the burgh Provyding they doe
not retaill by selling lesse quantities nor fyve tun of
wyne or the equivalent in value in other co~modities
And if the import & returne shall be of lesse quantities
Then and in that cace these co~modities shall
only be sold in whole sale without any retaill whatsoever.
Thridly that no herring of white fish taken
by Scotsmen in the said Kingdome or yles therto belonging
be sold fresh or salt to any but to natives,
except by the companies rex~tive. And that no
stranger vnnaturalized shall have libertie to make
and prepare herrings or white fish vpon the land
or to make booths for that effect vnder the paine
of confiscation of what shall be seized vpon, and the
double thairof to be exacted of the Seller, except
they be frie of one of the companies forsaid With
power also to the said Councill to vse and have a
Seale & gadge for ilk companie rex~tive wherwith
all their barrells or punshions may be marked, and
that ilk barrell of grein fish containe tuelve gallons
which is to be the ordinar gage betuixt buyer &
seller. And also to make vse of and imploy all &
sindrie tollbooths and warding places wher necessity
requires for holding of Courts, wardeing or punishing
of trangresso=rs=, the burghs being alwayes frie of
the charges of the prissoners And further to depute
such of their number as they shall think fit concerning
all bussinesses and affairs, and to cognosce & determine
in all questions & debates relateing to the
trade of fishing; And to cause execute such decreits
& sentences as shall be pronunced thervpon: And
for that effect to make choice of officers & servands
and to administer oaths to them and amongst themselves
for the goode of the trade; And if neid be 
with power to the said Councill to designe certane
Judges vnder them in convenient places to administer
justice in the mater of the trade of fishing allenerlie.
<P 260.C2>
And our said Soverane Lord being most
willing to chirish & encourage the forsaids societies
and companies in the said trade Hath out of his
innate beneficence and Royall bounty Ordained,
And by the tenor heirof Decernes & Ordains that
salt, cordage, hemp, cork, pitch, tar, clapboard
knaple Skew hoops and holland nets imported for
the trade of fishing forsaid by the forsd~s companies
rex~tive, is and shall be frie of any Custome or other
imposition whatsoever And that the herring and
white fish taken made or prepared therwith are and
shall be frie of any maner of taxation or burden in
the exportation of the same. And also that all strangers
fishers who shall repair to this his Maiesties
antient Kingdome and will come & make their
residence within the same shall be naturalized by his
Maiestie vpon the desire and application of any of
the saids Councills and shall be entered burgesses
in any Citie wher they shall reside And shall be
freed of all maner of taxation for the space of seven
yeers next after their arryveall And further his
Maiestie hath released & discharged and by the
tenor heirof simpl~r releases and discharges the teind
herring & teind fish of all such herring & fish which
shall be taken by the boats & fishers of the saids
companies rex~tive or such as shall be hired be them
in all tyme heirafter. And also exoners and discharges
the excise herring due to his Maiestie (except
the herring of Dumbar) for all the dayes space
yeers & terms of nyne yeers next after the date
heirof. And in lykmaner his Ma~tie Declares That
all ale, beir, strong waters and other provisions for
outreiking of any vessell for the saids fishings of the
saids companies, is, and shall be free of all maner
of impositions whatsomever Co~manding heirby the
Lords and masters of the ground in all places
through the said Kingdome wher ther is loch or
other fishings, not only to protect mantaine and
defend the said Company and society and all masters
of ships fishers and others whatsoever goeing
about the said trade and belonging to the rex~tive
companies of fishing, from all harme trouble or
da~mage whatsoever or els to satisfie and resound
their losses & da~mage which they shall sustaine
vpon their land; but also that they Nor none of
them presume nor take vpon hand to exact or
levey any more from the saids fishers Merchants or
their servants belonging to the saids companies for
ground leave but only tuelve shilling scots for
everie last And that in full satisfaction of the saturdayes
fishing of any maner of dues whatsoever.
And for the greater encouragement of merchant
fishers, Masters of ships and other vessells and their
servants to attend the said trade of fishing, His
Maiestie by his Soverane Authority & prerogative
Royall, not only by these presents Declares the
Ships boats & other vessells with their furniture
provyded for, and in exercise of the said trade of
fishing nowayes to be arreistable by any Creditor,
bot that the same and those that shall serve therin
<P 261.C1>
shall not be pressed to any publict service without
his Maiesties particular co~mand. And that the
fishers masters & servants in the saids vessells and
makers of herring & whyte fish, dureing the whole
tyme of the said fishing & their imployment therin
shall be frie from all actions, and nowayes conveenable
befor any Judge or Judicatorie whatsoever for
any cause or causes civill which may be intended
against them; But also by the tenor heirof Declares
the saids fishers Masters and their servands abovewritten
shall be frie of all captions areistments or
other attatchments on their persons or against their
materialls & instruments of fishing dureing the
tyme & season of fishing they being actually
serveing therin allenerlie. And further that none
who shall be vpon the Councill or any of the Societies
of trade forsaid shall be lyable to Cess, stents
or taxations for what stock they have entered or
shall enter in the saids companies or societies rex~tive
or for the benefite and proffite ariseing therby
in tyme comeing. And it is heirby declared that
it shall be licent to any of the Councill or societies
of the said trade of fishing respective for the good
thairof to duell and reside in any parte or place of
this said Kingdome albeit they be burgesses in any
burgh royall, and not therby losse their freedome
notwithstanding of any act or acts in the contrare
And in lykmaner it is heirby declared that no persone
or persones shall have libertie to export herring
or fish nor vse or have the priveledges liberties and
im~unities abovewr~in but those that shall enter
themselffs & be frie in one or other of the saids
companies & societies And finally it is heirby Statute
& ordained that those in the severall shires &
burghs of this Kingdome who shall enter in the
saids companies & societies conforme to the tenor
of this pn~t act Shall give an accompt thairof to the
Parliament or his Maiesties privy Councill for the
tyme within [^BLANK^] after the erection
thairof that the same may be recorded (\ad futuram
rei memoriam\) .

[}ACT FOR ERECTING MANUFACTORIES.}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD Considering how
many great advantages this Kingdome and the
subiects thairof may have by the erecting cherishing
& mantaining of manufactories therby keeping
in the Cuntrie great sumes of money dayly exported
by bringing in such co~modities as may be
made at home and bringing in money for such
co~modities as may be made and wroght within the
same, and exported to forrane Nations, Besids that
therby many poore people & idle persones & vagabounds
will be set at work and intertained Wherby
vertew will be increased and idleset crubed &
restrained And that vpon this account and for this
end severall acts have been past by his Maiesties
royall predicesso=rs= in their Parliaments conventions
& councills And espe~ally the 113 act of the 7 Par.
<P 261.C2>
& the 250 & 252 acts of the 15 Par. of K. James
the 6 And acts of Councill in the yeers 1600. 1601.
1612. 1614. 1616. 1620. 1623 And acts of Convention
1625 & 1626. yeers. And his Maiestie 
being resolved to prosecute what hath been formerly
intendit and to give such new encouragements
as is necessary for advanceing of manufactories;
Hath therfor thought fit with advice &
consent of the Estates of Parliament heirby to grant
to all such persones as have or shall vndertake to
set vp any manufactories the priveledges following
vi~z If any stranger shall come or be brought into
this Kingdome by Natives to set vp work and
teach his arte in makeing cloath stuffs stockings
soap or any other kynd of manufactorie, he shall
enioy the benefite of the law & all other priveledges
that a native doth enioy With power to erect manufactories
either in burgh or landward as they
shall think fit And ther to duell and exerce their
trade without any stop or trouble: And for their
further encouragement Declares all oyll, dying
stuffs forrane wooll pottashes or any other materialls
whatsoever vsefull for manufactories that shall be
imported to be frie of custome Excise and other
publict dues, And that all cloath, stuffs stockings
or any other co~modity to be made and exported
by them be frie of custome and excise for nyntein
yeers after January 1662 yeers And if any stock
shall be imployed for erecting or intertaining of
any manufactories of any kind The same is to be
frie of all publict and private taxes whatsoever
Lykas all Customers Collectors fermerers of customes
or excise and others are heirby discharged to
demand any Custome excise or any other imposition
whatsoever for such materialls befor mentioned
and belonging to manufactories As they will be
ansuerable. And inregaird of the great preiudice to
the Kingdome by exportation of wooll, and skins
and wooll vpon them, and of other native co~modities
& materialls fit for manufactories; Thairfor his
Maiestie with advice forsaid Doth heirby discharge
all and everie persone whatsoever native or stranger
to export out of this Kingdome any wooll or skins
with wooll vpon them or skins of any kynd or any
materialls vsefull for manufactories vntill they be
made in work or put to the best availl for the good
of the Kingdome; Certifieing such as doe in the
contrare they shall forfeit such wooll skins and other
materialls or the just value therof the one halff to
his Maiestie and the other halff to the informer
who shall discover apprehend and prosecute the
same before his Maiesties Exchequer; besides that
the persones & estates of such contraveeners shall
be lyable to such punishment & fyne for the same
as his Maiesties Exchequer shall appoint; And
also his Ma~tie with advice forsaid Discharges all
regraters and forestallers of mercats of wooll And
that no merchant or persone whatsoever buy &
keep vp wooll to a dearth bot that they bring the
same to be sold in open mercats vnder the paines
<P 262.C1>
contained in the acts of Parliament made against regraiters
& forestallers And inregaird ther is much
deceat by wrapping vp of wooll in the fleice by putting
stones sand and other insufficient stuff in the
same It is heirby declared that all such wooll shall be
confiscat, the one halff to his Maiesties vse and the
other halffe to the vse of those who shall apprehend
discover & persue the same. Lykas his Maiestie for
the further encouragement of the saids manufactories
Doth with advice forsaid discharge all quarterings 
or leveying of souldiers vpon manufactories
of the masters therof And that no persone whatsoever
intyse resset or interteane any of the servants
or apprentises of the manufactories without consent
of their master vnder the paines contained in the
acts of Parliament against coallhewers salters & their
resetters. And for the further improveing of the 
saids manufactories his Maiestie with consent forsaid
Doth heirby impower the Masters erectors or
interteaners of manufactories to meit by themselffs
for makeing of ordinances for the good & advancement
of their trade for the right ordering of their
servants and for the sufficiency of their stuffs cloath
and others; and choise one of the most expert of their
number for visiteing of their work, That a mark or
seall may be put vpon it distinguishing what is sufficient
& what not. And because many things may
occur heirafter which may be necessary for advancement
of manufactories Thairfor his Maiestie with consent
forsaid Doth impower the Lords of his Maiesties
Privy Councill or Exchequer or such as shall be
appointed by his Maiestie dureing this pn~t Parlia=t=,
or therafter To consider such overtures as shall be
offered for the good of manufactories And to make
such orders and grant such further liberties and
priveledges to them as they shall think iust. It is
alwayes declared that it shall be frie & lawfull to
his Maiesties Thesaurer and Co~missioners of Exchequer
as they shall find cause to grant licence for
exporteing of wooll & skins any thing in this act to
the contrarie notwithstanding

[}ACT FOR THE DUE OBSERVATION OF THE SABBOTH
DAY}]

THE Kings Maiestie Considering how much it
concernes the honour of God that the Sabboth day
be duelie observed and all abuses thairof restrained,
and that notwithstanding of severall acts of Parliament
made in that behalffe particularlie the thrid
act of the sext Parlia=t= of K: Ja: 6: of blessed memorie
the said day hath been much prophaned by
salmond fishing goeing of Salt pans milnes & kills,
hireing of shearers & vseing of merchandice on that
day & otherwise Thairfor our Soverane Lord with
advice & consent of his Estates of Parliament, Ratifies
and Approves all former acts of Parlia=t= made
for observation of the sabboth day and against the
breakers thairof And by these pn~ts Inhibites and
<P 262.C2>
discharges all salmond fishing going of salt pans
milnes or kills; all hireing of shearers carieing of
loads keeping of mercats or vseing any sorts of
merchandice on the said day and all other prophanation
thairof whatsoever vnder the paines and
penalties following, vi~z the su~me of Tuentie pund
scots for the goeing of ilk salt pan milne or kill on
the said day to be payed by the heritors and possessours
thairof, and the su~me of ten punds for ilk
sheirer & fisher of salmond on the said day, The
one halff thairof to be payed by the hyrers & conducers,
and the other halffe by the persones hyred,
and the said sume of ten punds for everie other
prophanation of the said day And which fynes &
penalties are to be vplifted and disposed of in maner
contained in the act & instructions anent the justices
of peace And if the partie offender be not able
to pay the penalties forsaid then to be exemplarly
punist in his bodie according to the merite of his
fault.

[}ACT AGAINST SUEAREING AND EXCESSIVE DRINKING}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD being desireous that
all his Subiects within this Kingdome may leid a
quyet & peaceable liffe vnder his Government in
all godlienesse and honestie; and in order therto
haveing resolved to curb & suppresse all sort of sin
& wickednesse and especially these abhominable
and so much abounding sins of drunknesse and all
maner of cursing and sweareing. Thairfor our said
Soverane Lord Ratifies and Approves all acts of
Parliament made in former tymes against the saids
crymes or either of them. And further declares
that each persone who shall blaspheame sweare or
curse and whosoever shall drink into excesse shall
be lyable in the paines following according to the
qualitie of the offenders vi~z each Nobleman tuentie
pund scots, each barron in tuentie merks, each
gentleman heritor or burges in ten merks, each
yeman in fourtie shillings each servant in tuentie
shillings toties quoties each minister in the fift
parte of his yeers stipend; And that the saids syns
and penalties be vplifted and disposed vpon in
maner contained in the act & instructions anent
the Justices of peace. And in the partie offender
be not able to pay the penalties forsaid, then to be
exemplarlie punished in his bodie according to the
merite of his fault.

[}ACT ANENT ARREISTMENTS}]

OUR SOUERANE LORD Considering the
great Charges that Creditors are put to by compriseing
of su~ms owing to their debitors be vertew
of heretable bands contracts and other writs beareing
payment of a~rents: which in respect of the
obleidgement for a~rent wer not in former times
areistable Therfor the Kings Maiestie with advice
& consent of his Estates of Parliament finds & declares
<P 263.C1>
that all su~ms of money which are adebted
be bonds contracts & other personall obleidgements
whervpon no infeftments have followed are and
shall be areistable at the instance of any Creditor,
Notwithstanding that the bonds contracts and other
obleidgements beare payment of a~rents. And the
Kings Maiestie with advice & consent forsaid
Declares that this shall nowayes change the nature
of the saids su~ms Nor preiudge the air nor any
other persone their rights to the same as being
heretable Which are heirby declared to remaine in 
their oune nature vnchangeable be this act prout
(\de iure\) except that only the same are areistable
And it is heirby expreslie provydit that all areistments
and executions thairof since the 29 day of
July 1644 yeers vsed conforme to the tenor of this
act, shall be als valeid & sufficient as if this pn~t act
had been of the said date But preiudice alwayes to
the Creditors to comprise the said heretable sums if
they shall choose rather to comprise then to areist.

[}ACT FOR PLANTING & INCLOSEING OF GROUND}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD Considering how
many lawdable lawes have been made by his Maiesties
Royall progenitors for parking and incloseing
of ground and planting of wood and for preserveing
of the same, And finding the greate preiudice
hath followed vpon the not due observance of
notable and necesser lawes And how expedient fit
and necesser it will be for the good of his Maiesties
antient Kingdome especially for shiping and building
that timber be planted; and how advantageous
it is for the incresse of cornes & cattell and the sowing
of lint and hemp for manufactories that parking
and incloseings be made. Doth therfor with
consent and advice of his Estates of Parliament Revive
the nynt act of the fourt Parlia=t= of King James
the first of blessed memorie entituled Ane act for
planting of woods forrests & orchyeards and all
other acts made for that effect by his Maiestie or
any other his Royall predicesso=rs= and ordaines the
same to be put to execution in tyme comeing Conforme
to the tenor thairof in all points With this
addition Lykeas his Maiestie with advice of his
saids estates of Parliament Doth heirby Statute &
ordaine that everie heritor lyverenter & wodsetter
(according to the qualifications vnder written) within
his said antient Kingdome of Scotland worth
one thousand punds of yeerly valued rent Shall
inclose four aikers of land yeerly at least and plant
the same about with trees of oak, elme, ash, plaine,
sauch or other timber at three yeards distance, And
that all other heritors of greater or lesse rent nor the
said sume of one thousand pund money forsaid Doe
plant inclose and ditch yeerly moe or fewer aikers
according to their rex~tive rents for the space of ten
yeers next ensueing; and that of such lands as the
heritors shall think most fit for planting & capable
<P 263.C2>
for incloseing to be also planted, ditched or inclosed
in maner forsaid; And that the saids heritors begin
to plant ditch and inclose the said ground at the
feist of Michaelmes nextocome and vphold the
same in tyme comeing. And for the further encouragement
of the saids heritors wodsetters & liverentars
to goe about the readie observance of the
said act Libertie & power is granted to them at the
sight of the Shirreffs Stewarts Lords of Regalities
Barrons and Justices of peace in their respective
bounds to cast about the heigh wayes to their conveniency
Provyding they doe not remove them
above tuo hundreth ells vpon their whole ground;
Excepting alwayes heirfrom burrow and incorporat
aikers, which are nowayes to be parked or inclosed
Wnlesse the heritors therof shall think it meit &
expedient. And wher ther are liverenters vpon
lands, It is heirby declared that the same shall be
done vpon the equall charges & expences of the
lyverentar & heritor. And in caice of propper
wodsets, It is also heirby specially declared, that the
same shall be done by the wodsetter, and the charges
thairof is and shall be added to the reversion and
nowayes redeimable while they make payment
therof as well as of the su~ms for which the lands
are wodset. And for the better encuragement of
heritors and for preserveing of the said planting &
inclosours, It is statute and ordained, that whosoever 
shall cut or break any of the saids tries (not
being the heritors themselffs) shall pay vnto the
heritors or persons wronged tuentie punds for everie
trie, or if he be not able to pay the said tuenty
punds, It shall be in the power of the partie therby
wronged to make him worke sex weeks giveing
him meit & drink allenerlie. And further it is ordained
that whosoever shall break doun the hedges
or dyks of the saids parks or inclosours or be fund
within the same being a stranger shall be holden &
repute a breaker doun thairof and pay fyve pounds
for everie fault; Or if he be not able to pay the
said fyve pounds, to work ten dayes to the ouner
of the saids grounds for meit & drink as said is
And for the greater encouragement of all persons
who shall be vertuouslie inclyned to ditch inclose or
plant their ground in maner forsaid His Maiestie
with consent abovespe~it, hath declared and by thir
pn~ts Declares such parts & portions of their said
ground as shall be so inclosed & planted to be frie
of all maner of land stents taxations or impositions
of whatsoever nature, or quarterings of horse in the
saids inclosours for the space of nyntein yeers next
after the date heirof and that at the proportionateing
of the saids burdens the same inclosours shall be
exempted and made frie therof accordinglie. And
also for the better preserveing of the saids inclosours,
and of the trees and planting to be set about the
same It is statute and ordained that ilk heritor,
tennent & cotter keep their cattell and goods out
of their nighbours inclosours at all times that their
trees planting & ditching be nowayes damnified nor
<P 264.C1>
preiudged vnder the penaltie of fyve punds for ilk
contravention toties quoties to be payed to the
partie damnified. And further Statuts & Ordaines
that wher inclosours fall to be vpon the border of
any persons inheritance, the next adiacent heritor
shall be at equall paines & charges in building
ditching and planting that dyk which parteth their
inheritance. And reco~mends to all Lords Shirreffs
and baillies of Regalities Stewarts of Stewartries
and Justices of peace Baillies of Burrowes & other
Judges whatsoever to sie this act put in execution
And to grant processe at the instance of the partie
damnified & preiudged and to sie them repaired
after the forme and tenor of this act abovewr~in in
all points
   THE Lord Co~missioner continewes the Parlia=t=
till the morne at tuo hours in the afternoone.

<S SAMPLE 3>
<P 303.C1>
[}ACT CONCERNING THE DISPOSALL OF VACAND
STIPENDS}]

FORASMUCH as by diverse acts it is fund That
stipends & benefices of vacand kirks or which therafter
should vaik by decease deposition suspension,
transportation of Ministers, disvnion of kirks or any
otherway should dureing the vacancie thairof be
imployed on pious vses And the Kings Maiestie
considering that dureing these troubles many learned
and religious persons in the Ministerie and Vniversities
for their expressions of duety and loyaltie
to his Maiestie, or not concuring in the confusions
of the tyme, have been deposed or suspended from
their charge and ministerie, and have been otherwayes
<P 303.C2>
put vnder great sufferings and they and thair
families redacted to extreame miserie and want
And conceaveing it to be ane act of great pietie
and iustice to have regaird to the sufferings of those
honest and faithful Ministers and others and in
some measure to provide for them and repair thair
losses Thairfor his Maiestie with advice of his Estates
of Parliament Ordaines all stipends or benefices of
kirks that are vacant and not alreadie disposed of
Or which shall vaik by decease, deposition, suspension 
transportation or otherwayes To be imployed
for the supplie & mantenance and towards the reparation
of the sufferings and losses of the persons
aforesaids, and of the wives & bairnes of such of
them as are dead And that in such maner and wayes
as after tryell of their merits and sufferings and the
causes & grounds thairof shall be thought fit by the
Lords of his Ma~ties Privie Councill To whom his
Maiestie with advice and consent forsaid co~mits the
care of this bussinesse And doth heirby impower
and require them to vse all diligence that the favour
and justice heirby intendit by his Ma~tie to these
suffering persons and thair families may be made
effectual and that notwithstanding of any thing contained
in any of the saids acts to the contrare It is
alwayes provydit that this act is without preiudice
of any benefite which by the law and custome of
this Kingdome falls to the relict bairnes of exe~rs of
a minister after his decease And that this act is to
endure for the space of seven yeers and longer as
his Maiestie shall think fit

[}ACT IN FAVOURS OF LAIK PATRONS OF PROVOSTRIES
PREBENDARIES CHAPLANRIES & ALTARAGES}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD with advice and consent
of his Estates of Parliament Ratifies and Approves
the act of Parlia=t= made by King James the
sext his Maiesties Grandfather of eternall memorie
Par. first chap. 12 Anent Provestries Prebendaries
Alterages Chaplanries and Collegiat kirks pertaining
to Laik Patrons Together with the act of
Parlia=t= 12 chap. 158 ratifieing the same; And
ordaines the saids acts to have full force & effect
in all tyme comeing With this declaration alwayes;
That inrespect the vassalls which held lands of the
saids Provests prebendars & others forsaids are put
to great vncertantie of their superiors, it not being
knoun to them who are provyded to the saids Provestries
Prebendaries Chaplanries Alterages and
other forsaids by reason ther is no publict register
to the which they may have recourse for knowledge
and notice therof, and that the most that they can
know by any register is the infeftments and sasines
made to these who are laik Patrons holding of his
Maiestie Therfor for secureing of the vassalls who
hold lands milnes fishings tenements a~rents of others
whatsoever of the saids Provostries Prebendaries
Collegiat kirks, or of Chaplanries Alterages & others
<P 304.C1>
of that nature at any tyme of before; It is statute
& ordained that the entrie of the saids vassalls by
retour, precept of clare constat, resignation compriseing
or otherwise whatsoever shall pertaine to
the laik Patrons and their successo=rs= who stand infeft
in the saids laik patronages holding im~ediatly
of his Maiestie; and that the entrie of the vassalls
by them shall be als valid & sufficient to the saids
vassalls receavers therof as if they wer entered by
the Titulars of the saids Provostries, Prebendaries,
Alterages Chaplanreis and others forsaids And
that the said laik Patrons shall be in all timecomeing
in their place as superior to the said vassalls
and to have the same power to give infeftments to
his Maiesties subiects vpon retour or by precept of
clare constat or by resigna=o=n compriseing or any
maner of way With gifts (\de novo damus\) , and
that without consent of persones provyded or to be
provyded to the saids Provestries and Prebendaries
of Collegiat kirks alterages, chaplanries or other
Titulars of Collegiat kirks and also without consent
of the chapter or convent of the saids prebendaries
thairof or most parte of the same Which
of befor wes in vse and custome. Wheranent and
anent all acts in the contrare his Ma~tie with consent
forsaid dispences for ever Reserveing alwayes
to the Titulars of the saids Provostries Prebendaries,
Alterages Chaplanries & others forsaids the fruits
rents & emoluments of the saids Provestries Prebendaries
and others forsaids which are nowayes
preiudged be this pn~t act. It is heirby further
Statute and ordained with advice & consent forsaid
Wher ther are any prebendaries chaplanries alterages
or other foundations of that nature abovementioned
founded & situated within any burgh
royall of this Kingdome That the Provest Baillies
& Councill of that burgh wher the same are founded
are and shall be in all tymecomeing only vndoubted
superiors by whom and by no others the
vassalls & tennents shall enter in maner abovespe~it
The saids Provest Baillies & Councill haveing been
formerly Patrons of these Chaplanries.

[}ACT ANENT COCQUETS & ENTRIES OF SHIPS}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD Vnderstanding ther
are diverse abuses co~mitted by the Customers and
receavers of entries of ships and by the keepers of
the cokquet in sumtyme exacting from Masters of
Ships greater sums of money then is due to them,
and sometymes absenting themselffs to the great
preiudice of the merchants estate & to the hazard
of the losse of their voyage. Thairfor our Soverane
Lord with advice & consent of the Estates of Parliament
Ordaines that ther be no greater price
exacted for entering their ships & goods then the
sume of tuentie three shillings four pennies; and
for the said Cockquet then the su~me of fourty
shillings And that the keepers of the said Cockquet
<P 304.C2>
attend by themselffs or their servants diligently &
readily to ansuer & give out Cockquets to all Merchants
and Masters of Ships wnder pain of loseing
their place whensoever they shall be fund either to
exact more then the said sume abovewr~in, or shall
occasion to the saids Merchants & Masters more
delay nor is neidfull for writeing the same.

[}ACT ANENT COALHEWERS}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD with advice & consent
of his Estates of Parliament Ratifies the elevent
act of the 18 Par: of K: Ja: 6: of worthie memory
made anent Coallhewers & salters with this addition
That because watermen who laves & drawes
water in the Coalheugheid and gatesmen who work
the wayes & passages in the saids heughs, are as
necessar to the owners & Masters of the said Coalheughs
as the Coalhewers & bearers It is therfor
Statute and ordained by our Soverane Lord with
advice & consent forsaid That no person shall hire
nor seduce any watermen windsmen and Gaitesmen
without a testimoniall of the Master whom they
serve vnder the paines contained in the former acts
in all points. And because it is fund by experience
that the giveing of great fies hath been a mean and
way to seduce and bring Coalhewers from their
Masters It is therfor also Statute and ordained
That it shall not be lawfull for any Coalmasters in
this Kingdome to give anie greater fee then the
sume of tuentie merks in fee or bounteth vnder
any culour or pretext And becaus the saids Coalhewers
and salters & other workmen in coalheughs
within this Kingdome doe ly from their work at
pasch +gule witsunday and certane other times in
the yeer which times they imploy in drinking &
debaushrie to the great offence of God and preiudice
of thair master It is therfor Statute and ordained
that the saids coalhewers and salters and
other workmen in coalheughs of this Kingdome
work all the sex dayes of the week except the
time of Christmasse vnder the paine of tuentie
shilling scots to be paid to their master for ilk dayes
fail+gie (by & attour the preiudice sustained by thair
saids Masters) and other punishment of their bodies

[}ACT DISCHARGEING THE CUSTOM OF TUO & A 
HALFF OF THE HUNDRETH & THE IMPOST OF FOUR
PUNDS ON THE TUN}]

OUR SOVERANE LORD Considering that the
prices of all merchandice doe daylie rise to exceeding
great dearth which is alledged to be occasioned
throw extraordinary customes and impositions. For
remedy whairof his Maiestie with advice and consent
of his estates of Parliament Doth Discharge
all and sindrie whatsoever customes and impositions
exacted by the Customers which are not allowed
<P 305.C1>
be the acts of Parliament, and especially the
late custome of tuo and a halff per cent. and the
late new imposition of four punds vpon the tun of
wyne and all raiseing of his Maiesties Customs,
directlie or indirectlie without consent of Parliament
And because that the too much troubleing of
merchants and drawing of Masters & Mariners
from their ordinary charges doth much impede
the trade; Therfor his Maiestie with advice and
consent forsaid Discharges the takeing of Merchants
Masters and Mariners oaths in the mater of Customes.
And to the end that the subiect of trade
may not be restrained with vnnecessarie customes
His Maiestie with advice and consent forsaid Declares
that all goods and merchandice imported
from forrane places to this Kingdome and out of
the same paying inward custome Shall be free of
all outward custome according as is vsed in England
& Ireland Lykas his Maiestie Declares that
he consented to the act abovewr~in vpon this condition
That Co~mission & warrand be granted to
the exchequer to establish the book of rates according
as the prices of merchandice now rules And
his Maiestie permitted the option to the burrowes
Whervpon the Burrowes haveing advised They
made choise to be ruled by the book of rates anent
the Customes and consented that Co~mission should
be granted to the Exchequer to establish the book
of rates according as the prices of merchandice now
rules Inrespect whairof our Soverane Lord Ordaines
a Co~mission to be draune up to the Eschequer to the
effect forsaid and extracted thervpon for establishing
the booke of rates according as the prices of
merchandice now rules; And therfor Our Soverane
Lord with advice and consent forsaid Ordaines the
act abovementioned to stand as a law in manner
and to the effect aboverehearsed.

[}ACT IN FAVOURS OF THOSE WHO GET THAIR WAIRD
HOLDING CHANGED BY THE KING'S MA~TIE}]

THE Estates of Parliament haveing taken to consideration
that some difficultie hath occurred in the
prosecution of his Maiesties royall fathers intention
of changeing of waird holdings in few for the well 
of his Subiects conforme to the tuo Co~missions granted
by his said Maiestie theranent vnder the great
Seale of this Kingdome; And that the said difficultie
hath risen vpon this ground That diverse of
his Maiesties subjects holding lands of his Ma~tie or
of the Prince, ward or few (\cum maritagio\) , holds
also other lands of other superiors ward; Who
whilst their vassalls held lands waird or few (\cum
maritagio\) of his Maiestie or of the Prince, could
pretend no right to the mariage of the vassalls heir
when the same shall be changed in few and composition
& a yeerly few dewtie being granted to his
Maiestie or the Prince for the said waird & mariage,
the other superiors of the saids vassalls of whom he
holds ward may contend for the benefite of the
<P 305.C2>
casualitie of the mariage of his vassalls heir when
the same falls out he being the vassalls eldest superior
of whom he holds waird; Which wes greivous 
to the vassalls who by this new course of
changeing of his holding hath componed both for
waird & mariage. Thairfor it is Statute and ordained
by the Kings Maiestie, with advice and
consent of his Estates of Parliament That all vassalls
holding waird of his Maiestie or the Prince
or holding few (\cum maritagio\) who shall heirafter
compone and agree with the Co~missioners to be
appointed by his Maiestie, for changeing of their
holdings from ward to few, or for renunciation of
the mariage contained in their few infeftments,
their heirs and successo=rs= in the saids lands shall be
free of the mariage that can be acclamed by their
superiors of the lands holden by them of their said
other superiors ward; And that the saids other
superiors shall have no right to the mariage of their
heirs when the same falls out, no more then they
would have had, if the lands holden waird of his
Maiestie or the Prince had continewed still ward
But that the saids vassalls whose holding shall be
changed, or who shall compone for their mariage
as said is their heirs and successours, Shall inioy
their lands in all tyme therafter frie of any such
burthen or mariage; Provyding always Lykas it is
heirby Provyded & declared, that if the forsaids
vassalls whose holding shall be changed as said is
and who shall compone for the renunciation of the
mariage contained in their few infeftments or their
heirs or successo=rs= in the saids lands which once held
ward or few (\cum maritagio\) , Shall alienat and dispone
the saids lands to any other persons Then and
in that cace, the aliener or his airs shall no longer
have the benefite of this present act, [{but that 
notwithstanding of this present act{] if they hold
lands ward of any other superior that their superior
shall enioy all the benefite of his superiority as if
this present act had never been made. And siclyk
for the greater furtherance of his Ma~ties leidges in
the way of the changeing of the tenors of the said
ward holdings or renunceing of the mariage contained
in thair saids sew infeftments Our Soverane
Lord with advice and consent forsaid Ordaines
Signatours to be past to the leidges by the Exchequer
on the reco~mendation of the saids Co~missioners
of the ward lands in their favo=rs= vpon the leidges
their resignation for new infeftments to be granted
to them beareing the new maner of few holding,
or beareing the renunciation of the said mariage
contained in their old few infeftments as shall be
ordained be the saids Commissioners of the ward
lands.

[}ACT ANENT THE EXCHEQUER}]

THE Kings Maiestie considering that some doubts
and debates may arise concerning the meaning of
the eighteinth act of the Parliament holden by his
<P 306.C1>
Maiesties royall rather of blessed memorie in the
yeer 1633 Anent the decideing & iudgeing in
causes concerning his Ma~ties proppertie Doth for
explanation thairof with advice and consent of his
estates of Parlia=t= find Declare Statute & ordaine
That the validitie and invaliditie of infeftments
his Ma~ties proppertie or of any other infeftments
may not be discussed nor decydit in Exchequer
neither by way of exception action or reply But
that the discussing & decision thairof, is only propper
to the Lords of Session Reserveing alwayes to
the Exchequer to judge in all other bussinesses concerning
his Ma~ties rents and casualities as they
might have done befor the yeer 1633.

[}ACT CONCERNING DOCQUETING AND PRESENTING
OF SIGNATOURS}]

THE Kings Maiestie with advice and consent of
his Estates of Parliament, Doth ratifie and renew
the tuentieth act of the tent Parlia=t= of King James
the sext of blessed memorie, And accordingly Statuts
& Ordaines That no writs Signatures ler~es or
warrands shall be presented to be signed by his
Maiestie but by his ordinary Officers to whose
charge the same propperlie belongs. And that his
Maiestie may the better know what passeth vnder
his hand and vpon what grounds he signes the
same It is appointed that any of his Maiesties Officers
who shall present any Signature writ letter
or warrand to be signed by his Ma~tie Shall cause
registrat the docquet of the same in a register and
then send the double therof vnder their hands to
his Maiesties Secretarie who is to give his Ma~tie
tymeous notice of any prior deid differing or contrarie
to the same, that his Maiestie may give his
further orders concerning the same

<S SAMPLE 4>
<P 348.C1>

[}AT EDINBURGH,
SEPTEMBER XIII, M,DC,LXXXI.}]


[}ACT FOR ENCOURAGING TRADE AND
MANUFACTURIES}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD from his Princely
cair for the Wealth and flourishing of this his
ancient Kingdom, Considering that the importation
of forreign Co~modities (which are superfluous,
or may be made within the Kingdom by encouragement
given to the Manufacturies thereof)
had exceidingly exhausted the money of the Kingdom,
and hightned the Exchange to forraign 
places, So that in a short time the stock of money
behooved to be exhausted and the trade thereof to
fail; For remeid whereof, His Majesties Privy
Councill after long and serious deliberation and
advice of the most judicious and knowing Merchants
of the Kingdom, Did by tuo Acts of Councill
of the dates the first of March and Eleventh of
April last and publick proclamations following
therupon Give encouragement to Manufacturies
erected or to be erected in this Kingdom in manner
and to the effect under written: Therefore
His Majestie with advice and consent of the Estates
of Parliament strictly prohibits and discharges All
Merchants & other persons whatsoever, To import
into this Kingdom any Gold or silver threed, Gold
or silver lace, ffringes or Traceings, All Buttons of
Gold or silver threed, all manner of Stuffs or
Ribbands in which ther is any gold or silver threed,
All philagram of Gold or silver to be worne upon
Apparrell, and all Counterfeits of any of them, All
flour'd strip'd figur'd, chequer'd, painted or printed
silk stuffs or Ribbands (noways comprehending
changing colloured or wattered Stuffs or Ribbands)
All Embroideries of Silk upon Wearing Cloaths;
With certification that all such goods as shall be
imported contrary hereunto in any time coming
Or which have been imported contrary to the saids
<P 348.C2>
Proclamations, shall be burnt and destroyed, And
the importers or Resetters fined in the value thereof:
Likeas His Maiestie with advice & consent
foresaid, strictly prohibits & discharges the wearing
of any of the saids prohibited goods and Commodities
within this Kingdome by any of his Majesties
Subjects or others dwelling and residing therin
After the first of April nixt Under the paine of
ffive hundred Merks scots money toties quoties by
and attour the Confiscation of the Cloaths upon
which any of the saids prohibited Goods shall be
found; Allowing hereby to Officers and Souldiers
of the kings whole standing forces the space of tuo
yeers after the first of November nixt to wear out
their Cloaths upon which ther is any gold or silver
lace threed or Buttons. Likeas His Majestie with
consent foirsaid strictly prohibits & discharges all
Merchants and other persons whatsoever to import
into this Kingdom, Any forraigne Holland Linnen,
Cambrick, Lawn, Dornick, damesk, tyking, bousten
or Damety, tufted or stripped holland, Calligo,
Selesia or East India Linnen And all other forraigne
Cloaths and stuffs made of Linnen or
Cottoun wooll or lint (noways comprehending
fflannen, Arras hangings, forreigne Carpets and
made beds of Silk Damesk-hangings, Chairs and
stools conform therto) All forreign silk or Woolen
stockings, All forraign laces made of Silk, Gimp
or threed, All forraign Laces or point of any Sort
or Colour, All forreign made Gloves, schoes, boots,
or Slippers, All wearing Cloaths made abroad for
men women or Children (excepting wearing Cloaths
and Linnings brought home by persons for their
oun use who have been abroad and used by them
And made of such Cloaths Stuffs and furniture as
are by this Act allowed to be worne within this
Kingdom) With certification that all such Goods
as shall be imported contrary hereto and contrairy
to the saids Proclamations, shall be burnt and destroyed,
And the Importers or resetters therof fyned
in the value of the saids goods. And the Tacksmen
or Collectors of the Customs, Surveyers, Collectors,
Waiters or their servants, are heirby strictly
required and commanded to search for, seize upon,
apprehend, burn & destroy any of the saids prohibited
goods that shall happen to be imported contrary
to this Act; With certification to them if
they fail+gie, and suffer the saids prohibited goods to
be imported either by tolerance or Connivance,
they shall not only amitt and lose their places, And
for ever be incapable to serve in that or any such
publict Charge, But also fyned in the value of the
Goods that through their fault or neglect shall
happen to be imported; And any Merchant or
other person who shall inform against any of the
ffarmourers Collectors surveyors or Waiters for
neglect of their duty in the premisses and prove
the same, shall have their fynes for their Reward.
Lykeas His Majesty Ratifies & Approves all Acts
alredy made for the encouragement of the Manufacturies
<P 349.C1>
of this Kingdom And encouragment of
Strangers to come thereto and set up their several
Callings therin: And anent the weaving and 
bleatching of Linnen-Cloath Declaring that if any
Strangers shall come or be brought into this Kingdom
by natives to set up work and teach his Art
of making of Cloaths Stuffs Stockings Soap or any
kind of Manufactory, That he shall enjoy the benefite
of Law, and all other privileges that a Native
doeth enjoy: With power to set up Manufacturies
either in Burgh or Landward as they shall think 
fit, and ther to dwell and exercise their trade without
any stop or trouble; And that they shall have
Libertie and freedome of Trade, and to buy and
purchas Lands & heretages And all other goods
movable and Immovable, And all other privileges
Liberties and capacities that do belong to any
Native Subject, born within this Kingdom. And
for the farther encouragment of Manufacturies,
All Oyl, dying Stuffs, forraigne wooll, lint and
flax, pot-ashes or any other Materialls whatsoever
usefull for Manufactories, that shall be imported,
Are hereby declared to be free of Custome and
Excise And all other publick dues in all tyme
coming: And that all Cloaths, stuffs, stockings or
any other Commodities to be made & exported by
them, shall be free of all Custom and Excise, for
the space of Nynteen yeers after the date hereof.
And it is farder declared that any Stock imployed 
or to be imployed for erecting and entertaining
any manufacturies, The same shall be free of all
privat and publick taxes whatsoever, And all
quartering and levyeing of Souldiers; And that all
servants of the saids Manufacturies shall be free of
watching, warding, Militia, or Levies during their
Actual service therin for the space of seven yeers
after the date hereof. With power to the Masters,
Erectors, or entertainers of Manufacturies to meet
for making of Ordinances for the right ordoring of
their Servants, sufficiency of their Stuffs Cloaths
and others and appointing Visitors of their works.
And His Majestie with Consent foirsaid Ratifies
& Approves the 43 Act of the first session of His
Majesties first Parliament And the 46 Act of the
same Session of Parliament, Discharging the exporting
of linnen yearne, worsted, woollen yarne
raw or unwalked Cloaths (except Plaiding, ffingram,
and Galloway white) under the pain of Confiscation
thereof: And the Act of Parliament ordaining
That Linnen of the price of Ten shillings Scots
the Eln, or above, be not vnder the breadth of an
Eln and tuo Inshes And that the same be taken
up by the Selvedge and not by the ridge And so
presented to the Mercat And that the same be
bleatched without Lime under the penalty of confiscation
of the Linnen otherways taken up and
bleatched and Imprisonment and fyning of the
persons transgressors Not exceiding the value of
the Linnen. Likeas it is hereby Ordained that
hereafter all Linning brought to mercat for publick
<P 349.C2>
Sale, be made up of Peeces and half peeces
And that the peece contain Tuentie four elns, &
the half peece Tuelve elns And that it contain not
one elne more or les under the paine of Confiscation
thereof. And that all Fingram, Plaiding,
Linnen, and Woolen drogats to be made in tyme
coming shall be of the breadth of thrie Quarters
and ane Nail, All Searges Ane elne and tuo Inshes
and the lenth of the peece to be fyftie or fyftie tuo
elnes to the whole peece And the half thereof to
the half peece, under the penaltie foirsaid And that
all the saids Peeces whether Linnen or Woolen be
taken up in folds eln or thrie Quarters long, And
that none of them be rolled that therby the sufficiency
of the whole peece may be known, And
that the same be not stretched by the Rolling,
wherby the measure will not hold out; And that
vnder the penaltie foirsaid, for all such Cloath
otherways taken up and presented to the mercat.
And His Majestie with advice and consent foresaid
Doeth authorize the Lords of his Majesties
privy Councill to declare these Manufacturies alredy
set up or that hereafter shall be set up, to be
such, To the effect they may enjoy the priviledges
Liberties and Immunities granted by the saids
Acts of Parliament. And for the more effectuall
execution of this Act, His Majesty with advice
foirsaid Ordains the Collectors of the Assessment
and Excise and their Subcollectors ffarmourers and
Collectors of Customs and Waiters in Burgh or
Land at every term to give up vpon oath to the
Judges ordinary upon the place by Sea or land,
And Justices of Peace, Lists of all those whom
they have seen and observed to transgress this Act.
And it is hereby declared that the one half of the
penalties afoirsd~ shall belong to themselves, And
the other half shall be collected by them for his
Majesties use, trial being first taken and the persons
found guilty by the saids Judges ordinary or
the Justices of Peace And such Contraveeners as
they shall not give Information of, that the one
half of the fynes shall belong to any other person
who will discover them: And in case the saids Collectors
of Assessment and Excise, ffarmourers and
Collectors of Customs or Waiters, shall by connivance
or otherways fal+gie to give up the saids Lists
as afoirsaid, They shall loose their places and be incapable
of that Office for ever. It is always hereby
provided that no persons contraveening this Act
shall be lyable to the saids penalties, unles they be
found guilty within the space of Three Moneths
after Dilation in manner foirsaid; But prejudice
always to any other person who shall discover the
Contraveeners and furnish probation against them,
of the one half of the penalties whensoever they
shall discover them, They being always discovered
and found guiltie within the time and in manner
foresaid. And it is hereby Declared that this present
Act is and shall be in place of any former 
Sumptuary Law in relation to Apparrell.
<P 350.C1>
[}ACT CONCERNING DECLINATORS}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD Considering that
by the 112 Act 14 Parliament of King James the
Sixth, It is expressly statute and Ordained that no
Senatour of the College of Justice, ordinary or extraordinary
shall sit or vote in the Causes of their
Father, Brother and Son, Doeth with advice and
consent of his Estates of Parliament Statute and
Ordain that this Declinatour shall for the future
be farder extended to degrees of Affinity as well
as Consanguinity, So that in all time coming No
Senatour of the Colledge of Justice Ordinary or
Extraordinary shall sit or vote in Causes wher the
pursuer or defender is either ffather Brother or Son
in Law to him; And also that he shall not sit or
vote in any cause where he is Uncle or Nephew to
the Pursuer or Defender. And it is hereby declared
that this Act shall be extended to the Lords
of Privy Council, and Exchequer, And the Co~missioners 
of the Justiciary And to all other Judges
and Judicatures in the Kingdom, who may be declined
wher they are related to the party pursuer 
or Defender in the Degrees foresaids.

[}ACT RESTRAINING THE EXORBITANT EXPENCE OF
MARRIAGES BAPTISMS & BURIALS.}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD Considering the
great hurt & prejudice ariseing to this Kingdom
by the superfluous expence bestowed at Marriages
Baptisms and Burials. For repressing of which
abuse in time coming His Majestie with advice
and consent of his Estates of Parliament Does
statute and Ordain that Marriages Baptisms and
Burials shall be solemnized and gone about in sober
and decent manner. And that at Marriages
besids the married persons, their Parents, Children,
Brothers and sisters, and the familie wherin they 
live, Ther shall not be present at any Contract of
marriage, Marriage, or In-fare, or meet vpon occasion
thereof above ffour Freinds on either side with
their ordinary domestick servants, And that Neither
Bridegroom nor Bride nor their Parents or
Relations, tutours or Curatours for them and to
their use shall make above tuo changes of Raiment
at that time or upon that occasion. Certifying
such persons as shall Contraveen, if they be landed
persons, They shall be lyable in the fourth part
of their [{yearly valued rent And those who are
not landed persons in the fourth part of their{]
Moveables, Burgesses According to their condition
and means, not exceiding ffyve hundred
Merks Scots, And mean Craftsmen and Servants
Not exceiding One hundred Merkes: And if ther
shall be any greater number of Persons then afoirsaid
in any house or Inn within Burgh or suburbs 
therof or within tuo myles of the Same wher
Pennyweddings are made, That the Master of the
<P 350.C2>
house shall be fined in the Sum of ffive hundred
Merks scots. And it is Statut and Ordained that
at Baptisms vpon that Occasion, besids the Parents,
Children, Brothers, and sisters and those of the family,
ther shall not be present above ffour witnesses. 
And farder His Majestie with consent
foirsaid Statuts and Ordaines that ther shall not be 
invited to Burials any greater Number of Persons 
then these following viz To the Burial of Noblemen
and Bishops and their Wyves, not above One
hundred Noblemen and Gentlemen: To the Burial
of a Baron of Qualitie not above Sixtie: and
other landed Gentlemen not above Thirtie. And
that the Mourners at the Burials of Noblemen, and
Bishops and their Ladies doe not exceid Thirty, 
And at the Burials of Privy Councellors, Lords of
Session, Barons, Provosts of Burghs, and their
Wives, The number of Mourners doe not exceid 
Tuenty four, And at the Burials of all other Landed 
Gentlemen and Citizens within Burgh, they
doe not exceid the number of Tuelve. And prohibits
and discharges the vsing or carrying of any
pencils Banners and other Honours at Burials, except
only the Eight Branches to be upon the Pale,
or upon the Coffin wher there is no Pale, under
the foirsaids penalties respective, in case they contraveen.
And it is Statute and Ordained that 
ther be no Mourning Cloaks used at Burials nor
at any other time under the pain of One hundred
Pounds Scots.

[}ACT AGAINST ASSASSINATIONS.}]

THE Kings most Excellent Majestie Considering 
that notwithstanding Assassination be a Crime of
a high nature, inconsistent with and whollie destructive
to all human Society: Yet such are the
pernicious principles and wicked practices of several
persons, That they doe assert and mantein these
Villanous impious and horrid Doctrines and principles:
Therefore His Majestie with advice and
consent of the Estates of Parliament Doe statute
& Ordain That not only all such persons who shall
assassinat, but that all who shall mantein or Assert
that it is lawful to Kill any man vpon difference 
in opinion, or because they have been imployed in
the service of the King or of the Church as it is
presently established by Law, shall incurr the pain
of Treason, And be punished by tinsel of Life
Lands and Goods. And Remembering with horrour,
the execrable murder of that most Reverend
and worthy Prelat James late Archbishop of S=t=
Andrews Lord Primat of Scotland (who deserved
so well of this Church and Monarchy for his eminent
services to both) Doe ordain the sherriff of
ffyffe and his Deputs, to make weekly searches in
these places wher it is or may be suspected these
Assassinats do reside; That they may be brought
to Justice and examplarly punished. And lykwise
<P 351.C1>
Ordains all other Sheriffs and Magistrats, upon
Information that those Assassines are within their
bounds To make search for & apprehend them,
that they may be brought to Justice. And doe
hereby ratify the former Acts of Council against
such as shall resset these Murderers.

[}AT EDINBURGH,
SEPTEMBER XIV, M,DC,LXXXI.}]

[}ACT CONCERNING THE JURISDICTION OF THE
ADMIRAL COURT.}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD Considering that
the clearing and establishing the Jurisdiction of the
high Admiral of this Kingdom, will greatly tend
to the advancement and encouragement of trade
and Navigation. Therefore His Majestie with advice
and consent of the Estates of Parliament
Doeth ratifie and approve the 15 Act of the 20
Parliament of King James the Sixth, in the whole
heads Clauses and Articles of the same, And decernes
and declares the high Court of Admirality
to be a Soveraigne Judicature in itself, and of its
oun nature to import Su~mar Execution. And
Statuts and Declares that the said High Admiral
As he is his Majesties Leivetenent, and Justice
General upon the Seas, And in all Ports harbours
or Creiks of the same, and upon fresh waters or
Navigable Rivers below the first Bridges, or within
the flood marks so far as the same does or can
at any time extend: So the said High Admiral
hath the sole priviledge and Jurisdiction in all
maritim and sea-faring causes, forreigne and domestick,
whether Civil or criminal whatsoever within
this Realme And over all Persons as they are
concerned in the same. And prohibits and discharges
all other Judges to medle with the decision
of any of the saids causes in the first instance,
except the great admiral and his deputs allenerlie.
And statuts ordains and declares that it is the priviledge
of the said High Admiral to cause parties
become enacted and find Caution, not only for
Compearance, but for Performance of the Acts
and sentences of his Court, And that he may
punish all breakers of his Arreistments and resisters
of his officers in the execution of his precepts, and
apply the fynes and amerciaments to his oun use,
Conform to the Laws of the Kingdom. And
Farther statuts and Declares that the high Court
of Admiralitie is a Supream Court And that the
Decreits and Acts of all other inferiour Courts of
Admiralitie Are subject to the review and Reduction
of the said High Court of Admiralitie. And
for the more ready and quick Dispatch of Justice
in Maritim and Sea faring Causes forreign and
Domestick whether Civil or Criminal within this
Realme, and over all Persons in so far as they
<P 351.C2>
are concerned in the same both to Natives and
Strangers, Our Soveraigne Lord with advice and
consent foirsaid Prohibits and Discharges all Advocations
in the foresaids Causes, from the said
Court of Admirality to the Lords of Session or
any other Judges whatsoever in all time coming,
And that no Suspension or other stop to the Execution
of the Decreits or Acts of the said Court of
Admirality be past be the Lords of Session, at any
time hereafter except by the whole Lords in presentia,
in time of Session, and by three of the saids
Lords the time of vaccance met together to that
effect: And if any Suspensions or Stops shall
happen to be past in manner foresaid, The same be
summarlie discussed upon A Bill, And be privileged
and exeemed from the ordinary course of
the Roll: And if upon discussing thereof, the same
shall be found to have been unjustly and maliciously
raised, That the said High Court of Admirality,
may upon the application made by the
parties concerned, Modify and decern the da~mages
they have sustained by the saids Suspensions and
stops of Execution of their Acts and Decreets,
attour the expences of plea before the Lords of
Session which is to be modified by the saids Lords 
of Session. As Also His Majestie with advice and
consent foresaid Statuts and Ordains that it shall
be lauful and competent to the said Court of Admirality,
to review their own Decreets and Sentences,
if ther be just occasion for the same. And His
Majestie with advice and consent foresaid Decernes
and Declares that it is the sole right and priviledge
of the high Admiral and his Deputs the Judges
of the High Court of Admirality, to grant Passes
and safe Conducts to all Ships; And Inhibits and
discharges all others to grant the same, as they will
be answerable upon their highest perril. And his
Majesty with advice and consent foresaid Casses,
annulls, and Rescinds all and whatsoever Laws,
Acts of Parliament, or Customs, contrary to or any
ways inconsistent with this present Act.

THE Proveist of Edinburgh in name of the
Toune, Protested that the said Act might not prejudge
the Toun of their right of Jurisdiction, and
wherof they had been in possession.

[}ACT CONCERNING THE SALE OF BANKRUPTS 
LANDS.}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD Considering that
when the Estates and Lands of Bankrupts are
affected with Adjudications, Comprisings and other
real rights exceeding their value, It oftimes falls
out that the Creditors doe not agrie to sell the
Lands, wherby such as have small sums upon such 
Securities, cannot command any pairt therof, And
such Estates doe oftimes become ineffectuall to
<P 352.C1>
many Creditors. Therefore His Majestie with consent
of his Estates of Parliament, Doeth authorize
and Impower the Lords of the Session (upon a
Proces at the instance of any Creditor having a real
right) To cognosce and try the value of such Estates,
wher the Heretor is notoriously Bankrupt,
and the Creditors in possession of the Estate, And
to Value the same According to the true worth
thereof, in its rents, casualities, rights, and Holdings,
According to the use and custom of the
Country where the Lands ly. And to commissionat
persons to sell these Lands and Estate or any
pairt thereof at the saids rates or more, as can be
had for the same, with consent of the debitor, wher
ther is a Legal Reversion competent to him, and
without his consent wher ther is no Legal: And
ordains the said Sale to be by a publick roup, not
being under the rate and price appointed by the
Lords of Session; And that the roup be made
after publick Intimation at the mercat Cross of the
head burgh of the Shire wher the Lands ly, And
at the head Burgh of the Bal+gierie Stewartry or
Regality, if they ly within the same, And at the
paroch kirk wher the Lands ly, And at Six other
Adjacent paroch Kirks (to be named by the Lords
of Session) at the dissolving of the Congregation,
on a Sunday after the forenoon Sermon, by Letters
of Intimation under the Signet, upon the
Lords deliverance: Which Letters shall specially
express the time and place of the Roup; And the
Creditors having real rights and in possession shall
be specially cited upon Tuentie one days And all
other persons concerned, whether within or without
the Kingdom, At the mercat cross of the head
burgh of the Shire, Stewartrie, or Regality, And
at the mercat cross of Edinburgh & peer and schoar
of Leith upon Sixtie dayes, And A Copie of the
said Intimation shall be affixed at all the places
foresaids Expressing the Lands to be rouped, the
price appointed by the Lords of Session, and the
time and place of the Roup. Which alienation so
made and reported to the Lords And by their
Warrand registrat in the books of Councill and
Session, His Majestie with consent foresaid Declares
to be as effectual upon payment of the price,
as if the same were made by the Debitor, And all
the Apprysers, Adjudgers, or other Creditors who
are so cited and have any Rights affecting the saids
Lands, And that a Signature shall pass thereupon
in Exchequer, and a warrand for charging the
Superiour to enter the purchaser, upon payment
of a yeers Rent, Declaring always that the price
q=ch= shall be gotten for the saids Lands Conform to
the roup shall be distribut by the Co~missioners appointed
to sell the Lands, or by the purchaser of 
the same amongst the Creditors proportionallie,
According to their severall Sums, rights, and diligences,
As they are or shall be ordored, and found
preferable by the saids Lords, Whether the saids
Creditors have compeared, or not.
<P 352.C2>
[}AT EDINBURGH,
SEPTEMBER XVI, M,DC,LXXXI.}]

[}ACT ASSERTING HIS MAJESTIES PREROGATIVE
IN POINT OF JURISDICTION.}]

THE Estates of Parliament Considering that all
Government and Jurisdiction, within his Majesties
ancient Kingdom of Scotland, does originally reside
in his sacred Majesty, his Laufull Heirs &
Successours: And though his Majesty and his
Royal Predicessours, have bestowed Offices and
Jurisdictions upon several of his weill deserving
subjects, yet these are not privative of his Jurisdiction,
They doe therefore in a dutiful and humble
Recognizance of his Majesties Royal Right and
prerogative as to this point, Declare that notwithstanding
of these Jurisdictions and Offices, His
sacred Majesty may by himself, or any commissionated 
by him, take Cognizance and decision of any
Cases or causes he pleases.

[}ACT CONCERNING THE OATHS OF MINORS.}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD and Estates of
Parliament taking to their serious Consideration,
the great abuses which may be committed against
Minors within twenty one yeers of Age compleat,
by causing them Subscribe Bonds of borrowed
money, Contracts of Alienation of their Lands,
Dispositions, Discharges, and other writes of Importance,
and ratify the same by Oath swearing that
they shall never come in the contrary, therby depriving
them of all the benefite of Revocation, Reduction,
and Restitution In Integrum allowed to
them by the Laws of this Kingdom, wher such
Oaths are not made: It is therefore Statute and ordained
by the Kings Majesty with advice and consent
of the saids Estates, That no such Oaths shall
be exacted in time coming; And in caice of Contravention,
Declares the Contract to be void and
null, and that no Execution shall pass therupon,
And declares the Elicitor or Exacter of the oath
to be Infamous: And it is hereby declared that it
shall be competent to any person related to the
Minor, to obtain the saids Writs to be declared void
and null, by way of Action, exception, or Reply.

[}ACT CONCERNING BILLS OF EXCHANGE.}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD Considering how
necessary it is for the flourishing of Trade, That
Bills or Letters of Exchange be duly payed and
have ready Execution, conform to the custom of
other parts, Doeth therefore with advice and consent
of his Estates of Parliament Statute & Ordain
<P 353.C1>
that in case of any forraigne Bill of Exchange,
from or to this Realm, duly protested for not acceptance, 
or for not payment, The said Protest
having the Bill of Exchange prefixed, shall be registrable
within Six moneths after the date of the
said Bill, in case of Non-acceptance, or after the
falling due thereof, in case of non-payment, in the
books of Councill and Session, or other competent
Judicatures, at the instance of the person to whom
the same is made payable or his ordor, either against
the Drawer or Indorser, in case of ane protest for
non-acceptance Or against the Accepter, in case of
a protest for Non-payment, to the effect it may
have the authoritie of the Judges therof interponed
therto, That Letters of Horning upon a simple
charge of Six dayes and other executorials necessary
may pass therupon, for the whole Sums contained
in the Bill, as well exchange as principall, in form
as effeirs; Sicklike and in the same manner as
upon Registrat Bonds or Decreets of Registration,
proceiding upon consent of parties. Providing always
that if the saids Protests be not duly Registrat
within Six Moneths in manner above provided,
Then and in that case, The saids Bills and
protests, are not to have su~mar execution, but only
to be pursued by way of Ordinary Action, as accords.
And Farther It is hereby Statute and Enacted 
that the Sums contained in all Bills of Exchange
bear annualrent in case of not acceptance
from the date thereof, And in case of Acceptance,
and not payment, from the day of their falling
due, ay and while the payment thereof. And
Farther His Majesty with advice foresaid hereby
declares That notwithstanding of the foresaid su~mar
Execution provided to follow upon Bills of Exchange,
for the Sums therein contained in manner
above specified, Yet it shall be leisom to the party
charger to pursue for the Exchange, if not contained
in the saids Bills, with re-exchange, da~mage,
Interest, and all expences, before the Ordinary
Judge, or in cais of Suspension, to eek the same to
the Charge at the discussing of the said Suspension,
To the effect that the same may be liquidat,
and Decreet given therfore, either against the party
principal, or against him and his Cautioners as
accords.

[}AT EDINBURGH,
SEPTEMBER XVII, M,DC,LXXXI.}]

[}ACT CONCERNING THE ELECTION OF COMMISSIONERS
FOR SHIRES.}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD Considering the 
great delay in dispatch of publick Affairs in Parliament
and Convention of Estates, occasioned by
the contraverted Elections of Commissioners for
Shires: For preventing whereof, and for clearing
the orderly way of election of the saids Commissioners
<P 353.C2>
in time coming: Therefore His Majesty
with advice and consent of his Estates of Parliament,
Statuts and Ordains that none shall have
Vote in the elections of Co~missioners for Shires or
Stewartries which have been in use to be represented
in Parliament and Conventions, But those
who at that time shall be publicklie infeft in property
or Superiority and in possession of a ffourty
Shilling land of old extent holden off the King or
Prince distinct from the ffew duties in ffewlands,
or wher the said old extent appears not, shall be
infeft in Lands lyable in publick burden for his
Majesties supplies for ffour hundred punds of valued
rent, whether Kirk-lands now holden off the
King or other Lands holding ffew, Waird, or blensh
off his Majestie as King or Prince of Scotland, And
that Apprisers or Adjudgers shall have no vote in
the saids Elections during the legal Reversion,
And that after the expireing thereof, The Appriser
or Adjudger first infeft, shall only have vote, And
no other Appriser or Adjudger coming in (\pari
passu\) till their Shares be divided, that the extent
or valuation thereof may appear; And that during
the Legal, the Heretor having right to the Reversion
shall have vote: And lyckwise proper Wodsetters 
having lands of the Holding extent, or
Valuation foresaid, Which rights to vote proceiding
upon expired Compriseing, Adjudication, or
proper wodset, shall not be questionable, upon pretence
of any order of Redemption, payment, and
satisfaction, unles a Decreit of Declaratour, or
Voluntar redemption, Renunciation, or Resignation
be produced; And that appeirand Heirs being
in possession by vertue of their predicessors infeftment
of the holding, extent and Valuation foresaid,
And lykways Liferenters and Husbands for
the freeholds of their wyves, or having right to a
liferent by the Courtesie of the saids liferenters
claime their vote, Otherwayes the fiar shall have 
vote, But that both ffiar and Liferenter shall not
have vote, Unles they have distinct Lands, of the
holding, extent or Valuation foirsaid: But that no
person infeft for releif or payment of Sums, shall
have vote, but the granters of the saids Rights
their Heirs or Successors. Likeas His Majesty
Ordains the whole ffreeholders of each Shire and
Stewartry having election of Commissioners, To
meet & conveen at the head Burghs thereof, And
to make up a Roll of all the ffreeholds within
the same whether lyeing within Stewartries, not
having Co~missioners, or Bal+gieries of Royalty, or
Regality, or without the same, upon the first Tuesday
of May next to come, According as the same
shall be instructed to be of the holding extent or
Valuation foresaid, Containing the names and Designations
of the Fiars Liferenters and husbands
having right to vote for the same in manner above
written And expressing the extent or Valuations
of the saids freeholds, with power to continue or
adjourn their meetings until the said Roll be fullie
<P 354.C1>
compleat. Likeas the saids free-holders shall meet
and conveen at the head Burghs of the saids Shires
and Stewartries respective at the Michaelmes head
Court yearly thereafter and shall revise the said
Roll of Election, and make such Alterations therein
as have occurred since their last meeting, from
time to time; Which Roll for Election shall be
insert in the Sherif or Stewart books particularlie
appointed for that end; According as they shall 
be stated each Michaelmas Court; and at the election
of Commissioners either at the Michaelmas 
court or at the calling of Parliament or Conventions,
The saids free holders shall meet and conveen
at the head burgh of the Shire or Stewartry, in
that rowm wher the sherif or Stewart Court useth
to be held, betuixt mid-day and tuo afternoon,
Which rowm shall be patent to them And all
others removed, but whom they call, And the first
or second Co~missioner last elected or in their absence
the sherif or Stewart-Clerk shall ask the votes who
shall preside, And who shall be Clerk to the meeting
And in case any alteration have hapned in the
said Roll of Elections since the last meeting, The
persons then coming to have right to vote shall be
insert in the Roll, And ther shall no objection be
admitted against any insert in the said Roll as said
is, but what shall be proponed before they begin
to vote to Election: And if the objecters shall not
be cleared and acquiesce, They shall take Instruments
Containing their Objections against the admitting
to, or excluding any person from the foresaid
Roll: And it is hereby declared that no other
Objection shall be competent in Parliament or Convention
but what shall be contained in the Instruments
taken as aforesaid: And in case Objections
be made when a Parliament or Convention is not
called, a particular diet shall be appointed by the
meeting, and intimat to the parties contraverting,
to attend the Lords of Session for their determination,
Who shall determine the same at the said
Diet summarly According to Law, upon Supplication
without farder Citation. And it is hereby 
declared that Horning for a Civil cause or Non-residence,
shall be no sufficient Objection, but that
Minority being instantly verified shall be a sufficient
objection, or the not taking the Test appointed
by the Sixth Act of this present Parliament,
which is hereby ordained to be subscribed by all
the voters in presence of the meeting before they
proceid to the Election, And recorded in the Sherif
Court books And so returned with the Commission
to the Clerk of Register. And if the persons
objected against shall appear at the Parliament or
Convention, and instruct their right to vote, the
objecter shall pay their expences and be farder
fined in ffive hundred Merks: And if the Objection
be sustained in Parliament, The objecters appearing
shall have their expences, And the party
objected against shall be fined in ffive hundred
Merks. And to the effect that sufficient advertisment
<P 354.C2>
may be given to all parties having vote in
Election who are to elect at the Calling of a Parliament
or Convention, The Sherifs and Stewarts
are hereby ordained to make publication of the
Call and diet of the saids Parliament and Convention,
and of the Diet appointed for Election, And
that at the head Burgh of the shire or Stewartry
upon a mercat day betuixt Ten and Tuelve in the
forenoon: And also shall make the like Intimation
at each paroch kirk on Sunday im~ediatly therafter
Which diets for election, shall at least be Tuelve
dayes before the meeting of a Parliament or Eight
dayes before the meeting of a Convention, That
the Commissioners elected may have sufficiency of
time to keep the diet of the Parliament or Convention.
Likeas His Majesty with consent foresaid
Statuts and Ordains the whole Heretors Liferenters
and Wodsetters within each shire and
Stewartry, to contribute for the Charges of the
Commissioners thereof, According to their valuation,
except only those who hold of Noblemen or
Bishops, or Lands belonging to Burrows Royal in
Burgage And also to the expences of the 
footmantles.

[}ACT APPOINTING THE QUORUM OF THE JUSTICE
COURT IN TIME OF VACANCE.}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD And Estates of
Parliament Doe Statute & Ordain that in time of
Vacance of the Session Three of the Commissioners
of Justitiary shall be a sufficient Quorum who shall
meet at Edinburgh in the Moneth of July yearly,
any thing contained in the Sixteenth Act of the
thrid Session of his Majesties Second Parliament
contrary thereto Notwithstanding.

[}ACT IN FAVORS OF THE UNIVERSITIE OF SAINT
ANDREWS APPOINTING HALFE A MONETHS CESS
TO BE RAISED FOR THEIR USE.}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD Considering the
small and incompetent provisions and Salaries at
present possest by the Masters and professours in
his famous and ancient University of Sanct-Andrews;
Whereby Learning is in great hazard to
languish and decay: Doeth for encouragement and
Advancement of Learning, with advice and consent
of his Estates of Parliament Statute and Ordain
that half a Moneths Cess be imposed upon
the Land rent of this Kingdom, to be payed in to
the Cash-keeper, with the second terms payment
of the Cess in the yeers 1682 and 1683; And the
money being payed in as afoirsaid, shall be stocked
in for the use of the Vniversity foresaid and divyded
in its just proportions, to the several Masters,
and professours in the severall Colledges therein,
by advice and authority of His Majesties Privy
Councill.
<P 355.C1>
[}ACT ORDAINING BREAD AND BUTCHER-FLESH, TO
BE SOLD BY WEIGHT}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD and Estates of
Parliament, Considering how necessary it is for 
the good of the Subjects, that bread and flesh
should be within Burgh and Land sold in retail by
weight and no otherwayes, Doe therefore Statute 
and ordaine that in all time comeing, Bread and
all Butcher-flesh, as Beeff, Veal, Mutton, Lamb,
and Swineflesh, shall be sold by weight, when the
same is sold in retail, and no otherways, under the
pain of One hundred Pounds Scots Toties quoties.

[}ADDITIONAL ACT CONCERNING THE TEST}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD and Estates of
Parliament, Doe hereby Statute and Ordain that
the Test appointed by the Sixth Act of this Parliament
to be taken by all Persons in publict Trust,
shall be taken by the Admiral-deputs, Judges of
the High Court of Admirality and all members of
that Court, and all particular Admiral-deputs within
the Kingdom: The director of the Chancellary,
and all Writers in that Office; The writer to, &
underkeeper of the Privy Seale, Surveyers, Waiters
for the Kings Customs and Excise through the
Kingdom, The Kings Solicitor, The Lyon-Clerk,
and by all such as shall be co~missionated to the
Convention of Burrowes, at their first Sederunts
in their Courts, and in the said Convention; And
Ordains all Captains and other Commissionat officers
of the Train-bands in Burghs, And such as
have any voice in electing of Deacons of Trades
within Burghs, And the Clerks of Trades, to take
the said Test before the Magistrats of the respective
Burghs, And the Deacons of the saids Trades
respective before their respective Elections. And
also Ordains all persons who shall be named Commissioners
for Revaluations, or rectifieing valuation
of Lands, to take the foresaid Test, under the pains 
contained in the said Act of Parliament: And that
all persons who have heretable offices from the
King not mentioned in the foresaid Act, shall take
the foresaid Test in presence of the Lords of Excheq=r=
betuixt and the first of January, wherein if
they faill, They shall lose their Offices and Casualities
thereof during their lifetime.

[}ACT CONCERNING PUBLICK DEBTS.}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD Considering that
diverse Noble-men Barons and Burrows as well
members of Committees, Co~missars-General, and
their Deputs as others of this Kingdom, during
the time of the late troubles and Rebellion, did
<P 355.C2>
give their Bonds for several great Sums of money;
which albeit bearing for borrowed money, were
imployed for the use of the publick, And for Security
whereof, the pretended Authority for the
time, did by Acts of pretended Parliaments during
these troubles, bind and oblidge the Estates of the
Kingdom, to warrand and releive the members of
the saids Committees, and all other persons whatsoever,
who had given Bonds or security for any
Sums imployed for the use of the publick, And
that upon the rescinding of these pretended Parliaments,
His Majestie and Estates of Parliament
after his happie restauration in anno 1661 for Security
of all such persons bound in these Bonds,
did by an Act in that Parliament, suspend all Execution
as well real as personal against the saids persons
or their Heirs upon the foresaids Bonds, till
the next Parliament; And also in the subsequent
Parliament holden in the yeer 1669, did continue
the foirsaid suspension ay and while the foirsaids
Debts should be [{further{] considered in Parliament.
And his Majestie now Considering, that the sums
contained in the saids Bonds granted by the foresaids
Persons, were imployed for the use of the Publick
during the time of the said Rebellion, And that
the saids persons by the rescinding of the foresaids
[{pretended{] Parliaments, Are cutt off from the benefite
of any Releif granted or contained in any of
the saids pretended Acts in their favours: Therefore
the Kings Majestie with advice and consent of the
Estates of Parliament, by this present Act, Exoners
and perpetually discharges the saids Noblemen, Barons,
and Burrows, And all others granters of the
saids Bonds their heirs executors and Successours,
of the saids debts and Bonds granted therupon, and
of all diligence, pursute, action, or Execution therupon
competent as well Real as personall, bygone
or in time coming, And declares them and their
foirsaids, quit and free thereof for ever. Providing
alwayes that no Persons shall have the benefite of
this Act, unles they take the Test appointed by
the Sixth Act of this present Parliament. Declaring
that the Principal Debitour in these Bonds
taking the Test, the Cautioner shall be free; And
if the principal refuise to take the Test, The Cautioner
taking the same shall be free as to his part,
Excepting always the Heirs Executors & Successors
of the deceist Duke of Rothes late Lord Chancellor,
who in respect of his eminent Loyalty and
service to his Majestie, Are hereby absolutely exonered
and discharged of the saids Debts, without
necessity of taking the foresaid Test, upon the account
foresaid allenarly; And also excepting Minors, 
who shall not be oblidged to take the Test
upon the foresaid Account, untill they attain to
the yeers of Majority. And in regaird ther were
debts contracted by the Earles of Cassils & Louthian
and others with them in the year 1650, for
his Majesties Service, for which they granted their
own Bonds, And which are mentioned in ane Act
<P 356.C1>
of Parliament past in their favours in the year 1661,
His Majestie with consent foresaid Discharges all
Action and execution for the soumes contained in
these Bonds against the saids Earles and others who
were bound with them and their Successors, In respect
the same is a publick debt, The money having
been borrowed for his Majesties service as said is. 

[}ACT ANENT THE PRICES OF FRENCH AND SPANISH
SALT.}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD Out of his Princely
care to encourage the Manufacturies and other
publict works of this his ancient Kingdom, and to
prevent the unnecessary importation of forreigne
Commodities and the exorbitant prices that may
be exacted from the Leiges, Therefore His Majestie
with advice and consent of the Estates of Parliament,
Doeth erect and declare all the Salt works
of this Kingdom to be free and publick Manufacturies,
Endowing them with all the privileges,
Liberties and Immunities granted by Law in
favours of any Manufactory within this Kingdom.
As also His Majestie Considering that the Inland
Salt of this Kingdom is sufficient for all other uses
except the cureing of ffishes and Beeff exported,
and that the forraign Salt which shall be imployed
for the use of the Nation, may be furnished at the
Rates following: Therefore His Majestie with advice
& consent foirsaid, Doeth Statute and Ordain
that all Importers of ffrench Salt or Retailers thereof
at the places or ports wher the same is imported,
shall not upon any pretence whatsoever, exact more
from the Leiges then ffive punds Scots for the
Linlithgow boll of ffrench Salt, Including the Forty
Shillings per Boll [{payable{] to his Majesty for Excise:
And that Importers and Retailers of Spanish
salt shall not exceed Six punds for the Linlithgow
Boll thereof, Including lykwise the Excise, Under
the penaltie of One hundred punds scots Toties
Quoties for each Boll they shall sell above the Rates
foresaids, The one half thereof to his Majesties use,
and the other half to the Discoverer, who shall
have power to persew the Importers who shall contraveen
this Act before the Judges Ordinary. It
is alwaies hereby Declared that this Act shall be
but prejudice of his Majesties prerogative asserted
by the Twentieth & Sixt Act of the Third Session
of his Majesties first Parliament, And that his Majesty
may alter the saids Rates, upon such occasions
as shall seem necessary to him in his Royal
Wisdom.

[}COMMISSION FOR REVISING THE LAWS.}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD Considering the
many prejudices which arise from the great number
of useles indistinct and vndigested Laws and that
it is worthy of his Princely care, And among the
greatest Advantages to the people to have his Laws
<P 356.C2>
not only just in themselves, but consonant to one
another, purg'd from what is superfluous or intricat,
and reduced into a free and plaine method,
therby to establish constant and clear Rules for
directing all his Judges Supream and Subaltern:
Doeth therfore with consent of his Estates of Parliament,
Grant by these presents full power and
Co~mission to the persons under written viz:

Or to any [^BLANK^] of them, And in case of the
deceis of any of them, To such others as his Majesty
shall nominat in their vice, as [{oft as{] the same shall
fall out, To meet together at whatsoever times and
places convenient, ffor peruseing and considering
the whole Laws Statuts and Acts of Parliament of
this his ancient Kingdom as weel printed as not
printed, Together with the Customs Consuetuds
and Judiciall Practicks either in the Supream or
Subalterne Courts whether Civil or Criminal,
which are or have been observed as Laws or
Rules of Judgement, by any of these Judicatures;
And for that effect to call for all the Registers
and Records which containe the saids Laws or
Practicks, Either from the Clerk of the Register,
Justice-Clerk, or their Deputs or any other persons
having any such Records or Registers within this
Kingdom, with the Registers of Decreets or Interloquitors
of all or any of the saids Courts: And
after due consideration thereof, To collect and
digest the Laws and Acts of Parliament, Customs,
decisions, and formes of Process, into such order
and methods as shall seem most fit and expedient
to them: As also to determine the true Sense
meaning and Interpretation of all such Laws Acts
and practicks, as are unclear or doubtfull in themselves,
Or have or may receive divers senses or interpretations:
Which Commission is to endure for
[^BLANK^] years or longer if his Majestie in his
Royal Wisdom shall find it expedient to prorogate
the same, Within which tyme His Majesty doeth
hereby Require and command the saids Commissioners
to expead and performe the said Task And
to digest and reduce the same into such convenient
order As they shall judge fitt: Leaving out the
obsolet and abrogat Acts, That the Acts in vigor
in the severall Parliaments may be printed together
and the rest remaine as unprinted Acts, To the
effect that the samen may be delivered to His Majesty
or his Commissioner, with their opinion theranent
That His Majesty and his Estates of Parliament
at some ensueing Convention in Parliament,
May establish and enact the same in forme of Laws,
If His Majesty and the saids Estates shall Judge
the samen just and convenient. It is always hereby
declared that this shall not prejudge his Majesties
Patents in favours of the Lord Register
and others appointed by him for printing the Acts
of Parliament.
<P 357.C1>
[}ACT ANENT THE LYONE KING AT ARMS}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD Considering that
the Ninth Act of this Parliament doeth ordain the
Lyon King at Armes to depose such Messingers at
Armes as doe not put Captions in execution Notwithstanding
of Protections in manner exprest in
the said Act, Therefore His Majesty with consent
of his Estates of Parliament, Doeth declare that the
Lyon is and shall be sole Judge in the case foresaid
Any thing in the Contrair notwithstanding

[}ACT IN FAVORS OF THE TOWN OF EDINBURGH
ANENT THE CONDUIT OF WATER BROUGHT THERETO.}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD and Estates of
Parliament Takeing to their serious Consideration
the vigilancy and care of the Magistrats of the
City of Edinburgh & the great and vast pains and
expences bestowed by them in acquireing fountains
wells and springs of water and liberty for
carieing the said water by Pypes and conduits
from severall Heretors through their Lands and
grounds to the Toune of Edinburgh for the generall
good and conveniency of all his Majesties Subjects
resideing in or repairing thereto which might
be rendred ineffectuall by the malice and wickednes
of some persons through their breaking or imbeziling
of the same Unles the same were prevented
and provided against, Therfore Our said Soveraigne
Lord with advice and consent of his Estates of
Parliament for the saids Magistrats further encouragement
to insist in so good and necessary
works, Doeth not only Ratifie approve and confirm
The Rights made to the said City of Edinburgh
thereof, In the haill heads articles Clauses
and conditions thereof and all Acts of Privy Councill
made in their favours for secureing thereof, But
also doeth strictly Prohibit & discharge all persones
whatsomever from taking up, brakeing, imbazelling
or anyways spoiling their saids ffountaines, Cisternes,
leaden and other pipes and conduits belonging or
which hereafter shall be acquired and belong to
the said City of Edinburgh, which are or shall
hereafter be made vse of for conveying the water
to the said City or any part thereof Or doe any
thing which may impead the said work and current
of the water, Certifieing such as shall be found
to transgress, That they shall be lyable to such pains
and punishments as the Law doeth provyd in such
caices which shall be inflicted vpon them with all
rigor; And for their farder encouragement in so
good and necessar a work, Our Soveraigne Lord
with advice and consent foirsaid Doeth Authorize
and Empower the saids Magistrats of Edinburgh,
To beit mend and help the Cisterns pypes and conduits
of the said water wherever the samen shall 
<P 357.C2>
happen to break or spring without waiting for the
Heretors leave and liberty wher the samen shall
happen (They always paying and satisfieing the
saids Heretors and others for any da~mage and loss
which they shall happen to sustaine therby At the
sight and determination of tuo honest men to be
neutrally chosen be both parties) With power also
to the saids Magistrats of the said City of Edinburgh,
Sheriffs and others in authority within
their respective Jurisdictions, To search for and
apprehend all persons who shall be informed to be
guilty of the said crime, And upon evidence of
their Guilt to co~mitt them to prisone till they be
proceeded against and judged according to Law.

[}ACT ANENT THEIKING OF HOUSES IN EDINBURGH
& SOME OTHER BURGHS ROYALL WITH
LEAD, SCLATES &C.}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD Considering the
danger that may ensue from theicking of houses
within the towne of Edinburgh with Straw Bent
or other Combustible matter, The Toun being
thereby exposed to the hazard of fyre And that
the same is nowayes decent to be seen in the Cheif
City of this Kingdom, Therefore His Majesty
with consent of his Estates of Parliament, Doeth
Prohibit and discharge the theicking of any houses
in the said Toun Cannogate and other Suburbs
therof in tyme coming with Straw Bent or heather,
But ordains them to be theicked with lead sclait
scail+gie or tyle, And Statuts and ordains that such
houses within the said Toun as are at present
theicked with strae, be theicked of new with sclait
or tyle within the space of ane yeer after the date
hereof under all highest pain and charge that after
may follow; And lykways ordains all houses that
shall be built in time coming in the Burghs of
Glasgow Aberdeen Dundy & Stirling, to be theiked
with lead, sclait, scail+gie or tyle and no otherways,
under the foresaid penalty, And reco~mends
to His Majesties Privy Councill upon application
to be made to them by the Magistrats of any other
Burgh Royall, to give the like Warrand and ordor
for the theiking of housses within their Burgh.

[}ACT ANENT THE MORTIFICATION MADE BY
THOMAS MUDIE OF DALRY FOR BUILDING A
KIRK IN EDINBURGH.}]

ANENT a Petition presented to his Majesty and
Estates of Parliament be the Magistrats and Councill
of the Burgh of Edinburgh and Sir William
Maxwell of Calderwood as haveing right from the
heir of the deceist Thomas Mudie of Dalry and
Sone in Law to the said heir, Mentioning that the
deceist Thomas Mudie of Dalry having by his Band
the tuenty fyft day of December 1649 Bound and
oblidged him his airs and successors to bestow Tuentie
<P 358.C1>
Thousand Merkes for building of a Church in
the place called the Grass-mercat within the Burgh
At the sight of the Thesaurer of the Kirk session
of the same And which soume was accordingly
payed to the good Toun in the year I=m= vj=c~= Sixtie
[^BLANK^] years, And sieing this pious & worthy
donation is become altogether ineffectuall, Because
the said Grass-mercat is now absolutly necessar for
want of other places, to be a mercat for pitch, tarr,
grass, herbs, horse, nolt, sheep, and other things
which can be exposed to Sale in no other place.
Likeas His Majesty and his Ministers having taken
from the Petitioners the south bank of the Castle
of Edinburgh which was the ordinary place for
publict executions of Malefactors They have no
other place besids the said Grass mercat for any
such execution, So that the will of the defunct not
being able to take place in the specifick forme designed
by himself, And it being unjust that it
should be altogether ineffectuall, The Laws and
Customs hath therfore provyded that such pious
Donations which cannot take effect in the specifick
termes in which they were at first left, should be
fulfilled by the sight of the Heir and of the Magistrats
of the place in the fittest way and manner
for preserving the memory of the Defunct And
the said Sir William Maxwell having right in
manner foirsaid Hath condescended and agreed
with the Magistrats of the Burgh of Edinburgh,
And with the Thesaurer of the Kirk-Sessions By
whose advice the said publict donation is to be
perfyted, To employ the said Tuentie Thousand
Merkes upon a Pale of Bells and in building a
Steeple at the Westport At which the People of
the West-Country enter, In which West-Country
the said Thomas was borne, And therfore humbly
supplicating That his Majesty and Estates of Parliament
might interpose their Authority to the
bestowing of the said money in manner foirsaid,
To the effect the Petitioners may be secured in all
Events, as having obtemperat the will of the dead
in equivalent terms His Majestie and Estates of
Parliament having heard and considered the foirsaid
Petition and Report of the Lords of the Articles
theranent, Together with the consent of the
Airs, And in regaird the Mortification above mentioned
cannot take effect now in the specifick
termes of the Defuncts Mortification In respect of
the use made of the place wher the Kirk was to be
built, And that the Toun of Edinburgh is alredy
sufficiently provided of Kirks for the use of the
Inhabitants, And that ther was not a Soume mortified
be the Defunct for the mantenance of a Minister
to serve the Cuir at the said Kirk, Doe Find
and declare that the speciall destination of the
sowme mortified may be altered in this caice, And
doe recommend to the Lords of his Majesties Privy
Councill to see the soume employed by the Toune
of Edinburgh as neer the will of the defunct as
can be.
<P 358.C2>
[}ACT & COMMISSION IN FAVORS OF WILLIAM
EARLE OF QUEENSBERRIE, ANENT THE DELIVERIE
OF ANE BLANK-BAND ALLEDGED TO BE IN BARSKIMINGS
CHARTOR-CHIST.}]

ANENT a Petition presented to the Kings Ma=tie=
and Estates of Parliament by William Earle of
Queensberry Bearing that the deceist Gilbert
Richard of Barskiming being intrusted as the petitioners
Chamberlane And having had the trust of
his Papers & management of his affairs The Petitioner
amongst other things did intrust the said
deceist Gilbert with ane Band granted be him
blank in the Creditors name, to the effect that
therupon he might borrow money for the petitioners
behoove, But before borrowing of any such
money, The said Gilbert did deceis leaving the
said blank Band and other Papers belonging to
the Petitioner amongst his oun writes, which falling
into the hands of James Richard his sone, were
detained be him during his life, And since his deceis
His Children being Minors Are under the Government
of several Tutors, The saids Tutors had
access to the Chartor Chist and Cabinets wher the
said Blank band and other papers belonging to
the Petitioner did lye, and did find the same and
had the said Band with other papers belonging to
the Petitioner in their hands and Custody And
did shift and convey the same from hand to hand,
Wherupon the Petitioner did intent a Proces of
Reduction and Improbation of the said band before
the Lords of Session Against James Richard sone
to the said James Richard & Marion & Elizabeth
Richards his Sisters, And als~ against John Lord
Bargany, Robert Hamilton of Pressmennan John
Hamilton of Barncleugh David Boswell of Auchinleck
and James Johnstone writer to the Signet
Tutours to the said Children of the said deceist
James Richard In whose hands the said blank
Band once was, wherin they have suffered decreit
of Reduction to pass against them But the Petitioner
is noways secured thereby, sieing the foirsaid
Band is yet keept up and conveyed from hand
to hand And may be filled up in the Creditors
name at their pleasure, wherby the Petitioner is 
extreamly prejudged And cannot remeid himself
in the co~mon course of Law before the Judge ordinar,
And sieing the foirnamed persons in whose
hands the said blank Band and other Writes belonging
to the Petitioner once were or who still
have the same or have fraudfully abstracted and
put the same away, At leist they know and were
Accessory to and did [{co~nive{] at the conveyance of
the said Blank band, And did consult and advise as
to the way and manner of keeping of and disposing
upon the said Band, And did common and conferr
theranent, And therfore the foirnamed persons
Ought to condescend as to the Methods and conveyance
<P 359.C1>
of the foirsaid Blank Band, And in whose
hands and custody the samen now is, And should
exhibit & produce the same Blank-band in the
Creditors name, At the least with ane Assigna=o=n
thereto from the Person whose name is filled up
therin, And the same should be delivered to the
Petitioner to be cancelled or declared void and
null, Or otherways the foirnamed persons As they
who were Accessory and of the designe and knowledge
of the Conveyance and abstracting and away
putting of the said Blank bond should be decerned
& ordained validly to secure the Petitioner against
the same And against all da~mage and prejudice
that he may sustain therthrow, And to find sufficient
Caution to the Petitioner for that effect, And
therfore humbly craving that a Committee might
be appointed to examine the said haill Affair as to
the Conveyance of the said Band And every thing
relating therunto, And that the said Chartor Chist
And haill writes pertaining to Barskiming might
be searched and secured in manner under written,
And Accordingly ther being a Committee appointed
to the effect foirsaid And they haveing made
their Report, The Kings Majestie and Estates of
Parliament having heard and considered the foirsaid
Petition with the depositions of the Lord Bargeny
and James Johnstone Writer taken by the
said Committee and report foirsaid, Doe grant
Warrant and Commission to the sherif principal of
the Shire of Lanerick and his deputs In caice the
said Chartor Chist of Barskiming be in that Shire,
And to the sherif principal of the Shire of Air and
his Deputs if the same be in that Shire, To open
the said Chartor-Chist And to take inspection
thereof, And if the blank-band above mentioned
in the Petition be found in the said Chartor-Chist
doe grant warrant to them to deliver up the said
Blank band to the Earle of Queensberry Petitioner 
And therafter to appoint the said Chartor-chist
to be Sealled by [^BLANK^] Hamiltone of 
Barncleugh.

[}ACT IN FAVORS OF THE SHIRE & BURGH OF
DUMFREIS ANENT A CUSTOME UPON THE WATER
OF NITH.}]

THE Kings Majestie and Estates of Parliament
having considered a Petition presented by the
Noblemen & Gentlemen of the sherifdome of
Drumfries and Galloway for themselves and in
name of the haill Inhabitants thereof, Representing
that the Burgh of Drumfreis have been in use
for a long tyme past to exact custom of all goods
& bestiall that pass the River of Nith Not only at
the Bridge and Toun of Drumfreis, But for the
space of Tuelve myles up & tuelve mylls doune
the same And Ansuers made +t=r=to by the Magistrats
of Drumfreis, Togither with ane signed Agreement
betuixt the saids parties anent the vplifting of the
<P 359.C2>
saids Customs, Doe Statute and Ordaine that Conform
to the said Agreement the Customs & Impost
of all goods and bestiall as the same hes been in use
to be exacted by the Magistrats of the Burgh of
Drumfreis, Shall be uplifted by them hereafter from
Portractfoord exclusive dounward to the Water
mouth of Nith ffor manteining the Bridge of
Drumfreis, And that at Portractfoord and all upwards
to the March of Kyle shall hereafter be uplifted
by such as shall be appointed by the Earle of
Queensberry And the Commissioners of the Shire
for repairing and manteining the Bridge of Drumlangrig,
wherin the said Burgh of Drumfreis is to
have no Interest.

[}ACT ANENT THE SALMOND-FISHING IN THE
WATER OF NITH.}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD Considering that
the slaying of Salmond in forbidden time is discharged
by several Acts of Parliament And that
the Salmond fishing within the water of Nith
doeth differ much from any other salmond fishing
within this Kingdom In regaird the Salmond within
that River does never begin to spawne till after 
the Tuentieth day of October, And that the only
proper time for salmond fishing within the said
water of Nith is from the first of March to the
first day of November Doe Therefore with advice
and consent of the Estates of Parliament hereby
Statute & Ordain that in all time coming the salmond
fishing within the said water of Nith shall
begin vpon the first day of March and continue to
the first day of November yearly, And prohibits
and discharges all slaying of Salmond within the
said water of Nith from the first day of November
to the first day of March under the pains contained
in the former Acts of Parliament made anent
slaying of Salmond in forbidden times. 


<S SAMPLE 5>
<P 596.C1>
[}AT EDINBURGH,
JUNE XIV, M,DC,LXXXVI.}]

[}ACT APPOINTING THE EARL OF MURRAY & LORD
DOUN CONVEENERS OF THE COMMISSIONERS OF
SUPPLY IN THE SHYRE OF INVERNESS}]

THE Kings Majestie and Estates of Parliament
Considering that the Lord Lovat who was nominat
Conveener of the Commissioners of supply in the
shyre of Inverness is Minor Doe Nominate and
Appoynt the Earle of Morray His Ma~ties Commissioner
and in his absence the Lord Doun his
son to be Conveener of the Commissioners of Supply
in the said shyre
<P 596.C2>
[}ACT OF DISSOLUTION OF THE LANDS OF CULTNESS,
NORTHBERWICK AND GOODTRIES FROM THE
CROWN IN FAVORS OF JAMES EARLE OF ARRAN}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD and Estates of
Parliament Takeing into their Consideration That
his Ma~ties Commissioner as haveing speciall warrand
and Commission from his Ma~tie Haveing
proposed and expounded in plain Parliament The
great and faithfull services done to his Ma=tie= and his 
Royal brother of ever blissed memorie by James
Earle of Arran first gentleman of his Ma~ties bed
chamber, and his Constant zeal and faithfulness to
the interest of the Croun And particularly the said
Earle of Arran his extraordinary expences when
imployed by his Ma~ties said dearest brother as
Envoy to +te French King, And of his activeness
against +te late Earle of Argyle and the other Rebells
associat with him in +te year I=m= vj=c~= eightie
five ffor w=ch= he had no allowance at least not suteable
to his expences And that he had faithfully
executed the saids offices And did very weell behave
himselfe +t=r=in and that he was instrumental in
the defait of the saids Rebells and had performed
several other good and acceptable services All
which being proposed and Layed open in plain
Parliament to the end the thrie Estates might
give his Ma~tie +t=r= Judgement advice and determination,
(\re integra\) , whither the samen wer true
good and reasonable Causes of Publick Concernment
for dissolveing the Lands and barrony of
Cultness lyand within the sherifdome of Lanerk
and the Lands of Northberwick lyand within the
Constabulary of Haddingtoun And alse the Lands
of Goodtries with the teynds and pertinents +t=r=of
lyand within the Sherifdome of Edinburgh sometyme
pertaining to Thomas and David Steuarts
late elder and younger of Cultness Togither with
all other Lands a~rents and others pertaining and
belonging to them, ffrom the Croun, And w=ch= fell
and became in his Ma~ties hands through the
Crymes of Treason and laese Ma~tie acted Committed
and don be them and either of them and
the doome and Sentence of forfaulture given and
pronunced against them for the samen upon the
[^BLANK^] and [^BLANK^] dayes of [^BLANK^]
and [^BLANK^] I=m= vj=c~= Eightie five years And
wer annexed to the Croun by the fourty second
act of the first Session of this current Parliament
And by the [^BLANK^] act of this present Session
of Parliament And the said Estates of Parliament
after longe and mature deliberation treating and
Consulting anent the premisses being fully satisfied
and Convinced that the particular Services and expences
above mentioned done performed and expended
by the said James Earle of Arran The
trueth whereof is clearly knoun and did appear to
them as just weighty and important reasons Concerning
<P 597.C1>
both his Ma~ties interest and the publick
good and weelfare of this Kingdome That they
should advise and Consent to his Ma~ties giveing and
disponing the saids Lands of Cultness Northberwick
Goodtries and the other Lands above written with
the pertinents To the said James Earle of Arran
his aires or assigneys And for that effect That the
saids Lands should be dissolved from the Croun
and from the saids tuo acts of Annexation Therfor
his Ma=ty= with advice and Consent of the Estates
of Parliament Decernes Ordaines and Declares
That the saids Lands and barrony of Cultness and
Lands of Northberwick and Goodtries above written
some tyme belonging to the saids Thomas and
David Steuarts late Elder & younger of Cultness
with all other Lands heretages a~rents and others
belonging to them or either of them which came
in his Ma~ties hands and wer annexed to +te Croun
in maner forsaid May be disponed to the said
James Earle of Arran and his forsaids And for
that effect have dissolved and hereby dissolves the
samen from +te Croun and patrimony +t=r=of and from
+te saids tuo acts of annexation The one made the
sexteinth day of June I=m= vj=c~= eightie five and the
other made the [^BLANK^] day of May I=m= vj=c~=
eightie sex and from all other acts of annexation
And from all Clauses qualities & Conditions therin
Contained And his Ma~tie with advice and Consent
forsaid finds decernes and Declares this present
act of dissolution having proceeded upon advice
and deliberation of the Estates of Parliament
(\re integra\) and found by the sd~s Estates to be for
great weighty and reasonable Causes Concerning
+te good weelfair and publick interest of the wholl
Kingdome first proposed advised and maturely
pondered and Considered in plain Parliament (\re
integra\) and found by +te said Estates to be for
great weighty and reasonable Causes befor any
previous grant or other Right or deed given made
or done by his Ma~tie in favors of the said James
Earle of Arran and his forsaids of the Lands and
others above mentioned or any pairt or portion of
the samyn Does fully satisfie the wholl Clauses
Conditions and qualifications contained in the forsd~s
tuo acts of annexation and shall have the force 
strength and effect of a general Law and act of
Parliament and shall be alse valid and effectual to
the said James Earle of Arran and his forsaids
for their security in the saids Lands of Cultness
Northberwick Goodtries and others above exprest
with the pertinents as any other act of dissolution
granted by his Ma~tie or his Royall ancestors with
advice and Consent of their Estates of Parliament
In favors of whatever Person at any tyme hertofore
Lykeas his Ma~ty with advice and Consent
forsaid finds Decernes and Declares That this present
act of dissolution is and shall not be understood
to fall under or be Comprehended in any act
(\Salvo Jure\) to be past in this or any other Session
of this current Parliament But is hereby Excepted
<P 597.C2>
+t=r=frae in all tyme comeing. It is always hereby declared
that this act of dissolution of the Lands of
Northberwick w=ch= did once belong to the said Thomas
Steuart sometymes of Cultnes shall not prejudge
+te senators of +te Colledge of Justice as to +t=r=
right and interest in +te said Lands who are hereby
declared preferable for +te same

[}ACT OF DISSOLUTION OF THE LANDS OF ROBERTON
&C. FROM THE CROWN IN FAVORS OF WALTER LATE
EARLE OF TARRAS}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD and Estates of
Parliament takeing into +t=r= Consideration That his
Ma~ties Commissioner as haveing special warrand
and instruction from his Ma~tie haveing proposed
and exponded in plain Parliament the great benefite
and advantage that did arrise to the Croun and
government of this Kingdome by the full and
sincere Confession made by Walter late Earle of
Tarras of severall matters and Circumstances relateing
to the late horrid Conspiracie, The discovery
whereof did in a great measure contribute
towards the preventing the fatall consequences and
effects which soe apparently threatned the Peace
of his Ma~ties dominions As also the promises and
assureances given to him at the tyme of the said
discovery of his Princes bounty and favor upon 
that account All w=ch= being proposed and layed
open in plain Parliament To the end the thrie
Estates might give his Ma~tie their Judgement
advice and determination (\re integra\) whither the
samen wer true good and reasonable Causes for
dissolving from +te Croun the Lands of Robertoun,
Howcleugh and Borthwickmayns with +te pertinents
which formerly appertained to +te said Walter
late Earle of Tarras and came in his Ma~ties hands
through the doome and sentence of forfalture given
and pronunced against him befor the Lords of
his Ma~ties Justiciary upon +te [^BLANK^] day of
[^BLANK^] I=m= vj=c~= [^BLANK^] years and wer annexed 
to +te Croun by +te fourty second act of the
first session of this current Parliament And +te saids
Estates of Parliament after mature deliberation, and
treating and Consulting anent +te premisses being
fully satisfied & Convinced that +te particular services
done and performed by +te said Walter late
Earle of Tarras in his Confession and discovery forsaid
And +te benefite and advantage +t=r=by accrueing
to the Croun and Kingdome, and the promises and
assureances given to him of his Princes bounty and
favor The truth q=r=of is sufficiently knoun and was
made appear to them, are just weighty & important
Causes Concerning both his Ma~ties interest and the
Publick good & weelfair of this Kingdome That
they should advise and Consent to his Ma~ties giveing
and disponing the saids Lands of Robertoun
Howcleugh and Borthwickmaynes with the pertinents
to +te said Walter late Earle of Tarras his
aires and assigneys And for that effect +t=t= +te samen
<P 598.C1>
should be dissolved from +te Croun and from +te forsaid
act of annexation Therfor his Ma~ty with advice
and Consent of +te Estates of Parliament Decernes
Ordaines & declares That the saids Lands
of Robertoun Howcleugh and Borthwickmaynes
with the pertinents may be disponed to +te said
Walter late Earle of Tarras and his forsaids, and
for +t=t= effect hes dissolved and hereby Dissolves the
samen from +te Croun and Patrimony +t=r=of and
from +te forsaid act of annexation made +te sexteinth
day of June I=m= vj=c~= Eightie five And from all
other acts of annexation And from all Clauses
qualities and Conditions +t=r=in contained And his
Ma~tie with advice and Consent forsaid ffinds decernes
and declares that this present act of dissolution
haveing proceeded upon +te advice and deliberation
of +te Estates of Parliament (\re integra\) , and
found be +te said Estates to be for great weighty &
reasonable Causes Concerning +te good weelfair and
publict interest of +te whole Kingdome first proposed
and advised, and maturely pondered and
Considered befor any previous grant or other right
or deed given made or done by his Ma~ty in favors
of the said Walter late Earle of Tarras and his forsaids
of the Lands and others above mentioned or
any pairt or portion of +te samen Does fully satisfie
+te wholl Clauses Conditions and qualifications Contained
in +te forsd~ act of annexation And shall have
+te force strength and effect of a generall Law or
act of Parliament and shall be alse valid and effectuall
to +te said Walter late Earle of Tarras and his
forsd~s for +t=r= security of +te lands and o+t=rs= above       #
exprest
as any other act of dissolution granted by his
Ma~ty or his Royall ancestors with advice and Consent
of +te Estates of Parliament in favors of whatever
Person at any tyme hertofore Lykeas his
Ma=tie= with advice and Consent forsaid ffinds decernes
and declares That this present act of dissolution
shall not be understood to fall under or be
Comprehended in any act (\Salvo Jure\) , to be past in
this or any other Session of this current Parliament
But is hereby Excepted +t=r=frae in all tyme comeing

[}ACT PROHIBITING THE IMPORTING OF IRISH
VICTUALL AND CATTLE}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD with advice and
Consent of the Estates of Parliament Does Ratifie
and approve the third act of the third session of
the Second Parliament of King Charles the Second
against the importation of Irish Victuall with this
alteration viz That all the Victuall that shall be
imported shall be sunke and destroyed and the
seazer or discoverer in place of the third pairt of
the victuall alloued him by the forsaid act for his
reward shall have the boat barke or vessell wherein
the said victuall shall be imported to dispose of
at his Pleasure Togither with the halfe of the
fynes by the forsaid act imposed upon the importers,
<P 598.C2>
recepters and heretors and the other halfe
of the sd~ fynes to belong to his Ma~tie As Lykeways
his Ma~tie with advice and consent forsaid
Inacts and ordaines That no horse maers or Catle
whatsomever shall be imported from Ireland to
this Kingdome under the pain and penalty of forfaulture
of the horse maers or Catle that shall be
imported and farder of paying the soume of ane
hundered merks scots for each beast that shall be
soe imported The one halfe of both the beasts and
fynes to belonge to the seazer and discoverer and
the other halfe to his Ma~tie, As Lykeways That no
person w=t=in this Kingdome Recept or buy any
horse maers or nolt that they know to be imported
out of Ireland under the paine of ane hundered
merks scots for each beast besyds the forfaulture of
the beasts themselves, The one halfe to belonge to
the discoverer, (he always persueing and instructeing
the same, within sex months after importation)
and the other halfe to his Ma~tie and Recomends to
the Lords of Council To nominat and appoynt
such Persons as they shall think fitt for seing this
act putt in execution

[}ACT DECLAREING THAT INHIBITIONS SHALL NOT
BE PREJUDGED BY RECOGNITION}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD with advice and
Consent of his Estates of Parliament Statuts and
Ordaines that in tyme comeing no inhibition duely
execute shall be prejudged or disapoynted by the
debitors doeing deeds after the inhibition inferring
recognition, but that the Lands falling under Recognition
shall be burdened with the prior inhibition
and grounds +t=r=of.

[}ACT FOR BURYING IN SCOTTS LINNEN}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD for the encouradgement
of linen manufactories within this Kingdome
and prevention of +te exportation of +te
moneys +t=r=of, for the buying and importeing of
Linen Doeth with advice and Consent of his
Estates of Parliament Statute and ordaine That
hereafter no Corps of any Person or Persons whatsoever
shall be buried in any shirt sheet or any
thing else except in plaine linen or cloath of hards
made and spunn within the Kingdom without lace
or poynt Dischargeing from hencefurth the makeing
use of Holland or vther linen cloath made in
other Kingdomes all silke hair or woollen gold or
silver or any other stuff whatsoever then what is
made of flax or hards spunn and wrought within
the Kingdome as said is and that under the pain
and penalty of thrie hundered punds scots toties
quoties for a nobleman, and 200 lib~ for each other
Persone wherof one halfe to the discoverer and the
other halfe to the Poor of the paroch where the
<P 599.C1>
saids corps shall be so interred And for the better
discovery of the contraveeners It is hereby further
statute and ordained that every minister within the
Kingdome shall keep a book containing ane exact
accompt and register of all persons buried within
ther said parish As also that some one or moe of
the relations of the Person deceased or other
Credible Person (tenents in the Countrey and
Cottars being always excepted) shall within eight
dayes after such interment bring a certificat upon
oath in wryteing witnessed by tuo famous persons,
to the minister declareing that the said person was
wind or wrapt in maner herein prescribed which
certificates are to be recorded by the minister or
reader of the Parish gratis without exacting any
money +t=r=for, And if no relation of the Pairtie buried
or other person shall bring such a certificat within
the said tyme of eight dayes that then and in that
caice the goods and gear of the Pairty deceased
shall be and are hereby declared lyable to the forsaid
forfaultur to be pursued at the instance of the
minister of the said parish befor any Judge Competent
and in caice the Pairties prove litigious by
advocateing or suspending the said sentence The
said Judges are hereby authorized and impouered
to modifie expences as they shall find Cause and if
such persones dyed in familia the father and mother
or other Relationes in whose family they die
are hereby declared lyable for the said fyne, And it
is hereby statute and ordained that if the minister
in whose parish any such Corps shall be so interred
prove negligent in pursueing the Contraveeners
within sex moneths after the said buriall
he is hereby declared lyable for the said fyne the
one halfe to the poor, and the other halfe to the
discoverer to be divided in maner forsaid As also
his Ma~tie with advice forsaid, statuts and ordaines,
that no wooden Coffin shall exceed ane hundered
merks scots as the highest rate for Persones of the
greatest quality and soe proportionaly for Persones
of meaner qualitie under the paine of tuo hundered
merks scots for each contravention.

[}ACT FOR WRITEING SASINES BE WAY OF BOOK }]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD takeing into his
Consideration That Seasings doe extend to great
length by reasone of inserting and repeating of the
wholl provisions of the Chartor therin Therfor his
Majesty with advice and Consent of his Estates of
Parliament for the more easy and commodious
perusall +t=r=of Statuts and Ordaines that it shall be
laufull for Pairties if they think fitt to cause wreat
& extend +t=r= sasings by way of book, The attestation
of the notar Condescending upon the number
of the leaves in the book, and each leafe being
signed by the notar and witnesses to the giveing
of the seasing And Ratifies all seasins already
written by way of book by warrand of his Ma~ties
Privy Councill.
<P 599.C2>
[}ACT APPOYNTING THE PUBLICATION OF THE
TESTIMONIES OF WITNESSES}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD Considering how
much it does import & Concerne the good and
interest of his Ma~ties Lieges and the due administration
of Justice that witnesses be distinctly and
fully examined and ther depositions written in
plaine and clear words as they are given Therfor
his Majesty with Advice and Consent of the
Estates of Parliament Statuts and Ordaines that in
all processes presently depending or to be intented
befor the Lords of Privy Council Lords of Session
and all other Judges within this Kingdome, the
witnesses who are made use of and adduced +t=r=in
shall be examined in presence of +te Pairties or
their advocats They being present at +te dyets of
examination And +t=t= +t=r= be publication of +te testimonies
of +te witnesses in +te Clerks hands allowed
to +te Pairties Gratis befor adviseing to the effect
Pairties may have Copies +t=r=of If they think fitt
Any Law or act of Parliament Custome or useage
to +te Contrar notwithstanding.


[}AT EDINBURGH,
JUNE XIV, M,DC,LXXXVI.
(\A MERIDIE.\) }]

[}COMMISSION FOR REGULATION OF 
JUDICATORIES}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD from his Royall
and Princely Care of the good and weelfair of this
his ancient Kingdome being desireous to prevent
and redress all abuses and unwarrantable exactions
within the same, especially in offices of publict
trust, and in the dispensation of Justice To the
effect the samen may be speedily and impartially
administrat with alse litle trouble and expence to
his subjects as the nature of such affaires and proceedings
can admitt of And his Ma~tie lykeways
Considering that his dearest brother King Charles
the Second of blissed memory haveing by a Commission
under the great seall of this Kingdom of
the date the tuenty ane day of September I=m= vj=c~=
Sexty nyne for the same end and designe impowered
and authorized the Persons +t=r=in mentioned
to make such Rules ordors and Constitutions, as
might prevent +te samen in tyme coming And who
in persueance of the said Commission did aggrie
upon certain articles of Regulation relateing to the
Session Justice Court and Excheq=r= All which are
ratiefied by the 16=th= act of the 3=d= Sess: of the second
Parl: K: Ch: 2=d= But the saids Commissioners wer
not able through the shortness of tyme fully to
perfyte & accomplish soe great and necessary a
worke, as the good and interest of the Kingdome
<P 600.C1>
requires And his Ma~tie being now fully resolved
to prosecute soe good a work for the universall
good of his subjects and to perfyte the same That
his subjects may be Convinced and sensible of +t=r=
great happiness and prosperity under his protection
and government Therfor his Majesty with advice
and Consent of his Estates of Parliament Gives
full pouer warrand and Commission To
[^BLANK LINE IN TEXT^]
Whereof the number of [^BLANK^] to be a quorum
to meet and Conveen at Ed~=r= the [^BLANK^] day
of [^BLANK^] years and +t=r=after at such
tymes and dyets as they shall appoynt, And with
pouer to the saids Commissioners to take full and
exact tryall of all abuses and other exorbitancies or
exactions which are practised in prejudice of his
Ma~ties Lieges in any offices of Judicature or others
within this his ancient Kingdome and to take tryall
and information by all maner of probation +t=r=anent,
and how the saids abuses have Creept in, and from
what tyme, and to take notice and tryall of the
authors and Committers thereof and to transmitt
ane exact and perfect account to his Ma~tie of the
samen, That he may signifie his Royall pleasure
and give what directions +t=r=in he thinks Just, And
for the effectuall preventing and restraining the
samen in tyme coming His Ma~tie with advice and
Consent forsaid does hereby authorize and impower
the forsaids persones or quorum therof to make
such ordors acts and Constitutions for regulating
the samen in tyme coming as they shall find Just,
under such penaltys and certifications to be incurred
by the Contraveeners as the saids Commissioners
shall find necessary in that behalfe; All
which acts ordinances and Constitutions made by
the saids Commissioners and approven under his 
Ma~ties Royall hand His Ma~tie with advice and
Consent forsaid Does Ratifie approve and Confirme
and decernes & ordaines the samen to be putt to
execution and to have full force strength and effect
against the Contraveeners in all tyme comeing
And likeways his Majesty with Consent forsaid
does hereby authorize and impower the saids Commissioners
to prescribe and sett doun clear and
distinct Rules for the inferior Judicatories in this
Kingdome as to +t=r= Competencie and the nature of
their Jurisdictions That his Ma~ties Lieges may be
at a certanty and not be putt to truble and expence
by being called and forced to compeir and
attend befor different Courts for the same Cause
Hereby inhibiting and dischargeing the saids
Judges to proceed or determine in any other
actions or Causes then what shall be found by the
saids Commissioners to be proper and Competent
for +t=r= Jurisdictions Declareing all such acts and
decreets to be given and pronunced by them in
matters not competent to +t=r= Jurisdictions to be
null and voyd and +te Judges to be lyable to the
<P 600.C2>
damnage and prejudice of +te Pairtie grieved and
to be punishable at the sight of +te Lords of Privie
Councill for transgressing +t=r= Jurisdiction, And to
the effect soe just and necessary a work may meet
with no obstruction from the negligence or not
attendance of +te forsaids Commissioners His Ma~ty
with advice and Consent forsaid Statuts ordaines
and Declares that the Commissioners who without
a just and laufull excuse (to be alloued by such of
the Commissioners who shall meet) shall not attend
the dyet of meeting appoynted or to be appoynted
for carieing on of +te said worke shall incurr the
pain of [^BLANK^] toties quoties to be disposed
of by the Commissioners as they shall think just
and for which letters of horning and poynding are
hereby granted And it is hereby declared that this
Commission shall continue and endure dureing his
Ma~ties pleasure and ay and whill the samen shall
be recalled or discharged by his Ma~tie
 
[}ACT OF REFERENCE TO THE COUNCILL ANENT
ALLOWING IMPORTATIONE OF PROHIBITED GOODS}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD Considering that
by the 12=th= act of the 3=d= Parliament of K: Ch: the
2=d= intituled, Act for encouradgement of trade and
manufactories The several species of goods therin
mentioned are prohibited and discharged to be imported
into this Kingdome under the paines and
Certifications exprest in the said act And in regaird
the manufactories already established are not
yet able to Provide and furnish the Kingdome
with all the species of goods prohibited to be imported
by the said act And his Ma~tie being still
desireous to give all due encouradgement to the
said manufactories Therfor his Ma~tie with advice
and Consent of his Estates of Parliament Does
hereby authorize and empouer the Lords of his
Ma~ties Privie Council to allow the importation of
such species of goods as they shall find just and
necessary for the interest of the Kingdome notwithstanding
of the prohibition contained in the
forsaid act of Parliament And decernes and declares
that the importers +t=r=of shall be free from
incurring the paynes and certificationes contained
in +te samen act for such tyme and space as the
Lords of his Ma~ties Privie Councill shall think fitt
to allow the samen and no longer

[}ACT ANENT THE REGISTRATION OF SASINES &
REVERSIONS}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD Considering That
where Sasines and other wryts and diligences appoynted
to be registrat are duely presented to the
keepers of Registers, It is their duety to Cause
duely and laufully registrat the same for the security
of the Pairty and intimation of +te Lieges
Therfor his Majesty with advice and Consent of
his Estates of Parliament Statuts and ordaines
<P 601.C1>
That where sasines and other wreats are presented
to +te Keepers of Registers, and delivered back to
the Pairty bearing a record and attestation under +t=r=
hand that the same are registrat It shall make the
samen sufficient and valide for +te security of the
Pairty, albeit by the omission or negligence of +te
keeper of the Register or his deputs they should
not be found booked or insert in +te Register And
to +te effect +t=t= all deputs intrusted with the Care
and keeping of +te Registers may faithfully doe
and execute +t=r= office His Ma~tie with advice and
Consent forsaid Statutes and ordaines That in
caice by their omission or negligence any wreats
presented to them and marked with their hands to
be registrat shall not be found booked and insert
in +te Register The sd~s deputs guilty of such omission
and negligence shall be punishable as forgerers
of +te publict Registers and records and shall be
lyable in damnage and prejudice to any pairtie
who shall be prejudged by the said omission or
negligence And his Ma~tie with advice forsaid Statutes
ordaines and declares that thir pn~ts shall no
ways derogat from +te Sexteinth act of the 22 Par:
K: J: the 6=th= entituled Act anent the Registration
of Reversions Sasines and other wryts which shall
remaine in its full force and strength in all poynts
as befor the makeing of this present act.

[}ACT AND COMMISSION FOR PLANTATION OF
KIRKS AND VALUATION OF TEYNDS}]

FORASMUCH as his Ma~ties father of ever blissed
memory out of his Royall Care and Zeall for the
Reformed Religion within this Kingdom and the
mantainance and provision of +te ministery and
Churches thereof and the Peace of the Kingdome
and for preventing and setling all differences that
did or might arrise betuixt Titulars and others
having right to teynds and heretors Concerning +te
leading and drawing of their teynds, And immediatly
after his attaining and succeeding to +te
Croun gave furth and emitted his Royall declaration
anent +te premisses and the other particulars
+t=r=in specified And in pursueance of the ends forsaid
divers Lawes and acts of Parliament wer
made in the year of our Lord 1633 His said Ma~tie
being then present in his Royall person And since
diverse acts of Parliament and Commissions have
been made given and renued to that purpose and
particularly by the 15=th= act of the 3=d= session of the
second Parl: K: Ch: the 2=d= his Ma~ties umq=l~l~= Royall
brother of ever blissed memory And his Ma~tie
being resolved and desireous to prosecute so good
ane work for the universal good of his subjects
and Especially for the encouradgement of the ministers
of the Gospell Therfor his Majesty with
advice and Consent of his Estates of Parliament
Gives full pouer and Commission to his Ma~ties
officers of Estate for the tyme being
<P 601.C2>
[^BLANK LINE IN TEXT^]
or any thertein of them to be ane Quorum whereof
thrie of every State, with one of the officers of
State to meet and conveen at Ed~=r= the [^BLANK^]
day of [^BLANK^] years and such other
place or places tymes or dyets as they shall appoynt
To value and Cause be valued whatsomever teynds
great or small personage or viccarage within this
Kingdom which are yet unvalued Declareing that
where the viccarage of any paroch is a severall
benefice and title from the Personage the samen
shall be severaly valued To the effect the titulars
or ministers serving the Cure haveing right to the
said viccarage be not frustrated of the true worth
+t=r=of with pouer to the saids Commissioners or quorum
forsaid to appoynt Co~mitties or sub-Co~mitties
of their oun number and to grant subco~missions
and to receave reports from them and to approve
or disapprove the same as they shall find just And
to rectifie whatsoever valuations led or to be led to
the enorme prejudice of the titulars or the hurt
and detriment of the Church and prejudice of the
ministers mantainance and provisions. Provideing
always Lykeas It is hereby expressly provided and
declared That where valuations ar laufully led
against all persones haveing interest and allowed
by former Commissiones The same shall not be
drawen in question nor rectified upon pretence of
enorme lesion at the instance of the minister (not
being titular) or at the instance of his Ma~ties advocat
in respect of his Ma=ties= annuity Except it
can be proven that Collusion was used betuixt the
titulars and heretors, or betuixt the procurator
fiscall & the heretors and Titulars which Collusion
is declared to be when the valuationes are led with
the diminution of the third pairt of the just rent
Which diminution shall be proven by the Pairties
oath, and with pouer to the said Commissioners or
Quorum forsaid where ministers are not already
sufficiently provided or have not Localities already
assigned to them for their stipends out of the
teynds within the paroch where they serve the
Cure According to the quantities proportions and
Rules Contained in the 19=th= act of the Parl: 1633
To modifie settle and appoynt constant ocal stipends
to each minister out of the teynds of the
paroch where they serve the Cure With pouer also
to the saids Commissioners to grant recompence
by prorogation of tacks to pairties for all augmentations
of stipends which are granted since the year
1630 or shall be granted and that effeirand to the
augmentations already granted or to be granted as
the saids Commissioners shall think fitt And sicklyk
to disjoyne too large and spacious paroches To
cause erect and build new churches to annex and
dismember Churches as they shall think convenient
And to take ordor that every heretor and
<P 602.C1>
liferenter shall have the leading and buying of
their oun teynds if they be willing according to
the Rules prescribed by the 19=th= act and commission
granted by his Ma=ty= with Consent of his
Estates of Parliament in anno 1633 and the acts
of Parliament therin mentioned with pouer to determine
all questions Concerning the pryces of
teynds betuixt Titulars and others haveing ry=t= +t=r=to
and the heretors And to appoynt such securities 
in favors of titulars and others haveing right to
Teynds for their pryces to be granted to the heretors
and others lyable in payment of valued duties
or byers of the said teynds, and in favors of the
Ministers as to +t=r= mantainance, as the saids Commissioners
shall think fitting According to the
rules sett doun in the said act 1633 and each heretor
whose teynds belongs to Titulars of erection
to have pouer and Liberty to buy the teynds of
his oun Lands whither valued or not w=t=in the
space of thrie years after the date of this act with
this declaration alwayes That in caice the impediment
dureing the tyme forsaid flow from the titular
by reason of his minority or vther inability In
that caice the heretor who offered to buy his oun
teynds within the space forsd~ shall have place soe
soon as the impediment shall be removed to buy
his teynds notwithstanding of +te expyreing of +te
years and space after exprest And it is declared
that if the heretor be minor and his tutor neglect
the buying of his teynds within the forsaid space
the minor shall have action for tuo years after his
minority to compell the Titular to sell his teynds,
and generally with pouer to the saids Commissioners
to decide and determine in all other poynts
which may concerne the drawing or leading of
teynds the selling or buying of the same or payment
of the rates +t=r=of contained in the former acts
of Parliament or sett doun in +te generall determination
given out by his Ma~ties Royall father of
blissed memory And if any persone or persones
shall find themselves greeved and Complaine of
the injustice and exorbitancie of any decreit or
sentence given in any of +te Commissions dureing
the tyme of +te late trubles With pouer to the saids
Commissioners to take the same to +t=r= Consideratione
and alter, annull, or allow the saids decreets
and sentences as they shall find just And it is always
provided and declared That the Arch-bishops
and Bishops and other benificed persons being ministers
and +t=r= Successors shall not be prejudged of
+te Rents q=r=of their predecessors wer in Reall and
actuall possession And which by the Lawes of the
Kingdom wer due to them in anno 1637 or whereof
they are presently in possession And that they
shall be no further bound but according to +te conditions
and provisions exprest in +te submissions
made by the bishops to his Ma~ties Royall father
of blissed memorie of the date the [^BLANK^] day of
[^BLANK^] 1628 and registrat in the books of Commission
for Surrenders and teynds upon +te fifteinth
<P 602.C2>
day of July 1651 And whereas it may fall out that
some of the Commissioners may be unable to attend
the service through death sicknes or other
knoun impediment Therfor His Ma=ty= declares that
he shall be Carefull to fill their places w=t= other
persons Qualified Who's oaths (for faithfull dischargeing
of +te same) shall be taken by +te Lord
Chancellar or in his absence by the Lord President
of +te Commission for the tyme, and ordaines this
present Commission to endure ay and whill the
same be discharged by his Ma~tie And the acts
decreets and sentences +t=r=of To have the force
strength and effect of ane decreet or sentence of
Parliament And the Lords of Session to grant lr~es
of horning poynding and others necessar to be direct
upon the saids decreets and sentences in maner
contained in +te forsaids Commissions And his Majesty
with consent forsaid hereby discharges all former
Commissions Declareing the same to be expyred

[}ACT ANENT THE NOMINATION OF THE CLERK
TO THE JUSTICES OF PEACE}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD and Estates of
Parliament Considering that by a Clause in +te
Sexteinth act of the last Session of this Current
Parliament Anent Justices of Peace The saids Justices
are allowed to nominat their oun Clerks which
is a right and priviledge belonging to +te Secretaries
of State The Clerkships of the Justices of Peace
being dependences of +te Secretaries office Therfor
his Majesty with advice and Consent of the Estates
of Parliament hes repaled Cassed and annulled
and hereby repales Casses and annulles the forsaid
Clause in the 16=th= act of the last session of this
Current Parliament allowing the Justices of Peace
to nominat +t=r= own Clerks and declares the samen
to have no force strength nor effect from +te beginning,
and to be null and voyd in all tyme comeing.

[}ACT RESCINDING ANE FORMER ACT ANNEXING
LANDS IN ROSSSHYRE TO CROMARTY}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD and Estates of
Parliament doe hereby Rescind and annull ane
unprinted act past the first session of this present
Parliament whereby se~all Lands in +te barrony of
Delnie belonging to his Ma~tie in Property and
certain other Lands Specified in the said act wer
dissolved from +te Sherifdome of Ross and annexed
to +te heretable Sherifdome of Cromarty And declares
and ordaines the sd~ act and haill Clauses +t=r=of
to be null and void in it selfe and to be razed and
expunged out of the Records of Parliament And
doe hereby Redintegrat the said Sherifdome of
Ross and Statuts ordaines and declares that the
bounds extent and Jurisdiction +t=r=of shall remaine
and Continue in all tyme coming as the samen
was bounded and established by act of Parliament
in anno 1661 In and to all intents and purposes
<P 603.C1>
[}ACT IN FAVORS OF JOHN ADAIR GEOGRAPHER
FOR SURVEYING THE KINGDOME OF SCOTLAND
AND NAVIGATING THE COASTS AND ISLES THEREOF}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD and Estates of
Parliament taking into their Consideration that
exact Geographical descriptions of the severall
shyres within this Kingdome will be both honourable
and usefull to the inhabitants and the Hydrographical
description of the sea Coast, Isles, Creiks
firths and Lochs, about +te Kingdome, are not only
honourable and usefull but most necessary for navigation,
and may prevent severall Shipwraks, The
want of such exact maps haveing occasioned great
losses in tyme past, And Likeways thereby forreigners
may be invited to trade with more security
on our Coasts; And Considering That John
Adair hath given notable experiments of his great
skill diligence, and qualifications for performing
soe good a worke, and haveing signified his willingness
to performe the same on allouance of Competent
expence Therfor his Majesty with consent 
of the Estates of Parliament Doeth ordain and
Enact That one shilling Scots be exacted out of
ilke tun, from all the ships and other Vessels above
eight tuns within this Kingdom (excepting Lighters,
and fisher boats) and tuo Shilling Scots out of
each forreigne Ship yearly for the Space of five
years next ensueing Commencing from whitsunday
this year I=m= vj=c~= Eightie sex And this for defraying
the charge of hydrographical maps for the
use of the seamen which one shilling and tuo shilling
respective per tun is hereby ordained to be
Collected by the severall Collectors of his Majesties
Customes who are to deliver the same to the
generall Collector or fermer of his Ma=ties= Customes
yearly upon oath at the terme of Martimes, and
the same to be payed in to any the Lords of his
Ma~ties Privie Council shall appoynt to receave the 
same, to be given to the said John Adair as the
saids Lords shall appoynt at the said terme ilke
year dureing the space above written; and the
saids Collectors are also to deliver to the said John
Adair subscrived Lists of the saids Ships with
their respective burdens as the ground of their
charge yearly, And the said John Adair is to give
account yearly at Martinmas of what progress he
hes made as to the hydrographical maps, to his
Ma=ties= Privy Council or such as they shall Commissionat
for inspecting the same; As also, for
defraying his expence for drawing of the maps of
the Several Shyres It is Statute and ordained that
the Sherifs of each respective shyre, bail+gies of Regality,
Steuarts of Steuartry, shall at the desire of
the said John Adair when he Comes to +t=r= Shyre
or bounds for +te end forsaid Call the heretors in
the said Shyre: and it is hereby recommended to
them to appoynt a suitable encouragement for
defraying the expence of surveying the said Shyre
<P 603.C2>
to be Collected by the Collector of his Ma~ties supply
immediatly after the said meeting As Likeways
that they appoynt one or tuo knowing men in each
paroch to goe allongst with the said John Adair
when he is actually surveying the same to designe
unto him the particular places of each paroch for
the more exact performance of the said worke
And ordains the Collector therof to deliver what
shall be Collected, to +te said John Adair upon his
presenting the draught of the map to the respective
sherifs or others forsaid. And Likeways the
said John Adair giveing account yearly to his 
Ma~ties Privy Council of his diligence +t=r=in, and
when the said Geographical and hydrographical
maps are perfected the Caire of haveing the same
printed in a good edition is recommended to his
Ma~ties Privy Council

[}ACT ANENT ANE HUMBLE OFFER TO HIS MAJESTY
FOR ANE IMPOSITION UPON CERTAIN COMMODITIES
FOR DEFRAYING THE EXPENCE OF A FREE COYNAGE
& OTHER MATTERS RELATEING TO THE MINT}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD and Estates of
Parliament Considering the great advantages that
may accresce to this his ancient Kingdome by incurradgeing
the importation of Bullion to be
Coyned in his Ma=ties= Mint, And that a free Coynage
of all others, is the greatest encouradgement
for that end, And the Estates of Parliament takeing
into their Consideration That the charge and
expences of a free Coynage can not be supported
without their giveing to his Ma=tie= a suitable found
for the same Therfor they doe out of a dew sence
of his Ma=ties= great Care for the prosperity of this
his ancient Kingdome humbly offer unto his Ma~tie
tuelve shilling Scots for each ounce of bullion, imposed
by the eight act of the first Session of the
second Parliament K: Ch: 2=d= upon the severall
Commodities +t=r=in speciefied viz Spanish, Rhenish,
and Brandy wynes of all sorts each tun fourtein
pound and eight shilling Scots mony, French wynes
of all sorts every tunn seaven pound four shillings
Scots, Paper for printeing and wreating of all sorts
every Six Rimes tuelve shillings Scots, Gray paper
every tuelve rims tuelve shilling Scots, Daills, every
thousand thrie pound Scots, Single trees every
thousand three pound scots, Double trees every
thousand sex pound Scots, double double trees and
all other great firr timber every thousand tuelve
pound Scots, Steell every hundered weight tuelve
shilling Scots, Iron and iron worke beaten of all sorts
every tun one pound four shillings Scots onions
and aples every tuo barrells tuelve shilling Scots,
Mum bear every barrell tuo pund eight shilling
Scots, Prunes every tun tuo pound eight shilling
Scots Rasines Currants and figgs every tun sex
pound Scots, Iron pots of all sorts every duzon
tuelve shillings Scots, Soap every barrell one pound
<P 604.C1>
four shilling Scots, Suggar Candy every hundered
weight sex pound scots Copper Ketles brass panns
and all other made worke in brass or Copper yetlin
or beaten every hundered weight tuo pound eight
shilling Scots, Mader every thousand weight thrie
pound scots, hats of all sorts every thrie duzon one
pound four shilling Scots, Window glass of all
sorts every chist tuelve shilling Scots Leamons
and oranges every thousand tuelve shilling Scots,
hopes of all sorts every hundred weight tuelve
shilling Scots, spanish Leather, marikin, tanned
Leather, wild leather and all other sorts of Leather,
except Muscovia Leather, every hundered weight
tuelve shilling Scots, gloves of all sorts each duzon
tuelve shilling scots, whalbon or balen every tuo
hundered weight, tuelve shilling Scots, And his
Majesty with advice and consent of his Estates of
Parliament doeth hereby rescind and annull the
forsaid eight act of the second Parliament first
Session K: Ch: 2=d= and in all tyme comeing statutes
and ordains that the above mentioned Soumes of
the forsaid Commodities imported into this Kingdom
shall be payed in to the taxmen and Collectors
of his Ma=ties= Customes by the merchants or other
importers of the said goods befor they break bulk
in the same way and maner that his Ma~ties Customes
upon forreigne Commodities are payed in
by the merchants and others, And ordaines the
generall Collectors, Taxmen or fermers of his Ma=ties=
Customes To compt yearly in Excheq=r= for the wholl
imposition above spe~it according to the rate of tuelve
shilling Scots per unce instead of the ounce of bullion
formerly payed in in specie by the merchants,
And to make a general AEque for their severall subcollectors
And his Ma~tie with advice and Consent
forsaid doeth hereby annex the forsaid imposition
for ever unto the imperial Croun of this Kingdome
To remaine with his Ma~tie his ayres and laufull
successors in all tyme comeing for supporteing the
Charge and expence of a free coynage and for
paying the sallaries of the officers of the Mint;
And his Ma~tie with advice and consent of the
Estates of Parliament doeth hereby appropriat and
sett a pairt the forsaid imposition allennerly for
the use of the said Mint and the Supporting the
charge of a free coynage And his Ma~tie with advice
and consent forsaid doeth hereby command
and require the taxmen and Collectors of his Ma~ties
Customes and their deputes to keep the said imposi=o=n
a pairt by it selfe and to pay the same quarterly
to the Lords Commissioners of his Ma~ties
Thesaurie Thesaurer prin=l~l~= and Thesaurer deput
for the tyme being who are hereby required to
keep the saids moneys and impositions a pairt by
it selfe separat and distinct from all others his
Ma~ties Customes and revenues And his Ma~ties
Cashkeeper or receavers are hereby co~manded to
keep a pairt the said moneys in a secure chist by
it selfe whereof the generall or master of the Mint
is to have one key and the Cashkeeper or receavers
<P 604.C2>
ane other key, and the said chist is not to be opened
without the generall or master of the mint be
present, Nor shall the said moneys be delivered
but at such tymes as his Ma~tie or his Privie Councill
shall thinke fitt, to the generall and master of
his Ma~ties Mint for payment of the Sallaries of the
officers +t=r=of and for defraying the expence and
charges of a free coynage; And for the further
encouradgement of merchants and others to import
bullion his Ma~tie with advice and Consent of his
Estates of Parliament Statutes and ordaines That
any merchant or other persone alse weell strangers
as natives who shall import into this Kingdom and
bring in to his Ma~ties Mint any quantities of
bullion or silver of the fynnes of Eleven deniers
tuo graines, which is hereby declared to be the
standart of fynnes of this Kingdome in all tyme
comeing they shall receave out againe from the
General or master of his Ma~ties Mint for all such
quantities imported by them weight for weight in
his Ma~ties Coyne of the standart of fynnes and
the species efter mentioned That is to say for each
pound Scots of sextein ounces Conforme to the
standart pile of Scots weight now in his Ma~ties
Mint, one pound of sextein ounces of his Ma~ties
Current Coyne without being lyable to any charge
or expences whatsoever for essaying melting or
supporteing of waist in coynage of the said quantities
of bullion or silver of the standert of eleven
deniers tuo graines fyne aforsaid, and for every
pound of silver that shall be brought in to the
Mint to be essayed melted doune and coyned as
aforsaid that shall be fyner upon essay then the
standart of eleven deniers tuo graines aforsaid,
there shall be delivered for the same to the merchants
or other importers thereof, by the officers
of the Mint soe much more then a pound as the
samen doeth in proportion and value amount unto
the fynnes and value: And for every pound of
Silver that shall be brought in to the Mint to be
Essayed melted doun and Coyned as aforsaid that
shall be Courser or baser then eleven deneirs tuo
graines fyne There shall be delivered by the officers
of the Mint soe much less then a pound as the
same doeth fall short in fynnes and value It is
always hereby declared That it shall not be laufull
to the officers of the mint to import or bring in to
be Coyned any bullion aither in their oun name or
in the name of others with certification if they
contraveen, It shall be holden a malversation in
their office and punished according to the Laues
of the Kingdome And statutes and ordaines that
there shall be thrie pyles of weight whereof one to
be keeped in Excheq=r=, one by the Dean of gild of
Ed~=r= and the third in the Mint house And Lykeways
That there shall be a standart or printed
table keeped in the Mint house of the value of
money or bullion according to the denominationes
of weights used in the Mint, of deniers, graines,
prymes and seconds, and the ordinary denominationes
<P 605.C1>
of pounds ounces drops and graines By
which merchants or others may know what they
are to give in or gett out when their bullion doeth
arrise above or fall below the standart appoynted,
And his Ma~tie and Estates of Parliament doeth
hereby statute and ordaine that there shall be no
preference in poynt of Essaying or Coynage but that
all silver brought in and delivered in to the Mint
to be Essayed and coyned shall be Essayed coyned
and delivered out to the rex~ive importers according
to their ordor and tymes of bringing in and
delivering the same to the Mint, and not otherways,
soe as he that shall first bring in and deliver
any silver to be Coyned shall be holden and Counted
the first person to have the same Essayed
coyned and delivered, and he or they That shall
bring in the Silver next To be counted the Second
person to have the same Essayed coyned and delivered
and soe successively in course, and that the
silver brought in and coyned as aforsaid shall be
in the same ordor delivered to the rex~ive bringers in
thereof their aires ex~ers and assigneys successively
without preference of one befor another and not
otherways, and if any undue preference be made
in entering of any silver or delivering out of coyned
money contrar to the true intent and meaning
of this act by any officer or officers of +te Mint
or their deputs and servants Then the pairtie or
pairties offending shall be lyable to legal execution
as for a just debt, and to pay the value of +te silver
brought in and not entered and delivered according
to the true intent and meaning of this act with
interest besydes coast and damnages, to the pairtie
or pairties grieved, and shall over and above (\ipso
facto\) be deprived, loose and amitt their office or
offices Provideing always That it shall not be interpreted
any undue preference to incurr any
penalty in poynt of delivery of moneys coyned, if
the officer or officers their deputs or servants shall
deliver out or pay any moneys coyned to any person
or persons that doe come and demand the same
upon subsequent entries befor others that did not
come to demand their moneys in +t=r= ordor and
course soe as there be soe much money reserved as
will satisfie them which shall not be otherways
disposed of but keept for them. And for the better
clearing of what quantities of bullion are from
tyme to tyme delivered in to his Ma~ties Mint, as
lykeways what quantities of silver doe pass his
Ma=ties= Irons, his Ma=ty= with advice forsaid Does
Statute and Ordaine That there shall be a Clerk or
Book keeper in the Mint office who shall be obleidged
to keep tuo Registers or Records in fair
parchment books, and in one of them sett doun the
tymes of ingiveing the severall quantities of bullion
by the merchants and others in presence of the
ingiver, Which book shall be made patent to any
that shall require the same gratis under the pain
of deprivation As lykeways to receave subscrived
accompts from the master Warden Counter Warden
<P 605.C2>
and the Essay master of all the quantities of silver
Coyned in his Ma~ties Mint according to the
standart and fynnes Which accompts soe given in
to him he is to record in his other Register and
the wholl officers of the Mint and their deputs for
whom they shall be answerable, are to subscrive
the samen quarterly To the effect That it may be
knoun what quantities of silver are past his Ma~ties
Irons from tyme to tyme And Likeways That the
severall officers of the Mint are to keep particular
books of record in their rex~ive offices as formerly
all which registers are to be made and keeped upon
their highest perrill, And for the more orderly and
clear performance hereof It is hereby Statute and
Ordained That the master of his Ma~ties Mint for
the tyme being or his depute shall at the tyme of
the delivery and entry of any silver in the said
mint, give to +te bringer or bringers in +t=r=of to be
Coyned, a note or recept under his hand denoteing
the weight fynnes and value +t=r=of Togither with
the day and ordor of its delivery in to +te said mint
bearing in +te body of it a Clause of registration It
being always hereby expressly provided That the
master of his Ma~ties Mint shall be obleidged to
deliver back again to +te inbringers any quantity of
bullion he shall receave from them, in his Ma=ties=
Coyne within +te space of ten dayes, if the bullion
doe not exceed sex thousand pounds scots; and on
fiftein dayes if it doe not exceed tuelve thousand
pounds, and in caice the quantity be greater within
tuenty dayes, and in caice of fail+gie the merchants
or importers shall have legal diligence against him
by chargeing him with horning upon registration
of his note aforsaid with interest by and attour
coast and damnage therfor, And for the farder encouradgement
and assureance of such as shall import
and bring in to his Ma~ties Mint any quantities
of silver to be Coyned His Ma~tie and Estates 
of Parliament Statute and Ordaine That no Confiscation
forfeiture seazure arreastment stop or restrent
whatsoever shall be made in the said mint of
any silver brought in to be Coyned, or by reasone
of any embargo breach of peace Letters of mark
reprisall or warr with any forreigne nation or upon
any other account or pretence whatsoever publict
or privat but that all silver brought in to his Ma~ties
Mint within this Kingdome to be Coyned, shall
truely and with all Convenient speed be Coyned
and delivered out to the inbringers +t=r=of +t=r= aires or
assigneys according to the rules and directiones of
this act And his Ma=tie= and Estates of Parliament
further enact and declare That the General or 
master of his Ma~ties Mint shall be obleidged to
give the Coynage free to any merchant, strangers
or others importers or inbringers of bullion, and in
caice the General or master of his Ma=ties= Mint shall
refuse to accept of enter and Coyne any quantity
or quantities of bullion to be brought in by the
merchants or others to his Ma~ties Mint, The Generall
or master for such refuseall (the merchant or
<P 606.C1>
importer takeing instruments in a notars hand
+t=r=upon) shall (\ipso facto\) be deprived of +t=r= offices
rex~ive, It being always hereby provided That in
caice the quantities of bullion to be imported shall
exceed the stock of money granted to his Ma~tie
for supporteing of a free Coynage, In that Caice
the general or master of his Ma~ties Mint is to make
application to the Lords of Privy Council and to
acquaint +t=r= Lo. +t=r=with To the end that by their 
appoyntment the Commissioners of his Ma~ties
Thesaurie Thesaurer prin=l~l~= or Thesaurer depute for
the tyme being may furnish and advance eightein
lib~ Scots mony for each stone that shall be
brought in by merchants or others to be Coyned
in the Mint untill the next Parliament or Session
of Parliament thereafter shall take into their Consideration
the maner of reimburseing his Ma~tie
for the said advance, It being always hereby declared
that the officers of the Mint shall not be
lyable to the obligation aforsaid for refuseing to
Coyn any such quantities brought in to the Mint
to be Coyned In caice upon any accident The
Commissioners of his Ma~ties Thesaurie Thesaurer
prin=l~l~= or Thesaurer depute for the tyme being
shall refuse or delay to pay eightein lib~ Scots per
ston for the Coynage aforsaid, And his Ma~tie and
Estates of Parliament for certain weighty Considerations
Doe hereby Statute and Ordaine and
Declare That in all tyme comeing the species of
Current Coyne within this Kingdome shall be,
Five shillings, ten shillings, tuenty shillings, fourty
shillings and sixtie shillings scots pieces to be
Coyned of the standart of fynnes and weight efterment~
vi~z The sexty shillings Scots pieces is to
weigh according to the denomination of weights
used in the mint, Tuenty one deniers, eighteen
graines, ten prymes, eightein seconds, and in the
ordinary denomination of weights, fourtein drope
eightein graines, And in regaird That the sexty
shillings Scots piece of the weight aforsaid can not
be brought to a certain number to make up a scots
pound weight without fraction Therfor it is hereby 
declared that the lesser species of Coyne shall
be delivered to the merchant or others importers
of bullion to make up the just weights and when
it shall fall out that the fraction is less then a five
shilling Scots piece In that caice the merchant or
importer shall have such a proportion of a five
shilling piece Clipped of and delivered to him as
may make up the just quantity of a pound weight 
by q=ch= means there will be in a scots pound weight
according to the standart pile of weights now in
the Mint, seaventeen sixtie shilling pieces, one
tuenty shilling piece one ten shilling piece, one five
shilling piece and a small fraction of three shilling
four pennies Scots, The fourty Shilling scots piece
is to weigh according to +te denomination of weights
used in the Mint fourtein deniers tuelve graines
Seaven primes and four seconds, and according to
+te ordinary denomination of Scots weight nyne
<P 606.C2>
drope, tuenty four graines, whereof tuenty sex, and
one ten shilling piece, one five shilling piece and
a small fraction of thrie shilling four pennies scots
make a pound weight, The tuenty shilling piece is
to weigh, according to +te denomination of weights
used in +te mint, seaven deniers, sex graines, three
prymes fourtein Seconds, and according to +te ordinary
denomination of Scots weight four drope,
therty graines, whereof fifty tuo and one ten shilling
piece, one five shilling piece, and a small
fraction of thrie shilling four pennies Scots makes
a Scots pound weight, The ten shilling piece is to
weigh, according to the denomination of weights
in +te mint Thrie deniers, fiftein graines, one pryme
nyntein seconds, and according to +te ordinary denomination
of scots weights tuo drope fiftein
graines, whereof one hundered and five, one five
shilling piece and a fraction of thrie Shilling four
pennies Scots makes a scots pound weight The five
shilling piece is to weigh according to the denomination
of weights used in +te mint, one denier, nyntein
graines, tuelve primes tuenty one Seconds, and
according to +te ordinary denomination of Scots
weights one drope seaven graines and a halfe,
whereof, tuo hundered and Eleven and a fraction
of thrie shilling four pennies Scots make a Scots
pound weight. It is always hereby provided that
if upon tryall it shall be found that the weight of
the se~all species of the money appoynted by this
act shall be prejudicial any way to the interest or
trade of this Kingdome That in that caice his
Ma~tie with advice of his Privie Council may rectifie
or alter the same as they find Cause, But because
it may fall out sometyme casualy That
money be not Coyned and fabricat exactly in all
things to +te true standerts of weights and fynnes
above and efter spe~it Therfor his Ma~tie and Estates
of Parliament Statute and Ordaine That if it shall
casualy fall out that any species of Coyne to be
Coyned for the future within this Kingdome be
lighter or heavier then the standart of weight
aforsaid The officers of +te Mint may deliver the
same Provideing always it be meerly accidental
and Casual and doe not exceed the quantities efter
spe~it viz tuo graines over or under the true
weight of every sixtie or fourty shilling piece or
grain over or under the true weight of every
tuenty shilling piece ten shilling and five shilling
Scots pieces abovespe~it appoynted to be Coyned by
this present act, As alsoe if the money in the species
forsaid to be Coyned shall fall out accidentaly to
be a grain fynner or courser then +te true standart
of eleven deniers tuo graines upon every tuelve
ounces weight soe to be Coyned, The officers of
the mint may deliver out the money to the merchants
or others according to these remeeds of
weight & fynnes abovespe~it, It is hereby always
expressly provided That the officers of the mint
shall be no means worke and fabricat the money
with regaird to the remedies forsaid as they will be
<P 607.C1>
ansuerable at their highest perrill. And it is Statute
and Ordained That they shall keepe ane exact record
of all these remedies both of weight and
fynnes and Compt for the same yearly in Excheq=r=
for his Ma~ties use, and appoynts and ordaines in
all tyme comeing That the Essay master shall take
tuo pieces of every Jurnal That he shall Cutt of
soe much of one of the pieces as will make ane
Essay and shall putt up the remainder and +te other
wholl piece with the Reported Essay all which
shall be putt in to the Pix The warden or Counterwarden
being always present which is to be opened
once every year in the moneth of December at the
sight of the Privy Council, And it is hereby declared
That the tryal of the Pix being made the
wholl silver in the Pix is to be returned to +te
master as his oun and the Essay master is to have
no pairt of it The Pix shall have thrie keyes, One
to be keept by the Lords of Thesaury or Thesaurer
for the tyme being, one by the General and one by
the warden prin=l~l~= of the Mint, And his Ma~tie with
advice and Consent forsaid Doeth Statute and ordaine
That all the money to be Coyned for the
tyme to come within this Kingdom shall be lettered
and grained round the edges That is to say the
sexty and fourty shilling pieces shall be lettered,
the tuenty, ten shilling, and five shilling Scots
pieces shall be grained round the edges The particular
impression, inscription, and reverses As likeways
what proportion of each species of money shall
be Coyned in each ston weight of silver are hereby
left and recommended to +te Lords of his Ma~ties
Privy Council who are by this present act fully
empowered to Consider and Cognosce upon the
fynnes and weight of +te gold Coyne when his
Ma=tie= shall think fitt to grant warrand for the same,
and to regulat appoynt and determine the fynnes,
weight, and species of +te said Gold Coyne and to
ordain and appoynt such impression inscription and
reverse as they shall see cause: And his Ma~tie and
Estates of Parliament doe further Statute and Ordaine
That no Copper shall be Coyned without
his Ma~ties express warrand, and that all copper
which shall be Coyned conforme to his warrand
shall be Coyned in tuo pence and sex pence Scots
pieces, And +t=t= fourty of the sex penny pieces, and
sex score tuelve of the tuo pennie pieces shall
make a pound And recommends to +te Lords of
Privie Council to appoynt tryal to be taken of +te
weight of every Jurnal of Copper befor it goe out
of the mint house, and what profite shall arrise by
the Coynage of +te Copper The officers of +te Mint
shall be lyable to compt for the same to +te Excheq=r=,
And his Ma~tie and Estates of Parliament doe hereby
further Statute and Ordaine That the soume of
tuelve thousand pounds Scots of the imposition aforsaid
imposed by this present act upon the Commodities
abovespe~it shall be all in tyme Coming sett a
part for payment of the officers fies, mantaining of +te
fabrick of +te Mint and Provideing new tools and
<P 607.C2>
other incident Charges relateing to +te mint in
maner afterspe~it viz The General of +te said Mint
The soume of thrie thousand sex hundered lib~
Scots as his fee and Sellarie The Soume of tuo thousand
four hundered pound Scots to +te master of +te
mint, and this over and above the soume of eightein
lib~ Scots money for every Ston of Silver that shall
be Coyned and past his Ma~ties Irons to be payed to
him out of +te Remander of +te said imposition for
supporteing a free Coynage as aforsaid The soume
of ane thousand tuo hundered punds Scots money
to +te prin=l~l~= warden, The soume of one thousand
tuo hundered punds Scots to +te Essay master, The
soume of Seaven hundered and tuenty punds
Scots money to +te Counterwarden The soume of
sex hundered pounds Scots to +te Sinker or graver,
The soume of four hundered and Eightie lib~ Scots
money to +te Clerk or book keeper, The soume of
thrie hundered therty thrie lib~ sex shilling eight
pennies Scots to the Clerk of the bullion who is to
be Clerk for the tyme to come to this new imposi=o=ne
as he was formerly to the bullion or tuelve
shilling p~ ounce payed in liew +t=r=of To the master
Smith The soume of thrie hundered and sextie lib~
Scots As +t=r= fies and sallaries, And the soume of
Eleven hundered sex lib~ therteen shilling four
pennies scots to be payed in to +te General and
master for mantaining the fabrick of +te mint house
Provideing of new tools and other incident charges
relateing to the Mint for w=ch= they are to compt
yearly to his Ma=ties= Excheq=r= and the overplus (if
any shall be) to goe to +te stock of free coynage
aforsd~ The w=ch= soume of tuelve thousand lib~ Scots
for the officers of +te mint and other expences +t=r=of
is to be payed to +te general and master of +te said
Mint Togither with the soume of Eightein lib~ p~
ston to +te master for +te Coynage of +te money at
four termes in +te year viz Candlemes, Whitsunday,
Lambas and Martinmas yearly and +te said
payment to Commence from and after +te first of
November next And his Ma~tie and Estates of Parliament
further Statute and Ordaine That no heads,
sweeps, or Chizell of any gold or silver to be Coyned
in his Ma=ties= Mint shall pass his Ma=ties= Irons
without takeing a second Essay +t=r=of as if +te samen
wer newly brought in to +te Mint to be Coyned;
And to +te effect +t=t= all matters relateing to +te
Coynage and Mint may be equally ordored and
regulated according to this present act and in such
further ways and maner as his Ma=tie= and his Privie
Council shall think fitt It is hereby recommended
to his Ma=ties= Privie Council by some of +t=r= number
to trye every Jurnall of Coyne by it selfe distinctly
and to take exact tryal of all matters Relateing to
+te Coynage both as to +te weight and fynnes of +te
money and other matters Relateing to +te said
Mint tuice every year viz in +te moneths of July
and December yearly and to call befor them +te
wholl officers of +te mint and to examine +t=r= proceedings
and to inspect +t=r= books and to Signe and
<P 608.C1>
subscrive approbationes +t=r=of as they shall see
Cause, and this without prejudice of +te said officers
of +te mint their compting yearly to +te Lords of his
Ma~ties Exchequer and Thesaurie for all matters
Committed to their trust.

[}AT EDINBURGH,
JUNE XV, M,DC,LXXXVI.}]

THE Laird of Lamond in name of the Lord
Sempill did protest +t=t= +te Calling of +te Lord Sinclar
and other Lords before him in +te Rolls may
not prejudge the Lord Sempill of his Right of
precedencie befor +te Lord Sinclair and any other
Lords interveening in the Rolls

[}ACT RESCINDING A COMMISSION GRANTED
ANENT THE ESTATE OF ARGYLE}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD and Estates of 
Parliament Considering that forasmuch as there
was ane act past +te last Session of this Current
Parliament for a Co~mission anent the Estate of +te
late Earle of Argyle w=t= +te Parliamentarie powers
+t=r=in mentioned, and that his Ma~tie hath not
thought fitt to make any nomination of +te saids
Commissioners soe as the said act hes taken no
effect Therfor his Ma=ty= with advice and Consent of
the Estates of Parliament Retraits Repales and
Rescinds the forsaid act and Commission anent +te
Estate of Argyle and declares the samen to be null
and void in all tyme comeing

[}ACT RESCINDING A CLAUSE IN THE ADDRESS
MADE BY THE PARLIAMENT AGAINST THE LATE
EARLE OF ARGYLE}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD takeing to his
Consideratione the 36 act of the first Session of this
Parliament Entituled Act anent the address of +te
Estates of Parliament of his Ma~ties ancient Kingdom
of Scotland to his Sacred Ma=tie= against +te arch
traitor Archbald Campbell sometyme Earle of
Argyle And that his Ma~tie from his unparalelled
Clemencie and goodnes hes bein graciously pleased
to pardon and indemnifie severall persones who wer
accessory to and involved in +te said Rebellion Notwithstanding
the Estates of Parliament from +t=r=
zeal to his Ma=ties= service and detestation of +te said
Rebellion did by +t=r= address humbly desire they
should be for ever incapable of mercie, and that
any of his Ma=ties= Subjects who should interceed for
them any maner of way should incur the pain of
treason. And in regaird his Ma=tie= did make no signification
of his Royal pleasure as to +te said address
Therfor his Ma=tie= with advice and Consent of his
<P 608.C2>
Estates of Parliament, Casses, annulls, and Rescinds
that Clause in +te samen address as to +te Exercise
of his Ma=ties= mercie or +te intercessiones of
any of his Ma~ties Subjects made or to be made in
+t=t= behalfe And declares +te samen Clause to have
no force strength nor effect from +te begining And
to be null and voyd in all tyme coming.

[}ACT ANENT THE MEASURE OF BARK}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD and Estates of
Parliament takeing to +t=r= Consideration the great
prejudice that does arrise through the uncertainty
of the measure of bark within this Kingdome
Doe Statute and Ordaine That the constant measure
of bark in all tyme comeing shall be as folloues
viz That tuenty tuo gallones shall be the
measure of ane boll of unbeaten bark and soe proportionaly
for lesser measures, And that the Linlithgow
barley measure shall be the measure for all
beatten small Mallowe barke; and Prohibites and
Discharges all persones whatsomever to make use
of any other measures then the measures aforsaid
in buying or Selling of barke in tyme comeing
under +te paine of ane hundered punds Scots toties
quoties besyd the forfaulture of +te bark soe
bought or sold

[}ACT RESCINDING ANE ACT ENTITULED ACT FOR
SECURITY OF THE RECORDS.}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD Considering how
much it does import the good and interest of his
Subjects That +t=r= be Registers keept in +te particular
Shyres of this Kingdome As is Established by
Law and Custome to +te effect his Ma~ties subjects
may have free access therto for Registrateing of
their writes and diligences And for extracts of +te
same without being putt to +te truble and Expence
of Repairing to Edinburgh for Searching the general
Registers Therfor his Ma~tie with advice and
Consent of his Estates of Parliament Casses Annulls
and Rescinds the therty third act of +te first
Session of this Current Parliament Entituled Act
for security of the Records and Declares the samen
to be null and voyd in all tyme comeing

[}ACT IN FAVORS OF JOHN MEIKLE FOUNDER}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD and Estates of
Parliament takeing to Consideration the great advantage
that the nation may have by the trade of
founding lately brought in to this Kingdom by
John Meikle for Casting of bells Cannons and
other such usefull instruments Doe for encuradgement
to him and others in +te same trade Statute 
and ordaine That the same shall enjoy the benefite
<P 609.C1>
and priviledges of a manufactorie in all points as
the other manufactories newly erected are alloued
to have by the Lawes and acts of Parliament and
that for +te space of nyntein years next following
+te date hereof

[}ACT IN FAVORS OF M=R= WALTER BIRNIE PREACHER}]

ANENT the petition presented to his Majesty
and Estates of Parliament by M=r= Walter Birnie
preacher of the Gospell mentioning That where
being blind since his infancie yet God haveing
been pleased to bestow upon him Education as liberall
as to those whom he hes blissed with eyes,
being bread in divinity at Oxfoord after he had
past his Course of Philosophy and Grammar in
Scotland, This talent bestowed upon him (such as
it is) he hes by Gods assistance, these many years
bygain employed in preaching the Gospell in this
his native Countrey, And is yet resolved God willing
to employ it soe, but never being endued with
a setled stipend, and now groun old and poor,
though still able to preach the Gospell If any way
encouradged by the bounty of his Majesty and
Estates of Parliament And therfor humbly requesting
and supplicateing his Ma=tie= and said
Estates to take his indigent condition to their gracious
Consideration and to Commiserat his Caice
soe fare as to lett ther poor Petitioner have some refreshing
taste of ther bounty, in ordoring such
a yearly annuity to be payed to him out of the
vacand stipends of this Kingdome as may affoord
the Petitioner a livelyhood, and encouradge him
to deliver his message of the Gospell in the same
maner as he hes done formerly in this Kingdome 
That he may have constant occasion to pray for
his Majesty and Estates of Parliament The Kings
Ma=ty= and Estates of Parliament haveing heard the
forsd~ petition together with the report of the
Lords of +te articles theranent have ordained and
hereby ordaines the petitioner to have four hundered
merks payed him out of the first of the
vacand stipends gifted to the Colledge of Glasgow
for his aliment yearly dureing his life or untill
he be better provided Commenceing the first
termes payment at martinmas next and therafter
yearly and termely in tyme comeing at the termes
of martinmes and whitsunday be equal portiones
dureing his said liftyme.

[}ACT IN FAVORS OF ROBERT CUNINGHAM OF
AUCHINHERVIE FOR UPLIFTING AN IMPOSITION ON 
BEER & AILE FOR BUILDING ANE HARBOUR AT
SALTCOATS}]

OUR SOVERAIGNE LORD and Estates of
Parliament Understanding how profitable and usefull
ane harbour at Saltcoats within the pariochins
<P 609.C2>
of Stevenson and Ardrossan, Bailiary of Cuningham
and Sherifdoom of Air as weell to strangers
as those of the Kingdom, and for exporting
the native Commodities of that Countrey, and
Especialy Coall & Salt wherewith it abounds And
That Robert Cuningham of Auchinhervie hath
already Employed and is to employ much money
and charges for building of +te said harbour And
that ane small imposition upon the aill and beer
broun and vended within these parochins, And
which for the most pairt is bought and drunk by
those who come to, and goe from the harbour,
may in some measur repair the said Robert of his
expenses of the said building Therfor Our Soveraigne
Lord with Consent of the Estates of Parliament
Statutes and Ordaines That four pennies Scots
money be uplifted be the said Robert Cuningham
his aires and Successors from brewars and venders
of aile or beer within the saids parochines of
Stevenson and Ardrossan out of each pynt thereof,
and that for +te space of Tuenty years immediatly
ensueing the date of this act With full power warrand
and liberty to +te said Robert and his forsaids
To uplift Levie and Collect the same from
+te persons lyable therfor dureing the space forsaid,
In the same way and maner as his Ma~ties Excyse
is uplifted, And which four pennies Scots to be uplifted
in maner and space forsaid The said Robert
hes accepted and hereby accepts in satisfaction to
him and his forsaids of their expenses employed
and to be employed upon the forsaid building
which by the acceptation hereof he is obleidged to
apply to +te building, at +te sight of +te sheriff of +te
shyre and bailie of Regality of Cuningham, who
are to give ane accompt To +te Lords of Privie
Council of that mater when called for It is always
hereby provided that in Caice by the forsaid imposition
His Ma=tys= Excyse of beer and aile within
the saids parochins be diminished That the said 
Robert and his forsaids shall be bound to take +te
same and to pay as much therfor as any fermers or
Collectors gott out thereof any year thir seven
years bygain.

[}ACT IN FAVORS OF GEORGE DUKE OF GORDOUN
FOR BUILDING A BRIDGE ON THE WATER OF
BOGY}]

ANENT The Petition presented to his Ma=ty= and
Estates of Parliament by George Duke of Gordoun
Mentioning That where for the Conveniencie
of the Lieges It is necessary That a bridge be built
on the watter of Bogy and the inhabitants of the
Shyres of Inverness, Nairne Murray Banfe and
Aberdeen ordinarly passing south and north by
the said river which in the tyme of winter and
great raines is unpassable, soe that there is great
danger to the people, And the petitioner intending
to Cause build a sufficient Ston bridge on the
<P 610.C1>
said River, and that it will be necessary soe much
of the ten shillings Scots by the former Laws on
each hundereth punds of valued rent appointed for
building and repairing of bridges may be alloued
for building thereof Therefor humbly Craveing
his Ma=ty= and Estates of Parliament wold be pleased
to ordaine soe much of the said ten shillings
Scots to be uplifted out of the saids rex~ive shyres
as may build the said bridge and to recomend to
+te Commissioners of the Supply or their quorum
to see the same effectualy done The Kings Majesty
and Estates of Parliament haveing considered this
petition Doe ordaine soe much of the ten shillings
Scots imposed by act of Parliament upon the hundereth
punds of valued rent to be uplifted out of
the respective shyres above mentioned as may
build the bridge a~spe~it And Reco~mends to the
Commissioners of Supply or quorum of them to
see the same effectualy done.



<B SREC3A> 
<Q SC3 STA REC STIRL3> 
<N STIRLING RECORDS> 
<A X> 
<C SC3> 
<O DATE 1667-1680> 
<M MEDIUM MS> 
<D CSC> 
<V PROSE> 
<T LOCAL RECORD> 
<G X> 
<F X> 
<W WRITTEN> 
<X X> 
<Y X> 
<H X> 
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN> 
<E X> 
<J X> 
<I FORMAL> 
<Z STAT> 
<S SAMPLE X> 
 
[^EXTRACTS FROM THE RECORDS OF THE ROYAL BURGH OF STIRLING, 
1667-1752. ED. R. RENWICK. VOL. II.
GLASGOW 1889.
PP. 1.1-28.5^]

<P 1>
[} [\1 JANUARY 1667.\] }]
   The provest, baillie Stevinson, dean of gild, and conveener, #
made report
that they had met with Mr. James Forsith and shown him the      #
dissatisfaction
of the merchands and trads to consent to the calling and        #
presenting of Mr.
John Hay till they hear him preach, and Mr. James ansuer was    #
that there was
no possibilitie for that unles they would goe to his awin       #
church and heare him;
but, seing the counsell had once aggried to present him, they   #
cannot pas from
it till Mr. John give a refuisall; and for Mr. James pairt,     #
incase the councill
be negligent, he would ather seek out for an uther plaice or    #
els mean himself
to the supream judicatorie for a helper.

[} [\18 FEBRUARY 1667.\] }]
   The dean of gild, conveener, and deacons, made report, as    #
of before, that
their severall brethreen will not at all consent to the calling #
and presenting of
Mr. John Hay to be second minister till they heare him preach.

[} [\23 MARCH 1667.\] }]
   Compeired Walter Cowan, present visitor of the maltmen, and  #
being
desired be the councill to give his aith that he sall           #
faithfullie visite the haill
malt made within this burgh and report the insufficiency therof #
everie counsell
day, that the faulteris may be punished, and to take the oath   #
of alledgeance
and subscrive the declaratione, sieing he is a person of        #
publict trust, the said
Walter was willing to give his aith (\de fideli                 #
administratione\) , but refuised to
<P 2>
take the oath of alledgeance and subscrive the declaratione;    #
and therfore, the
magistrats and counsell refuises to admitt him with their       #
auctoritie to the
exercise of the said charge as visitor; and seing he hes        #
exercised the said
office be the maltmens election, without taking the said oath   #
of alledgeance
and subscriveing the said declaration, he is to be ansuerable   #
to the censure of
the privie counsell for the same.
   Recomendis to the provest [\and five others\] to meet with   #
Mr. James
Forsith, minister, and take a vew of the Over Hospital well,    #
and to caus build
a dyke about the same for preservatione of the yaird from those #
that getis 
water out of the well.

[} [\1 JUNE 1667.\] }]
   The proveist, baillies, and counsell, receaves and admittis  #
the persons
following to the libertie and fredome of burgesses and gild     #
brether of the said 
burgh, gratis, viz., James marqueis of Montrois, lord Graham    #
and Mugdock,
Robert lord Carnegie, Sir Robert Douglas of Tulliwhillie, Sir   #
Thomas Ker of
Fairnilie, John Dundas of Barronshall, Mr. Robert Cockburn,     #
major John
Sympson, captain John Dunbar, captain John Nairn, [\and certain #
"servitors" 
and others, thirteen in all. Also six "servitors" admitted "to  #
the libertie and
freedome of burgesses and neighbouris."\]

[} [\28 AUGUST 1667.\] }]
   James Norie, clerke, produced againe the towns great         #
chartour and great
seale which was in his custodie and are delyverit to the dean   # 
of gild and
conveener to be put upe, the chartour into the chartourhous and #
the seale in
the boill of the counsell hous.

[} [\16 SEPTEMBER 1667.\] }]
   Nominatis James Norie, clerk, to ryd to Paisley with the     #
comptis of 
quarterings dew be the lord Carnegies troop to this burgh and   #
to get payment
therof before they be disbanded.

[} [\23 SEPTEMBER 1667.\] }]
   Alexander Jack and Robert Andersone, new counsellers, tooke  #
the oath
of alledgeance to our Soveraigne Lord and subscrivit the        #
declaration of
parliament; and John Matthison, chosen deacon of the cordinars  #
be their 
craft, and refuising to take the said oath, was removed.

<P 3>
[} [\18 NOVEMBER 1667.\] }]
   The magistrats and councill hes aggried with Mr. James       #
Forsith, minister, 
for a tack to be granted be him to the towns thesaurer, for the #
towns behove,
of the small teind or viccarage of the haill yairds within the  #
said burgh of
Sterling and territorie thereof, with the viccarage and small   #
teind of the haill
salmond cobles upon the water of Forth that properlie belongs   #
to the said
burgh and payes immediatly their duetie to them, with the       #
viccarage teind of
that frie coble perteaning to the lands of Raploch, and that    #
uther free coble
belonging to the lands of Shiphaugh, and that for the space of  #
the said Mr.
James his service of the cure at the kirk of Sterling, for      #
payment yearelie
be the said thesaurer to the said Mr. James of the soume of     #
thriescore poundis
Scottis money yearelie.

[} [\10 FEBRUARY 1668.\] }]
   The councill, conforme to the custome observit be their      #
predicessouris,
ordeanes the town thesaurer to pay to James Stevinson, present  #
provest, the
thriescore pounds Scotts receavit fra John Ferguson,            #
chyrurgion, for his
freedome as gild brother; which, with twa hundered merkes the   #
said provest
is to receave from the gild thesaurer, is to be in satisfaction #
to him of an gild
brothers entrie which he is to get, being once provest.

[} [\24 FEBRUARY 1668.\] }]
   Ordeans James Brown, thesaurer, to send to Holland for a new #
bell to
the town knock as big as the tollbuith steeple will receave;    #
and the size of
the said bell to be sent over.

[} [\18 APRIL 1668.\] }]
   Ordeans the clerke to write to Hugh Stevinsone, servand to   #
Sir Peter 
Wedderburn, to know quhat is the first dyet of the privie       #
councillis sitting,
that supplication may be made to their lordships for removeing  #
the castell
sojeris that are quartered in this town to their owin           #
garrisone.

[} [\13 JUNE 1668.\] }]
   The proveist, baillies, dean of gild, and thesaurer, made    #
report to the
councill that they had mett with the commissioners of excise    #
and justices of
the peace of the shire, in order to the setlement of the        #
militia of the shire and
towne, and at their last meeting it was concluded that a        #
particulare list be
<P 4>
given in of all the fencible men within the shire and town, and #
that the Earle
of Callander, collonell, and the commissioners, had put it to   #
the magistrats and
councill to make choyse of a captain, leiftennent, and          #
ensigne, within themselves;
quhilk being considered be the councill, they have unanimouslie #
recommended
to the saids magistrats, dean of gild, and thesaurer to take    #
upe a particuler
list of all the fencible men within the said burgh, be the      #
constables or other
persons whome they shall think fitt to choise, that it may be   #
given in with the
rest of the lists of the shire at the next meeting, and to      #
nominat and setle
with the fittest persons they can have within the town to be    #
captain, leiftennent,
and ensigne.

[} [\24 JUNE 1668.\] }]
   Report being made that the commissioners of excise and       #
justices of the
peace for the shire had past from the listing of all fencible   #
persones, and hes
resolved to outreike the militia conform to the levies in       #
(\anno\) 1648, and
therafter, and that they have imposed upon the town a           #
proportion of the
troope horse or as many foot in lew therof as they alledge the  #
town was
formerlie in use to doe; and the counsell finding it contrair   #
to former custome,
or the custome of any burgh in Scotland, to put out troope      #
horse, have therfore
comisionat [\the provost and six others\] to repair presentlie  #
to the lords of his
Majesties privie councill and to supplicat their lordships for  #
exemption of all
proportion of hors and to debeat against the shire theranent,   #
and nowayes to
condiscend to any proportion of hors without the counsell       #
determin the contrary.

[} [\29 JUNE 1668.\] }]
   The provest, baillies, dean of gild, and thesaurer, made     #
report that as they
were readdie to goe to Edinburgh to the lords of privie         #
counsell for supplicating
exemption to the town of all proportion of horse in this        #
present militia, the
earle of Callander and the rest of the commissioners desired to #
compose and
setle the difference peaceably amongst themselves without       #
publict debeat,
which they aggried unto; and having mett togither they have     #
aggried and
condiscended with the saids commissioners that the town sall    #
onelie outreik
and put out, as their full proportione of the haill six         #
hundered thrie score six
footmen and foure score eight horsemen imposed upon the shires  #
of Sterling
and Clakmanan and burghs within the same, the number of fyftie  #
footmen
sufficientlie armed with twa pairts muskets and thrie pairt     #
pikes.

<P 5>
[} [\27 JULY 1668.\] }]
   The councill nominatis and appoyntis the baillies, dean of   #
gild, theasurer,
and conveener, to take upe a list of all the fencible persons   #
within this burgh
that out of the said list the fyftie footmen may be chosen out, #
with consent of
the captan, for the towns proportion of the militia, and for    #
encouragement of
the saids sojers so to be chosen the counsell allowes six       #
shilling Scottis to be
given each of them at their ontakeing, uther six shilling to    #
ilk an of them
quhen they receave their armes, six shilling every an of the    #
muster dayes of
the yeare, and six pounds Scottis to ilk an of them for an      #
years service to such
as will not accept of their freedome as burgesses and           #
neighbouris for them and
their childreen; and such as will accept of their said freedome #
are to have the
same for them and their childreen in als great force as if they #
payed for the
same.

[} [\17 AUGUST 1668.\] }]
   Certane overtouris being made in councill what may the       #
charges and
expences depursit and to be depursit for paying of the officers #
and sojers of
the towns militia and buying of armes, and other contingent     #
charges to be
expended in relation to the said militia, may be best payed, it #
was concluded
and aggried upon, by pluralitie of voices, that the samyn be    # 
stentit and
imposed upon the severall incorporations proportionablie, as    #
the second
ministers stipend is imposed and collected, till some other     #
easier way be
condiscended upon be the magistrats and counsell for defraying  #
the saids
charges for the futur.

[} [\29 AUGUST 1668.\] }]
   The magistrats and councill, upon report made be the deacon  #
conveener
and remanent deacones, that their crafts hes absolutelie        #
refuised to consent to 
an imposition of twentie shilling upon ilk boll malt for        #
defraying the townes
debtis and publict charges, it was concluded and aggried upon,  #
by pluralitie of
voices, that supplication salbe made be the councill to the     #
Kings Majestie and
his privie counsell for the said imposition; against the quhilk #
John Galloway,
deacon conveener, for himself and in name of the haill crafts,  #
protested.

[} [\21 SEPTEMBER 1668.\] }]
   The magistrats and counsell, considering the great expence   #
upon the
town in paying twentie foure shilling Scottis, weeklie, to      # 
Robert Mein, postmaster
<P 6>
in Edinburgh, for newes letteres and gazets, and that in this   #
peaceable 
tyme there is no necessitie to be at such a charge, they have   #
therefore quat
the said Robert from continowing any longer in sending any moe  #
newes letteres
or gazetts to this town till they be farder advysed.

[} [\13 OCTOBER 1668.\] }]
   The proveist, baillies, and councill, considering it were    #
fit and expedient,
after soe long vaccancie of the second ministeris place of the  #
said burgh, there
were some effectuall course taken for planting the same; and    #
having heard
one Mr. Patrick Murray, expectant at Gask, preach here these    #
twa Sabboathes
last, they unanimouslie declare themselves weell satisfied with #
his doctrine,
and upon the testimonie they have seen and heard of his good    #
life and
conversatione they resolve to call him to be second minister of #
this burgh and
to grant him a presentation thereto. [\Opinions of guildry,     #
crafts, maltmen,
mechanicks and omnigatherum to be obtained.\]

[} [\17 OCTOBER 1668.\] }]
   The dean of gild, conveener, deacons of crafts, visitor of   #
the maltmen,
and representatives of the mechanicks and omnigatherum, made    #
report to the
councill that their severall incorporationes are weell          #
satisfied with the doctrin
of Mr. Patrik Murray, expectant, and with the councillis        #
purpose and intention
to grant him a presentatione to be second minister of this      #
burgh.

[} [\28 NOVEMBER 1668.\] }]
   The magistrats and councill, nevertheles of the statutis     #
latelie made
appoynteing the pynt of ale to be sold for xiiij d., yet        #
whatever brewers are
willing to grant to the town an merke Scottis of ilk boll malt  #
to be brewed
be them, for defraying the charges of the towns militia, they   #
shall have libertie 
to take for their ale what they pleas.

[} [\11 MARCH 1669.\] }]
   The councill appoynts the thesaurer to send over the old     #
knok bell to
Holland and to caus cast a good new one, and the new bell which #
came home
for the Over Hospitall to be put upe and hung in the kirk       #
steeple, and the
bell that is for the present in the knok hous to be hung upe in #
the steeple of
the said hospitall.

<P 7>
[} [\5 APRIL 1669.\] }]
   The magistrats and councill, considering that divers         #
persons, burgesses,
gild brether, and neighbouris of this burgh, hes deserted the   #
same and removed
themselves and familie to the cuntrey and uther burghs to       #
reside in, contrair
to the acts of burrowes and counsell of this burgh, therfore    #
the saids magistrats
and counsell statuts and enacts that all such persones sall     # 
ather return to this
burgh and reside therin, and bear their proportion of watching, #
warding, and all
other impositions, with the rest of the neighbouris and         #
inhabitantis, certifieing
such as failyies they sall amitt and lose their said freedome   #
for them and their
posteritie in all tyme therafter.
   Report was made be the proveist, baillies, dean of gild, and #
conveener,
that they have setled with Mr. Patrik Murray, now their second  #
minister, to
pay him twelve hundered merkis Scottis yearelie for his stipend #
and twa
hundered merkis yearelie for his mans and gleib.

[} [\11 OCTOBER 1669.\] }]
   The proveist, baillies, and councill of the said burgh,      #
being conveened,
report was made be the deacon conveener and remanent deacones   #
that none
of their trads will consent to any impositioun to be imposit    #
upon the boll malt
for defraying the charges of the militia this last yeare and in #
tyme comeing;
quhilk being considered be the saids magistrats and councill,   #
and conceaveing
that the common good of the said burgh is not able to defray    #
the same,
therefore they have unanimouslie aggried that a perfyt list of  #
all the fencible
men within the said burgh, betwixt sixtie and sixteen yeares of #
age, be taken
upe presentlie be the baillies of their severall quarters; and  # 
quhatever expences
is alreaddie depursit upon the militia that a stent be imposit  #
for the same
upon ilk person be the head. And quhatever master sall conceale #
any prenteis
or servant he is to be lyable for the said concealed person     #
himselfe.
   The magistrats and councill appoyntis the thesaurer to caus  #
make six
double and six single ledders for the townes use, and not to    #
lend them to any
persone without fourtie shilling for ilk lend, and to buy twa   #
dozen of leather
bucketts, and a green cloath for the counsell table.

[} [\8 NOVEMBER 1669.\] }]
   The proveist, baillies, and councill, takeing to             #
consideration the great
debt dew be the said burgh and the daylie increase thereof      #
through the
<P 8>
manifold burdeens layed upon the same, which the common good of #
the said
burgh is not able to defray; therefore, by pluralitie of        #
voices, they have aggried 
that all means be asseyed for a gift to be had from the Kings   #
Majestie for an
imposition upon the malt brewed within the said burgh for       #
defraying the
charges of the towns militia, and payment of the towns debts,   #
repairing of the
tolbuith, and uther publict charges of the said burgh, and      #
recommends to the
magistrats, dean of gild, and conveener to purchas the same     #
upon the towns
charges. [\This act rescinded 7th October 1671.\]

[} [\31 OCTOBER 1670.\] }]
   Aggried that there be a councill keept every first Saturnday #
of ilk moneth
in all tyme comeing for treating upon the common affaires of    #
the said burgh,
and the haill members are requyred carefullie to keep the same, #
but prejudice
alwayes to keep oftner dyets as occasion sall requyre.

[} [\7 JANUARY 1671.\] }]
   Recomendis to the minister to acquaint the kirk session that #
a collection
be gathered at the kirk upon a Sabboath for helping to build a  #
stone bridge
in the Kers of Polmais over Bannokburn water.

[} [\4 FEBRUARY 1671.\] }]
   Report was made be the magistrats that a collection was      #
gathered for the
bridge over Bannokburn in the Kers, but the same was verie      #
inconsiderable 
for supplie of such a worke, and therefor they recomend to the  #
magistrats to
help the same as they shall think fit.

[} [\1 APRIL 1671.\] }]
   The proveist, baillies, and councill, takeing to their       #
consideration the
hurt and prejudice that is done to the wrights, coopares,       #
glassinwrights,
litstares, and sklaitters, free burgesses and inhabitants       #
within the said burgh,
in suffering strangers of the saids callings, and not freemen   #
nor residenters
within the same bearing burdeen with the rest, to worke within  #
the said burgh,
and to take prenteises for shorter space then uther trads       #
doeth, and suffering
them to set upe worke at their owin hands before they attaine   #
any knowledge
of their trade, wherethrow the saids freemen who are            #
sufficiently furnished to
serve the inhabitants of the said burgh in their respective     #
callings and trades
<P 9>
are rendered unable to bear their pairt of the common burdeens  #
of the said
burgh without remead be provyded; for remead quherof, in tyme   #
comeing, the
saids magistrats and councill statutis and ordeans that noe     #
wright, coopare,
glassinwright, litstare, or sklaitter, not being freemen and    #
inhabitants within
the said burgh, salbe suffered to worke their saids trades      #
within the libertie
of the said burgh in tyme comeing till first they be enterit    #
burgesses and
neighbours of the said burgh be the magistrats and councill and #
pay therefore
as uther strangers are in use to pay, and reside and beare all  #
publict burdeens
with the rest of the neighbours of the said burgh; and that     #
none of the
freemen of the callings foresaid take any prenteises in tyme    #
comeing for
shorter space then fyve yeares, under the paine of an unlaw to  #
be exacted be
the saids magistrats and councill; provyded alwayes that the    #
saids freemen of
the callings foresaid worke at as easie rates and pryces as     #
heretofore hes been
wrought at, and incase of differences or complaints to be made  #
therannent 
that they be alwayes regulat be the magistrats for the tyme.

[} [\3 JUNE 1671.\] }]
   The magistrats and counsell, takeing to consideratioun the   #
desire of James
Russell, dean of gild, in name of the gildrie, craveing         #
libertie to sett upe a
cran at the shore upon the gildries expences, for the common    #
use of the gildbrether,
doe hereby grant libertie to the said gildrie to set upe the    #
said cran
for the use foresaid and to build a litle hous at the shore for #
keeping the
towes from rain.
   The magistrats and councill, considering the great abuse     #
heretofore 
comitted within this burgh by woole sellers, especiallie the    #
cuntrey people,
bringing in their woole to the mercat and selling the same be   #
thrie howers in
the morning; for preventing of which abuse in tyme comeing,     #
they have
statute and ordeaned that no woole seller whatsomever presume   #
hereafter to
open their sheets or packs, or sell any sort of woole within    #
this burgh, on the
calsey or in shops and houses, till seavin howers in the        #
morning, under the
paine of ten pounds ilk person.

[} [\31 JULY 1671.\] }]
   The magistrats and councill, for preventing of a fyn to be   #
imposed by the
lords of privie councill for not mending the hie wayes, have    #
ordeaned the town
thesaurer to caus mend the way from the foot of the Mary Wynd   #
to the bridge
<P 10>
and to enlarge the same and imploy quarriers to levell the      #
craigs therin and
build a new dyke on the eist syde in upon the hospital croft.

[} [\2 DECEMBER 1671.\] }]
   The magistrats and councill have nominat James Stevinson,    #
proveist, and
Robert Russell, baillie, to goe to Edinburgh, soe soon as       #
adverteisment comes
from the towns advocatis, and attend the calling of the sumonds #
raised be the
Earle of Callander against the towne for the allegit staig and  #
shirreff gloves
acclamed be him.

[} [\6 JANUARY 1672.\] }]
   Ordeans that no muck or fuilyie be carried furth of the said #
burgh to lay
upon any land but such as belongs to the said burgh and         #
hospitallis, unles
the transporters therof obleidge themselves to grind their      #
victuall at the towns
milnes and pay the ordinare multour therfore.
   The magistrats and councill, understanding that the flesh    #
mercat is
abused by the landwart fleshouris in bringing in to the mercat  #
to be sold old
kye with milk in their papes, and selling the same for huddron  #
vaillis, by
cutting aff the papes and lewers and priking them bak, and      #
bringing in
casten calfes unlicked and wanting the head and selling the     #
same for good
calf vaillis; for preventing of which abuse and uthers in tyme  #
comeing, the
saids magistratis and councill statutis and ordeans that noe    #
landwart fleshour in
tyme comeing bring in to the mercat to be sold any kye abone    #
the age of
foure yeares to be sold for huddron; and that all such kye and  #
huddrons, and
all calf vaillis brought in to be sold have their heads brought #
in with them
uncutt off; and that noe ew be brought in to be sold by the     #
landwart fleshouris
or killed and sold be the town fleshouris from the first of     #
Januar till Whitsonday
yearelie, and that none of them kill nor sell any bull or toop  #
from
Michaelmes to Lambes yearlie; ilk person contraveening under    #
the paine of
fyve pounds and confiscatioun of the saids beasts.
   The proveist, baillies and counsell, takeing to their        #
consideratione the
great hurt and prejudice susteaned be the litstares of this     #
burgh through the
abuse comitted be the litstares dwelling in landwart, who keeps #
houses within
the said burgh for resett of all sorts of yairn and cloath      #
brought to them by
the neighbouris and cuntrey people to be litted, and bringing   #
in and carrieing
out of the samyn be themselves and their servantis, wherethrow  #
the saids
<P 11>
town litstares are rendered unable to beare their pairt of the  #
common burdeens
of the said burgh; for remead quherof the saids proveist,       #
baillies, and councill,
statuts and ordeans that noe litstare dwelling in landwart,     #
presume, after
Candlemes next, ather be themselves, their servants, or uthers  #
in their names,
bring in any litted cloath or yairn within the said burgh, or   #
carry any yairn
or cloath furth of the same to be litted be them, nor yet that  #
they keep any
hous or shop to receave any cloath or yairn therin to be taken  #
out and litted
as said is, under the paine of confiscation of the said yairn   #
and cloath, (if it be 
apprehended within the said burgh in their possession), and     #
payment of ane
unlaw of fyve pounds to the towns use; provyded alwayes the     #
saids town
litstares lit at as easie rates as the saids landwart           #
litstares, and to be regulat
be the saids magistrats and councill; and that it sall be       #
lawfull to any neighbour
or inhabitant of the said burgh, be themselves or their         #
servantis, to carry furth
of the said burgh their owin cloath and yairn to landwart to be #
litted be the
saids landwart litstares and to bring in the same litted as     #
said is.

[} [\3 FEBRUARY 1672.\] }]
   The magistrats and councill, considering the sad accidents   #
latelie befallen
in this burgh through the old ruinous houses within the same,   #
pairt
quherof hes killed some persons in their fall; for preventing   #
of the lyke hazard
in tyme comeing they nominat the haill baillies, with the dean  #
of gild and
conveener, to take some honest neighbouris and craftsemen and   #
take a view
of all the old waist houses within the severall quarters of the #
town, and to
caus take down such as are ruinous and likelie to fall soe far  #
as may prevent
hazard in tyme comeing.
   The thesaurer is ordeaned to send to London for twa dozen of #
leather
buckets for the towns use.

[} [\16 MARCH 1672.\] }]
   The magistrats and councill appoyntis the masters of the     #
Over Hospital
to pay fourtie shilling Scots, weeklie, to each of the          #
ordinares that are to reside
in the said hospitall, for their aliement, and to lay in ane    #
load of coallis to ilk
chamber weeklie in the summer tyme and twa loads weeklie in     #
the wintare
tyme, and to furnishe candle necessary for their use.
   The councill recommends to the saids magistrats, dean of     #
gild, and
thesaurer, to meett with the commissioners of the shire annent  #
the towns
<P 12>
proportion of the present leavie of foot imposed on this        #
kingdome for his
Majesties service, comonlie called the Blue Coats.

[} [\22 APRIL 1672.\] }]
   The magistrats and councill, takeing to their consideration  #
the expences
and charges alreaddie depursit and to be depursit be the town   #
thesaurer out
of the common good of the said burgh in the outreikeing of the  #
twa land sojers
and ane half sojer, with their cloaths and blue coatts, and the #
three seamen
imposed on the said burgh be the lords of privie councill for   #
his Majesties
service of the fleet, togither with their transport money to    #
Leith and Burntiland,
which the said common good is not able to defray, they have     #
therefore
unanimouslie aggried that there be three monethes assesse       #
casten on upon
the inhabitants of the said burgh and territorie thereof for    #
defraying the 
foresaids charges; and recommends to the magistrats to setle    #
with such persons
as will engadge for the said service at as easie rates as can   #
be aggried upon.
And nominats James Brown, baillie, to take twa footmen with him #
and conduct
the twa land sojers to leith and to delyver them to the captane #
and get a
discharge; and nominats Robert Anderson, conveener, and uther   #
twa footmen
with him, to conduct and delyver the thrie seamen at Burntiland #
and to get
a discharge to the town from such as hes power to receave them.

[} [\1 JUNE 1672.\] }]
   The magistrats and councill, considering the manifold        #
complaints against
the master and doctours of the grammer schoole for their        #
negligence and non
proficiencie of the children therein, wherethrow the said       #
schoole is decayed, to
the great hurt and discredit of the burgh, they have            #
unanimouslie aggried
that the said master and doctours be discharged and their place #
vacand at
Mertimes, and that no master or doctour be admitted in their    #
place but by
comon consent of the magistrats and haill councill.

[} [\15 JULY 1672.\] }]
   The magistrats and councill hes aggried with John Inneis,    #
pyper, to be
common pyper to the said burgh, and to accompany the drum every #
evening
and morning as the custome was formerlie; and for his service   #
they allow him 
twentie foure pounds Scotts yearlie for fie and cloathes, with  #
ane hous to dwell
<P 13>
in or the meale of an hous; and grantis him the priviledge of   #
playing to all
penny brydellis within the said burgh.

[} [\8 MARCH 1673.\] }]
   The magistrats and councill hes condiscended that the horse  #
race be run
in the Brighaugh 15 dayes after Coopare race, and recomends to  #
the magistrats,
dean of gild, and conveener, to see the ground and caus provyd  #
a silver cup as
good as the former.

[} [\29 MARCH 1673.\] }]
   The magistrats and councill considering the differences that #
aryses
betwixt the town and their fewers and heretors adjacent annent  #
the mertches
of their lands, which is occasioned by the want of mertch       #
stones, and conceaveing
that the most insensible way to procure the saids stons is by   #
imposeing
upon ilk burges and gildbrother at their entrie twentie foure   #
shilling Scotts
as the pryce therof, or els to furnish the said stones of the   #
quantitie following;
therefore they hereby enact that the burgesses and gildbrether  #
to be enterit
this day, and all such as salbe enterit hereafter, be obleidged #
at their entrie
to pay in to the town thesaurer (beside their entrie money)     #
tuentie four 
shilling Scotts for a mertch stone of thrie foot long and one   #
foot square, of
broatched worke, with the year of God hewin in figures on the   #
upmest end,
or els to furnish the said stone accordinglie at the thesaurers #
option.

[} [\7 JUNE 1673.\] }]
   The magistrats and councill hes condiscended that an         #
handsome sun
dyall be sett upe in the hospitall yaird for the decorement     #
thereof; and
understanding that John Buchanan, mason, has ane good dyall to  #
sell for that
purpose, they nominat the saids magistrats, with the dean of    #
gild and conveener,
to setle with the said John thereanent as easie as they can,    #
and to
caus sett upe the same in the said yaird; and the masters of    #
the said over
hospitall to pay the pryce therof as salbe aggried upon.

[} [\5 JULY 1673.\] }]
   Receaves and admittis the persons following to the libertie  # 
and freedome
of burgesses and gild brether gratis, viz., Williame Andersone  #
of Clayslop,
provest of Glasgow, John Semervell of Townhead, provest of      #
Ranfrew, William
Wallace, late baillie of Glasgow, Hugh Nisbet, late baillie     #
there, George
<P 14>
Anderson, town clerke, there, Alexander Knox, merchand there,   #
David Spence
town clerk of Rutherglen, John Cunynghame, sone to John         #
Cunynghame,
provest of Dumbarton, and Robert Davie, servitor to the said    #
proveist of
Glasgow.

[} [\11 AUGUST 1673.\] }]
   The magistrats and councill, considering the vaccancie of    # 
the grammer
schoole of the said burgh, through decease of Mr. Thomas        #
Ronnald, last
schoolemaster, they recommend to the magistrats, dean of gild,  #
and conveener,
to speake to the ministers and take their advyce in the         #
planting of the said
schoole with ane able schoolemaster.

[} [\16 AUGUST 1673.\] }]
   The magistrats, dean of gild, and conveener, made report     #
that they had
mett with the ministers, and after conference togither annent   #
the persons in
leit to be master of the grammer schoole, they have concluded   #
that master
William Brown, master of the grammer schoole of Culros, is the  #
fittest person
to supplie that charge; which report was approven of be the     #
councill, provyding
the said Mr. Williame be content to accept and submitt hinself  #
to the laws
of the land.

[} [\15 SEPTEMBER 1673.\] }]
   The magistrats, dean of gild, and conveener, made report to  #
the councill
that they, with advyce and consent of the ministers, have       #
setled with Mr.
William Brown to be schoolemaster of the grammer schoole of     #
this burgh, and
hes subscrivit ane minute of aggriement with him, whose entrie  #
is to be at
Mertimes next and is to continow for an year and langer dureing #
the
magistrats and councills pleasour, and his fiall to be foure    #
hundered merkis
yearelie, and to enjoy the casualities that the deceast Mr.     #
Thomas Ronnald
injoyed.

[} [\22 SEPTEMBER 1673.\] }]
   The magistrats and counsell being informed that Thomas       #
Campbell,
deacon of the glovers, did not give upe to the counsell a just  #
leit of the
persons of his craft who were chosen be his brethreen, but that #
Hugh
M'Hewn, being one who was chosen be voyce to be in the leit,    #
the said
Thomas held him out and pat in John M'Ley in his stead who was  #
not leited;
therefore they ordeane the haill trade to be warned to the nixt #
counsell day
<P 15>
that tryall may be taken of the truth therof and the person     #
guiltie of giveing
upe the said unjust leit punished.

[} [\4 OCTOBER 1673.\] }]
   The magistratts and counsell unlawes Thomas Campbell,        #
glover, in the
sowme of fourtie pounds for the wrong late given in be him, in  #
respect of his
confessioune, and to remaine in waird till he pay the same and  #
farder dureing
the magistratts will.

[} [\3 JANUARY 1674.\] }]
   The proveist produced ane ordour from his Majesties high     #
commissioner
for quartering thrie companies of his Majesties regiment of     #
guard, dated the
13 December 1673, ordoureing the magistratts to delyver upe to  #
the commander
in cheife the keyes of the bridge and ports; which ordour is    #
delivered
to the dean of gild and convener to be putt in the boill.

[} [\28 FEBRUARY 1674.\] }]
   Approves of Robert Russall, proveist, and Thomas Bachope,    #
baillie, ther
report annent Alexander Burnes denunciatione of the             #
magistratts, and ordaines
ther charges to be peyed out of the first end of the            #
conventicle keepers fynes,
and what furder charges is expedient nor what the saids fynes   #
will satisfie the
thesaurer is ordained to satisfie the same.
   Ordaines Robert Andersone, conveener, and Oliver Murray,     #
their clerk
deput, to goe to Edinburgh annent the letteres intrusted to     #
their charge for
summonding of the conventicle keepers in Patrick Thomsones      #
house, upone the
15 of February last, and ther charges to be payed out of the    #
first end of the
conventicle fynes, and what they will not satisfie the          #
thessaurer is to pay the
same.

[} [\7 APRIL 1674.\] }]
   Recoments to the dean of gild for the gildrie, the deacone   #
conveener for
the deacons and trads, Cristopher Rusall, baillie, to acquaint  #
the maltmen,
Thomas Bachope to acquaint the mechanicks and omni gatherum, to #
provyde
bucketts incaise (as God forbid) fyre sould fall in the towne,  #
and they are to
report the same the nixt counsell day; and the thesaurer to     #
provyde cleiks
and towes.
   Ordaines ane ansuer to be sent to my lord Argyll his letter  #
anent his
desyre of Alexander Burns liberatioune, and appoynted Robert    #
Russall, proveist,
<P 16>
and James Browne, late baillie, to goe to Edinburgh and inform  #
the said lord
Argylle theranent and uther lords of the counsell who may be    #
misinformed.

[} [\165 APRIL 1674.\] }]
   Appoynts Robert Russall, proveist, and Oliver Murray, clerk  #
deput, to goe
to my lord Atholl and treat with him annent the quartering of   #
his troup.

[} [\15 JUNE 1674.\] }]
   The magistrats is to meit for ordoring quarters for the      #
conventione of
burrous againest the [\7th July when the convention of burghs   #
was to be held
in the burgh\] and to ordain all ventoners to have meat and     #
drink againest the
same tyme for the credit of the burgh.
   The councell having red ane desyre of John Grahame,          #
postmaster generall
of this kingdome, for their assistance anent the setling ane    #
letter office for
giving the town and contrey therabout intelligence from         #
Edinburgh tuice a 
week, and having taiken the same to ther consideration they are #
not fullie
resolved upon their ansuer but shall give the same to him       #
within ane short
space.
   The councell grants to commissar Monro the benefite of the   #
ringing of
the councell bell everie court day for better advertisement of  #
the toun and
contrie people of the dyat of court, and to continue during     #
their pleasure.

[} [\18 JULY 1674.\] }]
   The proveist and baillies, being conveined anent the         #
opposing of ane
signatur presented to his Majestie in favores of the mechanicks #
of this burgh
for the libertie of ane deaconrie within the same, the whol     # 
counsell, in one 
voice, declairs they know nothing of nor hade hand in the       #
contraiving of the
said signatur anent the liberties therin contained, nor of the  #
presenting
theirof; and theirfor they, in pluralitie of voyces,            #
condescends to oppose the
samen to the utmost of their power, and for that effect they    #
have nominat and
appoynted Cristopher Russall, baillie, and Oliver Murray,       #
clerk, to goe to
Edinburgh and consult the maner of opposing the same, and       #
quether or not
ane lettere sall be drawn to the duke of Lauderdail.

[} [\29 AUGUST 1674.\] }]
   The magistrats and councell, taking to consideratione the    #
project of the
<P 17>
measons, wrights, and uther mechanicks, factiously invented and #
caried on be
John Buchanan and others, without the privite, knowledg, or     #
consent of the
magistrats and councill, quherby they seek the priviledg to     #
elect ane deacone
of ther oun who sall have power to enter and admitt friemen and #
to seclud
and debarr all others from working within the toun and          #
territories therof, with
comand to the magistrats and councill to admitt that deacone to #
be ane
counceller and to fortifie and assist with him to put his acts  #
and ordors againest
unfriemen to executione, and quherupon the saids mechanicks had #
drawn and
prepaired ane signator for his Majesties hand and thought till  #
have gotten it
secreitlie past; and the councell forseing that if this designe #
of the saids
mechanicks should proceid it wold prejudge the whol heritors    #
within the burgh
that have houses to build and repair, and it wold also break    #
the harmonie
and good concord of the toune councell and the ancient          #
estableishment their
by an additional trads conceller; theirfore the councell, by    #
pluralitie of vots,
have resolved to oppose the said designe of the mechanicks by   #
all laufull means
and wayes. Theirefter the councell having called the said John  #
Buchannan,
measone, befor them, as the chife contraiver and promoter of    # 
the forsaid
designe, and desyred him to desist and not to proceid any       #
further therin, and
being a thing soe obnoxious to the weil and pace of the toune,  #
the said John
most arrogantly and insolently ansuered that he wold persecut   #
and sett fordward
the designe with his heall meins and fortune to the utmost of   #
his power, say
the contrair who wold; quhilk cariadge of the said John         #
Buchannan being
thought by the councell to be a great fault and ingratitude     #
done againest the
toune who gave him his burgess gratis, and finding this his act #
directly
repugnant to his burges oath, theirfore the councell, be        #
pluralitie of voyces,
declaired the said John Buchanan to have omitted and lost the   #
benefite of his
freedome as ane burges for him and his in the said burgh, and   #
the same to be
void and null in all tyme coming. And the said sentence being   #
intimat to
him he protests againest the samen and appealled to the supream #
judicatorie
for remeid theirof.

[} [\7 NOVEMBER 1674.\] }]
   Appoynts Walter Patersone, thesaurer, to bigg the guard      #
house upon the
High Street quher it was in the tyme of the Inglishes, and to   #
beginn the work
upon Mononday come eight dayes.

<P 18>
[} [\19 MAY 1675.\] }]
   Ordeanes the thessaurer and clerk to make search concerneing #
the old
court books of the fisheing of the watter of Forth and rights   #
belonging therto,
to the effect the saids magistratts may be the better informed  #
of any priviledge
or debaitts betuixt the feuars of Corntowne and the townes      #
fishers.
   Appoynts Robert Russall, proveist, [\and four others,\] to   #
treat and lay
downe ane way for setleing the horse and letter post offices.
   The magistratts and counsell, considdering of the hazards    #
incurred both
be the nighbours of this burgh and uthers through the great     #
stanes lyeing in
the towne and abay foords, that veshells are not able to goe    #
upe or downe without
the loss of both men, goods, and veshell, therfore they         #
ordained Robert
Russall, present provest, [\and eight others\] to lay downe the #
best way how to
conveen men furth of everie incorporatione for repaireing of    # 
the saids foords.

[} [\28 JUNE 1675.\] }]
   The magistratts and counsell hes receaved and admitted ane   #
noble
marques James marques of Montros [\and several others\] in      #
nighboures and
gild brether of the said burgh, gratis.

[} [\14 AUGUST 1675.\] }]
   Walter Patersone, thesaurer, receaved twentie six rix        #
dollors, being 76 li. 
17 s. for the pryce of the cupp which sould have beene rune in  #
(\anno\) 1674,
after roupeing therof.

[} [\6 NOVEMBER 1675.\] }]
   Appoynted Duncane Watsone, younger, to keep the townes keyes #
which
were in Duncane Watsone, elder, late deane of gild, his         # 
custodie, till Michaelmes 
nixt, in respect the said Duncane Watsone, elder, wold not      #
accept of his
place at Michaelmas last as dane of gild, albeit he was chosen  #
be the counsell
to exerce the said office.

[} [\10 NOVEMBER 1675.\] }]
   The magistratts and counsell being conveened for setting of  #
the revenewes
of this brugh and hospittall lands, and considdering that       #
everie persone overbiddeth
another out of prejudice and invy, and afterward maketh moyane  #
with
counsellers by bills to gett ease, therefore they have          #
unanimouslie condescendit
that in tyme comeing ther be noe bills given for any ease of    #
any taks ather
alreadie sett for preceeding yeares, or what sall happen to be  #
this day sett, or
<P 19>
heirafter salbe sett, certifieing any counseller who shall      #
speake in favours of
any of the saids taksmen they shalbe repute and holdine as      #
unfaithfull counsellers
and persones not freinds to the said brugh.

[} [\27 NOVEMBER 1675.\] }]
   Ordained ane dyk to be biggit with stone and lyme frae the   #
towne wall
downe wher the old trinch stands at the Borrowmylne.
   Appoynts ane letter to be sent to the archbishope of St      #
Androis annent
the planting of the first minister of this brugh.

[} [\4 DECEMBER 1675.\] }]
   The magistratts and counsell who had receaved ane letter     #
from the
proveist and baillies of Kirkcaldie annent ane voluntar         #
contributioune for
bigging of ane peer at the said towne, they granted that ane    #
contributioun
sould be ingathered; and the way and maner of colecting therof  #
they remited
to the gildrie and the deacone conveener and trads to consider.
   The magistratts and counsell receaved ane letter from        #
Innerkeithing for
ane supplie for releiveing the poor prisoners that are lyeing   #
under the slaverie
of the Turks, conforme to the privie counsells ordour           #
therannent, and the saids
magistratts to interpone ther authoritie for ingathering of the #
supplies of the
presbetrie; which letter being considderit they ordained the    #
same to be
communicat be the proveist to the presbetrie the first          #
presbetrie day.

[} [\27 DECEMBER 1675.\] }]
   The magistratts and counsell having receaved ane letter from #
the lord
chancellar, dated the 16th September instant, ordaines the      #
proveist and baillies
to send in ane accompt to the lords of his Majesties privie     #
counsell of all
persones who hes taken the declaratioune at Michaelmas last and #
to report
the first of February nixt; which letter being considderit they #
have delayed
any ansuer therannent till they gett notice what other burghs   # 
hes done therin;
and ordaines the clerk to wreat to Hew Stivinsone what other    #
burghs hes
done therannent.

[} [\15 APRIL 1676.\] }]
   The magistratts and counsell receaved ane supplicatioune     #
under the hand
of Captaine Robert Johnstowne, and other gentlemen archers      #
within the said
burgh, mentioneing that the sport of archerie was almost        #
decayed within this
<P 20>
kingdome, yitt that other royall burrowes were rediviveing the  #
same againe,
humblie intreating therefore that the saids magistratts and     #
counsell wold give
out ane pryse to be shott for as they sould think fitt; which   #
supplicatioune
being considderit be the saids magistratts and counsell they    #
ordaine ane pryse
to be shott for to the value of 24 lib. Scotts yearlie dureing  #
ther pleasour, and
the tyme of the shootting therof to be appoynted be them.

[} [\29 JULY 1676.\] }]
   Ordaines the masters of the Over Hospitall to buy ane great  #
Byble,
ane bell, and other things neidfull, for the pensioners of the  #
said hospitall ther
accomodatioune for ther devotioune, at the sight of the         #
magistratts, dean of
gild and a tradsman.

[} [\27 NOVEMBER 1676.\] }]
   The right reverend Mr. Patrick Murray, minister of the said  #
brugh, gave
in his petitioune to the saids proveist, baillies, and          #
counsell, mentioneing that 
at the aggreement betuixt the saids magistratts and him, and    #
when he
receaved ther presentatioune to the said ministrie, it was      #
aggreed upon that
he sould have ane act of counsell for his securitie annent the  #
peyment of
tuelve hundreth merks yearlie of stipend and two hundreth merks #
yearlie
for his manse and gleib, to be peyed to him at Wittsonday and   #
Mertimes
yearlie proportionablie, dureing his service of the cure as     #
minister of the said
burgh, and that notwithstanding of the thankfull payment of the #
said stipend
and mans, yett he had no securitie granted for the tyme to      #
come, and therfoir 
craveing their might be ane act past in his favours for his     #
securitie of the said
stipend, manse and gleib money; which being considered be the   #
said proveist,
baillies, and counsell, they not onlie approve of the said      #
aggriement but also
enactis and ordaines that the said Mr. Patrick Murray have the  #
forsaid twell
hundreth merkis yearlie of stipend, and twa hundreth merkis for #
his manse and
gleib, also yeirlie, dureing his service of the cure ... and    #
thir presentis
shall be ane sufficient warrand to the thesaurer and others     #
lyeable for
payment yeirlie of the said stipend, manse and gleib money.

[} [\7 SEPTEMBER 1677.\] }]
   The magistratts and counsell approves of the report [\of     #
provost Russall,
dean of guild, and bailies,\] of their procureing of warrand    #
for transporteing of
ane warlock and three witches, imprisoned by ane warrand from   #
the earle of
<P 21>
Wigtowne, as ane privie counseller, at the instance of Robert   #
Douglas of
Barloch; and syclyk approves of the said Robert Russall and     #
George Lapslie,
baillie, ther being at the counsell the said day.
   The saids magistratts and counsell approves of ane act in    #
the court book
against severall of the tailyeors therin mentioned, wherin they #
are found to be
extraordiner spenders of ther owne comon good, therfore what is #
yett resting 
of the said exorbitant spending in all tyme bygaine to          #
whatsomever persone
of persones, or what heirafter they sall exorbitantlie spend,   #
it sall not affect
the comon good of the said trad in any tyme comeing.

[} [\6 OCTOBER 1677.\] }]
   Robert Andersone, deacone of the baxters, and conveener of   #
the trads,
made complent to the magistratts and counsell upon huksters and #
severall
other inhabitants within the said brugh who vents and tops oatt #
bread, to
the great prejudice, libertie, and interest of the baxters of   #
the said burgh;
which complent being considderit be the saids magistratts and   #
counsell, they,
for the better incoradgment of the said trad, hes statut and    #
ordained, and be
thir presenttis statuts that in noe tyme comeing noe kynd of    #
bread salbe sold
or vented within the said burgh and territories thereof be any  #
inhabitant butt
be the members of the baxter trade allennerlie.

[} [\20 OCTOBER 1677.\] }]
   The magistratts and counsell have appoynted and condescendit #
that the
earle of Marr gett 2500 merks for ilk chalder of the lands of   #
Raploch with the
right of patronadge, and that the right be drawne with consent  #
of lawers on 
both syds, and that they approve of the bargane made with the   #
said earle to
this purpose.

[} [\31 DECEMBER 1677.\] }]
   Appoynts the proveist, baillies, deane of gild, and          #
conveener, to meett in
the clerks chamber and conveene the wholl persones within the   #
said burgh 
that are not entered, that they enter themselves, and these who #
will enter to
the militia company of this burgh to be admitted burges gratis, #
they serveing
in the said company for the space of three yeares.

[} [\16 FEBRUARY 1678.\] }]
   The magistratts and counsell, taking to ther considerationne #
that it is
<P 22>
fitt and necessar that infeftment be taken of the lands of      #
Raploch be the
masters of the Over Hospittal, in name of the poore, and the    #
saids masters to
take upe ane list of the wholl tennants and conveene them       #
together ay and
whill they find catioune for peyment of ther dewties, at the    #
sight of the saids
magistratts, deane of gild, and conveener.
   The magistratts and counsell, taking to ther consideratioune #
the great
charges the towne is putt to by putting out fyftie men for      #
serveing of the
militia, and for better satisfeing therof they ordaine the      #
wholl old poll money
to be colected, as also that everie persone within the said     #
brugh above the
aige of sixteen yeares sall pay 20 s. Scottis money of new      #
poll.

[} [\8 APRIL 1678.\] }]
   The magistratts and counsell approves of John McCulloch,     #
baillie, and
Duncan Watsone, younger, dean of gild, ther being at Air at the #
comitte of
the counsell, with the report of the saids magistratts and      #
counsell ther subscryveing
of the band for not keeping of conventicles, with the report of #
the
persones who will not subscryve for the magistratts releife.
   The magistratts and counsell receaved ane ordour from the    #
privie counsell,
dated the 27 February last, bypast, commanding the magistratts  #
and
counsell of the said brugh to present the band to the recusants #
therin contained,
and for that effect authorizes them to prosecute the same       #
conforme to the
tennor of the said act, and to report to the privie counsell    #
the next Munday.
   Ordanes the townes thesaurer, [{to buy ane silver arrow{] to #
be shott at,
to the value of twentie four pound Scottis, and that with all   #
conveniencie.

[} [\27 APRIL 1678.\] }]
   Appoynted Robert Russall, proveist, and John M'Cullo,        #
baillie, to goe to
Edinburgh and attend the summonds given to them at the instance #
of his
Majesties advocat and Sir James Campbell of Lawers, for the     #
aleadgeing some
persones to escape furth of ther tolbuithe, aleadgit guilty of  #
thifts and
robberies.

[} [\2 MAY 1678.\] }]
   The magistrats and councell, taking to ther consideratione   #
the great
abuse and convocatione of prenteises of this burgh, upon the 20 #
of Aprile
last, contrair to the acts of parliament, without libertie or   #
licence of the
magistrats, and of ther breaking up of prisone doors, in hye    #
and manifest
<P 23>
contempt of his Majesties authoritie, and ane obligatione being #
presented to
Robert Andersone, deacone conveiner, and remanent deacones of   #
the trades
within the said burgh, not onlie for their peaceable behavior   #
in tyme coming
but alsoe for submission to the magistrats for their former     #
misdemanure, the
said Robert Andersone, conveiner, for himself and in name of    #
the rest, and
they be themselves, craved Mononday next to interpose ther      #
moyane for suppressing
the said fault and for giving obedience and submissione of the  #
said
fault, and incaice the magistrats be not satisfied with the     #
said report that the
councell authorizes the saids magistrats to proceed for the     #
saids insolences
conforme to the act of parliament.

[} [\5 AUGUST 1678.\] }]
   Robert Russall, proveist, made report that he had gotten ane #
signatour
past in favoures of the said burgh, be his Majesties exchequer, #
discharging
any burgh of barronie or regalitie within two myles of the said #
burgh, and of
quhich signature the said Robert Russall presented ane double   #
to the councell,
quhich was red and approven be them.

[} [\9 NOVEMBER 1678.\] }]
   Nominat Robert Russall, proveist, to goe to Edinburgh and    #
consult with
Sir George Lochart, or some other advocatts, annent the         #
declarator depending
before the lords of sessioune upon the gift granted be his      #
Majestie and
exchequer in favours of the said brugh dischargeing burghs of   #
regallitie or
barronie to be within two myllis of the same.

[} [\29 MARCH 1679.\] }]
   In regaird of the decease of Oliver Murray, town clerk, the  #
magistrats
and counsell admitted James Norie, notar, as clerk (\pro        #
tempore\) , who made
faith as use.
   Robert Russall, proveist, produced the decreit of declarator #
recovered
upon the lait gift granted be his Majestie to this burgh        #
dischargeing regalities 
or brughes of barronie to be within twa mylles therof, off      #
whois cair and
dilligence the counsell approves; and the samin decreit and     #
charter or gift,
yit in the proveists handis, is ordained to be putt up in the   #
boill.
<P 24>
   The magistrats and counsell electis and choyses William      #
Rind, notar in
this burgh, their clerk whill Michealmas next.

[} [\7 MAY 1679.\] }]
   The magistrats and counsell takeing to consideratioun that   #
the first new
fair of this brugh falles upon the 29 instant, and that the     #
said day is appoynted
to be ane anniversarie thanksgiveing for his Majesties          #
restoratioun to his
government of his kingdomes, thairfoir they continow the        #
begining of the fair
whill the 30 May instant; and appoyntis the samin to be         #
proclaimed throw
the toun be tuck of drum the morrow and the morrow fourtnight.
   Appoyntis the thesaurer to buy ane bow and arow of silver,   # 
to the value
of twentie four pundis, which is to be given as ane free pryze  #
to the archers to
shoot for in the Frier yaird.

[} [\3 JUNE 1679.\] }]
   The magistrats and counsell takeing to ther consideratioun   #
the necessitie
of putting of the toune in ane postur of defence against the    #
appeiring dangers
of these phanaticks in the west now risen in armes, useing soe  #
many actis of    
hostilitie at Lowdoun Hill and other places, and killing and    #
murdering his
Majesties forces, they have appoynted the baillies and with     #
them the persones
following, viz., [\three persons for each quarter\] to pas with #
all dilligence throw
their severall quarters and caus secure the armes of all        #
persones known to be
disaffected therin, which they are to deliver to the baillies   #
imediatlie, with
what powder and lead sall be found in their custodie, and to    #
command them
to keip within their own dores under all hiest pain that after  #
may follow; and
also to the saidis baillies and these commissionat with them to #
take notice of
the number of the men and youthes who lies ordorlie and how     #
they are armed,   
and to command them upon the beatting of the drum that they     #
repair with
their haill armes to the hospittall, under the pain forsaid.

[} [\21 JULY 1679.\] }]
   Approves of baillie Watsone and Robert Anderson, lait        #
conveiner, ther
goeing to Edinburgh to supplicatt the privie counsell for       #
keiping of the militia
regiment heir the time of the lait rebellion.
   Appoyntis the thesaurer to receave in ane account of the     #
work done at
the port, borow mylne and sluce, to persones for getting        #
intelligence, and other
<P 25>
contingencies the tyme of the lait rebellion, and after         #
approven be the
magistrats to pay the respective persones to whom they are dew.
   The proveist gave in the new gift and declarator therupon,   #
which ar put 
up in the boill. Alsoe he produced ane lettere frae Alvae anent #
the fischeing
in the Girnell, quherunto the clerk is appoynted to draw ane    #
ansuere; and
ordains interuption to be made with all dilligence.
   The proveist, baillies, and counsell, considering that throw #
the want of
ane advocatt thir severall yearis bygane, as the tounes         #
ordinarie assessor, they
have been at great charges in consulteing evrie particular      #
affair quherin the
samin brugh is concerned, and that the setling and choyseing    #
upon ane fitt
and qualified person to be the touns advocatt for advysing of   #
ther severall
affaires may tend much to the weell and profitt of this place;  #
and the
proveist, baillies, and counsell, haveing experience of the     #
qualificatiouns
and abilitie of Mr. Robert Colt, advocatt, they therfoir all in #
one voice elect
and choyse the said Mr. Robert Colt to be, indureing his        #
lyftyme, at least
dureing ther pleasure, advocatt for the toun of Stirling, and   #
to have fiftie
eight pundis Scottis yearlie of sallarie, which was payed to    #
umquhill Mr.
George Norvell, formerlie the tounes advocatt.

[} [\9 AUGUST 1679.\] }]
   The counsell thinkis it fitt, with all diligence, that cair  #
be takin for 
supplieing the vaccancie of the ministrie be the decease of     #
doctor William
Pearsone, minister.
   The clerk produced ane instrument bearing Alvae to be        #
interupted in his
fischeing of the Girnell, upon the fourt of August instant,     #
which is ordained 
to be putt up in the boill.
   The counsell ratifies and approves all former actis made     #
against hocksters,
cadgers, and retailers, their buying, makeing paction for, or   #
receaving, of any
fleshes, fisches, butter, cheese, foulles, and other vivers,    #
untill the tymes and
under the paines at lenth therin exprest; with this addition    #
that no hockster,
cadger, or retailer, presum on any day to buy any fisch taken   #
in the tounes
watters whill they first come to the mercat and the fisches lye #
upon the hie
streit for the space of twa houres therafter; and that non of   #
ther others vivers
be bought or made paction for be the saidis cadgeris,           #
hocksteris, or retaileris,
whill they be brought to the mercat and abyde therin whill      #
elevin houres in
<P 26>
the foirnoone, ilk persone under the pain of fyve punds for     #
ilk failyie, by and
attour the confiscatioune of the vivers they shall happin to    #
buy or receave sua as
said is.
   The proveist, baillies, and counsell, not onlie ratifies and #
approves all
former actis prohibiting all neighbours to persew others befoir #
any inferior
court, except the toune court, gildrie, or trades court, sua    #
far as they have 
power to judge, unles the debt be consistoriall; and als        #
statuts and ordaines
whatevir neighbour sall in tyme comeing persew other save       #
befoir the inferior
courts above exprest, unless the caus be consistoriall, shall   #
incurr the penaltie
of ten pundis Scottis money for each contravention heirof.
   Upon complaints made to the magistrats and counsell that     #

albeit they
recover decreits befoir the toune court yit they are delayed of #
payment by the
officeris negligence in not putting the decreits to             # 
executioune, the saids
magistrats and counsell have ordained that each officer, as he  # 
is employed, putt
to execution the haill decreits, and precepts upon registrat    #
bandis, shall be
delyverit to him be any partie; and upon complaint of ther      #
negligence they
shall incurr the penaltie of fyve pundis for ilk failyie attour #
imprisonment of
ther persons. And when any neighbour refuissis to goe to ward   #
when charged
that they imediatlie make the samin knoune to the magistrats    #
that the
contraveineris may be punished.

[} [\25 AUGUST 1679.\] }]
   Robert Russall, proveist, shew that he had spoken with the   #
earle of Marr
anent ane minister to succeid in place of doctor William        #
Pearson, whois
ansuere was that Mr. John Monro was fitt for the place and      #
weell principled
and he would consent to ane presentation to him, which report   #
the counsell
approved of.
   Recomendis to the baillie of each quarter to ingather the    #
armes borrowed
out of the castle or tolbuith the tyme of the last rebellion,   #
and to delyver
back to the castle soe many as was borrowed furth therof, and   #
retire the
thesaurers receipt he gave to the governour therof.

[} [\28 AUGUST 1679.\] }]
   The proveist, baillies, and counsell, have condiscendit and  #
aggried that
Mr. John Monro succeid as minister in place of umquhill doctor  #
William
Pearsone, and therfoir have subscrivit ane presentation to him.
<P 27>
   [} [\22 SEPTEMBER 1679.\] }]
   The proveist, baillies, and counsell, takeing to             # 
consideratione that some of
the cheefe and most eminent burghs of the kingdome have, for    #
removeing of
the inconveniencies and debaitts that happined concerning the   #
too long
continwoance of some persones in the magistracie amongst them,  #
thought fitt
to limitat the tyme of ther endurance in office for the future; #
and the saids
magistrats and counsell of this burgh being desyreous to follow #
the good
example and to cutt of all practices, mistakes, jealousies, and #
offences, that
may occurr in this place on that behalfe in all tyme heirafter, #
have enacted
and ordained that in all tyme comeing the proveist, baillies,   #
deane of gild, and
thesaurer, (they being allwayes dewly elected yeirly) may       #
continow or be
continowed in office for the space of two yeires without        #
intervell and noe
longer; and, to the end this good designe shall not become in   #
desuitud in tyme
comeing, it is alsoe ordained that each counseller at his       #
admission shall
solemnly swear that they shall never recall nor infringe this   #
act, but observe
the samin fullie, and that naither they themselves shall cairie #
nor vott for any
proveist, baillie, deane of gild, or thesaurer, to carie or     #
continow in the said
respective offices noe longer nor the tym above prescryved. 
  
[} [\13 OCTOBER 1679.\] }]
   The proveist produced the right of patronadge granted be the #
earle of
Mar to the toun, which is ordained to be putt up in the boill.


[} [\3 JANUARY 1680.\] }]
   Recomendis to the proveist and baillies to convein befoir    # 
them the
inhabitantis in the Castlehill and to comun with them anent     #
ther bearing of
ther pairts of the publict burdens, and to report the nixt      #
counsell day.

[} [\20 JANUARY 1680.\] }]
   Recomendis to the proveist, conveiner, and clerk, to repair  #
to Allowae
and deall with the earle of Mar for ordoreing the weavers in    # 
the Castlehill to
beare ther partis of publict burdens with the toun as           #
formerlie, in regaird of
ther refuiseall, and the said noble earles desyre to continow   #
the samin when
last heir whill his returne frae the west.

[} [\1 MAY 1680.\] }]
   The proveist, conveiner, and clerk, made report of ther      #
meitting with the
<P 28>
earle of Marr anent the weavers in the Castlehill, and that the #
debaitt was by
his lordship referred to Captain George Erskin and John Keirie  #
of Gogar,
the magistrats, deane of gild, and conveiner; which reference   #
the counsell
approves of,
and recomends to their number to doe their pairts and report    #
the  
nixt counsell day.

  

<B SREC3B>
<Q SC3 STA REC ABERD3>
<N ABERDEEN RECORDS>
<A X>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1660-1685>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D NSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LOCAL RECORD>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X X>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET DOCUM/ADMIN>
<E X>
<J X>
<I FORMAL>
<Z STAT>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^EXTRACTS FROM THE COUNCIL REGISTER OF THE BURGH OF ABERDEEN,
1625-, 2 VOLS., SCOTTISH BURGH RECORDS SOCIETY, 1871-1872.

SAMPLE 1: 185.15-220.13
SAMPLE 2: 258.17-275.22^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 185>
[}18 JANUARY 1660.}]
   The said day, the provest held out to the counsell befor     #
convenit,
that James Vicount of Frendrat being with James Crichtoun of    #
Kinardie,
his father, imprisonit within the Tolbuith of this burghe at    #
the instance of
certane persons, ther creditors, for certane sowms of money and #
other
onerous caussis containit in the severall actis of              #
incarceratioun maid thairanent,
haid vpon the seventent day of Januar instant, betwixt four and 
fyue hours efternoon, maid escape out of prisone at the         #
Tolbuith dor, by
neglect of William Garich, Alexander Smith, and George Pratt,   #
town
officers, then keepers of the dores, they being abusit by       #
drink; and that
for regaining the said prisoners the magistrats haid bein       #
vseing all the
dilligence and moyen they culd, and haid sent Baillie Alexander #
and Baille
Mollisoun, accompanied with certane of the ablest men of the    #
toune, for
macking furth ane inquirie for and efter the said Vicount, and  #
haid
<P 186>
wretin leters to the capitane of the watch for the shyr and     #
others, giving
notice of the said escape, and craveing their assistance, and   #
desyrit the
new and old counsellis ther approbatioun of the premissis, and  #
that they
wold advyse the magistrats what further they suld doe in the    #
said business.
The new and old counsell abov convenit, approvit of the         #
magistrats
ther proceeding in the premisses, and recomendit to thame to    #
caus
giue notice by leters to Banff, Invernes, Elgin, and other      #
burghes they suld
think requisit, and also to the Capitane of Dunoter Castle, and #
Governour
of Invernes, for ther assistance in regaineing the said         #
prisoner, and geting
passes stopit, that he suld not mack escape out of the natioun.

[}22 FEBRUARY 1660.}]
   The said day, the counsell tacking to consideratioune that   #
all former
attempts and essayes gone about and vseit anent the regaineing  #
of James
Vicount of Frendrat, who did vpon the seventeint day of March   #
[\January\]
last, escape furth of the Tolbuith of this burghe, haid provine #
ineffectuall and
to no purpose; and yet, notwithstanding, resolveing not to giue #
over but
further to act in anything conduceable thereanent, they have    #
impowerit
and authorized, and does impower and authorize the magistrats   #
to act and
goe about any further dilligence in regaineing of the said      #
Vicount they
sall find expedient; and what the magistrats sall doe theranent #
the counsell
to holde firme and stable, and wheranent thir presents to be    #
warrand.

[}30 MAY 1660.}]
   The said day, the provest, baillies, and counsell            #
understanding that
our Soverane Lord the Kings Maiestie, to the great rejoiceing   #
of ther hearts,
wes now efter a long banishment from the enjoyment of his       #
dominions of
England, Scotland, and Ireland, by the wonderfull mercies of    #
God and ouer
ruleing hand of Providence happily restorit to the just and     #
good governement
of his saids dominions, and wes in a peaceable maner, without   #
hostilitie
<P 187>
and war arryvit in England, and that ther wes a sweit comon and #
concord
betwixt his Maiestie and the Parliament, which, as it wes       #
exceeding great
mater of rejoiceing and incitement vpon the hearts of all his   #
Maiesties
subjects to be much in prayer for his Maiestie, and in blissing #
and praiseing
the God of heaven for so wonderfull and great a mercie to thes  #
his
Maiesties dominions, and to this burghe in particular, as one   #
small part and
incorporation theroff, who haid in his Maiesties absence beine  #
vnder verie
great thraldome, bondage, and slauerie, so it wes ther dewtie,  #
and they
haid great mater to expres and manifest ther joy to all the     #
world in the
most solemne outward maner they wer able to expres and win to;  #
tharfor
the provest, baillies, and counsell haue appointit and ordanit, #
and does
ordaine and appoint Master John Patersone, ane of ther          #
ministers, and Mr
John Mengzes, professor of divinitie, to mack ane sermon of     #
thanksgiving,
the on in the Old Church, and the other in the New Church, vpon #
the
[^BLANK^] day of [^BLANK^] nixt, and his Maiesties loft in the  #
Old
Church to be all hung ouer with tapestrie in the best maner can #
be devysit
against the said day, and that the haill inhabitants of this    #
brughe be warnit
at the mercat croce and throw the haill streits of the toune be #
sound of
trumpet and beat of drum, to assemble themselues and be in      #
readines in
their best armes at sevin o'clock in the morneing, in the       #
churchyard the
said day, and ther to leave and lay doune their armes in order, #
and goe to
the church and attend the sermons, and giue most humble and     #
heartie
thanks to God for his Maiesties happie restauration and         #
wonderfull mercie
to his dominions; and that the mercat croce of this brughe be   #
all hung
about with tapestrie in the best maner can be devysit, haveing  #
wpon the
top therof musicianars skilfull in singing and playing, and ane #
long table
to be sett therat, and all sorts of confections set theron, and #
the magistrats
and most worthie men of the toune to be set and placit          #
therabout, and that
tuo peece of wyne be broucht to the croce, the on claret and    #
the vther
whyte wyne, and run therat and givin to all that pleases to     #
call for the
samen, and ane great number of glasses to be cassin and brokin, #
and that
the haill inhabitants come from the churches in ther armes, the #
magistrats
<P 188>
being befor, singing songis and praiseing with such scripturall #
psalms as
the minister sall appoint, and that the whole bells in the      #
toune be rung
the whole day, and bonfyrs put on, and the inhabitants efter    #
ther comeing
from the church to the croce singing and praising God as        #
aforsaid, to draw
up in order in ther armes wpon the Castellgatt Streit, befoir   #
the magistrats
and others, who sall be about the table at the croce, and       #
orderlie giue such
volies and shots as sall be appointit to them be the magistrats #
and ther
respective commanders heirefter nominat, and the trumpets and   #
drums
sounding and beating according to the respective orders to be   #
givin therfor,
and that efter disolveing from the croce the inhabitants spend  #
the
remanent of the day in shooteing and goeing thorow the streets  #
of the
toune, and that they vse all civill and godlie merriement and   #
joy, that may
evidence and expres the joy and glaidnes of ther hearts; and    #
for the beter
ordering of the inhabitants vnder ther armes in goeing about    #
the forsaid
work, ordanit the inhabitants be devydit in four companies      #
according to
their respective quarters, and each company to haue their owne  #
capitanes
and wther commanders in maner efter specifeit, viz.: for the    #
companie of the
Futtie quarter, Thomas Melvill, lait dean of gild, capitane,    #
George Melvill
his levtennent, and Robert Gray, second lawfull sone of the     #
deceist Mr
Thomas, lait provest, ensigne bearer: (^Item^), for the company #
of the Grein
quarter, Alexander Burnet of Skethoksley, capitane; John        #
Scott, lait deane
of gild, levtennent; and Robert Burnet, sone to Alexander       #
Burnet, lait
baillie, ensigne bearer: (^Item^), for the company of the       #
Crookit quarter,
William Cuthbert, burges of Aberdein, capitane; Walter Innes,   #
burges thair,
levtennent; and James Robertson, sone to Alexr. Robertsone,     #
lait baillie,
ensigne bearer; and for the Evin quarter, Master Robert Patrie, #
lait baillie,
capitane; Arthour Dalgardno, burges, thair levtennent; and Mr   #
Thomas
Buck, ensigne bearer; with power to the saids capitans to       #
choose sergeands
and wthers neidfull theranent, and appointit the dean of gild   #
to sie and
caus the premisses accordinglie be performit, and what charges  #
and expenssis
sall be expent and debursit theron, the samen to be allowit in  #
his accompts.
<P 189>
[}6 JUNE 1660.}]
   The said day, the counsell appoints the magistrats to caus   #
wret, draw
vp, and subscriue for themselues, and in name of the counsell   #
and communitie
of this burghe, and ample leter and humble addres to his        #
Majestie,
in the best forme can be falne vpon, and to delyuer the samen   #
to the Laird
of Drum, who is goeing wp to his Majestie, to be delyverit in   #
their name.

[}4 JULY 1660.}]
   The said day, anent the complaint givin in to the counsell   #
be Doctor
James Lesly, doctor of medicine, [^A LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^] 
burgesses of Abirdein, against Mr Andro Cant, minister of the   #
said
burghe, mentioning that wher upon the last day of solemnitie    #
for congratulating
his Majesties hapie restauratioun to his just rights, the       #
compleners
finding in on of ther numbers custodie ane tresonable and       #
seditious book
in Inglish, callit (^Lex Rex^), publishit without author or     #
authoritie, being
stuffit with no les treasone and rebellion then ane serpent     #
full of poysone,
wheras by the lawes of this kingdome, Queen Marys Parliament 5, #
Act 27,
the publishing of any books without publict authoritie is       #
expresly forbiddin;
lykways it wes clear be the Acts of Parliament efter mentionat, 
that the hearing and concealling of treasone, tresonabil books  #
or wrets, in
prejudice of his Maiestie, is declarit to be hich tresone, the  #
compleeners
esteeming it ther duetie as a work suteable for that day, and   #
the mor to
testifie ther loyaltie, did destroy that book which properly    #
did belong to
them, that others micht not be insnarit therwith, leaving the   #
censur of all
such infernall peeces and ther authors to suprem authoritie;    #
yit, nevertheless,
the said Mr Andro Cant, upon the last Lords day, being the      #
first of
Julii instant, did publictly, in his sermon, to ther honors     #
hearing, vindicat
<P 190>
and declair that the author of the said book wes ane holy,      #
learnit, gracious,
and pious man as euer this natioun brought furth, and did most  #
uncristianly
utter cursses and imprecatiouns against the compleeners, viz.,  #
God
rub shame upon them, and to set his mark upon them, which he    #
declarit
to be his prayers in privat, and calling us villanes and actors #
of villanies,
praying lykways that the said mark micht be affixit on ther     #
bodies, that
ther soulls micht be savit in the day of the Lord, contrar to   #
Christs rule,
who comands ws blis and curs not; and seeing that by Act of     #
Parliament
K. James VI., Parliament 14, Act 205, It is appointit that the  #
authors of all
treasonable books or wrets sall not be conceallit, but that all #
persons ar
holdin to declair the samen to the sheriff, provest, or         #
baillie, within brugh,
under paine of treasone; and the said Mr Andro haveing so       #
friely and
publictly preachit to the vindicatioun and praiss of the author #
of the said
book, it is presumit that he himselff is the author, or         #
otherways he can
condiscend upon some other: lastly, in respect by other Acts of #
Parliament,
King Charles I., Parliament 3, 84=th= , Act 8=th= ; and also in #
the Act
King Charles I., the 2=nd= triennial Parliament, session        #
2=nd= , Act 20=th= , It is appointit
that quhatsomeuer persone or persons suld be hard to curs, they
suld be punishit by seueral fines, and if he wer ane minister,  #
he suld los
the fyft part of his yeirly stipend, tharfor desyring the       #
counsell to convein
the said Mr Andro to ansuer to the abone writin bill; and they  #
wold
consider that Gods glorie, the kings honour, the peoples        #
saifitie, being so
much interestit therin, and the dangerous consequences that     #
micht follow
if this opportunitie suld be omittit, and efter full            #
examination, that they
wold grant justice as accordis in law, and ordaine him to       #
condiscend upon
the author of the book, and censur him for his cursing; which   #
supplicatioun
and complaint the counsell haueing hard, appointit the baillies #
to
goe on and try the particulars contanit in the bill, and to     #
report to the
counsell.

<P 191>
[}15 AUGUST 1660.}]
   The said day, the counsell appoints the sermons preachit in  #
the
churches of this brughe be Mr John Paterson, minister of this   #
brughe, and
Mr John Mengzes, professor of divinitie, vpon the [^BLANK^] day #
of [^BLANK^]
last, for the Kings Majesties happie restauration to the just   #
governement
of his dominions, to be put to the presse and printit with all  #
convenient
dilligence, wpon the charges of the toune, and appoints the     #
ministers to be
aquaint for puting the saids sermons in order for the forsaid   #
effect; as also
that the forme and maner of the solemnitie be the inhabitants   #
of this
burghe the said day for the forsaid effect, be siclyk put to    #
the press, and
printit vpon the tounes charges, and that the samen be put in   #
good order
therfor.

[}17 AUGUST 1660.}]
   The said day, the counsell tacking to consideration that Mr  #
Andro
Cant, one of the ministers of this burghe, haid this week       #
removit himselff,
with his wyff, familie, goods, and geir, to the south, for      #
macking, as they
wer informit, his residence ther, and that he haid left his     #
charge of the
ministerie heir vacant, and haid not acquantit the counsell of  #
his removeall;
as also considdering that being informit in respect of the said #
Mr Andro
his seeknes, weaknes, and old aige, he wes to remove, they haid #
causit the
baillies goe to him for knowing his intentione theranent, and   #
desyring him
that he wold caus suplie his charge of the ministerie heir in   #
some good
maner, so long as he suld be absent, and that he haid [\given\] #
no satisfactioun
theranent, but haid removit and left his charge vacand, as said #
is,
therfor they haue appointit, and does appoint, the said Mr      #
Andro Cant to
be persewit befor the presbitrie with all convenient dilligence #
in the ordinarie
way, according to the rules of the Church of Scotland, for      #
being decernit
to supplie his charge of the ministerie within this bruche by   #
himselff   
allon, or with the assistance and help of ane sufficient, able, #
qualified
<P 192>
persone, or otherways the place to be declairit vacand: and the #
counsell
does commissionat and appoint Gilbert Gray and Alexander        #
Alexander,
baillies, to goe about the prosecutione of the said mater befor #
the presbitrie
to the finall closur theroff.

[}29 AUGUST 1660.}]
   The said day, the counsell, in consideratioun of the         #
unseasonable
and tempestuous weather, appoints ane fast to be keepit within  #
this burghe
be the haill inhabitants of this burghe, for begging ane        #
blessing to the
ensueing harvest, upon the [^BLANK^] day of [^BLANK^] nixt, and #
appointit
the ministers to be acquaint therwith.

[}12 SEPTEMBER 1660.}]
   The said day, the counsell taking to consideration that the  #
provest
and baillies haid beine verie active in goeing about the vsing  #
all possible
meanes for regaineing of James Vicount of Frendrat, who did     #
escape the
Tolbuith and prisone of this brughe vpon the [^BLANK^] day of   #
[^BLANK^] last,
and that they haid done exact dilligence theranent, in so far   #
as wes in ther
power, as also that the said Vicount did mack his escape furth  #
at the dore
of the said Tolbuith thorow the neglect of the officers then    #
keepers of the
dores of the prisone, sua that his escape culd not be imput to  #
the magistrats,
the Tolbuith being all round about clos in ewrie part theroff;  #
tharfor the
counsell all in ane woce haue declarit, and does declair, the   #
provest and
baillies, as magistrats for the tyme, frie of all and           #
whatsomeuer hazard
and prejudice may follow vpon the said Vicount his escape, and  #
that the
samen is not to be imput to them in any maner of way.

<P 193>
[}12 SEPTEMBER 1660.}]
   The said day, the counsell tacking to consideratioun that    #
the dasks
within the churches of this brughe wer much takin wp and maid   #
wse of by
certane women within the samen, and that certane inhabitants    #
who haid
the libertie and priviledge of daskis for ther awne wses, did   #
bring ther
wyffis with them to ther dasks, which wes not, nether hes bein  #
in tyme
bygane the practice of this brughe, it being only practicable   #
within the
samen that the men did posses and mack wse of the dasks, and    #
the women
did sit wpon the floor or in the body of the churches in litle  #
handsome
chaires, or such comodious seats as they fand expedient and wes #
permissable
be the counsell to be maid wse of; thairfor the counsell for    #
tacking
away of the said abusse in tyme comeing, ordaines and appoints  #
that the
wyffe or no inhabitant within this brughe or others whosomeuer, #
posses,
tack wp, or sit in any dask within the churches of this brughe  #
in tyme
comeing, with certificatioune to any that sall contraveine the  #
premisses,
being thrie tymes prohibit and forbiddin be the sacrister or    #
churchwarden,
or be any others the counsell sall appoint, sall pay the sowme  #
of fyve
punds money to the deane of gild for the wse of the toune,      #
(\toties quoties\), as
they sall be fund to contraveine, efter admonitioun in maner    #
abovewrettin;
and it is heirby declarit that this present act sall nowayes    #
haue effect, nor
is not understood to be maid against the laidies of Earles,     #
Lordes, Barrones,
and other honorable women, but it sall be lesome to them to     #
haue access
to the dasks within the churches of this brughe als friely as   #
befor the
macking heiroff.

[}26 SEPTEMBER 1660.}]
   The said day, the provest, baillies, and counsell of the     #
burghe of
Aberdeine, ... being convenit within the counsellhous ... as    #
wpone the ordinar
day of electioun of the magistrats, counsell, and officemen,    #
for electing
and chooseing of the new counsell of this burghe for the yeir   #
to come, ...
<P 194>
and the act of burrowes wnderwritten being producit and         #
publictly red in
counsell, quheroff the tenour followes:  At Edinburghe, the     #
fyftent day of
September 1660 yeirs, the which day the Commissioners of        #
Burrowes now
convenit haueing receavit ane leter derect to them from the     #
Lord Chancellar,
which wes red, and efter serious consideratioun thereof they    #
thocht
fitt the samen suld be recordit, wheroff the tenor followes:    #
Right Worthie,
haueing hard of ane meiting of the burrows, and considdering of #
how
much importance it may be to his Majesties service that tymely  #
cair may
be takin, that at ther nixt election of ther magistrats and     #
counsell in ther
seuerall burghes, such only may be maid choose of as ar of      #
knovin fidelitie
and loyaltie towards his Majestie, though I haue good reasone   #
to be
confident that in thankfulnes of so great ane mercie which God  #
hes
manifestit to ws all in the happie restauratione of our most    #
gracious
Soverane, nane of yow will be wanting in that duety yow owe to  #
his
sacred Majestie in your stationes, yit I conceave it to be my   #
duetie to put
yow in mind of that which his Majestie doeth expect of your     #
affectione
and zeall to his service, and which may be ane lasting evidence #
of the
Burrowes of Scotland ther loyaltie, and rubing of the many      #
reproaches
that hes beine laid upon all this kingdome, occasionit by the   #
former
practisses of a few disloyall persones who prosperit in ther    #
wickednes
for ane tyme, and that they may be the easier discoverit and    #
renderit
unworthie of any trust among loyall subjects; but as I noways   #
doubt of
your good resolutiones in this, so I at this tyme sall give yow #
no mor
truble, but that this and all other purposes that may concerne  #
his Majesties
service may be recomendit to your meiting, from your            #
affectionat freind
and servand, Glencairne:  In persewance wheroff the present     #
Commissioners
finding themselues bund to indevor that no disaffected person   #
to
his Majesties government be in any place or power in ther       #
respective
corporations, did ordaine, and heirby ordaines, that in the     #
ensueing electione
of magistrats, counsell, and all other offices within burghe,   #
no persone or
persons who contryved or subscryvit the remonstrance or         #
associatiouns,
or concurrit in the prosecutioun of any cours for promoveing    #
the ends
<P 195>
theroff, or ther determinatiouns since anno 1650, or any        #
otherways disaffectit
to his Majesties government, or indevors by factioun or         #
seditioun
to the disturbance of his Majesties peace, or desertit any      #
charge of his
Majesties armes without ane lawfull warrand, that non such be   #
admittit
to any place of magistracie, counsell, or any other office of   #
deacon within
brughe; and ordaines this act to be speedilie comunicated to    #
ilk burghe,
that non pretend ignorance, and ilk brughe to returne thair     #
dilligence to
the nixt conventioun of burrows, wnder the paine of twentie     #
pundis, and
this to be ane head of the nixt missive: The counsell, conforme #
to the
acts of parliament decret, arbitrall, and act of burrowes above #
wretin, efter
invocatioun of the name of God, procedit to the said electione.

[}4 OCTOBER 1660.}]
   The said day, the counsell tacking to consideratioun that    #
Capitane
Johne Strachan, ane of his Majesties attenders residenter at    #
London, culd
be verie serviceable to this burghe, and that he haid promist   #
be his lettre
so to be, ordanit the thesaurer to furnish or caus mack with    #
all convenient
dilligence ane handsome cup of siluer, wechand tuentie fyve     #
unces, as
also to furnish and caus mak wp tuo barrell of good and         #
sufficient salmond,
the said cup and salmond to be sent to the said John in tokin   #
of the touns
respect to him.

[}31 OCTOBER 1660.}]
   The said day, the counsell appoints John Bennet, thesaurer,  #
to caus
mack ane badge of silver to Alexr. Gray, post, indweller of     #
this brughe,
with the tounes armes theron, for demonstrating him to be comon #
post
for this burghe, and that the said badge be of weght,           #
quantitie, and forme
of the badge givin be the toune to George Godsman, post, and    #
what
charges sall be deburst thereon, the samen to be allowit in the #
thesaurers
accompt.

<P 196>
[}25 FEBRUARY 1661.}]
   The said day, the counsell haveing informatione from Doctor  #
James
Lesley, doctor of medicine, that it was signified to him from   #
Edinburgh
by Capitane George Melvill, that it wes the desyr of ane noble  #
and potent
Earle James Marques of Montrose, that that dismemberit part of  #
the bodie
of the lait murtherit Marques of Montrose, his father, suld be  #
socht out of
the place of the church of this burghe wher the samen wes       #
interrit efter
it wes takin doune from of the pinacle wher it wes put up by    #
the enimies
of the said Marques, and that the samen suld be takin vp and    #
preservit
till order suld come for transporting the samen to the bodie;   #
and the
magistrats and councell haveing givin order for the forsaid     #
effect, and
report being maid to them that the said member wes fund out in  #
the place
of the said church wher it had beine interrit, and being most   #
willing and
desyrous to tack wp and preserue the same in the most decent    #
and convenient
maner culd be gone about, have appointit, and does appoint, the 
inhabitants of this burghe to be warnit be beat of drum and     #
sound of
trumpet for conveining this day about tuelff oclok, in ther     #
best armes
and array, for accompanieing the magistrats and councell to the #
church
for tacking wp the said member; and that the samen be takin wp  #
and
put in ane coffin, to be coverit with ane reid crimpsone velvet #
cloth, and
caried be Harie Grahame, son to the Laird of Morphye, from the  #
church
doun the Braid streit to the touns publict house, accompanied   #
be the magistrats
and counsell, and with the inhabitants of the toune going       #
befoir
in armes to the touns publict hous with sound of trumpet and    #
beat of
drum, ther to be keepit vnder custodie of the magistrats in the #
hich counsell
hous till such tyme as order suld be sent for transporting      #
theroff, and
appoints the inhabitants to discharge ther guns and shoot       #
vollies at and
about the mercat croce at ther comeing thervnto, and delyverie  #
of the said
member to the magistrats.

<P 197>
[}6 MARCH 1661.}]
   The said day, anent the supplicatioun givin in to the        #
counsell be
Alexander Andersone, lawfull sone to William Andersone, elder,  #
burges of
Aberdein, schoweing that wher dureing his younger yeirs in      #
burghe it
pleasit the Lord to wouchsafe vpon him some learneing in        #
reading and
wreating, which thrie yeirs bygane he had employit in teaching  #
of young
children in the country; and sieing that John Browne, ane of    #
their honors
schooll masters, was to remove, therfor desyring that the       #
counsell wold
grant him libertie to discharge the said dutie in this brughe,  #
promiseing
to goe about the samen carefully and dilligently to the         #
contentment of
all concernit, according to his abilitie, as in the             #
supplicatioun wes contanit.
The counsell haveing hard the supplicatioun, grantit the        #
supplicants
desyr dureing his good cariage and service in the said          #
imployment.

[}17 APRIL 1661.}]
   The said day, the provest, baillies, and counsell,           #
understanding the
tuentie thrid of this instant wes appointit be the Parliament   #
of England
for our Soverane Lord the King his Maiesties coronatioun, and   #
receaving
the crown of his kingdome of England; and considdering that it  #
was the
duetie of all his Majesties subjects not onlie in that his      #
kingdome of England,
but also thorow out all his other dominions, to testifie and    #
mack
known to the world ther hearts rejoiceing and solemnitie for    #
that happie
and so long wishit for day in the most solemne and publict      #
maner they
wer able to doe the samen, and that it wes the duetie of this   #
brughe, as on
of his Majesties royall burrows of this kingdome, to goe about  #
the same in
alse solemne and magnificent ane way as possibly they wer able  #
to expres:
thairfor the provest, baillies, and counsell ordaines and       #
appoints
Master John Patersone, minister, and Mr John Mengzes, professor #
of
divinitie, to mack ane sermon of thanksgiving, the on in the    #
Old Church
and the other in the New, the said day, and his Majesties loft  #
in the Old
<P 198>
Church to be all coverit and hung over with tapestrie in the    #
best forme,
and that the haill inhabitants of this brughe be warnit at the  #
mercat croce,
and throw the haill streits of the toune be sound of trumpet    #
and beat of
drum, to assemble themselves and be in readines in their best   #
armes and
abulzement at sewin oclok in the morneing at the church the     #
said day,
for blissing God for his Majesties happie coronatioune, and     #
that the mercat
croce of this brughe be all coverit and hung with tapestrie,    #
haveing vpon
the top therof musicianars skilfull in singing and playing, and #
ane long
table to be set thereat, and all sorts of confections set       #
therone, and the
magistrats and most worthie men of the toune to be set and      #
placit therabout,
and that wyne be broucht to the croce in barrellis in great     #
abundance,
and let out to all that pleases; and glasses to be brokin and   #
cassin;
and the inhabitants come from church in order under armes, the  #
magistrats
being befor all, singing and praising with such scriptural      #
psalms as the
ministers sall appoint, and that the whole bells be rung the    #
haill day, and
bonfyres put on, and the inhabitants, efter thair comeing from  #
the church
as aforsaid, to draw vp in order at the croce, and give such    #
volies and
shots as sall be appointit to them, and the trumpets and drums  #
to sound
and beat as they sall be orderit, and that efter comeing from   #
the croce
they spend the remanent of the day in shooting volies, and that #
they vse
all civill and godlie merriment becoming the work of the day;   #
and for the
beter ordering the inhabitants in their armes, ordanit the      #
haill toun to be
devydit in four companies according to ther respective          #
quarters, and each 
company to haue their owne capitane and other officers in maner #
efter
specifeit, viz., for the company of the Futtie quarter, Thomas  #
Melvill, lait
dean of gild, to be capitane; Arthour Dalgardno, his            #
levtennent; and Mr
Thomas Buck, sone of the deceast Thomas Buck, ensigne bearer.   #
(^Item^) ,
for the company of the Grein quarter, John Scott, lait dean of  #
gild, capitane;
Alexr. Burnet, younger, levtennent; and Master Thomas Forbes,   #
sone to
Robert Forbes, lait baillie, ensigne bearer. (^Item^) , for the #
Cruikit quarter,
William Cuthbert capitan; Walter Innes levtennent; and James    #
Robertsone,
son to Alexr. Robertsone, bailly, ensigne bearer. (^Item^) ,    #
for the Evin
<P 199>
quarter, [^BLANK^] capitane; [^BLANK^]
levtennant; and Wm. Robertson, son to Charles Robertsone,       #
ensigne
bearer; with power to the saids capitans to choose serjeands    #
whom they
suld think expedient; and appointit the dean of gild to caus    #
the premisse
be accordinglie observit, and what charges suld be debursit     #
therone the
same to be allowit in his accompts.

[}1 MAY 1661.}]
   The said day, anent the supplicatioun given in to the        #
counsell be
James Schewane, burges of Aberdein, schewing that wher be       #
deceas of
James Duncan, lait possessor of the hous and master of the      #
scooll in the
Scoollhill belonging to their honours, the samen wes now vacand #
and at
your honours disposall, and sieing he wes ane burges of gild    #
and tounes
barne, and hopit by the grace of God to be somewhat aible to    #
goe about
the said duetie; thairfor desyring the counsell to tack his     #
present meane
conditione to consideratione, and to admitt and receave him to  #
the said
charge, and to grant him the benefite of the said scoollhous    #
for teaching
young ons in reading and wreiting, promissing to doe faithfull  #
duetie
thairin according to his abilitie, as in the supplicatioun wes  #
contanit: The
counsell haveing hard and considderit the supplicatioune, and   #
being
advysit therwith, gives and grants to the supplicant the        #
benefite of the
scoollhous in the Scoolhill befoir injoyit be the said James    #
Duncan for
teaching and instructing the young ones in reading and          #
wreiting, with
power to him to imploy and mack wse of the said hous and scooll #
for the
said effect dureing his good service and the counsellis         #
pleasour.

[}4 SEPTEMBER 1661.}]
   The said day, the counsell wpon the supplicatioun of Master  #
William
Aidy, presentit to them, grants libertie and licence to him to  #
teach and
instruct young scollers entering the colledg, or enterit befor, #
in the Greek
<P 200>
toung, at such convenient hours and occasions as sall not be    #
prejudiciall
to ther instructioun and attendance in the gramar scooll and    #
colledg,
dureing the said Mr William his good service and the counsellis #
pleasour,
and the counsell continues ther ansuer to that part of his      #
supplicatioun
anent his chamber maill to ther further consideration.

[}16 OCTOBER 1661.}]
   The said day, the counsell ordains ane day of thanksgiveing  #
to be
keipit within this burghe be the haill inhabitants theroff, the #
[^BLANK^]
day of October instant, in consideration of the good harvest,   #
and the
ministers to be acquaint theranent.

[} (\EODEM DIE.\) }]
   The said day, the counsell tacking to consideratioun that    #
Master
James Gordoun, minister at Rothiemay, haid beine at great       #
paines in
draughting wpone ane meikle cairt of paper, this burghe and     #
fredome and
other pairts adjacent neir therto, which he haid this day       #
delyverit to the
counsell weell done; tharfor in tokin of ther thankfulnes,      #
ordains the
deane of gild to buy or caus mack ane silver peece or cup,      #
wechtand
tuentie unces, and to buy ane silk hatt, and delyuer to the     #
said Mr James,
with ane silk govn to his bedfellow, quheranent thir presentis  #
to be
warrand.

[}18 DECEMBER 1661.}]
   The said day, the counsell tacking to consideratioun that    #
ther wes
many good and laudable acts and ordinances maid be ther         #
predicessors
anent keeping secret the counsell of this brught much slichtit  #
and neglectit,
and the counsell effairs much devulgit; tharfor ordanit and
<P 201>
appointit that in tyme comeing, whatsomeuer persone or persons  #
sall be
fund to devulge any of the effairs of the counsell of this      #
brught, to be
depryvit of ther fredome efter the first convictioun (\ipso     #
facto\) .

[}8 FEBRUARY 1662.}]
   The said day, the counsell tacking to consideration that     #
the
Inglish and reading scoollis within this burghe haid bein this  #
seuerall
yeirs bygane much neglectit and abusit by the too many persons  #
who
haid no abilitie ther haueing libertie to exerce the duetie     #
theroff, as also
taking to consideratioun that laitly this burgh haid causit     #
John Gormak,
ane able qualified man in reading and wreiting, come from       #
Edinburghe
for discharge of the said imployment; thairfor to the effect    #
the scoollis
may be beter regulat, and the youth instructit in tyme comeing, #
ordaines
and appoints to haue ane scooll for teaching young ons in       #
reading and
wreting, and Robert Webster, who hes also the libertie of ane   #
scooll, to
haue the scooll for teaching and instructing young ons in       #
reading and
arithmetik, and John Moubray, to haue the libertie of ane       #
scooll for teaching
and instructing young children of Futtie and in the             #
Castellgett, and
discharges all other persons from haueing any Inglish scoollis  #
for reading,
wreting, or arithmetik within this burgh, except such woman as  #
the
counsall sall permitt for instructing young ons in the grounds  #
of reading.

[}19 MARCH 1662.}]
   The said day, the counsell admitts Barbara Mollysone, relict #
of the
deceast Archibald Muschet, burges of Aberdein, and dauchter to  #
the
deceast Mr Thomas Mollysone, sometyme toun clerk of the said    #
burgh,
mistres for learneing of young ones in reading, wreting, and    #
seweing in
the scooll foundit within this burgh be the Laidie Rothemay.

<P 202>
[}26 MARCH 1662.}]
   The said day, the counsell ordaines the magistrats to        #
delyuer to
Robert Burnet, who is now goeing to Holland, the draucht and    #
stans of
this brughe and fredome and others therin exprest, drawin wpon  #
paper
with pen and ink be Mr James Gordone, minister at Rothemay, and #
the
said Robert to advyse in Holland what way and at what rate the  #
said
draucht sall be most handsome and convenientlie done, and to    #
acquant
the toune therwith.

[}24 MAY 1662.}]
   The said day, the magistrats haueing signified to the        #
counsell that
they had receavit ane leter from ther commissioners at          #
parliament, schewing
that the Quens Majestie wes arryvit at Portsmouthe, and that    #
the
burghe of Edinburghe haid already keepit ane day of rejoiceing  #
for her
happie arryvell, and therfor thought it expedient that this     #
burghe to the
effect they suld nocht be deficient in ther duetie, suld        #
speidilie set about
their duetie in the lyk: The counsell haweing hard the said     #
leter, with
the magistrats proposall forsaid, haue appointit, and does      #
appoint, the
tounes inhabitants to be all convenit in arms at thrie hours    #
this day in
the efternoone, by beat of drum, and that the croce be hung all #
about,
and wyne and confections broucht therto in great abundance, and #
that
the inhabitants discharge and give volies as they suld be       #
appointit by their
seuerall commanders, and that bonfyres be set on thorow the     #
haill streits.

[}29 MAY 1662.}]
   The said day, the counsell tacking to consideratioun that    #
notwithstanding
of ane laudable practise of ther predicessors, that all         #
entering
burgessis, als weill burgessis of gild as craftismen at the     #
tyme of ther
<P 203>
admissione, wer in wse to present befor the counsell ane        #
musket with
bandeleir conforme, or ane pick, or the ordinar pryce           #
(^respective^) of the
samen, for advancement of the commone magazine of this burghe,  #
by the
last confusioun of the tymes the samen had been out of wse for  #
divers yeirs
bygane; as also tacking to consideration that the touns haill   #
magazine
wes plunderit and tackin away by the enemies and vsurpers:      #
thairfor
ordaines and appoints that euerie burges of gild at the tyme of #
admission,
present befor the counsell ane sufficient musket with bandeleir #
conforme,
and that ewrie craftsman, the tyme of thair admission, present  #
ane sufficient
pick, or then that they pey to the deane of gild the ordinar    #
pryce
(^respective^) of the samen, to the effect the touns common     #
magazin may be
againe provydit.

[}15 AUGUST 1662.}]
   The said day, the counsell nominats and appoints Robert      #
Gray,
secund laufull sone to the decest Mr Thomas Gray, sometyme      #
provest of
Aberdein, bearer of the tounes standart and ensigne at ther     #
conventione
and perambulatione of the utter land merches, to be riddin and  #
perambulat
the [^BLANK^] day of this instant.

[}15 OCTOBER 1662.}]
   The said day, the counsell appoints threten shilling four    #
pennies
money to be given weekly out of the moneys belonging to the     #
sessione to
William Brutchie ... and appoints the tuo litle housses under   #
the Gallowgait
Port to be ane duelling hous to the said scurger dureing his    #
service.

[}29 OCTOBER 1662.}]
    The said day, the counsell ordains the fyft of November     #
nixt to be
keepit and observit within this brughe as ane day of solemne    #
thanksgiveing
<P 204>
to the Lord for preservatioun of his Majestie King James the    #
sext of
happie memory from the gune powder treasone, and ordanes        #
bonfyres to
be set on in the afternoone by the inhabitants.

[}29 OCTOBER 1662.}]
   The said day, the counsell tacking to ther serious           #
consideratioun
that it hath pleasit Almightie God to remove from this mortall  #
lyffe William
Gray, present provest of this brughe, yesternight about seven   #
hours,
and it being incumbent upon them, and the haill inhabitants of  #
this brughe,
to confer upon him relateing to his buriall, all honor and due  #
respect in
ther power, to the effect the samen may be decentlie gone       #
about, ordains
the haill persons of counsell to be in mourneing for convoying  #
of the corps,
and the haill bells in the toune to be rung and tollit in ane   #
mourneing
sound befor, at, and efter, interring the corps; and alse       #
appoint the magistrats
to caus conveine vnder comand of ane captaine ane hundreth
and fiftie men of the inhabitants, to be in arms for convoying  #
the said
corps, and that they discharge thrie tyms at interring the      #
corps.

[}4 JANUARY 1663.}]
   The said day, forsamekle as Alexr. Charles, wright, burges   #
of Aberdein,
being imployit be Thomas Mitchell and John Rosse, merchant      #
burgesses
of Aberdein, to mack and set vp ane malt coble in ane barne     #
belonging
to them within the Old Toun of Aberdein for ther proper wse,
and he and his servants being about the said work within the    #
Old Toune,
they wer wpon the [^BLANK^] day of [^BLANK^] last bypast,       #
interrupt
and impedit thairin, and their workloumes takin from them by on #
Robert
Brown, in Old Aberdein, with certain others of the inhabitants  #
assisting
him, assemblit in armes, haveing order from the baillies of the #
said toune, 
wherewpon the said Thomas Mitchell and John Rosse, and the said #
Alexander
<P 205>
Charles, and the provest and baillies of this burghe for thair  #
entres,
finding the privileges of the burghe incroachit vpon and        #
violatit be the
said Old Toune inhabitants and ther baillies, meanit themselues #
to the
Lords of Privy Counsell, and raised summonds against the said   #
Old Toune
baillies therfor, and for the said ryot, wherwpon letters of    #
horneing and
captioun haveing followit against them therin, it was earnestly #
supplicatit
and humbly desyrit by ane reverend father in God, Dauid, Bishop #
of
Aberdein, and by the baillies of the said Old Toune, Robert     #
Broune and
others his associats, that the said mater might be amicablie    #
composit, and
freinds for each partie micht be chosin for that effect; and    #
for beter effectuating,
therof, did nominat Thomas Gordoun, shireff depute of Aberdein, 
and Mr Androw Moor, professor of medicine in the King's         #
Colledge, their
freinds and amicable compositors, wherwpon the magistrats and   #
counsell
being willing to settle freindlie with the said Old Toune for   #
the said ryot,
nowayes questioneing their vndoubted privileges, haue           #
condiscendit to the
said reverend father in God, and the said Old Toune their       #
desyre, and for
their part nominats and appoints ane reverend father in God,    #
John bishop
of Rosse, and Doctor James Leslie, principall of the New        #
Colledge of
Aberdein, freinds and amicable compositors for them in the said #
mater in
so far as might concerne the said ryot and wrong done be the    #
said Robert
Broune, and be the saids baillies ordering them, with full      #
power to them
to meit with the freinds nominat be the said Old Toune, and to  #
determine
therin according as they sall find expedient, and ordaines ane  #
submission
to be drawin wp, and extendit theranent in the maner and for    #
the forsaid
effect, to be subscriuit be all parties haueing entres,         #
promissing to stand
and abyd at what they suld determine theranent.

[}18 FEBRUARY 1663.}]
   The said day, the counsell tacking to consideratioun the     #
great paines
Master James Gordone, minister at Rothemay, hes beine at in     #
drawing
<P 206>
the draucht of this brughe and teritories therof, by way of     #
card, with the
discriptioun theroff, which now is perfittit and closit,        #
ordaines tuentie
punds sterlin of gold to be givin to him for his forsaids       #
paines, and
ordaines Gilbert Divy, master of mortificatiouns, to goe to     #
Rothemay and
delyver the samen to him, and to receave the discriptioun which #
is yit in
his hands.

[}18 MARCH 1663.}]
   The said day, the counsell appoints Thomas Mitchell, deane   #
of gild,
to pay to John Forbes, stationer, the sowme of ane hundreth     #
merks Scotts
money for his paines in printing certane musicall songs dedicat #
to the
counsell.

[}10 JUNE 1663.}]
   The said day, the counsell tacking to consideratione that Mr #
John
Forbes, professor of humanitie, wes electit master of gramar    #
scooll of this
burgh, and haid acceptit the said charge, and being desyrous    #
and willing
that the said Mr John suld haue ane competent provisione of     #
mantenance,
grants to the said Master John yeirlie the soume of two         #
hundreth
pundisScotts money, to be payit be equall portions at Witsonday #
and Mertimes,
beginand the first terms payment at Mertimes nixt to come,      #
togidder with
the hous and yard possest be Mr Alexander Straquhan, last       #
master, or the
soume of [^BLANK^] for mailling ane hous within this burgh to   
the said Mr John in his optione, and ordains ane contract to be #
extendit
thervpon (\ad vitam vel ad culpam\) , with conditiones          #
containit in the former
contract past betuixt the toune and the said Mr Alexander       #
Straquhan,
beareing also speciall conditioun that each partie sall haue    #
libertie to quyt
others at Lambes 1666 yeirs.

<P 207>
[}24 JUNE 1663.}]
   The said day, the counsell ordains the deane of gild to pay  #
to John
Elsmer, ane distrest preacher in Polland, laitly come to this   #
brught, the   
sowme of two hundreth merks Scotts money for his supplie.

[}16 DECEMBER 1663.}]
   The said day, the counsell [\ordains\] Mr George Keith, Wm.  #
Neper,
skipper, and William Stuart, thrie traffiquying Quakers, to be  #
conveyit out 
of the toune be the officers, with certificatione if they       #
returne therto,
againe to be conveyit be the hangman and punishit in thair      #
bodies as the
counsell sall find expedient, and ordains that no inhabitant    #
within this
brugh recept any of the forsaids persons or any such persons,   #
in their
houssis or families, or permitt any of thair meetings or        #
conventicles therin,
with certification to any that salbe fund to contraveine, that  #
the master of
the familie knowin to the said transgressions and               #
countenanceing the
samen sall pay to the deane of gild for ilk transgression in    #
recepting as
aforsaid, the particular fyns efter following, viz.: Ilk burges #
of gild thrie
scor punds, ilk tradsman thretie punds, and ilk person of the   #
meiner sort
ten punds; and for ilk transgression anent meitings or          #
conventicles, the
sowme of fyve hundreth merks, (\toties quoties\) , as they sall #
be fund to contraveine,
the master of the familie always haveing knowledge of any such
meiting or conventione and accessarie therto, and ordains       #
Alexr. Gelly to
be convenit, and the acts of parliament and councell theranent  #
intimat to
him, and he desyrit to give obedience therto, vnder             #
certificatione therin
specifeit.

[}18 JANUARY 1664.}]
   The said day, the counsell takeing to consideratione that    #
ther predecessors,
by former acts for the good and preservatione of this burghe,
had appoynted and ordanit that no merchand within this burgh    #
should
<P 208>
haue any more pouder in ther booth but tuo pund weicht for the  #
tyme,
haue ratefied and approvine the said former act in the tenor    #
and contents
theroff abovewritten, and now as then ordaines that no merchand #
within
this burgh, especiallie in the narrow wynds or narrow parts of  #
the street,
or wnder the Tolbuith, sall haue at on tyme more puder in ther  #
booth bot
at most two punds weicht, under paine of fourtie pund Scotis    #
money to be
payit to the dean of gild; and furder, ordaines that no puder   #
be sold in
any booth within this burgh wnder night with candle light,      #
wnder paine
of ane hundereth pund, to be payit be ilk persone               #
contraveinand, and
ordaines publicatione to be maid heirof by the drum through the #
haill
streets of the toun, that non pretand ignorance.

[}2 MARCH 1664.}]
   The said day, the counsell taking to consideratione that     #
notwithstanding
this burgh was ane of the most antient royall burghes of this
kingdome, the mercat croce therof, which should be ane ornament #
therin,
was farr inferior to many meaner burghes; therfor ordaines the  #
deane of
gild to cause make wp the mercat croce of the said burgh in the #
west end
of the Castlegait, with hewin and cut stones, according to the  #
stanse and
forme of the mercat croce of the burgh of Edinburgh, and to     #
cause bring
home cut stones, and to do euerie thing requisite theranent.

[}23 MARCH 1664.}]
   The said day, the counsell haveing informatione from his     #
Maiesties
Privie Counsell that the plague of pestilence was rageing in    #
Holland, and
withall ordering them to be cairfull that no shippes or goods   #
arryued from
thence at this port without dew tryall, ordaines to the effect  #
this burght
may be furder secureit and his Majesties counsell ther ordour   #
observit, ane
nightlie watch to be set at the Blockhous for taking notice of  #
all shippes
from Holland coming to this burghe.

<P 209>
[}23 MARCH 1664.}]
   The said day, the counsell for good considerationes moveing  #
them,
and to the effect the tounes magazine may be againe made wp,    #
ordanes
that all persones craveing the libertie of freemen, before they #
may be
admittit therto, present in the high counsell hous of this      #
burgh the particular
armour following, viz.: Ilk entring burges of gild, ane         #
sufficient
muskett and bandileir, or ten pund therfor; and ilk entring     #
tradsman, ane
sufficient pick, or four pund therfor, and no admissione of     #
them to be while
the samen be done.

[} (\EODEM DIE.\) }]
   The said day, the counsell wnderstanding that the Earle of   #
Marr and
certaine wther noblemen and freeholders wpon the watter of Done #
ware
with their associats convenit in armes, being about tuo         #
thousand fyve
hundereth men, horse and foott, at Kintor or Halforrest, for    #
breacking
downe the croves laitlie buildit and renewed vpon the water of  #
Done,
wherof this burghe was superior; therfor, to the effect         #
accommodatione
may be theranent, and the townes priviledges preserved,         #
ordaines Gilbert
Gray, provest, Mr Alexr. Davidson, advocat, with the clerk, to  #
goe to
Kintor, or the forrest, wher the said conventione is, and to    #
offer to them all
reasonable satisfactione of any supposed wrong in the said      #
croves, if any
sall be found, and to desyr that they wold not incroch wpon the #
townes
priviledges, whervnto if they refuse to obtemper, to protest    #
and take
instruments wpon what lose or prejudice may follow vpon their   #
illegal
procedour and convocatione as aforsaid.

[}6 APRIL 1664.}]
   The said day, the counsell grants libertie to Allexander     #
Thomsone,
pyper, to goe throug the towne with his pype at such tymes as   #
the
<P 210>
drummer goes with his drum, and that during the counsells       #
pleasur, for
which service he is to have such payment as wthers in the lyke  #
imployment
had before.

[}8 JUNE 1664.}]
   The said day, the counsell takeing to consideratione that    #
the Earle of
Marr with certaine wther noblemen and heritors wpone the water  #
of Done,
being convocat in armes about tuo thousand and fyve hundreth    #
men, horse
and foott, had come doune vpon Thursday last, the tuentie saxt  #
day of this
instant, and haveing brockin doune the croves vpon the watter   #
of
Done, belonging to severall inhabitants of this burgh, and the  #
counsell for
securitie of the burgh haveing appoyntit the inhabitants to be  #
in armes
within the toun for defence thereof in cace of any invasione    #
through the
said convocatione, many did absent themselues, and wthers did   #
remove
being once convenit; therefore ordaines all persones absent or  #
removeing
as aforesaid, to be convenit, and being convict, to be amerceit #
in the
soume of fyve punds Scots money, ilk ane without exemptione to  #
any, except
vpon the account of sickness, or prior absence furth of the     #
toune.

[}15 JUNE 1664.}]
   The said day, the counsell ordaines Alexr. Baillie thair     #
commissioner, to
signifie to the meeting of burrowes at Edinburgh, that the      #
Earle of Marr,
and certaine wther noblemen and freeholders wpon the water of   #
Done,
with ther associats and attenders had laitlie convocat in armes #
about tuo
thousand and fyve hundereth men, horss and foott, and had come  #
doune
and violentlie brockin doune the croves vpon the water of Done  #
belonging
to the said burgh, and thereby incroched vpon the tounes        #
privileges
and liberties, they being superiors of the saids croves, and    #
judges commissionat
for cognosceing vpon and rectifieing of any abuses therein, and 
to desyre the burrowes ther assistance by money and moyen, for  #
repeiratione
of the said wrong, as being ane publict concernment.

<P 211>
[}14 SEPTEMBER 1664.}]
   The said day the heritors of the cruves fishing, wpon the    #
water of
Done, haveing held out to the counsell that they ware           #
wrongouslie
troubled and molestit befor the Lords be the noblemen,          #
barrones, and
gentlemen, wpon the water of Done, in ther heretable legall     #
rights and
possessiones of the said croves, and therefor desyreing the     #
counsell as
their superiors to manteine and assist them in ther just rights #
and possessiones;
the counsell haveing considderit the premisses, ordaines the
heritours of the saids croves to be maintenit and assistit in   #
thair said just
and legall rights, and possessiones of the said croves, in      #
quhatsumever
actione may be intentit against them theranent; and ordaines    #
ane letter
to be wryt to baillie Alexr. their commissioner at Edinburgh,   #
for imploying
the touns advocats and agents for that effect.

[} (\EODEM DIE.\) }]
   The said day, the provest presentit to the counsell ane      #
letter from the
Lords of his Maiesties Privie Counsell, daitit at Edinburgh the #
secund day
of this instant monethe, for the affect after specifeit, which  #
being read in
counsell, the tenour thereof is as follows:  Loveing friends,   #
in obedience
to the Kings order sent to ws for seising on all Dutch          #
veshellis within
any harbors within this kingdome, we requyre yow immediately    #
vpon
sight heirof, that ye seise upon all and ewerie Dutch veshellis #
lyand
within your ports and harbors, and that yow take thair ruthers  #
and saills
from them till furder ordor, whereof we expect ane speedie      #
accompt from
yow: Lykwayes his Maiestie is gracouslie pleased in ordor to    #
your
saffitie and preservatione from hazard, to ordane intimatione   #
to be gevin
to all whom it may concerne, not to send out any shipes till    #
convoyes be
provydit, whereoff we thocht fitt to giue yow notice and        #
tymeous warning,
and prevent any prejudice you may suffer. By Dutch veshellis    #
yow are
to wnderstand onlie veshellis belonging to the Vnited           #
provinces. We rest
<P 212>
your loveing friends, (\sic subscribitur\) . [^A LIST OF NAMES  #
OMITTED^]
Direct thus  For the provest and baillies of Aberdein.
In obedience to the which order, the magistrats and counsell    #
haveing instentlie
causit make search at the port and harbor, fand no shippes within
the samen at present belonging to the states of the Vnited      #
provinces, and 
appoynted speedie returne to be giuen therof to his Maiesties   #
counsell,
which was accordinglie done.

[}23 NOVEMBER 1664.}]
   The said day, the counsell takeing to consideration that     #
Wm. Forbes,
present doctor of the musick schooll of this burgh, had thir    #
severall yeirs
bygane done good service in the said schooll for instructione   #
of the inhabitants 
children of this burgh and wthers, as he had occasion, to the
contentment of the counsell and wthers interestit, and that not #
withstanding
therof, Thomas Davidsone, present maister of the said schooll,  #
did
wrongouslie alledge that the said William Forbes was not his    #
doctor, but
that he had power and libertie to place ane doctor at his       #
pleasure, and
theropon did not grant to the said William such libertie and    #
freedome in
the said schooll for going about his charge as doctor as he     #
desyreit and
aught to have had, have therfor declairit and ordanit, and be   #
thir presents
ordaines and declaires the said William Forbes to be doctor of  #
the
musick schoole of this burgh, during his good service and the   #
counsells
pleasour, with power to him to intromett with and receave the   #
ordinarie
deus and schoollage as doctor aforsaid, and to teach and        #
instruct the
schollars and children of this burgh in the said schooll in     #
playing and
singing, and to doe euerie wther thing relateing to his charge  #
and abilitie
as doctor, both high and laich in the said schooll, alse weell  #
the master
being present as absent, as the said schollares of the said     #
schooll stand
in neid, and as may haue occation, whereanent this present to   #
haue
sufficient warrand.

<P 213>
[}21 DECEMBER 1664.}]
   The said day, the counsell tacking to consideratioun that    #
ther predicessors
for good considderatiouns moveing them, by ther act had         #
appoynted
that no inhabitant within this burgh [\of\] whatsumever         #
qualitie,
rank or degree, should invite at any tyme any more persones to  #
be witnesses
to any of ther bairnes bot four men, and four weemen at most,   #
and
sex weemen to be imployit to convoy the bairne to and from the  #
kirk
wnder the payne of fourtie punds Scots, to be payed be ilk      #
persone contraveining,
and yet notwithstanding, the said act was much contravenit and
abuseit to the prejudice of good ordor, and of many honest      #
families and
householders, in ther meanes, bodies and goods, therefore the   #
counsell, in
consideratione whereof have ratified and aproven the said       #
former act ...
with certificatione to any who sall contraveine the premisses   #
that they
sall pay to the deane of gild of the burgh the soume of fourtie #
punds, (\toties
quoties\) ... and ordaines this act to be intimat from pulpit   #
in both kirks,
to the effect non pretend ignorance, which was accordinglie     #
done.

[} (\EODEM DIE. \) }]
   The said day, the counsell taking to consideratione that the #
pewes in
the midle part of the old kirk was much abuseit and takine wp   #
be servant
women and wthers who had no right therto: therfor ordaines that #
no
servant women sall enter within the tirlies or baras dores of   #
the saids
pewes, and that no inhabitants wyfe bring in her servant within #
the saids
baras dores, with certificatione to all and everie on that sall #
contraveine,
they sall pay to the deane of gild furtie shilling Scots,       #
(\toties quoties\) ...
and also that no bairnes nor young children be brought to the   #
kirk till
they be capable to hear the Word and attend the ordinances; and #
ordaines
this act to be intimat from pulpit, which was accordinglie      #
done.

<P 214>
[}22 FEBRUARY 1665.}]
   The said day, the counsell vnderstanding that not onlie      #
this coast, but
also this burgh and harbour, through his Majesties ingadgment   #
of warr
with Holland, might possiblie be invadeit and molestit be the   #
Hollanders;
therefor, for better securitie thairanent, ordaines the deane   #
of gild to causs
repaire the blockhous, and put the samen in such good ordour as #
sall be
found expedient, and that he borrow vpon hand from the owners   #
of Johne
Annand's shippe the four guns thairin, and cause put the samen  #
wpon
the blockhous, and ordanes the drum to goe through the toune    #
for warneing
the haill inhabitants to be in readines with sufficient armes   #
vpon
the first call and advertisment.

[}8 MARCH 1665.}]
   The said day, the counsell appoynts George Melvill, with     #
Arthur Dalgardno,
and Walter Innes, to receave at this burgh such number of       #
seamen
as ar heir secureit and provydit be the magistrats, and to      #
convoy
the samen to Edinburgh, and ther to receave from baillie        #
Alexander, the
tounes commissioner, alse money as sall make wp (the samen      #
before
haueing beine secureit thair be him) the number of fourtein as  #
this burghs
proportione imposit for his Maiesties present service at sea,   #
and to delyuer
the said haill number to his Maiesties commiossioner, his       #
grace, or others
appoyntit for recept thereof, conforme to the instructiones to  #
be given to
them theranent be the magistrats; and that they receive         #
sufficient discharges
thereon, and to bring the samen with them; and ordanes the
thesaurer or dein of gild to advance such moneyes as sall be    #
neidfull for
defraying of thair charges.

<P 215>
[}15 MARCH 1665.}]
   The said day, the counsell in respect they ware with all     #
dilligence to
imploy the correctione housse for the wse they ware appoyntit,  #
and to
erect and sett vp ane manufactorie therin, ordaines the master  #
of mortificationes
not to sett any part of the samen to any tennent for this       #
present
yeir.

[} (\EODEM DIE. \) }]
   The said day, the counsell takeing to consideratione, that   #
ther being
fourteine sea men imposit vpone this burgh, as their            #
proportione for his
Maiesties present service at sea, and that they ware appoyntit  #
to be sent
ouer and delyverit at Edinburgh to his Maiesties commissioner,  #
before the
fyfteint day of this instant, and notwithstanding the           #
magistrats and
counsell had wseit all the effectual meines they could, for     #
procureing the
said number, and had offerit the best incouradgements they      #
could to any
who wold undertake the said service, yet many of the most able  #
seamen
within this burgh had deserted and left the toune, and absentit #
themselves 
from wndertaking the said service, wher through the counsell    #
had bene
at much charges and dificultie in furnishing thair said         #
proportione, and
these who had removed and absented themselves, did what they    #
could to
indanger the toune in the sume of fyue hundreyth merkes for ilk #
man not
made up; lykas in consideratione of all which, the counsell did #
before,
cause issue out proclamatione desyreing all seamen within and   #
belonging
to this burgh who had deserted the toune and absented           #
themselves as
aforesaid, to make their appeirance before the magistrats       #
before Fryday
last at ten houres in the foirnoone, with certificatioun that   #
all not appeiring
they and their wyves should be depryued of all benefite and     #
libertie of
brewing within this burgh, and of the wther liberteis and       #
immunities they
had before, and their names to be given to his Maiestie as      #
fugitives and
disloyal persones, and affixed wpon the croce as runeawayes;    #
and with
<P 216>
all finding that non of the persones who did absent themselves  #
had given
appeirance, whairby they had incurrit the certification of ther #
former proclamation,
which the counsell finds sua to be, and ordaines the samen to
be observed in euerie poynt as is aboue written, with           #
conditione alwayes
that if they sall betwixt and the nixt counsall day present     #
themselves to
the magistrats, and find sufficient cautione, ilk one wnder the #
payne of fyve
hundreth merks, that they sall appear when soeuer callit, and   #
alse sall pay
all and whatsomeuer charges the toune has beine at in           #
furnishing ther said
proportione, that then they sall incure no furder prejudice;    #
and with all
ordanes the dean of gild to cause sease vpon the brew loomes    #
belonging
to ilk one of the persones sua absenting themselues, ay and     #
while the premisses
be observed.

[}22 MARCH 1665.}]
   The said day, the provest producit before the counsell, the  #
lords of
secreit councell thair warrand and ordour for puting this burgh #
in ane
defensive postur, wherof the tenour followes:  Wheras the       #
magistrats of
the burgh of Aberdein, wpon thair apprehensione of danger by    #
the Dutch,
did petition the Privie Counsell for a libertie to put          #
themselves in ane
posture of defence by buying of cannon, armes, and amounitione, #
wher they     
can be convenentlie furnished, the said toune being at present  #
obnoxious
to the violence and malice of the Hollanders; and the Privie    #
Councell haweing
remitted the bussines to me, and finding their desyre most      #
reasonable,
thase are therfor to give full power and libertie to the        #
magistrats of
Aberdein, to furnish themselves wpon the cost of the said       #
toune, with
all sorts of armes and amunitione fitt for that purpose of      #
defending their
toune, blockhous, and harbour mouth, and to put the inhabitants #
of the
said toune wnder command of officers, that so there may be      #
ordour among
them when they sall be put to it; and for your so doeing this   #
sall be ane
sufficient warrand. Given wnder my hand, day and place forsaid, #
(\sic subscribitur \) ,
Rothes; daitit at Holiroudhous the sixteint day of March 1665,
<P 217>
conforme whervnto the counsell ordaines the samen to be         #
observed in sua
far as is possible for them, and that the blockhouse be         #
repaired, and the
inhabitants causit provyde themselues with swords and musketts  #
wnder
payne of deprivatione, and the baillies to goe throw the        #
severall quarters
for taking notice of all haveing or wanting armes, and that the #
toune
with all [\diligence\] be convenit for the effect the premisses #
may be intimat
to them.

[}29 MARCH 1665.}]
   The said day, the councell appoynts the baillies of the four #
severall
quarters to goe before and march wpon the heid of ther          #
quarters, with the
captaines to be afternamed to be wnder them for each quarter,   #
and nominatis
and appoyntis the severall captaines and ensigne bearers        #
wnderwritten
for the severall quarters, wnder the magistrats, viz., for      #
Futtie quarter,
Thomas Mercer, lait dean of gild, captain, and Robert Gray,     #
ensigne; for the
Grene quarter, Francis Andersone, captane, Mr Thomas Forbes,    #
ensigne;
for the Crucked quarter, Arthur Dulgardno, captaine, James      #
Robertsone,
ensigne; for the Evin quarter, Walter Innes, in absence of      #
George Melvill,
captaine, and John Hay, ensigne; and remits to the magistrats   #
and captaines
above named to choise and appoynt lievtennents wnder them as    #
they sall
find expedient, and Alexander Bruce to be lievtennent of the    #
Grein quarter
in absence of Alexr. Burnet Buchanes; and in respect the feires #
of the
Hollanders invasione did daylie encrease, ordaines as before    #
that the haill
inhabitants be in readines with sufficient armour, and that non #
be exemptit
from personall appearance whensoever requyrit, except the old   #
baillies and
magistrats and phisitians, who are to be assisting in advyce to #
the magistrats
and counsell in what may concerne the militarie part.

[} (\EODEM DIE.\) }]
   The said day, the councell finding that James Fuird, towne   #
serjand,
wes convict of disobedience to the provest and baillies, in sua #
far as he
<P 218>
being desyred to take into his hous for ane short tyme ane      #
poore man
named Alexr. Donald, who being comeing throw the wall of the    #
Tolbuith
by ane holl which he and wthers did make therin, had brockine   #
his back
and on of his legs, he denyed to doe the samen, no not altho he #
should
losse his coat; therfor, and alse finding the said James to be  #
cairles and
negligent in his office, haue depryvit, and be thir presents    #
depryues him
of his office of serjandrie within this burgh, and of all       #
benefite and comoditie
therof, and ordaines his coat to be instantlie takin from him,  #
which was
accordinglie done.

[}12 APRIL 1665.}]
   The said day, the said George Melvill, with the wther        #
persones
appoynted for delyverie of the tounes proportione of seamen to  #
his
Maiesties commissioner at Edinburgh for his Maiesties service,  #
haveing
returned, made report of the said commission, and produceit     #
discharge of
the fourtein seamen furnished be this burgh as ther proportion  #
for the
forsaid effect, which report and discharge the counsell haveing #
hard, approved
therof, and rendered the said George hartie thanks.

[} (\EODEM DIE.\) }]
   The said day, the councell taking to consideratione that     #
Johne Beg
and Johne Gawin, to seamen who did wndertake for the toune to   #
goe on
in his Maiesties service had made escape, ordaines them to be   #
apprehendit,
and imprisoned ay and whill they find sovertie wnder payne of   #
fyue
hundreth merks ilk ane, to compeir before the magistrats        #
whensoever
they sall be callit; and in the meanetyme depryves them of all  #
freedom
and libertie of brewing within this burgh; and also the         #
councell ratifies
and approves ane former act maid be thame of the dait the       #
fyftent day of
March last, anent seamen absenting themselves, in respect       #
notwithstanding
proclamationes conforme thairto, they did not giue appearance.

<P 219>
[}19 APRIL 1665.}]
   The said day, the counsell haveing appoynted for better      #
preservatione
of the burgh that ane watch should be keeped nightlie at the    #
Blockhouse
for fear of the Hollanders invasione, and finding that the      #
number appoynted
nightlie did not attend nor convein, ordaines ilk ane absent,   #
being able, to
pay fywe pund for ilk tyme, and such as are found absent        #
wnable, to be
tyed neck and heells before the guard be the tounes servands.

[}31 MAY 1665.}]
   The said day, anent the supplicatione given in to the        #
councell be the
deacone and hamermen trade of this burgh, desyring that they    #
might have
libertie grantit to them to hang wp befor and above the foir    #
part of ther
loft in the Old Church, ane bracine hearse, which wold not      #
onlie tend for
ther accomodatione but also for decorment of the church, and    #
therfor desyring
the councell to come and take inspectione of the premisses for  #
the
foirsaid effect, as in the supplicatione wes contenit: The      #
councell haveing
come to the said church and takine inspectione of the           #
supplicants desyre,
and being advysed therwith, have giuen and grantit, and be thir #
presents
giues and grantis libertie to them to put wp and hang the said  #
hearse
abowe and before the foir part of ther said loft for ther       #
better accomodatione.

[}21 JUNE 1665.}]
   The said day, the councell haveing receaved suir             #
informatione of the
happie and much desired victorie of his Majesties navie against #
the Hollanders,
and of the wonderfull preservatione of his Highnes the Duke of
York, to the effect they may as in deutie bund testifie thair   #
joy therfor,
ordaines the haill bells of the toune to be rung for ane        #
considerable tyme
in the most joyfull maner that can be, and that bonfyres be     #
sett doune
throw the streetts of the toune.

<P 220>
[}5 JULY 1665.}]
   The said day, the councell haveing receaved the Lords of his #
Maiesties
Privie Counsell ther ordour and warrand appoynting ane day of   #
thanksgiving
to be keeped and solemnized throughout the kingdome wpon the
thritenit day of this instant, being Thursday, for the happie   #
victorie of his
Majesties navie against the Hollanders, and wonderfull          #
preservatione of
his Highnes the Duke of Yorke; therfor to the effect this burgh #
may not
be deficient in such ane so much desyred work, bot may testifie #
ther
thankfulnes therfor with wther his Maiesties subjects and       #
royall burghs,
ordaines sermones suitable to the day to be made in both kirks  #
of the said
burgh be the ministers therof in the foir and after noones, and #
therafter
that bonefyres be put on throw the haill streets of the toune,  #
and the rest
of the day to be spent as becomes.

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 258>

[}26 JANUARY 1670.}]
   Francis Irvine, brother german to the Laird Drum, against    #
whom by
ane former act sumonds is ordanit to be raisit befor the Lords  #
of Privie
Counsell for the reasones therin exprest, did vpon the morrow   #
after comitting
of that abuss goe south, notwithstanding of the counsellis      #
favor in
being willing of ane freindlie setlement, and raised sumonds    # 

against the
magistrats, wharethrow they ware necessitat to insist against   #
him for
legall reparatione, and both parties appeiring before the saids #
Lords the
magistrats obtainit decreit before them against the said        #
Francis Irvine
which is as followes:
<P 259>
   Att Edinburgh the elevinth day of November, j=m= vi=ce=      #
thriescoire nyne
yeirs, anent our Soveraigne Lords letters raisit at the         #
instance of Mr
Robert Patrie of Portlethin, provest of Aberdeine, Alexr.       #
Alexander, Gilbert
Mollesone, Johne Duncan, and Walter Robertsone, baillies of the #
said
brughe, for themselues and in name of the counsell and          #
communitie therof,
makand mentione, that wher albeit be the lawes and acts of      #
parliement of
this realme, the injureine and abuseing of any persone, but     #
especiallie the
affronting and injureing of magistrats in office, be a cryme of #
a high
nature, and sevirlie punishable; nevertheles it is of veritie   #
that Francis
Irvine, brother german to the laird of Drum, haveing designed   #
to put ane
publict affront and disgrace vpon the magistratis of the said   #
brughe, being
the tuentie sevint day of September last bypast, betwixt sevin  #
and
aught o'cloake at night within the brughe of Aberdein, in the   #
house of
Thomas Lumsden, burges, wher Walter Robertsone, one of the      #
baillies,
were present about thair lunchfull affaires; he, without the    #
least offence      
or provocatione given to him, fell out in the most disdainfull  #
and reproachfull
speeches and expressiones against the magistrats of the said    #
brughe of
Aberdein, boasting that he would cause his footman take of the  #
provests
hat of his head at the crose, and cause him kik him in the erse #
with his
foott, and called the said Walter Robertsone, baillie, with     #
whom he wes
in company, ane base villan and raskell, and said to him that   #
in testimonie
he wold cause doe to the provest as he said he wold cause the   #
baillies hat
ly amongst his feet; lykeas he instantlie pulled of the         #
baillies hat and
threw the same to the ground, and agane called him base         #
raskell, and
lousie knaue, and the said baillie takeing wp his hatt and      #
puting the
same on his head, he did agane take the same of and threw it    #
against the
wall, and on of the company desyreing Francis to be more civill #
to a
magistrat of the brugh, he layed hold on his sword to haue      #
drawin the
same, but being impedit, drew a whingher and persewed the       #
baillie thairwith
for his lyfe, and had not failzied to haue done greater         #
mischeiff if he
had not bein hindred, and the said baillie haveing in a sober   #
maner in his
Maiesties name as ane magistrat and justice of peace, desyred   #
the said
<P 260>
Francis Irving to behaue himselfe more civillie, he said he     #
wold pish vpon
the justices and all the magistrats of Aberdein, wtering many   #
wther disdainfull
and base expressiones, wherby the said Francis Irvine is        #
guiltie
of ane oppin and manifest ryot, comitted be him in high and     #
proud contempt 
of his Maiesties authoritie and lawes, and ought therfor to be  
exemplorlie punished in his persone and goods, to the terror of #
others to
comitt and doe the lyke in time comeing; and anent the charge   #
given to
the said Francis Irvine, to haue compeared personallie to haue  #
answered
to the forsaid complaint, and to haue heard and seen such       #
ordour takine
theranent as apperteinit, vnder the payne of rebellione, &c.,   #
as the saids
letters, executiones, and indorsationes therof, at lenth        #
proport, whilks being
callit and both parties compeirand personallie, the Lords of    #
his Maiesties
Privie Counsell haueing hard and considderit the forsaid        #
complaint, and
ansuers maid therto, togither with the depositiones of severall #
famous
witnesses, led and adduced be the persewers for proveing of the #
said complaint,
doe find the forsaid lybell sufficientlie provin to infer a     #
ryot against
the said Francis Irvine, and therfor decernes and ordaines him  #
to crave
pardon at the barr of the said provest of Aberdein, and these   #
of the magistrats
of the said brughe that are present, for the wrong and offence  #
done
to them by him; lykeas in obedience therto the said Francis     #
Irvine did
accordinglie craue them pardone; and furder the said lords      #
ordaines the
defender to be caried prisoner to the tolbooth of Edinburgh,    #
ther to remayne
this night, and ay and whill he sall be released by warrand of  #
the
lord commissioner his grace, and find cautione vnder payne of   #
fyue thousand
merkes, that he and his tuo servandis, and all wther his        #
mentennentis
and servantis sall keepe the peace, and sall not harme the      #
magistrats, and
inhabitants of Aberdein; as alse the said Lords modifies fyue   #
rix dollouris
to be payit be the said Francis Irvine to ilk ane of the        #
witnesses cited
and deponeing in the mutual complaints perseued be ather        #
parties, lykeas
Alexr. Alexander, baillie of Aberdein, having produceit         #
discharges for fyue
of the witnesses, did receaue up their expenssis for thair      #
behove. Extract
by me, (\Sic subscribitur\) , Thomas Hay.

<P 261>
[}16 FEBRUARY 1670.}]
   The said day, the counsell takeing to considderatione that   #
notwithstanding
of acts of parliament, and of the Lords of his Majesties Privie
Councell, and of the acts of councell of this brughe groundit   #
therupon, ordaneing
that no inhabitant within the same sould recept, supplie,       #
intertaine,
or furnish meat or drink to, or keepe correspondence with, or   #
sett
houssis or chambers to jesuits, preists, or trafficquing        #
strangers, papists
or quakers, vnder payne of fyve hundereth merkes Scots money,   #
by and
attour wther censure and punishment to be inflictit vpon them   #
according
to thair severall qualities and degrees, vpon the first legall  #
convictione
theranent; and that no papist or quaker resideing within this   #
brughe, or
wther inhabitant within the same, sould recept in thair         #
houssis, ludge or
intertaine any papist or quaker, or any persone suspect of      #
ather of the
same, till first they did acquaint the magistrats therwith, and #
had thair
libertie and varrand therfor, vnder the penalty and             #
certificatione exprest
in the said act, as the same duelie proclameit thorrow the      #
toune beares;
and albeit the saids provest, baillies, and councell did,       #
according to the
said act, and grounds of the same aforsaid, expect some due     #
observance
from all concerneit theranent, nevertheles it is found that the #
same is
much contemnit and neglectit, and that papists and quakers are  #
resett and
intertanit, and have their frequent meetings and conventicles   #
within this
brughe, to the great contempt of authoritie and scandall of the #
gospell,
and of all trew Christians within this brughe; therfor for      #
further evidencing
the magistrats and counsell of the same ther willingnes to      #
reclame
all within thair boundis who are obstinat and disobedient to    #
the just and
good government and lawes of this kingdome, and acts of         #
counsell of this
brughe foundit thervpon, and if otherwayes that they may be the #
more
inexcusable, therfor ordanit and appoyntit that no inhabitant   #
within this
brughe resett, supplie, intertaine, or furnish meat and drink,  #
and keepe
correspondence with, or sett houssis, or chambers, to jesuists, #
priests, or
traffiquing strangers, papists, or quakers, or permitt them to  #
keepe meetings
<P 262>
or conventicles within thair houssis vpon whatsumever pretext,  #
vnder
payne of fyve hundereth merkes money, by and attour             #
deprivatione of
thair freedomes, and if vnfree, of being removeit out of the    #
toune after lawfull
convictione; and alse that no papist, or quaker, or wther       #
inhabitant
whatsumever, resett or ludge in thair housses any such persons, #
or any
suspect theranent, till first they acquant the magistrats, and  #
giue wp ther
names nightlie, and as occasione offeris, and obtaine thair     #
libertie for that
effect, with certificatione that the persone contraveining sall #
pay three
pund to the dean of gild, alse oft as found guiltie, and        #
ordaines this present
act to be intimat throw the toune by the drum, which was        #
accordinglie
done.

[}16 FEBRUARY 1670.}]
   The said day, the counsell considering that ther wer         #
severall defunct
persons put in the chapill wpon the Castlehill, and in the Gray #
Freir Kirk,
brought from the countrie and keepit ther for ane nights tyme,  #
which did
tend greatlie to the accomodatione of them that ware concerneit #
in the 
said defunct persons, and the toune nowayes benefited therby;   #
therfor ordaines
that the relationes of any defunct persons, or who desyres the  #
said
libertie for them, sall pey for the said libertie, aither in    #
the chappill or Gray
Freir Kirk, ten merkes Scots money, without any exceptione of   #
the defunct
persons, which is to be imployed for wpholding of the said      #
chappill and
Gray Freir Kirk, in sua far as the same may extend, and to be   #
addit to
the respective charges.

[}23 FEBRUARY 1670.}]
   The said day, the councell takeing to considertione that     #
the dyet
appoyntit be the programe formerlie issued out for planting the #
place of
principall master of gramer scooll of this brughe, wes Tuesday  #
nixt the
first of March, and that by the mortificatione of the deceist   #
Patrick Dune,
doctor of medicine, relateing thervnto, the tryall of the       #
qualificatione of
the haill maisters of the said scooll, wes committit to tuo of  #
the ministers
<P 263>
of the said brughe, to be nominat be the councell, and to the   #
principall
and four regentis within the new colledge in the same, who      #
being solemnlie
sworne in presence of the councell, sould testifie the          #
presentit, ane or
mae, to be worthie and sufficientlie learnit and qualified for  #
such ane place;
therfor the councell nominat Mr John Menzies, professor of      #
divinitie, and
Mr David Lyell ane of the ministers of this burghe, with the    #
said principall
and regentis, to try the qualificatione of the persons that     #
sall compet for
the place of the principall master of the said scooll, and      #
recomends to the
councell to conveine the said day, and they to be acquant       #
tymouslie for
the effect aboue written.

[}1 MARCH 1670.}]
   The said day, anent the petitione given in to the counsell   #
and the
other patrons of the mortificatione of the deceist Mr Patrick   #
Dune, doctor
of medicine, to the gramar scooll of this burghe, be Mr Johne   #
Lyell, sone
to [^BLANK^] Lyell, ane of the subtennants of the lands of      #
Ferriehill, showing
that wher by the said mortificatione it wes speciallie          #
provydit, that if
any of the mortifiers owin surname, or any of the sones of the  #
tennents of
Ferriehill, sould be found qualified for the place of master of #
gramar scooll
in the said brughe, that they sould be preferrit without any    #
contestatione;
therfor seing he wes ane of the sonnes of the tennents of the   #
lands of
Ferriehill, humblie desyreing that they wold caus take tryall   #
of his qualificatione,
and being found qualified wold admitt him to the said charge
without competitione or contestatione, conforme to the          #
mortificatione:
which petitione and mortificatione the counsell and patrons     #
aforsaid
haveing hard and considerit, finds the said Mr Johne Lyell not  #
to be the
sone of ane of the tennents of the lands of Ferriehill, his     #
father being onlie
ane graseman and subtennent, and had no laboring but ane craft  #
of land,
and was not ther tennent of the same but their taksmans; and    #
therfor
declaires him not preferrable, albeit qualified, without        #
competitione, and
in respect of his appeirance conforme to the edict, admitts him #
to tryall
<P 264>
with others that sall compeir for that effect, and if           #
qualified, (\ceteris paribus\) ,
to haue what is due by the mortificatione. Thomas Merser, late  #
dean of
gild, ane of the counsell, protestit in the contrar, alleadging #
the said
Master John to be ane tennents sone, and therfor preferrable as #
aforsaid;
the provest, for himselfe and in name of the counsell and       #
patrons aforsaid,
protestit in the contrar, for the reasones forsaid.

[}9 MARCH 1670.}]
   The said day, anent the petitione given in to the counsell   #
by Master
Alexander Skeene of Newtyll, late baillie of the said brughe,   #
showing that
considdering everie bleessing bestowit be God on any place      #
should be
improvin for the publict good, and seing that medicinall wall   #
at the
Womanhill, commonly called the Wall of Spae, had been much      #
neglectit 
thes severall yeires bygone, since the same wes stopit by the   #
violent torrent
of wateris which overturned it, after the same had been         #
cairfullie buildit
by ane inhabitant of this brughe, who had good prooff in his    #
owne persone
in cureing him of the stone, in memorie wherof be translated    #
the same in
ane more hansome way, with the portrature of sex apostles       #
raisit on each
syde of ane long hewin stone, with which ornaments it had been  #
sett forth
for the notable vertues with which thes wateris ware indued, in #
heiling
such varietie of diseases, as ane printed book, set out by      #
Doctor William
Barklay in the year 1615, did demonstrat; and now the said      #
spring
appeiring in its wonted place, and the wateris found to be of   #
the same
qualitie, according to the said doctor his marks and prescryvit #
meines of
tryall, and it being found that the said wall had not beene     #
onlie ane former
great bleessing, but evin many at this tyme had felt the good   #
effectis
therof in cureing the gravill, and stone in the kidnes and      #
blader, the collicks
in the stomack, when so violent that nothing else could, and    #
also
despirat lyke hydropsies; therfor desyreing the counsell that   #
they wold be
pleasit to permitt him to caus rebuild the said wall, in as     #
comlie ane way
as befor it had been, without any charge to them or the toune,  #
and which
<P 265>
being done, that they wold take it as ther owne and preserve    #
and manteine 
it in tyme comeing; and also that they wold caus reprint the    #
said Doctor
Barklayes book, which wold be about ane sheet of paper, with    #
such testimonies
as ther present phisitianes sould, at ther desyre, from thair   #
knowledge
and experience annex, wherby seeklie strangeris knowing of such
ane free offer of health might make the more frequent resort to #
this brughe,
and be made partakeris of the same goodnes of God with others,  #
as in the
petitione wes contenit.

[}16 MARCH 1670.}]
   The said day, the counsell takeing to considderatione that   #
notwithstanding
of all former acts emittit against the quakers for keeping of   #
thair
meetings within this brughe, yet they did still continue in     #
keeping of their
saids meetings; therfor ordaines them of the men Quakers who    #
sall be
found at ane nixt meiting within this brughe to be apprehendit  #
and
imprisonit, ay and whill they obleidge themselves to forbear;   #
and least
notwithstanding the weeman Quakers may also conveine, ordaines  #
the
dores of the housses wher they ordinarlie meit to be keipit     #
close, and the
keyes therof takine from them, wherthrow this brughe may be     #
free of
thair conventiones.

[}30 MARCH 1670.}]
   The said day, compeirit in presence of the councell and      #
remanent
patrons befor namit of the mortificatione of the deceist Mr     #
Patrick Dune,
doctor of medicine, Mr James Leslie, principall of the Colledge #
Marischall
in this burghe, Mr Johne Menzies, professor of divinitie, Mr    #
David Lyell,
ane of the ministers of the same, Masters Alexander Alexander,  #
Robert
Bruce, Robert Patersone, and Thomas Gray, regentis in the said  #
Colledge,
wha, conforme to the said mortificatione and the councells      #
former act
theranent, ware nominat for takeing tryall of the persones      #
qualificatioune
<P 266>
and abilitie for planting the vacand place of principall master #
of gramer
scooll of this brughe, and maid report, that according to the   #
said nominatioune
and oath formarlie tenderit to them be the counsell, they had   #
at
severall dyets and occasiones, wpon mature deliberatioune,      #
prescryvit
seuerall poyntis of tryall, suitable and convenient, to Master  #
Robert Skeine,
scoolmaster at Banchorie, the onlie persone appeiring for the   #
forsaid effect,
and fund him qualified and capable for the charge of the        #
principall master
of the said scooll, which they declarit to be of treuth be      #
uerteu of thair
great oath, as said is: With the which report the counsell and  #
remanent
patrons above nameit of the said mortificatione being ryplie    #
advysit, and
therby finding the said Mr Robert Skeen able and qualified for  #
the said
charge; and withall, considering that by the forsaid            #
mortificatione it wes
ordanit and appoyntit that the intrant master, before his       #
admissione to
the said charge, sould giue oath to promove the good of the     #
Colledge
Marischall in this brughe, and to advyse his scollars to come   #
to the same,
and to preferr the same to all other colledges; and having      #
callit the said
Mr Robert befor them and accordinglie tenderit to him the said  #
oath, as
also signified to him the councells act before written,         #
relateing to his
abydeing in the said schooll: All which he willinglie accepting #
of, the
councell and remanent patrons above nameit haue admittit and    #
receavit,
and be this present act admitts and receaues, the said Master   #
Robert
Skeine principall master of the said gramer scooll in this      #
brughe, (\ad vitam
vel ad culpam\) , or at least for the space of aught yeires,    #
with and wpon the
other conditiones, restrictiones, and provisiones particularlie #
aboue set   
doune, and exprest in the mortificatione of the said deceist    #
Master Patrick
Dune, and acts of counsell before mentionat, made theranent,    #
and ordaines
ane contract to be extendit theranent, in ample forme, to be    #
subscryvit be
the prouest, baillies, councell, and remanent patrons of the    #
said mortificatione,
and the said Master Robert Skein on the ane and wther parts.

<P 267>
[}27 APRIL 1670.}]
   The said day, anent the petitione given in to the counsell   #
be Thomas
Boyes, Mathew Lumsden, John Nicolsone, Alexander Lumsden,       #
William
Harper, and William Taylour, skipperis, burgesses of the said   #
brughe, for
themselues, and in name of the remanent skipperis, and sea      #
fairing men
belonging to the same, mentioning that wher, as wes evidentlie  #
knowin,
persones of ther calling and imployment in all the royall       #
brughes and incorporationes
of this kingdome had ther accomodationes and seats in the
churches allowit to them, yet never the les the skipperis and   #
sea fairing men
of this burghe, albeit ane considerable number, and that they   #
did bear considerable
burdine with thair neightbours, were altogither destitute of    #
the
lyke accomodatione; therfor desyreing the counsell that they    #
wold be
pleasit to consider the premisses, and to fall wpon some        #
effectuall course
for ther ease theranent; and seing ther wes comodious places    #
betwixt the
pillers in the south syde of the new church, wher with ther     #
permissione
they sould make wp ane loft in decent maner for the forsaid     #
effect, which
sould not in the leist be any wayes prejudiciall to the lights  #
of the kirk,
but rather tend to the decorement therof, that they wold be     #
pleasit to
grant them libertie to make wp ane loft betwixt any of the      #
saids pillars,
or in any wther place within the said church they sould find    #
convenient,
in such forme and maner as they sould set doune, which sould    #
incourige
them to carie and behave themselves as became, as in the        #
petitione wes
contenit: The counsell haveing come to the said new church, and #
haveing
takine particular inspectione of the petitioners desyres, they  #
find it is
verie convenient they be accomodat, and have ane proper seat,   #
and roume
allotit and allowit to them for the effect above mentionat, and #
therfor
haveing hard and considderit the supplicatione, and being       #
maturlie advysit
thairanent, they have given and grantit, and be these presents  #
giues
and grantis libertie and licence to the petitioners for         #
themselues, and in
name and for the behoove of the haill remanent skipperis and    #
mariners
<P 268>
within the said brughe, to erect and make wp ane loft in        #
decent forme
and maner, in the west most end of the said new church,         #
directlie aboue
the gramar schooll loft within the same, with power to them to  #
bring ane
rine jest towards the floor of the said church mid pillar on    #
both sydes, to
which the foir breist of the said loft is to come out, and no   #
further, as also
with power to them to make laigher the said gramer scooll loft  #
if found
neidfull for thair accomodatione, the same being alwayes done   #
and made
wp as before, wpon ther proper charges and expenssis, provyding #
alwayes
that the said gramer scooll loft, if made lower, sall be of     #
such hight as that
persones of the highest stature may walk and stand wnder the    #
same; as
also that the said new loft to be made wp be the petitioners,   #
be of lyke
distance from the floor of the said gramer scooll loft, and     #
recomends to
the master of kirkwark to sie the premisses accordinglie done   #
and observit
in euerie poynt and conditione, as is above written.

[}18 MAY 1670.}]
   The said day, the counsell considering that ther wes         #
certaine abusses
latlie comittit at the buriall of the laird of Drum's daughter, #
within the kirks
of this brughe, betuixt ten and elevin houres at night, tuo     #
persons being
woundit, and as was informeit seuerall superstitious ceremonies #
vseit, and
that the same wes partlie occasioned by the permissione of the  #
lyke at
such untymous occasiones, and not keeping closs the kirk dores  #
before or
after sunesetting; therfor for preventing the lyke in tyme      #
comeing, ordaines
that no defunct persons whither strangers or inhabitants of     #
this
brughe be buried or interred within the kirks, or kirk yeard of #
the same, or
territories therof, except betwixt the ryseing and setting of   #
the sune, both
in the summer and winter tymes, wnder the payne of three        #
hundreth
merks Scots monie, to be payit be the contraveiners...

<P 269>
[}6 JULY 1670.}]
   The said day, anent the supplicatione given in to the        #
counsell be
Alexander Ettershank, deacone convenair of the traids of the    #
said brughe, 
William George, deacone of the hamermen, Alexander Charles,     #
deacone of
the wrights and couperis, William Chapman, deacon of the        #
baxteris, Patrick
Walker, deacone of the taylouris, and Robert Menie, deacone of  #
the
shoemakeris, of the same for themselues, and in name and        #
behalfe of the
freemen of thair seuerall traids, mentioning that wher they had #
seuerall
tymes supplicat the councell of the said brughe to nominat and  #
appoynt
ane fitt persone to catechise and instruct the people of the    #
samen in the
Trinite Chappill, which hitherto had provin ineffectuall;       #
therfor againe
renewing thair desyres, and humblie intreating that the         #
counsell wold be
pleasit to nominat and elect ane qualified persone to officiat  #
in the said
deutie vnce in the week, wpon any day they sould find           #
expedient, and
wheron ther sould be no publict worshipe in any other of the    #
tounes
churches, and to appoynt to him ane hundreth punds Scotis money #
yeirlie,
of present sallarie, payable be them vntill they sould be       #
further able, and
that the offerings that sould be collectitt, at the said        #
church dore, be
honest persons of the respectiue traids, might be applyed, the  #
on halfe for
manteining and wphalding the fabrick of the said chappill, and  #
the other
halfe of the same to such wse as the counsell sould find        #
expedient, as in
the said petitione subscryvit with thair hands at lenth wes     #
contenit; which
petitione the counsell having hard and considerit, and haueing  #
made ane
list of certaine able persons, fitt and qualified for going     #
about the said
deutie, they nominat and elect Master William Mitchell,         #
preacher of the
gospell, to be catechist and lectorer in the said Trinitie      #
Chappill, during the
counsellis pleasure, wpon such ane weeklie dyet as heirafter    #
sall be condiscendit
wpon be the counsell, with and vpon the conditions above
written, and others to be aggreed wpon betuixt the counsell and #
the
saids traids, and remitts to the magistrats to caus extend ane  #
formall contract
theranent.

<P 270> 
[}22 SEPTEMBER 1670.}]
   The said day, the councell approves of ane protestatioun     #
takin be the
provest ther comissioner at parliament against ane              #
ratificatione of the
priviledges of the Kings Colledge of Aberdeine, and recomends   #
to the
provest to cause extract the same to be putt among the records  #
of this
brughe.

[}27 OCTOBER 1670.}]
   The said day, the councell considering that the fleshers     #
within this
brughe, notwithstanding of former acts and prohibitiones, did   #
kill ther
fleshes wpon the streets, and did hing out the same befor and   #
under
staires, towards the foir street, which wes verie vndecent to   #
be seene in 
ane civill incorporatione and burghe; therfor of new ordaines   #
... that no
flesher within this brughe kill or slay any of the fleshes upon #
the streets,
or befor ther dores looking therunto, or hing out the same      #
wnder foirstaires
in tyme comeing...

[}22 FEBRUARY 1671.}]
   The said day, the councell taking to consideratione certain  #
overtures
proposit by Mr Alexr. Skeine, ane of the baillies of the said   #
brughe, and
others of ther number, appoyntit visitours of the scoollis of   #
the same for
this yeir, for redres of severall abuses laitlie arisen         #
therein, and particularlie
in the gramer scool, whereby the scollars therof sustainit      #
great prejudice
and stop of their learneing, first, in that the doctors did     #
change from
one class to another each quarter: therfor that it wold be      #
expedient that
euerie on of the saids doctors in the said scool sould begine   #
with the scollars
that he receaves at the four respective quarters of each yeir,  #
and teach them
their rudiments and gramer untill they ware fitt to ascend to   #
the masters
class; and seing in the three years tyme the scollars comeing   #
at the Rude
<P 271>
Day and Lambmes cannot be so far advanceit as thay that come at #
Hallowday
and Candlemes, that ther doctor haveing delyverit wp the        #
hallowdayes
scollars to the masteris class, he may begine to receave the    #
new scollars in
the elementarie at the hallowday, as also perfect the rest of   #
his former
classis, and alwayas as he receaves euerie quarter a new class, #
so he may
giue of the class of his former course everie quarter to the    #
masters; and if
any boy, thorow neglect or hardnes of ingyne, come short of his #
fellow, be
advyce of the visitors, he ought to discend, or with consent of #
the parents,
to be vnder the other master that teaches nixt to that class,   #
and so euerie
thrid yeir, each doctor of the said scool is to receave the     #
scollars of ane haill
year, and at the four generall quarters (\per vices\) , and     #
this is to goe wp
with his owine scollaris to the masteris class; as also the     #
said scollers sustainit
prejudice by the principall master and doctors ther appoynting  #
ane
of the said doctors hepdomatar in the said school weeklie, for  #
exercising
of discipline, wherby the same wes onlie done but vpon Saturday #
each
week, in the foirnoone: therfor that it ware expedient that the #
principall
master and doctors of the said scooll exercise discipline once  #
everie tuentie
four hours vpon the scollars vnder ther respective charges; and #
further,
that for the saids doctors better accomodatione and             #
incouragement, that
it ware expedient that each on of them sould have libertie      #
everie thrid
week to prosecute ther privat studies in their chambers,        #
provyding they
did all punctuallie keepe their dyets of teacheing, examining,  #
and discipline
each day in the said scooll, so that the principall master and  #
tuo of the
doctors ar alwayes to atend in the said scooll; and the forsaid #
indulgence
is fitt to be grantit to them in respect that place is not      #
possiblie alwayes
to be setlit vpon them; and to the effect they may not be       #
tempted to
neglect their dutie weeklie, they ar to have the said three     #
weeks indulgence;
and siclyke ther was ane abuse in the said scooll, the          #
principall
masters nor doctors did not come to ther atendance therein      #
whill sevin or
aught hours in the morneing each day: Therfor it ware expedient #
that on
of the saids doctors sould each day be in the said scooll at    #
sex hours in
the morneing, and the scollars when they came to the scool      #
sould not be
<P 272>
idle, and that the principall master and remanent doctors sould #
all convein
in the said scooll each day befor sevin hours in the morneing;  #
as
also, that upon the ordinar play dayes, and at other tymes,     #
when the
schollars of the said scholl did get the play, it was informed  #
that by ther
not having the principall master, or at least on of the doctors #
constantlie
with them, they did not onlie make disturbances and             #
outbreakings among
themselves, but also with the schollars of the gramer schooll   #
of the old toune,
as was latlie fund: therefor that it ware expedient that the    #
principall master,
or at least on of the vnder masters or doctoris, or more of the #
same, sould
be at such tymes constantlie attending the said schollars, and  #
sould cause
them keepe the ordinarie places of playing, and vseing such     #
recreations as
sould not be prejudiciall to themselues or ther fellowes; all   #
which the
counsell having hard, and having takine the same to ther        #
consideratione,
finds the forsaid overtures and proposallis very expedient and  #
necessar to
be observit for remeid of the forsaid abussis, and therfor      #
approves of the
same, and ordains and appoynts that in tyme coming they be      #
accordinglie
performed; and leist the forsaid present change sould breid     #
debait and
animosities among the said doctors, allows them to continue     #
with ther
classes for this present quarter whill the rude day nixt as     #
they ar at present,
and therafter to observe the forsaid rules prescryvit           #
theranent.

[}22 MARCH 1671.}]
   The said day, anent the petitione gevin in to the councell   #
be William
Scott, wright, as deacone convener of the traids of the said    #
brughe, for
himselfe, and in thair name, mentioning that wher the saids     #
traides ware
of intentione, with the councells libertie and permissione, to  #
improve that
mortificatione left to the Trinitie Chappill, at leist by       #
haueing ane qualified
persone to read ane portione of Scripture, with the ordinarie   #
prayers
morneing and evening each day therin, and therfor did nominat,  #
by thair
said petitione to the counsell, tuo persons, viz., John Gormack #
and Alexr. 
Andersone, scoolmasteris in this burghe, that the counsell      #
might choise
<P 273>
and authorise on of them for the forsaid effect, as also that   #
they wold
appoynt the bell of the said Trinitie Chappill to be rung at    #
the ordinar
dyets therof, as in the petitione wes conteinit, which the      #
counsell considdering,
they heirby nominat and elect the said Alexander Andersone
to exercise the forsaid deutie in the said chappill, and        #
remitts him to the
traids of the said brughe to geue him such sallarie for his     #
service as they
sall find convenient.

[}2 MAY 1671.}]
   The said day, the counsell understanding that the Lords      #
Commissioners
of Justiciarie for the circuit court wer vpon their journey,    #
and to
be heir tomorrow, finds it incumbent vpon them to giue them due #
attendance
as supream judges vnder his Maiestie, and therfor recomends to
the magistrats to wait vpon them at the Bowbridge, for          #
conveying them
to thair lodgings, and the toune serjands to goe before them    #
with their
halberts discoverit, and about ane hundreth of the inhabitants  #
to be in good
ordour in armes for thair receptione and convayence to thair    #
lodgings,
and fyftein out of each quarter to atend in the day time, as    #
ane guard, as
also that the militia company atend thair receptione bewest the #
Bow bridge
for that effect; and Arthur Dalgardnoe, to be Leivtennent to    #
the militia
company, and John Wells to the tounes company, and Master       #
Thomas
Forbes, sone to Robert Forbes, baillie, to be ensigne bearer to #
the tounes
company, and Master Alexr. Robertsone, clerk depute, to be      #
ensigne to the
militia companie, and the mariadge dask, and dask vpon the eist #
part therof,
in the old kirk, as also the Chalmers dask ther, and the Reid   #
loft, as also
the mariadge, Menzes, and Rutherfurds dasks in the new church   #
to be
coverit with cushoons and carpits, in handsome forme wpon the   #
Lords
day, and week dayes, and other occasions neidfull.

<P 274>

[}22 MAY 1671.}]
   The said day, the councell appoynts Gilbert Mollesone,       #
baillie, to
attend the muster at Kintoir, vpon Tuesday nixt, of the militia #
regiment of
this shyre, and advert that this brughe be not prejudgit in any #
thing relating
to ther company, and the thesaurer to pay his charges which     #
sall be
allowit in his accompts.

[} (\EDOM DIE.\) }]
   The said day, the councell nominats and elects Arthur        #
Dalgardno,
burges of this brughe, ensigne bearer of the tounes militia     #
company, and
recomends to the magistrats to call for him for accepting of    #
the said charge.

[}5 JULY 1671.}]
   The said day, the magistrats and councell of the said        #
brughe, taking
to consideratione that notwithstanding of seuerall former acts  #
and statutes,
made be ther predecessoris, appoynting onlie four witnesses of  #
men, and
alse many of weemen to be at the baptisme of ilk child baptised #
within the
kirks of this brughe, yet neuertheles the saids acts ware       #
greatlie contraveined,
and it was ofttime fund that by too great conventiones of       #
persones
vpon that accompt, alse weell of men as weemen, both the        #
inviters and the
invited ware at more then necessar charges; therfor the saids   #
magistrats
and councell not onlie ratifies and approves the former acts    #
and statuts
of their predecessors in that behalfe, but also of new statutes #
and
ordaines, that no inhabitant within this brughe, of what        #
someuer qualitie
or conditione, invite or desyre any further witnessis to the    #
baptisme of
their childerin, but onlie four men and four weemen, with four  #
weemen
more to accompany the child to and from the church, with        #
certificatione
to all persones, inviters or any in their names who sall be     #
found to contraveine,
that they sall pay ane vnlaw of ane rex dollour to the dean of
gild of this burghe, for ilk persone aboue that number, to be   #
wptakine without
<P 275>
any forbearance, and ordaines thir presents to be intimat from  #
the
pulpits the nixt Lords day, to the effect non pretend           #
ignorance.

[}5 JULY 1671.}]
   The said day, the saids magistrats and councell alse         #
considdering that
ther wes ane abusse within this burghe, too long tollerat, to   #
the prejudice
of the inhabitants of the same, in that prentessis, servants,   #
and people of
miner sort entering in mariadge togither, did make comone       #
brydells, and
did frequentlie invite great numbers of persones to the same,   #
who not
onlie to ther own great loss, but also to the prejudice of the  #
commone
weell of this burghe, did too larglie give out ther meines,     #
albeit many of
them had no relatione to the parties maried, but onlie          #
following the
example of them who possiblie ware nearlie concerneit; Therfor, #
for
remeid quherof the magistrats and councell heirby statutes,     #
inacts, and
ordaines that no persone whatsomeuer invited or present at any  #
such
brydells or maradges within this brughe, in tyme comeing, pay   #
or giue out
any more money vpon the forsaid accompt then threttein shilling #
four
pennies ilk persone at most, whither at dennar or supper, with  #
certificatione
to all who sall contraveine, that the persone contraveineing    #
sall pay ten
merks money forsaid, quherof the one halfe to the dean of gild  #
of this
brughe, for the vse of the toune, and the vther halfe to the    #
dilatour, which
is to be exactly takin wp without any diminutione, and ordaines #
thir
presents to be intimat thorrow the toune by the drum.





<B SHAND3A>
<Q SC3 EX HANDO SKENE>
<N OF HUSBANDRIE>
<A SKENE HALLYARD>
<C SC3>
<O DATE A 1669>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T HANDB OTHER>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H HIGH>
<U NET PUBLIC>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z EXPOS>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^SKENE, JOHN (?).
SKENE OF HALLYARD'S MANUSCRIPT 
"OF HUSBANDRIE".
ED. ALEXANDER FENTON.
THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEW, XI: 2, 1963.
PP. 67-70. (THE WHOLE TEXT)^]

<P 67>
[} [\SKENE OF HALLYARD'S MANUSCRIPT\] }]

[}OF HUSBANDRIE. THE FIRST SHEAT.}]
   All grounds that ar laboured ar either Craft Land, that is   #
infield or muckit
land, or outfield land. Craft land is devided into four pairts; #
the first pairt is
sowen with Beir, the second with oates, the third on of the     #
pairtes by itself is 
sowne the first yeir with Beir, the second yeir with oates,     #
the third yeir with 
wheat, and the fourth yeir with Peiss, and then begins with     #
Beir again.
   The owtfeild land is land that is never muckitt for the      #
most pairt. It lyis
lie two yeiris and is falded the thrid yeir and then sowne for  #
thrie yeirs together,
and it is sowne with no other grain than with oates. Ther be    #
some 
owtfeild better than other. Some lyis lie but some two yeires,  #
being falded 
the second yeir, some four yeires, being falded the fourth      #
yeir. Vhen land lyis
lie yett is it profitabl for pasturage of horse, sheepe, and    #
nolt. 
   Concerninge the sowinge of the seed the Vheit is sowne in    #
November and 
December, the Peiss in Marche and oates in Aprile, the Beir in  #
May.
   Concerninge lyming they lyme befor the Peiss but not befor   #
the wheit.
   Concerninge the muckinge and teallinge of the land, when     #
they sow peiss 
and oates the land is not muckitt, but when they sowe wheit     #
and Beir the land 
is muckitt, but the Beir getts mor mucke. Vhen they sowe the    #
wheit the land
is muckitt, then anes tealled, then sowen, then harrowed. Vhen  #
they sowe the 
Peiss and Oates then the land is not muckitt, but anes tealled  #
sown and harrowed.
But when they sowe the Beir the land is thrice tealled, first   #
when they 
have sowne their wheit seede, the second tyme when they have    #
sowne ther 
oate seede, and after the teallinge harrows it and then mucks   #
it verie weill, the
third tyme they teall it then after the seed is sown they       #
harrow it. 
   Concerning the stacking they must not gather in the corn     #
into the barne 
yaird till it die, that is drie and light and fitt to be        #
stackitt. The beir, wheit, and 
oates will die within ten or twelf dayis after the shearinge    #
if they be clean of
weids and herbes, if the weather be fair. But the peiss is      #
langest a dying, for
ten or twelf days after they be shorne they must be rowkitt     #
four or fyve dayes, 
before they be stackitt in the barne yairde.    
   Ther be four pecks in a furlett, four furlets in a boll,     #
sixten bolls in a chalder.
<P 68>
   The Peiss sows farder than anie grain, the Beir and the      #
wheit alik, but the 
oates least of all. For example, fourten pecks of Peiss, of     #
Beir and Wheit a 
boll, and fyve furlets of oates, will sowe an aker. As          #
concerninge how many 
threaves goes to the boll of everie grain, that is as the       #
stowks be in greatnes, 
som mor, some les, somtymes two threave, somtymes thrie         #
stowkis, somtymes 
thrie threave to the boll, yett for the generall ther goes      #
fewest sheaves
to the boll of wheit and maniest sheaves to the Boll of oates. 
   As concerning the making of the meale, the Beir and the      #
Peiss gives mor 
to the boll, for a boll of Beir and a Boll of Peiss, and        #
[\if\] they be gud, will 
everie on give six or seven furlets again. A boll of oates, and #
they be gud, will 
give a boll of meal, and a boll of wheat, and they be gud,      #
will give a boll of 
flowr, half a boll of straikinge, and a furlet or the thrie     #
pecks of branne. 
   Peiss and Beir wold be sowne immediatlie efter the land be   #
tealed, but 
Vheit neids not be sowne immediatlie after the tealinge of the  #
land, but wait
upoan seasonabill weather for the sowing of the seid. [\THE     #
SENTENCE IN PARENTHESES IS IN THE MARGIN.\] (Wheit 
wold never be nin nights out of the earth.) As concerning       #
oates, infeild oates 
wold be sown about twentie dayis after the tealing of the       #
land, but owtfeild 
they teill it when they teill the wheit land. Beir, Peiss, and  #
Oates wold be 
sowne in drie weather, but wheat wold be sown in watt weather,  #
but not 
over watt wather. 
   As concerning the casting of the prooff, the Greive must     #
not cast the 
prooff, but an other man must doe it. The twentie fyft sheiff   #
is the prooff, beginning
at one again. And everie peck a prooff gives six furlets in     #
the stacke. 
 
[}OF BUYING OXEN AND SHEIPE.}]
   At Dumblane upown Whitsunday monday is best to buy oxen to   #
grass
them, for they will gett them best sheape then, and sell them   #
abowt Martimes 
when they will gett dowbill price for them again. At Carnwath   #
at Midsummer
on the 24 day of Iun is gud to buy lambes, and at Peibles       #
upown St. 
Peters day the eleventh of Iune. At Edenbrughe on Tarnetie      #
monday, being 
the monday efter Whitsonday, is gud to buy milk kye. Magdalen   #
day in 
Lithgoue, whilk is Nin dayes before Lambes, is good to buy      #
ather oxen, ky, 
or Quayis, or stirks or yong stotts or horse. 
   A nuckle kowe is a kow that is new calv'd and gives milk, a  #
forrow kowe 
is a kow that gives milk, but it is long since shoe calv'd,     #
swa that shoe has a 
stirk a yeir old following her. A Teadie kowe is [\The sentence #
breaks off 
here\] .
   A horse and [\if\] he be one year old he is two sowmme. An   #
oxe of ane year 
old is the thrid pairt of sowmme, but when he is thrie year old #
he is a 
sowmme. A kow is iven sik lik, the reasone is becawse a horse   #
eates farr mor
<P 69>
nor ather ox or kow. He eates both day and night except on      #
howr in the night 
that he sleips, and suppose he were sicke that he wold not      #
stand on his feet,
he will be shewing the grasse that is abowt him ever whill      #
[\until\] he die. Ten 
sheip is a sowmme, twentie lambes make a sowmme. They tak for   #
the sowmme 
in sommer fyve marks, and for the wholl yeir ten marks. Fowr    #
scor and fowr 
goates maks a sowmme. 
   A nucle kow or a Teadie kowe is a kowe that is yssen'd or    #
gives milk 
everie year. A forrow kow is kow that is yssen'd or gives milk  #
anes in the 
two year. A yeild or Shamloh kow is a kow that gives no milk    #
at all. The 
best way to mak a kow to yssen is that shoe be weill wintered   #
and not hungered. 
A nucle kow will give mor milk in the day nor a forrow kow      #
will doe. 
The mor milk a kow gives shoe is ever the leaner in the flesh.  #
So a nucle kow 
is leaner nor a forrow kow, or a forrow kow is leaner nor a     #
yeild or Shamloh
kow. When shoe becomes yeild then shoe becomes fatt and fitt    #
to be sold to 
the fleshers, and when she is fatt shoe will give als gud a     #
price as if shoe had a 
calf ganginge at her foot. A kow goes thrie quarters of a year  #
with calf. A mar 
goes eleventh moneths with foll. A yow goes eighteen owlks      #
with lambe. 
Commonlie they lett not the calf sowcke longer than fowrtie     #
dayis because 
if they sowck longer they become so browdden that they cannot   #
be halden 
of the paipe. 
   Some tymis ky payis a full kean to their maister, sometymes  #
half a kean as 
they be nucle or forrow. The first kean they pay at midsummer,  #
the second 
at lambes. Ky payis butter, yowes payis cheiss. A full kean of  #
butter is six 
quarters, that is. 
   Yowis pays alwayis the full kean. Everie fyve paips in the   #
yeir payis a stane
of cheiss, and everie yow hes two paips. When they sett the     #
kys milk for 
silver, they pay for a kowis milk in the year, fyve punds,      #
whilk is onlie for the 
milk, for the Quayis the kye brings furth pertains onlie to     #
the maister. 
   Ther be some ky that will not lett downe their milk vnless   #
they sie the calf
standing besid them, sa if the calf die they will give no milk  #
at all. Some, to
beguil the kow, they will stapp tha calfs skinne with strawe    #
and lay it besid 
her and shoe thinking it to be the calf will lett down her      #
milk. They will milk
the kow although the calf be not speaned. And [\if\] shoe be a  #
good kow they 
will mak two paips to gaine the calf, and milk the other two.   #
A kow has four 
paips and some littill small paips. They will know a good milk  #
kow by a milk
vaine that comes from her oodder athort the rimme of her        #
bellie. 
   Kys milk is best for butter, and yows milk best for cheiss,  #
for kys milk will 
give both mor butter and better butter than yows milk, and      #
yowis milk will 
give both mor cheiss and better cheis than kys milk. They use   #
in Cuninghame
to make cheiss of kys milk, but it is not good. When they sett  #
the yowis milk
<P 70>
for silver, they pay for the milk of everie yowe in the year a  #
mark; when they 
sett the yowis milk, they doe sett it wt. this condition that   #
they milk the 
yowis no longer then michaelmes, whilk is the ridinge tyme.     #
[\THE SENTENCE IN PARENTHESES IS IN THE MARGIN\] (for 
Michaelmes and Hallowmes is the tyme that yowis be ridden.      #
Michaelmes
is six owlkis before Mertimes, Hallowmes is nin dayis befor     #
Martimes
and then they lambe abowt March or April. The first lambe and   #
the last 
lambe are not good for keipinge.)



<B SHAND3B>
<Q SC3 EX HANDO REID>
<N SCOTS GARDENER>
<A REID JOHN>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1683>
<M MEDIUM PRINTED>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T HANDB OTHER>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y 20-40>
<H OTHER GARDENER>
<U NET PUBLIC>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z EXPOS>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^REID, JOHN.
THE SCOTS GARD'NER. THE GARD'NERS KALENDAR.
EDINBURGH: DAVID LINDSAY, AND HIS PARTNERS, 1683. 
SAMPLE 1: PP. 22.6-38.17
SAMPLE 2: PP. 87.1-99.13^]

[^AFTER PAGE 93, THE ERRONEOUS PAGE NUMBERING OF THE ORIGINAL
PRINT HAS BEEN CORRECTED.^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 22>
[}CHAP. V.}]
[}HOW TO MAKE THE KITCHEN GARDEN.}]

THE Kitchen-Garden is the best of all Gardens, but to returne. 
In all Gardens it is ordinary first to make a Bordure at 
the Wall. Secondly a walke. And thridly a Bordure on the other
side thereof; here, the walke with a Bordure on each side of    #
it,
going round the whole plot, Parallel to the Wall: but if your
ground be large enough, I bid you make a distance Intercept     #
betwixt
the walk and the Wall. Its also ordinary to divide the Garden 
into four plots, by two walkes crossing from side to side: but  #
I 
am not for any cross walkes in Gardens; yet if you would have 
more than one, (which divides the whole into two parts) then    #
make
them all one way through the plot leading to the House, and     #
equidistant
from the midle, still making the gates, doors or entries 
Front the walkes. 
   In your Kitchen-plots, & in Nurseries for Trees, plant no    #
Trees 
through the ground: for when they grow up, they cover and 
choak the ground so, that you will be necessitate to seek for   #
another.
Therefore, make only three Bordures next and Parallel to the 
walkes round on each hand: plant the first or that next the     #
walke
on both sides, with a holly Hedg, the second with Goosberries 
and currans, the thrid with dwarff Trees, the ground all open   #
and
void within for Kitchen-herbes and Roots; which must be         #
orderly 
<P 23>
divided into ridges; and these again divided into Beds,         #
Furrowes, 
and Drills for your more orderly and convenient planting and    #
sowing.
As for the proportion note that. 
   2. The walkes must be in breadth according to their length   #
(^viz.^)
1000 foot long, 30 foot broad, 500 foot long, 20 foot broad, 
250 in length, 15 in breadth, 100 foot long, 10 foot broad. 
   The Bordures 6 foot broad, the Tables or Pathes betwixt the 
Bordures 2 foot broad, and these betwixt the level-Ridges       #
(wherein 
the ground is divided) 3 foot broad, the Beds 6 foot broad with 
foot and half furrowes; you may make 7 of them Beds in each     #
Ridg, 
and the whole length of the plot all Running from the House:    #
but if 
your ground be small you may make your Bordures and Beds        #
narrower, 
yet still let the whole plot, Ridges, Bordures, and Beds
be equally divided, and their Areas or Edges three Inches       #
higher
than the furrows or pathes, and so much higher than the side    #
of 
walkes, as the middle of the walk is higher than its sides,     #
all handsomly
clapt up with the Rakehead, by a line: (and the like order 
you may observe in your seminaries and Nurseries of Trees)      #
then 
plant and sow by lines and Drills, both for beauty and          #
conveniency. 
   When you would do this, divide the Bed, Bordure or Ridg at   #
both 
ends into so many equal parts: (by help of the long Rule and    #
small
sticks) then streatch on the line from end to end by these      #
sticks, and 
with the corner of the Rule make a marke by the line, and       #
therein 
set your Herbes and Plants; and for setting of seeds, measure   #
out, 
and streatch on the line as before, and with the setting stick  #
make 
the holes by the line (not too deep) and therein put the        #
seeds. And 
if you sow in drills, make a scratch or little ebb gutter with  #
the point 
of the stick by the line, and therein sow. If the rowes be two  #
foot
distance, let the first be one foot within the edg; if 6        #
Inches sundry
make them 3 Inches off the edge, and so proportionally. Note, 
that I have told the distances of each sort Kitchen-herbes and  #
Fruits 
part 2. Chap. 6. where is intended 6 foot broad beds, but       #
where 
they are less, there must be fewer rowes. 
<P 24>
   3. The Kitchen Garden may be placed, its half on each side   #
the 
House and Courts,  and when you plant or sow, place every       #
species 
by themselves (except such mixture as is mentioned part 2. 
Chap. I. Sect. 3.) and where you have not a whole Ridge or at   #
least 
a bed of a kind, you may compleat them with such as are         #
nearest of
growth and continuance: also plant them of long last, and them 
that must be yearly renewed severally, each in Ridges or beds   #
by 
themselves orderly; the order is to make every sort oppose it   #
self. 
Example if you plant a Ridge of Artichocks on the one hand,     #
plant 
another at the same place on the other: and still where you     #
have
perennialls on the one side, set the same sort at the same      #
place on 
the other; and so of Annualls. In short, what ever you have on 
the one side, you should have the same in every circumstance    #
on 
the other. Perennialls are such plants as continues many years  #
in 
the ground, Annualls are such as usually dy immediatly after    #
once
they bear seed, and that is usually (tho~ not universally) the  #
first or second
year. 
   4. As for physical plot you may have them in that ridge of   #
the 
Kitchen Garden next the Bordures: and if you will to have no    #
other 
pleasure Garden, you may have Flowers there, and on the         #
Bordures 
next the walkes also: and that ridge or Intervall betwixt the 
walke and Wall will be excellent for all early, rare and        #
tender plants. 
You may rill your Physick Herbes in Tribes and Kindreds,        #
planting
every Tribe by themselves, and you may also place one of 
each kind in the Alphabetical order. 
   5. How to order hedges, see part 2. Chap. 4. as for Walls, 
Brick is best, next is Stone and Lime; 4 Ells is low enough, 5  #
or 
6 if you please: but if you would make the South-looking Wall 
semicircles in it, that would conduce much to the advantadge of 
the Fruit, as well as Hot-beds under it; The distance of        #
Wall-trees 
will Informe you what quantity to make them, as for example 15 
foot is the distance of Cherries and Plumes, (except such as    #
the
(^May^) -cherrie which being Dwarfish requires less) 18 foot    #
for Apricoks
& Peaches, 20 foot for Aples, 24 for Pears. Therefore if you 
<P 25>
make the semicircumference 18 foot for Apricoks and Peaches, 
(you may plant two Dwarff Cherries therein) then 36 is the      #
whole
Perifery, and as 22 is to 7: so is 36 the Perifery to 11 1/2    #
fere the 
Diameter; and having the Diameter you may easily make any 
part of the Circle: and let the plain or straight Wall betwixt  #
each 
semicircle be just one Trees distance likewayes. 
   And also in straight Walls divide equally, and plant non in  #
the 
Corners, measure first off 6 foot on each side the gates or     #
doors for 
Honisuckles, Jasmines, &c. And whatever be the distance of 
your Trees, set them half therefrom, as also from the Corners, 
except where you make all their heads ply one way; (as on a     #
low 
Wall) such may stand three foot off the Corners, or             #
Honisuckles 
they lean from, and a whole distance off these they lean        #
towards.
You may plant a Goosberrie and curran in the intervalls of your 
Wall-trees while young, & when the Trees approach, remove       #
them. 
Let the Roots of your Wall-trees stand near a foot from the     #
Wall 
with their heads inclining towards the same. Wall-trees in      #
Orchards 
(whose Standards are in the Quincunx) should stand opposite 
to the mid intervall of the Standards. 
   The distance of Dwarff Standards is 16 foot where there is   #
but 
one row, and in following this Rule of the three Bordures,      #
they 
will stand just 16 foot off the Hedg, observing to plant in     #
the midle 
of the Bordures. The distance of Goosberries and currans 6      #
foot.
But in all your plantings and sowings divide the ground so as   #
each 
kind may stand & grow equally. 
   To conclude, these three Bordures going round at each side   #
of 
the walkes handsomly made up and planted, as aforesaid, will    #
secure
the ground within from hurtful winds and colds, and make
people keep the walkes (handsome pale doors being on the        #
entries of 
the Hedges) so as they may neither wrong you nor themselves.    #
Also 
the Hedge, Dwarff Standards, Shrubs, and Wall-trees being all 
well prun'd and plyed, with the Bordures and walkes clean and   #
orderly
kept, will make it look like a Garden of pleasure, and hide
all the Ruggedness that happeneth in Kitchen-ground by          #
delving, 
dunging, turning and overturning throughout the year. 
<P 26>
[}CHAP. VI.}]
[}HOW TO MAKE THE PLEASURE-GARDEN, &C.}]

Pleasure-Gardens useth to be divided into walkes and plots, 
with a Bordure round each plot, and at the corner of each, may 
be a holly or some such train'd up, some Pyramidal, others      #
Spherical,
the Trees and Shrubs at the Wall well plyed and prun'd, the 
Green thereon cut in several Figures, the walkes layed with     #
Gravel, 
and the plots within with Grass, (in several places whereof may
be Flower pots) the Bordures boxed, and planted with variety of
Fine Flowers orderly Intermixt, Weeded, Mow'd, Rolled, and 
kept all clean and handsome. 
   Plain draughts ar only in use, and most preferable; that     #
which 
I esteem is plain straight Bordures and Pathes running all one  #
way, 
that is, from the House with one walke patting it in the        #
midle, 
leading to the House door: and if the ground be large, you may 
make one round by the Wall too, as the pleasure Garden of fig.  #
I.
Let the Bordures and Pathes be both of a breadth, ( (^viz.^) 6  #
foot) 
box the Bordures, and plant them with Flowers, lay the pathes   #
as 
well as the walkes with Gravel, plant the Walls with Fruit and 
Flower-bearing Trees variously. 
   Outter Courts hath only one Bordure at the Wall, planted     #
with 
Laurels and other Greens, one Pathed or Brick-walk in the       #
midle, 
leading to the midle of the House-front with a long Grass plot  #
on 
each hand. 
   2. The Bordures of your Kitchen-Garden round by the walkes
may be boxed with (^Thyme^) , (^Lavendar^) , (^Hysop^) ,        #
(^Rue^) , &c. the 
next with (^Parsly^) , (^Strawberries^) , (^Violets^) ,         #
(^July-flowers^) , &c.
Cherrie-gardens and Physick-gardens with Sweet-brier often      #
cut, 
or (^Box^) cut three times (\Per annum\) as April, June,        #
August, minding
to cut their Roots at the inside every second year, that they   #
exhaust
not the strength or nourishment of the Flowers or Herbes. But 
<P 27>
that which I preferre for Flower-Gardens above all, is          #
(^Dwarff-Juniper^)
raised from the seed and Planted thus, When the ground 
is levelled, measure out the Bordures, (but raise them not      #
above the 
walkes, except you minde to lay gravel) streatch a line and     #
with the 
edge of the Rule mark alongst thereby, and therein set the      #
young 
sets of (^Box^) or the young Plants of (^Juniper^) at 2 years   #
grouth; then 
prepare the Bordures by delving in consum'd dung of Cowes and 
Sheep, covering on a little lime topt with a little sand, to    #
ly all summer,
kept clean from by hawing. At the beginning of winter delve 
and mix together, to ly all winter  un-Raked, and at the        #
Spring 
redelve, stirr and mix it throughly, and train and plant your   #
Flowers
and other Plants in their seasons. See Part 2. Chap:7. 
   3. In making the walkes in any Gardens, first level up the   #
Bordures
at its sides, secondly drive a Row of Stakes in the midle of    #
the 
walke, and level them accordingly (^i.e.^) streatch a line      #
cross the walke
betwixt the two level Bordures, and marke where it hits the     #
Stake 
in the midle of the walke; do this at both ends, and viewing    #
betwixt, 
will levell the rest, see the next Chap: of levelling. But you 
may mind, that the walk must rise a little in the midle, and    #
yet the 
midle of the walke, and top of the Boxing of the Bordure must   #
be
level, (^i.e.^) The Boxings so much above the side of the walk, #
as the 
midle of the walke is above its sides. Where your Boxing is     #
timber 
or Stone, fill up the bordure of Earth to the top thereof, but  #
where
your Boxing is box-juniper or the like, the Earth within the    #
bordure 
and edg of the walks and pathes without, must be equal. 
As for the rise or swell that walkes has which makes them       #
Segmenta 
Circuli, grass or brick walkes may have for 30 foot broad 6     #
Inches
rise, for 20 foot 4 Inches, 10 foot 2 Inches; and let gravel    #
have an 
Inch more proportionally: and it agrees with the rule of        #
proport:
in Arithmetick, as 20 is to 4: so is 30 to 6.If gravell of      #
brick walkes 
or pathes ly by the side of grass, make the grass half Inche    #
higher
than such. If the walke be Grass, make 2 foot Tables, or        #
pathes 
of gravel betwixt it and the Bordure.
<P 28>
   4. To lay grass, first level the ground, whither walke or    #
plot;
and its the better to ly a year so made up, before you lay the  #
turff;
because it may be levelled up again, if it sink unto holes: If  #
it ly wet, 
bottome with Stones and Rubish; and if the Earth be fat, take   #
it 
out, and put in sand; however lay a foot thick sand immediatly
under 
the Truff: then by the squair streatch lines, Ritt with the     #
Ritting 
Iron (which is  an half round put into the end of a crooked     #
stick) & 
raise the Turff with the Turff-Spade, (which is broad mouthed,
otherwise all one with the Husbandmens breast-Turffing-spade)   #
let 
the Turff be of equal thickness, near Inch and half thick, a    #
foot 
and half broad, and as much in length, lay their green sides    #
together,
when you put them in the cart, but do not Roll them when 
brought home, lay them all even and closs; Feeling each         #
particular 
Turff with your foot, so as you may discern any Inequallity, 
to be helped Immediatly, in laying still, beating every two     #
three 
rowes of turff while moist, with the Timber beatters, and when 
the whole is layed, and well beat, Roll well with the           #
Stone-Roller,
which should be as big as a hogsehead, The Spring and 
Autumne is the best time. And if you mind to keep a good pile   #
of 
Grass, suffer it never to grow Inch long: beat, mow, and Roll   #
often, 
especially in the mornings and moist weather. 
   5, But if you would lay the hard tile or brick walkes,       #
prepare 
as for Grass, minding it wants the breadth of the brick of the  #
true 
hight: for you must set them all on their edg closs by other    #
on a bed 
of lime, laying the side, each other Row crossing the ends of   #
the 
other, and place one in the midle of the walkes that both       #
sides may 
be Regular.
   6. To lay gravel, cleanse first the bottomes of the walkes   #
of fat 
Earth, and Root weeds, and bottom it with Stones; and lay over 
that about half a foot of clean round gravel, and about three   #
Inches 
top gravel of equal greatness which may be like beans and       #
pease:
you must make it thus equal by sifting, and so Rake, Tred, and 
beat; and when compleatly levelled, beatt well with the Timber 
beaters, while moist, then Roll soundly with the                #
Timber-Roller, 
<P 29>
and afterwards with the Stone-Roller, especially in Rain, for   #
which 
the spring and Autumn is best; but if dry weather, you must     #
dash 
water one the Roller (continually in Rolling) with the          #
watering pott, 
and if you ar forced to use Sea or water sand, you may beat 
some good clay to dust and mix with such, before you lay it;    #
weed,
and Roll frequently. 
   7. For the orderly planting of flowers there may be three    #
wayes, 
as first in the Bordures of pleasure Gardens or Courts, plant 5 
rowes in the bordure,  and Intermixe them orderly (^i.e.^)      #
divide and 
plant every sundry sort through the whole Garden at equal       #
distances, 
and not only so but every sundry colour thereof also; let       #
never 
two of a kind nor two of a colour stand together, without       #
other 
kinds and colours Interveening, so as there may not be two, 
three of a kind or Colour at one end, Bordure, Plot or Place,   #
and 
non thereof through the rest, but universally and ornamentally  #
Intermixt, 
and when you find a breach by some being past the flower, 
you may have various Annual Flowers sowen in potts, ready to 
plunge into the vacancies of the Bordures for continuing this   #
beauty. 
   Secondly, in my sort of flower Gardens which is Bordures     #
and 
pathes running all one way (^viz^) : from the House, Plant 5    #
rowes 
and intermix them, not as in the last way, but set 5 rowes of   #
each 
kind cross the Bordure, so as 25 of each sort may stand in a    #
Geometrical
squair. As if you set a squair of Tulips, a squair of Boarsears
squair of Crocuses, a squair of July Flowers, a squair of 
Anemonies, and a squair of Couslips: and so a squair of Tulips, 
another of Boars Ears, &c: Through that Bordure Intermixing 
the Colours of each sort, then may you make the next Bordure  
so Intermixt, but differing: minding that as you Intermix the 
Bulbous and Fibrous in each Bordure, so must they be also in    #
the 
crossing, that the squair of Fibrous in this may oppose the     #
squair of 
Bulbous in the next, and likewayes whatever Bordure such sorts 
ar in, on the one side of the walke, set the very same in the   #
Bordure
equidistant from the walke on the other side, that the whole    #
may
<P 30>
be Regular and uniformely Intermixt all the year, looking from  #
all 
sides, ends or Angles. 
   Thridly in nurseries of Beds and Ridges, Plant every kind    #
in 
thickets by themselves, and Annualls and perennialls by         #
themselves
(except only that you Intermix their Coloures) that is, make 
a whole Bed or Ridg of each kind, 6 Rowes in the Bed, the       #
Dwarfish
may be 8 Rowes: thus every thicket of them Flowering in 
their own order, will have a great shew, and at a great         #
distance;
and here also observe uniformity, that is, alike on each        #
hand, see 
the last Chap: sect:3. For if you have a Ridg or Bed of         #
(^July-flowers^)
or the like on the one side, Plant another thereof at the same 
place on the other, &c. 
   And because Flowers must be removed some in one, two, or 
three years, and the Earth renued or enriched, and properly     #
prepared,
else they degenerate; (because in long time they exhaust the 
substance of the ground, at least that part appropriate to      #
them) therefore
you have a good conveniency for effectuating the same by these 
last two models perscribed: for often you will have some Beds   #
or 
squairs where your Annualls stood, to replant your Tulips,      #
Anemonies 
or the like unto, and so another sort where these stood, and 
your Annualls again where this last was; and because here you 
remove a whole Bed or squair of a kind at once, you may 
very conveniently prepare, Delve, Stir, Bear, sift and mix it 
throughly with the soyl proper (a thing most necessary) and     #
this 
you could not well do, where they ar scattred as in the first   #
way. 
See the Rules mentioned Part. 2. Chap. I. Sect. 10 and Chap.7. 
   As to Terrase walkes, if the Brow on which you make them, 
be not too steep, the work shall be the more Facile: if you     #
build 
them up with walls, be careful to found deep enough according   #
to 
the level, and if the midle of the terrase be on the Central    #
line of the 
house or of any walke, make the Stayr of the upmost and         #
downmost
there to part at a plat on the head going down at both sides,   #
so much 
of the stayr case may be within as that the  outter edg         #
thereof may 
be in a line with the Bordure at the wall, by this it marrs     #
not the 
<P 31>
walke, the rest may be at the ends; Plant the Bordure at the    #
upperside 
of the walke with wall Trees, the under side (being but ell 
high) with Laurels: &c. But if your Terrase consists only of    #
walkes 
and sloping Banks, you may have the Bordure at the head and     #
foot
of each Bank on either side the walkes, Planted with standard   #
cherries 
&c. and the Banks, of (^Violets^) , (^Straw-Berries^) or Grass. 
   9. As for Pondes make them large and broad, such being best 
both for the health of Fish and Fowll, Clean, and most          #
preferrable 
water for watering Plants: squair, Triangle, Circle, Ovall, or 
what figure fits your ground best; let them be 5 or 6 foot of   #
solid 
water at least, with Sluces to let it Run in and out at         #
pleasure. 
   I am against Arbust and close walkes except Trees their      #
natural 
closing, where we have both shade and Air. 

[}CHAP: 7.}]
[}HOW TO LEVEL GROUND}]

I Have often wished that there might be some Rules found,       #
whereby 
this expensive worke might become more easy. There be two 
sorts of levelling (^viz^) : the Horizontal, and Sloping. The
first 
is best known, but the last more profitable and convenient.     #
Example, 
I have made a plot slop 4 foot in 200 long, and 18 Inches 
in 380 foot the other way: this was not perspicuous to vulgar   #
eyes,
yet to have made it Horizontal, would have been Ridiculous as 
to time, paines and expences. And in levelling the walkes       #
about a 
plot (which sloped naturally) to make them correspond with the 
grownd rownd, I behoved to make the midle walk agree with the 
side ones whereupon it slops 10 foot in 370 long: now if I had  #
made
this Horizontal, it would have been 5 foot or 10 steps lower    #
than 
the one side walke, and as much higher than the other, and so 
worse and more Inconvenient than before, both as it is a        #
walke, 
<P 32>
and anent Correspondancy with the rest of the ground within;    #
therefore
I am for levelling any ground sloping, that it may turn a       #
little 
to the Sun if possible, for drawing water, that it may          #
correspond 
with its adjuncts, and above all to prevent the more costly     #
way: 
for Its certainly a principal observation in levelling, not     #
only to 
cause, the ground of it self serve if self, but also to level   #
it as it lyes
most conveniently, which is the cheap and easie way of          #
levelling. 
When you have a Row of Stakes set in a straight line and about  #
20 
foot distance, as in the edge of a Bordure or midle of a        #
walke, the 
way of levelling them either Horizontal or sloping, is to mark 
and put a nail in the two stakes which ar at the extreams or    #
ends 
thereof, and view betwixt, cause marke all the Rest which ar    #
betwixt,
in a level line, therewith; This is the easiest, the exactest 
and quickest way: and in the same methode you may go round any 
plot, and consequently cross (every way) the same accordingly. 
   In that which you would have Horizontal, place the long      #
Rule 
and the level at one end, suppose the sole of the Door, till    #
the 
plumb fall right in recovering, and view alongst the said Rule  #
(as 
on a fowlling piece) that you may see what part of each Stake   #
it hits, 
and cause one with a piece white paper or white hefted knife    #
hold 
the same at each stake, its heft ending out (as the nails       #
which carry 
up the line) and direct him by words or signes to hold up or    #
down till 
it be Just level: when they ar all marked, measure down so      #
much 
on each Stake, as was raised up for conveniency; in viewing     #
there 
marke, put in nailes a little, streatch on the line, and level  #
up the 
earth or gravel thereunto. 
   And where you would have determin'd slops, set on the level  #
and 
marke the far-end stake in a level line therewith, then         #
measure down 
upon the said Stake or pole from the marked place so much as    #
you 
designe the slop, and put in a naile with white paper about     #
it, and 
at the upperside of the Rule in the stake at the door, put in   #
another
nail, and by viewing betwixt these two, marke all the rest as   #
before. 
If the distance betwixt the extreames be farr where the fight   #
may 
dazle, let the viewer descent his station, and come foreward    #
at 
<P 33>
every 5 or 6 Stakes and holding his knife at the last marked    #
Stake, 
cause his assistant or stake-marker proceed.
   To level as the ground lyes, let its slop be what it will    #
you need 
neither level nor Rule (except you please to try how much it    #
slops
after its done for satisfaction) only set stakes as before,     #
and viewing 
the ground narrowly put nails in the stakes which are at the    #
extreams
where you think the ground will Run when levelled to 
make it serve it self, and as it lyes best or easiest for       #
levelling: and
when you have concluded upon the level at the extreams, make    #
all 
the stakes in the Intervall by viewing as above. 
   2. But to proportion the level to the ground is the whole    #
art of 
levelling. Its true it is easie, if you have a plot or walke a  #
foot higher
at one end, to take half a foot thereof, and lay on the low end
so as the two ends may be Horizontal, (I have already shew'd    #
how 
to level having the two ends found) or if it be Horizontal to   #
take 9
Inches off the one end, and lay on the other, that it may slop  #
18 
Inches: but if some places of it ly one way, and some another,
and some neither the one nor the other, this increaseth the     #
difficulty. 
Wherefore you must first drive stakes at the corners of the     #
plot, 
then view the ground about and put nayles in the stakes where   #
you 
would have the level Run, or at least where you think by your   #
eye 
it may most conveniently come to make it contain it self, and   #
easiest 
to be levelled: also set up several stakes in the Intervalls    #
and Crosswayes
through the plot from opposite Angles, and by viewing betwixt 
the foresaid nailes every way marke all the stakes level; but 
if you cannot see from the markes of this supposed level which  #
are 
on these corner stakes, seeing there may be some underneath     #
the 
ground, little Hills, or some such obstructions in the way,     #
then 
measure equally up upon each of them, so farr as you think      #
convenient
for getting your sight, and mind to take down the same again 
after viewing. 
   When all is marked with this supposed level, go over and     #
note 
narrowly how it will agree, that so as your reason shall teach  #
you to 
alter, take up one end or down the other, or up or down both    #
till 
<P 34>
you bring it to such proportion, as to do its own business it   #
self. 
Or you may do more exactly thus. 
   Suppose you have a Bordure or midle of a walke with sixteen 
stakes driven therein at 20 foot distance, all marked with a    #
supposed 
level, and 10 of their markes above ground, and 6 under 
ground: first measure how farr the markes on each of the 10     #
stakes
is above ground, and write them down particularly, and adding   #
their
measures together, you find 13 foot 4 Inches. Secondly measure  
how farr the markes of the 6 stakes ar under ground, & write    #
down, 
adding them together you find it 12 foot; substract the one     #
from 
the other and the difference is 16 Inches which must be         #
divided by 
16 the stakes in the Bordure, that is, ane Inch to each stake,  #
so that this
supposed level is an Inch higher over all than the true level,  #
which 
being taken down will make the ground there level it self, and  #
no 
more. This may suffice for example, but I could say more, if I  #
did 
see your ground. And if you can thus proportion the level to    #
one 
Bordure, walke, or one Row of stakes, you may by the same Rule
find the level for the stakes round and cross the plot, and     #
consequently 
level the same accordingly: for having once concluded on 
the level, drive stakes over all the plot as in my first way    #
of planting 
Trees, (see Chap. 4. Sect. 4 ) and marke and put nailes         #
therein as 
above is taught for carrying the line. Except you mean to       #
follow my 
method of levelling the Kitchen-Garden, or the like for         #
planting 
and sowing, which is only to level one Bordure thus by stakes   #
and 
lines. Round each plot and by the eye level up the ground       #
within 
thereunto all along in Trenching, albeit this not so proper     #
for Courts 
and Grassplots. However as by this means, I use to level        #
ground 
without a level, so do I think this way of finding out the      #
true level 
by means of a supposed one, worthy your notice, and if rightly  #
improven
save you much money and paines. 
   Be cautious in founding your Walls lest you undermine them   #
in 
levelling, nor is it convenient sometimes to confine your       #
level to the 
foundation of Walls already built: for in so doing, you may     #
lose 
more, than would cast down and rebuild, but in such cases you 
may rather build under gradually. 
<P 35>
   3. There be some bad lying plots and walkes, with an ascent  #
at 
the head, hollow in the midle, level at the foot, these and     #
the like 
are very troublesome to level under one denomination: for the   #
taking
down the Hill, bares it so, that plants cannot prosper          #
thereon. 
some ar necessitate to take out the Gravel, Tile, or Stones so  #
much 
deeper, and travell earth again: but I rather advise to make    #
terrases,
you need not confine to the number of banks, but only to the    #
proportion
and uniformity. If it tend all one way as high at one end and 
low at the other, then its proper enough for perpendicular      #
walkes 
that front the house, but if low in the midle and high at both  #
ends, 
or low at both ends and high in the midle, then more proper for
Parallel walkes, (whose extremities are equidistant from the    #
central
line of the House) remember to divide and slop them equally. 
   This minds me of some abuses, which I have seen, as a plot   #
of 
sloping levelled ground, with another Horizontaly levelled      #
lying 
at the foot thereof, (at least not under one slop) or           #
Horizontal 
walkes and bordures lying by the foot and head of sloping       #
plots;
these are unseemly: for you should allwayes make them slop      #
under 
the same denomination (except if steep and high banks) I have 
made walkes of 18 foot broad slop 18 Inches form one side to    #
the 
other, because the whole plot sloped the same way, so much      #
proportionally,
yet to the eye appears very pleasant; but where such 
Horizontal and sloping pieces ly contiguous, the defect is      #
easily 
seen, therefore if you be necessitate to lay some plots so,     #
(albeit I 
know reason for laying walkes so) make rather a Hedg to         #
Intercept, 
and in all your workes let there be a connexion. 
   4. There be some more obstructions in levelling, as in a     #
long 
walke when you have the two ends found and marked, (either      #
with 
a supposed or true level) and cannot see betwixt, to do it      #
exactly by
reason of length: here two may go to the midle or near it,      #
where 
you may conveniently see both ends, looking back and fore,      #
there 
drive in two stakes near the length of the long straight Rules  #
distance, 
at which hold on the Rule, and let one view alongst the 
same till the marke at the West-end be level therewith, and     #
the 
<P 36>
other towards the East till the marke there be also level with  #
the 
same; so both may alter up or down till they have their         #
desires at 
once: then fix the Rule, and having as many stakes set as is    #
needfull,
you may view backsight and foresight hereon, and level them 
all exactly. 
   5. But if a Wall, a House, &c. Intercept, measure            #
perpendicular
exactly up to the top thereof, and on the other side measure
down the same again; and so set foreward the level, but so as   #
it 
may communicate with the rest, when obstructions are removed.
   But if a Hill, go to the Top, set the Rule level, and        #
laying ane 
eye thereto,  cause one with a long pole go down till its Top   #
be level
therewith (he holding it level by a Plumb Rule) then descent 
your stations and set the upper-end of the Rule where the pole  #
stood, 
there level it and do as before: thus from station to station   #
to the 
foot of the Hill, (if it be so great) keeping compt in a        #
Note-book
what poles and parts; the which may be as easily taken down     #
the 
other side by the same method. 
   But if it be possible to see over the obstruction on 3       #
footed standing 
leathers by help of long poles or Pikes, (as I have done in     #
the 
like case) raise your level thereon, and having viewed, and     #
marked
that on the other side, measure down the same there, &c. 
   6. I might here speak of the solidity of earth, whereby you  #
may 
move readily compt the expence of levelling, but having shew'd  #
in 
the next Chap. Sect. 5. How to measure solids, I presume its    #
applicable 
to earth: (as well as Timber, Stone, &c.) For if you know 
the breadth, length, and deepth thereof, you may find how many
solid Ells, &c. And if you know how many Ells and parts will 
load a cart and how  many carts a day, you may go near to       #
calculat 
the cost of the whole. 
   7. In levelling any ground for Kitchen ground, Orchards, or 
Nurseries, take not away its good earth of surface, (as you     #
bring 
down the hights) but alwayes turn over the upper-part thereof 
behind you, carrying away that which is below, so much deeper,
that it may contain that surface, and put the bad earth in      #
bottom of 
hollowes with better mould above it. 
<P 37>
   In the practise of levelling (or other workes) contrive the  #
working,
so as there may be still a motion amongst all the partes; and 
albeit carts are cheaper for levelling than Wheell-barrowes,    #
if the 
way of carriage be not very short, yet if you do not set as     #
many men 
to fill the carts as may have the one full against the other    #
come in 
and no more, you lose considerably: and this will be according  #
to 
the distance of carriage, or as the earth is capable of being 
wrought; and so with Wheell-barrowes for two Wheellers, three 
barrowes, and one filler sometimes doth well, sometimes more    #
fillers
or fewer Wheellers, yet still let them have a led barrow. And 
if this could be done with carts also, it would be of great     #
Advantage. 
wherefore in my opinion there is no way so probable to worke    #
this
effect, as the carts with three Wheells where by 2. men, with   #
2. of 
them carts, and one Horse can do as much as three Men, two
Horses, and 2 Carts: for one man to fill the led Cart, the      #
other 
Man to drive the one Horse: and when he comes in, he has        #
nothing 
to do but take the Trases and Hooks off the empty Cart and put 
upon the rings of the full one and so drive on. This Cart has 
no Trams or Limbers, but a Swingle-Tree or Breast-board         #
before, 
where the rings that keeps the trasses are:. it has a handsome
folding body, the thrid Wheell is about 30 Inches Diameter all  #
Iron 
and Runs in a Shiers of the same fastned perpendicular under    #
the 
midle of the forebreast with a turning Pin of Iron; the other   #
two 
Wheells are common, but if they have an Iron Axis, the better. 
   8. To bring in Water in Pipes to your Houses, Courts,        #
Gardens, 
Pondes, Parks, &c. Consider on the level, for as the place
where you convey it unto, must allwayes be lower than the       #
Fountain
from whence it comes, else thither it cannot flow: so must you 
take notice that no Hill in the way of its conveyance be so     #
high as 
the Fountain it self. You may find the level by placing your    #
Instrument 
at the Well or Fountain, as I directed in walkes, and if a 
Hill intercept that sight, plant on the Top thereof, that by    #
backsight 
and foresight you may find the difference, that hence you 
may know whither you can carry it about the obstruction: but    #
if 
<P 38>
the distance be farr, you need to be the more exact. As for     #
Instrument, 
the cross discribed Chap. 3. whose sights may be two Prospect 
Glasses, may do well whither for one or many stations. Let 
one stand at the Spring-head, another betwixt and the place     #
whereunto
you desire to carry the Water, a large distance sundry, but so 
as a thrid man about the midle may see both their Marke-boards
that is on their Pikstaves, and direct them to hold level by    #
his back 
and foresight, desiring them to keep accompt what foot and      #
parts: 
and so come foreward till the assistant at the well plant       #
where the 
foremost stood, and thus proceed all in a straight line, and    #
do as 
before, from station to station so long as needfull. at length  #
add
all the measures of back-stations together, and all of the      #
fore-stations:
substract the one from the other, and the remainders gives 
the difference of levels betwixt the Fountain and the           #
appointed 
place. 
   Allow to the fall of the Water for every 1000 foot in        #
length 12 
Inches slop at least. 

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 87>
[}CHAP. V.}]
[}HOW TO PROPAGATE, AND ORDER FRUIT-TREES.}]

1. The only Fruits for this Countrey are Aples, Pears,          #
Cherries, 
Plumes, (and Apricocks, and peaches at Southside
of walls,) Currans, Goosberries, Rasberries, &c.
   Before I begin, I shall premise some observations on         #
Graffing, &c. 
a sure means to obtain Fruits of the desired species, and that  #
in 
short time: for by taking the twig or bud of such a sort as is  #
a 
good fruit, and bears well, and Graff or Inoculate into a       #
proper 
stock, you ar sure to have the same fruit; because the Graff    #
dominires, 
albeit it may have a little smack of its stock whereon now 
Graffed. And you may expect fruit, because it may actually
have the fruit buds, as being taken from a bearing tree. But 
if you sow the seed, they will be long e're they come to bear,  #
and 
at length perhaps bring to fine fruit, and for the seed of      #
Graffed
Trees, they will not bring the same fruit; Pears, and Aples     #
will 
rather bring a Fruit of the nature of the stock, whereupon they 
have been graffed; and although you should take a Cyon of the 
same, and graff in its self, that will not alter the Fruit,     #
nor better 
the Tree, except a little check its aspiring, which may as well 
be effected by pruning. 
   Wee can also be sure of the desired fruit, by cuttings,      #
layings, 
and circumposition; but such are allwayes Dwarfish and short    #
lived
Trees, as wanting a main Root which all seedlings have. 
Hence ariseth one reason, why stocks should be raised from the 
seed. Suckers are not so clean and lustie; therefore not so     #
able to 
nurse the graffs, and they are apt to send Suckers again.       #
Only I look 
upon plum Suckers as very good, because when they Spring off 
a Root at a distance from the stem, they strick good Root of 
themselves, very much resembling seedlings. Moreover you may 
<P 88>
graff on a Root or a stock Sprung off that Root as in Chap. I. 
Sect. 4. & 8. which is near equal to a seedling. 
   The seed of crabs, or wild Aples, and pears, may be fit to 
make stocks of such Trees designed for the fields, or more      #
Rugged 
grounds; but for a cultivated soil I would choice the seeds of 
finer fruits. And so the great White-plum is the best stocks    #
for 
Apricocks, or for want thereof any other White-plum with great 
shoots, albeit it doth on any plum: but we reject it self for   #
a 
stock, as being too spongie and not so durable. But Peaches 
and nectarins, takes only best upon Peach stocks, so cherries 
on geens, and Plumes upon plumes. 
   Goosberries, and currans, needs not graffing; they do well   #
by 
Suckers, layers, and cuttings. 
   To make Dwarfe Aples, Graff or bud on the paradise or any 
that hath Burry-knots, Codlings, Redstracks, &c. Dwarfe 
Pears on the Quince: but no Pear holds well on it (that I have 
tryed,) save Red Pear Achans and longavil; but you may 
re-graff for varieties. And if you be very curious for these 
stocks (which I am not) you may cut them at the 
Spring, when ready for graffing, within 2 Inches of the         #
ground, 
and at (^August^) come twelve moneths Inoculate in that young   #
shoot, 
and perhaps they will prosper the better, but I think graffing  #
in 
the Roots of Pears, will produce Dwarfs. 
   Dwarfe-cherries on the morella, or on the common Red         #
cherrie,
Or on that Red geen spoken of in Chap. 3. Sect. 2. which is 
more Dwarffish than the black. 
   2. The mellow, warme and light ground is for fruits; and 
allthough the best, warmest and lightest land, yields most      #
excellent
corn, yet the strong, stiff, cold, moist yields not so good 
fruits, plants, Grass, Hay, &c. Aples affect a pretty rich      #
loamy 
soil, tho they will bear in clay mixt with lym, dung, and       #
Turff. 
   Pears will prosper well enough where the soil is mixt with   #
Gravel. 
But both Aples and Pears are better relished in warme grounds 
that are not over moist, than in cold and wet: yet there be     #
some 
grounds hath sweet moisture, others soure; Which last is very   #
bad, 
<P 89>
and therefore must be helped by draining and application of     #
proper 
Medicine, see Chap. 2. 
   Cherries, Plumes, Apricocks, Peaches affect a light, sharp 
soil throughly prepared and mixed with Rotted manures. As to 
their propagation,
   By Graffing are Aples, Pears, Cherries, Plumes, Quince, 
Medlar, Wallnut, Chesnut, Filbeard, Service, &c. 
   By Inoculation or budding ar Apricocks, Peaches,             #
Nectarines, 
Almond, Goosberries, Currans, Aples, Pears, Plumes, Wallnuts, 
&c. 
   By Suckers, are Currans, Goosberries, Barrberries,           #
Rasberries, 
Quince, Vine, Fig, Mulberrie; its the white that feeds 
the Silk-worme: But that's to little purpose here. 
   By layers and circumposition are all sorts. 
   By cuttings are currans, Goosberries, Vine, Quince, Aples, 
especially these with Burrie-knots. 
   By Nuts and Stones are Wallnuts, Chesnuts, Filbeards,        #
Almond, 
Peach, Plum, Cherrie.
   By Kirnells or seeds are Aples, Pears, Quince, Goosberries, 
Currans, Barberries, Vine, Mulberrie, &c. 
   I have told whereupon to Graff Aples, Pears, Cherries,       #
Plumes, 
Apricocks, Peaches; and as for the Quince you may Graff it on 
it self or on the Hawthorn, Almonds on it self, Medlars on      #
Pears, 
or on the Service, Filbeards on the Hassell; Service, Wallnut, 
Chesnut, Goosberrie, Curran, all on their own Kind. 
   3. In raising the stocks observe that, 
   Aple, and Pear seed, must be separate from the Fleshy        #
substance
and spread to dry a little especially the Cyder-marie, left it  #
heat;
you may roll it in Sand to help the separation: keep it in a    #
couch of 
dry Sand till Winter pass, then sow them as soon as the frosts 
are over; they come up that season. 
   For raising Cherries or Greens see Chap. 3. Sect. 2. Peach,  #
Plum, 
and Almond-Stones must be used in all cases as Cherries, only   #
you
may break the Peach Stones. 
<P 90>
   Use the Quince-seed as Aples. As for the rest, I have        #
shewed 
how they are increased in the last Section, and how to          #
performe 
the several wayes in Chap.I. 
   But you must prepare a seminary and nurserie, as before for 
Forrest-trees, see Chap. 3. Sect. I. sow every species by       #
themselves, 
keep them clean of weeds, and the next or second year after     #
the 
seeds rise, if they shoot lustily, (draw out the biggest        #
first) transplant 
them into the nurserie in single rowes 2 foot intervall, and    #
half a foot 
in the rowes, for conveniency in hawing, graffing, pruning,     #
&c. 
and observe to prun Root and side-branches in planting, as I    #
directed 
with Forrest-trees; only when you have got them to a            #
convenient 
hight for graffing, you may cut their tops to make their        #
bodies 
swell the sooner, albeit this be not permitted with             #
Forrest-trees. 
However graff and inoculat, while the stocks are young, e're    #
they 
be an Inch Diameter, and they will sooner heal the wound: let 
them have a years settlement in the nurserie before you graff;  #
but you 
may inoculat that same insuing summer after planting,           #
especially 
if they be very free and lustie. Next year after graffed,       #
remove
them to a wider distance, (^viz.^) 3 foot one way and a foot    #
the other. 
Prun there Roots at every removal, and enter a pruning, that    #
they 
may provide for a well shapen head, cut them near now while 
young, if you would have all their branches of an equal         #
greatness, 
and of order proper, as anon I shall inform you. 
   In setting your stocks in the nurserie, I presume you will   #
set every 
kind by themselves (^i.e.^) Pears with Pears, and Aples with    #
Aples, &c. 
And when you graff or bud, write down in your nurserie-book     #
their 
species as they stand, (^viz.^) begin at the end of such a      #
nurserie, and say 
the first row is graffed, with such a sort and so furth: and    #
if you have
more than one in a row, then set in a stake betwixt each        #
species, and 
so write thus, from such an end of such a row; to the first     #
stake is so 
many of such a sort or species; thence to the second stake so   #
many 
of another, &c. 
   4. When you transplant Fruit-Trees into orchards, do, as I 
directed with Forrest-trees in groves; plant not deep, neither 
<P 91>
trench too deep; but tempt the roots by baiting the surface     #
with 
dungs to make them run ebb within the reach of the Sun and 
shoures. Therefore mix the Earth in the holes (which should 
be 6 or 8 foot diameter) with Rotted neats dung and Earth well 
turned, sweetned and Prepared as in Chap: 2. Cover, delve, 
and haw their bulks as in Chap. 3. Sect. 3. and for further     #
improving
and keeping your Fruit-trees in good case, see Sect. 6. of      #
this 
Chapter, prune their roots at every removal, as Forrest-trees,  #
(experience
forbids me to make exception of the Peach or any other, as 
some doth) And proportion their heads to their Roots by         #
pruning: 
but here note, that forrest-trees are train'd up high bodies    #
and 
unlopt heads, so Fruit-trees with low bodies, their heads lopt  #
and 
branches topt; therefore easily proportion'd, as aforesaid. 
   Standards of 4 years old, may be planted out of nurseries    #
into 
Orchards, Wall-trees of 2 years old. 
   The season of the year is as soon as they give over growing; #
(if 
the leaves be not off, cut them, saving a little tail of their  #
stalks) 
its true you may plant any time in Winter, weather open, but 
rather let the frosts be over, and the spring Approaching, if   #
you have
missed the fore-end of Winter, which is the better season. 
   For standards are Aples, Pears, Cherries, Plumes,            #
Goosberries, 
Currans, Barberries, Quince, Wallnut, Chesnut, Filbeards, 
Service: But I think all these deserves not a place in the 
orchard. 
   For Walls are Apricocks, Peaches, Nectarines, Almond, 
Vine, Fig, Currans, Aples, Pears, Cherries, Plumes, &c. 
But you need not take up much with Almond, Vine, Fig, nor 
Nectarine. 
   On the south side of the Wall plant Apricocks, Peaches,      #
Nectarines,
Vine, &c. On the east and west sides Cherries, Plumes, 
Aples, Pears, &c. On the north side Plumes, some 
Pears, as great Bargamot, some Aples, Currans especially, and 
Rasps, &c. 
   When you elect them in the nurserie, hang sticks tyed at     #
them 
<P 92>
figured, and write the same figure on the Paper at their name
to distinguish their species; and afterwards being planted      #
write them, 
as they stand. 
   5. Begin betimes to prune your  Fruit-trees, spare them not 
while young: reduce them into a good shape, and order while     #
such; 
so will they not only Soon over-grow the wounds, their branches
being but small, but also when they should come to bear 
fruit, you shall not need to cut so much, only purge them of 
superfluities; and this is the way to make Trees Fruitful as    #
well as 
pleasant. 
   Some Ignorants are against pruning, suffering their Trees    #
to 
run and Ramble to such a head of confusion, as neither bears    #
well 
nor fair: for the root is not able to maintain such, farr less 
fruit too; and therefore are their fruit so small and           #
Imperfect; 
in the mean time the Tree spends its strength, and so cannot    #
live
long, nor make good service in their time, yea somtimes the     #
Root
is not so much as able to bear such monstrous heads; I know 
one windy day prostrate above half a score such in a little     #
orchard. 
   Others again that are for pruning usually runs on the other 
extream, by cutting too much, and untimely; and some sparing 
what they should cut, and cutting such as they ought to 
spare: but the general errour even amongst the learned is, that
they spare them while they should prune, (^viz^) : the very     #
first 
and second year in special, yea the first 5 or 6 years; and     #
then they 
fall a massackering: at which time the branches being growen    #
some 
of them greater than other, who now runs away with all the 
nourishment from the smaller; insomuch that no man can reduce 
them to order again, having thus neglected the time. Albeit 
you should endevour it by cutting deep, or exterminating these 
great branches, which I confess is the next remeed; but then 
as these wounds brings cankers, hollowness, &c. so doth the 
work retard their bearing fruit. And indeed its about the time
that Trees ordinary begin to bear fruit, that these unskilful 
<P 93>
men begin to prune: and the more they are thus cut in the       #
head, 
the more they spring out to wood, and the less fruit they bear. 
But experience has taught me to begin, While young. 
   And when you do begin consider on the hight of the body, 
(for as high trees are unprofitable, so too low Trees in        #
orchards 
are inconvenient) for Aple and Pear standards two or three 
foot, plume and cherrie 3 or 4 foot, Dwarff and Wall-trees      #
half 
a foot; there cut the top that Runs Straight upwards, making    #
it 
to spread out in branches round. suffer no branch to aspire     #
beyond
other in hight, nor any to cross, Rub, or gall one another; 
and whatever branch or twig you cut off, cut close and clean    #
by the 
body or branch (except in the case of old Trees and great       #
branches
as I observed in pruning Forrest-trees) and in toping of 
branches cut close and smooth Immediatly above a leaf bud,      #
slanting
upwards. And when you prun, spare the fruit buds (the full 
ones are them) except you see them too many; then purge by the 
Knife. likewayes if afterwards you find more fruit knotted      #
than the 
Tree can be able to nurse to perfection, thin them in time. 
   But your first work is to proportion the head to the Root,   #
by 
pruning; cut the tops at a convenient hight, that the Tree may  #
grow 
equally furnished round; for cutting as it diminisheth, so it   #
forms
and shapes the head, insomuch as it furnisheth with new young 
shoots, that may be train'd, as you please. 
   Standards should have but four arms breaking out for a       #
head, opening
equally round, these divided into branches, and again           #
subdividing 
into twigs. & that you may the better understand what to cut, 
you may stand under, go about, look up through the tree where   #
you 
may espy superfluities: keep them clear, void, open within      #
like a 
bell and level on the top. make some larger opens towards the 
the south for Sun-beams entrance; let no branch grow cross      #
through 
the heart nor shoot spring up therein; (minding alwayes to prun 
such as cross, Rubs and galls other as above is noted) & any    #
branches,
shoots, or twigs that grows not the way you would have them 
cut them at the place whence you think they will send furth     #
shoots 
<P 94>
which may lead the way you desire them: cut close, smooth, and 
slanting at the back of a leaf bud tending that way; by this I  #
bring 
Trees to order. 
   Wall-Trees especially should be cut near, while young, that 
they may send furth a thicket of small shoots for furnishing    #
your 
walls from the bottom, equally: and if you continue to top      #
them 
every year at a convenient hight (perhaps about half a foot     #
above 
the last) that will make them shoot all their branches of an    #
equal 
uniformity of greatness, hight, and thickness, so that no long,
bair or naked branch be seen there, neither one or two great    #
and 
all the rest starved small; the common fault of our wall        #
Trees, and
is occasioned through neglecting to cut while young even the    #
first
year, as is said above. 
   But albeit a Tree right begun and so going on, yet one       #
years neglect
or wrong pruning may spoil it: for as I was once pruning wall 
Trees, an Ingenious person standing by, said I cut them too     #
low, 
alleadging thereby, the wall should be long uncovered, desiring
me to cut them a little higher: I told him, that was wrong,
but for to satisfie him I did cut 2 of them about 8 or 9        #
Inches higher 
than I designed or should have don. The next year these 
two Trees left about a foot naked round, and above the same 
crown'd like nests while the rest was equally and orderly       #
furnished;
when he beheld this, his minde was changed, and I obleidged 
to cut exactly where I should have don the precedent year: 
which was now a little below the midle of the naked place, and  #
this 
did put them several years behind the rest of bearing fruit. 
   You may nail them at midsummer that year of planting, and 
so continue to do at the seasons herafter discribed: prepare    #
double
plancher-nails and tags of hats, (which is better than          #
leather) 
shape the tags about half Inch broad, and betwixt 3, 4, and 5 
Inches long, making a gash with the Knife near the ends by      #
folding,
to put through the nail; then spread the Tree, laying, 
plying, & nailing every individual branch by it self, all at    #
equal distances
from other, not close in one place and wide in another, 
<P 95>
and let non cross other, the superfluous and these that will    #
not 
ply easily, and the exuberant or lustie that Robs the rest,     #
must 
be cut away. 
   Well plyed Trees will appear like apricocks; train, spread,  #
except 
these on a low wall, which you may cause lean all one way, 
as half of the other: drive the nail but half way in, and on    #
the 
upperside of the branch, else it will lean and gall; at every 
nailing alter the old nails and beware of pinching tags, &c.
   The time for pruning old planted and hardie Trees, is any 
time betwixt the leaf falling and the Spring, but let the       #
frosts be 
over before you prune the new planted young and tender, and 
before the sap rise, otherwayes the frosts will penetrate the   #
wounds 
and make a sore: but if you must cut before the frosts,         #
because 
their heads may be obnoxious to the winds, (such are ordinarly 
the new planted standards) then yow may cut a little, and at 
Spring cut off these pieces left cleanly, as before is noted.   #
Also 
let the frosts be over before you prune your Wall-trees and     #
before 
they bud; only I use to let peaches bud furth a little e're I 
prune them, otherwayes pieces of their branches somtimes        #
perish 
after the Knife. 
   And besides, that you must rub off all unnecessary buds,     #
and 
pull up suckers and weeds from the Roots, you must also give    #
all 
your Trees a midsummer pruning, (which is ordinarly the end of 
(^June^) & beginning of (^July^) ) a good time to cut any       #
shoots of this year;
any shoots or buds as tend not only to the deforming your       #
Trees, 
but Robs them of that sap, which may be otherwayes spent in     #
nursing 
the Tree and its fruits, (but the spring is the time of         #
croping or 
cutting their tops untill the wall be covered, then  crop at    #
both seasons)
thin & purge gently to let in the Sun, but not to scorch the    #
fruit. 
this is also the time of furnishing your Trees with pedastools  #
or 
Bearers: therefore in repruning, save as many of the likelyest  #
shoots, 
as ar well placed, and cut them at the 3d or 4th bud from the   #
Tree;
but cut quit off the lustiest and greatest of this years        #
(which Ignorants
do spare) & nail up such as are for filling up the defects of   #
the 
wall.
<P 96>
   You may go through them in harvest and purge the fruit of 
superfluous leaves which hinders the Sun: but do it so, as      #
there
may be leaves sufficient to screen the fruit, and cut quit off  #
the 
lustie shoots of this second Spring, that Robbs the Tree and    #
fruit. 
   As for goosberrie and curran standards, train them to a      #
foot 
stem with a handsome round but thin head: these at Walls half 
a foot stem with a well spread head supported with Rodes layed
cross, fastned with nails and tags. Rasps may be in shadowy     #
bordures 
or beds a foot distance, kept clean Suckers, weeds, 
and dead wood. 
   But because some years in some places we have ripe Grapes, 
especially that we have under the name of Frontinak: therefore  #
if 
you think a Tree or two of them worth your while, plant them    #
at 
a south Wall in a pure and fine mould, not wet, sour, and       #
croud, 
but a light sweet soil mixt with some Cowes dung Rotted in 
heaps with the mould. Plant ebb and trench not deep; prune 
them every year, prune low in (^February^) , and at the true    #
midsummer. 
Cut off the lustie young shoots and tendralls with sheers 
betwixt the 2d and 3d Joynt above the fruit; and in (^August^)  #
purge
it of superfluous leaves, but reserve so many as may screen     #
the 
fruit a little. 
   There be some sorts of Fruit-Trees that will blow and bear 
themselves to death, when young or midle aged: For such cut 
most of the blowing buds, and thin the head to make it shoot 
again. 
   I got some cherries and other stone fruit from Holland, who 
tooke this decay: wherefore in the Spring I did cut off the     #
blowing 
buds, and the branches near the place where the Tree headed, 
reserving only some buds for receiving the sap; (in case they   #
should
have put furth at the middle of the body or a little above      #
ground)
this made them shoot to wood. therefore I conclude that by      #
this 
and delving about, you may help ill-thriving Trees. 
   There be also some Aples and Pears, that will be full of     #
false
bearing buds, that doth not blow; such having got more head 
<P 97>
the Roots can well maintain, consequently has not strength      #
sufficient
to spare sap for blossoms, farr less for fruit, which by 
pruning and thinning the head, and by slitting the bark of the 
body in the Spring, may be made afterwards to bear well, when 
they have put furth new shoots at the head. 
   Some Trees there be that will not bear of themselves till    #
they 
be old: but if you cut off the head of the shoots as soon as    #
ever 
the Spring shoot is over  (which is at the true midsummer) and 
take out some great boughs then, if you minde your time, and 
do it with discretion, you may force that Tree to put furth     #
blowing 
buds, and blow and bear the year following, as I shall informe 
you in next sect: but, 
   6. One main business is to inclose your plantations: avoid   #
planting
too deep, too dry, too cold, too moist, and guard your          #
Orchards 
from winds by planting two rowes of Forrest-trees, at least 
round without the Wall, the breadth of a large walk therefrom   #
with 
Thickets of the same on the West, North and East, but           #
especially 
on the West. (Yet mind regularity) also observe my methode of 
planting, and pruning and ordering their bulks of 6 or 8 foot   #
Diameter: 
but when the Tree growes old and their feeding Roots farr 
abroad, you cannot reach to feed them with dungs in this        #
narrow 
Compass; therefore enlarg it, or otherwayes confine them a      #
little 
sooner and hinder their too farr gauding, by digging a Circle   #
round 
the Tree perhaps 8 foot Diameter, and cut all the Roots clean   #
off 
there, that hath run out, applying fresh and sweet Mould, so    #
shall
they emitt Fibres or feeding roots in thicket, which may be     #
supplyed 
with refreshments once in two or three years, as shall be       #
required.
And this cutting the Roots will cause Trees, that are apt 
to spend more in wood than Fruit, alter there-from, (add this   #
to the 
latter-end of the last Section) and the ends of the Roots cut   #
off,
and their buttends raised up a little, will serve as stocks to  #
Graff 
upon. 
   When you would enrich your worne out plantations, if the     #
ground 
be poor and dry, add well rotten dung prepared and mixt with 
soil. The Water that soaks from a Dung-hill is excellent: for   #
it will 
<P 98>
follow the Roots and Enrich the Trees. If the ground be cold    #
and 
moist, add Pigeons dung or Ashes and soot; which is also        #
excellent 
if it be leopared with unskilfull dunging, or by noysome weeds  #
that 
grows about such Roots, (where the owner is a sluggard) &       #
hatches 
or nests, moles, mice, toads, &c. 
   If you observe the premises, you may prevent their           #
diseases, such 
as illthriving, &c. But if you have, or do neglect, and the     #
diseases 
be come, as if Cankers or Galls be entered, cut them clean      #
out, covering
the wound with a Plaister of Cowes dung and clay compound;
if the bark be pilled by hares, conies or mice, apply a         #
Plaister of the 
same; (but better prevent the last three, by swadling the       #
Trees with 
Straw or Hay ropes, unloosed in summer and renewed every        #
Winter, 
if your fence cannot Guard them.) Illtaken off branches,        #
broken or 
rotten branches must be cut off clean and smooth. If any Trees  #
be 
bark-bound, (which is the misery of many and especially         #
Forrest-trees)
slit them in the Spring through the bark on both sides with a 
sharp Knife from the head to the Root, and delve about them, 
otherwayes raise and plant ebber if too deep; which is the      #
common 
cause of this disease together with bad inclosure. 
   If jaundise, cut off the diseased wood; if moss, scrape of   #
singe it 
off: but its vain to attempt the cure untill you first remove   #
the 
cause; which you will find to proceed from some malignity at    #
the 
Roots, whither the disease be Bark-binding, Cankers, &c.
   And this most commonly by ill-planting (and not inclosing)   #
as 
among Clay, Water, impenitrable Gravel, &c. Water must be 
draineds, it an intollerable evil. Cold clayes, stiff and hard  #
soil
must be trenched and mixed with dungs and soils, often stirred  #
and 
fallowed, as above is directed. And if you would have Trees to  #
prosper, 
observe their nature, and wherein they most delight; and so 
apply and help them accordingly. 
   9. And for destroying of vermine, there is traps for Moles   #
of 
several forms, besides you may watch and delve them up with     #
the 
spade. And for mice, the traps from (^Holland^) , or for want   #
thereof, 
Pots sunk in the Earth (where they haunt) till their mouth be   #
level 
<P 99>
with the surface half full of Water covered with a little       #
chaff wherein 
they drown themselves; and so doth Toads, Asps, &c. Cast away 
the Earth where the ants lodge, supplying its place with stiff  #
clay. 
Place Cow-hooves for the woodlice, and erwigs to lodg in all    #
night, 
and so scald them early morning. Pour scalding Water in the     #
nests 
of Wasps, and hang Glasses of Ail mingled with Hony, where you 
would not have them frequent. 
   Dash Water on the Trees for Caterpillers, by the Stroups we  #
get 
from (^Holland^) . Gather Snails and Wormes, shoot Crows, Pyes, 
Jayes, and spread Nets before your Wall-Fruit for their         #
preservation. 
   See the Appendix how to gather and preserve Fruit, and how   #
to 
make Cyder, &c. 



<B SSCIE3>
<Q SC3 EX SCIO SINCLHYD>
<N HYDROSTATICKS>
<A SINCLAIR GEORGE>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1672/1683>
<M MEDIUM PRINTED>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T SCIENCE OTHER>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H HIGH PROF>
<U NET PROF>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z EXPOS>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^SINCLAIR, GEORGE.
THE HYDROSTATICS, OR THE WEIGHT, FORCE, AND PRESSURE AND 
SENSIBLE EXPERIMENTS. TOGETHER WITH .. A SHORT HISTORY OF
COAL. EDINBURGH 1672.

NATURAL PHILOSOPHY IMPROVEN BY NEW EXPERIMENTS.
EDINBURGH 1683.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 1.1-21.32      (HYDROSTATICS)
SAMPLE 2: PP. 109.21-119.32 
SAMPLE 3: PP. 197.1-201.18   (NATURAL PHILOSOPHY)
SAMPLE 4: PP. 207.1-217.16
SAMPLE 5: PP. 224.4-227.28^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 1>
[}HYDROSTATICAL
THEOREMS, 
CONTAINING SOME USEFUL PRINCIPLES IN ORDER
TO THAT EXCELLENT DOCTRINE, ANENT
THE WONDERFUL (^WEIGHT^) , (^FORCE^) , AND (^PRESSURE^) OF
THE WATER IN ITS OWN ELEMENT.}] 

[}THEOREM I.
IN AL FLUIDS, BESIDES THE FIRST AND VISIBLE HORIZONTAL          #
SURFACE, 
THERE ARE MANY MOE (^IMAGINARY^) , YET REAL.}]
Figure I.

   For the better understanding the 
following Experiments, it is 
needful to premit the subsequent 
Theorems; the first whereof
is, that in all Fluid bodies, 
such as Air, Water, and Mercury,
or any other liquid, there is besides
the first and visible surface, 
innumerable moe imaginary, under
that first, yet real, as may
be seen from the following Schematism, which represents 
a Vessel full of Water, where besides the first surface  
<P 2>
ABCD, there is a second EFGH, and the third IKLM, 
and so downward, till you come to the bottom. This 
holds true, not only in Water, but in Air also, or in any 
other Fluid body whatsoever. I call the under-surfaces 
imaginary, not because they are not real; for true and real 
effects are performed by them; but because they are not 
actually distinguished amongst themselves, but only by the 
Intellect. 

[}THEOREM II.
IN ALL FLUIDS, AS IT IS NEEDFUL TO CONCEIVE HORIZONTAL 
PLAINS, SO IT IS NEEDFUL TO CONCEIVE PERPENDICULAR 
PILLARS, CUTTING THESE PLAINS AT RIGHT ANGLES.}]
Figure I.

   This Proposition is likewise needful for understanding 
the following Doctrine, anent the Pressure of the 
Water: for in it, as in all Fluids, though there be not 
Columes or Pillars actually divided, reaching from the 
top to the bottom, yet there are innumerable (^imaginary^) ,
which do as really produce effects by their pressure, as if 
they were actually distinguished. These (^imaginary^) Pillars
are represented in the first Schematism, one whereof is 
AEINOPQ, the other BFKRT, and so forth. 

[}THEOREM III.
THERE IS A TWOFOLD BALLANCE, ONE (^NATURAL^) , 
ANOTHER (^ARTIFICIAL^) .}]

   By the (^Artificial Ballance^) , I understand that which the
Mechanicks call (^Libra^) , which Merchants commonly 
use. By the (^Natural Ballance^) (which for distinctions cause
<P 3>
I so nominat) I mean, (^v.g.^) a (^Siphon^) , or crooked Pipe,
wherein water naturally ascends or descends, as high or low 
in the one Leg, as in the other, still keeping an evenness,
or likeness of weight.

[}THEOREM IV.
FLUID BODIES COUNTERPOISE ONE ANOTHER IN THE (^BALLANCE^) OF 
(^NATURE^) , ACCORDING TO THEIR (^ALTITUDE^) ONLY.}]

   This Theorem will appear afterwards most evident, 
while we pass through the several Experiments; and 
it is of special use for explicating sundry difficulties that 
commonly occur in the (^Hydrostaticks^) . The meaning of it 
is shortly this: while two Cylinders of Water are in the 
opposite Scales of the (^Natural Ballance^) , they do not       #
counterpoise
one another according to their thickness: for 
though the one Pillar of Water be ten times thicker, then 
the other, and consequently heavier, yet is it not able to 
press up the other, that's more slender, and so lighter, 
beyond its own hight: and therefore they weigh only according
to their (^Altitudes^) . 

[}THEOREM V.
IN ALL FLUIDS THERE IS A PRESSURE.}]
Figure I.

   This is true not only of the Elements of Air, and Water, 
while they are out of their own place (as they 
speak) but while they are in it. For Air and Water, being 
naturally indued with weight, the second foot cannot 
<P 4>
be under the first, unless it sustain it: if this be, it must 
necessarily be prest with its burden. So this Water being 
naturally a heavy body, the foot I cannot be under E, unless
it sustain it, and be prest with the burden of it; the 
foot N, being burdened with them both, From this Pressure,
which is in Air, ariseth a certain sort of force, and 
power, which may be called (^Bensil^) , by vertue whereof, a 
little quantity of Air, can expand and spread out it self, to a
very large quantity, and may by extrinsick force be reduced
to that small quantity again. Though this expansive 
faculty be evident in Air, yet it is scarcely discernable in 
Water, unless it be very deep parts, near the bottom, 
where the Pressure is great. This Pressure is not of the 
same Degree in all the parts, but is increased and augmented,
according to the deepness of the Air, and Water: for 
the Air upon the tops of Mountains, and high places, is 
thought to be of less Pressure, then in Valleys: and Water 
is of a less Pressure, ten or twelve foot from the top, 
then twenty or thirty. So is the Water N, under a far 
less Pressure, then the Water, P or Q. 

[}THEOREM VI.
THE PRESSURE OF FLUIDS IS ON EVERY SIDE.}]
Figure I.

   The meaning is, that Air and Water presseth not only
downward, but upward, not to the right hand only, 
but to the left also, and every way. So the foot of water K, 
not only presseth down the foot R, but presseth up the 
foot F, yea presseth the foot I, and the foot L, with the 
same weight. And the first imaginary surface, is as much 
<P 5>
prest up, by the water IKLM, as it is prest down by the 
water EFGH. Upon this account it is, that when a 
Sphere, or Glob is suspended in the midle of Water, or Air, 
all the points of their surfaces are uniformly prest. After 
this manner, are our bodies prest with the invironing Air, 
and the man that (^dives^) , with the ambient and invironing 
Water. 

[}THEOREM VII.
ALL THE PARTS OF A FLUID IN THE SAME HORIZONTAL LINE, 
ARE (^EQUALLY^) PREST.}]
Figure I.

   The meaning is, that the foot I, is no more prest, 
then the foot K: neither is the foot L, more burdened,
then the foot M. The reason is, because each of 
these feet, sustains the same weight: for EFGH are all 
of them, of the same burden: therefore all the parts of a 
Fluid in the same Horizontal surface, are prest most equally. 
This holds true in Air, and Mercury, or in any other 
Liquid also. 

[}THEOREM VIII.
THE PRESSURE OF FLUIDS SEEM TO BE ACCORDING TO 
(^ARITHMETICAL PROGRESSION^) .}]
Figure I.

   The meaning is, that if the first foot of Water, have 
one Degree of Pressure in it, the second must have 
only two, and the third must have only three, and so forth, 
<P 6>
which appears from the Schematism: for the first foot E, 
having one Degree of weight, and the second foot I, having 
of its self as much, and sustaining E, it must have two 
Degrees, and no more. So the foot N, sustaining two 
Degrees of Pressure from I and E, must have the weight 
only of three Degrees, O of four, P of five. It's evident
also from Experience, for while by the Pressure of Water, 
Mercury is suspended in a glass tub, we find, that as the 
first fourteen inches of Water, sustains one inch of Mercury, 
so the second fourteen inches sustains but two, and the 
third, but three. But if the Pressure were according to 
(^Geometrical progression^) , the third foot of Water ought to
sustain four inches of Mercury, the fourth, eight; the fifth,
sixteen, (^&c.^) which is contrary to Experience. 
 

[}THEOREM IX.
IN ALL FLUIDS THERE IS A TWOFOLD WEIGHT, ONE (^SENSIBLE^) ,
THE OTHER (^INSENSIBLE^) .}]

   The first is common to all heavy bodies, which we 
find in Water, while we lift a Vessel full of it from 
the ground. The (^Insensible weight^) of Water, and Air,
 or of any other Fluid, can scarcely be discerned by the 
senses, though it be as real, as the former, because the 
Pressure is uniform. By vertue of the second, bodies naturally
lighter than Water, are driven from the bottom to 
the top, as (^Cork^) . So, a man falling into a deep Water, 
goes presently to the bottom, and instantly comes up again. 
Here is a natural effect, which cannot want a natural cause;
and this can be nothing else, but the Pressure of the Water, 
by vertue whereof he comes up, and yet he finds nothing
<P 7>
driving him up, or pulling him up. Therefore, 
there is in all Fluid bodies, an (^Insensible^) weight, as      #
there 
is one (^Sensible^) ; seing the man that (perhaps) weighs       #
seventeen 
Stone, is driven up fifteen or sixteen fathom by 
it. And it must be very considerable, and exceed the 
weight of the man, seing it is able to overcome such a 
weight. So are vapours and smoke driven upward by the
(^Insensible weight^) of the Air, and by that same weight, do 
the Clouds swim above us. 

[}THEOREM X.
THE INSENSIBLE WEIGHT OF FLUIDS, IS ONLY FOUND BY SENSE, 
WHEN THE PRESSURE IS NOT UNIFORM.}]

   For understanding of this Proposition, I must suppose 
somethings that are possible, but not practicable. 
Put the case then, while a man opens his hand, the Air 
below were removed, he would scarce be able to sustain 
the weight of the Air, that rests upon the  Palm above:
or if the Air above were annihilated, he would not be able 
to bear down the weight that presseth upward. Or, while 
a (^Diver^) is in the bottom of the Sea, if it were possible to
free any one part of his body from the Pressure of the Water, 
suppose his right arm, I doubt not, but the blood 
would spring out in abundance from his finger-ends: for 
the arm being free, and the other parts extremly prest, 
the blood of necessity must be driven from the shoulder 
downward, with force, which cannot be without considerable 
pain. It is evident also, from the application of 
the (^Cuppin-glass^) , which being duely applied to a mans 
skin, causeth the Air to press unequally, the parts without,
<P 8>
being more prest, than the parts within, in which 
case the unequal Pressure causeth the pain, and so is found 
by sense. 

[}THEOREM XI.
A CYLINDER OF WATER, OR OF ANY OTHER FLUID BODY, LOSETH OF ITS 
WEIGHT, ACCORDING TO ITS RECLINATION FROM A (^PERPENDICULAR^)
POSITION, TOWARDS AN (^HORIZONTAL^) OR 
LEVELL SCITUATION.}]

   For understanding of this, consider that while a 
Pipe full of Water stands perpendicular, the lowest 
foot sustains the whole weight of the Water above it:
but no sooner you begin to recline the Pipe from that Position,
but assoon the Pressure upon the lowest foot grows
less; So that if the lowest foot, in a perpendicular position, 
sustained the burden of ten feet, it cannot sustain 
above five or six, when it is half reclined. A certain evidence
whereof is this, the more a Cylinder of Water is 
reclined towards the Horizon, or Level, it takes the shorter 
Cylinder of Water to counterpoise it, as is evident in          #
(^Siphons^) . 
For, though the one Leg, be sixteen inches long, 
and the other but six; yet a Cylinder of Water six inches 
long, will counterpoise a Cylinder of sixteen. But this
cannot be, unless an alteration be made in the Pressure.
For, how is it possible, that a Cylinder of Water can 
sometimes be in (^aequilibrio^) with a lesser, and sometimes 
with a greater weight, unless the Weight, and Pressure of 
it, be sometimes more, and sometimes less? When I say 
a Cylinder of Water loseth of its weight by reclination, 
it is to be understood only of the (^Insensible Weight^) : for
<P 9>
the (^Sensible Weight^) is unchangeable, seing it is alwayes a
Pillar of so many inches, or feet. Now the true reason, 
why the Pressure upon the lowest foot grows less, is this;
the more the Pipe is reclined, the more weight of the 
Cylinder rests upon the sides of the Pipe within; by 
which means, the lowest foot is eased of the burthen, and 
is altogether eased, when once the Pipe lyes Horizontal. 

[}THEOREM XII.
ALL MOTION IN FLUIDS, IS FROM THE UNEQUAL PRESSURE    
OF THE HORIZONTAL SURFACE.}]
Figure I.

   For understanding this, I must distinguish a twofold motion
in Fluids; one (^common^) , another (^proper^) , by vertue
of the first, they incline, as all other heavy bodies, to 
be at the center of the Earth. It is evident in the motion
of Rivers, which descend from the higher places to the          #
valleys, 
even by vertue of that tendency they have to be at 
the (^center^) . By vertue of the second, they incline to move
every way; not only downward, but upward, hither and 
thither. This sort of motion is peculiar, and proper only 
to Fluids; and it is that which is spoken of this Theorem. 
I say then, that all motion in Fluids, is from the unequal 
Pressure of the Horizontal surface. For put the case 
A, were more prest then B, (^e.g.^) with a stone, then surely   #
as 
the part A descends, the other part B will ascend, and so
will C and D rise higher too. Suppose next, the part A 
were fred of the Pressure of the Air, then surely in the 
same instant of time, would the part A ascend, and the 
parts BCD descend. As this Proposition is true in order 
<P 10>
to the first and visible surface ABCD; so it is true in order 
to the (^imaginary^) surface IKLM; for put the case the 
space I, were filled with a body naturally heavier then 
Water, as lead or stone, then behoved that part of the surface
to yeeld, it being nore prest, then the part of the same 
surface K. Or if the space K were filled with a body naturally
lighter then water, as Cork, then ought the water 
R to ascend, it being less prest, then the water N or S.

[}THEOREM XIII.
A BODY NATURALLY HEAVIER THEN WATER, DESCENDS; AND 
A BODY NATURALLY LIGHTER, ASCENDS.}]
Figure I.

   For understanding of this, let us suppose the quadrat 
space E, to be filled with a piece of Lead or Iron. I 
say then it must go down to I; and the reason is, because 
the quadrat foot of Water I, is more pressed then the 
quadrat foot of Water K. To illustrat this, let us suppose 
that each quadrat foot of this Water weights a pound,
and that the heavy body existing in E, weights two 
pound. If this be, the foot of Water I, must yeeld, seeing
it is more prest then K: upon the same account must 
the Water N yeeld, and give way to the Stone, seeing
it is more prest then R. For according to the twelfth
Theorem, (^There cannot be unequal Pressure upon a surface, 
unless motion follow^) . 
   For understanding the second part, let us suppose the 
space R, to be filled with a piece of Cork, that is             #
specifically
or naturally lighter then Water. I say then, it 
must ascend to the top B; and the reason is, because the 
quadrat foot of Water K, is more prest upward, then the 
<P 11>
quadrat foot of Water I, or L is: but this cannot be in 
Fluid bodies, unless motion follow thereupon. I say, it 
is more prest up, because R being lighter then N, or S, 
it must press with greater force upon K, then S can do 
upon L, or N upon I. It is still to be remembred,
(^That Fluids presseth with as much strength upward, as         #
downward^) ,
according to the sixth Theorem; and that an Horizontal 
surface doth as really suffer unequal Pressure from 
below, as from above. 

[}THEOREM XIV.
BODIES NATURALLY LIGHTER THEN WATER, SWIM UPON 
THE SURFACE AND TOP.}]
Figure I.

The reason of this Proposition must be taken from 
the nature of an (^equipondium^) , or equal weight. For 
without doubt, there is a counter-ballance between the 
Pressure of the Water, and the weight of the body that 
swims. To make this probable, let us suppose there were 
a piece of Timber in form of a Cube, six inches thick every
way, without weight. In this case, the under-surface 
of that four-squar'd body,  being applied to the surface of 
the Water A, would ly closs upon it, as one plain Table 
lyes upon the face of another, without any pressure: and 
it being void of weight, the part of the surface A, would 
be nor more burdened, then the next part B adjacent, 
whence no motion would follow. Here is no (^equipondium^) ,
or counter-ballance. 
   Secondly, let us suppose the said body to acquire two 
ounces of weight, then it follows, that it must subside, 
and sink two inches below the surface ABCD; and that 
<P 12>
so far, till it come by vertue of its new acquired weight, to 
a counter-ballance with the Pressure of the Water. Which 
Pressure is nothing else, but as much force or weight, as is 
equivalent to the weight of Water, that is thrust out of 
its own place, by the subsiding and sinking of that body, 
two inches. 
   Thirdly, let us suppose the same body to acquire other 
two ounces of weight, then must it subside other two 
inches. Lastly, let us suppose that it acquires six ounces
of weight, then it follows that the whole body sinks, so 
far, I mean, till its upmost surface be in an (^Horizontal      #
line^)
with the surface of the Water ABCD. Here it swims 
also, because the weight of it becomes just the weight of 
so much Water, as it hath put out of its own place. I say, 
it must swim, because if the Water I, was able to sustain 
the  Water E, which is put from its own place, surely it 
must be able to sustain that body also, that did thrust it 
from its own place, seing both are of the same weight, 
namely six ounces. In this case, the body immerged, 
and the water wherein it is drowned, become of the same 
weight (^specifically^) , seing bulk for bulk is not the same 
weight. To make this body (^specifically^) , or naturally       #
heavier
then Water, and consequently to sink to the bottom,
nothing is required, but to suppose that it acquires 
one ounce more of weight, which done, it presently goes 
down, I, being nore burdened then K. Note by the 
way, a twofold weight in heavy bodies, one (^individual^) ,
the other (^specifick^) , and that two bodies agreeing in       #
(^individual^)
weight, may differ in (^specifick^) weight. So a pound 
of Lead, and a pound of Cork, agree (^individually^) , because 
they are both 16. ounces: but they differ (^specifically^) ,
because the one is naturally heavier then the other. 
<P 13>
[}THEOREM XV
NO BODY THAT FLOTS ABOVE WATER, EVEN THOUGH ITS UPPER 
SURFACE BE LEVEL WITH THE SURFACE OF THE WATER, CAN EVER 
BE MADE TO SWIM BETWEEN THE TOP AND THE BOTTOM.}]
Figure I.

   For clearing this Proposition, let us suppose F to be a 
four-square piece of Timber, of the same (^specifick^) and 
natural weight with Water, and consequently its upper surface
to be level with the surface of the Water ABCD. I 
say then, if it be prest down to R, it shall arise thence, and 
never rest till it be where it was, namely in F. The reason 
seems to be this, because the four-squar'd body of Water R, 
is really heavier, then the four-squar'd piece of Timber F. 
If this be true, it follows of necessity, that it must ascend: 
for if the Timber existing in R, be lighter than Water R,
the Water T must be less prest, then the Water O, or the 
Water V; whence (according to the twelfth Theorem) 
(^motion must follow^) . Again, if the Timber R, existing in    #
the
Water R, be lighter then the same Water is, then must 
the Water K, be more prest up then the Water I, or L;
whence yet, according to the same Theorem, (^motion must
follow^) . If it be said, that the Timber F, is of the same 
weight with the Water R, because, it being equal in 
weight with the Water F, which it hath thrust out of its 
own place, it must also be equal in weight to the Water R, 
seeing F and R being of the same dimensions, are of the 
same weight. There is no way to answer this difficulty, 
unless I say the four-squar'd body of water R, is really and 
truly heavier then the four-squar'd body of Water F. The 
<P 14>
reason seems to be, because the Water R, is under a greater 
Pressure, then the Water F; and by vertue of this 
greater Pressure, there are really (^moe parts^) of Water in    #
it,
then in F; therefore it must be heavier. Even as there are
far moe parts of Air, in one cubick foot near the (^Earth^) ,   #
then 
in six or seven near the (^Atmosphere^) . Hence it is, that 
a pint of Water taken from the bottom of the Sea, fourty 
fathom deep, will be heavier, I mean in a ballance, then a 
pint taken from the surface. Take notice, that when the 
vessel in once full at the bottom, the orifice must be closely 
stopped, till it come to the top: otherwise the parts that 
are compressed at the bottom, namely by the weight of 
the superiour parts, relaxes themselves, before they come 
to the top.

[}THEOREM XVI.
IT IS NOT IMPOSSIBLE FOR A BODY TO BE SUSPENDED BETWEEN 
THE (^SURFACE^) AND THE (^BOTTOM^) .}]
Figure I.

   For understanding this, suppose F to be a four-square
piece of Timber, which though it will not rest but at 
the surface, ABCD, yet may be made to go down of its
own accord, and rest at T, namely, by making it so 
much heavier, as the Water T is heavier then the Water 
F. To know this difference, which is not very practicable; 
the cube of Water T, must be brought from its own place, 
under the same degree of Pressure it hath, and put into the 
Scale of a Ballance, and weighed with the Cube of Water 
F, put into the other Scale. Now if the Water T, be 
half an ounce heavier, then the Water F, then to make 
the Timber F hing in T, it must be made half on ounce
heavier. There seems to be reason for it also; for if a 
<P 15>
Cube of Timber resting in the space T, be just the weight 
of the Water T, the (^imaginary^) surface OTV, is no more
prest, then if T were Water, and  so it cannot go down-ward:
neither can it go upward, seing the under part of 
the Water R, is no more prest up by the Timber T, then 
if the space T were filled with Water. If is be said,           #
according 
to this reasoning, a Stone may be suspended in a deep 
Water, between the top and the bottom, which is absurd. 
I answer, such a thing may happen in a very deep Water: 
For put the case a Cube of Lead twelve inches every way, 
were to go down twelve thousand fathom, it is probable, 
it would be suspended before it came to the ground. For 
coming to an (^imaginary^) surface far down, where the Pressure
is great, a Cube of Water twelve inches thick there, 
may be as heavy (even (^specifically^) ) as the Cube of Lead
is, though the Lead be ten times heavier (^specifically^) ,     #
then
any foot of Water at the top. If Water suffer compression 
of parts, by the superiour burden; it is more then 
probable, that the second foot of Water burdened with 
the first, hath moe parts in it, then are in the first, and     #
the 
thrid moe, then in the second, and so forth; and consequently,
that the second is heavier, then the first, and the 
third heavier, then the second. Now, if this be, why 
may not that foot of Water, that hath sixty thousand 
foot above it, by vertue of this burden, be so comprest, 
that in it may be as many parts, as may counter-ballance a 
Cube of Lead twelve inches every way? If then, that             #
(^imaginary^)
surface, that is sixty thousand foot deep, be able to 
sustain the said foot of VVater, which perhaps weighs 
twenty pound, why may it not likewise sustain the Lead,
that is both of the same dimensions with it, and weight?
<P 16>
Hence it is, that the Clouds do swim in the Air, by vertue
of a counter-ballance: And we see, which confirms this 
Doctrine, that the thinnest and lightest are alwayes farthest 
up; and the thickest and blackest, are alwayes farthest 
down. 

[}THEOREM XVII. 
THE LOWER THE PARTS OF A FLUID ARE, THEY ARE THE HEAVIER,
THOUGH ALL OF THEM BE OF EQUAL QUANTITY AND DIMENSIONS.}]
Figure I. 

   This follows from the former, which may appear a 
Paradox, yet it seems to be true: for though the 
Water Q at the bottom, be of the same dimensions with 
the Water E at the top, yet it is really heavier, which 
happens (as I said) from the superiour Pressure. It is clear 
also from this, namely the Cube of Timber E, which 
swims upon the surface, being thrust down to Q, comes
up to the top again, which could not be, unless the Water 
Q, were heavier than the Water E. I suppose the Water 
E, and the Timber E, to be exactly of the same (^specifick^)
weight, and consequently the surface of the Timber, 
to ly Horizontal with BCD. Now the reason, why the 
Timber ascends from Q to E, is no other then this, namely 
that the one Water is heavier then the other; for the 
under part of the Water P, being more prest up with the 
Timber existing in Q, then with the Water Q it self, it 
must yeeld and give way to the ascent: for if the Cube of 
Timber existing in Q, were as heavy as the Water Q it self,
it would no more press upon P, or endeavour to be up, then 
the Water Q does. 
<P 17>
[}THEOREM XVIII. 
A HEAVY BODY WEIGHS LESS IN WATER, THEN IN AIR.}]
Figure I. 

   This is easily proven from experience; for after you 
have weighed a stone in the Air, and finds it two 
pound, and an half, take it, and suspend it by a threed knit 
to the scale of a ballance and let it down into the Water, 
and you shall find it half a pound lighter.  The question 
then is, why doth it lose half a pound of its weight? I 
answer, the stone becomes half a pound lighter, because
the surface of Water on which it rests, sustains half a pound 
of it: For put the case a stone were resting in R, that weighed
two pound and an half in the Air, it behoved to weigh 
but two pound in this Water; because the Water T sustains 
half a pound of it. For if this Water T be able to 
sustain the Water R, that weighs half a pound, it must 
be also able to sustain half a pound of the stone, being half 
a pound of stone is no heavier, then half a pound of Water. 
Note, that when a heavy body is weighed in Water, it becomes 
so much lighter exactly, as is the weight of the Water 
it thrusts out of its own place. 

[}THEOREM XIX. 
A HEAVY BODY WEIGHS LESS NIGH THE (^BOTTOM^) OF THE WATER, 
THEN NIGH THE TOP THEROF.}]
Figure I. 

   For clearing this proposition, I must suppose from the 
17. Theorem, that the lower the parts of Water 
<P 18>
be, they are the heavier, though all of them be of equal        #
dimensions. 
If then the lowest foot Q be heavier, that is, 
have moe parts in it, then the foot N, it of necessity follows,
that a stone suspended in Q, must be lighter then
while it is suspended in N or I. Because, if a stone be 
lighter in Water then in Air, as is said, even by as much, as 
is the weight of the bulk of Water, that the bulk of the 
stone expells, then surely it must be lighter in the one, then 
in the other place; because suspended in Q, it expells 
moe parts of Water, then while it is suspended in N or I. 
For example, let us suppose the Water N, to weigh eight 
ounces, and the Water Q to weigh nine, then must the 
stone suspended in Q, weigh less by an ounce, then 
suspended in N, seeing as much is deduced from the weight 
of the stone, as is the weight of the Water it expells: but 
so it is, that it thrusts nine ounces of Water out of its own 
place in Q, and but eight in N or I; therefore it must 
be one ounce lighter in the one place, then in the other.
This may be tried, with a nice, and accurat ballance, which 
will bring us to the knowledge of this, namely how much 
the foot of Water Q is heavier, then the Water N or O. 

[}THEOREM XX.
ONE PART OF A FLUID, CANNOT BE UNDER COMPRESSION, 
UNLESS ALL THE PARTS NEXT ADJACENT, BE UNDER 
THE SAME DEGREE OF PRESSURE.}]
Figure I. 

   This proposition may be proven by many instances: 
for when the Air of a (^Wind-gun^) , is reduced to less 
quantity by the Rammer, all the parts are most exactly of 
the same (^Bensil^) . So is it in a Bladder full of wind. It's
<P 19>
true, not only in order to this artificial Pressure, but in     #
order 
to the natural Pressure, and (^Bensil^) of the Air likewise. 
For the Air within a parlour, hath all its parts, under the 
same degree of natural compression: so is with the parts 
of the Air, that are without, and immediatly under the 
weight of (^Atmosphere^) . Its evident also in the parts of
Water: for the foot of Water R, cannot be under Pressure, 
unless the Water S, and N, be under thee same degree of it. 
Though this be true of Fluids, while all the parts
lye in the same Horizontal surface, yet to speak strictly, it 
will not hold true of the parts scituated under divers          #
surfaces;
for without question, the foot of the VVater T, must 
be under four degrees of Pressure, if the VVater R, be 
under three. And if the Air in the lowest story of a building, 
be under six degrees of (^Bensil^) , the Air in the highest 
story must be under five. If a man would distinguish            #
(^Metaphysically^) ,
and subtilly, he will find a difference of this 
kind, not only between the first, and second fathom of Air, 
nearest to the Earth, but between the first, and second foot;
yea, between the first and second inch, and less; much more 
in Water, as to sense. However it be, yet the Theorem
holds true; for we find no difference sensible, between 
the compression of Air in this room; and the compression 
of Air in the next room above it, no not with the 
(^Baroscope^) , or (^Torricellian Experiment^) , that discerns  #
such 
differences accurately. I judge it likewise to be true, in 
order to the next adjacent parts of Fluids of different kinds;
for while a surface of Mercury, is burdened with a Pillar of 
Water, or a surface of Water, with a Pillar of Air, whatever 
degree of weight and Pressure, is the lowest parts 
of these Pillars, the same is communicated entirely, to the 
surfaces, that sustains them. So then, there is as much 
<P 20> 
force and power, in the surface of any Water,  as there is 
Weight and Pressure, in the lowest foot of any Pillar of 
Air, that rests upon it: otherwise, the surface of Water
would never be able to support the said Pillar: for a surface
of six degrees of force, can never be able to sustain a 
a Pillar of Air, of eight, or ten degrees of weight. 

[}THEOREM XXI.
THE PRESSURE OF FLUIDS, MAY BE AS MUCH IN THE LEAST 
PART, AS IN THE WHOLE.}]
Figure I. 

   This Theorem may seem hard, yet it can be made manifest,
by many instances: for albeit the quantity 
of Air, that fills a Parlour, be little in respect of the whole
Element, yet surely, there is as much Pressure in it, as in 
the whole; because Experience shews, that the (^Mercurial 
Cylinder^) in the (^Baroscope^) , will be as well sustained in  #
a
Chamber, as without, and under the whole (^Atmosphere^)
directly; which could not be, unless the small portion of 
Air, that's in this Parlour, had as much Pressure in it, as 
in the whole Element. Besides this, it will be found in a 
far less quantity: for though the (^Baroscope^) were inclosed,
and imprisoned so closs, within a small Vessel, that the  
Air within, could have no communion with the Air without, 
yet the Pressure of that very small quantity, will 
sustain 29. inches of Mercury, and this will come to pass, 
even though the whole Element of Air were annihilated.
This Proposition is likewise evident in order to the Pressure
of the Water: for put the case, the (^Baroscope^) , whose 
Mercurial Cylinder is 29. inches, by the Pressure of the 
<P 21>
Air; were sent down to the bottom of a Sea 34. foot deep, 
within a Vessel, as a Hogs-head, and there exactly inclosed,
that the VVater within, could have no commerce 
with the VVater without, yet as well, after this shutting 
up, as before, other 29. inches would be sustained, by the 
Pressure of this imprisoned VVater, which proves evidently, 
that there is as much Pressure in one Hogs-head full of 
VVater, at the bottom of the Sea, as in the whole Element 
of  VVater, above, or about: for an Element of 
VVater never so spacious, if it exceed not 34. foot in 
deepness, can sustain no more Mercury, then 29. inches 
by its Pressure. Yea, though the Vessel with the                #
(^Baroscope^) ,
and imprisoned VVater in it, were brought above
to the free Air, yet will the VVater retain the same Pressure,
and will (\de facto\) sustain 29. inches of Mercury, provided
the Vessel be kept clos. It is therefore evident, 
that as much Pressure may be in one small quantity of 
VVater, as in the whole Element, or Ocean. 'Tis to 
be observed, that this Theorem is to be understood chiefly
of the lower parts of Fluids; seing there cannot be so 
much Pressure in the VVater P, as in the VVater Q; for 
in effect, there is as much Pressure in the VVater Q, as 
is in the whole VVater above it, or about it. From this 
Theorem, we see evidently, that the Pressure, and (^Bensil^)
of a Fluid, is not to be measured, according to its bulk,
and quantity, seing there is as much (^Bensil^) in one foot, 
nay, in one inch of Air, as is in the whole Element, and as 
strong a Pressure in one foot of VVater, or less, as there 
is in the whole Ocean: therefore the greatest quantity of 
Air, hath not alwayes the greatest (^Bensil^), neither the      #
greatest 
quantity of VVater, the greatest Pressure. But this 
will appear more evident afterwards.

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 109>
[}EXPERIMENT XIII.}]
Figure 17, 18, 19.

   For making this Experiment, take two (^plain^) Bodies of
Brass, or Marble well polished. Make them of any 
quantity; but for this present use, let each of them be four 
inches broad square wise. Upon the back part, let each 
one have an handle about six inches long, of the same metal, 
formed with the (^plain^) it self, in the founding (if they be 
of Brass) as is represented in this Schematism. When 
<P 110>
they are thus prepared, anoint their inner-sides with Oyl 
or Water, and having thrust the one face alongst upon the 
other, with all the strength you have, till all the four edges 
agree, two whereof are represented by AB, and CD, you 
will find them cleave so clos together, as if they were but 
one Body. The effect is this, that ordinary strength will
not pull them asunder; and that under a surface of Water, 
a stronger pull is required than in the Air. 
   That we may deduce some (^Hydrostatical^) conclusions 
from this Experiment, let us suppose these two (^plain^) Bodies
to be united in the middle of the VVater IKPQ 
that's 34 foot deep, and suspended by a beam or long tree 
TV existing in the Air, near the top of the VVater, by a 
chord SE passing between the middle of the beam, and
the end of the handle at E. Suppose next a great weight 
of Lead R, 350 pound, to be appended to the end of the 
handle at H, of the under (^plain^) Body CDNO. This 
done, I affirm, that the beam TV, neither sustains the under
(^plain^) Body CDNOGH, nor the 350 pound 
weight of lead R, that hangs down from the handle GH.
If it be objected, that the beam supports the upper (^plain^)
Body ABLMFE; therefore it must bear the weight 
also of the under (^plain^) CDNOGH, with the weight R; 
seing they are both united together, and cleave so closs,
as if they were but one Body. I answer, it supports the 
one unquestionably, but not the other. To explicate 
this (^Hydrostatical^) Mystery, I must aver three things;       #
first,
that the inferior (^plain^) is supported by the upward Pressure
of the lower VVater PQNO. Secondly, that the 
burden which the beam sustains, is not the weight of the 
under (^plain^) , but the weight of the 34 foot of Water IK
LM. thirdly, that this weight is exactly the weight 
<P 111>
of the inferior (^plain^) , and Lead R. But is it not more 
easie to say, that the beam supports both the (^plains^) : I
answer, if I say so, I can neither affirm truth, nor speak      #
consequentially,
But may it not be said, that the inferior 
(^plain^) is supported both by the beam, and the lower water 
PQNO? I answer, this is impossible; because one and 
the same weight, cannot be supported totally, by two distinct
supporters. 
   For making these assertions evident, I must suppose the 
superior Water IKLM to be 34 foot deep, and to
weigh, if it were put into a ballance, 400 pound: and which 
is unquestionable, that the said Water rests upon the back 
of the superior (^plain^) LM. I suppose secondly, that the 
lower Water PQNO weighs as much, and thrusts up 
the inferior (^plain^) with as great weight, as the superior
(^plain^) is prest down with, by the superior Water.  This  
is evident from former Experiments. And lastly, I suppose
each (^plain^) to weigh two pound, and the weight of 
Lead R 350. It is to be observed here, that no mistake may 
arise in the calculation afterwards, that though it be said, 
this 34 foot of Water weighs 400 pound, yet in it felt it, 
weighs but 200: but considering the Pressure of the Air 
upon IK, which is as much, it may be truly said to weigh 
400. These things premitted, I say the weight that 
the beam TV sustains, is not the weight of the inferior
(^plain^) , and the Lead R, but 352 pound of the superior
VVater IKLM, and consequently, that the inferior
(^plain^) is supported by the lower Vvater PQNO. 
The reason is, because the lower VVater presseth up with 
the weight of 48 pound. It is in it felt 400 pound: but 
being burdened with 352, it cannot thrust up with more 
weight than 48. Now, it pressing up with 48, must ease 
<P 112>
the beam of 48, and counterpoise so much of the superior
VVater, and consequently the beam must support 
only 352 pound of it. But put the case (you say) the 
weight R, were 130 pound, 160 pound, or 180 pound, 
would the beam be less or more burdened with the superior 
Water? I answer, if R be 130 pound, then the beam 
supports only 132 pound of the superior Water; for if
the inferior be only burdened with 130, the weight of R,
and with two the weight of the inferior (^plain^) , then must
it press up with 368, and by this means, must ease the beam 
of so much, it sustaining 132 pound only, According to 
this compting, when the Lead R weighs 160 pound, the 
beam supports only 238 pound of the superior Water. 
If it weigh 180 pound, it sustains 218. And if the weight 
R were taken away, the beam supports no more of the 
superior VVater than two pound. 
   To proceed a little further; imagine the two (^Plains^) to
be drawn up 17 foot nearer the first surface IK, namely as
high as ZW. This done, the union breaks up, and they 
presently fall asunder. The reason is, because the surface
ZW is not able to support 352 pound, but only 300, 
which I prove thus. If 68 foot sustain 400, then 51
foot must sustain 300. I say 68, and not 34, because as 
was noted, the Pressure of the Air upon the surface IK,
is equivalent to other 34 foot: and therefore though 
the deepness of this VVater, between IK, and LM be but 
34 foot really, yet it is 68 foot virtually, and in effect, 
Imagine sencondly the surface IK to subside 17 foot, namely
to ZW. In this case the union is broken also, and the 
lower (^Plain^) falls from the upper. The reason of this, is
the same with the former; because by what proportion 
you diminish the hight of the superior VVater, by that 
<P 113>
same proportion you diminish the upward. Pressure of the
lower VVater. Therefore, if you subtract from the superior 
VVater 17 foot, that weighs 100 pound, you subtract 
likewise 100 pound from the inferior VVater, and 
consequently, you make it press up only with 300, but 
300 is not able to counterpoise 352. 
   Let us suppose thirdly, the superior (^Plain^) , and the     #
superior
Water to be annihilated; then I say, the Pressure 
and force of the under Water would thrust up the inferior
(^Plain^) and the weight R about eight foot higher then XY
and there suspend them. The reason is, because the surface
XY, being able to sustain 400, and being burdened 
only with 352, must have the weight of 48. Now 
the upper (^Plain^) being taken away, and the upper Water 
also, and the empty space of both remaining, the said
weight of 48 pound, must carry the under (^Plain^) as high as
is said. Let us suppose fourthly, the Pressure of the Element 
of Air, that rests upon IK, to be taken away, then 
must the two (^Plain^) bodies be disunited, the inferior        #
falling
from the superior. The reason is, because in this case, 
the superior Water would have but the weight of 200 
pound, and consequently the inferior, would press up only 
with as much: but 200 is not able to counterpoise 352. 
   From what is said we see first, that in all Fluids there is
an upward Pressure, as well as a downward; and that the 
one is alwayes of equal force to the other: because the         #
inferior
(^Plain^) is pressed up with as great force, as the superior
(^Plain^) is pressed down with. We see secondly, that 
in Fluids, there is a (^Pondus^) and a (^Potentia^) . The       #
(^Potentia^)
here is the inferior Water, and the (^Pondus^) is the superior.
Or, the 350 pound of Lead R, may be called the 
(^Pondus^) , which counterpoiseth the (^Potentia^) of the       #
surface 
<P 114>
of VVater XY. We see thirdly, that though the Pressure
of a Fluid, be not the same thing with the natural
weight, yet it is equivalent to it: because the 352  pound 
of Lead R, is sustained by the Pressure of the inferior
VVater, which could not be, unless they were virtually 
the same. We see fourthly, that there may be as much 
Pressure in one foot of Water, as there is weight in 100, or 
in 1000 foot, or in 1000 fathom, For put the case, these 
two plain bodies were suspended, 100 fathom below the 
surface of the sea, and within a foot or two of the ground,
as much weight would be required to pull them asunder, as is 
the weight of a Pillar of Water 100 fathom high, and 4
inches thick every way, which will be more then 3000  
pound weight, besides the weight of the Air above, that
will weigh 200 pound. This could not be, unless there
were as much Pressure in the lowest foot of this Water,
that's 100 fathom deep, as there is weight in the whole 
Pillar above. We see fifthly, the more the (^potentia^) of a
surface is burdened, the more sensible is the (^pondus^)
because the heavier you make the Lead R, that burdens 
the inferior Water, the more weight of the superior Water 
rests upon the Beam. We see sixtly, the more (^unequally^)
a body is pressed, the more the Pressure is (^sensible^) .
For understanding this, consider that the under-face of the 
superior (^Plain^) , is more and less pressed, according to the
more and less weight the Lead R is of: for put the case,
the inferior (^Plain^) were taken away, the face of the         #
superior
(^Plain^) , would be equally prest with the back of it. But 
when the inferior (^Plain^) is united to it, the Pressure of    #
the
Water is kept off; by which means the back is prest more
than the face. Now, as the inferior (^Plain^) becomes heavier
and heavier, by making the weight R more and more 
<P 115>
weighty, the less and less is the face of the superior          #
(^Plain^)
prest up. Hence it is, that as this inequality of Pressure
becomes greater and greater; so the weight of the superior
Water, affects the Beam more and more. Or, if the 
superior (^Plain^) were a sensible body, as (^Animals^) are, it
would find the back of it more and more burdened, according
as the weight R, becomes heavier and heavier. We 
see seventhly, that Water weighs in Water: because all 
the weight the Beam supports, is the burden of the superior
VVater, and not the burden of the inferior (^Plain^) , or
of the weight R. It supports the weight also of the superior
(^Plain^) , but this is not considerable. This is only to be 
understood, when the Pressure in unequal; for if the upper
(^Plain^) were as much prest up, as it's prest down, the 
weight of the superior VVater would not be found by the 
(^Beam^) . We see eighthly, that the higher a surface be, it
is the weaker; and the lower it be, it is the stronger:         #
because 
when the two plain bodies are pulled up, 17 foot, they 
fall asunder. We see ninthly the vanity of the common 
opinion, that maintains two plain (^bodies^) to cleave clos     #
together 
for fear of (^vacuity^) ; and that neither (^Humane^) nor 
(^Angelick^) strength is able to break this union, without the 
rupture and fracture of them both. 
   It may be enquired, upon supposition, that the inferior
(^plain^) had four holes cut thorow the middle, square wise,
as ABCD in the 18 Figure, what (^Phenomena^) would 
follow? Before I answer, consider that this Figure represents
the inner face of the Brass-plate CDNO, of the 
17 Figure, which as was supposed, is four inches from side
to side, and consequently contains 16 square inches. Now, 
imagine the under (^plain^) CDNO, while it is united to 
the uppermost, to have four square inches cutted out of it,
<P 116>
as ABCD. These things being rightly conceived, and 
understood, I say, when the said holes are cutted thorow, 
the beam TV, that now sustains 350 pound, shall by this 
means, only sustain 250 pound. To make this evident,
consider that the under (^plain^) (as was said) contains 16 
square inches. Next, that the top of the inferior Water 
upon which the (^plain^) rests, contains as many, and that      #
every 
inch of the Water weighs 25 pound, seing the whole, as 
was supposed before, weighs 400 pound. Now, I say, the
beam must support only 250 pound of the Water IKLM;
because, these holes being made, the top of the inferior 
Water comes through them, and presseth up the face of the 
superior (^plain^) with 100 pound, and so easeth the beam of 
so much. I affirm next, that though the inferior Water 
NOPQ be in it self 400 pound, and consequently able 
to support the inferior (^plain^) , with the weight R, albeit 
they weighed so much, yet the said holes being cut out, 
it is not able to support more burden than 300. The reason 
is, because of 16 parts that did actually bear up before,
there are only 12 now that sustains. And every one
of these twelve, being but able to support 25 pound, it 
necessarily follows, that the greatest weight they are able 
to sustain, is 300 pound. I affirm thirdly, that if a fifth 
hole were cut through, the under (^plain^) would fall from the
upper; because in this case, the inferior Water is not able 
to support 350 pound as before, seing of 16 parts, there
are five wanting, and eleven remaining, cannot support more 
weight than 275 pound. Moe questions of this kind might 
be proposed; as first, what would come to pass, if the 
the upper (^plain^) had as many holes cut through it, answering
to the four of the nether? Secondly, what would follow, 
if the nether (^plain^) were intire, and four bored through 
<P 117>
the upper? But I shall supersede, and leave these to be 
gathered by the judicious Reader. 
   From this Experiment we see first, that the broader and 
larger a surface of a Fluid be, it's the more able to sustain   #
a 
burden, and the narrower it be, 'tis the less able. Secondly, 
that each part of a surface, is able to sustain so much 
weight, and no more, and no less. 
   Before I put a close to this Experiment, it will be needful
to answer an objection, proposed by (^Doctor More^) in his 
(^Antidote against Atheism^) , against the Pressure of the Air,
which in effect militats, by parity of reason, against the 
Pressure of the VVater likewise. He argues thus. If the 
Air wer indowed with so much Pressure, as is commonly 
affirmed, then it ought to compress, squeez, or strain          #
together, 
any soft body that it environs, as (^v.g. Butter^) . Put 
the case then, there were a piece of (^Butter^) , four inches   #
broad 
every way, and one inch thick, containing 16 square 
inches, upon every side; as may be represented by the 
Figure 19. In this case, there is a far greater Pressure, 
upon the two faces, than upon the four edges, and therefore,
it ought to be comprest, and strained together, to 
the thinness of a sheet of Paper. For answer, let us suppose
the piece of (^Butter^) , to be 30 or 40 foot below the 
surface of a Water, where it ought to suffer far more           #
Pressure, 
than above in the Air. Next, that it lies (^Horizontal^) ,
with one face upward, and the other downward.
Thirdly, that the upper face supports a Pillar of Water 
200 pound weight, and consequently, that the under face 
is prest up with as much. And lastly, that every edge is 
burdened with 50. It may be represented, with the help
of the fancy, in the 19 Figure, where AB is a piece of 
(^Butter^) four inches square, and one inch thick. Only take 
<P 118>
notice, that nothing here is represented to the sight, save 
one of the four edges, namely AB; the other three, and 
the two faces being left to the fancy: Yet, the upper face 
may be represented by FHKM, and the under by NOPQ.
These things being rightly understood, it is wondered,
why the two great and heavy Pillars of Water, the 
one EGILFHKM, that presseth downward, and the 
other NOPQRSTV, that presseth upward, do not 
strain together the sides of the (^Butter^) ; seing the         #
Pressure
of the Water BC, and the Pressure of the Water 
DA, are far inferior to them for strength, even by as 
much difference, as four exceeds one. Though this objection 
seem somewhat, yet it is really nothing, which 
I make evident after this manner. First, I grant that 
the upper face FHKM is burdened, with 200 pound, 
and the nether face NOPQ with as much. Secondly, 
that the edge B, is only burdened, with 50 pound, as is the 
edge A. The other two edges, sustains each one, as 
much. Secondly, though this be, yet I affirm the two 
sides to be no more burdened, than the edges: that's
to say, the Pressure upon the sides, is equal to the Pressure
upon the edges, which I prove thus. The Pressure 
upon the part M, is equal to the Pressure upon the part K, 
but the Pressure upon the edge B, is equal to the Pressure 
upon the part M: therefore the Pressure upon B, is equal 
to the Pressure upon K. The major Proposition is evident, 
because the Pillar of Water LM, is not of the same weight, 
with the Pillar of Water IK. The Minor is also evident,
because, the Pillar BC, is of the same weight, with the 
Pillar LM. Now, if the Pressure upon the edge B, be 
equal to the Pressure upon M and K, it must be likewise 
equal to the Pressure upon H and F. If this be, then the 
<P 119>
edge of the (^Butter^) B, must be no more prest, than the side
FHKM: therefore the Water BC, can no more yeeld 
to the VVater  EFGHIKLM, and suffer the (^Butter^) to
be squeezed out at B, than the VVater LM, can yeeld to 
the VVater EFGHIK, and suffer the (^Butter^) to be 
squeezed out at M. If any man shall insist and say, that 
the upper face bears the weight of four Pillars, which 
weighs 400 pound; but the edge B is only burdened with 
50: therefore 50 ought to yeeld to 400. I answer, according 
to the 29 Theorem, namely, that a (^thicker^) Pillar 
of a Fluid is not able to press, or move a (^slenderer^) ,      #
unless
there be an unequal Pressure, therefore the thick Pillar, 
that presseth the face, cannot move the slender Pillar, that 
presseth the edge: but there is here no unequal Pressure, 
seing the Water XYZV, is of the same hight with the 
four Pillars that rests upon the face of the (^Butter^) . I     #
grant,
if the said Water were not so high, as the other is, by the 
one half; then surely the (^Butter^) would be squeezed out at 
B; because the shorter a Pillar be, the less Pressure is in     #
the 
surface under it; therefore, there must be less Pressure,       #
according 
to that supposition in the Water BC, then now is. 
Or put the case, the Pillar IK were shorter then GH, or 
LM, the same effect would follow, namely, a squeezing 
out of the (^Butter^) from K. Or, let us suppose the Pillar I 
K, to be higher than GH or LM. In such a case, the 
weight of the said Pillar would press through the (^Butter^) .
   From what is said, we shall only inferr this conclusion, 
that equality of height between Pillars of a Fluid makes equal 
Pressure, and inequality of hight makes unequal Pressure.
Therefore 'tis no matter, whether they be gross or 
small, thick or slender, provided they be all of the 
same Altitude. 

<S SAMPLE 3>
<P 197>
[}AN ACCOMPT OF 
MISCELLANY 
OBSERVATIONS, 
LATELY MADE, BY THE  AUTHOR OF THE 
FOREGOING EXPERIMENTS.}]

[}OBSERVATION I.}]

   In (^May^) 1669, there was need of a new 
Sink, on the east side of (^Tranent^) , for 
winning of (^Coals^) . But while the (^Coalhewers^)
were in digging down, and had 
come the deepness of 13 or 14 fathom, 
they were stopped from working by 
(^Damps^) , or ill Air, that flowed out plentifully from the 
sides of the sink, wherein there were a great number of 
(^Cutters^) , or rifts, out of which that ill Air came. To try 
the nature and power of (^Damps^) , I took a dog, and fastned 
him in a (^bucket^) , with a small roap, that he might not leap
over, and when he had gone down 7 or 8 fathom, he presently
begins to howl, and cry pitifully, as if he had been 
<P 198>
beaten fore with a rod, and a little after, he begins to        #
stagger, 
and his feet failing him, he falls down, as one overtaken 
with the Epilepsy, and in going downn to the bottom, his 
eyes turning in his head, they appeared very shining and 
clear like two large bright Diamonds. Fearing, that the 
(^Damp^) should have killed him out of hand, he was instantly
pulled up from the bottom, where he had not tarried 15          #
(^seconds^)
of time. And when the bucket had come to the mouth 
of the (^sink^) , he was pulled out, and laid upon the ground,  #
to 
get fresh Air. When he had lien a while as dead, he begins 
at last to gape, and gasp, and make some respirations, as if    #
he 
had been rather expiring, than recovering. Next, he began to 
stir and move his feet, and after, to raise him self upon his 
knees, his head staggering and wavering from side to side.
After a (^minut^) or two, he was able to stand upon his feet, 
but so weakly, that he was not in capacity to walk or run.
Yet at last, being much refreshed, he escaped from us, and ran 
home, but slowly. In the afternoon, the same Experiment 
was repeated, with another dog, whose case was the same 
in all things. But after he was perfectly recovered, for a 
further trial, we let him down the second time, and suffered 
him to tarry in the bottom of the (^sink^) , about the space
of three minuts: but when he was pulled up, and taken 
out, we found no symptomes of life in him; and so after 
half an hour and more, his body began to swell, which           #
ordinarily
befalls such, who are killed after this manner. After
this, we sent down in the Bucket, a little Chicken, 
which, when it came near the (^Damp^) , presently flapped 
with the wings, and falling down, turned over and over 
for a pretty while, as if it had been taken with a              #
(^vertigo^) , or 
giddiness. But by drawing up the Bucket in halfe, and 
bringing the Bird to the fresh Air, it recovered. In the 
<P 199>
evening, we let down a (^lighted Candle^) , but it was soon
extinguished, when it came near mid-sink; for here, rather 
than in the bottom, was the strongest Damp. Lastly, 
we let down by a chord, a (^Brand-iron^) , with burning 
Coals, whose flame was soon put out, and after a little 
while, we perceived the red Coals to be extinguished by 
degrees; yet not totally, because, as the Coal-hewers observed,
the power of the (^Damp^) was not so strong, as before. 
These (^Damps^) then have their ebbings and flowings, which 
seem to depend upon the weather, or rather upon the situation 
of the winds, and their force. For 'tis observed, that a 
high South-west wind causeth ill Air in this place; and 
that, by reason of much wast ground, that lies upon the 
South, and South-west hand of this (^Sink^) , whence are        #
conveyed
under ground by secret passages, which are nothing 
else but so many rifts and openings, commonly called by 
the (^Coal-hewers^) , (^Gutters^) , corrupted and rotten Air,   #
full 
of sulphurious stems. The reason why these passages are 
open, and replenished with nothing, but corrupted Air, is 
this, the Water, that's ordinarily called the Blood of the 
Coal, being withdrawn with subterraneous Gutters (commonly
called (^Levels^) ) that are digged, and wrought under 
ground, sometimes a very long way, for drying of the            #
(^Mines^) ,
and the veins of the earth being now empty, there succeeds
Air; which Air, by process of time, and long standing, 
rots, and contracts a sulphurious quality, which 
causeth sudden death. Now, when the wind is high, and 
strong from the South or South-west, that sulphurious Air 
is driven through the ground, and coming to (^Sinks^) and 
(^Mines^) , where men are working, presently infects the place,
and hinders the work. 'Tis often observed, that the wind 
and Air under ground, keep a correspondence in their motion, 
<P 200>
with the wind above ground: and therefore, when the 
wind is in such a point above, 'tis found, that the motion 
of the Air below runs such a way, and the contrary way, 
when the wind above ground, is in the opposite point.
When there is a free passage between the bottom of the 
two Sinks, you may observe the wind come downn through 
the one, and running alongst under the ground, rise up thorow
the other, even as Water runs thorow a (^Siphon^) . For 
this cause, when the (^Coal-hewers^) have done with such a 
(^Sink^) , they do not use to stop it, or close it up, but      #
leaves
it standing open, that the Air under ground may be kept 
under a perpetual motion and stirring, which to them is a 
great advantage. 'Tis very strange to see sometimes, how 
much Air, and how fresh it will be, even at a very great 
distance, namely four or five hundred pace, from the mouth 
of the (^Sink^) . This could never be, unless there were a      #
considerable
Pressure and weight in it, whereby it is driven forward,
thorow so many (^Labyrinths^) . And even in the utmost 
room, where the (^Coal-hewers^) are working, the Pressure is as
great, as it is above ground, which is found by the             #
(^Torricellian
Experiment^) . In such a case, the Air cannot press down 
thorow the Earth and Metalls, therefore the Mercury must 
be suspended, not by a Pillar from the (^Atmosphere^) , but by
the (^Bensil^) of it. Nay, put the case, that the whole Element
of Air were destroyed, and this remaining, yet would it be 
able to support 29 inches. To shut up this discourse, it is     #
observed
by the (^Coal-hewers^) , that when there is ill Air in a 
(^Sink^) , a man may perceive distinctly, what is lying in the  #
bottom, 
so clear and transparent is the Air of it: but when the 
(^Damp^) is gone, the (^Medium^) is not so clear. In temperat   #
and 
cold weather, the (^Damps^) are not so frequent. From this      #
(^Sink^) ,
in soft winds, or in Northerly winds, or when it blows from 
East or North-east, the (^Damps^) are driven away. 
<P 201>
[}OBSERVATION II.}]

   (^Jupiter^) upon Wednesday night, at eleven a clock, 
being 24 of (^November^) , 1669, had the following 
position with the stars of (^Gemini^) . He was so near to the
Star C, that to appearance, the points of his rayes did 
touch it. This Star by looking upon the material Glob, 
is fixed in the very (^Zodiack^) , and in the 13 degree of 
(^Cancer^) , and is the very navel of the following (^Twine^) . #
The
Star A is (^Castor^) . The Star B is (^Pollux^) . The star D,   #
is
fixed in the forefoot of the following (^Twine^) . From this 
place he moved, with a retrograde motion, till he came 
to the 5 of (^Cancer^) , about the 20 of (^February^) , 1670, 
and from that time became (^Direct^) in his motion, and so 
upon the 27 of (^March^) , 1670 at 9 a clock, he was in a 
right line with (^Canis minor^) , and the brightest Star in 
(^Auriga^) , and was in a right line with the eastmost shoulder
of (^Orion^) , and (^Castor^) in (^Gemini^) , or with that      #
Star, when 
South-west, that's highest, and West-most.

<S SAMPLE 4>
<P 207>
[}OBSERVATION IV.}]

   Upon (^Tuesday^) the 19. of (^July^) 1670, the following 
Experiment was made. In the middle Marches between 
(^Scotland^) and (^England^) , there is a long tract of Hills,
that run from (^Flowdon^) , many miles South and South-west, 
amongst the which, the Mountain (^Cheviot^) is famous beyound,
and conspicuous above all the rest for altitude, from
whose top a man may discern with one turning of his eye, 
the whole Sea-coast from (^New-castle^) to (^Berwick^) , much   #
of
(^Northumberland^) , and very many Leagues into the great 
(^German Ocean^) : the whole (^Mers^) and (^Teviotdale^) , from
the foot of (^Tweed^) , to very near the head of it.            #
(^Lauderdale^) , 
and (^Lammer-moor^) , and (^Pentland-hills^) above              #
(^Edinburgh^) .
The North side of this Mountain is pretty steep, yet easie 
to climb, either with men or horse. The top is spacious, 
large and broad, and all covered with a (^Flow-moss^) , which 
runs very many miles South. When a man rides over it, 
it rises and falls. 'Tis easie to thrust a Lance over the head 
in it. The sides if this Hill abounds with excellent            #
Wellsprings,
which are the original of several Torrents, amongst 
the which (^Colledge-Water^) is famous, upon which, not a 
mile from the foot of this Mountain is (^White-hall^) . The
adjacent Hills are for the most part green, and excellent 
for the pasturage of Cattel. Not many years ago, the 
whole Valleys near the foot of (^Cheviot^) , were Forrests      #
abounding 
with (^Wild-Deer^) . 
   Upon the highest part of this Mountain was erected the 
(^Torricellian Experiment^) for weighing of the Air, where 
we found the altitude of the (^Mercurial Cylinder^) 27 inches
and an half. The  Air was dry and clear, and no wind. In 
our Valley-Countreys, near to the Sea-Coast, in such
<P 208>
Weather, we find the altitude 29 inches and an half.
When this difference was found, care was taken to seal up
closly with (^Bee-wax^) , mixed with (^Turpentine^) , the       #
orifice
of the Vessel, that contained the stagnant Mercury, and 
thorow which the end of the Pipe went down. This being 
done with as great exactness as could be, it was carried to 
the foot of the Mountain in a Frame of Wood, made on
purpose, and there opening the mouth of the Vessel, we 
found the Mercury to rise an inch and a quarter higher than 
it was. The reason of this strange (^Phenomenon^) must be this,
namely a greater Pressure of the Air at the foot of the Hill, 
than upon the top: even as there is a greater Pressure of 
Water in a surface 40 fathom deep, than in a surface 20 
fathom deep. 'Tis not to be doubted, but if the root of 
the Mountain had been as low as the Sea Coast, or as the 
surface of (^Tweed^) at (^Kelso^) , the (^Mercurial Cylinder^)  #
would
have been higher. This way of observing, seems to be 
better than the common: for while the (^Baroscope^) is carried 
up and down the Hill, without stopping the orifice of 
the Vessel, that contains the stagnant Mercury, the             #
(^Cylinder^)
makes such reciprocations, by the agitation of a mans 
body, that sometimes abundance of Air is seen to ascend 
up thorow the Pipe, which in effect makes the (^Cylinder^)
shorter than it ought to be. But if so be, the end of the 
Pipe be immerged among (^Quick-silver^) , contained in a 
Glass with a narrow orifice, so that it may be stopped          #
compleatly,
you will find no reciprocations at all. And to 
make all things the more sure, the Glass may be filled up
either with (^Mercury^) , or with Water above the (^Mercury^) ;
by which means the (^Cylinder^) in the down-coming, or in the 
up-going shall remain immoveable. Besides the stopping 
of the orifice of the said Glass, you may have a wider          #
Vessel, 
<P 209>
that may receive the same Glass into it, and it being 
full of Water, may so cover the sealed orifice, that there 
shall be no hazard of any Air coming in. Or this Experiment
may be first tried at the root of the Hill, and having 
stopped compleatly the mouth of the Vessel, the whole 
Engine may bee carried up to the top, where you will find 
the (^Mercury^) subside and fall down so much; namely after 
the said orifice is opened: for as the stopping of the orifice
at the root of the Hill, is the cause, why that same degree 
of Pressure remains in the stagnant Liquor; so the opening 
of it upon the top of the Hill, is the cause why it becomes
less. 
   This Experiment lets us see, that the Pressure of the 
Air seems to be as the Pressure of the Water, namely the 
further down the greater; and the further up the less; and 
therefore, as by coming up to the top of the Water, there 
is no more Pressure, so by coming up to the top of the Air, 
there is no more weight in it; which in effect sayes, that 
the Air hath a determinant hight, as the Water hath. From 
this Experiment we cannot learn the determinant hight of 
the Air, because the definit hight of the Mountain is not 
known. I know there are some, who think that the Air 
is indefinitly extended, as if forsooth, the Firmament of 
fixed Stars were the limits of it, but I suppose it is hard to 
make it out. 

[}OBSERVATION V.}]

   (^June^) 5. 1670. I observed the (^Sun^) within 3 (^minuts^) #
of 
setting, to have a perfect (^oval figure^) , the two ends lying
level with the Horizon. His colour was not red as 
ordinarily, but bright and clear, as if he had been in the 
<P 210> 
(^Meridian^) : neither was the Sky red, but clear also. And by 
the help of the (^Pendulum^) Clock, I have observed his body 
to be longer in setting than it ought, by eight (^minuts^) ,    #
and
sometimes by (^ten^) , and his Diameter longer in going out of 
sight than it ought, by two, and sometimes by three             #
(^minuts^) . 
The reason of these (^Phenomena^) , must be the (^Refraction^)
unquestionably. 

[}OBSERVATION VI.}]

   Upon (^Saturday^) evening the 30 of (^July^) 1670, and the 
night following, till about two a Cloak in the (^Sabbath^)
morning, there fell out a considerable rain, with great 
thunder, and many lightnings. About (^Sun-set^) , the           #
convocation 
of black clouds appeared first towards the (^Horizon^)
in the South-west, with several lightnings; and the 
wind blowing from that point, carried the clouds and rain
over (^Mid^) and (^East-Lothian^) , towards the (^Firth^) and   #
(^Seacoast^) .
About 9 a clock, the whole Heavens almost were 
covered with dark clouds, yet the rain was not very great, 
neither were the (^thunder claps^) frequent, but every          #
(^fifth^) or 
(^sixth second^) of time, a large and great lightning brake     #
out.
But before the (^thunder crack^) was heard, which happened
every fourth of fifth (^minut^) , the lightning was so terrible
for greatness, and brightness, that it might have bred          #
astonishment.
And because the night was very dark, and the 
lightning very splendid, a man might have perceived 
houses and corn-fields at a great distance. And if any had 
resolved to catch it, in the breaking out, it did so dazle 
the eyes, that for half a (^minut^) , he was not able to see    #
any 
thing about him.
   Sometimes the lightning that went before the thunder,
<P 211>
brake forth from the clouds, like a long spout of fire, or 
rather like a long flame raised high, with a Smiths Bellows, 
but did not continue long in sight. Such an one 
above the Firth was seen to spout downward upon the Sea.
Sometimes there appeared from the one end of the cloud 
to the other, an (^hiatus^) , or wide opening, all full of      #
fire,
in form of a long furrow, or branch of a River, not straight, 
but crooked. I suppose the breadth of it, in it self, would 
have been twenty pace and more, and the length of it five 
or six hundred pace: the duration of it, would have been 
about a second of time. Sometimes a man might have perceived
the nether side of the cloud, before the crack came, 
all speckled with streams of fire, here and there, like the 
side of an Hill, where Moor-burn is, which bake forth 
into a lightning. But there was one, after which followed 
a terrible thunder crack, which far exceeded all the rest, 
for quantity and splendor. It brake out  from the cloud, being
shot from North to South, in form of fire from a great 
(^Cannon^) , but in so great quantity, as if a Gun ten foot     #
wide, 
with 500 pound weight of Powder in it, had been fired. And 
surely the lightning behoved to be far greater in it self,      #
seeing
it appeared so great, at so great a distance. It did not 
evanish in an instant, like the fire of a Gun, but continued 
about a second and an half; by reason (it seems) that it 
could not break out all at once. This did so dazle the fight,
that for half a minut almost, nothing was seen, but like a 
white mist flying before the eyes. The whole Countrey 
about was seen distinctly. 
   All these great lightnings were seen a considerable time, 
before the crack was heard. Sometimes 30 (^seconds^) numbered
by the (^Pendulum Clock^) interveened, namely when 
the thunder was at a distance, about 7 or 8 miles. Sometimes
<P 212>
15 or 16 only interveened. But when the thunder 
was just above our head, no more passed, than 7 or 8,
which seems to demonstrat, that these thick black clouds, 
out of which the thunder breaks, are not a (^Scottish^) mile
from the earth, when they are directly above us. 
   'Tis observable, that in all lightnings, and thunderings,
there is no smoke to be seen, which seems to evince, that 
the matter whereof they generated, must be most pure, 
and subtil. Who knows, but this Countrey, that abounds 
with (^Coal^) , may occasion more thunder and lightnings, than
other places, namely be sending up sulphurious exhalations
to the middle region of the Air, wherewith the (^Coalmines^)
abound. 

[}OBSERVATION VII.}]

   This is a method for finding out the true South and 
North Points, which are in effect very difficult to 
know. Take therefore four pieces of Timber, each one 
of them five foot long, and about six inches thick, squarewise.
Sharpen their ends, and fix them so in the ground, 
that they may stand Perpendicular, and as near to South and 
North, by a (^Magnetick Needle^) , as may be. The place 
would be free of Trees, or of any such impediment, that it 
may have a free prospect of the Heavens. As for their 
distance one from another, let the two North-most, and 
the South-most be two foot asunder: let the two East-most, 
and two West-most, be but one foot, making as 
they stand, an (^oblong quadrangle^) . For keeping them         #
equidistant
above, as well as below, take four bars of Wood, 
about three inches broad, and one inch thick, and nail them 
round about upon the four sides, on each side one, so that 
<P 213>
being nailed on (^Horizontally^) , they may make (^right        #
angles^) ,
with the tops of the standards above. There are then for 
distinctions cause, the North-bar, and the South-bar, 
that runs East and West, and the East-bar, and the West-bar,
that runs South and North. There is here no difficulty 
in the thing it self, but only in the fancy to conceive
it. Besides these four, there must be other four of the 
same form and fashion, nailed on farder down about the 
middle of the four standards. Take next some small Brass 
Wyre strings, such as are used in (^Virginals^) , and fix one   #
from 
the middle of the South-bar, that's upmost, to the middle 
of the South-bar just under it. Fix it so, that it may be 
exactly Perpendicular, which may be done, with a great 
weight of Lead. Take a second Wyre string, and hang it 
plumb from the West end of the North-bar, and another 
from the East end of the same Bar, I mean the Bar that's 
nearest to the top. These three strings so fixed, will go 
near to make an (^equilateral triangle^) . 
   Now because the device is for finding out the (^Meridian^)
by the Stars in the night time, not by any indifferently,
but by these that are nearest to the (^Pole^) , therefore       #
observe
in (^July^) and (^August^) , when the (^Guard-stars^) in the    #
evening 
begin to come down towards the West, and keeping closs
one eye, bring the other somewhat near to the South-most 
string, and order your sight so, that this string, and 
the West-most string upon the North side, may catch the 
foremost (^Guard-star^) in the down-coming, when it is furthest
West, and there fix it. When the same Star is turning 
up towards the  East, catch it by the South-most string,
and the East-most string on the North side, and your work 
is done, if so be, you divide exactly, between the East-most
and West-most, and there hang a fourth string, which 
<P 214>
with the string upon the South-side, gives you the true 
South and North. For better understanding, note first,
that, when the (^Guard-stars^) are coming down, or going up, 
the (^Altitude^) varies quickly, but the (^Azimuth^) , or       #
motion
from East to West, will not vary sometimes sensibly in two 
hours almost, which is a great advantage in this case. But 
when you find out the (^Meridian^) with a (^Plain^) , and a     #
Perpendicular
(^Stilus^) , by the shadow of the Sun, if it be not when 
he is about East and West, the (^Azimuth^) alters more than 
the (^Altitude^) , which is a great disadvantage. Now its 
certain, the slower the motion be from East to West of any 
Star, it is the easier to observe, and it is the more sure
way. Note secondly, that special care must be had, to 
cause the strings hang Perpendicular. Note thirdly, that 
before you beg in your Observations, the South-most string 
must be made immoveable, but the East-most, and West-most, 
on the other side, must not be so, because as the 
Stars in going about move from East to West, so must the 
said two strings be left at at liberty, to move a little        #
hither 
and thither, till Observations be ended. Note fourthly,
that assoon as you perceive sensibly, the foremost              #
(^Guard-star^)
to decline towards the West, then you must begin to 
observe, which is nothing else, but to fix your eye so, 
that the South-most and West-most string, may cover the 
said Star. And because in coming down, it goes West, 
therefore, let the West-most string move towards the left 
hand by degrees, following the Star to its utmost, till it 
be covered by them both. Follow the same method, in 
observing the same Star in going up towards the East. Note 
fifthly, that when you make the two strings cover the Star, 
that which is nearest to the eye, will appear transparent, 
and of a larger size, so that you may perceive distinctly 
<P 215>
thorow it, not only the Star it self, but the other string      #
also, 
which is a great advantage. This is evident to any, 
who holds a bended silk threed between their eye and a 
Star in the night time; for when you direct your sight to 
the Star, the string appears like the small string of a         #
(^Virginal^)
when it trembles. Note sixthly, that in observing 
in a dark night, you must have a (^Cut-throat^) , that by the
light of the candle you may perceive the strings. Some 
other things might be noted, but you will find them better 
by experience, than they can exprest here. 
   I named (^July^) and (^August^) in the evening for observing
the (^Guard-stars^) , when they are West-most, but there are 
several other seasons, when this may be done as conveniently.
They are East-most in the latter end of (^October^) , and 
beginning of (^November^) about 5 or 6 a clock in the morning. 
If a man were desirous to make this observation quickly, I 
suppose he might in the end of (^October^) , find the said      #
stars
West-most in the evening, and East-most the next morning. 
Besides the (^Guard-stars^) , a man may make use of the         #
(^Polar-star^) ;
for as it goes higher, and lower than the true (^Pole^) , by 
2 degrees and 26 minuts, so it goes as much to the East, 
and as much to the West, once in 24 hours. In the end 
of (^July^) , you will find the (^Polar-star^) East-most, about #
9 
a clock at night, and in the end of (^January^) West-most at 9 
a clock. Note, that every month, the fixed stars come 
sooner to the same place by two hours: therefore in the 
end of (^August^) the (^Polar-star^) must be West, at 7 a clock #
at 
night, and East at 7 a clock in the morning. When the 
(^Meridian^) is found out after this manner, there is no        #
(^Star^) or 
(^Planet^) can pass it, but you may know exactly when, be it 
never so high, or never so low. For there is nothing to 
be done, but to wait, till the South-most and North-most 
<P 216>
string cover the body of the (^Star^) . If it be the Sun, 
hold up a white Paper, behind the two strings, and  when 
their shadows do co-incide, and are united, then is his 
Center in the (^Meridian^) . If the Sun do not shine clear, as
when he is under mist, or a thin cloud, you may exactly 
take him up in the (^Meridian^) , with the two strings. This 
Frame will serve as well, to know when any of the North 
Stars comes South, or North, and consequently when they 
are highest, and when they are lowest: for being fixed in 
an open place of the (^Orchard^) , there's no (^Celestial       #
Body^) can 
pass the (^Meridian^) , either on the one side, or the other,   #
but 
it may be catched, what ever the Altitude be, and that 
most easily. 

[}OBSERVATION VIII.}]

   There hath been much inquiry made by some anent
the reason, why the dead body of a man or beast, 
riseth from the ground of a Water, after it hath been there 
three of four days. But though many have endeavoured to 
solve the question, yet the difficulty remains; and in effect 
it cannot be answered, without the knowledge of the foregoing 
Doctrine, anent the nature of fluid Bodies. To 
find out the reason then of this (^Phenomenon^) , consider,     #
that
all Bodies, are either naturally heavier then Water, as 
Stone and Lead, or naturally lighter, as Wood and Timber. 
If they be heavier, they sink: if they be lighter, 
they swim. Now I say, a mans body immediatly after 
he is drowned, his belly being full of Water, must go to
the ground, because in this case, it will be found              #
(^specifically^)
or (^naturally^) heavier then Water. That's to say, a 
mans body, will be heavier, than as much Water, as is 
<P 217>
the bulk of a mans body. For pleasing the fancy, imagine 
a Statue to be composed of Water, with all the true dimensions
of the person that's dead, so that the one shall 
answer most exactly to all the dimensions of the other. In 
this case, if you counterpoise them in a Ballance, the real 
body, that's made up of flesh, blood, and bones, shall 
weigh down the other. But after this dead body hath lien 
a short time among the Water, it presently begins to swell, 
which is caused by the fermentation of the humors of the 
blood, which goeth before putrefaction, and after three or 
four dayes swells so great, that in effect, it becomes          #
naturally 
lighter than Water, and therefore riseth. That is 
to say, take that body, that is now swelled, and as much 
bulk of Water, as will be the precise quantity of it, and 
having counterpoised them in a Ballance, you will find the 
Water heavier than the body. 

<S SAMPLE 5>
<P 224>
[}OBSERVATION XI.}]

   Take a slender chord, about 4 or 5 yards in length, 
and fasten the middle of it to the seiling of a Room 
with a nail, so that the two ends of it may hang down equally.
Take next a piece of Wood, two or three foot long, 
two inches broad, and one inch thick, and boring an hole 
in each end of it, put through the two ends of the chord, 
and fasten them with knots; but so, that the piece of 
Wood may ly Horizontal, and be in a manner a (^Pendulum^)
to swing from the one end of the Chamber to the other.
Take next a Bullet of Lead or Iron, about 20 or 24 
ounces, and lay it upon the said piece of Wood: but because 
it cannot well ly, without falling off, therefore nail 
upon the ends, and the sides of the Timber, four pieces of 
Sticks, on each end one, and on each side one, as (^Ledgets^) ,
for keeping the Bullet from falling off. All things being 
thus ordered, draw up the piece of Wood towards the one 
side of the Room, by which means losing its horizontal 
position, it will ly declining-wise, like the roof of an        #
house. 
In this position, lay the Iron Bullet in the upmost end of 
it, and then let them both pass from your fingers, the one 
end of the Wod going foremost, and you will find it swing 
towards the other side of the house, and return again, as a 
(^Pendulum^) . This motion, if the Wood be well guided in 
its vibrations, will last perpetually, because in its moving 
down, the Bullet is hurled from the one end of the Wood, 
to the other, and hits it so smartly, that it begets in it, 
<P 225>
an impulse, whereby it is carried farder up, than it would 
be, without it. By this means, the (^vibrations^) get not       #
liberty
to diminish, but all of them are kept of the same 
length. In the second vibration, the same Bullet is hurled
back again to the other end, and hiting it with all its
weight, creats a second impulse, wherewith the Wood is 
carried, as far up as the point it was first demitted from. 
   Though this may seem a pretty device to please the 
fancy, that's many times deceived, while things are presented 
to it, by way of speculation, yet upon tryal and experience,
there will be found, an unspeakeable difficulty: 
and it's such an one, that a man would not readily think 
upon. I said, that when the Wood was let go, and was 
in passing down, the Bullet in it, would hurl down, and 
hit the opposite end, and beget an impulse; but there is 
no such thing, for verily, though the Bullet be laid upon 
a very declining plain Board, whereupon no man could 
imagine a round body could ly, yet all the time the Board 
is in swinging, from the one side of the Chamber, to the 
other, and consequently, sometimes under an horizontal, 
and somtimes under an declining position, the Bullet lies 
dead in the place, where you first placed it. This Observation 
is not so much for a perpetual motion, as for finding 
out the reason of this pretty (^Phenomenon^) , namely,
what's the cause, why the Bullet, that cannot ly upon a 
reclining Board, while it's without motion, shall now ly 
upon it, while it's under motion? What is more difficult,
and nice, to ly upon any thing, that declines from a levell, 
than (^Quick-silver^) ; yet lay never so much of it upon this
Board, while it is swinging, it shall ly dead, and without 
motion. But no sooner you stop the motion of the wood,
<P 226>
but assoon, the Bullet, or the (^Quick-silver^) , is hurled,
either this way, or that way.

[}OBSERVATION XII.}]

   I find it mentioned by  some learned persons, that when 
a Ship is under Sail, if a stone be demitted from the top
of the Mast, it will move down in a line parallel with it, and 
fall at the root. Some might think, it ought not to fall 
directly above the place it hang over, but rather some 
distance behind, seing the Ship hath advanced so much
bounds, in the time, wherein the stone is coming down.
Likewise, while a Ship is under Sail, let a man throw up a 
stone never so high, and never so perpendicular, as to his      #
apprehension,
yet it will fall down directly upon his head
again, notwithstanding that the Ship hath run (perhaps) 
her own length in the time, while the stone was ascending 
and descending. This  experiment I find to hold true, 
which may be easily tryed, especially when a man is carried 
in a Boat upon smooth Water, drawn by a horse, as is 
done in some places abroad. Let him therefore throw up 
a little Stone, or any heavy Body, and he will find it descend 
just upon his head, notwithstanding that the Horse 
that draggs the Boat, be under a gallop, and by this means 
hath advanced ten or twelve paces in the time. Or while 
the Boat is thus running, let a man throw a stone towards
the brink of the VVater; in this case he shall not hit the 
place he aimed at, but some other place more forward.
This lets us see, that when a Gun is fired in a Ship under 
Sail, the Bullet cannot hit the place it was directed to. 
Neither can a man riding with a full Career, and shooting
a Pistol, hit the person he aims at, but must surely miss 
<P 227> 
him, notwithstanding, that though in the very instant of 
time wherein he fires, the mouth of the Pistol was most 
justly directed. For remedy wherof, allowance must be 
granted in the aiming at the mark. 
   VVhile a man throws up a stone in a Ship under Sail, it 
it must receive two distinct impulses, one from the hand, 
whereby it is carried upward, the other from the Ship, 
whereby it is carried forward. By this means, the stone in 
going up, and coming down, cannot describe a perpendicular,
but a crooked Line, either a (^Parabola^) , or a Line 
very like unto it. Neither can it describe a perpendicular
Line, in coming down from the top of the Mast, though 
in appearance it seem to do so, but a crooked one, which 
in effect must be the half of that, which it describes in       #
going 
up, and coming down. For this same cause a stone thrown
(^horizontally^) , or towards the brink of the VVater, must 
describe a crooked Line also. And a (^Pistol Bullet^) shot, 
while a man is riding at a full Carreer, must  describe a Line 
of the same kind. Note, that a man walking from the (^Stern^)
of a Ship to the (^Head^) , walks a longer way, than in walking
from the (^Head^) to the (^Stern^) . Secondly, a man may
walk from the (^Head^) to the (^Stern^) , and yet not change    #
his
place. 'Tis observable, that a man (^under board^) , will not 
perceive whether the Ship be sailing, or not, and cannot
know when her (^Head^) goes about. And it is strange, that 
when a man is inclosed in a (^Hogs-head^) , though he have 
light with him, yet let him be never so oft whirled about, 
he shall not know, whether he be going about, or not. 



<B SEDUC3>
<Q SC3 NN EDUC SINCLSAT>
<N SATANS WORLD>
<A SINCLAIR GEORGE>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1685>
<M MEDIUM PRINTED>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T EDUC TREAT>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H HIGH PROF>
<U NET PUBLIC>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z NARR NON-IMAG>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^SINCLAIR, GEORGE.
SATANS INVISIBLE WORLD DISCOVERED.
EDINBURGH: THOMAS GEORGE STEVENSON, 1871 
(REPR. ORIG. ED. OF 1685).
PP. 95.1.-131.20.^]

<P 95>
[}RELATION. XII.}]
[}ANENT MOTHER JACKSON HER
WITCHCRAFT.}]

   This Story hath as much certainty with it, 
as any Human Story can have. The (^Author^)
that writs it is a Famous (^Minister^) of the 
(^Gospel^) , and attested by famous Witnesses. 
This Woman was arraigned and condemned at 
(^Newgate^) for bewitching one (^Mary Glover^)
a Marchants Daughter in (^Themes-Street^) . 
One (^Doctor Boncraft^) did inform (^Judge Anderson^)
then (^Lord Chief Justice^) , that the 
said (^Mother Jackson^) was wronged and that 
the (^Maid^) did counterfeit. Whereupon the 
(^Lord Chief Justice^) gave order to Sir (^John 
Crook^) then (^Recorder of London^) to make 
trial of them in his Chamber at the (^Temple^) .
The (^Maid^) being sent for came with her Mother 
and diverse of her Neighbours: and about an 
hour after, the (^Witch^) was sent for, and was 
brought in disguised like a countrey-market-Woman,
with a mufflet hiding her face, and 
an old Hat, and a short Cloack spattered with 
mire. When she entered the Chamber the (^Maid^)
suddenly fell down backward upon the floor, with 
her eyes drawn into her head, her tongue toward 
<P 96>
her (^Throat^) , her (^Mouth^) drawn up to her
(^Ear^) : her Bodie became stiff, and senseless. 
Her (^Lips^) being shut closs, a plain and audible 
voice came out of her Nostrills, saying (^Hang 
her, Hang her^) . Then did the Recorder call 
for a Candle, and a sheet of Paper, and held 
the paper flaming to her hand, till her hand
did blister. The blister did break and water 
came out, which dropt down upon the Floor, 
the maid lying still and senseless as a dead body,
with the voice coming out of her Nostrills 
saying (^hang her, hang her^) . Then the (^Recorder^)
called for a long Pin, which he held 
in the flame of the Candle, till it was very
hot, and thrust the head of it into her Nostrills 
to see if that would make her Neese, Wink, or 
bend her brows, or stir her head, which she 
did not, but lay still as one dead, and senseless, 
Then I told the (^Recorder^) (saith my Author)
that I had often prayed with the Maid, and 
that when I did conclude with the (^LORDS
Prayer^) , the Maid, as soon as I said (^(but 
deliver us from all evil)^) was tost up, and 
shaken as if a (^Mastive Dog^) should take a little
(^Curr^) into his mouth, and shake him. Then 
the (^Recorder^) bad the (^Witch^) say the (^Lords
Prayer^) , which she did till she came to these 
words, (^But deliver us from evil^) , which 
<P 97>
she skipt over and would by no means be brought 
to say them. Then they bad her rehearse the 
(^Articles^) of the (^Christian Faith^) , which she 
did, till she came to these words (^(our Lord)^)
but would by no means be drawn to confess 
that (^Jesus Christ^) was (^Our Lord^) . I told the 
(^Recorder^) also that when the Maid was in her
senseless and dead fits, if the (^Witch^) did but 
lay her hand upon her, she was tost and thrown 
towards her. Thereupon the (^Recorder^) caused 
the Maid to be taken up, and layed upon a 
Bed, and cloaths to be layed upon her, especially
her head, because she should not see, nor 
hear. Then he made signes to the women to 
stand round about the Bed, and that the 
(^Witch^) should stand among them and that everie 
one should lay hands one her softly, which 
they did, and the Maid did not stirr, till the 
(^Witch^) laid her hand upon her. Then all the 
Cloaths were thrown off, and the Maid tost 
towards her. Whereupon the (^Recorder^) looking
upon the (^Witch^) said, (^Lord have mercy 
upon thee, Woman^) , and sent her to 
(^New-gate^) . Then as soon as she was gone, the 
voice that came out of the Maids Nostrils ceased,
and she came to her self, and went home with 
her Mother. 
   About 3 Weeks or a Moneth after the Witch 
<P 98>
was condemned, the (^Maid^) continued every 
second day in most strange and fearful Fits, and
Torments. The (^Recorder^) hearing of it, did 
blame me, and all the Ministers of (^London^) .
And told me, that we might all of us be ashamed
to see a (^Child of God^) in the (^Claws of the 
Devil^) , without any hopes of deliverance, but by 
such means as GOD had appointed, (^Fasting^)
and (^Prayer^) .
   Within few days after, it pleased GOD to 
make me an instrument to draw five Ministers, 
and other good Christians together to set a day
apart, and to joyn with me, in that holy exercise, 
wherein we continued from morning till after 
Candle lighting. Then on a sudden after a fearfull
conflict which did much amaze some, and 
caused them to cry with a confused Noise, (^Jesus
help, Jesus save^) , the (^Maid^) did start up out 
of a (^Wand-Chair^) , where she sat, and with 
her strength did lift me up with her, I kneeling 
behind her, and holding her in my Arms, she 
did throw white Froth out of her throat and 
mouth round about the Chamber, and on a sudden
fell down into the Chair, as one truely 
dead, with her head hanging down into the 
Chair, her neck, arms limber and souple, which
before were stiff as a frozen thing; Then suddenly 
life came into her whole Body, and her 
<P 99>
eyes which were drawn into her head, and her 
Tongue, which was pulled into her throat came 
into their right place. Then she looked up with 
a cheerful countenance round about the Chamber,
and with a loud voice spake, saying, (^O 
he is come, he is come, the Comforter is 
come, the Comforter is come, I am delivered, 
I am delivered^) . Her Father, hearing
these words, wept for joy, and with a faultring 
voice, said, (^O these were her grandFathers 
words^) , when he was at the Stake, 
the fire crakling about him. It seems he died a 
(^Martyr^) in (^Queen Maries^) time. Then she 
kneeled down, and offered a sweet evening sacrifice
of Thanks and Praise to GOD for her deliverance, 
till her voice grew weak. Then did 
the Minister speak to her to forbear, and let one 
of them end the day with thanksgiving. And 
in regard that I (saith the Minister) had begun
the day with prayer, the Companie desired 
me to make an end with Thanksgiving. This being
done, care was had of her, to put her to 
some Minister for a year, least Satan should assault
her again. And by common consent she 
was put to me, and I took her home to my 
own House, for being my servant for that 
time, and her (^Mother^) and (^Sister^) , and 
(^Lodged^) them at my (^House^) in great 
<P 100>
(^Saint Helens^) . Which then was my living.
This Relation was publisht in the year (^1642.^)
by the Minister, whose name in (^Lewes Hughes^)
and is yet to be seen in (^Print^) .

[}RELATION XIII.}]
[}KING DUFF THE 78 KING OF SCOTLAND 
BEWITCHED}]

   Though this be well known to all who read 
our (^Scots Histories^) , yet it will not be amiss
to insert it here, as in its own place, for
their sake especially who have not heard of it. 
While the (^King^) was about the setling of the 
Countrey, and punishing the Troubles of the 
Peace, he began to be sore afflicted in his Body 
with a new and unheard of Disease, no Causes 
of his Sickness appearing in the least. At 
length, after that several Remedies and Cures 
were made use of to no purpose, a Report is 
spread, the Authors thereof being uncertain, 
that the King was brought to that sickness and 
Trouble by Witches. This suspicion arose from 
an unusual Sweating he was under, his Body
pining and withering away by little and little 
and his strength failling day by day. And since 
all his Physicians; had done their utmost, and 
<P 101>
yet no appearance of recovery, it was supposed 
his case was extraordinary, therefore all men 
being vehemently intent upon the Event, news 
came to (^Court^) that (^Night-meetings^) were 
kept at (^Forres^) a Town in (^Murray^) , for taking 
away the life of the King. This was presently 
received and believed for truth, because no other 
thing did occurr for the present more probable. 
Whereupon Trusty and Faithful men are presently
sent away to one (^Donald^) Governour of the 
Castle there, in whom the (^King^) had the greatest 
Trust and Confidence. This man having gotten
some knowledge of the business from a certain
young (^Wench^) , whose Mother was under 
a bad report of being skilful in this (^Black-Art^) ,
found out and discovered the whole matter. 
The young (^Harlot^) is taken, because she 
had spoken some words rashly anent the (^Kings^)
sickness, and that within a few dayes his life
would be at an end. Some of the Guard being 
sent, found the Lasses Mother, with some Haggs,
such as her self, roasting before a small moderate 
fire, (^the Kings Picture made of Wax^) .
The design of this horrid Act, was that as the 
Wax by little and little did melt away, so the 
(^Kings Body^) by a continual sweating, might 
at last totally decay. The (^Waxen-Image^) being
found and broken, and those old (^Haggs^) being
<P 102>
punished by death, the (^King^) did in that 
same moment recover. Compare this with 
the first Relation, and you will find them 
jump and agree exactly. 

[}RELATION XIV.}]
[}THE APPARITION OF EDWARD AVON, TO HIS 
SON IN LAW THOMAS GODDARD.}]

   (^Thomas Goddard^) of (^Marleburgh^) in the 
(^County^) of (^Wilts^) , Weaver; on the ninth of 
(^November 1674^) going to (^Ogburn^) , at a (^Style^)
on the Highway about nine in the morning, met 
the (^Apparition^) of his (^Father in Law^) , one 
(^Edward Avon^) of this Town Glover, who dyed
in (^May^) last, having on to appearance, the 
same Cloaths, Hat, Stockings, and Shoes he 
did actually wear when he was living, standing
by, and leaning over that Style. Which 
when he came near, the (^Apparition^) spake to him 
with an audible voice, these words, (^Are you 
afraid?^) To which he answered, (^I am, thinking
on one who is dead and burried 
whom you are like.^) To which the (^Apparition^)
replyed with the like voice. (^I am he you 
were thinking on, I am^) Edward Avon 
(^your Father in Law, come near to me, 
I will do you no harm.^) To which (^Goddard^)
answered, (^I trust in him that bought my 
Soul with his precious blood, you shal do 
<P 103>
me no harm^) . Then the Apparition said, (^How 
stand Cases at home? Goddard askt what 
Cases?^) Then it askt him, (^how do William
and Mary^) , meaning as he conceived his Son 
(^William Avon^) , a (^Shoe-Maker^) here, and 
(^Mary^) his Daughter, the said (^Goddards^) wife. 
Then it said, (^What? Taylor is dead^) , meaning 
as he thought one (^Taylor^) of (^London^) , who 
married his Daughter (^Sarah^) , which (^Taylor^)
dyed about (^Michaelmas^) last. Then the (^Apparition^)
held out his hand, and in it as (^Goddard^)
conceived, 20. or 30. shillings in Silver 
and then spake with a loud voice. (^Take this 
money and send it to^) Sarah (^for I shut up 
my Bowels of Compassion toward her in 
my life time, and how here is somewhat
for her^) . And then said (^Mary^) (meaning the said 
(^Goddard's^) Wife, as he conceived) (^is troubled 
for me^) , but tell her (^God hath shewed me 
Mercy contrary to my deserts^) . But the said 
(^Goddard^) answered in the name of Jesus I refuse
all such money. Then the (^Apparition^) said 
I perceive you are afraid, I will meet with you
some other time. And immediately it went up
the Lane to his appearance. So he went over the 
same Style, but saw it no more that day. 
   He saith, the next night about 7. of the Clock,
it came & opened his Shop windows and stood 
<P 104>
in (^the like Cloaths, looking him in the face 
but said nothing to him.^) And the next 
Night after, as (^Goddard^) went forth into his 
Back-side with a Candle light in his hand, it 
appeared to him again in the same shape, but he 
being in fear, ran into his house, and saw it 
no more then. 
   But he saith, (^that on Thursday the 12. 
instant as he came from^) Chilton, (^riding 
down the Hill between the Mannor-house
and Axfoord-Farm-Field, he saw some 
what like a hare crosing his way, at which 
his Horse frighted, threw him into the 
Dirt^) , and as soon as he could recover on his 
Feet, the same (^Apparition^) there met him again
in the same habit, and there standing about
eight foot directly before him in the way, 
spake again to him with a loud voice: (^Source^)
(a word he commonly used when living) (^you 
have stayed long^) , then said to him, 
(^Thomas, bid^) William Avon (^take the 
Sword that he had of me, which is now 
in his House, and carry it to the Wood,
as we go to^) Alton, (^to the upper end of 
the Wood, by the way side, for with that 
Sword I did wrong thirty years ago, and 
he never^) prosper'd (^since he had that^) sword. 
(^And bid^) William Avon (^give his sister^) Sarah 
<P 105>
(^twenty shillings of the money which 
he had of me. And do you talk with^)
Edward Laurence, (^for I borrowed twenty 
shillings of him several years ago, and 
did say I had payed him, but I did not 
pay it him; and I would desire you to 
pay him twenty shillings out of the Money
which you had from^) James Elliot, (^at 
two payments^) . Which money the said (^Goddard^)
now saith was five pounds, which (^James
Elliot^) a (^Baker^) here owed the said (^Avon^) on
Bond, and which he the said (^Goddard^) had 
received from the said (^Elliot^) since (^Michaelmas^)
at two payments, (^viz. 35.^) shillings at 
one, and (^3^) pound (^5^) shillings at another payment.
And it further said to him, tell (^Margaret^)
(meaning his own Wife as he conceived)
(^that I would desire her to deliver up the 
little^) money (^which I gave to little^) Sarah 
Taylor (^the Child, or any one she will trust 
for it. But if she will not, speak to^) Edward 
Laurence (^to perswade her. But if 
she will not then, tell that I will see her 
very suddenly. And see that this be done
within a twelve moneth, and a day after 
my decease, and peace be with you.^)
And so it went away over the Rails into the 
Wood there in the like manner, as any man 
<P 106>
would go over a Style to his apprehension, and 
so he saw it no more at that time. And 
he saith, that he paid the twentie shillings to
(^Edward Laurence^) of this town, who being 
present, now doth remember, he lent the said 
(^Avon^) twentie shillings about twentie years ago, 
which none knew but himself and his Wife and 
(^Avon^) and his wife, and was never paid it, 
again before now by this (^Goddard^) .
   And this (^Goddard^) further says, that 
this verie day Mr. (^Majors^) order, he with 
his (^Brother in Law William Avon^) went 
with the (^Sword^) , and about Nine a Clock this 
Morning, they laid down the (^Sword^) in the 
(^Copse^) near the place the (^Apparition^) had appointed
(^Goddard^) to carry it: and then coming 
away thence, (^Goddard^) looking back, saw 
the same (^Apparition^) again in the like habit as 
before. Whereupon he called to his (^Brother
in Law^) , and said, Here is the (^Apparition^)
of our Father, who said, (^I see nothing^) . Then 
(^Goddard^) fell on his knees, and said, (^LORD
open his eyes that he may see it, if it be 
thy blessed Will^) . And the (^Apparition^) to 
(^Goddards^) appearance, beckned with his hand
to come to it. And then (^Goddard^) said, (^In 
the Name of the Father, Son, and Holy 
Ghost, what would you have me to do?^)
<P 107>
Then the Apparition said to him, (^Thomas 
take up the sword and follow me.^) To 
which he said, (^should both of us come, or 
but one of us?^) To which, it answered,
(^Thomas, do  you take up the Sword.^)
And so he took up the sword and followed the 
(^Apparition^) about ten (^Poles^) in length further 
into the (^Copse^) , and then turning back, he 
stood still about a (^Pole^) and half from it, his 
(^Brother in Law^) staying behind at the Place
where they first laid down the (^Sword^) . Then 
(^Goddard^) laying down the (^Sword^) upon the 
ground saw something stand by the (^Apparition^)
like a (^Mastiff-Dog^) of a Brown Colour. 
Then the (^Apparition^) coming towards (^Goddard^) ,
he stept back about two steps. And 
the (^Apparition^) said to him, (^I have a permission
to you, and a Commission not 
to touch you^) : And then it took up the 
(^Sword^) , and went back to the place, at which 
before it stood, with a (^Mastiff-Dog^) by it as 
before, and pointed the top of the (^Sword^) into 
the Ground, and said, (^In this place lies buried
the Bodie of him, whom I murdered 
in the year 1635. Which is now 
rotten and turned to Dust^) . Whereupon 
(^Goddard^) said, (^I do adjure you in the 
name of the Father, Son, and Holy 
<P 108>
Ghost, when did you commit this Murder.^)
And it said, (^I took Money from the 
Man, and he contended with me, and so I 
murdered him^) . Then (^Goddard^) askt him, 
(^who was Confederate with him in the said 
Murder?^) And he said, (^None but my self 
was accessory thereto^) . Then (^Goddard^)
said, (^What would you have me to do in 
this thing?^) And the (^Apparition^) said, (^This 
is, that the World may know that I murdered
a Man, and buried him in this place
in the year 1635.^)
   Then the (^Apparition^) laid down the (^Sword^) ,
on the bare ground there, whereon grew nothing
but seemed to (^Goddard^) to be as a Grave 
sunk in. And then the (^Apparition^) rushing 
further into the (^Copse^) , vanished, and saw it no 
more. Whereupon (^Goddard^) his Brother in 
Law (^Avon^) , leaving the Sword there, and 
coming away together, (^Avon^) told (^Goddard^)
he heard his voice, and understood what he said, 
and heard other words distinct from his, but 
could not understand a word of it, nor saw any 
(^Apparition^) at all. Which he now also present 
affirmeth, and all which the said (^Goddard^)
then attested under his hand, and affirmed, he 
(^will depone the same, when he shall be 
thereto  required.^)
<P 109>
[}RELATION. XV.}]
[}SOME OBSERVABLE PASSAGES OF GODS PROVIDENCE
TO A GODLY MINISTER, IN GIVING 
HIM FULL CLEARNESS CONCERNIN
BESSIE GRAHAM, SUSPECT 
OF WITCH-CRAFT.}]

   She was apprehended about the end of (^August
1649.^) upon some threatning words,
she had spoken in her drunkenness to (^John 
Rankins^) Wife in (^Kilwinning^) . Whereupon 
the poor Woman ten dayes after took Sickness, 
and shortly died. She was imprisoned in the 
Steeple, for the space of thirteen weeks, all 
which time I (the Minister) repared to her, but 
found her still more and more obdured. In all 
her discourses she was so subtile, that not only 
I could get no advantage by her words, but 
sometimes she made me think, that she was an 
innocent Woman; so that I was much grieved 
for her hard usage, if it could have been helped,
and had my own secret Wishes, she had never 
been medled with. Yea, if she could have
made an escape, I being innocent of it, I could 
have been glade: for I feared much, that all 
we could get proven on her, would not have 
<P 110>
been a sufficient ground, for the (^Civil Magistrate^) ,
to give a warrant, for putting her to 
an (^Assize^) . Or if they had given a warrant 
I feared the (^Assize^) would not condemn her unless 
(^I^) had advised them therto, wherein I was 
not clear, so that she should have been set at 
Libertie, and I blamed for it, by reason of 
my not advising the (^Assize^) to condemn her. At 
this nick of time one (^Alexander Bogs^) skilled 
in searching the (^Mark^) , came, being often sent 
for, and finds the (^Mark^) upon her (^ridge-Back^) ,
wherein he thrust (^a great Brass Pin^) , of which 
she was not sensible: neither did any blood follow,
when the (^Pin^) was drawn out. I lookt
upon this but as a small evidence, in respect 
of what I found afterwards:yet this some-what 
inclined the (^Judges^) to send the (^Process^) to 
(^Edinburgh^) , though there were small hopes of 
obtaining a (^Commission^) for putting her to an 
(^Assize^) . My fears deceived me, for I was informed 
that a Commission was granted, though 
with difficulty. But here my strait was augmented,
for the chiefest man in the parish refuseth
to meet professing he thought all that was 
proven on her, were but (^Clatters^) . And I 
was informed, that others of the (^Judges^) did 
say little less. However, I, my self could not 
but think her guilty: Yet if the (^Assize^) had 
<P 111>
put her to it, I was not so clear to advise them, 
by Reason, that the things were proven 
but by one Witness. This put me to manie 
thoughts and Prayers, wherein I did engadge 
my self to GOD, that if he should find out a 
way for giving me, and the Assize full clearness,
either by her own Confession or otherwise, 
I should remarke it as a singular Favour, and 
special Mercy. This Resolution I did often reiterate,
(^Lord make me mindful of it.^) After 
a short time (^Providence^) brought to light 
the unexpected Presumption of her guiltiness, 
which did convince me more, than any of the 
rest. Upon Wednesday 28 of (^November^) in the 
evening I went to exhort her to a confession, 
with (^Alexander Sympson^) the (^Kirk-Officer^) , and 
my own servant with me: After labouring 
with her in vain, we leave her. But when I 
came to the stair-head, I resolved to halt a little
to hear what she would say. Within a very 
short space she begins to discourse, as if it had 
been to some body with her. Her voice was so 
low, that I could not understand what she said, 
except one sentence, whereby I perceived, she 
was speaking of somewhat I had been challenging
her of, and she had denyed. After she 
had spoken this, after a little while I hear 
another voice, speaking and whispering; as it 
<P 112>
were conferring with her, which presently I 
apprehended to be the (^Foul-Fiends^) voice: but 
being uncertain, if those who were with me had 
heard it, so as they could give testimony concerning
it, & not daring to ask them, least she hearing 
our whispering should have spoken no more, I resolved
to stand a little longer, she having kept silent
a time, upon occasion, as I thought of some 
little din amongst us, at our hearing of an uncouth
voice. She began to speak again, and before
she had well ended, the other voice speaketh 
as it were a long sentence, which though I understood
not what it was, yet was so low and 
ghoustie, that I was certainly perswaded that 
it was another voice than hers. Besides, her 
Accent and manner of speaking was as if she 
had been speaking to some other, and that other 
voice to my best remembrance, did begin before 
she had closed, so that two voices were to be 
heard at once. 
   By this time fear took on (^Alexander 
Sympson^) , being hindmost in the Stair, and 
thereby he cries out. I did exhort him with a 
loud voice not to fear; and so we came all of us 
down the stair, (^blessing GOD that had 
given me such a clearness in the business.^)
They both who were with me declared, (^They 
had heard the uncouth how voice, both 
<P 113>
the times^) . Within a quarter of an hour I go 
up again, with two or three able men with me, 
and brought her down to the School, having 
placed six men to watch, where she remains at 
the time of my Writing hereof, (^November 
30.^) obstinate and obdured, and I fear she shall 
be so to her death. 

[}SOME SPECIAL PROVIDENCIES I OBSERVED 
IN ALL THESE.}]

   First, That however we knew nothing at our 
first apprehending of her, but only that she was 
of a bad report, and had some boasting words 
to (^John Rankings^) wife, after which she dyed 
shortly, yet partly more and more light brake up 
until so many Presumptions were proven on her, 
as the (^Civil Magistrate^) did judge it equitable 
to put her to an (^Assize. (2)^) That (^Alexander 
Bogs^) came and found the (^Mark^) upon her, at 
that very nick of time, when there was an inclination
to let her go free: which though it did 
not say much, yet it was a mean to keep her still 
in Prison. (^(3)^) That a Commission was granted 
upon more slender grounds, than any which had 
been granted before: and that the (^Lord^) keeped 
up the greatest evidence of her guilt, 
untill the (^Commission^) was obtained, and 
<P 114>
the day for the (^Assize^) appointed. (^(4)^) That the 
(^Commission^) being granted, I was in a great
Strait, what to do, no less being presented to me 
than her (^Blood-guiltiness^) , if I should advise 
to condemn her, and the sparing of an (^enemy^)
to (^GOD^) , if I should not advise. This made 
the mercy, in giving me so full clearing the more 
acceptable. (^(5)^) That (^GOD^) did make all other 
means misgive which I did use, untill he 
should clear me by these, wherein more of himself 
was soon. (^(6)^) That before he gave me 
clearing, I was made to engadge my self, to a 
special (^Observation^) of his most remarkable 
Providences towards me. (^(7)^) That I had often 
thoughts to use these means of trying her, by 
going to watch in the night, if I could hear the 
(^Devil^) and her conferring together, but was always
hindered until this time, having no such 
resolution, when I was coming out from her, but 
only a present purpose to stand but a little, not 
thinking to hear any thing of this kind, and if 
she had not presently begun to speak, I would 
have gone away. (^(8)^) That I myself was present
at the hearing of their conference. If it had 
been any other, I would neither have been so fully
satisfied myself, nor yet others who should hear of 
it. (^(9)^) That not only I, but two with me did hear
also, which will make a legal proof. (^(10)^) That I 
<P 115>
was born up with courage all the time (^acting 
Faith in GOD^) , that the (^Foul Spirit^) should 
not have power to do us harm, though he was 
so near unto us. (^(11)^) That I heard as much as 
did give full clearing, that it was another voice, 
though I could not get any of the words understood. 
The (^Lord^) thinking it sufficient to loose 
me out of my strait, though he would not satisfy 
my Curiositie. (^(12)^) Though I could not get the 
words understood, yet there was as much evidence 
as made it clearly appear, it was another 
voice than hers. 
   As first, that we heard twice. And (^(2)^) that 
three of us did so think. (^(3)^) That I was in 
courage, and so my judgement not jumbled by 
any fearful apprehensions. (^(4)^) That the (^Accent^)
and way of her discourse, and in what we did 
understand of it, was not after the manner, 
how one regrates a thing to himself, but of one 
conferring with another. (^(5)^) That the other 
Voice was to my certain hearing of a different
(^Accent^) from hers, so (^hollow^) and (^ghoustie^) ,
that it was as easie to me to put a difference between
them in the mean time, as between the 
Voice of a Man and the Voice of a Child. 
(^(6)^) That to my best Remembrance the 
(^Uncouth Voice began before she ended^) ,
so that two Voices were to be heard at 
<P 116>
once. Lastly, (^Alexander Sympson^) , understood
their language, and afterward did depone
the words judicially. 
   It is good (^(1)^) For folk to hold on in doing of 
dutie, though they foresee insuperable difficulties 
before they come to the end of it. Let a man go 
on till he come to the difficulty, and ere he come 
that far on, (^GOD^) will remove it. (^(2)^) Its 
good in asking Mercies to engadge the heart to 
some duties of thankfulness, upon the granting
of them. (^(3)^) How zealous is the Devil to get 
Souls damned. That though he be of an excellent
substance, of great natural Parts, long Experience,
and deep understanding, yet he will so 
far inslave himself to (^poor Miscreant Bodies^) , 
as to be ready at their call, to discourse and keep 
Company with them, that at the last he may get 
them. (^(4)^) How serviceable and trustie so ever 
the Devil seems to be unto (^Witches^) , yet he 
cares not to insnare them at the last: for he could 
not but know, that we were waiting on to hear 
him and her: so that on purpose he hath entered
in discourse with her, that she might be taken 
in the (^Grin^) .
   I come to some other remarkable passages concerning
(^Elizabeth Graham^) before her death,
giving evidence that she was most guilty of Witch 
craft, though she died obstinate, and would not 
<P 117>
confess. Upon (^Saturday^) night, (^November 13^) .
she seemed to incline to a Confession, and promised
to (^William Wat^) to tell me to morrow after 
sermon all that was in her heart. At which 
time, I had none with me, but (^William 
Wat^) . When I spake to her, (^She regrated 
her mispent time, but especially her malice
towards myself^) ; which she affirmed the 
Devil tempted her to. All which time she spake 
with a very low voice, that although I desired 
her to speak out, we could scarcely hear her. 
Whereupon, I enquired the Reason, why she 
was not able to speak louder? She replyed, 
(^that when she set her self to speak any 
thing that was for her Souls good, she 
dought not get spoken^) . These were her words. 
(^But if she would scold and flyte, as she used
to do, the Devil would give her strength 
enough to speak as loud as ever she did.^)
Within a little I posed her, if she was guilty
of (^Witch-Craft^) ? She stareth with her eyes 
by me, first to the one side, and then to the 
other: at which time, I think certainly
she saw the (^Devil^) . For immediately after, 
she began to rail upon me, although she had 
confessed her malice at me, was partly the cause 
of her greatest grief, and still as she went on in
railling, her voice became stronger and stronger,
<P 118>
till at last, she spake as loud as ever she 
did.
   Upon (^Munday^) before noon, she was most 
bitter in her Language. I posed her, what 
grounds of confidence she had, if it would be 
well with her Soul? She answered, (^she had 
no grounds yet; for she had lived a wicked 
woman, and had not yet repented;
but she hoped, she would get Heaven, and 
get repentance, and a change wrought in 
her: and though she was to live but a 
short while, she was sure of it, and that I 
would soon see it.^) I thought in the mean 
time she had spoken that in her rage. But after,
I perceived the Devil and she had an further 
design in it, as appears by what follows. 
That same day afternoon they came, and told 
me, that she had fallen to pray, and had many 
gracious words, expressing her own vileness, 
and the sense she had of GODS Mercy, and with 
tears, in which strain she continued till after 
supper. I came then to see her, at which time 
she was continuing still as before in aggreging 
her sin, and guilt, and shewing her hopes of Salvation,
and her desire to die, and all alongs she 
had such pithy expressions, and (^Scripture^)
so often, and plentifully cited, that I was put 
to wonder; considering that I had ever found 
<P 119>
her altogether ignorant of the grounds of Religion,
both before and after she was put
into Prison. 
   After I had wondered at it a while, without 
speaking to her, considering what she 
had foretold so confidently before noon, I concluded
in my own mind, that it was a draught 
between the Devil and her, to fenzie Repentance 
in such an odd way, that we might be 
deceived; being made to think, that she was 
not a Witch, else she would confess it, seing 
GOD had given her Repentance. 
   Whereupon I seriously considering the 
matter, I posed her of guiltinesse, she confessed 
all the particulars of the Processe, which did not 
certainly conclude her to be a Witch, but for the 
rest of the particulars, she denyed, as also 
the Crime of Witch-craft itself. However, 
she said, she knew she would die, and desired 
not to live; and she thought we would be free 
before GOD of her blood, because, that however 
she was free, yet there were so many things deponed
against her, that though it was hard 
for us to think otherwise of her than we did, 
yet she knew well enough her own
innocency. 
<P 120>
Thus I have written all these particulars, as I 
found them in the Authentick Record written 
by the Ministers own hand. She was soon after 
executed, and died without any acknowledgement
of Witchcraft. 

[}RELATION XVI.}]
[}ANENT THE APPARITION OF SIR GEORGE 
WILLIERS.}]

   Some few days before the (^Duke^) of (^Buckingham^)
went to (^Portsmouth^) where he 
was Stabbet by (^Felton^) , the (^Ghost^) of his Father
(^Sir George Williers^) appeared to one 
(^Parker^) , a religious and sober man, who had 
been a servant to the said sir (^George^) , but now 
servant to the (^Duke^) his Son, he appeared to 
him (I say) in his Morning-Chamber-Gown, 
and charged him to tell his Son that he should 
decline that Employment and Design, he was 
going upon, or els he would certainly be murdered. 
(^Parker^) promised to the Apparition to 
do it. The (^Duke^) making preparations for his 
Expedition, the Apparition came again to 
(^Parker^) , taxing him very severely for his breach 
of Promise, and required him not to delay the 
acquainting his (^Son^) of the danger he was in. 
<P 121>
Then Parker the next day tells the (^Duke that 
his Fathers Ghost had twice appeared to 
him, and had commanded him, without
any further delay, to give him 
that warning.^) The (^Duke^) slighted it, and 
told him, he was an old (^Doting Fool^) . That 
night the Apparition came to (^Parker^) a third 
time, saying, (^Parker thou hast done well 
in warning my Son of his danger, but 
though he will not yet believe thee, Go 
to him once more however, and tell 
from me by such a Token^) (naming a private 
token) (^which no body knows but only
He and I, that if he will not decline this 
Voyage; such a Knife as this is^) (pulling
a long Knife out from under his Gown) (^will be 
his Death^) . This Message (^Parker^) also delivered
the next day to the (^Duke^) , who when 
he heard the private Token, believed he had it 
from his (^Fathers Ghost^) . Yet said he, that his 
honour was now at the (^Stake^) , and he could 
not go back from what he had undertaken, 
come Life come Death. This passage, (^Parker^)
after the Dukes Murder communicated to his 
fellow Servant (^Henry Celey^) , who told it to 
a Reverend Divine a Neighbour of mine (saith 
my Author) from whose Mouth I have it. 
This (^Henry Celey^) has not been dead above 
<P 122>
twentie years, and his habitation for several
years before his death was at (^North-Currie^) ,
but three miles from this place. My friend the 
Divine aforesaid was an intimate Acquaintance 
of this (^Henry Celey's^) , and assures me he was 
a Person of known Truth and Integrite. 

[}RELATION XVII.}]
[}ANENT HATTARAIK AN OLD WARLOCK.}]

   This mans name was (^Sandie Hunter^) ,
who called himself (^Sandie Hamilton^) ,
and it seems was called (^Hattaraik^) by the (^Devil^) ,
and so by others, as a Nick-name. He 
was first a Neat-herd in (^East-Lothian^) to a 
Gentle-man there. He was much given to 
(^Charming^) and cureing of Men and Beasts 
by (^Words^) and (^Spels^) . His (^Charms^) sometimes 
succeeded, sometimes not. On a day herding 
his kine upon a Hill side in the Summer time, 
the (^Devil^) came to him in form of a (^Mediciner^)
and said (^Sandie, you have too long followed 
my trade, and never acknowledged 
me for your Master. You must now, 
take on with me, and be my servant 
<P 123>
and I will make you more perfect in 
your Calling.^) Whereupon the man gave up 
himself to the (^Devil^) , and received his Mark, 
with this new name. After this, he grew very 
famous throw the Countrey, for his (^Charming^)
and cureing of diseases in Men and Beasts, 
and turned a vagrant fellow, like a Jockie, 
gaining, (^Meal^) , (^Flesh^) , and (^Money^) by his 
(^Charms^) , such was the ignorance of many at 
that time. Whatever House he came to, none 
durst refuse (^Hattaraik^) an alms, rather for 
his ill, than his good. One day he came to 
the Yait of (^Samuelstoun^) , when some Friends
after Dinner were going to Horse. A young 
Gentleman brother to the Lady seing him, switcht 
him about the ears, saying, (^You^) Warlok Cairle, 
(^what have you to do here?^) Whereupon the 
Fellow goes away grumbling, and was overheard 
say, you shall dear buy this ere it be long. 
This was (^ (\Damnum Minatum\) ^) . The young 
Gentle-man conveyed his Friends a far way off 
and come home that way again, where he supt. 
After supper taking his horse, and crosing 
(^Tine-Water^) to go home; he rides throw a 
shadowy piece of a (^Haugh^) , commonly called 
the (^Allers^) , and the evening being some-what 
dark, he met with some Persons there that 
<P 124>
begat a dreadful consternation in him, which 
for the most part, he would never reveal. This
was (^ (\malum secutum\) ^) . When he came home, 
the Servants observed terror and fear in his 
Countenance. The next day he became distracted
and was bound for several days. His Sister 
the Lady (^Samuelstown^) hearing of it, 
was heard say, (^surely that knave^) Hattaraik,
(^is the cause of his Trouble. Call 
for him in all haste.^) When he had come to 
her, (^Sandie^) , says she, (^what is this you 
have done to my Brother^) William? I 
told him, says he, (^I should make him repent
his stricking of me at the yait lately.^)
She giving the Rogue fair words, and promising
him his Pock full of (^Meal^) , with (^Beaf^) , and 
(^Cheese^) , perswaded the Fellow to cure him 
again. He undertook the business, but I must 
first (says he,) (^have one of his Sarks, which 
was soon gotten^) . What Pranks he plaid 
with it cannot be known. But within a short 
while the Gentleman recovered his Health. 
When (^Hattaraik^) came to receive his wadges, 
he told the Lady, (^your Brother William shal
quickly go off the Countrey but shall 
never return^) . She knowing the Fellows
Prophesies to hold true, caused her Brother 
make a Disposition to her of all his Patrimony,
<P 125>
to the defrauding of his younger brother (^George^) .
After that this (^Warlock^) had abused the 
Countrey for a long time, he was at last apprehended
at (^Dunbar^) , and brought into (^Edinburgh^) ,
and burnt upon the (^Castle-hill^) .
   I have insert this story, which I had 
from the Gentlemans own Brother, a thing well 
known at that time thorow the Countrey, not 
so much for any great matters in it, as that 
it may be an occasion to me to speake a little of 
(^Charms^) . The word (^Charm^) , or (^Incantation^)
comes from the Latine word (^Carmen^) ,
signifying a (^verse^) , because the (^Roman-Southsayers^)
gave their (^Charms^) in (^Verse^) . It 
is only a strange composure of words to blind the 
Understanding of People, pretending that by 
vertue of Words great matters may be brought 
to pass. But words of themselves, either spoken 
or written, (as these charms) have no force to 
bring any thing to pass. It is only the power
of (^Almighty God^) . (^Charming^) is much
practised by the (^Pope^) , and the (^Romish-Church^) .
Their whole form of (^Religion^) both 
in private and in publick consisting of (^Charms^)
of all sorts. (^Pope Leo^) had a (^Charm^) ,
which he said he had from an (^Angel^) , who 
taught him, that whosoever carried that (^Charm^)
in writ about him, and said every day three 
<P 126>
(^Pater Nosters^) , three (^Aves^) , and one (^Creed^) ,
shall not that day be conquered of his enemies, 
nor be in other danger ghostly or bodily, but 
shall be protected by these holy names of (^Jesus
Christ^) written, with the four (^Evangelists^) ,
and Crosses between them, as [^CROSS OMITTED^] (^Jesus^)        #
[^CROSS OMITTED^] (^Christus^)
[^CROSS OMITTED^] (^Messias^) [^CROSS OMITTED^] (^Soter^)       #
[^CROSS OMITTED^] (^Emanuel, &c.^) It 
is still a common practice among the (^Papists^)
to carry (^Charms^) about them, to make them 
(^Shot-Free^) when they go to (^War^) , as also hath 
been found by experience in the late (^Irish Wars^) ,
many of the Idolatrous (^Irish^) being found with
(^Charms^) in their Pockets, composed by the (^Popish
Clergy^) . They make their (^Holy Water^)
by a (^Charm^) or (^Conjuration^) thus. (^I conjure 
thee, thou Creature of Water; in 
the name of the Father, Son, and Holy 
Ghost, that thou drive the Devil out of 
every Corner of this Church and Altar;
so that he remain not within our Precinks,
which are Just and Holy.^) This is 
used in the Dedication of their Churches. Thus 
by (^Holy Water^) , they not only conjure the 
Devil from their (^Churches^) , but from (^dwelling
Houses^) , from (^Meat^) and (^Drink^) , from 
(^Salt^) upon the Table. They dedicate their 
(^Bells^) in (^Steeples^) , which have power to clear 
the (^Air^) from (^Devils^) . It is likewise a sort of 
<P 127>
(^Charm^) , which many Witches have prescrived 
namely to cut the (^Rouan-Tree^) between the 
two (^Beltan days^) . If any Man or Woman, 
Horse, or Cow shall have a piece thereof upon
them, no Devils or Fairy shall have power, 
to medle with them. An old Woman whom 
I read of, used this (^Charm^) , when she went 
to Bed. 

(^Matthew, Mark, Luke^) and (^John,
The Bed be blest that I ly on.^)

   Another Old Woman taught her Neighbour 
this (^Charm^) , when the (^Butter^) would not 
(^Churn^) .

(^Come Butter come,
Come Butter come^) ,
Peter (^stands at the Gate, 
Waiting for a Butter'd Cake, 
Come Butter come.^)
<P 128>

[}RELATION. XVIII.}]
[}THE APPEARING OF THE GHOST OF 
MISTRIS BRETTON.}]

   Doctor (^Bretton^) late (^Rector of Ludgate^) ,
at (^Deptford^) , lived formerly in (^Herefordshire^) ,
and married the Daughter of (^Doctor
Santer^) . This Gentlewoman was a person 
of extraordinary Piety, which she expressed as 
in her life so at her death. She had a Maid, 
that she had a great kindness for; who was 
married to a near Neighbour, whose name as 
I remember, was (^Alice^) . Not long after her death,
as (^Alice^) was rocking her Childe in the evening, 
she was called from the Cradle by one knocking
at the Door, which being opened, she was surprised
at the sight of a Gentlewoman, not to be 
distinguished from her late (^Mistris^) , neither in 
Person, nor Habit. She was in a morning 
Gown, the same in appearance with that she 
had often seen her (^Mistress^) wore. At first sight 
she expressed very great amazement, and said, 
were not my (^Mistris^) dead, I should not question
but you are she. She replyed, (^I am the same that 
was your Mistris, & took her by the hand 
which^) Alice (^affirmed was cold as a Ston.^)
<P 129>
   She added, (^that she had business of great 
importance to imploy her in, and that 
she must go immediately a little way with 
her. Alice^) trembled and beseeched her 
(^to excuse her, and entreated her very importunately
to go to her Master, who must 
needs be more fit to be employed.^) She 
answered, (^that he who was her Husband,
was not all concerned, but yet she had 
a desire rather to make use of him, and 
in order thereunto had several times been 
in his Chamber, but he was still asleep, 
nor had she power to do more than once 
uncover his feet towards the awakening 
of him.^) And the Doctor said, that he did 
hear a walking in his Chamber in the Night,
which till now he could give no account of. 
(^Alice^) next objected, (^that her husband was 
gone a Journey, and she had no one to 
look to her Child, that it was very apt 
to cry vehemently, and she feared if it 
awakened before her return, it would 
cry it self to death, or do it self mischief.^)
The Apparition replyed, (^the Child shall
sleep till your return.^)
   (^Alice^) seeing there was no avoiding it, sorely 
against her will followed her over a Style into 
a large Field, who then said to her, (^observe 
<P 130>
how much of this Field I measure with 
my Feet.^) And when she had taken a good 
large and leisurely compass, she said, (^all 
this belongs to the Poor, it being gotten 
from them by wrongful means, and^) charged 
her to go, and (^tell her Brother, whose 
it was at that time, that he should give
it up to the Poor again forthwith, as he 
loved her, and his deceased Mother.^) This 
Brother was not the Person, who did this unjust
act, but his Father. She added, that 
She was the more concerned, because her name 
was made use of at some (^Writing^) , that related
to this Land. 
   (^Alice^) askt her (^how she should satisfy 
her Brother, that this was no Cheat or 
Delusion of her Fancy.^) She replied, (^tell 
him this secret which he knows, that only 
himself and I are privy to, and he will 
believe you. Alice^) having promised to her 
to go on in this Errand, she proceeded to give
her good advice, and entertained her all the 
rest of the Night, with most heavenly and 
divine discourse. When the Twilight appeared
they heard the Noise of Horse-Bells. Whereupon
the (^Apparition^) said, (^Alice^) , I must be seen 
by none but your self, and so she disappeared.
   Immediately (^Alice^) in all haste runs home,
<P 131>
being thoughtfull for her Child, but found it 
as the (^Apparition^) had said, asleep as she
left it. When she had dressed it and committed 
it to the care of a Neighbour, away she went 
to her Master the (^Doctor^) , who amazed at the 
account she gave him, sent her to his (^Brother 
in Law^) . He at first hearing (^Alice's^) Story and 
Message, laughed at it heartily. But she had 
no sooner told him the secret, but he changed his 
Countenance, and told her, he would give the 
Poor their own, and accordingly he did it, and 
they now enjoy it. 
   This with more circumstances many times has 
been related by (^Doctor Bretton^) himself, who 
was well known to be a Person of great goodness 
and sincerity. He gave a large Narrative 
of this (^Apparition^) of his Wife to two of my 
Friends, saith my Author. First to one 
(^Mistris Needham^) , and afterwards a little before 
his death to Doctor (^Whichcot^) .



<B SSERM3>
<Q SC3 IR SERM WELSH>
<N ALARM IMPENITENT>
<A WELSH IRONGRAY>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1679>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T SERMON>
<G X>
<F X>
<W SCRIPT>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H HIGH PROF>
<U NET PUBLIC>
<E X>
<J X>
<I FORMAL>
<Z INSTR REL>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^WELSH (OF IRONGRAY), JOHN.
AN ALARM TO THE BACKSLIDING GENERATION IN THE WEST OF SCOTLAND.
BEING THE SUBJECT OF A SERMON, UPON JOHN XX. 27, 28.
GLASGOW: JOHN M'CALLUM, 1741. 
PP. 12.1-24.18^]


<P 12>
[}THE
SERMON}]
John xx. 27,28. (^Then said he to^) Thomas (^reach 
hither thy Finger, and behold my Hands, and reach 
hither thy Hand, and thrust it into my Side, and be not 
faithless but believing; and^) Thomas (^answered and 
said unto him, My Lord and my God.^)

   We have in this Chapter, something concerning 
Resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ: His 
Enemies had gotten their Will, as they thought; they 
had gotten him crucified, and laid in the Grave, and
a Stone laid on the grave to hold him down, and Soldiers 
set to keep the grave: But one Moment our Lord 
could not be keeped longer than his Time came to arise;
and when the Angels came down to remove the 
Stone, the Soldiers durst not hinder it, altho' they were
commanded by their Rulers, but ran away like terrified
Men, as if a thousand with drawn Swords had chased 
them; they durst stay no longer. Now he is risen, 
and his Disciples know not of it; a few Women are only
telling something of it: And the first Visit he makes 
was to the Apostles; he knew well where they were, 
and then he came to them in the Evening of the same 
Day when he arose; they being in a close Room, and 
the Doors shut, when they met together; which was 
the first Conventicle we read of, and it was the first 
Sabbath, or Lord's-day, that was celebrated after his 
Resurrection, and our Lord's first Salutation is; Peace
be among you, I am risen again. The Disciples
were glad when they heard the Lord, and doubtless 
were overjoyed; and (^Thomas^) one of the twelve was 
not there: And the next Visit he makes, which was 
the same Day eight Days, or next Lord's Day, and 
<P 13>
(^Thomas^) was there, and he had said before, Except I 
see in his Hands the print of the Nails, and put my 
Finger into his Side, I will not believe; and the Lord 
did not say, (^Thomas^) thou art too peremptory, unless 
thou hast thy Sense satisfied, thou wilt not believe;
must I satisfie thee above all the rest? Our Lord Jesus 
was so condescending, that before he would have (^Thomas^)
unsatisfied, he would rather his Wound should be
opened afresh: And he says, Thomas (^reach hither thy
Finger, and behold my Hands; and reach hither thy Hand,
and thrust it into my Side; and be not faithless, but           #
believing^) :
And this is Christ's Condescendency to (^Thomas^) , 
and he is made to cry out, (^My Lord, and my God^) .
   There are three or four Things, I would take Notice 
of. 1. The Time when he appeared, it was the 
very same Day he arose from the dead. 2. The Persons
to whom he appeared, it was to the Disciples, tho' 
they had all forsaken him and fled, and could not 
watch with him one Hour. 3. The End wherefore 
he appeared, it was for Confirmation of their Faith, 
and that all was written in the Scriptures might 
be fulfiled. 1. The Time when he appeared to his 
Disciples, it was the very same Day he arose from the 
dead, he know they would all be in trouble till they 
saw him, and therefore that same Day he goes to them. 
2. While they were met for the Worship of God, 'tis
then he trysts with them; they that would have God 
trysting with them, must tryst with him in his own 
Way; so 'tis ordinary that God comes to Folk, when 
they are met together in his Name. How comes it 
that God is not with Curates, and their preaching?
They have left God's Way, and People who go to 
them, have left God's Way, in that they countenance
and concur with them. And therefore the Presence
of God is not to be found there. 3. To whom he 
comes, it is to his Disciples, they had all forsaken him 
in the midst of his Trouble, and could not watch with 
him one Hour; and yet for all this he does not cast
them of, but as soon as he is risen he goes to them. 
<P 14>
   In general, when the Lord has amind to appear for 
his People, and to appear in the greatness of his Strength
for them, he blots out all their Iniquities as a 
thick Cloud, and remembers them no more. Wherefore 
was it, that our Lord, when he arose, bade the 
Women go tell his Disciples and (^Peter^) , that he was 
risen? but only to confirm their Faith. Go tell my 
Disciples and (^Peter^) . It may be, (^Peter^) will think I     #
will
never look upon him again. But when he has amind
to go to a People, he will set his feet upon many Provocations:
Tho' his Disciples had fled and gone to 
their own Houses, yet he comes to them and tells them 
he was risen; and his rising and coming to them is to 
confirm their Faith: They were very ignorant, notwithstanding 
all the Miracles they saw, by being with 
him, as Luke xxxiv. The two Disciples going to (^Emaus^) ,
he was necessitated to open up the Scriptures to them 
concerning himself. O! is it not much Condescendency
in our Lord, to have appeared to them, who were 
so ignorant of him, that had been so long a Time with 
him; and yet they were altogether ignorant that he 
was to suffer: We may see from this that Folk may 
live under lively Ordinances and Means of the Gospel, 
and yet may be under gross Ignorance and Darkness,
and ignorant of many Things about their Salvation, 
and the great Fundamentals of their Faith, as is clear 
in the Disciples: O Sirs! in this (^West^) of (^Scotland^) ,    #
has
much of the Gospel shined, tho' to little Purpose: But 
ye that are Parents, labour to supply the Defect of the 
want of the Ministry, and catechise your Servants and 
Children, as ye would not be guilty of their Blood. 
Now in the 27. Verse. there is a great Act of God's
Condescendency to (^Thomas^) ; Reach hither thy Hand, 
says he, see ye not the print of the Nails? he condescends
as it were, to let him ripe up his Wounds. Again, 
he says not to him, ye see me and hear me, and 
all the rest believe in me, neither (^Peter^) , nor             #
(^Andrew^) ,
nor any of the rest are seeking that which ye seek, 
and must your misbelieving Mind be satisfied? ye 
<P 15>
will not believe as the rest that are to believe, and never
have seen me upon Hazard; he says not so to him,
but he is willing to satisfie his Senses, by letting him 
see his Wounds; he is so condescending that he says, 
Reach hither thy Hand, and thrust it into my Side, 
for (^Thomas^) if thou believe me not, I'll be content to 
suffer over again, to strengthen your Faith: I'll be 
content that my Wounds be opened again. Neither 
did the Lord say to him, may not that satisfie you that 
satisfied the rest, but our Lord condescends so to satisfie
this Man, as he was content he should put in his 
Hand, where the Spear was put, rather than he did not 
believe. 2. We have the Effect that our Lord's Condescendency
wrought on (^Thomas^) , that he was made to 
cry out my Lord, my God, he is mine own; I'll 
stand no longer out. 
   1. Our Lord Jesus Christ is God full of Condescendency
a low stooping God. 
   2. That the Condescendency of our God should 
have a strong Influence on Sinners who hear of him, 
and feel him, so as to make them close in earnest with 
our Lord Jesus Christ: For clearing of this Doctrine, 
I shall 1. Show wherein the Condescendency of Christ 
doth appear in general, for all Men. 2. Wherein the 
Condescendency of Christ doth appear in general for 
all the Elect, but more particularly for some of the 
Elect. 
   1. The Condescendency of God doth appear in his 
laying aside the Robes of his Glory, wherein he had 
been clothed for Eternity, and in taking on our Nature. 
O! what great Condescendency of God was 
this, for him who thought it no Robbery to be equal 
with God, for him to put on our Nature, and come
down and ly in the Womb of a Virgin three Quarters 
of a Year, and then to come forth into the World, 
and have no where to lay his Head on, and being at 
the Well of (^Samaria^) , to be refused a drink of Water, 
and in all his Travels to be put to live upon the Charity
of others, and last of all to be led as a Sheep to 
<P 16>
the Slaughter, and then to the Cross to be denied by 
his Disciples, and laid in the Grave. 
   2. The Condescendency of our God appears to the 
Elect in this, his continual standing at the Door, and 
knocking, and crying, Behold me, behold me, Rev. iii. 20.
(^Behold. I stand at the Door, and knock, if any Man will 
hear my Voice, and open the Door, I'll come in, and sup
with him, and he with me^) . O! where was there ever 
such an one calling to Sinners, as blessed Jesus Christ, 
as Cantic.v.2. (^Open to me, my Sister, my Spouse, my 
Dove, my Undefiled.^)
   3. Look to his Condescendency, when he goes up 
riding in triumph to (^Jerusalem^) as a King; he does not 
ride on a prancing Horse, lest poor Things should not 
have known him; but he goes up riding on a Colt the 
Foal of an Ass, that if any poor Body, had an Errand 
to him, he was not far from the Ground to hear 
them. 
   2. I shall give some Instances of God's Condescendency
to some of the Elect. 
   1. His entring into a Covenant with Man, after the 
Covenant of Works was broken, he entered into a 
Covenant with Man, and came from Heaven to save 
Man. 
   2. Ye have one particular Instance of God's Condescendency 
in that of (^Gideon^) ; the Angel says, O 
(^mighty Man the Lord is with thee, go and save^) Israel;
and (^Gideon^) seeks a Sign, and the Lord grants it; and 
the first doth not satisfie, but he seeks another, and
the Lord condescends at his Request, and grants that 
also. O! how great was this Condescendency in God?
   Another particular Instance is that of (^Jonah^) ; (^Jonah^) #
was
angry that God should have speared (^Nineveh^) , and the 
Lord said, (^Jonah^) dost thou well to be angry, and 
God caused a Gourd to come up in a Night, and 
cut it off in a Night, and (^Jonah^) was wroth for the 
Gourd, and the Lord said, Art thou angry for want 
of the Gourd, for which thou didst not Labour, and
<P 17>
should not I have Compassion on (^Nineveh^) , wherein are
so many Souls, &c. So he stoops to reason with (^Jonah^) , 
and to reason him out of it. 
   A (^fourth^) particular Instance of his Condescendency to 
some Men, is Christ's washing of his Disciples. Feet 
in the xiii. of (^John^) ; having loved his Disciples, and 
to shew them an Example, he takes Water and a 
Towel, and began to wash his Disciples Feet. O!
wonder at this, for the God of Glory to wash the 
Feet of Fisher-men; that he might say, I have stooped
this low, that I might learn you to condescend one 
to another, and when our Lord and Saviour did so 
to his Disciples, how much more is it our Duty to 
condescend one to another. 
   A (^fifth^) Instance is in the Words, Thomas (^reach
hither thy Hand, and thrust it into my Side, and be not 
faithless, but believing^) . Must Sense be satisfied then 
(^Thomas^) ? Rather than thou believe not, I'll die over 
again. O! but the Man that would be a Believer, he 
must stoop low. What makes such Debates among 
Christians? It is want of Condescendency one to another,
which they never learned from our Lord. There 
are some Folk think it a point of Grandure, to stand 
to their Points; but if ye would learn at Christ, ye
must condescend one to another.
   2. Observe from the Words; and that is the Effect 
of our Lord's Condescendency, and what it wrought 
on (^Thomas^) ; then the Doctrine is clear, that Christ's
Condescendency ought to have strong Influence on 
Sinners, so as to make his People to close with him, 
and to take him for their Lord, and for their God; so 
it was with (^Thomas^) : O! who now can stand out, and 
not close with him that hath stooped so low? So the 
Condescendency of God especially to Sinners, and 
mainly to yourselves, O but it ought to have strong 
Influence on you! Were ye never as yet under guilt, 
and durst not come to him for Shame. Surely if it 
<P 18>
were so, he would have made the more of you, as he 
did of (^Ephraim^) . (^Is^) Ephraim (^my dear Son? is he a      #
pleasant
Child? since I spake against him, I do earnestly remember 
him still^) : A great Condescendency in our Lord, 
when we deserve hardest handling from him, we are 
oftentimes most treated of by him. Let this then engage
you to God. 
   For use of the point; let the Proofs of God's                #
Condescendency,
that ye have been trysted with, engage 
you to God: Ye had this doubt, and he has loosed it 
at such a Place; ye had this guilt, and that guilt, and 
God has pardoned it. Guilt came in and disquieted 
my Soul, and God gave me a new Manifestation, and 
has thrown Sin out of Doors. Should not this cause 
his own cry out, my Lord, and my God. And to you 
that are without Christ, Christ our Lord comes this
Day to you upon his Knees, beseeching and seeking 
you this Day. O! will ye not take him, who is the 
King of Glory, that comes, and is willing to make 
Friendship with you, 2 (^Cor^) . v. 19. We as Ambassadors 
for God, and from God, beseech you this Day to 
be reconciled to God: We pray you come and close 
with him; and that is, as if God were doing it himself,
and is not this great Condescendency? let God's 
Condescendency have this Effect on you, so as to 
make you close with him, and cry, My Lord, and 
my God; give but your consent, and he'll be content 
to reason the Matter with you, and reason you out of 
it; he seeks no more of you, but to make you come
and close with him. 

   I shall 1. Shew you on what Terms the Lord offers 
himself to close with you this Day. 
   2. I shall shew you after what Manner, ye shall 
close with him. 
   3. I shall shew you some Motives, as Arguments 
to perswade you to close with him. 
<P 19>
   4. I shall show what are the Impediments that ly in 
the Way of your closing with Christ. 
   5. I shall labour to draw some Uses from the Point,
in order to a closer Application. 
   1. As to the Terms of your closing with him, on 
which Christ offers himself; the terms are universal 
to all and every one: Had they never so much Sin and 
Guilt reigning over their Heads, yet to them our 
Lord stands and crys, Behold me. He stretches out 
his Hands this Day, not only to his own, but also to 
all the Rebels which are here this Day, as that, Luke
v. 17. (^And it came to pass on a certain Day, as he was 
teaching, that there were Pharisees and Doctors of the 
Law sitting by, which came out of every Town of^) Galilee,
Judea, (^and^) Jerusalem: (^and the Power of the 
Lord was present to heal them^) . The Scribes, and the 
Pharisees were a wicked People, and yet the Lord's 
Power was present to heal them; so the Offer is free 
to all that come. 
   2. As to the Terms; he offers himself, if People 
would but hearken, Psal. xlv. 10. (^Hearken, (O Daughter)
and consider, and incline thine Ear, forget also thine
own People, and thy Fathers House^) . And Psa. lv.3. (^Incline
your Ear and come unto me, hear and your Soul shall 
live, and I will make an everlasting Covenant with 
you, even the sure Mercies of David^) . And then the 
Terms is set down in (^Hosea^) iii. As the Prophet was
to do with the adulterous Woman, you must abide by 
him, and not be for another. O! be content to take 
him, and abide by him, and stay with him. Jer. iii
19. (^Ye shall call me, My Father, and shall turn no more
away from me^) . Isa. xxvii. 4. (^If any Man will set Briars 
and Thorns before me, I'll go through them^) . But it follows,
(^Let them take hold of my Covenant, and make 
Peace with me^) .
   (2.) As to the Manner how ye shall close with him, 
so as to do it over again. 
<P 20>
   1. Ye must close understandingly with Jesus Christ;
ye must know what he suffered for you, and what he 
did for you, and what he purchased for you, before 
ye can close aright with him. 2. Ye must close with 
him, with your whole Soul; that must be done, ye 
must do it willingly and cheerfully: (^He makes his People 
a willing People in the Day of his Power^) , Psal. cx. 
3. 3. Ye must close with him freely; take him in 
all his Attributes, and in all Crosses as well as Comforts, 
and in his Person. 4. In your closing with 
Christ, you must take Christ for your King, with Conscience,
Will and Affection; if you would close aright 
with Christ, you must be determinate and resolved 
in your closing with him, that neither Life nor Death 
shall separate you from him; ye must go beyond (^Ruth^)
to (^Naomi^) ; ye must go on a Step with (^Paul^) , that        #
neither
Life nor Death shall separate you from Christ. 
5. It must be your present Work this Day, to take 
him for all that the Father has made him to be. (^To 
Day if ye will hear his Voice, harden not your Hearts^) ,
Psal. xcv. 7, 8.
   The 3. Thing as to the Motives to perswade you 
to close with him. is, 
   1. God's peremptory command which ought to be 
obeyed, that ye close with him; this is his Commandment, 
(^That ye believe on the only Son of God^) . 
   2. As he bids you, so he invites you to come and 
close with him; (^Whosoever will, let him come, and take 
of the Water of Life, freely^) : None are excluded, but 
them that exclude themselves. 
   3. As he bids and invites, so he has warned you to 
do it; when Conscience challengeth you close, then 
it is high Rebellion for you to forbear to close with 
Christ: Many will go through many a Hazard for 
Advantage, and some will go the Straits for Gain, 
and not find it; but here is the Gain that shall make 
you up for ever. Then close with Christ, and all 
his Promises, to have Justification, Adoption, and 
<P 21>
Sanctification; to have him, and Peace, and Glory
with him; to have Peace with God, and Peace with 
the Soul, and the Joy of the holy Ghost, begun here.
   In the next Place, we urge you on the account or 
your safety to close with him; for ye cannot be saved 
without him; (^for he that believes not, is condemned           #
already^) .
(3) Let your Necessity move you to close 
with him. (^Peter^) in (^John^) vi. 68. could say, (^To whom 
shall we go, thou hast the Words of eternal Life^) . Consider
your Necessity of him, and see if that will make 
you content to close with him, or else ye are for ever 
undone without him. (4) If ye close with him, 
he will take it as a compleat Satisfaction, for all the 
Travel of his Soul he has been at, and he reckons 
it as a Piece of Credit to trust him; but when he is 
not believed, he reckons it as a great Affront done to 
his Majesty. (^He that believes not, makes God a Liar^) .
   Another Motive to press you to close with him, is 
such; That if ye will not close with him, God will 
have a sad Libel to lay to your Doors; your not 
closing with him shall be worse than your Drunkenness,
Adulteries, or Theft; (^This is the Condemnation, 
that Light is come into the World, and Men love Darkness
rather than Light, because their Deeds are Evil^) .
If I had not come and spoken says Christ, they had 
not sinned, but now they have no cloak for their Sin. 
I offer to make you wife, and that is, to take him 
for Righteousness, Sanctification and Redemption to 
his People. A Motive to press you to close with 
Christ is, that if ye will not obey and close with him
ye shall be found guilty of the Blood of Christ, and 
Despisers of the Covenant, wherein ye have been 
sanctified; if ye refuse him ye shall be found guilty 
of the Blood of Souls, that have perished under Curates, 
and also guilty of all the Blood of our Martyrs 
that have died by our Nobles, therefore if ye 
will not close with Christ this Day, take home with 
<P 22>
you all the Blood of Ministers and Professors, for it 
shall be laid to your charge. 
   The (^fourth^) Thing we are to speak of, what are the 
Impediments that ly in the Way of your closing with 
him. 
   The (^first^) Impediment is Ignorance of God, of 
Christ, and of Holiness, and because of their Ignorance
they will not obey him, also what is spoken of 
him is not believed. 
   What hinders sinners from closing with him? 
what can ye say against our Lord, that ye will not 
close with him. Bind up your Loins and answer for 
yourselves, what ails you at out Lord? Says some 
I dare not do it. Is it Presumption to obey the Kings
command, for this is his command, (^that ye believe on 
the Name of the Son of God^) ? Is it presumption, when 
he is so earnest to have thee? and wilt thou dispute
the Command, as King (^James^) and King (^Charles^) ,
when they came to the Crown, they opened the Prisons
to all, except those that were guilty of Treason, 
and brought them forth?
   Some object, I dare not come for Sin. I answer
if ye had all the Sins of this Congregation this
Day, I say come away and close with him, though
thou wert a Witch, and has covenanted with the 
Devil, yet break that Covenant, and come away and 
close with him, and that shall not hinder you. 
   Says some I dare not come to close with Christ, 
I have played the Traitour after for many Engagements 
to him, and I have broken all Vows that were 
upon me, and I dare not take him, for I'll never 
keep him, I answer the Cause of this was that ye 
trusted over much to your own Heart, and your 
Heart has beguiled you, therefore now put it once 
to God, and pray God to keep thee, and thy 
Heart, and he has promised, (^that his Power shall 
be present to heal thee^) . Return, O backsliding 
<P 23>
Children unto the Lord, and say as the (^Jews^) did, 
Jer. iii.22. (^Behold, we come unto thee, for thou art
our God^) .
   Some object, they dare not come, when we 
know not, say they, that we are elected? Who art
thou that disputest that? Secret Things belong to the 
Lord, and revealed Things to us. O therefore away 
to him, (^he that comes to me, I will in no way cast 
out^) .
   Some object, and say, I cannot do it, for I cannot 
get this Heart of mine, nor my Hands out of 
Prison, for I would do it if I could. Hast thou no 
Power? Then the Lord's Power is present here this 
Day, to heal thee and help thee; therefore do what 
thou can; as the Man that had the withered Hand, 
he bids him stretch it out, and tho' he could not do 
it, yet his endeavouring to stretch out his Hand, 
God made it effectual. 
   Some object, I have no Heart for Christ, and 
therefore I dare not come? I answer, come with the 
Heart thou hast; come and regrate, that ye have not 
a Heart for him; and that will be reckoned on your 
Part of closing with him; (^Whosoever will let him come 
and take of the Water of Life freely^) .
   The (^last^) Thing I press on you, is a more closs
closing with Christ. O know ye not what I am! or 
Oh! do ye take these to be the Words of God, or 
not, what say ye to it? A closer Application, I 
would draw from the Words. Oh and alas! what shall 
we say to you? O you hard hearted Men and Women,
for we speak to you the greatest Matters under
Heaven this Day, and yet ye are not affected with 
it; believe me, your Countenance and Carriage speaks 
forth, that there are sad Things abiding (^Scotland^) .
O lamentable to see such a Frame on Men, where 
the Gospel has shined; we beseech you, as ye tender
the Welfare of your own Souls, and as ye would stand 
<P 24>
at the right Hand of God; if ye have any respect to 
our immortal Souls, that ye would tender his Command,
and come and give your Consent and close 
with him; what say ye to it? will ye take him or 
not? What have ye resolved to do? will ye close 
or not with Christ? will ye ever do now or not? will
ye forsake Sin now, or be shut out of God's Presence
for evermore? Have ye laid this to Heart, that God 
is in earnest with you this Day to close with him. What 
will ye do in Time to come? Know ye who I am? 
I am a Messenger of the living God, who like a Messenger 
at Armes, and an Herauld, do sound the Trumpet
of the great King of Heaven this Day, and come 
to charge your Consciences, and summond you to answer
that great King, whose Message I bear. The
Lord give you Grace to make a right use what has 
been said, and to his Name be praise. 
(\FINIS.\)



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[^THE TRYAL OF PHILIP STANDSFIELD SON TO SIR JAMES STANDSFIELD 
OF NEW-MILNS, FOR THE MURDER OF HIS FATHER, AND OTHER CRIMES
LIBEL'D AGAINST HIM. EDINBURGH: BY THE HEIR OF ANDREW ANDERSON,
1688.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 3.1-6.17
SAMPLE 2: PP. 16.42-23.45^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 3>
[}THE TRYAL OF (^PHILIP STANDSFIELD^) , SON TO SIR (^JAMES      #
STANDSFIELD^)
OF (^NEW-MILNS^) , FOR THE MURDER OF HIS FATHER, AND OTHER
CRIMES LIBEL'D AGAINST HIM.}]

(\Curia justitiaria S.D.N. Regis, tenta in praetorio (^Burgi^)  #
de (^Edinburgh^) , Sexto
die Mensis (^Februarii^) 1688. per Nobilem & Potentem Comitem,  #
(^Georgium^)
Comitem de (^Linlithgow^) , Dominum (^Livingstoun^) , &c.       #
Justiciarium Generalem
totius regni (^Scotiae^) , & honorabiles viros, Dominos,        #
(^Ioannem Lock hart^) de 
(^Castlehill^) , (^Davidem balfour^) de (^Forret^) , (^Rogerum  #
Hodge^) de (^Harcarse^) , & (^Ioannem
Murray^) de (^Drumcairn^) , Commissionarios Justitiariae dicti, #
S.D.N.
Regis.
Curia Legitime affirmata.\)

INTRAN 
(^Philip Standsfield^) eldest lawful Son to Umquhile Sir        #
(^James Standsfield^) of (^New-milns^) , Prisoner 
within the Tolbooth of (^Edinburgh^) .

Indyted and Accused at the Instance of Sir (^John Dalrymple^)   #
younger of (^Stair^) , 
His (^Majesties^) Advocat for His Highness Interest: That where #
notwithstanding 
by the law of God, the Common Law, Law of Nations, Laws 
and Acts of Parliament of this Kingdom, and constant Practice   #
thereof,
the expressing of malicious and seditious Words to the Disdain  #
of His 
Sacred (^Majesties^) Person, and contempt of His Royal          #
Government, 
such as Drinking or Wishing Confusion to his (^Majesty^) , is   #
high Treason, particularly by 
the (^2d Act 2d. Sess. Par. 1st K.Ch. 2d.^) of ever Glorious    #
Memory: The Plotting, Conceaving
or Intending Death or Destruction to the King's (^Majesty^) ,   #
or any bodily harm, 
leading to Death or Destruction, or who shall by Writing,       #
Printing, or other malicious
and advised speaking, express and declare such their            #
Treasonable Intentions, after
such persons, being legally Convicted thereof, they shall be    #
Deemed, Declared and 
adjudg'd Traitors: And the Cursing, Beating, Invading, or       #
Assassinating of a Parent by
a Child, above the age of sixteen years, who is not Mad and     #
Furious, is punishable by
Death, and Confiscation of Moveables: And of all other          #
Murders, Paricide is the 
most attrocious and unnatural; And Murder under Trust is        #
punishable as Treason, with 
forefaulture of Life, Land and Goods, and particularly by the   #
20 (^Ast, 1st. Sess. 2d. Par. K.
Ch. 2d.^) The King's (^Majesty^) and Estates of Parliament,     #
Considering how great and atrocious
a Crime it is for Children to beat or curse their Parents, and  #
how the Law of God
hath pronounced just Sentence of Death against such, as shall   #
either of these wayes injure
either of their Parents; Therefore the King and Estates of      #
Parliament did Statute and Ordain, 
(^That whatsoever Son or Daughter, above the age of sixteen     #
years, not being Distracted,
will beat, or curse either their Father, or their Mother,       #
shall be put to death without mercy.^) 
And sicklike, by the (^51 Act, 11 Par. K. Ja.6.^) It is         #
Statuted and Ordained, (^That the Murder
or Slaughter of whatsomever of the Leidges where the party      #
slain is under the Trust, Credit, 
Assurance, and Power of the Slayer, All such Murder or          #
Slaughter to be committed in time coming,
the same being lawfully Tryed, and the person dilated found     #
guilty by an Assize thereof, shall be
Treason, and the person found culpable shall Forfault Life,     #
Land and Goods;^) as in the saids
Laws and Acts of Parliament at more length is contained.        #
Nevertheless it is of Verity, that 
the said (^Philip Standsfield^) shaking off all fear of God,    #
the Bonds and Tyes of Nature, and 
cristianity, regard and obedience to the saids Laws and         #
Acts of Parliament, did dare and 
presume to commit the saids horrid and detestable Crimes, in    #
swa far as, upon the first, second,
third, or one or other of the Dayes or the Moneths of           #
(^June^) , (^July^) , (^August^) , or 
(^September^) last by-past, or one or other of them, he did,    #
within the House and Kitchin of 
(^New-milns^) , call for Ale to drink some Healths, and in the  #
presence of (^John Robison^) , then 
his Fathers Servant, (^Agnes Bruce^) likewise his Fathers       #
Servitrix, and several others, he 
did as most villanous and avowed Traitor, presume and dare to   #
begin a Health to the 
<P 4>
Confusion of his sacred (^Majesty^) , his native Soveraign, and #
did drink off the same, and 
caused others in his company do the like. And sicklike Sir      #
(^James Standsfield^) of (^New-milns^)
his Father, having caused educat and bring him up decently,     #
and in plenty conform to his 
rank and quality, and having left no means unessayed for his    #
Literature, Education, and 
Subsistence; Yet he being a profligat and debauched Person,     #
did commit, and was accessory
to several notorious Villanies, for which both at home and      #
abroad he was apprehended
and detained Prisoner, as in the (^Marshall Sea-Prison^) in     #
(^South-wark^) , in the publick Prisons
of (^Antwerp^) and (^Orleance^) , and several other places, and #
tho his Father out of his natural
compassion to him, did cause release him out of these Prisons,  #
in which he was so justly
confined, he no sooner had his Liberty than he of new invented  #
and went about his villanous
practices and debauches: And his Father at last perceiving      #
that nothing could reclaim
him from these and the like proceedings, having signified his   #
inclinations to disherish
him, and in order thereto, having disponed his Estate in        #
favours of (^John Standsfield^) his 
second Son; The said (^Philip^) did thereupon conceive, harbour #
and intertain an hellish 
malice and prejudice against the said Sir (^James Standsfield^) #
his father, and most barbarously 
did declare, threaten and vow at several times that he would    #
cut his Throat. And particularly
upon the first, second, third, or remanent dayes of the         #
moneths of the year, 1680,
within the house of (^James Smith^) in (^Nungate^) of           #
(^Haddingtoun^) : And upon the first, second or 
third, or one or other of the dayes of the Moneths of           #
(^January^) , (^February^) , (^March^) , and 
remanent moneths of the year, 1687. within the house of (^James #
Baikbie^) Fermorer 
in (^New-milns^) , and within his Fathers own house of          #
(^New-milns^) , and in the house 
of (^William Scot^) there. And upon the first, second, third,   #
or one or other 
of the dayes of the Moneths of (^January^) , (^February^) ,     #
(^March^) , and remanent moneth 
of the year of God, 1683, 1684, and 1685 years, when he was     #
both in (^Brussils^) and (^Breda^) ,
and several other places, both in (^Holland^) and               #
(^Flanders^) , and in Prisons within which he was 
detained in the City of (^London^) and (^Southwark^) , or upon  #
one or other of the days, of one or other 
of the Moneths of the saids years, or either of them most       #
wickedly, unnaturally, and 
bitterly, rail upon, abuse and curse, the said Sir (^James      #
Standsfield^) his natural and kindly 
Parent. And being transported with rage and malice, he did,     #
contrary to the light and 
tyes of nature, not once, but often, and frequently curse his   #
father, by bidding, and praying
the (^Devil^) to take him, and the devil rive him, God damn     #
him, and swear, if he had 
a sword he would run it through him, and if ever he came to     #
(^Scotland^) , he would be avenged
upon him. And particularly upon the [^BLANK IN ORIGINAL^] day   #
of (^November^) last, which was 
the last time his father went to (^Edinburgh^) , he did most    #
impiously and unnaturally Imprecat,
God let him never return, and God let him never see his face.   #
And frequently 
when he saw his fathers diet taken to him, he used to say, God  #
grant he may choak upon 
it; and at other occasions, when his father refused to eat, he  #
was in use to say, God let never 
more be in his stomach than was in it then. And upon the first, #
second, third, or one 
or other dayes of the moneths of (^September^) , (^October^) ,  #
or (^November^) , last by-past, or 
one or other of them. His mother being recovered out of a       #
sownd, and having said to 
him, (^Philip^) , ye will shortly want your mother, which will  #
be a gentle visitation to Sir 
(^James^) your father. To which he did answer: By my soul my    #
father shall be dead before 
you, mother: and about eight dayes after, he upon the like      #
occasion did renew the 
same words: As also he was in use to declare, that though at    #
present he had neither clothes 
nor money, yet shortly (and no body did think how soon) he      #
would be Laird of all 
and then would use other persons, as they did use him now: And  #
at other times declared
that before Christmass he would be Laird of all; which curses   #
and Imprecations, he the 
said (^Philip Standsfield^) , by a continual habit, used, and   #
repeated these several years by-past:
and lately some few moneths, or weeks, before his Fathers       #
murder. And not 
satisfied therewith, the said (^Philip^) did proceed to that    #
degree of unnatural cruelty, and 
malicious spite, and enmity against his father, that upon the   #
first, second, third, or one 
or other of the days of the moneths of (^January^) ,            #
(^February^) , (^March^) , and remanent moneths
of the years of God, 1680, 1681, 1682, 1683 and 1684 years. or  #
one, or 
other of the days, of one or other of the moneths, or one or    #
other of the saids years, he 
did attempt to assassinat, and offered violence to his fathers  #
person, and did chase and 
pursue him upon the King's high way at (^Lothian-burn^) , and   #
did fire Pistols upon his father
And likewayes upon one or other of the dayes, of one or other   #
of the moneth
of one or other of the years of God above specified, he did     #
attempt to assassinat his father
<P 5>
for his life, at (^Culterallors^) , and did fire Pistols upon   #
him; And his father being afraid
of his life, and under the apprehension of Violence, from the   #
cruel and bloody hands of 
the said (^Philip^) , his unnatural son, he did to several      #
persons, both of quality, and intire 
reputation, declare, that the said (^Philip^) his son, had both #
attempted to assassinat, and offered
violence to his person, and that he was devising, and           #
contriving his death. And
the said Sir (^James Standsfield^) his father having upon the   #
[^BLANK IN ORIGINAL^] day of (^November^) last 
gone from the Citie of (^Edinburgh^) , to his own house of      #
(^New-milns^) , and about ten a clock 
at night, or thereby, having gone to his own Chamber, in order  #
to his rest, and being 
alone in the roum, under the credit, trust, and assurance of    #
the said (^Philip^) his son, and 
his own servants within his own family, the said (^Philip^) did #
consult, and advise, and correspond
with some other persons, within and about the House for the     #
time, to assassinat and 
cruelly murder his said father, and particularly with (^George  #
Thomson^) in (^Newmilns^) , and
(^Helen Dickson^) his Spouse, and (^Janet Johnston^) Spouse to  #
(^John Nicols^) there, in the house 
of the said (^George Thomson^) many times, particularly the     #
(^Saturdays^) night, immediately preceeding
the murder, where he cursed his Father, and said he should      #
shortly make an 
end of him, and be Master of all: And accordingly he and they   #
did murder and strangle
him in his Bed-chamber, and in the dead-time of the night, did  #
carry and transport him 
from the said Roum, to the water, near by the House, and laid   #
his Body down upon the 
Water-side, and tyed a stone about his neck, to make him sink   #
in the water, and before
he was thrown therein, he went back with his accomplices to a   #
little kiln near by, 
and consulted and advised, whether it were more fit to throw    #
him in the water, with the 
stone about his neck, to make him sink, or to take away the     #
stone, least when he should be 
found, it might thereby appear that the stone had been tyed by  #
some other hand than his own, 
and at last resolved to take away the stone, and throw his      #
Body in the water, which they
returning, did accordingly, and some persons being              #
accidentally in the house at the 
time, they did hear a noise of many tongues and voices, to      #
their great terror and amazment; 
and the next morning very early, some of the servants in the    #
house, having come 
to the Roum, where his said Father did ly, and having missed    #
him out of the Roum, 
gave notice thereof, to some others of the servants; He         #
declared that he had been seeking
him about the water pools, and a noise and cry having risen,    #
search and enquiry was
made for his said Father, (and by him seemingly amongst the     #
rest) and after some time 
his Body was found in the water hard by his own house, and      #
being dead, and his neck
broken before he was thrown in the Water, his Body did neither  #
sink to the ground, nor 
receive water, (as all drowned Bodies are in use to do) and he  #
knowing where his Fathers 
Body had been put, went on the Sabbath morning directly to the  #
place where his 
Body was in the water, and stood a considerable space upon the  #
water side, directly 
opposite to the Body, with his eyes fixed on the same, before   #
his Body was found or 
known to any others than Murderers; and when (^John Topping^)   #
(a stranger) passing
that way, and ignorant of the whole matter, or that Sir         #
(^James^) was amissing, called to him,
and asked, who was that in the water? He made no answer, but    #
went away from that 
place straight to (^Newmilns^) , and gave no intimation to him, #
or any other person, what
he had seen in the water, but appeared surprised when his Body  #
was found there, by other 
persons, and his Fathers Body being taken out of the water,     #
the same was by his order, 
carried to a dark out-house; and though he was desired by the   #
Friends and Servants present,
to suffer his Fathers dead Body to be carried to his own        #
house, and kept therein, 
and not to be buried till his Friends in (^Edinburgh^), and     #
else where, and Physicians in 
(^Haddingtoun^) , or near by, might see the same: Yet he        #
refused so to do, and caused bury
the dead body of his Father privatly, and in haste: And the     #
noise having spread abroad, 
that his Father had been barbarously murdered by him and his    #
accomplices, order was 
given by these in Authority, to cause open the grave, that      #
Physicians and expert
Chyrurgians might inspect his Body, and make Report anent the   #
Truth of the Matter:
And accordingly by the Report of the saids Chirurgians who      #
inspected the Body, it did
appear, that his Father was cruelly strangled and murdered, and #
not drowned, and that 
he had been cast in the water, of purpose to conceal the same:  #
And when his Fathers dead 
body was sighted and inspected by Chirurgians, and the clear    #
and evident signs of the 
murder had appeared, the Body was sewed up, and most carefully  #
cleaned, and his nearest
Relations and Friends were desired to lift up his Body to the   #
Coffin: And accordingly 
(^James Row^) Merchand (who was in (^Edinburgh^) the time of    #
the Murder) having lifted 
<P 6>
the Left side of Sir (^James^) his Head and Shoulder, and the   #
said (^Philip^) the Right side, his 
Fathers Body though carefully cleaned, as said is, so as the    #
least Blood was not on it, 
did (according to God's usual Method of discovering Murders)    #
blood afresh upon him, 
and defiled all his hands, which struck him with such a         #
terrour, that he immediately let
his Fathers Head and Body fall with Violence, and fled from     #
the Body, and in consternation
and confusion cryed, Lord, have mercy upon me, and bowed        #
himself down over 
a seat in the Church (where the Corps were inspected) wiping    #
his Fathers Innocent
blood off his own murdering Hands upon his Cloathes. By all     #
which it is manifest, that
he did most traitorously express his hatred and malice to his   #
(^Majesties^) sacred Person, by
wishing and drinking to his confusion, and causing others to    #
do the same. And likewise,
that he did not only unnaturally curse, invade, attempt to      #
assassinate or beat his said Father,
but under trust and assurance, barbarously and tresonably did   #
strangle, kill, and 
murder him in manner forsaid, and is actor, art and part of     #
the forsaids Crimes, or one 
or other of them; which being found by the Assyse, he ought to  #
be punished for the treasonable
Crimes above-specified, with forefaulture of Life, Land, and    #
Goods, and for the 
other Crimes above mentioned, Capitally, and with the pains     #
of Death, and Confiscation 
of Moveables, to the Terror and Example of others to commit     #
the like hereafter. 


<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 16>
   (^Edinburgh^) , the seventh of (^February^) , 1688. 
   (^Philip Standsfield^) Prisoner, being this day entered on   #
Pannal, dilated, indyted and accused
for the treasonable drinking of the King's confusion, cursing   #
his Father, and for the 
cruel and unnatural murdering of him in manner mentioned in     #
his Dittay.
   The Interloquitor above-written was this day read again in   #
presence of the Pannal, and 
the Assisers after-named, (^viz.^)
[^LIST OF NAMES OMITTED^]
<P 17>
   The Assise lawfully sworn, no Objection of the Law in the    #
contrary. 
   His (^Majesties^) Advocat for Probation adduced the          #
Witnesses after deponing, (^viz.^) 
   (^John Robertson^) late Servitor to Sir (^James              #
Standsfield^) of (^Newmilns^) , aged twenty four 
years, unmarried, purged of malice, prejudice, hatred, ill      #
will, and partial Counsel, and 
solemnly sworn, Depones, a little time before harvest last,     #
the Pannal being in the Kitchin
of (^Newmilns^) , in the deceast Sir (^James Standsfield's^)    #
house, where the Deponent was 
likewise present, he saw the Pannal (^Philip Standsfield^) take #
a Cup of Ale, and heard him
say, There is the Popes confusion, the Antichrists, the         #
Chancelours, and the Kings confusion,
and put the Cup to his Head, and drank a little, and then gave  #
it to (^Samuel Spofforth^) , 
and commanded him to drink it, and made him drink it on his     #
knees; depones, 
that there were likewise besides (^Samuel Spofforth^) ,         #
(^Jeremy Smith^) , (^Agnes Bruce^) and (^Elspeth
Jameson^) ; and depones that (^Philip Standsfield^) the Pannal  #
was not drunk at the time: Depones
that at the naming of the several Confusions above-mentioned,   #
he still drank a 
little of the cup; And this is the Truth as he shall answer to  #
God: The Deponent further 
depones that he said to the Pannal, after the drinking of the   #
saids Confusions, that it 
was Treason, and he answered, ye dog what are you concerned?    #
ye do not understand 
to whom ye speak; (\Sic subscribitur.\) (^John Robertson.^)
   (^Agnes Bruce^) Servant to the deceast Sir (^James           #
Standsfield^) , aged twenty four years, unmarried,
purged, and sworn, Depones, That a little before Harvest last,  #
she being in the 
Kitchin of (^New-milns^) with (^Philip Standsfield^) the        #
Pannal, she saw him take a Cup of Ale, 
and drink the confusion of the Pope, and the King, and heard    #
him bid (^Samuel Spofforth^)
sit down on his Knees and drink the same, which accordingly he  #
did, after this the Deponent
went up Stairs, and knows no more what past at that time, but   #
heard they drank
more confusions; Depones, that about a week after, it being     #
talked in the house, that he 
had drunk the confusions aforesaid, he said to the Deponent,    #
God damn him if he knew 
who divulged it, he would be their Death: And this is the       #
Truth as she shall answer 
to God, depones she cannot write; (\Sic subscribitur.\)         #
(^Linlithgow.^)
   (^Samuel Spofforth^) late Servitor to Sir (^James            #
Standsfield^) of (^New-milns^) , aged 19 years, 
unmarried, purged and sworn, Depones, that a little before      #
Harvest last, the Deponent 
was in the Kitchin of (^New-milns^) with (^Philip Standsfield^) #
the Pannal, where he heard him 
drink a confusion to the Pope, Antichrist, and the King, and    #
to the Devil, and the Pannal
prest the Deponent to drink the same confusions upon his        #
knees; Depones, (^John Robertson^) ,
(^Agnes Bruce^) , (^Jeremy Smith^) and (^Elspeth Jameson^) were #
all likewise present at that
time, and that these confusions were drunk severally: And this  #
is the Truth as he shall 
answer to God. (\Sic subscribitur.\) (^Samuel Spofforth.^)
   (^John Robertson^) above design'd being Re-examined, purged  #
and sworn, Depones, That 
the Deponent being at (^Morum^) Castle after Harvest last, in   #
order to give a call to a Minister,
the Deponent having met with (^Philip Standsfield^) the Pannal, #
he said to him, ye are 
a wise lad, if ye have subscribed that Bond, the Devil take     #
him, and particularly, the Devil
take his Father, and named his Father; depon'd that at          #
another time in the midst of 
Harvest last, the Deponent, and Sir (^James Standsfield^) the   #
Pannal's Father being going to 
(^Smeiton^) with a Minister, the Pannal asked him, where he and #
his Father was going?
And the Deponent answered, that he was going to (^Smeiton^)     #
with his Father; And the 
Pannal (^Philip Standsfield^) said, Devil let never one of them #
come back again, Horse nor 
Man: Depones further, That several times, and frequently, when  #
the Deponent has been 
seeking the Pannal to come to Dinner with his Father, the       #
Pannal's ordinar answer was, 
the Devil damn him, and you both, and Devil rive him, for I     #
will not go to him, and 
if he had a sixpence a day, he would not go near him, for his   #
Father girned upon him like
a Sheep-head in a tongs, and that he has heard him say          #
sometimes, God damn his Father. 
And this is the Truth as he shall answer to God. (\Sic          #
subscribitur.\) (^John Robertson.^)
   (^William Scot^) Clothier in (^New-milns^) , aged 30 years,  #
married, purged and sworn, Depones, 
that betwixt (^Michaelmass^) and (^Martinmass^) last, the       #
Pannal (^Philip Standsfield^) having 
come to the Deponent's Shop, and asked for some Tobacco, the    #
Deponent said to (^Philip^) ,
his Father would not let him want money to buy Tobacco; and     #
the Pannal (^Philip^) said, 
the Devil take him and his Father both, for there never came    #
an honest man out of 
(^York-Shire^) ; Depones his wife was present with him, when    #
that Discourse past: Depones 
he cannot write. And this is the Truth as he shal answer to     #
God: (\Sic subscribitur\)
   (^Linlithgow.^)
<P 18>
   (^Agnes Bruce^) above-designed being Re-examined, Purged,    #
and Sworn, Depones, That
she did hear the Pannal usually vow and swear that he would     #
kill any person that offended
him, and that the Pannal did haunt much with (^Janet            #
Johnstoun^) , (^George Thomson^) and
his Wife, and that he went frequently out of his Fathers House  #
after Supper to these persons;
and further Depones, that she has heard the Pannal frequently   #
curse his Father, and 
bid the Devil damn him, and rive him, and swell him; and that   #
she has frequently heard 
him express his hatred and abhorrance of his Father, and that   #
he could not abide to see his 
Father: Further Depones, that the (^Munday^) at Night before    #
Sir (^James^) came to (^Edinburgh^) ,
the last time he was in it, being about a Fourth-night before   #
his death, the Deponent 
was ordered to call the Pannal to his Mother after he was gone  #
to his Chamber, and that 
accordingly she did it, and when the Pannal came down, the      #
Deponent left him with
his Mother alone, and when she was without the Door, she heard  #
him say to his Mother
several times, (^God damn him if he did it not^) , and desired  #
his Mother to take a good heart, 
for as long as he had, she should not want: Depones, she knows  #
what he meaned by 
these Words, but knows there had been a little Quarrel betwixt  #
Sir (^James^) and his Lady 
that same Night: Further Depones, that on (^Tuesday^)           #
thereafter, when Sir (^James Standsfield^)
was going into (^Edinburgh^) , she did hear (^Philip            #
Standsfield^) the Pannal say in his Mothers 
Chambers (his Father not being present) God let him never       #
return, God let him 
never see his Fathers face again, the Devil go with him, the    #
Devil rive him, and take 
him away, and that there was no Body in the Roum at the time,   #
but the Pannal and his 
Mother, and the Deponent was at the Door; Further Depones, that #
about a moneth before, 
Sir (^James^) having reproved the Pannal, upon the occasion of  #
an Accompt given in 
by (^William Anderson^) Brewer, she did hear the Pannal say in  #
his Mothers Chamber (Sir
(^James^) not being present,) God damn him if he should not do  #
ten times worse, and that 
he could not endure to see his Fathers face, and that he had    #
hated his Father these six or 
seven years: Further Depones, that about a Fourth night or      #
twenty days before Sir (^James^)
his death, it being said that (^Philip^) was to go to Town with #
his Father, she heard him 
say, he would be hang'd ere he went with him. Let him go, the   #
Devil go with him, and let 
him never return, and this likewise in his Mothers Chamber,     #
and in her presence: Depones,
the Pannal did ordinarly shift occasions of being in his        #
Fathers Company: Depones, that 
the (^Friday^) before Sir (^James^) his death, she knows that   #
the Pannal and (^Janet Johnstoun^)
were a considerable time together in the Pannal's Chamber,      #
where the Deponent heard 
(^Janet Johnstouns^) tongue, but doth not know if (^George      #
Thomson^) and his Wife were with 
them: Depones, that on the (^Wednesday^) before Sir (^James^)   #
his death, (^Philip^) having cursed 
some of the Servants, the Deponent said to him, God be          #
thanked, he was not their 
Master, and that he answered her with on Oath, she knew not     #
how soon he might be their
Master: Further Depones, that she thought Sir (^James^) not so  #
merry as his ordinar the 
night before his death, but that he conveyed Mr. (^Bell^) to    #
his Chamber, and thereafter came
down to his own, and the Deponent having desired to speak with  #
Sir (^James^) , his Servant
(^John Robertson^) told her she could not, because his          #
Chamber-door was shut, and he 
was gone to Bed, and that she did then see Light in his Roum,   #
and when she was going
away, found the Hall-door which was without his Chamber-door    #
shut, and that the Hall-door
was not usually closed in the night-time, except Sir (^James^)  #
had done it himself, and 
which he did but once in the two or three Nights: Depones that  #
on the (^Saturdays^) night 
when Sir (^James^) came home, he did go to his Ladies Chamber,  #
where he stayed not a 
quarter of an hour, and that his Lady fell a quarreling of      #
him, for going to another House
before he came there, and that the Deponent came out of the     #
Chamber, and knows
not what more past there. Depones the next morning, when Sir    #
(^James^) was mist, the
Deponent went in to his Roum to put on a Fire, and found the    #
Bed better spread up
than it used to be, and the Curtains more drawn about it, and   #
the Candle which usually 
was at the Bed-head, she found it standing on a Chair at the    #
Bed-foot. And further Depones, 
that when the Defunct's Body was bringing up to the House, the  #
Deponent 
would have had him brought to his own Chamber, but (^Philip^)   #
swore that the Body should
not enter there, for he had not died like a Man, but like a     #
Beast. Depones, that
the Body was then put in the (^Walk-miln^) (but knows not if    #
(^Philip^) caused do it,) and 
that the Body from that was brought to a Cellar within the      #
Clois where there was very 
little light. Depones that she did not see any water come out   #
of his Mouth, and that when 
the Deponent lifted up the Linen-sheet, which was over him in   #
the Cellar, some of them 
<P 19>
caused let it down again, for it was not fit to let the Body be #
seen. Depones, that (^Janet
Johnstoun^) was present with the Body in the Cellar with the    #
rest, and though it was known
that neither Sir (^James^) , nor his Lady would look upon her   #
for a good time before, nor
was she openly seen about the House, yet that morning she went  #
to the Ladies Chamber, 
as soon as the Body was taken out, and the Deponent was         #
present, and saw her come in, 
and well enough taken with. Depones she heard (^Philip^) after  #
his Fathers Death, Greet 
and Cry, but saw no Tears. Depones, immediately after his       #
Fathers Body was found, 
he would have forced his Fathers Chamber-door, it being shut,   #
but the Key being gotten, 
it was opened, and he entered in, and first took his Fathers    #
Gold and Money out 
of his pocket, and then got the Keys, and searched the          #
Cabinet, and that within an 
hour after his Father was brought from the water, he got the    #
Buckles of his Fathers shoes, 
and put them in his; Depones, that on the (^Munday^) after Sir  #
(^James's^) Death, the Lady
and (^Janet Johnstoun^) having quarrelled together about some   #
remains of the Holland of the 
Woonding-sheet, (^Philip^) came down out of his own Chamber,    #
and the Deponent heard
him say to (^Janet Johnstoun^) , hold your peace when I command #
you, for he would reward
her well for the kindness she had done to him at that Time;     #
Depones, that when the 
order came from (^Edinburgh^) to raise the Corps again, the     #
Deponent did meet (^George 
Thomson^) the Taylor, and perceived him shaking and trembling,  #
and asked him, what 
troubled him? and that his Answer was, he heard the blackest    #
Newes that ever he heard
in his Life, for Sir (^James's^) Body was to be raised again,   #
and said he would sew no more 
in the House of (^New-milns^) for the World, and carried the    #
Mournings to his own House;
Depones, she knows nothing of false Keys made use of about the  #
House, only she heard
the Lady say, that there were: Depones, (^Philip^) had no       #
lockfast place in the house, except
a little Coffer, and that it once being opened, the Deponent    #
did see several Keys
within it, and that he offered once the Key of one of the Roums #
to the Deponent, but 
the Deponent took it not, because she had the ordinar Key of    #
the Roum; Depones, 
that (^Philip^) was in use to ly alone, but that after his      #
Fathers Death, he would not ly in 
a Roum alone at (^New-milns^) , and that he declared to the     #
Deponent, that he was afraid 
to be alone in a Roum, either Night or Day, and that he sleept  #
not the Night after his Father
died, and that he should not go into the Roum where his Father  #
lay, if once he had the 
Cabinet out of it. Depones, That short time before Sir          #
(^James^) died, the Lady having fallen 
in a Swond, and the Deponent having told (^Philip^) of it,      #
(^Philip^) came to his Mothers Chamber,
and that his Mother told him then, that he was like in a short  #
time to loss his Mother,
and that he answered in the Deponents hearing, that his Father  #
should be dead first: 
and Depones, that some few dayes thereafter, in his Mothers     #
Chamber again, and in
the Deponents hearing, he renewed the same Words with an Oath.  #
Further Depones, 
that two Nights after Sir (^James's^) Death, the Lady told to   #
the Deponent, that something
then came in her Mind which she had heard, to wit, that         #
(^Philip^) before he went to (^London^) ,
when he was in his Pomp, having heard that Sir (^James^) was to #
give his Estate to his 
second Son, in the House of (^Iames Smith^) in the              #
(^Nungate^) , had vowed to kill his Brother, 
and the like, or little less to his Father, and that            #
thereafter when they were coming in to 
(^Edinburgh^) , the lady renewed again to the Deponent the same #
words, and added, what if 
they should put her Bairn in Prison. And this is the truth as   #
she shall answer to God. 
Depones she cannot write. (\Sic subscribitur.\) (^Linlithgow.^)
   (^John Shand^) sometimes Servitor to Sir (^James             #
Standsfield^) , aged 43 years, unmarried, 
purged and sworn, Depones, that a little after (^Philip         #
Standsfield^) the Pannals Marriage, the 
Pannal and the Deponent being in (^James Smith's^) House, in    #
(^Nungate^) of (^Haddingtoun^) , the 
Pannal did expostulat with the Deponent that his Father dealt   #
too narrowly with him, 
he being then married, and the Deponent told the Pannal that    #
his Father was in straits, 
and exhorted him to be dutiful to his Father; thereafter the    #
Pannal said, if I knew my Father 
would give his Estate to my Brother (^John^) , I would cut his  #
Throat; and the Landlord
of the House being by, and present, and surprized, cryed out,   #
God preserve me, 
what means the Man? the Land-lord understanding by the word,    #
(^his^) , his Father; And
though the Deponent took the expression in the same sense, as   #
(^James Smith^) did, yet the 
Deponent endeavoured to excuse it, by saying, it was not his    #
Father that he meaned, but 
his Brother, or his man (^Donald^) , and the Pannal being       #
present said nothing for clearing of 
the expression, whereupon the Deponent went away, and left the  #
Pannal, and could 
<P 20>
not endure to stay longer in his company: Depones the night     #
before Sir (^James's^) death
being the (^Friday^) , the Deponent was with Sir (^James^) in   #
his Chamber in (^Edinburgh^) , where
the Defunct was reading a Sermon-book, and appeared to be sad,  #
and said to the Deponent
I have no comfort in my Wife and Family; And this is the truth  #
as he shall answer to God.
(\Sic subscribitur.\) (^John Shand.^)
   Mr. (^Roderick Mckenzie Advocat^) being solemnly Sworn, and  #
Purged, depones, That about
eight days before Sir (^James Standfield's^) death, the         #
Deponent and he having met in 
the Parliament Clos, the Defunct invited him to take his        #
Morning Draught. And when
they were gone to Mr. (^Sheil's^) House, the Deponent           #
perceiving him to be in some concern, 
the Deponent asked him, what troubled him? The Defunct          #
answered, that he had 
no satisfaction at home; whereupon the Deponent said, that      #
People reported that he was 
partly the occasion of it, having disherished his Son the       #
Pannal, and acquainted him
therewith: And the Defunct answered, ye do not know my Son,     #
for he is the greatest
Debauch in the Earth: and that which troubles me most is, that  #
he twice attempted my
own person; And this is the truth as he shall answer to God.    #
(\Sic subscribitur.\)
   (^Rod. Mckenzie.^)
   (^Archibald Dumbar^) Merchand in (^Edinburgh^) , aged 26     #
years, Married, Purged, and Sworn, 
Depones, that the Deponent having met with the deceast Sir      #
(^James Standsfield^) at (^Culter^) ;
But he does not remember positively the time, but it was        #
either in the year of this Kings
Parliament, or the Harvest before, and Sir (^James^) and the    #
Deponent, and some other 
company being in a Roum: Sir (^James^) was discoursing of his   #
Sons undutifulness, and within 
a little while having heard a shot at the outer door of the     #
house, and the Deponent
and others offering to go out to see what the matter was; Sir   #
(^James^) was unwilling to let 
them, lest they should come to hazard. And thereafter having    #
heard another shot, they 
did offer to go down again, Sir (^James^) still diswaded them,  #
and said, that it might
be his distracted Son (^Philip^) . And they having enquired, if #
he was in the Countrey, and 
how he came to fear any harm from him, Sir (^James^) said,  he  #
believed he was in the Countrey,
and that in his going South he had followed him to              #
(^Lothian-burn^) , and shot two Pistols, 
first one, and then another at him; and if it had not been      #
that Sir (^James^) was well 
horsed, and his Son (^Philip^) upon a work-horse, he had killed #
him. And (^Samuel Meinzies^)
having said he was sure there could not be Ball in them. Sir    #
(^James^) said, he had gotten 
too many proofs of his Sons unnaturality to him, that he had    #
no will to be in his reverence. 
Depones that Sir (^James^) all that night went not to Bed, and  #
the Deponent sat up
with him, and conveyed him in to (^Edinburgh^) . And this is    #
the truth as he shall answer to 
God. (\Sic subscribitur.\) (^Archibald Dumbar.^)
   Mr. (^William Clerk^) Advocat, purged, and sworn, Depones,   #
that having frequent occasions 
to be with Sir (^James Standsfield^) , and he having desired    #
him to draw a Disposition of 
his Estate to his son (^John^) . Sir (^James^) did complain of  #
his Son (^Philips^) undutifulness to 
him. And the Deponent having diswaded him to do it, since his   #
Son (^Philip^) might be reclaimed:
Sir (^James^) said, no, he had no expectation of it; For when   #
he was at the (^Leadhills^) ,
there was some Pistol shot at him, which he was sure came from  #
his son (^Philip^) . And
this is the truth as he shall answer to God. (\Sic              #
subscribitur.\) (^William Clerk.^)
   Mr. (^John Bell^) Minister of the Gospel, aged 40 years,     #
(\Solutus\) , purged and sworn, produces 
a written Declaration signed under his hand, upon what he       #
knows, relating to the
Murder. And Depones the same is truth as he shall answer to     #
God. (\Sic subscribitur.\)
   (^John Bell.^)
   (^Follows the tenor of the said Declaration.^)
   The Declaration of Mr. (^John Bell^) , in answer to several  #
Interrogators proposed by His
(^Majesties Advocat^) , before the Lords of the Committee of    #
the Council. 
   (^Imprimis^) , I declare, that at Sir (^Iames                #
Standsfield's^) earnest desire, I went from this Town 
with him to (^New-milns^) ; and that by the way I discerned     #
nothing but sound Judgment,
and Reason in Sir (^Iames^) , for his discourse was both        #
rational and pertinent, and that both 
at Supper that night, and after Supper, his discourse was       #
rational, and his carriage most 
civil, and he was pleased to accompany me to my Chamber, and    #
sat with me there, (as 
I supposed) until it was about ten a Clock at night,            #
discoursing pertinently, and to good 
purpose.
<P 21>
   2=o=. I declare, that having slept but little, I was         #
awakened in fear by a cry (as I supposed)
and being waking, I heard for a time a great dinn, and          #
confused noise of several
voices, and persons sometimes walking, which affrighted me      #
(supposing them to be evil 
wicked Spirits.) And I apprehended the Voices to be near the    #
Chamber door sometimes, 
or in the Trance, or Stairs, and sometimes below, which put me  #
to arise in the night and 
bolt the Chamber-door further, and to recommend my self by      #
Prayer for Protection, and
Preservation to the Majesty of God; and having gone again to    #
Bed, I heard these voices
continue, but more laigh till within a little time, they came   #
about to the Chamber Window;
And then I heard the voices as high as before, which increased  #
my fear, and made 
me rise again to look over the Window, to see whether they      #
were men or women; but
the Window would not come up for me, which Window looked to     #
the Garden, and Water,
whither the voices went on till I heard them no more, only      #
towards the morning I 
heard walking on the Stairs, and in the Trance above that       #
Chamber where I was lying.
   3=o=. I declare that I told the Woman who put on the fire in #
my Chamber that Sabbath 
morning, that I had rested little that night through dinn I     #
heard, and that I was sure there
were some evil Spirits about that house that night. 
   4=o=. I declare that about an hour after day, (^Philip^)     #
came to my Chamber, and asked if 
Sir. (^James^) came to that Chamber this morning, and told me   #
that he had been seeking him 
upon the Banks of the Water; unto which I replyed, I have not   #
seen your Father, but 
what mean ye by the Banks of the Water? whereupon (^Philip^)    #
without answering went 
down Stairs immediatly, and within a little time, I followed    #
to see what he meaned, and 
having gone without the Gate, and up the Cawsey that leads to   #
the Manufactory; One 
came running, and said, they had found Sir (^James^) lying in   #
the Water, whereupon I was 
stricken with such astonishment, fear, and trembling, that I    #
could go no further, but returned
trembling to the Chamber, and having sitten down on the         #
Bed-side, I said to an 
honest man who accompanied me, this is the saddest day that     #
ever I saw; my affrightment
in the night, was terrifying to me, but this is more grievous,  #
and having gone to 
an honest mans house, where I took horse that morning, I said,  #
if the Majesty of God did
ever permit the Devil, and his instruments, to do an honest     #
man wrong, then Sir (^Iames 
Standsfield^) has received wrong this last night, which the     #
Lord will discover in his good 
time. 
   5=o=. I declare that after my return from (^Morum^) , that   #
Sabbath evening, (^Philip^) told me
that he had advertised several friends at (^Edinburgh^) , and   #
that he was expecting the Commissary
amongst others that night, whereupon I commended what he had    #
done, in sending 
for such intelligent persons, and that for two reasons. (1.)    #
Because it was necessary his
Fathers body should be sighted. (2.) Because they could advise  #
him about his Burial.
(^Philip^) answered, that he was seen by these that took him    #
out of the Water. But I replyed, 
that was not enough, for the Murder committed was either a      #
violent Murder, or a
distracted Murder; and having described what a distracted       #
Murder was (upon (^Philips^) relating 
some distemper his Father had been in some years formerly) I    #
said, That I conceived
no person could come to such a high Act of Frenzie, to do such  #
a thing, but it would
be known on him many hours, yea some days before; But I could   #
testifie, that Sir (^Iames^)
was in his right reason yesternight at ten a clock, wherefore   #
I inclin'd to think it was a violent
Murder committed by wicked Spirits; And so advised, that the    #
Corps might be sighted
by the nearest Physicians, and Friends, and the honest men      #
living in that Town; nevertheless 
they went and buried Sir (^Iames^) that night, without either   #
acquainting me, or 
several honest Persons who lived in the place. Mr (^Iohn Bell^) #
depones his above-written 
Declaration is truth, as he shall answer to God. (\Sic          #
subscribitur.\)
   (^Linlithgow. John Bell.^) 
   Sir (^Robert Sinclar^) of (^Steinstoun^) , purged and sworn, #
Depones Sir (^Iames Standsfield^)
being at the Deponent's House, told the Deponent, that  he      #
regrated that his Son (^Philip^)
had mispent his Time and Money, and when he came Home from      #
(^London^) , he was ashamed
to tell how he came on him in his Chamber, at (^London^) ; And  #
this is the Truth 
as he shall answer to God. (\Sic subscribitur.\) (^Ro:          #
Sinclar.^)
   (^Iames Murehead^) Chirurgion, aged 32 years, married,       #
purged and sworn, Depones,
that after the Deponent and (^Iames Craufurd^) Chirurgion had   #
opened the Corps, about 
<P 22>
the Neck, and sewed it up again, and removed the foul Linen,    #
and put on again the
clean Linens, in doing whereof they were obliged to shake the   #
Body to and fro, and move 
the Head back and foreward: The Deponent desired that the       #
Friends might lift the 
Body, and put in the Coffin, and that the Pannal having come    #
and lift up the Head, 
he did let it fall upon the Table suddenly, and that it made a  #
considerable noise at the 
falling, and that the Pannal retired back quickly rubbing his   #
Hands on his Breast, and crying,
(^O God! O God!^) and some such other Words, and that the       #
Deponent being astonished 
thereat, looked to the Corps, and as the Pannal did take away   #
his hand from 
it, did see it darting out Blood through the Linen, from the    #
left side of the Neck
which the Pannal touched, and that the Deponent was amazed at   #
the sight, partly 
through the Darting out of the Blood, and partly through the    #
apprehension he had of 
the Murder. Depones, he saw no Body touch the left-side of the  #
Defunct's Head the time
it bled, but the Pannal, Depones that as soon as the Deponent   #
recovered out of his amazment,
he cryed to his Boy to give the Pannal some Triacle-water,      #
which he did; but Depones
he did not see (^Philip^) the Pannal return again to the Body   #
of his Father; Depones 
when the Deponent and the other Chirurgion were putting on the  #
clean Linens, and stirring 
and moving the Head and Craig, he saw no Blood at all. And      #
this is the Truth as
he shall answer to God. (\Sic subscribitur.\) (^Ia: Murehead.^)
   (^Iames Murehead^) and (^Iames Craufurd^) Chirurgions give   #
in their Report and Declaration
in write, anent the Murder of Umquhile Sir (^Iames              #
Standsfield^) , which they renewed
upon Oath, in presence of the Justices and Assisers, and        #
whereof the Tenor follows.

   (^Edinburgh, December^) 1. 1687
   (^November^) 30. 1687. we viewed the Corps in (^Morum^)
Church.
   We under-Subscribers (^Iames Craufurd^) and (^Iames          #
Murehead^) Chirurgions in (^Edinburgh^) ,
having order from Sir (^John Dalrymple^) his (^Majesties^)      #
Advocat to go to (^Morum^) , and there
to take up the Corps of Sir (^James Standsfield^) , and to      #
sight and view the same exactly, and 
if need were to open up the Body, and to consider whether       #
there appeared any evidence
of Wounds, Bruises, or Stranglings upon the Corps, besides      #
what might have happened
by his falling or drowning in the water, &c. In obedience       #
thereto, we caused take up the 
saids Corps, and in presence of (^Philip Standsfield^) , Mr.    #
(^Andrew Melvill^) Minister of (^Morum^) ,
(^James Hamilton^) Writer to the Signet, (^James Row^) and      #
(^Alexander Campbel^) Merchands 
in (^Edinburgh^) , (^Umphray Spurway^) , (^James Dick^) ,       #
(^James Mitchel^) , and (^John Robertson^) Indwellers 
in (^New-milns^) , and some others, having with all possible    #
exactness viewed the Corps;
We observed the Face, a little swelled and inclining to a dark  #
reddish colour, some fulness
of some capillary Veins in the Pallat of the Mouth towards the  #
Uvula, as also a large and 
conspicuous swelling about three inches broad of a dark red     #
or blae colour, from the one 
side of the Larinx round backwards to the other side thereof,   #
we observed the Jugular 
Veins on both sides of the Neck very large and distended, and   #
full of Blood; There was
a large swelling under and betwixt the Chin and the Cartilago   #
Scutiformis, there was also 
a little scratch below the left Mandibula, which had rankled    #
the Cuticula, and made 
some little Impression on the Cutis, having made Incision from  #
the Chin down along 
the Larinx, and cross upon the swelling of the Neck: We found   #
a greater laxness and 
distance (as we think) than ordinary betwixt the Cartilago      #
Scutiformis and Os hyoides; 
we found the Tumour on the Neck, containing bruised like dark   #
or blackish Blood;
the jugulars when cut, bled considerably, especially that on    #
the left-side. 
   Having opened his Breast, we found the Lungs distended to    #
the filling up their Capacities, 
but free of water, his Stomach, Liver, &c. were all in good     #
condition, we 
found no water within the corps, the Corps had no smell at      #
all; The Breast, Belly, 
Privy Parts, &c. were all well coloured, there was no swelling  #
in his Belly, nor any 
thing by ordinary to be seen on his Head; This we attest and    #
subscribe with our Hands, 
(\Sic subscribitur\) (^James Craufurd. James Murehead.^)
   (^Edinburgh 6. December 1687.^)
In presence of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Glasgow, Lord Tarbat,    #
President of Session,
Advocat, and Castlehill. 
   (^James Murehead^) , and (^James Craufurd^) Chirurgions,     #
being solemnly sworn in the presence
<P 23>
of the Committee of Council, Depone that the written report     #
anent the Body of 
the Deceist Sir (^James Standsfield^) is true, according to     #
their Skill and this is the truth, as 
they shall answer to God. (\Sic subscribitur,\) (^James         #
Crawfurd. James Murehead.^) 
   (^John Glasgow, I.P.D.C.^)
   (^Edinburgh 7 February^) 1688, in presence of the Justices   #
and Assisers. 
   (^James Murehead^) , and (^James Craufurd^) Chirurgions,     #
being solemnly sworn; Depone
upon the truth, and verity, of the above-written Declaration    #
in all points. (\Sic 
subscribitur.\) (^James Crawfurd, James Murehead. Linlithgow.^)
   Follows the Chirurgions of (^Edinburgh^) their opinion anent #
the said Murder.
We under subscribers, Chirurgions in (^Edinburgh^) , having     #
fully considered the report
made by (^Iames Craufurd^) , and (^Iames Murehead^) ,           #
concerning the condition of the Corps 
of Sir (^Iames Standsfield^) , and though it be not usual to    #
declare more than matter of Fact, yet
in obedience to your Lordships commands, where ye desire to be  #
informed, if 
these Symptoms, found upon the Body, do import, Drowning, or    #
Strangling.
We humbly offer our opinion, so far as our Art or Experience    #
will allow. And whereas
the report informs us, that there was found a swelling, and     #
preter-natural redness in the 
face, a large and conspicuous Tumour, about three inches        #
broad, of a dark red, or black colour, 
from the one side of the larinx, round backwards to the other   #
side thereof, a large swelling, 
betwixt the Chin, and the Cartilago Scutiformis, the Jugular    #
Veins, on both sides very 
large, and distended, and when Incision was made down-wards,    #
betwixt the Os hyoid and 
Larinx was observed a laxness, and distance betwixt the Os      #
hyoid and the Cartilago 
scutiformis, Incision being made cross against the Tumour, it   #
was found full of bruised
Blood. The Jugulars likewayes when opened yielding a            #
considerable quantity of Blood, 
especially on the left side, no Smel, or corruption appearing   #
in any part of the Body. 
It is very probable these parts have suffered some external     #
violence, which hath made 
them appear so far different from their natural figure and      #
colour, and could not be caused 
by Drowning simply. As to the other part of the report, the     #
Breast, and Belly, being
opened, the Lungs found distended, the Bronchi full of air,     #
without any water, nor 
any water found in the Stomach, or Intestines; a Body when      #
drowned, being 
generally found to have much water in it, with other            #
circumstances of the Report
considered, Gives just ground to think he was not drowned.      #
This we subscribe at (^Edinburgh^) ,
the 3 day of (^February^) 1688. (\Sic subscribitur.\)
   (^John Baillie Deacon, William Barthwick,
George Stirling, Thomas Edgar,
James Craufurd, James Murehead.^)
(^Follows the Report of the Colledge of Physicians. Edinburgh 6 #
February 1688.^)
The Colledge of Physicians, being assembled at the desire of    #
his (^Majesties Advocat^) .
To consider a Report made by some Chirurgions, concerning the   #
Body of the late 
Sir (^James Standsfield^) , and give their opinion, whether by  #
the said Report, there is any 
just ground to believe, that the said Sir (^James Standsfield^) #
was Strangled, or Drowned?
And they having accordingly considered the said Report, They    #
are of opinion, supposing
the verity of the said Report or declaration, that there is     #
sufficient ground to believe, 
that the said Sir (^James Standsfield^) was Strangled, and not  #
Drowned; in testimony
whereof thir presents are subscribed by Sir (^Andrew Balfour^)  #
President of the said Colledge. 
(\Sic subscribitur.\) (^A. Balfour. P.C R.M.^)



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[^MONRO, J. (?).
THE SCOTCH PRESBYTERIAN ELOQUENCE; OR, THE FOOLISHNESS OF
THEIR TEACHING DISCOVERED FROM THEIR BOOKS, SERMONS, AND
PRAYERS, AND SOME REMARKS ON MR. RULE'S LATE VINDICATION
OF THE KIRK.
LONDON: RANDAL TAYLOR, 1694.
PP. 10.1-25.31.^]

<P 10>
   They have no distinguishing Garb from Lay-men, and yet       #
they took 
upon them to admonish the King's Commissioner in their last     #
Assembly,
for wearing a Scarlet Cloak; and told him plainly, That (^it    # 
was not decent 
for his Grace to appenr before them in such a Garb;^) upon      # 
which my Lord 
told them, That (^he thought it as undecent for them to appear  #
before him in
gray Cloaks and Cravats.^) When the Church of (^Arrol^) was     # 
last Year made 
vacant by the Expulsion of the Reverend and Learned Doctor      #
(^Nicolson,^) 
the Elders and Heritors there, whereof many were Gentlemen of   #
the 
best quality, met together, that according to the present Law   #
and constant 
Practice of the (^Presbyterians^) they might chuse and call     #
another Minister to be 
their Parson; after they had unanimously agreed, and sign'd,    #
and sent a 
formal Legal Call to Mr. (^Lisk,^) a person of indisputable     #
Qualifications for 
the Ministry, in which he has been employ'd with great          #
Reputation for 
several Years in the (^North,^) and one who has given signal    #
Evidence of 
his good Affections to their present Majesties; my Lord         #
(^Kinnard,^) Chief 
Heritor, went with the rest to signifie their Calling of Mr.    #
(^Lisk^) to the 
Presbytery; at my Lords entering into the place where the       #
Presbytery 
was sitting, he ask'd if they were the Ministers of the         #
Presbytery; (^Do 
not you see that we are?^) said the Moderator. My Lord replied, #
(^That by
their Garb no Body could know them, and that their Spirit was   #
invisible.^) 
Now whether it was for this Jest, or because they knew Mr.      #
(^Lisk^) to be 
Episcopal in his Judgment, I know not; but this I know, that    #
these grave 
New Gospellers, rejected the Call, in despite both of the       #
Heritors and of 
their own Law, brought in a Hot-headed Young-man of their own   #
Stamp
and Election. However, that they use no distinguishing Garb,    #
must be 
acknowledged to be very congruous; for truly they are but       #
Laicks, and 
it will surpass all their Learning, to prove that they are      #
Ministers of Jesus
Christ, but meerly Preachers sent and call'd by the People,     #
who are generally
but very ill Judges of Mens Qualifications for the Ministry;    #
hence 
their constant and vast Heats and Divisions about their         #
calling of able Men.
The Mobile ordinarily take their Measures only from the         #
Appearances
of things; and indeed a (^Presbyterian^) Preacher's Out-side is #
not his worst 
for they appear commonly, though in Lay-garb, yet in            #
Sheeps-clothing; 
but as we have often formerly, so do we now, feel that they     #
are inwardly
nothing but ravenous Wolves.
   Now as to their Sermons (which is the main design of this    #
Paper) 
they are still upon the Government and the Times, preaching up  #
the Excellency,
of their Kirk Government, which they call Christ, the Crown,
Scepter, and Government of Christ. This was an old Custom       #
among them 
to preach up the Times, and the neglect thereof they call'd     #
sinful Silence.
When in the former Confusions of the State they violently       #
intruded themselves 
and usurped the Government of the Church, which they never had
in settled Times. In those days at a publick Synod they openly  #
reproved
one Mr. (^Lighton^) for not preaching up the Times. (^Who^)     # 
(saith he) 
<P 11>
(^doth preach up the Times?^) It was answer'd, (^That all the   #
Brethren did it. 
Then (says Mr. Lighton) if all you preach up the Times, you     #
may 
allow one poor Brother to preach up Christ Jesus and            #
Eternity.^) But 
this was never, nor is like to be, The Design of their          #
Sermons; for 
trace them in their Politicks, Morals, Misticks, and            #
Metaphysicks, you shall 
find them selfish, Singular, and full of Nonsensick             #
Rhapsodies. These perhaps 
may seem hard Words, but an (^Ethiopian^) must be painted       # 
black, and 
that's no fault in the Painter. 
   For their Politicks, there is no Government under the Sun    #
could tolerate 
them, if they but act in other Nations as they have done in     #
(^Scotland^) since 
their Intrusion there; to instance but in our Times, Did not    #
Mr. (^Cargill,^)
one of their celebrated Preachers, Excommunicate all the        #
Royal Family, 
the Bishops and Curats, and all that should hear them and       #
adhere to them?
They, indeed that affect the Name of Sober (^Presbyterians,^)   #
disown'd these 
Hill-men, particularly because they refus'd to joyn with them   #
in Thanking
King (^James^) for the Toleration which he granted to them. And #
yet such 
is the disingenuity of these who would be call'd Sober          #
(^Presbyterians,^) that 
they cry out, that they suffer'd Persecution; whereas it was    #
the (^Cameronians^)
only, whom they disown, that did suffer anything: For these     #
others 
were setled in Churches by an Indulgence granted by the King.   #
Against 
which Indulgence, all the Sufferers, like true                  # 
(^Presbyterians,^) gave their Testimony, 
calling it a meer brat of (^Erastianism.^) What Government      # 
could 
tolerate such Ministers as (^John Deckson,^) whom I nam'd       # 
before, who in a 
Sermon Preach'd by him in the Parish of (^Gallowsheiels,^)      #
declar'd, (^That it 
was all one to Sacrifice to Devils, as to pay Cess to King^)    #
Charles. The Author 
of the Review of the History of Indulgence, one of the sober    #
sort of 
(^Presbyterians,^) tells, (^Page^) 610. the same of a Preacher  # 
of his Acquaintance.
   I shall say no more of their Sentiments concerning           #
Government, but 
only refer the Readers to their Printed Acts of General         #
Assemblies, and to 
those Covenants which themselves have Printed, often            #
Subscribed and 
Sworn, and which are now again, for the benefit of Strangers,   #
publish'd
in that excellent Vindication of King (^Charles^) II. his happy #
Government in 
(^Scotland,^) by Sir (^George Mackenze,^) in which its evident  # 
that they 
plainly renounce Monarchy, and all Power, but that of the       #
Covenanted 
Kirk. 
   As to their disposition to live peaceably, I appeal not      #
only to their Principles 
vented in these Covenants and Acts of their general Assemblies, # 
but
also to the many private Murthers, and open Rebellions which    #
they have 
been guilty of under every Reign, since their first entry into  #
(^Britain.^) Even 
in our own days, since 1666, they have rais'd no less than      #
three formidable 
Rebellions, besides many lesser Insurrections and Tumults,      #
wherein many 
Christians have suffer'd. With what violence did they flee to   #
Arms, and 
Persecute all who were not of their Party, upon the occasion    #
of the late 
Revolution? When, if it had not been for their indiscreet and   #
fiery Zeal,
<P 12>
this Kingdom might have been happily united to (^England:^) But #
whatever 
Advantage such an Union might have brought to the Church and    #
State yet,
because it seem'd to have no good Aspect to the Covenanted      #
Cause, therefore 
the motion of it, though offer'd, was industriously stifled,    #
and that oppertunity, 
which we can hardly hope to recover, quite lost. Nay, under     # 
the 
present Government, for which they in the beginning pretended   #
to be so 
zealous, 'tis well known over all the Kingdom, that they were   #
last Year 
contriving by force, without any regard to Authority, to have   #
the Solemn 
League renew'd, and impos'd after the old manner, upon all      #
Men, Women, 
and Children; and in order to this good end, many Thousands of  #
them 
at Field-Meetings in the (^West,^) convened after their         # 
ordinary way, with Bibles 
and Musquets, Psalm-Books, and rusty Swords, and subscrib'd a   #
new 
Association for raising of Men, Horse, and Arms, to advance     #
the Old Cause, 
repurge the holy Kirk, and make a thorow Reformation in the     #
Land.
But I shall take occasion by and by to give you some latter     #
and more evident 
Instances of their Neglect and Contempt of their present        #
Governors. 
   In the next place survey them in their Learning, and you     #
shall find that 
it lies only in the study of some (^Anty-Arminian^)             # 
Metaphysicks, and in the 
practical Divinity they pretend to draw from the Heads of       #
Election 
and Reprobation, whereby they Preach men out of their Wits,     #
and very 
often into Despair and Self-murder. It's generally known, that  #
(^Joseph Brodie,^)
Preacher in (^Forress^) in the time of the late Presbytery, did #
in the presence
of a very Learned and Eminent Person, take occasion in the      #
Pulpit to 
speak of a poor man, who was then in such a desperate           #
condition, that it 
was judg'd necessary to bind up his Hands, lest otherwise he    #
should cut his 
own Throat, as he continually threatned; of this desperate      #
Wretch the 
pious Preacher above-nam'd, pronounc'd thus; (^Sirs, This is    # 
the best Man in
my Parish, would to God ye were all like him; he does truly     #
fear Reprobation 
which most of you are not aware of.^) 
   There is a common printed Pamphlet, compos'd and publish'd   #
by a (^Presbyterian^)
Preacher, concerning one (^Bassie Clarkson,^) a Woman that      # 
liv'd at
(^Lanark,^) who was Three Years in Despair, or to speak in      # 
their Cant, (^under 
Exercise.^) Whosoever reads that Pamphlet will find, that the   #
poor Woman's
Distemper proceeded only from their indiscreet Preaching,       #
representing
God as a Sour, severe and unmerciful Being. It is known in the  #
Shire 
of (^Tiviotdale,^) that Mr. (^William Veach^) murder'd the      # 
Bodies as well as Souls
of two or three persons with one Sermon; for, preaching in the  #
Town of 
(^Jedburg^) to a great Congreation, he said, (^There are two    #
Thousand of you here today,
but I am sure Fourscore of you will not be sav'd;^) upon which, #
Three of 
his Ignorant Hearers being in Despair, dispatch'd themselves    #
soon after.
And lately in (^Edenburg^) Mr. (^James Kirkton,^) (the          # 
everlasting Comedian of
their Party) one of their famous Preachers in that City,        #
praying publickly 
for a poor Woman much troubled in Spirit, said, (^A wholsome    #
Disease, Good 
<P 13>
Lord, a wholesome Disease, Lord, for the Soul. Alas,^) said he, #
(^few in the 
Land are troubled with this Disease. Lord, grant that she may   #
have many fellows
in this Disease.^) 
   Not only do they make their People distracted with such      #
desperate Doctrine
as this, but moreover they incourage them in direct Impieties.  #
Mr. 
(^Selkirk^) Preaching at (^Musselburg,^) expressed himself      # 
thus, (^God   
sees no sin in his 
Chosen; Now, Sirs, be you guilty of Murder, Adultery,           #
Bestiality, or any other 
gross sin, if you be of the Election of Grace there is no fear  #
of you, for God sees 
no sin in his Chosen Covenanted People.^) And this is consonant # 
to an expression 
of Mr: (^Samuel Rutherford's^) printed Letters, (^Hellfulls of  # 
sins cannot separate 
us from Christ.^) 
   In the Parish of Mr. (^Macmath,^) Minister of (^Leswade,^)   # 
some of those 
who were lately the most active in persecuting and driving him  #
from his 
Residence (even after he had the Privy-Council's Protection,    #
and a Guard 
assign'd him for his defence) have since suffered violent       #
deaths; two of 
them prevented the Hangman's pains by becoming their own        #
Murtherers. 
When the Earl of (^Lauderdale^) and Sir (^George Mackenzie^)    # 
died last year 
much about one time, the Party who pretend to unriddle all the  #
most 
secret Causes of Gods Providence, call'd their Deaths a         #
visible Judgment, 
for their being Enemies to the good Cause, altho it be well     #
known that 
both these honourable Persons died of a natural Death, in a     #
good Age,
being both of them worn out with their great diligence in       #
their King and 
Country's Service (perhaps, indeed, their days were shortned,   #
by seeing 
such Firebrands able again to force themselves into the         #
Church, as had 
before ruin'd both it and the State, and were the Scandal of    #
Christianity, 
as well as Disgrace of their Nation.) But when these            #
abovenamed Self-Murthers 
of the Parish of (^Leswade^) had devided (^Judas's^) death      # 
betwixt them, 
the one hanging himself, the other ripping up his own Belly,    #
till all his 
Bowells gushed out: the (^Presbyterian^) Preacher in that       # 
Parish, holding forth 
next (^Sunday,^) was so ready of Invention as to find Arguments #
from thence 
for the Confirmation of the good Cause: (^Ah Sirs^) (says he)   #
(^nothing has 
befallen these Men but what God had from Eternity decreed; and  #
I can 
tell you, Sirs, why he decreed it, indeed it was even because   #
they had gone 
sometimes to hear the graceless Curates. Ah, Sirs, ye may see   #
in this Judgment
the danger of that Sin; beware of hearing Curates, Sirs, you    #
see its 
a dangerous thing, Sirs; but I'll tell you more yet anent       #
this, Sirs, this is a
plain proof that the Gospel has not been preached in this       #
Parish this twenty 
eight years, for in all that time you have not heard so much    #
as of one that had
a tender Conscience like these men; but now when we begin       #
again to preach 
the Gospel, its so powerful, that it awakes mens Conscience,    #
and pricks 
them so at the heart, that they cannot bear it, nor live under  #
it.^) 
   And now I leave the World to judge, whether this sort of     #
Learning 
and manner of Preaching doth not stand in diametrical           #
opposition to all 
Religion and Reason, and does not in its Tenures and Effects    #
appear to 
be indeed the Doctrine of Devils, and another Gospel; and yet   #
by it our 
<P 14>
Rabble Reformation has been wrought. All true and solid         #
Learning,
particularly Antiquity, is decryed by them, because in it       #
there is no 
vestige, no not so much as any shadow of (^Presbytery^) to be   #
found; to preach 
Peace and Righteousness (tho that be the design of the Gospel)  #
yet 
since it does not answer the Ends of the Covenant, it must be   #
Condemn'd 
as temporizing, time-serving, and the pleasing of Men more      #
then God, 
who, they are sure, can never be pleas'd but in their           #
Covenanted 
way.
   Morality with them is but old, out-dated, heathenish         #
Vertue, and 
therefore such a Book as (^the Whole Duty of Man^) is look'd    # 
upon with wonderful
contempt by them: (^Frazer of Bray,^) one of the greatest among 
them, professes downright, that there is no Gospel, nor any     #
relish of it 
in that Book, and that (^Aristotle's Ethicks^) have as much     # 
true Divinity as 
that Book hath. And (^John Vetch^) of (^Woolstruthers^) says,   # 
That that Book is 
too much upon Moral Duty. A certain Lady of their Stamp,        #
getting it 
once into her hands, and hearing that it was a moral Book,      #
done by an 
Episcopal Divine, she made a Burnt Offering of it, out of her   #
great Zeal 
against Episcopacy and Morality. Mr. (^Macquire,^) one of their #
celebrated 
Professors and Preachers, in his Preface to (^Browns^) Book,    #
intituled (^Christ 
the Truth, Way, and Life,^) calls the People that are taken up  #
with the 
(^Whole Duty of Man,^) or any such Books, (^a Moralizing, or    # 
rather,^) says he, 
(^a Muddizing Generation.^) 
   The most of their Sermons are Nonsensick Raptures, the       #
abuse of 
Mistick Divinity, in Canting and compounding Vocables, oft      #
times stuffed 
with impertinent and base (^Similes,^) and always with homely,  #
course and 
ridiculous Expressions, very unsuitable to the Gravity and      #
Solemnity that 
becomes Divinity. They are for the most part upon (^Believe,    #
Believe;^) 
and mistaking Faith for a meer Recumbency: they value no Works  #
but 
such as tend to propogate (^Presbytery.^) When they speak of    #
Christ, they 
represent him as a Gallant, Courting and Kissing, by their      #
fulsome, amorous
Discourses on the mysterious Parables of the (^Canticles;^) and #
making 
Christ and his Gospel to be their own Kirk Government; they     # 
have quite 
debased Divinity, and debauched the Morals of the People: This  #
is evident,
not only from their manner of Preaching, but also from their    #
way 
of writing most of their Books, whereof some Instances shall    #
be given in 
the next Section. 
   Some of them have an odd way of acting in the Pulpit,        #
personating 
Discourses often by way of Dialogue betwixt them and the        #
Devil. Such 
ways were of old familiar to the Monks, as appears from         #
Mounsieur (^Claude^) 
in his Second part of the (^Defence of the Reformation, Chap.^) #
10. where he 
vindicates (^Luther^) from an Aspersion cast upon him by the    # 
Church of 
(^Rome.^) For, say the Papists, Luther (^professeth in his      # 
Writings, that he had 
a Conference with the Devil concerning the Mass, and that the   #
Devil accused 
him for being an Idolater.^) To which (^Luther^) answers, That  # 
he was then 
<P 15>
in Ignorance, and that he obey'd his Superiours. Hence the      #
Papists conclude,
that (^Luther^) was the Devils Scholer. But Mounsieur           # 
(^Claude^) lets 
them see, that (^Luther^) spoke in a Monkish Stile, and that    # 
the Stile of the 
Covenant did represent Conflicts betwixt the Flesh and Spirit,  #
as personal
Exploits with the Devil: To prove this, he instances St.        #
(^Dominick,^) who 
says, that he saw the Devil one Night, in his Iron Hands carry  #
a Paper 
to him, which he read by the light of a Lamp, and told it was   #
a Catalogue
of his Sins, and the Sins of his Brethren, upon which St.       #
(^Dominick^) 
commanded him to leave the Paper with him, which was done       #
accordingly:
and afterwards he and his Brethren found cause to correct       #
something 
in their Lives. All that is said for this, is, that it is a     #
Romantick Stile 
proper to the Monks, and all that is meant thereby is this,     #
that the Devil
could lay such Sins to their charge, and their Consciences did  #
smite them, 
therefore they corrected what they found amiss. But such a      #
Stile did 
create wrong Ideas in the Literal Interpreters of such          #
Narrations: And 
it is like some of our Reformers Reading Books of this nature,  #
either 
thought such Apparitions real, or that they affected the        #
Stile, for it is reported 
of Mr. (^Robert Bruce,^) one of our (^Scotch^) Reformers, that  # 
having 
studied the Civil Law, and going one day to the Colledge of     #
Justice, to 
pass his Tryals in order to commence Odvocate, he said, that    #
he saw a 
great Gulph in the Close or Court of the Parliament-House,      #
like the 
mouth of Hell, and this diverted his entrance into the House;   #
upon which 
he gave over the Study of the Law, and applied himself to       #
Theology. 
Whether the thing was literally true, or whether the man had a  #
disturbed 
Imagination (as good men may have) or whether he affected the 
Stile of the Convent, and meant thus much by it, That the       #
Imployment 
of a Jurist was dangerous, and apt to lead men into such        #
Temptations as 
he feared might be to strong for him, I know not which to       #
conclude;
- but this I am sure of, That one Mr. (^Thomas Hogg,^) a very   #
popular (^Presbyterian^)
Preacher in the North, asked a Person of great Learning, in a 
Religious Conference, Whether or not he had seen the Devil? It  #
was answered 
him, (^That he had never seen him in any visible appearance:    #
Then I 
assure you^) (saith Mr. Hogg) (^that yon can never be happy     # 
till you see him 
in that manner; that is, untill you have both a personal        #
Converse and Combat
with him.^) I know nothing more apt to create a more religious  #
madness in 
poor well-meaning People, than this sort of Divinity, in which  #
our (^Presbyterians^) 
have quite out-done the senseless old Monks. 
   Their Principles and Doctrine being, as ye have heard,       #
opposite to 
Morality, it will not be thought strange that the height of     #
Pride and 
Rusticity should appear in their Conversation: The Common       # 
Civilities 
due to Mankind, they allow not to Persons of the best Quality,  # 
that 
are of a different Opinion from themselves. To avoid and flee   #
from the 
Company where a Curate is, as if it were a Pest-House, is a     #
common sign 
of Grace: To affront a Prelate openly is a most meritorious     #
Work, and 
<P 16>
such as becomes a true Saint: To approve and applaud the        #
Murtherers of 
the Arch-bishop of St. (^Andrews,^) is an infallible Evidence   # 
of one throughly 
reformed. That the World may be satisfied of their Behaviour    #
towards 
ordinary Men, I shall give you some late Instances of their     #
Carriage towards 
those of the highest Rank and Quality; the matters of Fact are 
such as are known to be true by multitudes of People before     #
whom they 
were acted; and themselves have the Impudence still to glory    #
in them;
and yet I will not say but some of the Party may deny them      #
upon occasion 
at Court, as they do other things as evident; for I know what 
metal their Foreheads are made of. 
   1. Then, When their Majesties Privy Council, by advice of    #
all the 
Judges, conform to a standing Act of Parliament, and common     #
Practice, 
appointed a Sermon upon the Thirtieth day of (^January^)        #
1690/1: The 
Council some time before sent a Person of Quality, one of       #
their own 
Stamp and Kidney, to the Commissioners of the General Assemble, #
to desire 
them in their Majesties and Councils Name, to appoint one of    #
their number 
to preach before them in St. (^Giles's^) Church on that day,    # 
and to put 
them in mind that it was the Anniversary for the Martyrdom of   #
King 
(^Charles^) the First, and that a Sermon proper for the         #
Occasion was expected 
according to the Religion, Law, and Custom of the Nation. The 
grave Noddies of the Assembly answer'd thus; (^Let the Council  #
do their 
own Business, for we are to receive no Directions from the      #
State, nor to take 
our Measures from the Council, especially in preaching          #
Anniversary Sermons.^)
Upon which they appointed (^Shields,^) a (^Cameronian,^) one of # 
the most wild 
and violent of the Hill-men, to preach in the (^Tron-Church,^)  #
wherein they 
used to have Weekly Lectures, as it hapened upon that day of    #
the Week,
but where neither the Lords of Council nor Judges were used to  #
come.
All that he spoke concerning the King's Murther was this; (^Ye  #
Sirs, perhaps
some of you may foolishly fancy that I came here to day to      # 
preach to you
concerning the Death of King^) Charles (^the First: What?       # 
Preach for a Man
that died forty Years ago? If it be true what some Histories    #
tell of him, 
he is very much wronged; but if it be true what we believe of   #
him, and have 
ground for, he is suffering the Vengeance of God in Hell this   #
day for his own 
and Forefathers sins.^) The same (^Shields^) as he was holding  # 
forth sometime
before at (^Edinburgh,^) said, That for ought he saw, King      # 
(^William^) and Queen
(^Mary^) were rather seeking an earthly Crown to themselves,    # 
than seeking 
to put the Crown on Christ's Head. That is, in the Conventicle  #
stile, to 
settle Presbyterian Government.
   This same year again they peremptorily refused and despised  #
the Privy
Council's Order, requiring them, according to a standing Act    #
of Parliament,
to preach upon that day. 
   2. Inst. Mr. (^Areskme^) preaching in the (^Tron Church^) at #
(^Edinburgh,^) the 
day after the King by open Proclamation had adjourned the       #
General
Assembly, said, (^Sirs, Ye heard a strange Proclamation the     #
other day, which I
hope the Authors of may repent some day: It brings to my mind,  #
Sirs, an
<P 17>
old Story of King^) Cyrus, (^who once set his Hands fairly to   #
the building of 
God's House, but his hand was not well in the Work, when he     #
drew it out 
again: All is well that ends well, Sirs; for what think ye      #
became of King^) 
Cyrus, (^Sirs? I'll tell you that now Sirs; He e'en made an ill #
end, he e'en 
died a bloody death in a strange Land. I wish the like may not  #
befall our 
King; they say Comparisons are odious, but I hope ye will not   #
think that 
Scripture-Comparisons are so; whatever you may think, I am      #
sure of this, 
that no King but King Jesus has Power to adjourn our General    #
Assembly.^) 
   This was spoken so lately, before so great an Auditory,      #
that whatever 
(^Rule^) may say in his next Book, yet I think the Author       # 
himself will not 
have the Impudence to deny it. 
   3. When last Summer their Commissioners returned from King   #
(^William^) 
in (^Flanders,^) and told the General Assembly, That the King   # 
had positively
told them, that he would not any longer suffer them to oppress 
and persecute the Episcopal Subjects; an desir'd them in his    #
Name 
to acquaint the General Assembly with his mind, that for the    #
time 
to come they should proceed more moderately, otherwise he       #
would 
let them know that he is their master. The Moderators said      #
openly, 
That if it were not for the great Army he had with him, he      #
durst not 
have said so to them; and however, he had been wiser to have    #
held his 
Peace, for that they own'd no Master but Christ. 
   When King (^William^) in (^January^) last desired them, by   # 
his Letter to the 
General Assembly, to re-admit into the Exercise of the          #
Ministry, so many 
of the Episcopal Presbyters as should be willing to submit to   #
and comply 
with a (^Formula^) which his Majesty sent to them, and          # 
appointed to be the 
Terms of Communion betwixt the Parties: This proposal of Peace  #
and 
Union, which moderate Presbyterians might have been thought     #
to have 
rejoiced in, was insolently rejected, and exclaimed against by  #
all the Assembly, 
except one Mr. (^Orack.^) Then the common Discourse and         #
Preaching 
of Presbyterians was, that King (^William^) design'd to         #
dethrone King Jesus;
that the prescribing to them any (^Formula^) was an             #
Incroachment upon Christ's
Kingdom, and a violent Usurpation of his Priviledges; that any  #
(^Formula^) 
- but the Covenant is of the Devil's making, and ought not to   #
be tolerated by 
Presbyterians. The Moderator of the General Assembly, in his    #
Prayer 
immediately after its Dissolution, reflected upon King          # 
(^William^) as sent in 
Wrath to be a Curse to God's Kirk. He and the whole Assembly    #
protested
against the King's Power to dissolve them, and before his       #
Commissioner 
disclaim'd all his Authority that way: Afterwards to make their 
Testimony (that's their word for Treason) publick, they went    #
to the 
Cross of (^Eninburgh,^) and took a formal Protestation after    # 
the old manner 
against the King in behalf of the People of God (by which they  #
intend 
their own Subjects.) The megnanimous Earl of (^Crawford^) vowed #
before 
the Commissioners, that he would adhere to the Protestation     #
with his 
Life and Fortune, two things equally great and valuable.
   Their ordinary Doctrine and Discourse in the Pulpit and out  #
of it, speaking 
of the Kirk and King, is, Deliverance will come from another    #
hand, 
<P 18>
(^but thou and thy house shall perish.^) Mr. (^Matthew Red,^)   # 
holding forth the 
New Gospel at his Kirk in (^North Berwick, Feb.^) 20th. 1691/2  #
said, (^The 
Kirk of^) Scotland (^is presently under the same condition      # 
that^) David (^was, when 
he was so sore persecuted and pursued by^) Saul, (^that he      # 
seem'd to have 
no way left him to escape; but then a Messenger came and told^) #
Saul, (^that the^) 
Philistines (^had invaded the Land; this gave^) Saul (^some     #
other [A GAP IN THE TEXT] Tow in his 
Rock, and by that^) David (^was deliver'd.^) This Mr. (^Red^)   # 
being that same 
night with another of his Brethren at Supper at a Knight's      #
House in that 
Parish, told plainly, That by the (^Philistines^) in his        # 
Sermon, he ment the 
(^French.^) And both the New Gospellers agreed, that the Kirk   # 
of (^Scotland^) 
could not now be otherwise delivered but by an Invasion of the  #
(^French^) 
to restore King (^James.^) This Account I had from a Gentleman  # 
of good 
Credit who was present both at the Sermon and Supper. Mr.       #
(^Stenton,^)
one of their noted Preachers, said in an open Company, the day  #
after 
the Assembly was dissolved, That they had appointed their next  #
Meeting 
in 1693, hoping that before that time they might have another   #
King who 
would allow them better Conditions. They now lay great stress   #
upon 
the Prophecy of an Old Man in the (^West,^) who at his dying in #
1689
said, (^The perfect Deliverance of God's Kirk must come after   #
all by the^)
French, (^for this King^) William (^will not do it.^) And say   #
commonly, that they 
brought in a Dog for God's sake, and that he now begins to      #
bite the Barnes.
   This being their way of treating a King who has              #
condescended to 
oblige them even to his own loss, and to the wonder of Mankind; #
what 
may their Fellow-Subjects, especially such as are not of their  #
Biggotry or 
Opinion, except from them? That this is no new thing to them,   #
nor 
the Actings only of some few of the more rigid sort of them,    #
is evident 
from their extravagant and constant course of Rudeness to King  #
(^James^) 
the Second, and to both the (^Charles's,^) whereof many         # 
instances are to be seen 
in their own Books; some of them you may meet with in the next  #
Section.
   All the Presbyterians profess, that the keeping of           #
Anniversary Days
even for the greatest Blessing of the Gospel, is Superstition   #
and Popery. 
For the modestest of them that ever spake last Year against     #
(^Christmas^) 
was (^Frazer^) of (^Bray,^) who preaching in the High Church of #
(^Edinburgh^)
in his ordinary turn upon that day on which (^Christmas^) fell, #
all that he 
said was, (^Some will think that I will speak either for the    # 
Day or against it.
To speak against it I see no reason, and to speak for it I see  #
as little; for 
why should we keep our Saviour's Birth-day, and not his         #
Conception.^) Had 
this Man been but acquainted with the Liturgy of the Primitive  #
Church 
or of that in the Neighbour Nation, he might have found that    #
they keep 
Annunciation-day for the Conception, and this would have broke  #
the 
strongest Horn of his (^Presbyterian^) Dilemma. But for all the #
Abhorrence 
that (^Presbyterians^) have, and do profess against the         #
Observation of Anniversary
days, yet they never missed to preach an Anniversary Sermon on 
Mr. (^Heriot,^) who built and indued the great Hospital in the  #
City of 
(^Edinburgh;^) the reason is, that for every Sermon on          # 
(^Heriot's^) Commendation,
they get five Pounds, a new Hat and a Bible. If they could      #
have 
<P 19>
made but the same Purchase by preaching on (^Christmas,^) it's  #
more then 
probable that they would have thought the annual Observation    #
of our 
Saviour's Birth, as little superstitious as that of Mr.         #
(^Heriot's^) Memory. 
   But the Disingenuity, Hypocrisie, and Covetousness of that   #
Party appears 
not only in this, but in many other particulars; for who        #
clamour'd 
more than (^Presbyterians^) against Plurality of Benefices,     # 
which was never 
allowed nor practised under Episcopacy in our Kingdom, and now  #
several 
of them are suing for five or six Stipends at once, (^viz.^)    # 
the great Apostles 
of the New Gospel, Dr. (^Rule,^) Mr. (^John^) and Mr. (^William # 
Vetches,^) Mr.
(^David Williamson, John Dickson.^) I cannot here omit a        #
Passage of Mr. 
(^James Kirkton,^) now a famous Preacher in (^Edinburgh,^) who  # 
held forth 
formerly in a Meeting-House about three and twenty miles from   #
it, in 
the Parish of St. (^Martin,^) within the Shire of the (^Mers,^) # 
in which Parish 
there was an Episcopal Minister that gave Obedience to the      #
present Laws, 
but this (^Kirkton^) by the Act of restoring (^Presbyterian     #
Preachers^) to their 
former Charges, out of Malice against the Episcopal Minister,   #
and Covetousness
to get the Stipend of the place, comes from (^Edinburgh^) and   # 
preaches 
one Sermon in the Parish of St. (^Martin's,^) and returning     # 
some days after, 
left the Church without a Minister, by which means he obtained  #
to himself
the Stipend of that Parish, tho he lived and preaches in the    #
City of 
(^Edinburgh^) ever since. 
   There is another, Mr. (^Anthony Murray,^) who has a          #
considerable Estate
in (^Dunsire,^) he ordinarily uses this Phrase as a Proverb,    # 
That he desires 
no more in the World but a Bit and a Brat; that is, only as     #
much Food
and Raiment as Nature craves; and yet this very man that would  #
seem 
so denied to the World, got himself into the possession of two  # 
fat Benefices, 
(^viz.^) that of (^Counter^) in which he never did preach, and  # 
that of (^Dunsire 
Parish,^) in which the regular Pastor had served for the whole  #
Year 1688.
and for the greater part of the Year 1689. and yet was not      #
allow'd one 
Farthing of the Living for either: altho when he was drove      #
away he had 
eight young Motherless Children, and no bread for them, whereof # 
(^Murray,^)
it seems not having one Child, had no sence at all. 
   Who cried out more against the Covetousness of Prelates,     #
and complying
Ministers, than Mr. (^John Johnston^)? yet in the time of his   #
suppos'd 
Persecution, he made  up two thousand and five hundred Pounds   # 
Sterling;
and to the certain knowledge of his Acquaintance he was two     #
hundred 
Pounds Sterling in debt when he abdicated his Parish. This same # 
(^Johnston^)
being called to a dying Gentleman in (^East Lotham,^) who was   #
always 
Episcopal (but the Call was by some Fanatical Friends, without  #
the 
knowledge of the dying Person) (^Johnston^) having come to his  #
Chamber, 
advances with many Hums an Ha's close to the Gentleman's        #
Bed-side, and 
after stairing a while upon him, at last with a great groan he  # 
gave his
judgment of his State and Condition ill these words: (^I see    #
nothing there 
in that Face, ah, I see nothing but Damnation, Hell and         # 
Reprobation!^) At 
<P 20>
which words, a merry Man standing by, whispers in the ears of   #
the said 
Mr. (^Johnston, He hath left you two hundred Marks.^) Mr.       #
(^Johnston^) at this 
changed his mind (like the Barbarians in the Isle of            # 
(^Malta,^) ) and says, 
(^But methinks I see the Sun of Righteousness rising with       #
healing under his 
wings, saying, Son be of good chear, thy sins are forgiven      #
thee.^) 
   Who cried out more against Ministers Scandals, than one      #
(^Balfour^) in 
the (^Mers,^) and yet but a few months ago he fled for the Sin  # 
of Adultery 
himself. This among them is called but a slip of the Saints;    #
but far less 
slips in others are aggravated into heinous Scandals and        #
crying Sins, as 
that ought indeed to be esteem'd. 
   What greater act of Injustice then that done to Mr.          #
(^Alexander Heriot^)
Minister of (^Dalkeith,^) who gave all Obedience to the Civil   #
Law, and yet 
the Presbytery of (^Dalkeith^) permitted one (^Calderwood,^) a  #
declared Enemy 
of Mr. (^Heriot's,^) and some others of his Accusors, to sit as #
Judges among 
them, and not only admitted, but also invited and encouraged    #
two or three 
Knights of the Post to swear, That the Minister had danced      #
about a bonfire 
the 14th of (^October^) 1688. And when it was made appear to    # 
the conviction
of all men, that there was no Bonfires in the Town upon that 
Day, and that the Town was never wont to use any such           #
Solemnity upon 
the occasion of that day; all that the Presbytery said, was,    # 
That they 
could not help it, for the matter was sworn and deponed, and    #
they behoved to 
proceed, having a Call to purge the Church. 
   Besides, their not having good Notions of the Gospel, nor    #
of any good 
Heathen Morals; one reason of their malicious and crabbed       #
Nature may 
be, that they never suffered Affliction; for after they         #
abdicated their 
Churches in 1662, they began every where in their Sermons to    #
cant about 
the Persecution of the Godly, and to magnifie their own         #
Sufferings; by
this means they were pamper'd instead of being persecuted;      #
some of the 
Godly Sisters supplying them with plentiful Gratuities to       #
their Families, 
and Money to their Purses; they really lived better then ever   #
they 
did before, by their Stipends. They themselves boasted that     #
they were 
sure of Crowns for their Sufferings; and that Angels visited    #
them often 
in their Troubles; and both were materially true. I kow         #
several of 
them who got Estates this way, and that grew fat and lusty      #
under their 
Persecutions. Mr. (^Shields,^) one of their honestest and best  #
Writers, being 
well acquainted with all that they suffered, and a great        #
Sharer in it, glories 
in this, that they were highly provided for in their greatest   #
Difficulties, 
and makes an Argument for it of their being God's People: In    #
his Analysis 
(as he calls it) on the 29th of (^Deuteronomy,^) delivered in a #
Discourse to 
the People on the Preparation day before they renewed the       #
(^Covenants,^)
p. 10. l. 8. these are his Words: (^Tho in the Wilderness of    #
Prelatick,
Erastian, an Antichristan Usurpations, we did not meet with     #
Miracles, yet 
truly we have experienced Wonders of the Lord's care and        #
kindness, and for 
all the Harrassings and Persecutions, &c. the poor Wilderness   #
Wanderers have 
look'd as Meat like and Cloath-like as others that sat at ease  #
in their houses, 
<P 21>
and drank their Wine and their strong Drink.^) The Party        # 
finding such 
good Fruits of their Itinerary Labours, continued to preach     #
the unthinking 
Mobile out of their Money and Senses, as well as out of their   #
Duty 
to God and Man, receiving in the mean time, instead of (^Cups   # 
of cold Water,^)
many Bowels of warm Sack; the true Covenant Liquor, and the 
best Spirit that inspires the new Gospellers. By these means    #
the Malignity
of their Nature was rather kindled than abated; the only Men    #
that 
suffer'd any thing, being the poor silly Plowmen and Shepherds  #
in the 
(^West,^) whom the false Teachers hounded out to die for a      #
broken Covenant: 
It's true indeed, that many such Men being deluded into         #
several Rebellions, 
put the State under a necessity of defending it self, by        #
punishing some of 
them, and killing others in Battels; but yet, before the        #
danger of these 
Battels, the Preachers were generally so wise as to save        #
themselves, by 
running first; for had they been so honest as to have born but  #
a part 
of these Burdens which they imposed upon their Proselites, so   #
couragious 
as to have but shew'd their Faces in the Day of Battel (to      #
which they 
always sounded the Allarm by their Sermons) then it's like we   #
should 
not have been now infested with such swarms of these Locusts as #
have 
over-spread our Land, and again fill'd our King's Chambers, as  #
the Frogs 
and Lice of (^AEgypt^) did that of (^Pharaohs.^) 
   Though upon certain occasions the more subtile and cunning   #
(^Presbyterians,^)
knowing that no Art can defend or disguise the unaccountable 
Wildness and Madness of some of their Party, are forced to      #
disprove and 
condemn them; yet they never fail to make use of the            #
Sufferings of these 
same wild Men, to magnifie that Persecution which themselves    #
pretended 
to have undergone, but had not the least share in. Eminent      #
Instances of 
this we have in (^Rule's^) late Book. To whom, among other      #
Favours, we 
owe this new distinction of wild and sober (^Presbyterians.^)   #
Truly if the 
(^Presbyterians^) had met with the same Measure with which they #
formerly 
served the Prelatists; if they had been used as they did good   #
Bishop 
(^Wishart,^) whom they made to lye seven Months in a dark       #
stinking close 
Prison, without the conveniency of so much as changing his      #
Shirt but once, 
so that he was like to be eaten up of himself, and the Vermin   #
which that 
nasty place produced: It's probable that by such Severities     # 
(which I am 
glad they suffered not) they might have been brought to         #
something of that 
good Man's Christian Temper and Disposition: And that this was  #
very 
great, the worst of themselves were constrained to own, when    #
upon 
changing of the Scene, he being deservedly advanced to the      # 
Bishoprick of 
(^Edenburgh,^) was so charitable as to convey large Supplies to #
such of them 
as were imprisoned for their notorious Rebellion at             #
(^Pentland^) Hills, 1666, 
and that without letting them know from what hand it came, nay  #
his 
Compassion to them was such, that he continued such             #
(^Presbyterian^) Preachers
as were any thing tolerable in their Churches and Office;       #
without 
imposing on them the Conditions of Conformity which the Law     #
then requir'd:
But now (^Presbyterian^) Preachers, even those that are called  # 
the 
<P 22>
soberest, as we may see by their dayly Practices, and           #
Expressions, are
highly galled, because they are not allowed to treat the        #
Bishops, and other 
Ministers of God's Word, after the same barbarous manner that   #
they 
formerly did, that is, (^Hew them in pieces before the Lord,^)  # 
as they were 
wont to phrase it; for they commonly compare Bishops to         # 
(^Agag,^) and those 
ordained by them to the (^Amalekites.^) 
   The Episcopal Ministers and Rulers used all Christian and    #
discreet 
Methods, when they had power, to gain and oblige the            #
Dissenters, and to 
save them from the Penalties of the Law. But now such is the    #
Ingratitude 
of some, even of those same (^Presbyterians,^) whom the         #
Episcopal Ministers 
had saved from the Gibbet, to which the Law had justly doomed 
them, that they were the only Persons that invented false       #
Stories, forg'd 
malicious Libels, and rais'd tumults against those very         #
Ministers who had 
been formerly so exceeding kind to them; we have but too many   #
Instances 
of their rendring Evil for Good in this manner: And that which  #
makes 
this the more strange and odious, is, that it is acted under a  #
pretence to 
Religion and Reformation, and that the giddy People are         #
instigated to 
this Wickedness by their Preachers. I shall trouble the         #
Reader, at present,
only with two Particulars to this purpose; Mr. (^Monro,^)       # 
Parson of (^Sterling,^) 
was lately libelled and accused before the Brethren of the      #
Inquisition, by 
one, whom, as all the Neighbourhood knows, he preserved from    #
being 
hanged, when he well deserved it: And now, though the said      #
Parson (^Monro^) 
has visibly baffled all the Articles of his Libel, to the       #
Disgrace of his 
ungrateful Accuser, and of those Preachers who openly prompted  #
him to 
this Villany, yet they daily molest and disquiet him, because   #
of his constant 
adherence to the Sacred Order of Episcopacy, which is the       #
greatest Fault 
his Judges can accuse him of, except that of his possessing a   #
good Living,
and that his Parts and Piety darken the whole Presbytery, of    #
which his
Parishoners being fully convinced, love him so well, that they  #
resolve, cost
what it may, they will not part with him as their Minister;     #
and have 
therefore, to the great mortification of the Presbytery there,  #
jointly signified 
so much to them under their Hands. 
   The other particular Instance of this Nature, shall be that  #
of one 
(^Ronaldson,^) a Tenant in the Parish of (^Cranston,^) whom the #
Orthodox Minister 
there, Mr. (^Burnet,^) by his Intercession with Persons of      #
Quality, preserved
from having his Goods confiscated, and Person banished; after   #
(^Ronaldson,^)
by his signal Disobedience to the Law, had exposed himself to   #
that 
Sentence: This Kindness (^Ronaldson^) then looked on as so      # 
great and surprising,
that he often and openly professed he knew not how to be        #
thankful
enough for it; he and his Family constantly kept the Church     #
thereafter 
and upon every occasion acknowledged the Minister's singular    #
Favour, with 
all the signs of sincere Gratitude; but yet upon the new light  #
of the late 
Revolution, he appeared the most open and avowed Enemy that     #
the Minister 
had: the Minister justly surprised with this, challenged his    #
many 
Promises of continuing grateful, to whom (^Ronaldson^) gravely  #
replyed, That 
<P 23>
the Thanks for his Preservation was not due to him, but only    #
to God, 
who oft-times (said he) stirs to ill Men to befriend his own    #
People. 
This Change was wrought upon the Man, and this Answer put in    #
his 
Mouth (as himself sometimes owns and professes) by frequent     #
Conferences
with their Preachers, who in their private Discourses and       #
publick 
Sermons have assured him, that he is not to look to the         #
Instrument, but to 
the Cause of his Preservation. 
   I shall shut up this Head concerning the Persecution they    #
pretended to 
have suffered, with a remarkable Note of a Sermon preached      #
lately by 
Mr. (^Daniel Douglass,^) one of their great Mufties; 'Now Sirs, #
(says he) 
'I will be even plain with you, and perhaps e'en more plain     #
than pleasant,
'Sirs, I'll tell you now, Sirs, its ordinary for us to cry out  #
that we 
'were persecuted under Episcopacy, but we are yet living, Sirs; #
and 
'why were we not hanged as well as others were, beloved? It is  #
e'en 
'because we thought they did cast away their Lives needlesly,   #
and that 
'we would not venture our Lives for such matters as they        #
ventured their 
'Lives, for I knew to meet with Kindness both from the Church   #
Men
'and the States Men; and particularly, I knew that the Clerks   #
of Council
'and Session, would take nothing from us; but there are no such 
'Clerks now. For there is one (^Gibbie Eliot,^) Sirs, that has  #
no Charity 
'nor Discretion, for if we were all made up of Dollars, he      #
would swallow
'us up; pray God, Sirs, to keep our Purses from that false Lown 
'Eliot'.
   Ingenuity is a thing they are not concerned about; for       #
that's but a 
Branch of dry Morality, below Men so full of Grace; some young  #
Men 
among them that have had the Advantage of being abroad, are     #
more 
affable, and in their Conferences with Men of Sense, they       #
ordinarily exclaim
against the peevish, sower, and unconversable Temper of         # 
(^Scotch 
Presbyterians;^) but yet these same Sparks of the Cause, sing a #
quite 
contrary Tune when they are in a collective or representative   #
Body. I 
have read of a certain Monk, who, being wearied of the          #
Cloyster, aimed 
at a vacant Dignity, the possession whereof he knew would set   #
him free: 
For this end he applied himself to every one of his             #
Acquaintances that had 
a Suffrage in the Election, and from every singular and         #
individual person 
he received very fair and satisfying Promises, but yet he       #
found himself still 
disappointed, when they met together in Assemblies for the      #
Election, 
whereupon he invites most or all of them upon a set Day to      #
dine and be 
merry with him. They that were invited knew that he was not in  #
condition
to make any competent Provision for so many Guests; wherefore   #
according to the usual Custom of that Fraternity, they sent     #
each of 
them some Material or other, proper to make up the Feast; some  #
sent 
sent Flesh, some Fish of divers kinds, some sent Butter, some   #
Cheese,
some Wine, and others Oyl. All which he boyled in one Kettle    #
together,
and his Guests being conven'd, he caused to serve up that       #
Hotchpotch
in several large Dishes to them, so that every Dish that they   #
tasted, 
<P 24> 
it equally disgusted them: Whereupon they  asked what manner    #
of 
Victuals it was? He said it  was just such as themselves had    #
sent, all well 
boyled in a large Kettle together. That, say they, is the       #
worst Meat 
in the World when thus jumbled together, but very good when     #
every 
thing is dressed by it self. Just so are ye to me, says the     #
(^Monk,^) you are 
very fair and kind when single, and one by one; but I can find  #
nothing 
worse then you, when you are all together. The                  # 
(^Presbyterians^) resemble 
the (^Monks^) in this, as in many other things; for take them   #
singly, and 
they generally condemn the Methods and Proceedings of their     #
Brethren, 
as rigid and severe, but take the same men met together in a    #
Presbytery-Synod 
or Assembly, and the whole Body is the most unpalatable and     # 
most 
unsavory Hotch potch in the World. 
   And now to hasten to a close of this Section, Strangers may  #
justly wonder 
that men of such Temper and Qualification, as ye have now       #
heard 
the (^Presbyterian^) Preachers to be, should have any           # 
followers. But this 
will not seem so strange to such as consider what multitudes    #
of the Rabble
crowd after (^Jack Bowles^) in his drunken Fits, that Women and #
Children
are ordinarily led by Noise and Shew, tho it were but of        #
Hobby-Horses
and Rattles. And indeed the (^Presbyterian^) Preachers are only 
flocked after by such a Herd, some out of a blind Zeal and      #
itch after 
Novelty and Change, some again loving to fish in the troubled   #
Waters
of such Confussions as are inseparable from (^Presbytery,^)     # 
hoping thereby to 
mend their broken Fortunes. And to palliate their want of       #
Sense, and 
greater faults, by a pretence to strict Religion: Others        #
frequent them 
for Sport and Diversion, as men of little Sense and less        #
Business run after 
Stage-Players and Rope Dancers. 
   Sometimes ago these Preachers were conversant only with      #
Shepherds 
and a few silly Women, laden with divers Lusts, whose hot Zeal  #
had 
no Knowledge to guide it; the Preachers then indeed admired     #
themselves 
for Persons of great Gifts and Learning, because of the esteem  #
that 
these ignorant Creatures had for them; but now that they are    #
brought to 
act in publick, and possess the Pulpit of Learned men, they are #
at a great 
Disadvantage; for their better Auditors expect solid Divinity,  #
rational
and close Discourses, and that being none of their Talent,      #
puts them 
quite out of their Road and Element; and hence it is that the   #
People 
generally forsake and abhor them, and nothing but a few of the  #
Rabble 
frequent their best Churches and Preachers: So that now their   #
own dear 
Followers begin to complain and cry out, that Christ did more   #
good in 
the Hills, than he does now in the Churches. And if they hold   #
on at 
their usual manner of Raving in Pulpits, they cannot fail to    #
render 
themselves as Ridiculous and odious as they deserve, which      #
they have 
made pretty good advances to already. They frequently upbraid   #
Curates, 
as deserted of the Spirit, because they own that in the         #
composing of their 
Sermons they make use of Books; and yet Mr. (^David             # 
Williamson,^) one 
of their (^ablest Men,^) Preaching before the Parliament, on    # 
Ps.2. and v.10.
<P 25>
stole most of his Sermon from (^Herle's Tripus^) of Wisdom, and #
had the 
Confidence to reprint the same at (^Edenburgh.^) Indeed the     #
Nonsense and 
Railing of that Sermon is wholly his own; for none but himself  #
ever 
pretended or presumed as he does there, that Christ dyed a      #
Martyr for 
the (^Presbyterian^) Government; because forsooth this          #
Inscription was written 
on his Cross, (^Jesus of^) Nazareth (^King of the Jews.^) I do  # 
not discommend
the use of Books, but the Hypocrisie  of these men, who give    #
out, 
that they preach meerly by Inspiration and Meditation, as Mr.   #
(^Areskme^)
did in a Sermon which he preached lately in the (^Tron^) Church # 
at (^Edenburgh;^)
his words were these, (^The Curates go to their Books for       #
Preachings,
but we go to our Knees for our Preachings.^) And yet such is    # 
the silliness of 
some deluded People, that they proclaim these for Soul          #
refreshing and 
powerful Preachers, and for men that, as they phrase it, have   #
an inbearing
Gift, speaking home to their Hearts: Indeed make some People    #
Judges, 
we know (^Presbyterian^) Sermons will gain the Applause. I      #
remember the 
old Fable of the (^Cuckow^) and the (^Nightingale,^) both       # 
contented who should 
sing sweetest; the (^Ass,^) because of his long Ears, is made   #
Judge; the 
(^Nightingale^) sung first, the (^Cuckow^) next; the (^Ass's^)  #
determination was, 
that truly the (^Nightingale^) sung pretty well, but for a good #
sweet plain
taking Song, and a fine Note, the (^Cuskow^) sung far better. 
   Some who are not so well acquainted with the (^Scotch        #
Presbyterians^) 
manner of preaching and praying, may, perhaps, think that       #
matters are 
here aggravated against them, because things so very ridiculous # 
were never 
vented by any former Sect, as these I have, and am hereafter    #
to discover 
of them; but they are too well known to be deny'd among us. And #
that 
Strangers may not think themselves imposed upon, I shall in     #
the next Section
give the Reader some little taste of their printed Books, and   #
leave him 
to judge from the Ridiculousness of what they have deliberately # 
published 
to the World that way; what Extravagancy they may be guilty of  #
in 
these extemporary Ravings, which they mis-call Spiritual        #
Preaching and 
Praying. 



<B SPAM3B>
<Q SC3 AR PAM APOLOGY>
<N APOLOGY FOR CLERGY>
<A X>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1692-1693>
<M MEDIUM PRINTED>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T PAMPHLET>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X X>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET PROF/PUBLIC>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z ARGUM>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^AN APOLOGY FOR THE CLERGY OF SCOTLAND, CHIEFLY OPPOSED TO
THE CENSURES, CALUMNIES, AND ACCUSATIONS OF A LATE PRESBYTERIAN
VINDICATOR, IN A LETTER TO A FRIEND. ... TOGETHER WITH A
POSTSCRIPT RELATING TO A SCANDALOUS PAMPHLET INTITULED, AN 
ANSWER TO THE SCOTCH PRESBYTERIAN ELOQUENCE (ATTRIB. TO 
A. MONRO).
LONDON 1693. 
PP. 12.22.-29.10.^]

<P 12>
   The Presbyterians in (^Scotland^) are generally blinded      #
with this (^fatal^) prejudice
(an Evidence of their incurable Enthusiasm) they think that no  #
man 
can act any thing against the (^Presbyterians^) , but he        #
immediately acts against 
the light of his own Conscience. They take it for granted that  #
their (^way^) is
the only true Religion, that it is (^plainly^) revealed, and    #
that they give greater 
Evidences of (^Piety^) , and (^Religion^) , than any other      #
Society of Christians upon 
Earth, and if you do not believe this presently, without        #
Examination, 
you are far (^from the Kingdom of God^) . Nay, you are          #
(^alienated from the life 
of God^) . Hence it is that the (^Presbyterians^) conclude that #
whatever is done 
against their Party, is done rather against the Light and       #
Conviction of 
their Enemies, than the petulance and vanity of their (^own^)   #
Fraternity: therefore
they insinuate upon all occasions, that all Reasonings against  #
them proceed 
from Prophanity and Atheism, or from men void of all            #
(^Principles^) and 
Religion. You may as easily reason a (^Bedlamite^) out of his   #
fancied Honors and 
Principalities, as persuade any of their deluded Disciples that #
they may be in 
an Errour: and this they owe to their (^cunning^) Teachers, who #
tyrannize over
their (^Belief^) as imperiously as the cruel (^Brach-mans^) do  #
among the (^Indians^) . 
   But let me enquire in the next place calmly, did the meek    #
(^Covenanters^) 
when they got the ascendent in King (^Charles^) the First his   #
time, treat 
their Opposite with that (^gentleness^) and (^discretion^) ,    #
that (^condescention^) and 
(^longanimity^) , that became the true Gospel of our Saviour?   #
But so very 
far from this temper, that they prosecuted the                  #
(^Malignants^) with all 
<P 13>
(^Rage^) and (^Cruelty^) . And if there were not another        #
instance of their Cruelty,
but the Sufferings of the (^excellent Bishop Wishart^) , men    #
might easily
penetrate into the (^Genius^) and (^Spirit^) of the Party. Then #
their Pulpits thundered
against the (^Malignants^) all the (^Curses^) in the Bible; and #
all were (^Malignants^) , 
in their Dialect, that were not (^Presbyterians^) . Add to this #
the 
universal and restless endeavours of their Ministers to ruin    #
the (^Persons^) , 
(^Estates^) , and (^Families^) , of all that opposed their      #
(^Designs^) : and their Discipline 
was made an Engine to pry into the greatest Secrets of          #
Families, and 
the Presbyterian Chaplain, who was ordinarily the Ministers     #
Intelligencer, 
complained in his Prayers of what he thought amiss in the       #
Family
or Neighbourhood, nay the Soundest part of the Nation groaned   #
under 
this Tyrannical (^Pedantry^) , as the (^Israelites^) did under  #
the (^Egyptians^) ,
when their bloody Scaffolds stood erected for some whole weeks  #
together. 
Then it was, that their (^modest^) Ministers said that (^their  #
Cause^) was like to prosper,
when they justified one Crime by the Commission of another,     #
and 
the whole (^Scheme^) of their Arbitrary Tyranny from their      #
Success and Prosperity;
when their (^Turkish^) Argument of Force and Arms ran down the 
Doctrines of our (^Meek and Crucified Saviour^) . And now       #
forsooth they 
must tell us, that the Episcopal Clergy were (^rigid^) , and    #
(^peevish^) , and severe,
to their Parishioners; when perhaps they did not represent to   #
the 
Judges, in their several bounds, the tenth part of those        #
Crimes that were 
committed against the Church and State; and yet the Law did     #
oblige them 
to give up the names of Recusants. And do not we see, that the  #
Presbyterians
since the late (^Revolution^) have out done the diligence of    #
all men 
against the Clergy and Laity of the Episcopal persuasion, for   #
the whole 
Faction applyed their utmost force (since the (^Revolution^) )  #
to ruin her 
Neighbours, and possess themselves of all their Places,         #
(^Civil, Military, 
and Ecclesiastical^) . 
   The truth is, there are no people upon Earth that value      #
Government and 
Sovereignty as the Presbyterians do. It is the Idol they bow    #
to: there is 
nothing gratifies their highest Passions so much as a power to  #
tyrannize.
If the whole world were once under their Feet, they would look  #
chearful,
their Blood would (^Circulate^) more (^briskly^) ; untill this  #
be obtained there is 
no rest nor peace for mankind. The (^Discipline, the Sacred     #
Discipline of 
Geneve^) , must (^wrestle^) with all Authority until the        #
Consumation of all things.
   But if the former excuse did not serve his (^Design^) ; yet  #
it is often insinuated
all a long his Book that most of the (^Clergy^) were (^wicked   #
men^) . But let 
me suppose the truth of this (^infamous^) accusation; who made  #
(^them^) Judges 
of the (^Scandalous^) Clergy? Whose Delegats were they in the   #
(^Execution^) of 
this Punishment? I have told you before that I am acquainted    #
with very 
few of the Clergy of the Western Shires, but I am informed by   #
judicious
and intelligent Men, that generally the Clergy in those Shires  #
were (^Grave,
Sober^) , and (^Assiduous^) in the work of the Ministry. That   #
most of them endeavoured 
<P 14>
upon all occasions to gain those (^Enthusiasts^) from their     #
(^Schism^)
and (^Delusion^) , and were very successful in this Christian   #
design, if a new (^Indulgence^)
after the Defeat at (^Bothwel^) Bridge had not buoyed up their  #
(^Interest^) . 
As for the (^scandalous^) Aspersions cast upon the Clergy by    #
the Western Presbyterians, 
it is certain that by one of the Vindicators own (^Rules^) we   #
ought 
not to believe them; because they are all of them of a          #
(^Party^) , and indeed of 
such a Party, who from their first appearance in the World      #
placed much 
of their strength in reproaching the (^Clergy^) . If some of    #
the Ministers in 
the West did not live according to the Dignity of their         #
Character, we ought 
rather all of us (who have not renounced our Baptism) to        #
lament it, rather
than insult and upbraid them with it. Indeed a Minister, whose  #
Employment 
is to fit other men for Eternal Life, and yet lives in open     #
and 
scandalous opposition to his Rule, is the most (^monstrous^)    #
thing in Nature.
All the Satyrical Writings of the Poets, and all the            #
Invectives of Orators, 
cannot furnish one word to give a true (^Idea^) of that         #
loathsome Creature. 
But on the other hand, If any of them be guilty, to upbraid     #
them with 
their faults, is not the way to reform them, for of all         #
Advices those that 
are given to reform the Clergy, should be managed most nicely   #
and tenderly.
And it is to be feared that the (^Vindicator^) and his          #
(^Associates^) are 
very glad when they can discover the trippings of their         #
Adversaries. If
any of the Clergy be guilty of such things as are clamorously   #
alledged by 
(^Presbyterians^) , it is no Argument against the common Cause  #
of the (^Catholick^)
Church, and the (^Apostolical^) Succession of that              #
(^Hierarchy^) of Bishop, 
(^Presbyter^) , and (^Deacon^) , continued from the days of the #
Apostles until now.
And therefore he may, if he will (as is threatned) employ the   #
people in the 
West to make and gather stories to the disadvantage of the      #
Episcopal
Clergy, and it is an easie thing to swell that Volumn into a    #
prodigious
Bulk, if their ignorant and implacable Enemies may be           #
believed, it is not 
possible for them not to accuse. But I think  
the Vindicator himself, is not of so (^profligate^) a 
Conscience as to give Ear to such (^malicious^)
Reports. We have had late Instances of the 
(^Presbyterian^) activity against the Reputation of 
the Clergy, no man could escape a Libel that 
enjoyed a (^comfortable^) Benefice. Nothing could 
have made the (^Presbyterians^) more contemptible 
than this (^treacherous^) and (^sneaking^) method of 
(^Libelling^) , when it was visible to all men that those       #
scurrilous Papers were 
intended for no more, than to ruin and disgrace the most        #
(^innocent^) and deserving 
men. And it is very odd that they could venture to blindfold    #
the 
Nation by this (^baffled^) and (^hypocritical^) Sham, and how   #
comes it that the
Clergy in the West are represented as (^Criminals^) , when they #
dare not attack
the Clergy in the North? The reason is obvious, the People in   #
the (^West^) 
<P 15>
date their (^Conversion^) from the time that they forbear to    #
hear the (^Curates^) , 
and they think themselves obliged by all their ties and         #
solemn (^Covenants^) ,
to ruin and disparage those (^limbs^) of Antichrist. But the    #
People in the 
North can discover no such beauty in their Presbyterian         #
(^Discipline^) : they 
love and honour their own (^Ministers^) , they hear them Preach #
the Articles of 
Christian (^Faith^) , and true and solid Morals, and so rough   #
are those (^Infidels^)
in the North, that they never thought (^Sniveling^) necessary   #
to make a 
(^great Saint^) . They love a plain and unaffected Stile, and   #
they cannot be persuaded
but that the Oracles of God may be Preached without             #
(^affectation^) , 
and yet with all requisite (^Gravity^) and (^Recollection^) .
   If there be so many Libels gathered by (^Presbyterians^) ,   #
it may provoke 
their Enemies to recriminate, and if the Vindicator thinks      #
that such (^scurrilous^)
writings can serve the common cause of Religion, I wish him     #
more 
wisdom and sobriety: I condemn all (^such^) methods in all      #
Parties, and if 
the thing were allowable, we could tell him that many of his    #
Associates 
in the Ministery are very (^scandalous^) , some of them         #
(^Adulterers^) , some (^Fornicators^) , 
some (^Blasphemers^) ; some whole Presbyterian Families         #
(^Incestuous^) , 
   - (\Sed praestat motos componere fluctus.\)
   If I rejoyced in this Recrimination, I were not a good       #
Christian. But 
it is necessary to put those Proud and Supercilious men in      #
mind, that they 
are but ordinary Mortals, encompassed about with the same       #
Infirmities 
with other men, and that they should consult the Scriptures,    #
and the Fathers
for Arguments, rather than the (^Cameronian^) Zealots in the    #
Western
Shires; and if they beat the Clergy at those Weapons, they      #
deserve to be 
chastised; and for a conclusion to this Observation, I must     #
tell you that 
I know not a more (^unblamable^) Company of men upon Earth than #
the 
Episcopal Clergy of (^Scotland^) . Nor do I know any five of    #
them in the 
whole Nation, who could not undergo the severest Examinations,  #
used in 
the Christian Church (^Preparatory^) to (^Ordination^) . I wish #
that they may 
make a Christian use of their present (^Tryals^) , and give the #
world a proof 
of that greatness of soul that qualifies men for the            #
Priesthood; that all 
round about them may be convinced (^that he that is in 
them is greater than he that is in the World^) . (^Seneca^)     #
John (^Ep^) . 
tells us that (^to do good even when it is attended with        #
infamy, 
is noble and heroick:^) and a greater than (^Seneca^) tells us, #
that (^we must go 
through good report and bad report^) ; God will clear our       #
(^Innocence^) as the Sun 
in his (^Meridian Elevation^) , and I hope to the Conviction of #
our Enemies, 
that in the (^simplicity^) of our souls we designed the         #
Reformation of sinners, 
and that we look upon our selves as Dedicated to the            #
(^immediate^) Service of 
God, and the sooner we retire into our own Consciences, and     #
discover the 
secret (^Springs^) of our (^present^) Calamity, the sooner will #
our heavenly Father
remove the marks of his Indignation. There is no Argument so    #
proper to 
convince the Ignorance of (^foolish^) men as by well doing: and #
though we 
<P 16>
should not be so succesful in gaining (^Proselites in the midst #
of a crooked
and perverse Generation^) , yet we fortifie the Peace and       #
Tranquillity of our 
Consciences, we strengthen our selves against those things      #
that are most (^terrible^)
to Flesh and Blood, (^we rejoyce with joy unspeakable and full  #
of 
Glory^) , in the midst of all Calamities and Reproaches that    #
are cast upon us.
And let not them that are yet untouched think that their        #
Brethren, upon
whom the Tower of (^Siloam^) fell, are greater sinners than     #
their Neighbors.
   I leave this, and I go forward to another Topick by which    #
he endeavours
to vindicate the Presbyterians; and it is this that the Clergy  #
of the 
Church of (^Scotland^) did press the Consciences of the
Presbyterians; and that the People could not own them 
as their Ministers, because they were obtruded upon them, 
and not invited by (^Popular^) Elections. But the               #
(^Vindicator^) should consider, 
that if his Argument be turn'd against his Party in the North   #
of (^Scotland^) , 
it may be of (^dangerous^) Consequence to the growth of         #
(^Presbytery^) . For 
the bresbyterians there are not likely to carry their           #
Elections by plurality of 
Votes; but does not he remember that severals of the            #
Remonstrator Presbyterians
have been (^inducted^) to their Churches by some Troops of      #
(^English^) 
Horse in the time of the late Civil Wars, yet he does not       #
think but that 
the People owed all (^Deference^) and (^Spiritual^) Obedience
to them; and if a (^Pastoral Relation^) may be founded 
between a Minister and the People by (^Cromwell^) 
Troopers, why not by King (^Charles^) the Second's Dragoons?    #
But does not 
the Vindicator remember that some have been obtruded on the     #
(^old College^)
of (^Aberdeen^) , without the (^Regular^) and (^Collegiate^)    #
Election, by the same 
very force that had planted some Remonstrator Ministers, and    #
that without 
any (^Tryal^) or Examination, when their more deserving         #
(^Predecessors^) were 
most Tyrannically removed. 
   But not to trifle with the (^Vindicator^) , The method of    #
admitting Ministers 
in the Church of (^Scotland^) , under the Episcopal             #
Constitution, is the most (^just^) , 
and the most (^unexceptionable^) that can be devised. For 
when the (^Candidate^) for any Ecclesiastical Preferment 
receives 
a (^Presentation^) from the Patron, he goes to the Bishop, 
and the Bishop sends him to the Presbytery to undergoe the      #
ordinary 
tryals of his Literature and Sufficiency; and when the          #
(^Bishop^) and his (^Presbyters^)
with him are satisfied of his Knowledge and Learning, then the  #
Bishop 
serves a publick Edict at the Church where the (^Candidate^) is #
to be preferred
inviting all the Parishioners to come to the (^Cathedral        #
Church^) against an appointed
day, to see if they have any (^reasonable^) exception against   #
the (^Candidate^)
and this is not done in a (^hurry^) , but they have a competent #
time allowed them 
to gather all possible Informations concerning him from all     #
Quarters; and if
they can object any thing against him that is of any weight,    #
they are heard and 
the (^Candidate^) is repulsed: now I would gladly know what is  #
it that the People
<P 17>
can complain of in this Ecclesiastical Polity? The Confusions   #
of Elections 
that are solely left to the People are innumerable, and though  #
we had not 
famous and remarkable Instances in Ecclesiastical History of    #
the bloody and 
tragical Effects of such popular Elections, our own 
Country might furnish us with very many sad Experiments, 
when the Parishoners could not compromise the 
affair peaceably, they quickly came to Blowes, and in 
many places to Bloodshed, and Riots. These were all 
the good effects we could discern of their popular Elections;   #
it cannot be 
denyed, but that the method of electing the Clergy (^varied^)   #
often and appeared 
under many (^Figures^) in several Ages, and Countries, since    #
the first
(^Plantations^) of Christianity: but I dare boldly say no       #
Christian Church came
nearer the Apostolical Method, and more happily avoided both    #
Extremes, 
than the Church of (^Scotland^) under the (^Episcopal^)         #
Constitution. 
But you may put the Vindicator in mind 
that the Presbyterians themselves never thought the 
(^Call^) of the People so (^essential^) a Constitution of that
(^Pastoral Relation^) . For there is an Act of the General 
Assembly, ordering the Presbytery to name a Minister 
to such Parishes as were Malignant, that is, such as were 
of the Episcopal persuasion, so this pretended popular 
Election, if at any time it prove unserviceable to advance 
their Tyranny, is immediately rejected. For 
the (^Presbyterians^) do not at all believe any such inherent 
Right in the People to chuse their own Ministers; for 
they think the Malignants have no Right to chuse for            #
themselves, this is 
the sole privilege of the (^Godly^) . The Malignants are not at #
all to be consulted,
accordingly we see that though their (^Parliament^) lodged the  #
power 
of Election in the Heretors and Elders of each Parish, or in    #
the major part 
of them, yet no Elections are allowed by the Presbyteries,      #
though never 
so unanimous and universal, but such as are promoted by their   #
own Factions,
witness (^Musselburgh^) and (^Tranent^) . 
   There is hardly any thing insisted upon by the               #
Presbyterians more foolish 
and inconsistent with common honesty than this Topick from      #
popular (^Elections^) ,
and to say the truth, the old Presbyterians never obtruded      #
such a 
whimsey upon the People: the Lay Patronages were not abolished  #
in (^Scotland^)
until the year 49. when the (^Discipline^) was in its           #
(^Zenith^) when there 
was no sin Preached against but (^Malignancy^) , and the Kings  #
Prerogative 
Royal was possessed by the (^Kirk^) . (^Presbyterians^) in      #
other Countries quietly
submit to Lay Patrons: and indeed if the Bishops take care      #
that none but 
pious and vertuous Men be Ordained, what harm can the Church    #
sustain
by such (^Presentations^) . May not the Clergy examine such     #
Candidates as 
offer themselves to the Ministry, (^accurately^) and            #
(^narrowly^) ? 'Tis certain that 
<P 18>
the most (^trifling^) and (^superficial^) Students do most      #
(^effectually^) recommend
themselves to the People, nay there are so many mean and        #
abject Arts requisite
to promote a Clergy-Man (if the Hypothesis of the popular       #
Election 
hold necessary) that an ingenuous man cannot prostitute himself #
to such 
(^servile^) and (^popular^) methods. As for the grave and       #
retired Clergy-Man, he
is sure never to be preferred; and if some judicious and        #
discreet Patron 
does not force him out of his Solitude, he is like to die       #
amongst his Books, 
and the Church has been served in all Ages to the best          #
Advantages by such 
as least understood the Arts of (^Insinuation^) , and it will   #
continue so until the 
end of all things. 
   In the next place I do not see why the Vindicator should     #
say that the 
Clergy (^pressed the Consciences of their Hearers^) : there was #
nothing in our 
worship, but the use of the Lords Prayer, the Doxology, and     #
the Apostolick
Creed at Baptism, that they themselves objected against, are    #
not these 
mighty (^Grievances^) to (^Tender Consciences^) ? The           #
(^Vindicator^) tells us that Presbyterians
were not against the use of those (^Forms^) but they would not  #
use 
them as the (^Prelatists^) did. What he means by this I cannot  #
tell, but I can 
tell you that all the Presbyterians before the year 1638. made  #
use of them 
all. And that after the year 38. until (^Cromwell's^) Army      #
invaded our Nation
they never left off the using of those (^Catholick^) and        #
(^Christian^) Forms. But 
such of the Remonstrators as were deeply in the Interests of    #
the (^Usurper^) ,
then left off the use of such (^Forms^) , drawing as near as    #
was possible to the 
Spiritual Heights, and pretended Purity of the (^Independents^) #
in the (^Army^) .
And the (^Christian^) Religion at that time in our Nation       #
varied in its outward
Figure, and in their (^Notions^) about it as much as the        #
Philosophy of the Schools,
and the (^wise^) Questions of (^Universale^) and (\Objectum     #
Attributionis logicae\) . The 
Vindicator is content to use such Forms, but not as the         #
(^Episcopal Church
doth command it^) . That is to say, he will do nothing in       #
(^Unity^) and (^Society^)
with the Christian Church, and though the Vow of Baptism        #
oblige us, 
as we are Members of Christs Mystical Body, to preserve and     #
support the 
Unity of the Christian Church, yet he thinks he may leave the   #
Communion 
the Church, without either fear or scruple, in those very       #
things that are 
short (^Abstracts^) of our (^Faith^) , and (^Symbols^) of our   #
(^Profession^) . And yet no 
People are now so violent as they in pressing (^Subscriptions^) #
to the Presbyterian
Confession at (^Westminster^) , and (^that^) without any        #
(^exception, 
restriction^) , or (^explication^) , I am of Opinion that 
the Episcopal Clergy of (^Scotland^) have been from their 
Infancy taught in, (and are firmly resolved to adhere to)
the Protestant Religion, and is it not a piece of extraordinary
vanity in the Presbyterians to insinuate that they themselves   #
are 
the only men careful to preserve the purity of Doctrine? Did    #
not the 
Clergy that addressed to the pretended General Assembly,        #
plainly declare
that they would subscribe the (^Westminster^) Confession, as it #
contained the 
<P 19>
Fundamentals of Protestant Religion. But this the Vindicator    #
thinks did 
not sufficiently purge them from the suspicion of being         #
(^Arminians^) . 
There are but very few of the Clergy of (^Scotland^) that       #
explain the Doctrine
of (^Grace^) and (^Freewill^) after the method of               #
(^Arminius^) ; and if any of them 
does not favor the (^Calvinian Hypothesis^) they are very far   #
from propagating 
their Opinions in a factious manner, and not at all enclined    #
to change the 
(^Pulpit^) into a (^Metaphysical^) Chair. I think it is no      #
disparagement to either 
of the Parties to say that every one of them cannot state such  #
controversial
differences (^fairly^) , and reason about them (^closely^) ;    #
nor is it necessary for every
Country Minister to read (^Alvarez^) and Dr. (^Tuisse,          #
Arminius^) and (^Episcopius^) . 
Those questions have been debated in all Ages of the            #
(^Church^) , and if we 
understand so little of our (^selves^) , of our own (^soul^) ,  #
and its (^union^) with the 
body, the (^method^) and (^manner^) of its operations. How      #
daring a thing is it 
to pretend to grasp the (^infinite^) Mind that made Heaven and  #
Earth, and 
to (^methodize^) the Acts of that eternal (^Intellect, in whom
we live, move, and have our Being?^) To read some of the 
School men is enough to make a modest man tremble, 
when he considers that the (^incomprehensible Deity^) is        #
thought to be fettered
by the Laws, Methods, and confused Notions of our Mind, this    #
is (^learned
Ignorance^) , and the (^Presbyterians^) may think they          #
wonderfully (^reform^) the 
World when they oblige Ministers to Swear their (^Systems^) of  #
(^Metaphysicks^) . 
It were infinitely better to leave them to their Liberty in     #
things that are (^disputable^)
in their (^Nature^) , and (^past finding out^) after all our    #
Endeavours.
Upon the whole matter, the Objections against the Clergy from   #
the Doctrine
they Preach is (^vain^) and (^trifling^) , and serves no other  #
Design than to 
fill the Mouths of the People with words that they do not       #
understand, and 
yet have a mischievous influence upon their lives. 
   Another Topick by which he endeavours to provoke 
the present Powers against the Episcopal Clergy, is, that 
they are Enemies to King (^William^) and Queen (^Mary^) .
I have no Commission to give an account of particular mens      #
Opinions in 
the Controversie that is now debated in (^Britain^) , but I may #
observe that the 
(^Vindicator^) puts a mean Complement upon King (^William^) , 
to tell the World in Print that the Interest of King 
(^William^) , and that of the (^Presbyterians^) is embarqued    #
together;   
(^i.e.^) If King (^William^) does not punctually observe 
the (^Original Contract^) , they know well enough 
what they owe all earthly Kings. Again he tells us, 
that  such of the Episcopal Clergy as addressed to King
(^William^) and Queen (^Mary^) , never thought of any such 
Address, until they had lost all hopes of King (^James^) ; and  #
by this he 
thinks to disparage the Episcopal Clergy wonderfully: whereas   #
the Argument
rightly turn'd is to their Advantage. That they never           #
(^treacherously^)
<P 20>
betrayed King (^James^) when they were publickly Praying for    #
him, nor did 
they secretly (^undermine^) his Government when they were       #
giving (^publick 
thanks^) for his Administrations, as the (^Presbyterians^) did, #
and such of the 
Episcopal Clergy as came over to King (^William^) , ought to be #
treated with 
Civility and Protection at least, if it were no more but that   #
their Principles 
of Government are more agreeable to Reason, and more            #
favourable to 
Monarchy in General, and the Common Peace of Mankind. I know    #
no
Notion the (^Presbyterians^) can have of a King, but 
that he should be (^Arch-Bedle^) to the (^Kirk^) , 
and that he ought to employ his Power and          
Authority to execute their Decrees. The (^Vindicator^) 
remembers no doubt the Act of the 
(^West Kirk^) . A Specimen of Presbyterian Loyalty 
to K. (^William^) and Q. (^Mary^) , we have lately 
from the (^Provost^) of (^Rutherglin^) , who publickly 
owned that they would indeed Arm so many 
Forces, and not Disband them until K. (^William^) 
had Established (^Presbytery^) to their mind; and  
if he did not so (^settle^) it, they would turn him out, and    #
use him as they 
did K. (^Charles^) the (^First^) . But if the Episcopal Clergy  #
in the West of 
(^Scotland^) are enemies to the (^present Government^) , they   #
are obliged to continue 
in that (^opposition^) by the (^Vindicators^) Principles, so    #
unfortunate is he in 
his Endeavours to serve the (^present Government^) . For if the #
Clergy in those 
Shires never met with any thing but Acts of (^Hostility^) ,     #
without any (^Law,
Tryal^) or so much as any the least (^Formality^) of Justice;   #
pray, let the 
(^Vindicator^) tell me what (^Allegiance^) do they owe upon     #
such Principles, as he 
and his Associates were wont to propagate under the Reign of    #
K. (^Charles^) 
the Second? And therefore he himself (not others) deserves to   #
have his 
(^Neck stretched^) for adhereing to such Principles, as         #
necessarily overthrow in 
their last (^consequence^) all Government and Order. 
   Another Topick upon which he and others found many of their  #
Libels 
against the Clergy, is, that they were subservient in the late  #
Reigns to advance
Arbitrary Power by their doctrine of 
Non-Resistance and Passive Obedience. The 
Episcopal Clergy Preached no Doctrine but 
the true Christian Doctrine, which can never be overthrown by   #
all the 
Attempts of their Adversaries; they Preached indeed that in     #
every Government 
there was a Supreme Legal Tribunal, from whose Decisions there 
lay no Appeal upon Earth. That this Supreme Tribunal was not at #
all to 
(^be resisted^) , and therefore that the (^Insurrections^) in   #
the Western Shires against
the (^King, Parliament^) , and (^Laws^) was Rebellion, in its   #
most (^rigorous Notion^) :
this indeed they did Preach, and I hope they are not yet so     #
degenerate as 
to think or Preach otherwise: as for the other Branch of the    #
Controversie,
<P 21>
whether the King of (^Scots^) may be resisted, I will tell the  #
(^Vindicator^) 
my Opinion when he and I stands upon a Level. For where the     #
Supreme 
Tribunal may be resisted, and counter acted, then there is      #
something 
higher than what is already granted to be (^Supreme^) ; but the #
King and Parliament
are with us (^Supreme^) , and if they may be (^resisted^) ,     #
what is it that may 
not be (^resisted^) ? If Sentences (^interfere^) , there can be #
no Government, because
no final Decision of (^Controversies^) ; therefore there can be #
no Appeal
from the Supreme Tribunal in any Nation; and into whatever      #
(^Figure^) the 
Government is molded, some such (^Supreme Independent           #
Tribunal^) must be 
acknowledged, whence there is no (^Appeal^) , and of which      #
there is no (^resisting^) ;
unless you so order your Government as to have 
one part of it fight perpetually against the other, and 
in that case our (^Saviour^) tells us, (^That a House divided 
against it self cannot stand^) . And do the Presbyterians 
think to recommend themselves by asserting such Doctrines 
as necessarily overthrow all Government? And blowes up the 
Foundations of all Humane Society? We have all the              #
(^Governments^) in the 
World to defend us upon this Head; for without this necessary   #
truth no 
Notion can be formed of what is (^Law, Government^) , or        #
(^Society^) ; do not we see 
every day such as opposed the Government, any where, Fined,     #
Confined, or 
Executed? And this carries with it the Unanimous Sentence of    #
all (^Judges^) upon
Earth, declaring that the Government is not to be Resisted in   #
its first and 
(^Supreme Authority^) : neither ought the Secrets of Government #
to be so (^prophaned^) ,
as to be laid open to the Censure and Objections of every       #
petulant 
Medler. It is not our business, who live in private Stations,   #
to Canvass 
the (^Mysteries^) of State; God ordinarily gives to such as are #
at the Helm of 
Government another Spirit, than (^that^) he bestowes upon       #
(^private^) men, their 
care must extend (^far^) and (^near^) , we must not upon all    #
occasions publish our 
(^Comments^) upon their (^actions^) , far less ought we to fly  #
to (^Arms^) when our 
(^Caprice^) is not satisfied, nor when the (^Dreams^) and       #
(^Delusions^) of our particular
Sect are (^discouraged^) . For, If men may run to Arms upon     #
every occasion,
the Political World should quickly (^tumble^) into the          #
(^Original Chaos^) . Whatever 
Parties then there are that oppose the Doctrine of              #
Non-Resistance, 
thus stated, are Enemies to all (^Government^) , and when they  #
themselves are 
invested with Power and Authority, their Practice baffles their #
former (^Notions^) ,
and exposes sufficiently their (^Chimerical Ideas^) ; and 
whatever (^branches^) 
there may be of this (^Controversie^) , it must be agreed to on #
all hands, that 
the (^Scots Presbyterians^) were Rebels under (^Charles^) I.    #
and (^Charles^) II. in all 
the (^Formalities^) of Rebellion.
   The (^Vindicator^) himself thinks that the Authority of 
the Nation in the Convention or Parliament, may take 
away the Legal Right that belongs to the (^Clergy^) . Had not   #
the Clergy as 
good right to their by-past (^Stipends^) as any man had to his  #
(^private^) Estate?
<P 22>
So it seems that in some cases the Convention may (^invade^)    #
the (^Property^) of 
private men, especially the (^Property^) of the (^Episcopal^)   #
Clergy, and this is no 
other stretch of (^Arbitrary Power^) , than what was practised  #
formerly against
the Lieges in the (^warmest weather^) of the (^Covenant^) ,     #
when private men were 
compelled to lend their mony to Levy an (^Army^) against the    #
(^King^) : yet since
it was to (^advance^) the (^Covenant^) there was nothing        #
(^Arbitrary^) in it, and though
it was open (^Robbery^) , and never (^practised^) by any of our #
Kings, yet we 
were (^forced^) to (^stoop^) to Ruin and Poverty, because the   #
Covenanters said 
that this was our (^Liberty^) and (^Property^) . So they that   #
clamour most against
(^Arbitrary^) Power, (^practise^) it most when they dare        #
venture. 
   Another Imputation whereby the Presbyterians endeavour to    #
sully the 
Reputation of the Episcopal Clergy is this, that the kindness   #
that any 
have for Episcopacy proceeds from the Espiscopal Clergy's
indulging men in their (^sins^) and (^immoralities^) . And 
this is the old story, and contains nothing but their
(^inveterate spite^) and (^malice^) . What is it that the       #
Episcopal Church teaches 
that (^indulges^) men in their sins? What Doctrine is it,       #
that's publickly
owned or taught by the Episcopal Church, that has least         #
tendency to 
the breach of any of Gods Commandments? How long shall these    #
(^Sons^) of 
(^Strife^) continue in their (^Impudence^) ? Though this        #
Accusation be as (^senseless^)
as it is (^indefinite^) , yet upon this occasion they           #
ordinarily magnifie their (^discipline^) , 
as the most Sovereign Remedy against the (^immoralities^) of    #
the Age,
much after the same manner that Montebanks do when they set     #
off their 
(^Drugs^) with (^vehement^) and zealous (^Harrangues^) ; and if #
you have the patience
for a quarter of an hour you'll hear all that they can say.     #
Whereas a grave
experienced (^Physitian^) , will make no such (^promises^) ,    #
but he'll calmly consider
the present (^temper^) of your Body, the (^Causes^) of your     #
Disease, and (^proportion^)
his Applications to your strength, and other Circumstances,     #
without (^noise^) 
or (^Ostentation^) . 
   I know no effect that ever the (^Presbyterian Discipline^)   #
had towards Reforming
the World, unless you reckon that the murthering of Bastard 
Children was of that Nature. It cannot be denyed but that the   #
(^Presbyterian^)
Ministers use (^long^) Discourses to the (^Whores^) that sit on #
the (^Stool^) of (^Repentance^) , 
but they cannot name three of them that ever mounted that       #
Publick 
Seat but they became (^Prostitutes^) , and when once they made  #
(^Shipwrack^)
of their (^Modesty^) , one may guess what followed. And their   #
publick appearance 
in this manner made them (^impudent^) . This is all the         #
Reformation
I know that their Discipline most eminently promotes; its true  #
indeed 
there was a very remakable Step towards the Reformation made    #
by Sir (^John
Hall^) , and his Associates, the first year of the              #
(^Revolution^) , when the Wells
were locked up, and none could have fresh Water upon            #
(^Sunday^) , yet as much
Wine and Brandy was allowed as one was pleased to call for.     #
But if by 
their (^Discipline^) , they mean that (^endless^) and           #
(^pragmatick inquisition^) into all 
<P 23>
Actions, it is as (^impracticable^) , as it is                  #
(^burthensome^) ; and 
though it be a natural step to advance their (^Supremacy^) , 
yet it is attended with so much (^confusion^) and               #
(^animosities^) , 
that neither true Religion nor Liberty can endure it. It is     #
pleasant
to hear them declaim against the (^Tyranny^) of Papal 
Power, and yet meddle with all that ever he medled
with. 
   We know what Profanations of the Name of God were            #
occasioned by 
this (^Discipline^) in the year 1648. when the best of the      #
Nobility and Gentry, 
and others were made to profess their (^Repentance^) for the    #
(^Lawful^) Engagement. 
I do not plead against (^Ecclesiastical Discipline^) ; for it   #
is absolutely
necessary to the (^order^) and (^Preservation^) of the          #
(^Church^) , as it is a Society 
founded by our Lord and Saviour. But this new fantastick and    #
apish imitation
of strictness, is (^inconsistent^) with (^reason^) , as it is   #
indeed (^destructive^) to 
(^true^) and (^regular Devotion^) . The (^Vindicator^) uses to  #
refer his Readers to other 
Books, I cannot condemn that practise, therefore I wish him to  #
Read (^Bishop
Bramhall's^) Treatise of the (^new^) Discipline. There is       #
nothing more desireable 
than to see the (^Antient^) Discipline revived, and all men     #
ought to 
Pray that God would direct our Ecclesiastical (^Governours^) ,  #
to restore the 
(^Primitive^) Discipline, so as the most negligent may be       #
awakened, directed,
and encouraged to repent, and testifie his Repentance by the    #
most 
(^unfeigned mortification^) , and Charity. 
   Thus I have run over some of the General Heads that are      #
scattered up
and down his Vindication, and given you freely but very         #
briefly my Opinion
of them. The next thing I undertook for your satisfaction was   #
to enquire
into the (^Spirit^) and (^Genius^) of the Author, by the        #
Characters that appear
of him in his (^Vindication^) . Not that I conclude him         #
(^habitually^)
such, for perhaps the (^paroxysms^) of his Indignation are      #
over, but this I may
conclude that when this Book was written, he was overdriven     #
with his 
passion: I do not immediately conclude him to be of 
(^the Seed of the Serpent^) , nor (^of the Race of Esau^) , nor #
a
(^Villain, nor the Successor of Judas Iscariot, nor a           #
Rabshakeb.^)
Though he opposes the Apostolical Government of Episcopacy,
he is not of my Opinion; but I do not think he deserves any     #
Censure on
that account that he is not of my Persuasion. His Adversaries   #
cannot 
drive him to a greater absurdity than if he be made to vent     #
his Passion in 
personal (^Reflections^) , and therefore I shall endeavour to   #
fix nothing upon his 
(^person^) but what naturally follows from his (^own^) words. 
   I charge him therefore in in the first place with open and 
avowed (^Partiality^) . He rejects the Testimony of any 
man that is not of his Party, so he rejects the Testimony of    #
(^John Gibson^) , 
one of the Magistrates of (^Glasgow, because^) , says he, (^he
was of a party, and made a Bailiff by the Archbishop^) ;
<P 24>
and all (^knew the Prelates Inclinations towards the present    #
Civil Government^) .
His Argument may be reduced into (^form^) thus, the Bishop was  #
an enemy
to the (^Civil^) Government, (^John Gibson^) was named a        #
Bailiff by the Bishop:
(^Ergo^) the (^Testimony^) of (^John Gibson^) ought not to be   #
received in a (^Matter of 
Fact^) : this is very hard, how can a man at (^London^) be more #
credibly inform'd
of a Matter of (^Fact^) in (^Glasgow^) , than by the            #
(^Authentick^) Testimonies of 
the (^Magistrates^) of (^Glasgow^) ; but he tells us the        #
(^Magistrates^) were of a Party,
and what of that? By this method of (^reasoning^) what becomes  #
of (^Calderwood's^)
History of the Presbyterians? Must not we believe him at all    #
because 
he is of a different (^persuasion^) ? Just so our Author treats #
Mr. (^Morer^) , one of 
the (^Prebendaries of Sarum^) , who wrote the first Letter of   #
the Persecutions.
The (^Vindicator^) tells us (^it is one lie from the beginning  #
to the end^) , and why
all this (^harshness^) and (^severity^) ? Why? Because the      #
(^Vindicator^) imagines him 
to be a (^Jacobite^) , though he ventured his person in         #
(^Ireland^) , and swore the 
Oath of Allegiance to K. (^William^) and Q. (^Mary^) , and      #
wrote this Letter to 
one of his (^Ecclesiastical^) Superiors in (^England^) , yet    #
the account he gave of 
the (^Scots^) Affairs did not please the (^Vindicator^) , and   #
therefore he's immediately
(^transformed^) into a (^Jacobite^) . This is a very hard case, #
but why may
not even the (^Jacobites^) be received as Witnesses. The        #
(^Jews^) when they 
swear upon the (^Pentateuch^) are received as Witnesses before  #
all Judicatures 
and in all Courts in (^Christendom^) ; so are the               #
(^Mahumetans^) when they swear
upon the (^Alchoran^) , and all (^Pagans^) if they swear by the #
(^Idol^) of their Country.
But Mr. (^Morer^) is no (^Presbyterian^) , and therefore his    #
Testimony must
be rejected; thus with one dash of his Pen he overthrows all    #
the Accounts
that he himself had from the (^West^) , to the Disparagement of #
the Episcopal
Clergy, or in defence of their Enemies, for they are
all of them of a Party, and obliged by their Oaths to
ruin Episcopacy. And again he rejects the Testimony
of a (^great^) and an (^exact^) Historian, because he was no 
(^Presbyterian^) .  And again, The Testimony of a Minister,
Witnessing the (^Persecution^) of (^another^) , must not 
be received. 
   Another thing very remarkable in this Book, is the Author's  #
peremptory
and dogmatick pretences to the (^ (\Jus Divinum\) of            #
Presbytery^) , contrary to the
Modesty, or rather Caution of the first (^Presbyterians^)
who declared in their publick Confessions, that all 
Church Polity was (^variable^) , and (^changeable^) , but the
(^Scots Presbyterians^) , think they cannot justifie their Zeal
for their new Polity, unless the People believe it to be of     #
(^Divine Right^)
But how to make up this Divine Right from the (^Precepts^) of   #
our (^Saviour^)
or the (^practice^) of the (^Apostles^) , or the (^Succession^) #
of the first Ages of (^Christianity^) ,
they know not; they are resolved to say it is of (^Divine       #
Right^) , and 
then they work hard for (^strained Consequences^) , and hence   #
it is that they are
<P 25>
very angry if their (^intrinsick Ecclesiastical^) power lodged  #
in this (^parity^) be 
not obeyed, or (^questioned^) . So the (^Vindicator^) complains #
that such of the 
(^Episcopal Clergy^) as addressed to them, did consider them no #
otherwise than 
as a (^Company^) of men that derived all the Power they had     #
from the Convention,
and was not this a mighty affront? They cannot endure that      #
they 
should be considered as (^Delegates^) of the State, when as yet #
all the Nation
knows, and common Sense must determine they could have no       #
power over 
the Episcopal Clergy, but what they derived from the State;     #
and therefore 
all along he asserts positively, that the (^Scots^) Presbytery  #
is the (^immediate 
Institution^) of (^Jesus Christ^) . But I must be so just to    #
him as to acknowledge 
that most of all his Brethren, are equally (^peremptory^) and   #
(^dogmatick^) upon this 
Head, and though (^Calvin^) acknowledges great honor and        #
deference to be due 
to Prelates (\etiam hoc nomine\) , if they should embrace the   #
Reformation, yet his 
Disciples are more improved, and cannot endure that any other   #
Church 
Polity should prevail. From this proceed the (^high^) and       #
(^lofty^) Epithets they
bestow upon (^Presbytery; Christs visible Kingdom upon          #
Earth^) , his Royal (^Crown 
and Scepter, his express Institution and Discipline^) . And     #
upon this Hypothesis
they become proud and insolent, they despise all 
their opposites as men not acquainted with the Spirit of 
God, and enemies to the Kingdom of Jesus Christ. 
   Another thing I take notice of in his Writings, is, his      #
(^rudeness^) and (^vanity^) .
He represents his Adversary as a (^Liar^) , and a (^Villain^) , #
though he cannot prove 
that the Author of the History of the General Assembly wrote    #
one (^Lie^) , 
from the beginning to the end, if the Accounts he got from      #
such as were 
present were not so exact, he himself was not to be 
blamed; but the (^Vindicator^) cannot prove that any            #
information
he got was false. Again, one of his Adversaries
is represented as a (^Liar^) , and a (^Slanderer^) , and tell   #
us again that 
the Council appointed that no (^Decreet^) should pass in favour #
of the Episcopal 
Clergy, until the Parliament should determine in that           #
(^extraordinary^) 
case; where I take notice, that according to the                #
(^Vindicators^) present Doctrine,
the Council may (^stop^) and (^disable^) the Laws, especially   #
when the 
the Episcopal Clergy Prosecute their (^Debitors^) before the    #
(^Ordinary^) Judge. 
and therefore the Council may invade any mans (^Legal           #
Property^) , contrary 
to the (^Law^) , and much more the (^Parliament^) ; yet this is #
a stretch of (^Arbitrary
Power^) , never heard of in (^Scotland^) notwithstanding of all #
the hideous Clamors
of that (^restless^) Faction. He may if he will endeavour to    #
justifie
that (^Arbitrary stretch^) , but I think that they who were     #
most active in 
it, do truely think (^shame^) of it as a thing as much          #
(^unprecedented^) and
(^unwarrantable^) .
   Again, He insinuates that the Clergy had Clubs for 
drinking, and that it is an impudent falshood that either
Dr. (^R.^) or Mr. (^Malcolm^) made application to the           #
(^Presbyterians^) . As
<P 26>
for the last whether he made application, or after what         #
manner, I neither 
know nor shall I ever enquire. As for the first he is at his    #
rest, and I 
will not rake into his Ashes; but this is certainly known,      #
although he had 
addressed unto the Presbyteries, he had been rejected because   #
he was one 
of the Ministers of (^Edinburgh^) ; for his Party had           #
determined to break
through all obstacles of Justice and Decency, rather than       #
suffer any of the 
Episcopal Clergy to continue within the City of (^Edinburgh^) . #
Nay, no 
Presbyterian was allowed, if once he had made the least         #
Advances of Complyance
with Episcopacy, as was then too visible in the Case of Mr.     #
(^Wilky^) .
   The (^Vindicator's^) clownish Buffoonry, and insulting over  #
the afflicted, 
in the 4th. page, I omit. You will excuse me if I do not        #
transcribe the 
most part of his Book, the ordinary Epithets he bestows on his  #
Adversaries
are, that they are (^impudent Slanderers^) and (^Villains^) ;   #
but when his (^Heroic^)
Passion is put into a higher (^ferment^) , they are             #
(^Successors^) of (^Judas Iscariot^) ,
and (^Rabshakes^) . No doubt the Sisters will think that the    #
(^Vindicator^) is 
a (^precious convincing man^) , he tramples upon the            #
(^Episcopal^) Clergy as if 
they were below his (^notice^) , there is no grapling with a    #
(^Giant^) of so much 
(^strength^) and (^reason^) . 
   We must be taught better (^manners^) than to venture upon    #
this man of 
(^Oak^) and (^Forehead^) , poor Creatures! Have not we been     #
taught better than 
to make publick the (^Secrets^) of the (^Faction^) ? if this    #
man write once again
he will (^ruin^) us for ever. 
   Is not the World well mended by this Reformation? But I had  #
rather 
prove the (^Vindicator^) a Lyar than call him so, and therefore #
you may ask 
him who gave him information that my Lord (^Dundee^)
had gathered together at (^Edenburgh^) two thousand men 
of the Kings (^disbanded^) Forces, that with them he 
might (^surprize^) the (^Convention^) , when all the Nation     #
knows that when he 
retir'd from (^Edenburgh^) he had not above thirty or forty to  #
attend his (^Person^) .
Who saw the two thousand? And how comes the (^Vindicator^) to   #
fix
upon that (^precise number twice^) ? Where were they            #
(^Mustered^) ? And is it 
likely that my Lord (^Dundee^) at the Head of two thousand well #
trained 
old Soldiers could be forced to retire from (^Edenburgh^) by    #
all the Vagabond
(^Ruffians^) that came from the (^West^) . Let the              #
(^Vindicator^) recollect himself a
little, and enquire where he had this (^information^) . What my #
Lord (^Dundee^)
intended is not the Subject of our present (^enquiry^) , but I  #
am very sure
that if he had had the fourth part of that (^number^) the       #
(^Vindicator^) alledges 
he could have quickly made the (^Convention^) at that 
time retire: and this I confidently think, though the 
(^Vindicator^) Confutes this (^probability^) by telling Mr.     #
(^Morer^) 
that the (^Presbyterian Confidence^) is built on a better       #
foundation than such 
as (^Dundee^) was; and here I must take notice of this          #
Gentlemans (^Charitable 
Temper^) and (^Condescention^) . Mr. (^Morer^) , one of the     #
Prebendaries of 
<P 27>
(^Sarum^) , wrote that none doubted but that if my Lord         #
(^Dundee^) had lived he 
would have changed at that time the (^Face^) of Affairs in      #
(^Scotland^) . From 
this the (^Vindicator^) concludes that the Episcopal Party in   #
(^Scotland^) placed 
their (^Confidence^) in none (^higher^) than my Lord            #
(^Dundee^) , how is it (^possible^) to 
shun those (^venomous darts^) of (^spite^) and ill (^nature^) ? #
So when ever you speak
to a (^Presbyterian^) I advise you to take good heed what you   #
(^say^) , and (^how^) ;
if you do not say (^every thing^) that may be said, they are    #
sure to (^conclude^) , that
what was left (^unsaid^) was not at all (^believed^) by you: so #
when Mr. (^Morer^) 
writes again he must tell his Patron that though such a change  #
was (^probable^) 
according to the (^situation^) of Affairs at that time yet the  #
Episcopal Party
placed their (^Confidence^) in (^God^) . For if his (^words^)   #
are not thus (^guarded^) the 
Presbyterians will (^immediately conclude^) that the            #
(^Episcopal Party^) are but a 
pack of (^Atheists^) that place no (^Confidence in God^) , but  #
lean on the (^Arm of Flesh^) .
   I return from this (^Digression^) to that that I lately      #
mention'd, (^viz^) . The 
(^Vindicators^) story of two thousand disbanded Soldiers, which #
carries with it 
all the marks by which a (^willful^) and (^deliberate^) lye,    #
may be known from 
(^modest^) and (^ingenuous^) Truth, and the reason why I        #
instance in this (^particular^) 
is because the Vindicator was at (^Edenburgh^) , or not far     #
from it, about that 
time, and therefore it is not probable but that he might have   #
known the 
truth: and from this I conclude that either he lies             #
(^deliberately^) , and (^willfully^) ,
or his Informers are Lyars, and idle talkers, or at best he     #
himself,
(^is guilty^) of (^supine negligence^) , in gathering true      #
(^Informations^) . For to do 
him Justice, I promise to retract this publickly, if he get     #
five or six men 
of any (^note^) even amongst the (^Presbyterians^) in           #
(^Edenburgh^) , who will declare 
it under their hands that they knew that my Lord (^Dundee^) had #
gathered together
two thousand (^Disbanded Soldiers^) at (^Edenburgh^) , before   #
he retired 
from the (^Convention^) . And the (^Vindicator^) himself cannot #
deny but that this 
is an extraordinary piece of Condescension, that I should       #
leave it to be 
decided by the Testimony of (^Presbyterians^) themselves, since #
he rejects all 
Episcopal Witnesses. 
   The next thing I instance, as to his Candour and 
Integrity, is this, that in the third page of his Preface he 
writes, that there was Advice writen by Dr. (^Canaries^) 
to Mr. (^Lisk^) , to be (^communicated^) to the (^Episcopal^)   #
Party, (^That they should 
yield feigned Obedience to the Presbyterians at present^) , and #
these words he 
caused to be Printed in a different Character, that every one   #
might conclude 
they were the words of Dr. (^Canaries^) Letter; whereas the     #
Doctor never 
(^wrote^) such a thing, nor any thing that can yield any such   #
(^Consequence^) . And 
'tis yet more pleasant to read his Letter that justifies this   #
disingenuous 
usage, because forsooth (^feigned Obedience^) was a Scriptural  #
Phrase, and 
though the Doctor wrote no such thing, yet he thinks he was     #
allowed to 
Print this Relation of him, so as all the World might conclude  #
these words 
were the express words of Dr. (^Canarie's^) Letter, and this    #
Lie is more unpardonable
<P 28>
than the former, because it is (^deliberate^) and               #
(^unrepented^) off. I
shall mention one Instance more of his Candour and Integrity,   #
and it relates
to Mr. (^Macmath^) , whom he injures most atrociously. 
   And because he raises all his Batteries against Mr.          #
(^Macmath^) , the Minister
of (^Leswade^) , we need no other proof of the (^Vindicators^)  #
ingenuity, 
nor no other Character of his (^genius^) than to read that part #
of his Libel
that relates to Mr. (^Macmath^) . First, he charges him with    #
(^Drunkenness^) , but 
the (^Vindicator^) knew no such thing, only the (^barbarous     #
Villains^) who 
wounded him upon the Road as he was Travelling from             #
(^Edenburgh^) to his 
own House, they would take care to transmit to the              #
(^Vindicator^) such stories
as were most convenient for him to (^propagate^) , but Mr.      #
(^Macmath^) was that 
very night, before he came from (^Edenburgh^) , in the 
company of two Gentlemen of Honor and Integrity, 
and appeals to them whether they could perceive in 
him either the (^first beginnings^) , or the (^least            #
appearance^) of 
any excess or disorder, and their Testimony is of greater
(^authority^) than all the stories that the (^Vindicator^) can  #
patch together from 
such Villains as made an attempt upon his life. 
   Next he charges him with amorous, wanton, and (^lascivious^) #
behaviour,
and I am glad the (^Vindicator^) mentions it, because in this   #
very story we have 
a (^notorious^) instance of their Villany and Hypocrisie: there #
was a poor 
woman hired by the (^Presbyterians^) to say that Mr.            #
(^Macmath^) once made Love 
to her, and she was prevailed with by her Brother, a            #
Presbyterian, to say
so, and when she was encouraged by them again to adhere to      #
what she 
said, she declined it, and told them that she had said enough   #
for any thing 
she had gotten. Her Brother, who had taught her thus to accuse  #
an innocent 
man, was smitten with such a remorse (when he came to consider  #
more 
narrowly what he had done) that he was in hazard to destroy     #
himself, and 
actually did so, when he removed to the next Parish, by         #
ripping up his 
own Belly. But it is no wonder to hear Mr. (^Machmath^) 
thus calumniated, when they had the impudence to accuse 
the Venerable Old Archbishop (^Spotswood^) of Incest 
with his own Niece of fourteen years old. And to make an end of #
what 
concerns Mr. (^Macmath^) , let me acquaint the Reader that such #
as were most 
active in his Trouble and Persecution, very shortly after felt  #
the severity of
Gods just Judgment. (^John Clark^) , who beat him with the      #
great end of his
Musket, was suddenly bruised to death by the fall of a Tree in  #
the Wood of
(^Rosling^) , so that he never spoke again: and for the other   #
Mr. (^Borthwite^) , his 
Conscience did so check him, that he had no peace until he      #
ended his life in
a most lamentable Distraction and Madness. I am not so bold as  #
to infer
that the Persecuting of Mr. (^Macmath^) was the only sin that   #
drew upon them 
the visible and sudden marks of Gods heavy displeasure, but I   #
may very
safely say that the Signatures of Gods anger are frequently     #
legible enough 
<P 29> 
in the punishment of some mens sins, and that Atheistical       #
Hypocrites seldom 
escape his indignation even in this World. 
   As for the (^Vindicators^) Tattling of Mr. (^Finlasone^) ,   #
Mr. (^Finlasone^) himself
denyed all when he was challenged. But, that I may no longer    #
detain the 
Reader, nor yet condemn my self to the drudgery of raking into  #
that 
Puddle that is here heaped together against Mr. (^Macmath^) ,   #
let him compare
the following Authentick Certificate in favours of Mr.          #
(^Macmath^) , subscribed
by the Gentlemen and others of his own Parish, with all the     #
little 
(^knavish^) and (^impudent^) Lyes that the (^Vindicator^) has   #
gathered already, or may 
hereafter invent, and then let him Judg as his discretion will  #
lead him. 



<B SHIST3>
<Q SC3 NN HIST SPALDING>
<N HIST OF TROUBLES>
<A SPALDING JOHN>
<C SC3>
<O DATE C 1650>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D NSC>
<V PROSE>
<T HISTORY>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y 40-60>
<H HIGH PROF>
<U NET DOCUM/PUBLIC>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z NARR NON-IMAG>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^SPALDING, JOHN.
THE HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND MEMORABLE TRANSACTIONS IN
SCOTLAND AND ENGLAND, FROM MDCXXIV TO MDCXLV. VOL. II.
ED. J. SKEYNE. BANNATYNE CLUB. EDINBURGH 1829.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 54.10-59.33
SAMPLE 2: PP. 208.4-225.28
SAMPLE 3: PP. 313.11-323.6^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 54>
   About the begining of this moneth of June, Doctor Guild,     #
principall, 
violentlie brakis doun the insicht and plenishing within the    #
bischopis houssis
(quhilk wes left ondistroyit befoir), sic as bedis, burdis,     #
&c., and causit transport
them doun to plenish the college chalmeris and uther wark;      #
gestis and gryte 
tymber he cuttit doun. He tirrit the too-fallis of the haill    #
office houssis, sic as 
baikhous, brewhous, byris, stables, yea and of sum too-fall     #
chalmeris also, and 
careit  rooff and sklait away, quhairwith he rooffit ane        #
sang-scooll and sklaitit
the samen within Bereold Innes clos, quhair never sang-scooll   #
wes befoir. Thus,
as he dang doun the wallis of the Snaw kirk to big wp the       #
College dykes, as 
ye have befoir, so now he is demolishing the bischopis          #
houssis, in forme and to 
the effect foirsaid. Pitifull and lamentable, to behold kirkis  #
and statelie buildinges
first to be cassin doun be ruffians and rascallis; and nixt,    #
be churchemen, 
wnder cullour of religioun, to be broken doun. 
   It is heir to be markit, that since Januar, the begining     #
of this yeir 1642, 
gryte skarsitie of white fishes on our haill costis, to the     #
hurt and hunger of the 
poor, and raising of the prices of meill and malt, and          #
beggering of the fishermen.
And it wes reportit, that when the fisheris had laid thair      #
lynes and 
takin fishes aboundantlie, thair cam ane beist, callit the      #
Sea-dog, to the lynes, 
and eit and distroyit the haill bodies, and left nothing on the #
lynes bot the 
heidis: A judgement surelie from God Almightie, for the lyke    #
scarsitie of 
fishes to continew so long hes scarslie beine sein heir in      #
Scotland; quhilk bred 
gryte derth of meill and malt, at aucht, nyne or ten poundis    #
the boll, and all 
uther meites wes also maid veray deir. Besides this, a cold     #
drowth throw all 
June, quhairby girs and cornes wes brynt wp and reid in the     #
blaid, quhilk 
maid also gryte scarsitie of all milknes, butter and cheis:     #
bot the Lord amendit 
this cold drouth, and, about or upone the sevent, aucht and     #
nynt of June, he 
sent thir thrie dayis aboundans of rayne, to the gryte comfort  #
of man and 
beist. Bot, whill this tyme, June, wes brynt wp with drouth,    #
as said is, yet 
<P 55>
(albeit the harvest wes lait) God sent cornes aboundantlie      #
throw the ground 
for intertynneing of man and beist; bot being transported to    #
Ireland, becam 
fearce and deir. Sie heirefter. 
   Word cam that the 12 English bischopis whiche wes wairdit,   #
as ye have 
befoir, war, about this moneth of June, put to libertie; bot    #
the Archbischop
of Canterbury stood still wairdit. 
   The Irishis daylie growing stronger and stronger, using      #
fyre, suord and all 
maner of crueltie aganes man, wife and barne of English,        #
Scottish and Irish 
Covenanteris within thair kyngdome, without pitie or            #
compassioun. Mony 
fled this crueltie that could win away over to Scotland, both   #
man, wyf and 
child; bred by the incuming of oure Covenant. 
   Upone Wednisday 22 June, the laird of Cors rode to           #
Edinbrughe to the 
Committe of the Generall Assemblie, holden thair be             #
persuasioun or desire of 
oure last Provinciall Assembly, not of his awin good will. He   #
wes maid welcum
there be the bretheren, and had privie conferens with thame.    #
The persone
of Balhelvie wes sent commissioner fra oure Provinciall         #
Assemblie to Edinbrughe
to the same Committe; for thay wissit ernestlie Cors (as ane    #
excellent 
lernit man) to keip his awin place, if thay could in any cace   #
procure the samen 
at thair handis be ther said commissioner, who wes direct for   #
that effect, as 
said is: bot let the bretheren in Edinbrughe do thair best,     #
thay could not, be 
threatning nor persuasioun, allure this lernit, godlie man to   #
subscrive and 
sweir ther Covenant, quhilk (as he declairit) wes contrair to   #
his conscience,
quhilk he wold not ballans with no worldlie plesour nor         #
preferment. Thus, 
efter divers meitingis and conferences with Mr. Alexander       #
Henrisoun, Mr. 
Androw Ramsay, Mr. Henrie Rollok, ministeris at Edinbrughe and  #
utheris 
apointit to sit upone the Committe for the Generall Assemblie,  #
in end he with 
Mr. David Lindsay returnit hame agane, upone the 12 of July,    #
but any forder;
quhair, Doctor Forbes, professour forsaid, a lernit divyne      #
theolog, denying
to sweir and subscrive oure Covenant, wes thocht a stumbling    #
blok to this 
our good caus and new reformation. Sie more of him heirefter. 
   Upone the 24 of June, the laird of Haddoche compeirit        #
befoir the Justice
in Edinbrughe to wnderly the law for the alledged slauchter of  #
Mr. James
Stalker, as ye have befoir. Efter sum ressoning, he wes         #
ordanit to set cautioun
to compeir agane upone the nixt citatioun, or referrit to the   #
nixt parliament,
and so he returnit hame agane. Sie heirefter. 
   About this  tyme, and troubles in Ireland, Mr. John Leslie,  #
bischop of Raphoe,
cam fra that countrie to Edinbrughe, and from that to England.  #
He
<P 56>
said, he cam, not cled lyk a bischop, bot with suord and        #
quhinger like ane soldiour.
Aluaies he went post to the king. 
   Mr. Androw Cant, being minister at Abirdene, as ye have      #
befoir, began to 
bring in novationis. He wold not baptis ony barne, yea albeit   #
at the poynt of 
death, bot efter preiching on Sonday or ony uther preiching     #
day in the week. 
He cryit out aganes conveining at lyk-walkis, reiding of        #
scriptures or singing 
of psalmes; bot the deid corpeis to ly wnder ane burde all      #
nicht without sic
company; bot nather of this could he get done. He brocht in     #
ane lecture lesson
to be usit Mononday at nicht, Wednisday, Fryday and Setterday,  #
in place 
of efternoone prayers. No communioun given be Cant for tuo      #
yeires space to 
the toune of Abirdene, quhill first thay wer weill catechisit,  #
becaus he alledgit 
thay war ignorant. Sie more heirefter of his proceidingis. 
   Mr. Henrie Rollok, ane of the ministeris of Edinbrughe,      #
depairtit this lyf,
confessing fra his hairt that his Majestie wes cruellie         #
subdewit, and borne doun 
by his owne subjectis, as wes reportit; for the quhilk he gat   #
small convoy to 
his grave by the puritans of Edinbrughe. Mr. Alexander          #
Henrisoun, minister 
at Leucharis in Fyff, wes translated thairfra to be ane         #
minister at Edinbrughe
in his room. About midsommer, England sent in to the Committe   #
at 
Edinbrughe ane hundreth and ten thousand pund sterling for      #
thair brotherly 
assistans, conform to the act of parliament, 7 August 1641. 
   About the 24 of June, directit the Lord Maior of London to   #
caus mak 
Proclamatioun at all the crossis within the toun, chargeing     #
all trew and loyall 
subjectis to cum to the king, and byganes sould be forgivin;    #
except sum personnes,
sic as Sir John Hotham, governour of Hull, and utheris his      #
capitall enemeis, 
quhilk his Majestie wes not to pardon. The parliamentaris wes   #
heichlie 
offendit at the Maior of Londoun for suffering this             #
Proclamation to be maid, 
and for the quhilk he wes presentlie deposit and ane uther      #
Maior electit and 
put in his place; bot first he wes haistellie takin, accusit    #
and wardit, and thairefter
deposit for obeying of the kingis command: yet this             #
Proclamatioun drew 
the hairtis of many people to the king, as ye may heirefter     #
sie. 
   Now, his Majestie beginnis to walkin, and is fast drawing    #
to ane heid. His 
faithfull followeris and good subjectis ar by the               #
parliamentaris declairit incendiareis
and malignant pairty. He causit put in ane garisoun in          #
Newcastell;
and divers lordis of parliament resortit also to the king.      #
Quhairupone the 
parliamentaris resolvit to establish ane Committe of thair      #
best number to sit 
constantlie at Westminster for the parliament, with like        #
authoritie and pouer, 
as if the haill estaites of parliament war sitting; for thay    #
durst not rys totallie
<P 57>
wp  nor desert thair parliament, lest the king could not be     #
movit to indict
another when thay wold, as he had more nor ressone to refuse.   #
In the 
meintyme, thay mak preparatioun for armes to defend ther own    #
pretendit 
actis and ordinances for ther militia. 
   Tuysday 27th June, ane visitatioun of our Oldtoun kirk be    #
the bretheren.
The sessioun wes changed fra efter the foirnones sermon to      #
efter the efternones
sermon on ilk Sonday. The landuard elderis thocht this burden   #
havie,
to byd ilk efternone, by thair dynner in the Old toun, quhilk   #
wes byding thame 
at home in ther owne houssis. It wes ordainit by this           #
presbiteriall visitatioun,
that ilk maister and mistres of famelie in town and cuntrie     #
within this parochin
suld cum with ther barnes and servandis to the ministeris       #
catechising. 
Noysum to the countrie people to cum all, clois wp ther         #
durris, and leave none
at home to keip thair houssis, thair cornes, cattell and uther  #
goodis. Thay
ordanit the bak of the hie altar, in bischop Gawin Dumbarris    #
Iyll, curiouslie
wrocht in wanescot, matchles within all the kirkis of           #
Scotland, to be dung 
doun as smelling of idolatrie. Pitifull to behold! In the mene  #
tyme, our minister
Mr. Williame Strathauchin teachis powerfullie and planelie the  #
Word, to 
the gryte comfort of his auditores. He takes strait count of    #
those who cumis
not to the communioun, nor keipis not the kirk, and callis out  #
the absentis out 
of pulpit; quhilk drew in sic a fair auditorie, that the        #
seatis of the kirk wes not
abill to hald thame; for remeid quhairof, he causit big wp ane  #
lost athuart
the body of the kirk, and enterit the wrichtis thairto in       #
November. Lyk as 
with gryte panes and diligens he causit skleat the haill body   #
of the kirk in the 
symmer season with new lath, new skleat, and new materiallis,   #
quhilk wes not
so weill done sen the tyme it wes first sklaittit efter the     #
leid wes tirrit thairfra.
The too-fallis wes not theikit, becaus thay micht not be        #
overtane this yeir. 
This Mr. Williame Strathauchin, one of the best pastores that   #
hes bene sene
at this church thir many yeiris bygone; bot the treuth is, the  #
bak of the altar
wes violentlie pullit doun be direction of Mr. William          #
Strathauchin, onlie
advysit thairto be doctor Goold, principall and moderatour for  #
the tyme, and 
had not consent of the bretheren thairto, as is said befoir;    #
and by this glorious
tymber wark of the said altar this new loft wes beautifeid and  #
adornit with
gilt pieces and ornamentis. 
   Now the marques of Hammiltoun, foirseing thir feires and     #
apparant troubles, 
quhairof he hes not bene saikles fra the begining, as wold      #
appeir, for he had 
still the kingis ear, was continewallie upone his counsall,     #
quhilk he reveillit 
haistellie till our covenanteris be his letteris, quhairby      #
thay war provydit and 
<P 58>
still upone thair guard to ansuer to whatsumever commissioun    #
wes sent be his 
Majestie heir, to protest aganes all maner of proclamationis    #
usit heir, and led
or misled his gratious Prince (who had maid wp his forlorne     #
estait) as he 
pleisit. First, Ane generall assemblie wes indictit. 2. Ane     #
parliament wes indictit,
quhairintill the king, in all his designes, both of kirk and    #
policie, wes 
trampet doun; his freindes and faithfull servitoris declairit   #
rebellis, incendiaris
and malignantis, yea baneshit fra thair honouris, countreis     #
and estaites, 
and thair enemeis plantit and placed into thair roumes;         #
ministeris baneshit, 
thair places fillit wp according to the will of the             #
covenanteris, utheris deposit 
with indignitie and disgrace; and, in a word, none bot the      #
king, the bischoppis, 
nobles, ministeris and utheris who follouit his Majestie wes    #
borne doun pitifullie
with shame and disgrace; as may appeir in his actis of          #
parliament, 
quhair his enemeis are exaltit and his trew servitouris cassin  #
doun. 
   To thir haill doinges this marques of Hammiltoun wes still   #
privie, the 
raising of armes, the cuming to Berwick, the treattie of        #
peace, coroboratioun
of parliament, the kingis returning to London, he is still      #
with him, he attendis
his Majestie whill he saw no appeirans of peace, then he        #
leives him in 
his troubles with the parliament, fenzyeing him self to be      #
seik and he behovit
to cum to Scotland for his helth, quhilk the king beheld, and   #
wynkit at his 
proceidinges, quhairof he had gottin sum knawledge suppose too  #
lait: bot the 
erll of Lanerk, secretar in Scotland, and secretar to the       #
Scottis counsall in Ingland, 
he left behind with the king, doubtles for a intelligencer,     #
who doubtles 
wes still cairful to acquent his owne brother german (and       #
onlie upraiser), the 
marques of Hammiltoun, with all occurrentis betuixt the king    #
and the parliament.
Many wondred at the marques of Hammiltoun's behaviour fra the 
begining of this covenant, as ye may sie befoir, or what        #
could move him to 
deal so politiquelie with so good a maister; for it wes weill   #
knowne he honored
this marques, he inritched his cofferis, and denyit him         #
nothing worldlie 
quhairin he could lessumly availl him, in counsall, in privie   #
chalmer, in bed
chalmer, still cheifest in his Majesteis societie; and yet he   #
wold stur against 
him, and so behave him self wnder trust, as bred gryt greif to  #
the king and 
mutche trouble both in Scotland and England, as efter do        #
appeir, quhilk happellie
micht have bene preventit, if he had reveillit thir plotis      #
tymouslie to his 
Majestie, and socht his honour, peice and prosperitie, as becam #
ane trew and 
loyall subject, both for his hienes and weill of his haill      #
dominionis of England,
Scotland and Ireland, who felt and sufferit ilk ane ther owne   #
trubles and severall
vexationis, as sall appeir more planelie heirefter. 
<P 59>
   Aluayes this marques of Hammiltoun leavis the king in the    #
begining of 
thir troubles; bot his brother, as I have said, baid still at   #
court with the king, 
quhairby he had daylie intelligens what wes doing in court or   #
abroad. Weill, 
he cums to Hammiltoun, whair he had his meitinges with the      #
marques of Argyll, 
the heiche chancelar and uther pryme lordis of the covenant at  #
his plesour: 
Syne, at the doun sitting of the sessioun, he cam and duelt in  #
the kingis 
owne pallace of Holirudehous, and attendit the counsall dayes   #
ordinarlie. He 
had a stout guard about him of his owne freindis and            #
domestickis, and held a 
gryte hous, as wes reportit. He had his meitinges daylie and    #
nichtlie with the 
foirsaidis persones. Sie more heirefter. This marques of        #
Hammiltoun left 
the king, and cam in till Scotland about the beginning of       #
July, quhair he 
stayit whill [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] 1643, as ye may sie          #
heirefter. 
  The erll of Mortoun left his Majestie also, and cam to        #
Scotland to the kingis 
awin pallace of Dalkeith, quhair he remanit and duelt all this  #
while. 
   Generall Leslie (now erll of Levin) bringis over his ladie   #
to the castell of 
Edinbrughe, theirin to dwell togidder about this tyme,          #
furnishit the same for 
his awin provision; bot had no more men bot sic as wes within,  #
by his owne 
domestikis. 
   It wes reportit also, that thare wes about 24 noble men,     #
callit Banderis,
that convenit in the Cannoget of Edinbrughe, at the foirsaid    #
counsall day, all 
malcontentis, and wes to petition the counsall, desiring thame  #
to keip ther 
Covenant, and Othe of Allegeance to his Majestie, and to        #
defend his royall prerogative
now incrochit upone be his English subjectis. Of thir or the    #
lyk 
termes this petitioune wes framed be nobles and utheris of the  #
wast countrie, 
and givin in wnder the subscriptioun of the erll of             #
Montgomrie. The  counsall 
gave no ansuer, bot slichtit the samen, commanding thame to     #
remove, 
whiche thay did and went to Glasgow. In the mein tyme, the      #
ministrie of 
Fyff, with nobles, barronis, and burgessis, gave also in to     #
the counsall ane uther
petitioun. Thay cam in with gryte numberis, as the Banderis     #
also did. The 
toun of Edinbrughe gardit the counsall and Edinbrughe and       #
Leith both with 
about 1000 men in armes. 
   It wes reportit, that the Irishis is veray strong, who       #
cannellie espyit thair
tyme, to cast as ther yok of obediens, throw the incuming of    #
oure covenant.

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 208>
   Upone Fridday 5 Aprile, the marques sent over to the  laird  #
of Clunyis
hous, and  took 50 pikis out thairof to this service.           #
Lykuaies the laird Drum
younger sent over for doctor Gooldis sadill hors, quhilk he     #
durst not refuse. 
   This samen Frydday, Nathaniell Gordoun went to the Road of   #
Abirdene 
with about 20 muskiteires, and took ane bark ladnit with        #
hering pertening to 
the kingdome of Denmark. This bark wes takin be ane English     #
Pirat, with 
ane uther bark also of that same natioun, be virtue of ane      #
Letter of Mark
givin out to sum of thair schipis to tak sic schipis as         #
pertenit to Denmark 
and to Ireland also. Now this bark ladnit with hering being     #
thus taken, the 
Englishman (hes the one following hir) causis tak of [^BLANK IN #
THE TEXT^] men of hir, and 
puttis in thair schip als mony of thair men (as siefairing      #
fashioun is), that 
scho suld not go from hir. This bark I say cumis throw change   #
of wynd to 
the Road of Aberdene, whome the said Nathaniell or major        #
Nathaniell Gordoun 
took and brings into the harberie of Abirdene; and, efter       #
tryell, takis 
the Englishmen and wairdis them in the tolbuith of Abirdene.    #
The Pirat 
who had takin this pryze, missing hir, cam to the Road of       #
Abirdene, and set a 
schoir the pilot and skipper to try if scho cam to the          #
harberie; bot upone the 
sext of Aprile thay war takin and wairdit with the rest. Bot    #
rather moir 
treulie it wes not the men of the Pirat, bot tua men of ane     #
uther warriour
English Parliamentary schip whiche cam on land, as said is,     #
haveing nothing 
ado with the hering pryze. This schip seing thair pilot and     #
skipper not to cum 
aboord, thay apprehend that thay war takin. Whairupone thay     #
hoys saill 
and gois about the Nuke; bot, upone Mononday the 8 of Aprile,   #
scho returnis 
to the road, took thrie of oure fisher boatis with 24 men,      #
cheassit uther tua in 
at Done mouth with hir Cokboit, and ane uther north. Scho       #
landit also at 
Balhelvie and took tua bollis of malt from the countrie men     #
careing in to the 
toun, and had the samen aboord to thair schip. The marques wes  #
veray angrie,
becaus he had commandit the fisheris that thay sould not go to  #
the sea, lest
thay sould be takin, and he sould sustein thame lying on land;  #
bot foolishlie 
thay went on, quhairby the marques expectatioun wes             #
disapointit, thinking 
for setting thir tua men to libertie to have gottin sum cart    #
peices out of thair 
schip; aluaies scho lyis still at anchor and schot all day      #
divers gryte schottis 
on land, bot did no skaith. The fisher wyvis, wanting thair     #
men, ran crying 
upon the marques, who in end sent James Broun, skipper in       #
Abirdene, aboord 
<P 209>
with ane letter fra thair skipper and pilot, desyreing thame    #
to set a schoir the 
fishermen and the malt, and to keip this skipper Broun whill    #
thay cam to thair 
schip; whiche wes done, and ilk one got thair awin. So scho wp  #
saillis, and 
to the sea gois scho but moir trubbill. 
   In the mein tyme, the English Pirat, who had takin the       #
hering bark, heiring
that scho wes takin and had in to Abirdene, scho unhappellie    #
lichtis upone
skipper Walker his bark, one of oure toun's sailleris, anent    #
Peterheid, upone 
the 11 of Aprile, cuming from Caithnes to Abirdene, ladnit      #
with salt beif, talloun,
skin, hyde, and such commoditeis pertening to Caithnes          #
merchandis. Thay 
tirrit skipper Walker out of his clothis and cled him in        #
raggis, and set him on 
schoir, who in pitifull maner cam to Abirdene and  told the     #
marques, schowing
he wold not get his schip nor goodis agane whill the pryze of   #
hering war 
restorit as his laufull pryze takin from the Danes be virtue    #
of ane Letter of 
Mark, as said is; quhairat the marques wes heichlie offendit    #
for the honest 
manis lois, bot culd not help him. 
   Upone the bak of this, cumis to the Road, upone the 16 of    #
Aprile, this 
samen Pirat, and cheassis our haill fisher boitis, and settis   #
on schoir tua of thair
owne men, declairing, since thair pryze of hering wes takin,    #
thay wold content
with skipper Walkeris schip (whiche wes valourit worth 20,000   #
merkis, 
and far above the worth of the hering pryze), and keip hir,     #
and let Abirdene
keip the hering bark, and go thair way without moir offens,     #
provideing thay
wold send thair men quhilk thay had wardit in Abirdene aboord,  #
and receave
thair hering men whiche thay had takin fra thair schip; whiche  #
wes agreit 
upone; ilk schip receavit hir owne men, and to the sea gois     #
scho, haveing still 
skipper Walkeris schip fast, to the gryte greif and overthrow   #
of the honest
man. The Danes gettis bak ther owne bark with sic hering as     #
major Nathaniell
Gordoun had left onsauld; and the marques reprovit the said     #
Nathaniell 
veray bitterly for taking of the said hering without his        #
command, breiding also 
sic gryte feir and skaith to our coast syde; quhairat this      #
Nathaniell Gordoun 
wes so angrie that he haistellie took his leive, and left the   #
marques' service. 
   Sonday 7 Aprile, the marques hard devotioun befoir and       #
efter none in Old 
Abirdene, Mr. Williame Strathauchin preichit; syne dynit in     #
George Middiltoun's
hous, and returnit bak to his owne lodging in New Abirdene. 
   Mononday 8 Aprile, our Old toun people wes commandit to      #
muster in the 
Lynkis. The marques viewit thame, and saw them a sillie waik    #
people, wanting
armes, albeit he resolvit to tak 35 personis and arme thame     #
him self; bot 
yet he tuke not one man out of the Old toun. Thairefter he      #
went out to the 
<P 210>
brig of Die, and causit big wp saif gairdis at ilk one of the   #
endis of the said
brig to no purpois. 
  Upone Tuysday 9 Aprile, James Grant with his Hieland men,     #
and divers
companeis of Lowland men, war sent out to plunder and spol+gie  #
the place of 
Kemnay pertening sum tyme to umquhill Sir Thomas Crombie, a     #
faithfull
servand to the hous of Huntlie, and to his name; whair thay     #
brak wp yettis
and durris, got 6000 merkis of money, spol+geit and destroyit   #
the haill plenisching,
plundering his girnellis and ground rigorouslie. Thay did the   #
lyk to 
Pittodrie,  plunderit scheip af of Bannochie and his ground,    #
and landis of 
Mwny pertening to Mr. Robert Farquhar; and throw the country    #
thay went 
plundering lykuys armes and hors quhair ever thay culd be       #
gottin, to the 
wrak and hairschip of the land, following the Covenanteris      #
footstepis that began
this plundering in Scotland. 
   About this tyme, thair wes found swyming upone the loche of  #
Abirdene
pulder rollit in ballis, quhilk had bene cassin thair, lest     #
the marques sould 
have gottin the same. Gryte tryell wes maid, bot none found. 
   Word also of ane bloodie battell fought upone the 14 of      #
Marche betuixt the 
kingis men and oure Scottis army, quhair we had the worst; and  #
that the 
marques of Argyll had left the army and cum be sea to           #
Edinbrughe. 
   Thair wes parteis sent doun to Banf and to Buchane, quhair   #
Auchnagat, 
perteining to the laird of Glenkindie, his girnellis, his       #
goodis, and ground, wes 
pitifullie plunderit; his brother Patrik Strathauchin of        #
Kynnadie plunderit,
and spol+geit his bigging, victuall and all, syne took him self #
prissoner and had
him to Kellie, quhair he remanit upone his awin expenssis.      #
Thair went doun 
to Banf the lairdis of Geicht, Newtoun, Ardlogie, with ane      #
pairtie of fourtie
hors and muskiteiris, brave gentilmen. Thay took in the toune   #
but contradictioun,
mellit with the keyis of the tolbuith, took frie quarteris,     #
and plunderit
all the armes thay could get, buffill cotis, pikis, pistollis,  #
suordis, carrabines,
yea and money also. Thay took from Alexander Winchester, ane    #
of 
the bailleis thairof, 700 merkis, quhilk he [{had{] as ane of   #
the four Collectouris of 
the Taxationis and Loane Silver of Banf; and siclyk took fra    #
him 400 merkis
of his awin geir; and fra [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] Schand in Doun  #
thay plunderit sum moneyis.
Thay causit the bailleis (for doctor Douglas thair provest had  #
fled)
and tounesmen subscrive and sueir the band denying the last     #
Covenant, and 
obleigit to follow the king and his deputis in his service, as  #
ye have befoir. 
Thay took also from George Geddes, ane uther of the saidis      #
four Collectouris, 
500 merkis of Taxatioun and Loan Silver. Geicht keipit all the  #
moneyis, 
<P 211>
about tua thousand and five hundred merkis. Thairefter thay     #
rode to Muresk, 
perseuit the place, and being randerit, thay took the laird     #
with thame; syne 
returnit to Innerurie, quhair thay met with the marques, as ye  #
have heirefter. 
Thay plunderit nothing out of the erll of Marschallis ground    #
of Buchane. 
   Upone the 10 of Aprile, the marques craves the Roll of the   #
Taxatioun of 
auchtene thousand and four hundreth merkis, impoisit be the     #
Estaites upone
the toune of Abirdene, from Mr. Patrik Chalmer thair toune's    #
clerk, who wes 
loth to give the samen but command of the Counsall. Aluaies     #
the marques
alledgit, he had als good richt to lift the samen as the        #
Estaites, and took ordour
thairwith, as ye sall heir. 
   Upone the 11 of Aprile, he lap on, with about 80 hors, and   #
rod from Abirdene
to Strathbogie. Upone Setterday he returnit to Innerurie,       #
quhair mony
of his freindis met him, foot men and hieland men. The laird    #
of Geicht,
Newtoun, and thair companeis, cam thair, and wes estimat about  #
tua thousand 
and fyve hundreth men, quhairof  thair wes four hundreth hors.  #
He
mist sum of Strathbogie men oncum thair, quhairupone he         #
directit M'Ronald 
to go plunder and bring thame in. At this meiting the Tutour    #
of Struan cam 
out of Atholl with about 60 foot men to the marques. He stayit  #
at Innerurie
Satterday and Sonday, and lodgit in umquhill Williame Fergus    #
his hous, and 
his men quarterit about him within the toune. 
   Upone Mononday 15 Aprile, he returnit about sex houris at    #
evin, to Abirdene.
He causit mak sum Ensignes, quhair on ilk syd was drawin ane    #
red 
rampand Lion, haveing ane croun of gold above his heid, and     #
C.R. for (\CAROLUS REX\),
haveing this motto, FOR GOD, THE KING, AND AGAINST ALL 
TRAITTOURIS, and beneth, GOD SAVE THE KING.  Thair wes divers   #
utheris 
Pinsellis maid for the barronis. The marques and his            #
folloueris weir ane blak
taffetie about thair crag, quhilk wes ane signe to fight to     #
the death; bot it 
provit utheruayes. 
   Upone Sonday 14 Aprile, by ordinance of the Committee of     #
the Kirk or Generall 
Assemblie at Edinbrughe, being Sonday, the marques of Huntlie,  #
the 
laird Drum younger, Robert Irving his brother, the laird of     #
Haddoche, the 
laird of Schethin, the laird of Tibbertie, Thomas Hay           #
servitour to Haddoche,
Mr. James Kennedy secretar to the marques, whois names are      #
Alexander Irving
younger of Drum, Robert Irving his brother, Sir John Gordoun    #
of Haddoche,
Williame Seytoun of Schethin, Williame Innes of Tibbertie, war  #
all 
excomunicat at Sanct Geillis kirk, and ordanit the nixt         #
ensewing Sonday to be 
excomunicat (altho Pashe day) throw all the rest of the kirkis  #
of Edinbrughe.
<P 212>
   This is to be nottit, that this Committee of the Kirk,       #
without citatioun, 
probatioun, proces or sentence according to thair owne          #
disciplyn of the Kirk, 
went on most maliciouslie to excomunicat this noble man and     #
sum of his 
freindis without lauchfull proces, or ony ressone, bot for his  #
loyaltie to his 
Majestie the King, doing all thay could to mak him odius in     #
the sicht of the 
people. Bot the marques wyslie beheld all. Sie [{hereafter{]    #
the veray act of 
the commissioneris of the Generall Assemblie maid thairanent. 
   Upone Tuysday 16 Aprile, [{the marques{] causit carie to     #
Strathbogie tua of 
John Andersonis schip  cart peices to stok, as wes said, and    #
that samen day convenit
the counsall of Abirdene and haill inhabitantis, commanding     #
thame aganes 
Setterday nixt to provyde thair taxatioun of auchtein thousand  #
and four hundreth
merkis. The bailleis ansuerit, the people wold on nawayes pay   #
the samen, 
except thay thame selves gave thair band to warrand the         #
toune's people from 
payment of the samen over agane, which thay said thay could     #
not do, as a 
mater tending to thair wrack, if the toune war put at agane by  #
the Estaites. 
The marques ansuerit, if the toun wold receave tua hundreth     #
and fyftie soldiouris,
and farder as necessitie requyrit, upone frie quarteris, and    #
thay to be 
payit out of the commoun good for thair intertynnement, he will #
behald 
thame; quhairunto the toun condiscendit, thinking it the best   #
way rather 
then to pay out the taxatioun altogidder. Aluayes thay gat,     #
upone the 18 of 
Aprile, tuelf scoir soldiouris on frie quarteris; and           #
thairefter, upone the 24 of 
Aprile, thay resavit fourtein scoir moir of soldiouris,         #
making in the haill fyve 
hundreth and tuentie soldiouris, quhilk the thesaurer of        #
Abirdene gat compt
of to sustein upone frie quarteris. The thesaurer of Abirdene   #
wes commandit
to pay the charges of thir soldiouris to the toune's people     #
who intertynneit
thame. Besydis, the marques intertynneit upone his awin         #
expenssis his owne 
men of Strathbogie, Strathavan, Eng+gie; and the barronis       #
sustenit thair awin 
men, whome thay brocht in; and ilk gentilman friehalder did     #
the lyk, so long
as thair moneyis lestit, and when thay wantit thay ar forsit    #
to tak frie quarteris
with the rest in Abirdene. The marques himself wes above 500    #
merkis 
debursit daylie upone his owne soldiouris, quhilk drew to       #
muche money, 
quhairof it is said he had about 100,000 pundis when he began   #
lying besyd 
him in reddy money, and schortlie wes consumeit. 
   The toune of Abirdene began to repent thair bargane,         #
thinking it better to 
have payit thair taxatioun nor to sustein soldiouris daylie,    #
as thay came in, 
upone frie quarteris, if it continewit long.
   Aluaies the marques wes forsit to tak Abirdene as the        #
fittest pairt for his 
<P 213>
randevous; and for thair better eis sent daylie out pairteis    #
to plunder girnellis,
who wold not cum in to him; amonges whome the laird of Lesleis
girnellis in Banchorie, and the laird of Wdnyis girnellis of    #
[^BLANK IN THE TEXT^]; sic as 
wes left oncareit to Urie wes plunderit out of Banchorie; and   #
this wes done 
upone the 16 of Aprile. 
   Thair wes found yirdit in Mr. Robert Farquharis clois tua    #
fyne brassin 
peices pertening to the lord Sinckler, quhilk the marques       #
mellit with about 
this tyme in Abirdene, and wes glaid in getting thairof. 
   Tuysday 16 Aprile wes the day of the Provinciall Assemblie   #
at Abirdene;
bot the ministeris durst not in thir troublesome tymes keip     #
the same for feir 
of plundering thair hors.  Aluaies sic of the bretheren as      #
convenit continewit
this Assemblie to Tuysday the 14 of May, quhilk wes keipit. 
   Thair cam word to Abirdene, upon Wedinsday the 17 of         #
Aprile, that the 
lord Elcho wes cum to Dundie with 800 Fyf men; that the erll    #
of Kingorne, 
the erll of Southesk and utheris had raisit 800 men; that the   #
marques of Argyll
had raisit out of Perthschire 800 men; and that thair wes       #
cuming out of 
Argyll about 1000 men, by and attour 800 men cuming out of      #
Ireland of the 
erll of Lauthean and laird of Laeris regiment; and that the     #
erll Marschall
and viscount of Arbuthnot had raisit out of the Mernis about    #
500 men; and
drawing haistellie to ane heid aganes the marques of Huntlie    #
his freindis and 
followeris; and that thair wes committees daylie holding at     #
Forffar for Angous, 
and at Fordoun for the Mernis; quhilk over treulie cam to pas.  #
Bot 
the marques seimit to tak littill heid heirof, albeit his kin   #
wes more forduartlie
set; quhairupone follouit sorrow, schame, and skaith, as ye may #
heir. 
   Now the marques, being informit of this preparationis,       #
causit warne be 
sound of trumpet at the cros of Abirdene all suche as had       #
gottin his protectioun
to meit him at Innerurie the 18 of Aprile, with certificatioun  #
his protectioun
sould be null. He appointit Major Hay with sum troupes and      #
foot 
to keip Abirdene, and, upone the foirsaid 17 of Aprile, rydis   #
from Abirdene
to Innerurie; his goodfone Alexander Irving younger of Drum     #
with about 
40 hors follouit him in the efternone. He rode throw the Old    #
toun, haveing 
tua cullouris, one haveing the Kinges armes, the uther haveing  #
the Irvinges
armes. The marques, at his lichting, causit quarter his men     #
thair convenit
at Innerurie, Kintoir, and Muchallis; him self stayit           #
Wedinsday and Thuirsday
in umquhill William Fergusone's hous in Innerurie. He directit  #
out Donald
Farquharsone, M'Ronald, the Tutour of Struan with thair         #
folloueris, and 
some lowland foot men, about tua hundreth and fourtie persones, #
to attend 
<P 214>
sum hors troupes going upone ane expeditioun into Angous; and   #
so left Innerurie,
[{and{] cam bak to Abirdene upone Frydday the 19 of Aprile. 
   Upone Setterday, he causit dreill wp in the Lynkis sic men   #
as he had within
the toune, estimat about auchtscoir hors, and betuixt sevin     #
and aucht  hundreth
foot; and about four efternone the marques returnit fra the     #
Lynkis to 
the toune. And immediatlie thairefter Alexander Irving of Drum  #
younger, Robert
Irving his brother (who had ingaged thameselvis in this         #
bussines aganes
thair fatheris will, as wes said), [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^]        #
Gordoun of Geicht younger, Johne 
Gordoun his father brother, Johne Gordoun of Ardlogie, Major    #
Nathaniell 
Gordoun, [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] Urquhart of Craghouse, Williame  #
Innes of Tibbertie, Alexander 
Irving of Kincousie, and sum utheris, rode that same nicht out  #
of Abirdene
wp Die side, about thriescoir tuelf hors, commanderis and all.  #
They 
gave ordouris to the foot men forsaid, and, upone Mononday the  #
22 of Aprile, 
thay passit all over Die, intending onlie to go to Montrois,    #
and to tak the tua
brassin Cartowis lying thair, if thay war not impedit; quhilk   #
wes most  dangerous
and desperat in respect of an gathering at Fordoun and ane      #
uther at 
Forfar, and utheris before specifeit. Aluaies forduard thay     #
went, being of all,
foot and hors, about 300 men; and, upone Wedinsday the 24 of    #
Aprile, be tua 
houris in the morning, with sound of trumpet thay cam to the    #
toun, who had 
set on fyres upon thair stepill to walkin the countrie, and     #
wes in armes thameselffis,
and rang the commoun bell; bot all for nocht.  Thay boldlie     #
enterit
Montrois, dang the toune's people fra the calsey to thair       #
houssis, and out of the 
foirstaires thay schot desperatlie, bot thay war forssit to     #
yield by many feirfull
schotes schot aganes thame; quhair unhappellie Alexander        #
Peirsone ane of 
thair bailleis wes slayne, sum sayes by Nathaniell Gordoun,     #
utheris holdis by 
ane hieland man whome the said baillie also slew. Thairefter,   #
it wes said, thay
intended to schip thir Cartowis in ane schip lying in Montrois  #
water pertening
to Alexander Burnet elder in Abirdene be consent of Alexander   #
Burnet
his sone, who hapnit to be thair and had promesit no les,       #
being ane antecovenanter.
Bot, by this Burnetis knowledge, James Scot now provest of      #
Montrois
with certane of his neightbouris had quietlie convoyit          #
thameselffis with 
thair best goodis into the said schip. When scho began to       #
fleit, scho drawis
nar the schoir, quhair young Drum and his men war thinking to   #
schip thair 
Cartowis, according to Alexander Burnetis promeis foirsaid,     #
and to have had 
thame about be sea to Abirdene. Bot, far by thair expectatioun, #
this schip
schot fyve or six peice of ordinans disperatlie amongis thame,  #
with about fourtie
muscattis, quhair by the gryte providens of God thair wes bot   #
onlie tuo
<P 215>
men killit, and sum hurt. Drum seing this, thay reteirit thame  #
selffis, brak 
the quheillis of the Cartowis, for mair thay culd not do, nor   #
brak thame thay
micht not, and threw thame over the schoir to mak thame         #
unserviceable; bot 
thay war brocht to Abirdene, as ye have [{hereafter.{]
   Drum returnis to the toune, and beginis to brak wp merchand  #
boothis, 
plunder, and cruellie spol+gie ritche merchandice, clothis,     #
silkis, velvotis, and 
uther costlie wair, silver, gold and silver wark, armes and     #
all uther thing, 
quhairat the hieland men wes not slaw. Thay brak wp a pype of   #
Spanish 
wyne, and drank hartfullie. Thay took Patrik Lichtoun lait      #
provest, and 
Androw Gray, prissoneris. Thay left Montrois in wofull cace,    #
about tuo efternone;
syn, that samen nicht, went to Cortoquhy to meit with the erll  #
of Airlie, 
who heiring of the marques of Argyllis cuming wold not give     #
thame entrie, 
contrair to thair expectatioun. Aluays thay returnit thairfra   #
touardis
Abirdene; bot be the way thair wes takin 32 hieland men, sum    #
sayis 52, who 
had unwyslie biddin behind the rest, plundering the Montrois    #
goodis, and is 
takin, schaklit, and sent to Edinbrughe, to pay for thair       #
faultis. Major Gordoun
cam bak to Abirdene upone Frydday the 26 of Aprile; and young
Drum went to the place thairof to sie his lady. Patrik          #
Lichtoun and Androw 
Gray cam in, with major Gordoun, who declarit the gryte forces  #
that wes 
gathering, and that the marques of Argyll wes cum to Dunnotter  #
quyetlie;
quhilk wes over trew. 
   It is heir to be nottit, that notwithstanding of the many    #
schotis schot 
within the toune and out of the schip, yit it pleissit God      #
that few wes killit to
Drumis syde, except tua or thrie persones, mervallous to sie!   #
and als few to 
the other syde, except Alexander Peirsone baillie, who wes      #
schot be Natheniell 
Gordoun. Thair intentioun wes to have schippit thir Cartowis    #
within the foirsaid
schip to have brocht about when scho cam with hir ladning to    #
Abirdene;
bot thay gat ane cruell assault, as ye have befoir, and wes     #
michtellie disappoyntit.
   The tutour of Struan with sum hieland men did brave service  #
with thair
schort gunis. 
   It is said, that Drum causit rais fyre tua severall tymes    #
in Montrois, yit 
major Gordoun still quenshit and pat out the samen. 
   Efter this ungodlie and grevous oppressioun, the young       #
laird Drum returnit,
as I have said, not with the bodie of ane weill governit army,  #
as he went out, 
bot ilk ane efter uther, stragling; and, upone Setterday the    #
27 of Aprile, he 
cam to Abirdene, quhair the marques wes lying still, to his     #
gryte unhap,
schame, and disgrace, as heirefter ye may sie. 
<P 216>
   Ye hard of the marques of Argyllis cuming to Dunnotter. He   #
cam quyetlie, 
about 32 hors, upone the 26 of Aprile, attending thair the      #
cuming of the 
Perthschire men, and of the erll of Lauthean and laird of       #
Laeris regiment cuming
out of Ireland, of whome ye fall heir moir schortlie. The lord  #
Forbes, 
and maister of Forbes his sone, Sir Williame Forbes of          #
Gragiwar,  Alexander 
Strathauchin of Glenkindie, [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] Forbes of     #
Echt, [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] Skein of that 
ilk, [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] Forbes of Leslie, [^BLANK IN THE     #
TEXT^] Calder of Asloun, and sindrie utheris,
sic as Androw lord Fraser, [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] Forbes of      #
Tolquhone, [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] Forbes
of Wattertoun, Johne Kennedy of Kermuk, [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^]   #
Forbes Tutour of Petsligo,
[^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] Fraser of Phillorth, Sir Williame Forbes  #
of Monymusk, who 
had tane thame selffis to strenthis, cumis now to the feildis.  #
Bot the lord
Forbes, the maister of Forbes, Cragiwar, Glenkindie, Echt,      #
Skeyne, and sum 
utheris, went to the Commitees of Angous and Mernis abefoir     #
the cuming of 
the marques of Argyll, and the rest keipit thair houssis. 
   Upone Sonday 21 Aprile, the marques hard sermon in Old       #
Abirdene befoir 
and efternone, dynit in George Middeltoun's. Thair cam over     #
ane guard out 
of the toune about 60 muskiteiris and pikoneiris, with tua      #
cullouris, ane drum, 
and ane bag pipe. Thay attendit the marques lodging, syne       #
returnit bak, and 
the marques following upone horsbak, to Abirdene. 
   Johne Kennedy of Kermuk, ane mane covenanter, wes in Aprile  #
first plunderit
be Robert Irving, the laird Drumis sone, quhair his best hors   #
and sum 
armis wes takin fra him; thairefter Sir Johne Gordoun of        #
Haddoche plunderit
sum wark hors fra his pure tennentis. He wold eit none of       #
Kermuk's
meit; bot baid with Mr Androw Leitche minister his table, and   #
lay in the 
place of Kermuk all nicht. His soldiouris lay in Ellon, who gat #
meit fra the 
place, and kest in ane littill stak of his beir for thair hors  #
meit. Thay stayit 
thair 24 houris, syne rode  thair way. 
   Patrik Strathauchin of Kynnadie, at this samen tyme, wes     #
plunderit and 
tane captive and had to Kelly, becaus he wold not pay the said  #
Sir Johne 
Gordoun ane fyne. But fra Kelly he wes transportit to Tolly,    #
and fairlie wan 
away. 
   Upone Wedinsday the 24 of Aprile, the marques sent Sir       #
Johne Turing of 
Foverane quyetlie to Dunnotter commissioner to the erll         #
Marschall. He upone 
the morne returnit tymlie to the marques with ane ansuer not    #
to his contentment,
quhilk bred ane suddant alteratioun. 
   Now nothing bot plundering of poor menis wark hors, and      #
forsit to redeim
thair awin beistis bak agane by payment of moneyis les or       #
mair, and glaid to 
<P 217>
get thame so. Thair wes ane naig plunderit fra the persone of   #
Balhelvie, and
another fra the chalmerlane.
   Alexander Gordoun of Brasinoir leavis the marques service,   #
and gois to the
lord Gordoun, who had few abefoir of the name of Gordoun except #
James
Gordoun of Rothemay, and Johne Gordoun of Park, and wes about 
32 hors
of all in company. This Alexander Gordoun wes mareit to the     #
provest Patrik
Leslyis dochter, who wrocht upone the lord Gordoun and sum      #
utheris to
get the prissoneris out of Auchindoun. By whose persuasioun he  #
rydis, charges
[^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] Gordoun of Birkinburne, capitane of       #
Auchindoun, to rander him
the hous, becaus his father the marques wes fled and away. He   #
ansuerit, he
had no warrant fra him to rander his hous, and whill he saw him #
self he wold
keip it; and schortlie schot out sum hagbuttis of sound, brak   #
ground befoir
him, bot did no moir skaith. Quhairupone the lord Gordoun       #
returnit bak and
left the hous, quhilk wes upone the [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] day   #
of Aprile.
   The erllis of Montrois, Craufurd, Niddisdaill, Traquhair,    #
Kynnoull, Carnueth,
the viscount of Oboyne, and lord Ogilvy, cam in with ane        #
company of 
hors and fut to Drumfreis in this samen month of Aprile; bot    #
did no vassalage,
and upone thair awin ressones haistellie returnit bak to        #
Carleill. In the
mein tyme James Leslie sone to Johne Leslie of Petcaple,        #
[^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] Ruthven,
and uther thrie gentlemen, sitting cairlislie drinking behind   #
the company in
Drumfreis, war suddantlie takin, had to Edinbrughe, and         #
straitlie wardit in
the tolbuith thairof, and thairefter releivit, as ye have       #
heirefter.
   Upone Setterday efternone the 27 of Aprile, thair wes 44     #
soldiouris pertening
to William Seyton of Schethin, Mr. James Buchane of Auchmacoy,  #
and
James Seytoun of Petmedden, who lay in Old Abirdene whill       #
Tuysday upone
the poor people's charges.
   Sonday the 28 of Aprile, the marques hard devotioun in Old   #
Abirdene,
dynit in George Middeltoun's hous; wreit, all the efternone's   #
preiching, missive 
letteris. He had ane gaird with ane cullour attending upone     #
him, bot
nather drum nor pype as befoir. He returnit bak to Abirdene to  #
his lodging.
   Upone Mononday the 29 of Aprile, the marques' freindis       #
beginis to gruge 
and murmur with his delayis, seing his enemeis grow to ane      #
gryte number
and his forces daylie decressing and growing fewer and fewer;   #
and desyrit him
haistellie to go to the Mernis and to Angous and brak thair     #
forces, utheruayis
thay war all loist. He hard all, and went to ane counsall of    #
war, quhair the  
marques alledgit, if he sould leave Abirdene and go to the      #
Mernis, then he
wes sure the Forbesses and Fraseris and uther Covenanters sould #
cum and tak
<P 218>
in the toune, and follow him hard at the heilles to the Mernis  #
to his seing
perrell and gryte danger; and declairit he had ressone to       #
delay, in respect of 
his hoipis, quhilk wes now liklie to deceave him. For first,    #
he wes informit 
most crediblie be his owne servitour Johne Gordoun (alias       #
Johne of Beruick),
that his Majestie sould have ane commissioun at him for         #
raising of armes, befoir
he sould rys; 2. That his Majestie sould have in ane army in    #
Scotland 
about the last of Marche for his forder assureans; quhilkis the #
said Johne Gordoun 
be his gryte oath told him, becaus he durst not carie letteris  #
out of England 
to him, lest they had bein intercepted. 3. He had hopes of the  #
lord
Forbes and his owne vassallis of that name and divers utheris   #
lordis and erllis
south and north to have rysin als sone as he rais, quhairupone  #
he lay still attending
thair rysing. 4. The good opinioun he did conceive of the       #
countrie 
people both in brughe and land, grevouslie groaning wnder the   #
tyrrany and 
oppressioun of the Estaites, lifting men, hors, loan money,     #
levie money, armes, 
excises, and suche like cruelteis, to thair unspeikabill        #
sorrow. Upone thir ressones,
he said he had too rashlie ingageit him self and his freindis,  #
quhilkis 
he perceavit now had cleirlie faillit him, and he knew weill,   #
that he and 
his freindis wes not abill to give battell to the               #
invinsibill army cuming 
against him; taking the gryte God to witness it wes sore        #
against his will,
and if he could sie the lest spark of liklihood or outget, he   #
sould byd it to the 
last man. 
   His freindis heiring this discours (quhilk wes most trew)    #
becam sorrowfull.
Aluaies thay fell upone the nixt best cours, quhilk wes, seing  #
thay war unhabill
to give battell, that the marques sould hold his freindis       #
togidder, and goe 
with ane fleing army, wait upone the wynges of thair enemeis    #
forces, leive 
upone thair enemyis countrie goodis, and in tyme of neid to     #
draw to Strathbogie,
Auchindoun, or the Bog, to the wyreing of the enemy, and byde   #
a 
better fortoun if ony help sould cum fra the king for thair     #
releif. This counsall
wes approvin, and, becaus the Southland army wes at hand, thay  #
resolve
to meit at Strathbogie with all the forces thay could mak. Bot  #
major Nathaniell
Gordoun who wes rebuikit for the herynge prys, as ye hard,      #
miscontent 
with this cours, quytis the marques' service, and gois to the   #
lord Gordoun, who 
wold not heir of him; and so he leivit be him self, of whome    #
ye may sie moir 
heirefter. 
   Upone Tuysday the 30 of Aprile, he wes informit that his     #
sone the lord
Gordoun wes in the toune of Banf growing to ane heid; heirfoir  #
he liftis
John Andersonis tuo cairt peices, and the tuo brassin peices    #
found in Mr. Robert
<P 219>
Farquharis, clois, and sent them to Strathbogie, and            #
immediatlie gois to 
hors for Banf: bot his sone had no sic intentioun as to grow    #
to ane heid
against him.
   Upone the first of May, Androw Gray wes sent bak from        #
Abirdene to Montros
haill and sound; bot Patrik Lichtoun wes sent to Auchindoun,    #
to byd 
with oure Abirdenis prissoneris. And thairwith Sir George       #
Gordoun of 
Geicht, Alexander Irving younger of Drum, Robert Irving his     #
brother, with 
about 60 hors, rode throw the Old toun with new quhyte lances   #
in their 
handis to Strathbogie. The marques left all his freindis in     #
Abirdene, when 
he rode to Banf, wnder gryte feir, as thay had caus. From Banf  #
he gois to 
Strathbogie, quhair his freindis met him, and wes ane brave     #
company about 
300 hors and 1500 foot. Upone the [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] day of  #
May, Sir Johne Gordoun of 
Haddoche, Alexander Irving younger of Drum, Sir George Gordoun  #
of Geicht,
and principallis of his freindis thair, deallis with the        #
marques to give ordour 
for his fleing army. He changes resolutioun, seing he wes not   #
abill to give
battell. It was said thay ansuerit, "We have schawin our selfis #
foolishlie, and
will leave the feildis schamefullie. We thocht never better of  #
it." Young
Drum stayit the marques weill roodlie on going to his hors      #
anes or tuys;
quhairat he wes offendit. Aluaies heir thir brave gentlemen     #
pairtis with sore
hairtis, and quhairupone mekill sorrow fell schortlie           #
thairefter. 
   The marques rydis in anger upone the morne to Artclach,      #
quhair he wes 
all night; upone the morne, rydes to Auchindoun, quhilk wes     #
the sevint of 
May, and immediatlie setis Patrik Leslie provest, Mr. Robert    #
Farquhar, Alexander 
and John Jossrayis, and the said Patrik Lichtoun to libertie,   #
who cam 
to Abirdene with gryter credet nor thay war takin out of it.    #
He seikis about
for his owne saiftie, and bydis quyetlie in Auchindoun, quhill  #
ye may sie. Sie
also of the incuming of oure Abirdenis prissoneris.
   Ye heir how the marques of Huntlie had left the toune of     #
Abirdene, contrair
to the expectatioun of many, upone the last of Aprile, leaving  #
his haill 
freindis within the toune in gryte feir and melancholie of ane  #
Southland army
to cum schortlie, as it did; for upone Thuirsday thairefter,    #
the second day
of May, thair cam to Abirdene the lord Burly and the lord       #
Elcho with the 
men of Fyf, [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] with Perthschire men, the     #
erll of Marschall and viscount
of Arbuthnot with the men of Mernis, the erll of Kingorne and   #
lord of Carnegie
with the Angous men. Thair cam out of thir four schires about   #
the 
number of 2000 fut and 400 hors, by baggage men and hors. Thay  #
war 
weill furneishit with ammunitioun, pulder, matche, ball,        #
muscatis, carribinis,
<P 220>
pikis, suordis, cullouris, pistollis, puterlinges and uther     #
armes, careing this 
motto, FOR THE COVENANT, RELIGIOUN, THE CROUN, AND THE          #
KINGDOME. 
Ilk severall company had thair capitans, commanderis, and       #
officiares, 
thair trumpettouris and drumis. Thay cam all in goodly ordour   #
of battel, 
terribill to thair enemeis, and joyfull to thair freindis.      #
Thay took up thair 
randevous that nicht in the Lynkis and beyond the water at      #
Torry, and fed
upone ther awin provisioun, whiche wes careit with them. 
   The marques of Argile who had cum to Dunnotter, as ye hard   #
befoir,
rydis thairfra to the place of Drum, about 400 hors, and cam    #
not into Abirdene
with the rest of the army. The erll Marschall cam not in        #
nather with 
the Mernis men; bot wes with Argile, who also follouit him to   #
Drum. Thair
cam also to him the erll of Lauthean and laird of Laeris        #
regiment out of Ireland,
about 500 brave soldiouris, with [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] wemen. 
   Sir Alexander Irving of Drum wes not at home when Argile     #
and the rest
came; bot his lady, and his gude dochter ladie Marie Gordoun    #
and sister 
dochter to Argile, wes present. He and his company war all      #
maid welcum 
according to the tyme. Thair wes uther 500 soldiouris cuming    #
out of Argile 
to him also; by and attour the haill north wes at his command.  #
He  causit
schortlie put the ladeis to the yettis, thair haill men         #
servandis and wemen servandis
also. The ladeis cam out with tua gray plaidis, and gat tua     #
wark 
naiges whiche bure thame in to Abirdene. The rennegat Irish     #
soldiouris thairefter
fell to, and pitifullie plunderit and abusit this noble hous. 
   Now at the incuming of this army to Abirdene the             #
covenanteris wes no les 
blythe nor the noncovenanteris wes wo; for the ane factioun     #
croppit the calsey 
couragiouslie, prydfullie, and disdanefullie; the uther         #
factioun wes forsit to 
walk humelie, and to suffer the pryde of thair toun's           #
nightbouris, who rejoisit
at thair miserie. Sum fled the toun, utheris convoyit thair     #
goodis out of the 
way, and ilk noncovenanter did for him self the best maner he   #
could. Howsoever,
this army, foot and hors, Hieland and Lawland men, and Irish    #
regiment, 
wes estimat, bag and baggage, to be about 6000 men, unhappelie  #
raisit 
by the unfortunat marques of Huntlie's rysing, to the gryte     #
hurt and wrak of 
thir north pairtis, as efter ye sall heir, and yit nowayes the  #
marques' fault, as
ye hard befoir. 
   Ye hard of the marques of Argiles cuming to Drum, and of     #
the erll Marschallis 
cuming to him, and Irish regiment; whiche regiment leivit       #
upone the 
laird Drumis victuall and goodis. The marques schortlie         #
removit the tua 
ladeis and set thame out of yettis perforce (albeit the young   #
ladie wes his awin
<P 221>
sister dochter) with tua gray plaidis about thair heidis.       #
Thair haill servandis 
wes also put to the yett; bot the ladeis cam in upon tua wark   #
naiges in pitifull
maner to New Abirdene, and took wp thair lodging besyde the     #
goodwyf
of Auchluncart, then duelling in the toune. Then thir runagat   #
Irish soldiouris
fell to, and plunderit the place of Drum, quhairin wes stoir    #
of insicht plenishing
and ritche furnitour, and all uther provisioun necessar. Thay   #
left nothing 
which could be careit, and brak doun the staitlie bedis,        #
burdis, and tymber wark.
Thay killit, and destroyit the bestiall, nolt, scheip, ky, for  #
thair meit. Thay
brak wp girnellis, quhair thay had plenty of meill and malt.    #
Thay fand 
yirdit in the yaird of Drum ane trunk full of silver plait,     #
goldsmith wark, 
jewellis, chaynes, ringes, and uther ornamentis of gryte        #
worth, and estimat 
above 20,000 pundis, quhairof pairt wes sein in Abirdene.       #
Thus, thir ladeis 
being removit with thair servandis, and all thingis plunderit   #
by thir Irish 
rogues, then the marques appointit ane capitane with 50         #
muskiteires of thir 
people to keip this hous, and left tuo peice of ordinance also  #
with them, quhair
thay leivit upone the lairdis girnellis and goodis whill thay   #
war removit, and 
utheris put in thair place, as ye sall heir. Thair wes          #
following the Irish regiment
about 51 wemen with sum young childrein. Thir wemen wes         #
quarterit 
in Old Abirdene. Thay gat nothing bot hous roume, for thay      #
receavit 
weiklie ilk woman out of the girnellis of Drum tua peccis of    #
meill, quhairon
thay leivit, and wes punctuallie brocht to the Old toun and     #
payit. Thay had 
ane capitane over thame to sie thame weiklie payit, and that    #
thay did no 
wrong. So thir wemen remanit in Old Abirdene als long as the    #
men stayit 
in Drum, and when thay removit thairfra, thay removit out of    #
the Old toun
without doing ony wrong. Thus, is this auncient hous of Drum    #
oppressit,
spol+geit, and pitifullie plunderit, without ony fault          #
committit be the old laird
thairof; bot onlie for his tua sones following of the hous of   #
Huntlie, and as
wes thocht foir against his will also. Aluaies this is to be    #
nottit for the marques
of Argile's first peice of service in this play, without love   #
or respect to 
his sister dochter or innocencie of the old laird Drum, whair   #
for a whyll I will
leave him doubtles in greif and distres. 
   Upone Setterday 4 May, the erll of Kingorne is establishit   #
governour in 
Abirdene, haveing ane garrisoun to attend him; and about tua    #
efternone the  
army beginis to marche out of Abirdene, and both the tounes     #
sent out and 
furneshit baggage horssis to follow them. Thay had the          #
viscount of Arbuthnet,
the lord Elcho, the lord Burly, with uther capitanes and        #
commanderis 
of good worth. Thair wes 25 cullouris, cairtpeices,             #
trumpettaris and drumis,
<P 222>
in good ordour. Thay marchit this nicht to Chrystes grein at    #
Wdny, quhair 
thay lay. 
   And that samen 4 of May, the marques of Argile, haveing      #
drest the place
of Drum as ye have hard, with the erll Marschall, and Irish     #
regiment, marches 
from the said hous touardis Kintor and Innerurie, quhair        #
provisioun wes sent 
out of Abirdene upone both the toune's horssis, and thair they  #
encampit. The 
innocent old laird Drum cam to thir lordis in humell maner,     #
accompaneit onlie 
with Mr. Williame Davidsone schirref depute of Abirdene. He     #
had sum speiches 
with thame, but fand littill comfort. At last he took his       #
leive, and gat licens
to go to Frendracht, quhair his dochter wes mareit to the       #
viscount of Conva 
of Frendracht. 
   It is said, quhill as this army is lying at Innerurie, the   #
marques of Argile 
sent ane trumpettour with ane letter to the marques of Huntlie  #
being in 
Strathbogie; bot what it wes or what ansuer it receavit I can   #
not tell, for the 
laird Drum and his brother with sum few utheris wes with him in #
Strathbogie,
with whom he appeirit veray joyfull all that day; and upone     #
the morne 
thairefter he went quyetlie to Auchindoun, as ye have befoir,   #
quhair I will 
leave the marques. 
   Upon Mononday 6 May, the army marchit fra Wdny touardis the  #
place of 
Kelly, whairon thair wes no roofe bot the wallis stronglie      #
built standing on 
volt; for the laird duelt in lauche bigging besyde the hous,    #
and had fortefeit 
the wallis with faill, quhairby men might stand and defend the  #
hous. The 
laird had sum freindis, servandis, and tennentis within the     #
hous, weill furneshit
with meit, drink, and all uther necessar provisioun; and store  #
of ammunitioun,
sic as hagbuttis of found, muscatis, carrabinis, suordis,       #
pikis, pistollis, 
pulder, ball, and suche like. He causit burne wp his awin       #
stables, barnes, 
byres, and uther lauche bigging, lest the same sould be ane     #
scons or refuge to 
his enemeis, and at thair approche schot divers hagbuttis of    #
found and muscattis
to hold thame af; who wes also attending the cuming of the      #
marques 
of Argile and erll Merschall who cam from Innerurie to Kelly,   #
accompaniet
with the lord Gordoun, the lord Fraser, the maister of Forbes,  #
and divers uther 
barronis, leaving his regiment of Irishis lying at Innerurie. 
   The marques seing this hous could not be win bot with        #
effusioun of muche 
blood sendis ane trumpettour summonding the laird of Haddoche   #
to rander
the hous, utheruys sic as would cum willinglie out and yeild    #
sould have conditionis
of thair lives and goodis, and thay who would stand out sould   #
have no 
mercie. This charge seemit veray strange, and with all Walter   #
Ritcherdsone
<P 223>
his canoneir lap the wallis of Kelly and stall away to the      #
camp, to all thair 
gryter greifis that wes within the hous. At last the laird and  #
the rest gois to 
counsall, quhair his men declarit thay wold byd be him          #
providing he wold 
schaw thame ane way to stand out, utheruayis thay wold rather   #
yeild now 
upone conditionis, nor yeild perforce without ony conditionis.  #
The laird of 
Haddoche wes now put to grite extremetie, and could be no       #
meinis draw thame 
fra thair opinioun, quhilk doubtles wes thair best, seing ane   #
feirfull army befoir
thame and no kynd of apeirans of releif to rais them. Nather    #
wes it wisdome
to tak the keiping of ane hous aganes ane army, except thay     #
knew of releif
by cuming of ane uther army; utheruayis it is not possibill to  #
no strenth 
long to stand out, bot at last must yeild. The laird of         #
Haddoche now out of 
tyme findis his awin folie, and haistellie hingis out ane       #
signe of parlie and 
callis for his young cheif the lord Gordoun, to whome he        #
offeris to rander his 
hous upone conditioun that him self, his men, and souldiouris   #
within the 
samen, sould be saif in thair lives, landis, and goodis;        #
whiche the lord Gordoun 
culd not get grantit. Then he sent for the erll Marschall       #
craving thir conditionis;
quhilkis war plainlie refusit, and the maist that wes grantit   #
wes, that 
he sould rander his hous, cum out with him self and his men to  #
the marques 
of Argile and lordis and capitanes of the army, and humelie     #
submit them 
selffis, lyf, landis, and goodis in the will of the Estaites,   #
and ordour of the 
army. This wes the maist the erll Marschall could wirk, albeit  #
indeid the 
haill men wan away saif and sound, except sum few, as ye sall   #
heir. The laird 
Haddoche yeildis to the erll Marschall, being his blood freind  #
and laitlie cum 
of his hous, upone thir conditionis; bot not to his young       #
cheif, who offerit 
the same conditionis, quhairat he tuke sum exceptioun, as wes   #
thocht. Now 
the yettis ar all cassin wp. The laird of Haddoche cums out,    #
and all his soldiouris
yeildis thame selffis, thair lives, thair landis, thair goodis  #
to the marques 
of Argile and rest of the nobles and commanderis of the army.   #
Thay keipit 
Haddoche in the camp, and immediatlie sendis in to the          #
tolbuith of Abirdene 
Johne Logie sone to Mr. Androw Logie minister at Rayne, Johne   #
and Alexander
Gordouns sones to [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] Gordoun at the milne of #
Kelly, [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] Chalmer
sone to Alexander Chalmer of Drymnes, and [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] #
Dilgarnoch, his 
soldiouris, and quyttit all the rest to go home in peace. Then  #
thay set in 
about 36 soldiouris to keip the place of Kelly, whiche thay     #
fand weill furneshit
to thair handis with meit and drink, quhairon thay fed          #
lustellie, with 
about nyne scoir chalderis of victuall in his girnellis; for    #
he had keipit wp 
mekill of thrie yeiris rent to ane darth, and now gat nothing   #
for it.  Statelie 
<P 224>
wes the plenishing within this hous, and plesant yardis and     #
planting about 
the samen.
   Now the soldiouris brakis lous, and byrnis wp the haill      #
tennentis bigging of 
Mekill Kelly for the most pairt, the bigging of Overhill, and   #
sum biggingis of 
Thornehill; and uther bigging thay tirrit, tuke doun the        #
tymber and maid 
huttis thairof; and lykuaies brak doun and cuttit the plesant   #
planting to be 
huttis, and distroyit the grein growing hedges out at the       #
ground. Thay enterit
to the haill bestiall, nolt, scheip, ky, pertening to the       #
laird on his maynes
and to his tennentis quhairever thay could be found, eit and    #
distroyit wp all.
The erll Marschall him self mellit with fyve or sex sadill      #
horssis of good 
worth, pertening to the laird of Haddoche. His haill armes      #
within the hous, 
quhairof thair wes plentie, wes pluckit wp and plunderit.       #
Thair wes not 
ane lok, key, band, dur nor wyndo left onbrokin doun daylie to  #
the poor tennentis,
cotteris, and girshmen, who for feir of thair lives had fled    #
heir and 
thair throw the countrie fra thair duellingis, and convoyit     #
sic geir as thay 
could get out of the way. Thay brak doun beddis, burdis,        #
almereis and uther 
tymber wark, and made fyre of the same. 
   Thus is this countrie, both on the one syde and the other,   #
grevouslie oppressit,
and the people crying daylie to God for ane vengance upone      #
thir cruell
covenanteris for thair unrichteous warkis, but auchtoritie of   #
the king. 
   The hous of Kelly wes randerit upone Wedinsday the 8 of May  #
with litle
seige, and les skaith, being about tua persones slayne to the   #
assaillantis; quhair
I will ceas whill [\afterwards.\]
   The samen nicht that  Kelly wes randerit, the camp rode to   #
Geicht, both 
hors and foot; bot the same wes also randerit upone the morne,  #
the nynt of 
May, be the laird of Geicht elder. His sone the young laird     #
escaipis with tua 
or thrie, and being weill horsit lap the park dykis and         #
saiflie wan away in 
presens of the soldiouris lying about the place, who follouit,  #
bot cam no speid
to thair gryte greif. The old laird is keipit besyde Haddoche,  #
and his soldiouris
set at libertie. Thair is ane capitan with about 24 soldiouris  #
put within 
the place of Geicht, quhilk wes weill provydit with meit, and   #
drink, and uther 
necessares; and quhairin thair wes store of ammunitioun,        #
pulder and ball, 
with victuall in girnellis aboundantlie. Thair wes tua          #
soldiouris slayne to the 
camp but more blood. Sie heirefter of the marques of Argyllis   #
removing. 
   Ye hard befoir, how Haddoche had plunderit and takin Patrik  #
Strathauchin
ane discreit gentilman, wairdit him in Kelly fyftein dayis. He  #
thairefter sent 
him to the place of Tolly Barclay, whiche wes takin in be the   #
marques of 
<P 225>
Huntlie, and Hew Gordoun maid capitane over 16 soldiouris       #
appointit to be 
keiparis thairof. Bot this Patrik Strathauchin maid quyet       #
freindschip amongis 
the soldiouris, took the capitane, and keipit the hous          #
manfullie whill the army 
came; and syne came bravelie out, and gat his hors and armes    #
agane, quhilk 
Haddoche had plunderit fra him. 
   Now as the marques of Argile is at thir houssis, the Irish   #
regiment lay still
at Innerurie, of whome ye hard befoir. 
   Upone thair bak, cam to Cromar, Bras, Oboyne, Strathauchin,  #
and countreis 
about, 800 Argile Hieland men, quhair thay had in allowans ilk  #
day, to 
be takin of the countrie, 24 bollis meill, sex scoir wedderis,  #
and [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] mairtis,
with thrie scoir dolleris of money. 
   Let the wyser sort now judge how this poor land is sore      #
opprest by incuming
of thir armyes against the kingis auchtoritie. Bot I leave      #
thame taking 
wp thair rentis and moneyis. And thay leivit upone the marques  #
of Huntleis 
landis in Cromar, Glenmuck, and Glentanner, and upone the       #
laird Drumis
landis of Cromar, Strathauchin, and in the landis of Birs, fra  #
thair cuming 
thair, quhilk wes upone the [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] day of May    #
quhill the thrid day of June, as 
ye sall sie heirefter. 
   Ye hard of the marques of Huntleis going to Auchindoun.      #
Howsone he 
cam, he set to libertie Patrik Leslie provest, Mr. Robert       #
Farquhar, Alexander 
and Johne Joffrayis, and Patrik Lichtoun in Montros, upone      #
Twysday the 7
of May, with gryter credit nor thay war takin. And thay, blyth  #
of this good 
luck, cam all ryding to Abirdene throw the Old toun             #
couragiouslie, and lichtit 
in the toune with gryte joy, upone Thuirsday the 9 of May,      #
about 8 houris
at evin. 
   Upone Setterday 11 May, the lord Gordoun cam in to old       #
Abirdene with 
his owne domestikis, and lodgit at George Middiltoun's hous;    #
and, upone the 
morne efter efternoone's sermon, he rode out of the toune       #
agane.

<S SAMPLE 3>

<P 313>
   Upone Tuysday 15 Aprile, Hurry intendis to marche from both  #
Aberdenis,
drawis out the lord Loudoun his regiment first out of the toun, #
he being
chanceler of Scotland. The trouperis merchis fra the Old toun.  #
As thay ar
going into the toun, the Lauthean regiment raisit ane mutiny    #
aganes thair
commanderis, and went to armes, keipit the toune, cloisit the   #
portis, and wold
not suffer none of Loudoun's regiment lying outwith the portis, #
nar mair
capitane nor commander to tak ordour with thame, nor suffer     #
trouper, or
Loudoun's regiment to enter within the toun. 
   The caus of this mutiny wes for want of clothing and pay     #
promesit to be
givin to them at Abirdene, quhilk the uther regiment and        #
trouperis had
treulie gottin, as wes trew, and thay onlie wanting, quhilk     #
careit sum ressone
with it. Nor forder thay wold not march whill thay war          #
compleitlie payit
of all thair dewis. Major Hurry nor none of the commanderis     #
micht not
mend thame selffis, bot tak patiens perforce; and takis this    #
cours for the lord
Loudoun's regiment that cold not get entrie within the toune,   #
[\that they\]
sould cum bak with the trouperis to Old Abirdene that nicht,    #
upone thair awin
charges, and to get nothing bot hous roume, fyre, candle, and   #
bedis quhair thay
culd be had. This poor toun wes pitifullie distressit, in       #
provyding thair lodginges;
bot mekill mair, to furneish them meit, scars getable for       #
money. The
trouperis socht meit throw the countrie for thair horssis thame #
selffis. Thus
lay thay in both Abirdenis whill Hurry sent to the Estaites for #
moneyis and
clothing. Lykeas upone Thuirsday 17 Aprile ane bark cam about   #
with thir
commodeteis, quhairin Hurryis wyf cam also. He directit hir bak #
agane be
land, and causit schortlie cleith his soldiouris and pay thair  #
dewis. And therefter
thay had stayit fra Frydday the 11 Aprile upone thair           #
expenssis, whiche
wes ressonablie weill payit, upone Setterday the 19 of Aprile   #
thay marchit
altogidder in ane body from Abirdenis touardis Kintoir and      #
Innerurie; from
<P 314>
that to Old Rayne careing in thair company tua feild peices,    #
(thay plunderit
the landis of Newtoun and Harthill, for the lairdis wes in      #
 Montrois' service);
from that to Strathbogie and the Eng+gie, as ye sall heir.
   Upone the foirsaid 15 of Aprile and thrid Tuysday thairof,   #
oure Provinciall
Assemblie sat doun in New Abirdene, and to thair doun sitting   #
thay heir of
the mutiny amonges the soldiouris foirsaidis. The erll          #
Marschall cam from
Dunnotter to this assemblie, stayit not, bot rode bak upon the  #
morne being
Wedinsday. Mr. Williame Strathauchin, minister at Old Abirdene, #
is chosin
moderatour, for the effaires concerning the Provinciall         #
Assemblie, to the nixt
Assemblie, and Mr. Androw Cant is moderatour for the presbitrie #
of Abirdene.
Maister David Lyndsay, persone of Balhelvie, is disjoynit from  #
this
presbitrie to the presbitrie of Ellon. Mervallous to sie thir   #
alterationis!
   Upone Sonday 13 Aprile, befoir sermon, the viscount of       #
Frendraucht, the
lord Fraser, the maister of Forbes, the lairdis Boyne, Echt,    #
Ludquharne, and
divers utheris who cam in with Hurry to Abirdene, rode from the #
toun; sum
thocht to meit him at Strathbogie.
   Word cam heir, that upone the 11 of Aprile, be command of    #
the Estaites, the
lord Gordon's armes, the laird Delgatie's, and goodman of       #
Cokstoun's armes
also, wes revin at the cros of Edinbrughe, thame selffis        #
declairit traitouris to
thair countrie, and thair landis foirfaltit, for following the  #
king. Strange to sie!
   Ye sie how the place of Lethintie wes perseuit, yit gat no   #
entres. Thairefter
about this samen tyme, Sir Williame Forbes of Cragiwar with     #
his assisteris
cam, took in the hous, pat the lady to the yett, (hir husband   #
being absent,)
plunderit the ground, and sent the cornis to his awin landis of #
Fintray to 
saw, becaus thair wes none left unplunderit or brynt, as ye     #
have befoir.
   Upone Sonday the 20 of Aprile, oure minister red out ane     #
paper, as wes
done at uther churches, warning the schire of Abirdene for      #
Hurreis service
to furneish out 600 dragouneris, man and hors, and to have      #
thair randevous
at Abirdene the 29 of Aprile. The tyme wes schort, yit chargit  #
wnder gryte
panes; bot none keipit or gave obediens, for the country lay    #
groaning wnder
thir havie burdinges.
   Ye sie Montrois is at Kyrremure. It is said he directis      #
M=c=Donald north
into Bras, Cromar, and Glentanner; and him self past south      #
touardes Dunkeld.
And in effect, we had no certainty quhair he went, he wes so    #
obscure.
And, as is said, Baillie wes at Sanct Johnstoun lying with his  #
forces.
   [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] Forbes of Skellater, a strong          #
gentleman, agreit with the lord Gordoun
for taking of sum scheip and nolt from his friendis, as ye      #
have; and at
<P 315>
his command past in to M=c=Donald with 200 soldiouris, and      #
thay merche to
Couper in Angous pertening to the lord of Couper the lord       #
Balmyrrinochis
brother, quhilk he fyrit, and slew Mr. Patrik Lyndsay minister  #
at Couper and
sum utheris; syne routit the lord Balcarras' trouperis lying    #
nar by, killit sum,
and took thair hors and armes; syne took the hillis.
   Upone Wedinsday the 23 of Aprile, the erll Marshall with     #
the lairdis of
Tolquhon, Wattertoun, Kermuk and divers utheris held ane        #
Committee at
Abirdene, syne returnit that same nicht bak to Dunnotter agane. 
   Wedinsday 23 Aprile, thair is takin within Forthe sevin      #
Scottis merchand
schippis, weill ladnit with goodis, and ane of the kingis       #
 schippis, now callit
ane parliament schip, be sum frigotis, whidder Inglish, Irish,  #
[\or\] Dunkirkeris
it is unknowne. James Nicolson in Futtie, quhyt fisher, wes     #
tane at his lynes
be one of thir frigotis, that did him litle skaith nor to his   #
boit. Thay had
him with them, bot sufferit the boit to go home. Thay landit    #
him at the
Bounes, and he, be land, returnit to his owne hous. He could    #
tell nothing
bot that this frigot wes ane man of warr; whome to scho         #
belongit he could
not say. Thairefter out of Forthe wes takin four uther merchand #
schipis
ritchlie ladnit, quhairof capitane Seytoun's schip new gane to  #
say wes one.
Thus is Scotland wrackit both by sea and land.
   Upone Frydday 25 Aprile, Sir Williame Forbes of Cragiwar at  #
his owne
hand takis in the place of Kemnay from the widow ladie thairof, #
plantis sum
soldiouris thairin, being stankit about and of good defens. He  #
plunderit cornis
and victuallis for thair mantenans from the laird of Kincragie, #
syne took his
best sadill hors; and plunderit the countrie about, for the     #
same caus, sic as
Newtoun and Harthill. He plunderit fra thame above aucht scoir  #
oxin and
callit thame to Fyf, and sauld them. He took also George        #
Gordoun of Rynnie.
   Ye hard of Montrois being at Dunkeld. He returnis north; and #
beyond
Die thair cums till him the lord Gordoun out of Auchindoun,     #
M=c=Donald
and his company. Siclike thair cam to him the lord of Oboyne,   #
the maister
of Neper, the laird Delgatie, the laird of Keir younger, who,   #
with the erll of
Niddisdaill and lord Heres, had brokin out of Carleill with     #
about 28 hors
throw David Lesleis army desperatlie, yit happellie saif and    #
sound. Thus
Oboyne, Neper, Delgatie, and Keir cam in to Montris beyond Die, #
who wes
all joyfull of utheris. Thay began to marche, crossis the river #
of Die at the
milne of Crathie, and haistis the lord Aboyne to Abirdene for   #
pulder, and
thay to byd his returne at Skeyne. He cumis doun Die syd upone  #
Thuirsday
the first of May with about 80 hors, cam to Abirdene, settis    #
watches, gois to
<P 316>
tuo schippes lying in the harberie, plunderis about 20          #
barrellis or kinkenis of
pulder, stayit no longer, bot schortlie past to the camp lying  #
at Skeyne the
same nicht, who wes veray glaid of the pulder, being veray      #
scant thairof. He
did no moir skaith. Yit Mr. Andro Cant, Mr. John Rew and sum    #
covenanteris
fled lyke foxis. Thir barkis bot new cum home from Flanderis.   #
Mr.
Williame Chalmer minister at Skeyne and Mr. Williame            #
Davidsone's hous war
plunderit, and tuo men wes killit by the Irishis; bot no wrong  #
wes done to
the ladie Marshallis lifrent landis.
   Ye hard of Hurryis marche to Strathbogie and the Eng+gie. He #
raysit no
fyre, nor did any wrong to the staitlie pallaces of Strathbogie #
and the Bog;
bot marchit by them to the Eng+gie and incampit about Over and  #
Nether
Bukies, quhair the erll of Findlater, and lord Crichtoun, the   #
laird of Boyne
and sum utheris cam to his assistans. The lord Gordoun, at      #
Hurreyis cuming,
went to Auchindoun, quhair he stayit whill he went to Montrois, #
as ye have
hard, becaus he had no ordour to give battell to Hurry, who all #
this tyme is
plundering the plesand countrie of the Eng+gie. He maid wp 400  #
dragouneris
of the countrie hors, and maid meit of the cornis, victuallis,  #
nolt, scheip,
and ky; and, as wes said, he sent to Frendrachtis tennentis     #
cornis, cattell,
and uther goodis, to help thair loisis. He wes estimat to 1000  #
foot, 200 
trouperis, and 400 dragouneris by and attour sic countrie help  #
as cam in to
him. He campit heir fra about the 20 of Aprile, that he cam to  #
the Eng+gie,
to Frydday the secund of May; and, hearing of Montrois' cuming, #
upone
Setterday the 3 of May, he marchis over Spey, thair to joyne    #
with the Morray
forces. Montrois, lying at Skeyne, upone Frydday the 2 of May   #
be brak of
day he merchis in ane full bodie to Strathbogie, upone the      #
morne to the Bog,
and upone Mononday 5 May past haistellie efter Hurry over Spey. #
He wes
estimat about 4000 men, hors and all; quhair I must ceas.
   Upone Sonday 27 Aprile, oure minister Mr. Williame           #
Strathauchin, as uther
ministers did, maid ane speiche conform to the imprintit        #
paperis anent the
uptaking of the Excise sent from the Committee of Estaitis; the #
particularis
quhairof ye have first be Committee, thairefter ratefeit be     #
Parliament, daitit
the 29 of July 1644, and last of Januar 1645. This Excise       #
ordaint to begin
the 10 of Februar, and to indure bot for ane yeir. Thairefter   #
this day is
alterit and beginis the first of August 1644, and till continew #
untill the first
of August 1645.
   Many devises wes maid for uptaking of this grevouse Excise,  #
fore against the
peoples will, crying out with many maledictioun aganes the      #
samen, as done
<P 317>
to the wrack of bothe brughe and land; and all for this, to mak #
wp moneyis
to furneish the armyis going into England out of this kingdome  #
for reformatioun
and defence of religioun: bot rather moir truelie, to furneish  #
men to
fight aganes his sacred Majestie, seing he had most gratiouslie #
condiscendit to
oure haill hairtis desyre bothe in churche and policie, quhilk  #
his Majestie
never brak in ane jot; yet we wold not rest, bot rais armes to  #
the wrack of
our countrie upone no trew ressone, as is said befoir. Now,     #
whill as the
people luikit for ane tyrannicall uptaking of this Excise efter #
thir pulpit intimationis,
it wes crost by the incuming of Oboyne to Abirdene, as ye hard  #
befoir.
   Ye heir how Cragiwar took in Kemnay. He alledgit he had      #
warrand fra
the Estaitis to tak, in the tyme of thir troubles, the          #
strongest housiis, and to
fortifie the samen, and the soldiouris to leive upone the       #
rentis of the landis, or
upone the countrie quhair thair wes no rentis able to sustein   #
thame. Richt
so he took in the place of Petcaple, and fortifeit the samen;   #
bot Kemnay he
quytit at the feild of Aufurde, and [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^]       #
Abircrummy younger of Birginbog
manit the samen.
   Upone Tuysday 29 Aprile, thair wes sex severall              #
Proclamationis maid at
the cros of Abirdene, 1. Anent the payment of this Excise;      #
Another, Anent
the selling of the haill forfalted personis landis within the   #
north; bot thair
could be found no byeris. Thair wes four uther worthles         #
Proclamationis,
whiche of purpois I have left onwritten.
   Upone Sonday the 3 of May, Baillie gois into Atholl, burnis  #
and distroyis
this plesant countrie. This is not the first fyre which the     #
Covenanteris raisit
in Scotland, as I beleive. And as the king had givin justlie    #
commissioun to
Montrois to rais fyre and suord agains his rebellis, richt so   #
the countrie Estaitis
gave ordour to rais fyre and suord upone the kingis loyall      #
subjectis, as wes
done be the marques (then erll) of Argyll. For first he raisit  #
fyre, at his owne
hand, upone the erll of Airleis landis, as ye have; syne brynt  #
the landis of
Keppach pertening to M=c=Donald; and siclike brynt the lauche   #
bigging about
the place of Kellie, as ye have; syne demolischit the fair      #
passages of the hous,
with sindrie utheris, without warrand or auchtoritie of oure    #
soveraigne the
king. The raising of this fyre wes thocht gude service by       #
preicheris and
covenanteris, done for reformatioun of religioun and defens     #
thairof, as most
unjustlie thay alledgid since his Majestie had grantit to all   #
our desyres both
in kirk and pollicie, as is weill seen in the [^BLANK IN THE    #
TEXT^] act of parliament. Bot the
king seing thair intentionis wes rather against royaltie nor    #
for religioun,
and withall seing the kingdome borne doun with blood, murther,  #
fyre and
<P 318>
suord, plundering, robberie and oppressioun, stentis,           #
taxationis, men and
moneyis, done of set purpois against him self and his good      #
subjectis, he, for
repressing of thir abuses, grantis ane commissioun to the       #
marques of Montrois
to rys with fyre and suord aganis his rebellious subjectis, and #
to defend his
trew and loyall servandis. Bot the preicheris and covenanteris  #
raillit and
cryit out against his Majesteis laufull commissioun. Strange to #
sie!
   Baillie haveing brynt wp and destroyit this fair and fertile #
countrie of
Atholl for the loyaltie of the inhabitantis to thair dreid      #
soveraigne, he went
to the castle of Blair ane impregnabill strenth, quhairin mony  #
of the prisoneris
takin at Innerlochie and haill welth of Montrois' army was      #
keipit; bot
he could not get in this hous. And, efter the burning of the    #
countrie, he
plunderit hors, nolt, scheip, and haill goodis thairof, for     #
intertennying of his
army; syne merchis fra Atholl in throw the heidis to Kirremure  #
to Fettercarn,
and upone Setterday 10 of May he cums and campis in the Birs,   #
still
plundering the countrie quhair ever he gois, eiting the grein   #
growing cornis,
scars cum to the blaid, with thair horsis. He wes estimat above #
2000 foot
and sexscoir trouperis. Upone Sonday the 11 of May he marchis   #
to Cromar,
and campis betuixt the kirkis of Coull and Tarlan. He brynt the #
hous of
Terpersie pertening to [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] Gordoun; and still #
lay plundering and distroying
of the countrie, abyding the cuming of the lord of Balcarras    #
with his hors
regiment, and that the gentrie of the land sould rys and assist #
him; quhair I
will leave him for a whill.
   Ye hard befoir, how Hurry went upone the 3 of May over Spey. #
Montrois
follouit him over upone the fyft of the said moneth, betuixt    #
whome wes ane
skirmish, quhair James Gordoun sone to George Gordoun of Rynnie #
wes sore
hurt. He is convoyit to the Strudderis, ane freind of his awin, #
to ly whill
he sould be cureit, and had ane gentilman callit Gordoun to     #
attend him. Bot
major Sutherland adverteisis the young laird Innes that he wes  #
lying at this
hous, who rashlie and unadvysedly sent out ane pairty, viz.     #
capitane Smyth,
Alexander Douglas, Mr. Johne Douglas, and Johne Mill younger,   #
all Elgyn
men, with sum utheris, and cruellie thay murder this young      #
gentilman lying sore
woundit, and left his keipar also for death. This wes thocht    #
ane odious deid,
barbarous and inhuman, (this youth not passing 18 yeirs of      #
aige,) whiche wes
weill revengit be Montrois at Olderne and bigging of Elgyne, as #
efter do appeir.
   Hurry wan nothing upone this skirmish; bot marchit wast,     #
removit the
laird of Laeris regiment and Buchannanis regiment out of        #
Innernes, except
so mony as sould keipit the toune. Thair cam also of country    #
people in to
<P 319>
him, the erll of Sudderland in persone with his pouer, the erll #
of Seafort in 
persone with his pouer, the erll of Findlater him self wes      #
thair, the lord Lovatis 
pouer, bot not him self. The young laird Innes, the Rossis,     #
Monrois, 
Dunbarris, the lairdis of Boyne and Birkenbog, and many utheris #
cam in to
Hurry, who wes estimat about 4000 foot and 500 hors, all expert #
soldiouris
and resolute gentilmen, with brave commanderis, officiaris, and #
capitanis.
Bot Seafort wes thocht to be ane perfidious traittour, who,     #
after he wes
deiply suorne be Montrois to the kingis service, and upone his  #
paroll had gottin
libertie to go home, quhairas Montrois micht have keipit him    #
still in his
company, yit, forgetting his oath maid befoir God, his deutie   #
to his prince,
and this noble man his Majesteis generall, he lap in to the     #
uther syd, as ye
heir sie, quhair he cam in and gave his aith.
   Aluayis Hurry is bussellie be wast Olderne drawing to ane    #
heid. And 
Montrois merchis foruard to Olderne about 3000 foot and hors,   #
quhair he
encampis commodiouslie. And upone Frydday the nynt of May Hurry #
cums
merching foruard touardis Olderne, quhair Montrois wes byding   #
him in
good postur. At last Montrois gives Hurry ane hot charge upon   #
all quarteris,
both with foot and hors; and in schort space the Chancelaris    #
regiment
callit Loudonis regiment, the Lauthean regiment, Laeris         #
regiment, and Buchananis 
regiment (all expert and singular weill traynit soldiouris, as  #
wes in
this kingdome) are for the most pairt cut af, fighting to the   #
death most valiauntlie.
This overthrow wes attribut to ane crouner or major Drummond,
who wheillit about unskilfullie throw his owne foot and brak    #
thair rankis,
quhairby thay war all slayne be the enemy; and for the quhilk,  #
be counsall
of warr holdin thairefter at Innernes, he wes schot, standing   #
on his feit, bot
not at ane post. Thair wes reknit to be slayne heir at this     #
bloodie battell
above 2000 men to Hurry, and about sum 24 gentilmen hurt to     #
Montrois,
and sum few Irishis killit, which is miraculous, and onlie      #
foughten with Godis
awin finger, as wold appeir, so mony to be murderit and cut     #
doune upone the
ane syde and so few on the uther; yit no thankis givin to God   #
for this victorie.
It is to be considderit, that Montrois, his capitanis, and      #
soldiouris wan
this victorie with gryt gloir of armis; and the lord Gordoun,   #
the viscount of
Oboyne, thair name and folloueris, fought so valiauntlie, that  #
he deservit
eternall prais. Mony of Hurryis commanderis with the rest wes   #
killit and
takin prissoneris; of whome the laird of Laeris, Sir John       #
Morray, Sir Gedion 
Morray wes killit; ten or tuelf prissoneris taken, of whome     #
Laeris brother 
callit [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] Campbell is ane; 16 cullouris      #
takin, with thair haill baggage
<P 320>
and ammunitioun, and much money and ritches found. The horsemen #
indeid
fled first, and left thair foot fighting couragiouslie to the   #
death. Thay postit
to Innernes who wes weill horssit; utheris wes killit in thair  #
fleing. Hurry,
Seafort, Sudderland, Findlater, the lairds of Boyne, Innes,     #
Birkinbog, and the
rest wan saiflie away.
   Efter this gryte victorie Montrois directis to burn the      #
laird of Caddell
(Campbellis) landis and housis in Narne, and plunderit his      #
haill goodis. The
erll of Morray being in England his ground wes plunderit.       #
Kinstery and 
Lethenis landis plunderit, and divers utheris landis in the     #
countrie. And upon
Sonday at evin the 11 of May he cums to Elgyne to his supper.   #
He sends out
parteis and burnis the toun of Garmoche pertening to the laird  #
of Innes, and
plunders the freiris of Elgin, bot being churche building wold  #
not burne the
samen, becaus his sone gave ordour to kill James Gordoun of     #
Rynnie. Walter 
Smithis hous, John Millis hous, Mr. Johne Douglas hous of       #
Morrestoun, Alexander
Douglas hous, all in Elgyne, war brunt, becaus thair wes sum of #
thame 
selffis and sum of thair sones at the killing of the said James #
Gordoun. And
siclike the bigging of Spynnie pertening to the said Alexander  #
Douglas in
heritage wes brynt. And sindrie uther tounes housis of Elgyne,  #
throw occasioun
of this fyre, took fyre and wes brynt, sic as Robert Gibsonis   #
hous, George Donaldsonis
and George Sutherlandis housis. The housis pertening to Mr.     #
Johne
Hay provest, and Mr. Gawin Douglas escaipit fyre be             #
compositioun. The
Bischopis Milne and Milntoun pertening to major Sutherlandis    #
wyf in lifrent
wes brunt, for being airt and pairt of the said James Gordoun's #
death. The
laird of Pluscardynes hous in Elgin plunderit. This done, upon  #
Mononday
the 12 of May, Montrois directis the baggage, armes,            #
ammunitioun, an all
the goodis over Spey to the Bog; and, upone Wedinsday           #
thairefter, him self
marchis to the said place: bot stayit not thair, bot gois to    #
Birkinbog, a mane
covenanter, quhair he and sum speciallis ar quarterit. The rest #
of his army
he directis throw the countrie upon quarteris. He sendis ane    #
pairtie and 
burnes wp the toun of Cullen, quhilk wes plunderit abefoir. And #
sic landis
of Frendracht as wes left onbrunt befoir are now brunt wp.      #
Thair wes sum
soldiouris quarterit also in Banf.
   Aluaies [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^] Leith of Harthill cam fra the  #
camp to the Gareoche with
sum soldiouris; and, heiring that Cragiwar had maisterfullie    #
takin George Gordoun 
of Rynnie [\at his\] owne hand, he takis Johne and Mr.          #
Alexander Farquhars,
cusinges [^EDITOR'S EMENDATION Farqu[{hars, cu{] singes^] to 
Cragiwar, and keipis them fast in Harthill whill the said
George Gordoun wes set to libertie. Harthill burnes the toun    #
and landis of
<P 321>
Thombeg occupeit be Williame Forbes, bot pertening in heritage  #
to the laird
of Monymusk, becaus the said Williame Forbes had plunderit from #
his servand
sum moneyis with his baggage hors; thairefter mans and          #
fortefeis his
awin hous of Harthill for his awin defens.
   Ye have, that generall livetennand Baillie wes lying in      #
Cromar. The lord
of Balcarras with his hors regiment cam thair with tua          #
regimentis of reid
cottis. Bot for all the thundering out of pulpites to caus the  #
countrie rys
with Baillie, thay lay still and wold not follow him.
   In the meintyme Baillie getis sure advertisement of Hurryis  #
gryte overthrow
at Olderne; and thairfoir, upone Mononday the 19 of May, he     #
liftis
his camp out of Cromar, and with all haist merchis to the wod   #
of Coklaroquhy,
within tuo myllis to Strathbogie. As he is lying thair, Sir     #
Johne Hurry
cums fra Innernes, crossis Spey, gois throw the marques of      #
Montrois watches,
saying, he wes the lord Gordoun's man and fairlie wan away by   #
them to
Frendracht, and thairfra past to Coklaroqhy, quhair Baillie wes #
lying.
   Montrois, lying at Birkinbog, getis haistie advertesment     #
that Baillie wes
cum upone Wedinsday the 21 of May within tuo myllis of          #
Strathbogie. He
thairfoir schortlie drawis wp his army, and that samen nicht    #
cam to Strathbogie,
and in the enemyis sicht began to cast ditches and mak          #
fortificationis
about the yairdis of the Place and Rawis; whiche maid the enemy #
to think
Montrois wes not to depairt schortlie out of that boundis.      #
Quhairin thay
war michtellie deceavit; for how sone the nicht fell mark,      #
Montrois directit
sum horsmen to be still in sicht of the enemy when day licht    #
cam, and how
sone thay spyit his army gone, then with all speid to follow    #
efter him. Montrois,
haveing givin this ordour, upone the samen Wedinsday at nicht   #
he
marchis quyetlie wp the south syd of the river of Spey; and his #
horsmen, when
thay saw day licht, follouit thame scharplie without skaith,    #
and so thay merchit
cloislie altogidder away. Baillie lying in the wod of           #
Coklaroquhy and Hurry
with him seing Montrois cast ditches and fortificationis never  #
luikit of so
suddant a marche. Generall Livetennant Baillie resolves to      #
follow him, and
uppone Thuirsday 22 May liftis from Coklaroquhy, and the lord   #
Crichtoun
being in the reir brynt wp the Rawis of Strathbogie; whair [I   #
will cease for
a whyle. Creightoun burnt Tullish also.
   Upone Wedensday 14 May about 10 hours at evin, ther was sein #
in New
Abirdein a fearfull fyre and lightning comeing in cloudes of    #
fyre as it were
athuart the peoples faces to their great fear. It would be sein #
in ane streitt
whiche they thought had sett the housis on fyre, which made the #
people to run
<P 322>
to it; then it would appear in ane other streitt, which made    #
the people to run
to it, crying and trembleing. The night wes clear but weitt or  #
thunder, and
it continowed for the space of ane hour; syne at God's pleasure #
it evanished to
the great joy of the people. Ther wes somewhat sein in the Old  #
town, but not
efter such fearful maner. The like of this fyre and lightening  #
was never sein
here, suppose it is uswall in hotter countreis. Some judged the #
same to proceid
from naturall] [^EDITOR'S BRACKETS^] causis; utheris feirit it  #
to [\be ane prodigeous token\] for
Abirdene.
   About this tyme, thair chanceit ane Dundie boit to land at   #
Buky. Scho is
rypit and letteris found direct fra the Estaitis to the erllis  #
of Seafort, Sutherland,
the lairdis of Balnagoun and utheris, desyring them to stand to #
the good
cause, assuring them of help; as indeid Baillie cam.
   Upon Sonday the 18 of May, Mr. Androw Cant and Mr. John Rew  #
(new
cum fra thair flicht to Abirdene) warnit out of thair pulpites, #
as it wes done
heir and [elsewher, all noble men, barrones, gentlemen,         #
frieholders and heretors,
to be on horse and foot in thair best armes; and upon Tuesday   #
nixt to
goe meitt Livetennant Major Baillie quhairever he was, without  #
designation of
any other place, wnder the paine to be punished as dissaffected #
to the good cause.
The people wondered at this foolish charge, being upon so short #
advertisement
and not knowing wher to seik Baillie; quhich made them give no  #
obedience.
And Patrick Lesslie, that samen night about ten hours at evin,  #
rode throw the
Old toun, about 20 horse, to his sone's mariage with            #
Phillorthe's daughter,
which he preferred to that charge, albeit he wes ane arch       #
covenanter.
   About this time, ane servant called [^BLANK IN THE TEXT^]    #
Small, whom Montrose had
sent to the king with letters, wes taken;] [^EDITOR'S           #
BRACKETS^] his letters with him self had to Edinbrughe.
Efter reiding quhairof he is takin and hangit be command of the
Estaites upone the calsey of Edinbrughe. Severe justice aganes  #
ane berar.
For the quhilk Williame Nicoll post wes hangit moir justlie.
   The sessioun be sound of trumpet at the cros of Edinbrughe   #
ordanit to sit
doun there the 3 of June; bot yit no sessioun in respect of     #
thir troubles.
   The pest brokin wp vehementlie both in Edinbrughe and Leith. #
Divers
houssis cloissit wp, many fleing the toune; and thair Committee #
[courtis of kirk
and Parliament to be removed out of Edinbrughe to Stirling,     #
Linlithgow, or
Glasgow. It sat doun in Stirling and came to Saint Johnstoun.
   Ye heard befor, how Harthill had brynt Thombeg, and taken    #
the Farquhars,
whom he took to releive Georg Gordon of Reynnie that Craigiewar
had takin before; wherupon he and the Farquhars were sett to    #
libertie.
<P 323>
Harthill forsees and mans his house, a strong hold. The         #
Forbesses and Frasers
gathers against him, but did no hurt.
   Upon the 23 of May, the Forbesses and Frasers was said to be #
routed be some
highlanders at the head of Stradone. Thay were goeing a saiffe  #
way to aid
Baillie; but thir highlanders comeing Montrose, [\he\] defeat   #
them, took some
prissoners, and some blood, as was reported.


<B STRA3A>
<Q SC3 NN TRAV TARTARIA>
<N PRINCE OF TARTARIA>
<A X>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1661>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T TRAVELOGUE>
<G X>
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<Y X>
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<I X>
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[^ANONYMOUS.
THE PRINCE OF TARTARIA, HIS VOYAGE TO COWPER IN FIFE, 1661.
RELIQUIAE SCOTICAE, SCOTISH REMAINS, IN PROSE AND VERSE, V.
EDINBURGH 1828. 
PP. 1-10 (THE WHOLE TEXT).^]

<P 1>
[}THE
PRINCE OF TARTARIA,
HIS VOYAGE TO 
COWPER IN FIFE
1661.}]
[}HE THAT WILL TO COWPER, WILL TO COWPER.}]
   It was about that time in the morning, when the mortals
of this side of the AEquinoctial Line, are accustomed to 
satisfie their (^Gusto^) in refreshing nature, by frequent      #
oscitation
and pandiculation to their members; surfeit will toil 
and disgorging from their nauseating ventricle, by eructation,
the cruditys engendered there through their painfull 
and laborious carousing; and what is wanting that way 
their roaring (^Borborygius^) declareth by another in a very 
sensible way of breathing. (Viz. When Carles and Queens, Gants, #
Rifts, and Farts, before they come out of their beds.) [^TEXT   #
IN BRACKETS IN MARGIN^] This was 
the time, I say, when the magnificent 
and much expected Prince of (^Tartary^) ,
(^Tomambeio Dionigi Cuculato Pazzeio^) , with his numerous
Fleet of 3000 (^Gondolo's^) was discovered, as they wantonly
coasted along the south shoar of the (^Forth^) with the 
benefit of St (^Abb's^) blessing; this jocund and secure        #
joviality
was on a sudden changed through the indescreit steerage
of their Vice-Admiral, who spent his bolt-spreet on a 
(^Soling-goose^) -nest in that famous Island, or rather rock of
the (^Basse^) ; this did so alarm that plumed Garrison, that 
it was wonderfull to see with what fiercenesse and resolution
the Keckling Militia assaulted the (^Tartarian^) Fleet, and in
<P 2> 
a very inconsiderable space they boorded and were conquerors
of the whole, except of that in which the Prince himself
was with myself, who by flight (surpassing that of the 
(^Geese^) ) gained the Haven of (^Cockany^) . These insolent 
birds, who by this time certainly are vapouring in their
Gowns, spacious turbants and tyaras to fortifie themselves
against the like mumchance, staved the whole vessels, 
therewith, to erect their domicils with couplins and 
rafters. The Prince with his small retinue left him found
a more hospitable reception by the Consuls and Tribuns of 
the mentioned City, who came to understand his designe
and resolution for celebration of these solemnities at          #
(^Cowper^)
Race, this they understood partly through the advertisement
given them by (^Caledonius^) , partly through the               #
interpretation
of a Levite amongst them, to whom all Languages 
were indifferent, except that of his mothers. Every one
laboured to cheer up this disconsolate and dejected Prince,
and according to their own fashion treated him with all sorts 
and sizes of (^Mussellos^) , (^Cockellos^) , (^Spouteios^) ,    #
(^Limpettos^) , (^Lingoustos^) ,
(^Clamos^) , (^Buccas^) , and all of them decently with their
own naturall condiments; others would have presented him 
with (^Scarts^) , (^Scouts^) , and (^Kitty-waks^) , at the      #
sight of which,
his kind heart qualmed, modesty refusing them, alleadging
they were descended of these bloody Islanders who had
destroyed his fleet. His Highnesse pressed much his departure,
and they on the other side urged extreamly his
abode amongst them till (^September^) , that he might see       #
himself
fully revenged on his enemies, by the prowess and activity
of (^Grall^) , (^Thom Cosh^) and others his Mirmidons,
famous among the Poultriers of (^Edina^) ; It is at that
season the war constantly commences twixt these two 
parties, and seldom the General misseth to banish whom he
hath not seised on, (and these are whole congregations)
to the (^Indies^) , notwithstanding of their revengeful         #
allurements;
his circumcized Highnesse was more ambitious to 
prosecute his progresse then have seen any these unctious
<P 3>
animals massacred. The next day, which was that he used 
to worship on, he desired to know of the Oracles of the 
countrey to avoid scandal,and accordingly with a (^Mahumetan^)
Gravity had the patience to lend his Lugs to the outrunning
of two glasses, with their respective Appendixes. 
By this time he had learned that the day following was 
called (^Monday^) , on which day he might travell securely, 
but could not be suffered to go, till he had Breakfast with 
Car-cakes and Patty low's, and received the courtesie of 
being create Burgesse and Gild-brother, all which being
orderly done, he was provided with a convenient convoy 
and Trench-men to compleat his Fifean pilgrimage, the           #
(^Eschevins^)
conducting him to the City gates, where their Recorder
in a grave phlegmatick speech bid him heartly farewell. 
Our first halt was at the three Tuns in (^Letha^) , where 
having spent a small time in fortifying our Tabernacles 
against the marine exhalations which useth to trouble 
squeamish stomachs, we imbarqued in that antient and new
bottom, formerly known by its owner Captain (^Watson^) , but 
now under the command of Admiral (^John Gray^) ; this is 
the vessell that rescued (^Don Juon^) of (^Austria^) at the     #
battle
of (^Lepanto^) , when twelve bloody (^Bashaws^) with their      #
Gallies
had grapled with him, and yet their Artillery was no 
other but six old Pumps, and two on-fixt Muskets: the 
inevitable necessity in observing the tydes dyet, obstructed
the entertainment appointed for us by the (^Litheians^) . We 
had a pleasant topsail-drow from the South-East, which in 
lesse than half an Glasse running made us bring the stones 
to the score, so that we left speedily (^Inch-keith^) upon our
weather quarter; this Islet (as we learned from our             #
copassengers,)
is famous for fatning of Bestial, and most 
convenient for Clandestine coyn, the clink of the hammer 
hardly to be heard on either shore; but this being a            #
divertisement
for such (^ (\virtuosi\) ^) as spend their estates to learn
to live on their wits, its consideration we leave with them 
if their be any itch in their neck, and thus they may try it. 
<P 4>
In another half glasse our waftage termined at                  #
(^Burnt-Island^) ,
this same Town is as (^Joppa^) to (^Jerusalem^) , the constant
place of arrival of such as are desirous either to be cured 
by the wholsome waters of the (^Spaw^) , nigh (^Kinghorn^) , or
who are curious to hear the ambiguous responces of the 
(^Athenian^) Hocus; our treatment here was conform to the 
season and Countrey Modd, Bisks and Olios of the choicest 
pullaile; (^John Gibb^) , the Stallmaster of the place,         #
(elsewhere
known by the name of Post-master,) addressed himself
to the Prince, with such civilities as are not ordinary to 
Hackney superintendants, and furnished us Horses, appearing
at view like (^Greenland^) Bucks in (^December^) , yet indeed 
swift as the Buffolos in (^Lombardie^) , who are said to be
begot by a (^Siroco^) . We held on our course towards           #
(^Kinghorn^) ,
resolving to view the (^Spaw^) , so renowned for its prolifick
qualities, and so traversed two miles of sands, as 
fertile with the wanton shel-fish as formerly (^Egypt^) was of
Locusts: The Fountain discovered itself under most pleasant
and beautiful Rocks, where Nature displayed herself 
in her richest furniture of her pearled shels in several 
grotes, some of which even in our sight dropping off the 
most precious and well formed pearls as ever the place
produced, which moved his (^Tartarian^) Highnesse to confesse 
that what for its (^Cascatos^) , and what for (^Grotesco's^) ,  #
it exceeded 
far any he had ever seen in (^Europe^) . In the Fountain
itself, (^Neptune^) hath been often seen, (as the Countrey 
people confidently affirmeth) to have been boyling Lobstars
and Crabs at (^Christmas-Eve^) , and with no other fire then 
the heat of the Sun, though situate in the 56 degree of         #
Latitude.
The Fountain springs from the Earth in a straight 
line, and according to the Mathematical Philosophers of 
the Countrey, it reacheth the (^Antipodes^) , and why? say      #
they,
because it ebbs and flowes like the Sea; that when the 
Tyde runs from this Hemisphere to them, then by a violent
motion it is returned in a full tyde to us. They say 
more, that the mouth of the Conduit from whence the 
<P 5>
water gusheth, hath its (^ (\incrementa\) ^) and                #
(^ (\decrementa\) ^)
like to the Moon, only differing in the variation of its 
figures, as Circle, Oval, Lozenge, Obtuse, Sharpe, Triangle, 
Regular, Pentagon, Hexagon and Octagon, & c. They 
said more, that there were a (^ (\Jure Divino\) ^) amongst      #
them,
and he no small doubt-spear, who concluded that it was one 
of the (^ (\quatuor Coluri\) ^) , but to tell truth this        #
companion
acquired not his benefice for his judgement in the              #
Mathematics. 
In end, when we for two hours contemplated this 
pleasant Fountain with its promontory, we came to               #
(^Kinghorn^) ,
a place for its situation not unlike that of (^Lisbon^) , as 
to the valleys and hills circumjacent, but indeed the           #
(^Indian^)
Adventurers Buildings there, some short of the Palaces of 
the Bait-gatherers here. After we had solaced ourselves 
in the survey of their Universities, and other their Nurceries
of Fish-learning, we set on to (^Kirkcaldy^) , a Town eminent 
for Navigation, and on that consideration our (^Parthian
Heros^) would that the travelling Inhabitants of the City 
should at the first view understand by his habite and garb
(for hitherto he had been cloathed in the Countrey fashion,)
what his Territories and Dignities were, and instantly the 
Master of the Wardrope being advertised, produced the 
Robes, Vestments, of the great (^Arsacides^) , for triming up 
our adventurer: Under his twilted Gown of a tawny colour
he had a Shirt of War, or Coat of Male, composed of 
several complexioned Stones, in Mosaical work, representing
by Figures in a Historical way all the Heroical Atchievements 
and amorous adventures of his Progenitors, by 
his side the Cimitar of the great (^Tamberlin^) , which for its
sharpnesse, in a merciful account in the shock of battell can 
raze and circumcise Beards without anoying the flesh by
Phlebotomy; he had the Bow of the great (^Nimrod^) , which 
with bolts was accustomed to kill Dotrels, Begfigs and 
Wood-cocks for the entertainment of his sporting Ladies;
his head was covered with a black Velvet Cap, doubled with 
a parcell of the Furr of the same Gowns that belonged to 
<P 6>
to these trepaning Elders, who would have top't fair 
and chast (^Susanna^) .
   In this order passing through the Town, we perceived
some Lady's in discontent, that they had not been timously
acquainted of the (^Cavalcado^) , that according to their       #
custome
in such sort of welcoming strangers, they had not saluted 
us with their perfumed water of Roses, Jasmin and 
Oranges; but to make up that mischance, they served 
themselves of the readiest, and very decently with their
syringers, jyrted us with the odoriferous flavour of Sketbroth,
which occasioned us to hasten to the Towns end, 
where there is a rivulet, famous for the resort of some 
sturdy and boysterous (^Nymphs^) , who uses to recreate         #
themselves
there, and it seems that they had notice of our passing
that way; for suddenly at our approach they started the 
threesome Reel, consisting of sixteen, all cast in couples, 
each couple being placed in a large Tub or Independent
Pulpit, having their garments tuckt up to the height of the 
(^Ballywhang^) : here was old whisking and skelping, and the 
better to keep cadence to their Levalto's, the palms of their 
hands were imployed for Castanietto's, which made more 
nimble whitherings on their Breeches, then Drum-sticks at 
the Dian. But our Chaplain fearing such objects, might 
swell his highnesse concupiscence, hastened us to the           #
Pathheed, 
but more renowned by the names of Hirpletilhin or 
Pickltilhim: it is a received custome of the inhabitants of 
this place, to geld all those who laughs at the coag, and 
greets at the &c. Our passage through this Town was no 
otherwise welcomed, then that of those who are inquisitive
of its name, all these belchings our Prince taking for jovial 
acclamations. Not far from this Town stands on a high 
Rock the Castle of (^Ravensheugh^) , which before the War 
was renowned for hospitality and goodfellowship, but now 
a receptacle for (^Pitcaples^) Angels, here they shew us the 
vestige of furnace which blew up Culverins, Secars and 
Drakes out of Cordevant-gloves: nigh to this is the excellent
<P 7>
Spring called (^Vyne-Weell^) , of which all of us drank,
one of the company who had formerly been well acquainted 
with it, affirmed that nothing was comparable to it in 
curing habitual fevers, occasioned through drouth and heat
of the Liver, and that he himself had had frequent experience 
thereof. Hence we advanced to (^Dysert^) , a place 
well known for its great Trade of Sea, Coal and Salt, and 
truth it is that the Mines of the one, and Alembicks of the 
other are more happy in their productions then most of 
their Neighbours: here we contemplate the beauty of the 
Vestals who are devoted to serve there Mother the Earth, 
by ridding her bowels of the black stone, they are still in
meditation of Heaven or Hell, as they ascend and descend. 
On our way towards the (^Weems^) , we took notice of the 
fleury verdant Banks, where we found (^Thestylis^) the Goddesse
of hucksters, occupied in ramassing of nettles, who
told us they were to serve for the Wedding-feast of one of 
the Alderman's daughters of (^Buck-haven^) , this news made
us make hast to the place, and so we passed the (^Weems^) ,
that we might the sooner participate of the Solemnities of
so glorious a consummation: the Brides here in all ages 
having been crackt for their behaviour, our arrival was one
hour ere (^Phaebus^) hot nodled steeds took stable, so we had
time eneugh to survey the cunning situation and fortification 
of the place, equal to any other of the world. It lies 
under the Brow of a steep Brack, so that it is unaccessable 
towards the land, without hazard of Necky's: the Sea 
guards the other side, the passages at either end are shut 
up with a crosse Cart, which done, the Citizens sleep securely,
unlesse you alarm them with Souldiers: Our 
reception was splendid, the whole senate accompanying us 
in their Robes, which themselves in modesty tearm Bilfangls,
not unlike to the Gowns with Velvet necks; and 
yet this Senate because they have Couls and Robes of the 
Gray-hoddin, they plead them to be more Apostolick then 
these of the Bombacee. The Town Recorder was very
<P 8>
full in a Speach wherein he shew that the (^Arsacides^) , our 
Prince's Progenitors, had many obligations to their City, 
that in thankfulnesse, their City might have the education 
of their young Princes, he minding him that when the            #
(^Parthians^)
were likely to be subdued by the (^Romans^) , that their 
then Admiral (^Davy Downy^) relieved them with a Fleet of 
Oyster-dreggers. They again when the (^Termigrants^) of 
the South coast would have made invasion on their Fish
Territories, that then they were alwayes supplied with
Lanciers, strongly mounted on Grashoppers from (^Caramania^) :
Thus he shew the mutual amity and League twixt 
that Republique and the (^Parthian^) Empire. Thus done, 
we were brought to their Colledge, where we saw the 
works of the great (^Magii^) , who treats of all the several    #
Baits 
for catching Fish, from the Whyting to the Whale, from 
the Wilk to the Lobstar; here we see their Printing-house, 
wherein there is now at the Presse, a rare piece of Blewapron 
Divinity in Rhyme, we had not permission to read 
it all, but certainly it is roguish, as you may judge by the
Argument. To the Tune of (^the Old Broom, & c^) .

Sing to the praise of Sir (^John^) the Hymne,
Of jouk (^John Walker^) for thus it doth begin.
Of all Religions great and small, 
(^ (\Cum fueris Romae\) ^) is best of all. 

   Hence we went to their (^Arsenal^) , plentifully provided 
with Hooks, Nets, Corks, Leads, Plowters, Creels, and all
inventions for ensnaring the Citizens of the Sea. At 
length we returned to the Bride, whose entertainment was 
stately, of Dudds, Leydocks, Carlins, Orgement and              #
Crowdy-moydy;
the Musick was ratling of shels of all sorts, 
Fluts of Lobstar claws, Dulcimers of Partan bodies, and 
the Lochquhaber Organ, which is a charming cluttering of 
two Beef ribs and a Hauks bell, with a nimble agitation of 
the fingers. The Bride and her Virgins, which were of the 
profession of Duls-gatherers, had many excellent murgeons 
with their Gallants; but the frequentest of all their Pavy's
<P 9>
was, the Booking on of Smacks on others Gobs, till their 
lips turned blue and parched. The hymaenial hour being
nigh, the Bride begun to grin and claw her elbow, a sign 
as we took it, to repair to our Lodgings, which accordingly
we did, and found our beds at the (^Arsenal^) well, composed
of the strongest Harrows, and linninged with the finest
Nets. The next morning which we longed much for, having
given seeming thanks, we left our (^Foay^) (you may
guesse what it was) for Drink-money, a (^Geordy^) , each 
under his own Pillow. We mounted for (^Cowper^) , where 
we arrived the night before the great Race, our entertainment
there was so substantial, that I dare not mention the 
reality of it, lest I should seem to romantize the Nobility, 
Gentry and Burgers, every one striving who should outdo 
one another in welcoming the Prince. The next day the 
hour of Solemity being come, the Court fenced in the Noble 
and Right Honourable the Lord Provest's name, and all 
ceremonies duely performed, the two Horses which were 
to carry on the Work,(the one of Sir (^Gilbert Eliot^) , the
other of (^James Murray^) , brother to the Barron of            #
(^Philipshaugh^) ,)
were led forth to the Score in Pomp, their rider
attended with the friends of their respective Patrons,          #
attending
them in a most decent and comely order: it was 
observable to see the difference of the Riders, both of them
most expert Horsemen; for (^John Hoome^) , (mentioned sometime
by (^Caledonius^) ) hath such a close seat, as one would 
take him to be a part of the Horse; the other (^Jamy Hall^) ,
so labourious, that if the horse have any spirits, he will not 
fail to send them to his heels: Being started, they began to 
flie, and performed their work of six miles in twelve minuts,
one amongst the company confidently affirmed, that 
they made but twenty-six strokes in the whole course, 
which I believe hardly, it was carried by Mr. (^Murray's^)
horse by two horse length: the prize was a sumptuous and 
large Cup of great value, which with its cover (for it 
was fashioned like a Bedpan) sufficient to Tozie a Dozen
of (^Belgick (\Virtuosi\) ^) .
<P 10>
   The Race of the following day for a Cup of half the 
proportion of the other, bestowed (^gratis^) by the Towns       #
heritable
Provest the Noble Earl of (^Rothes^) , was carried by a 
Barb of the Baron of Powry, (^Foddringham^) . 
   The third Race for Sadle of five pounds (^sterling^) gained
by a horse of Mr. (^Erskine^) , Brother to the Noble constantly
Loyal, the Earl of (^Kelly^) ; this horse though of 28 years of
age, and had known and experienced horses of the Game
against him, yet carried the Prize with a high train. We
cannot omit to shew, that during the time of the Usurper,
he concealed his abilities as to speed, lest he might have 
been imployed in service against his (^Majesty^) ; as also 
since (^May^) 29 last, new teeth hath sprung in place of the 
old ones, so that now he may well passe for a four year 
old: This was the last day of this years (^Olympiad^) at        #
(^Cowper^)
in (^Fife^) , which Town shews well who was their Patron 
by their Hospitality to Strangers, celebrate in the highest
measure. All these sportful recreations were carried on 
by a most pleasant harmony, and a behaviour free of all 
contests and contradictions, that as I learned the mute         #
(^Caledonius^)
who was appointed there as a Judge, had this remark,
that he had heard many cracks and no oaths, save in 
one inconsiderable (^Remonstator^) Pyper of the Land of 
(^Whigmeria^) .
   Our Parthian Prince being higly satisfied with all that 
passed, dismissed the (^Cockany^) Convoy, gifting every one of 
them with a (^Topaz^) of the bignesse of a Sowe's egg, and 
not far from the colour. What entertainment he meets
withall, as he goes further North, we shall give an account 
of, if we receive from the (^Tyfeans^) who undertook his Convoy
and Guide.
   In the last (^Advertisement^) there was a mistake of         #
(^Haddington^)
Race, for it is upon the 21. of (^May^) next. 

(\FINIS.\)



<B STRA3B>
<Q SC3 NN TRAV LAUDER>
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<A LAUDER JOHN>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1665-1676>
<M MEDIUM MS>
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[^LAUDER, JOHN.
JOURNALS OF SIR JOHN LAUDER, LORD FOUNTAINHALL, WITH HIS
OBSERVATIONS ON PUBLIC AFFAIRS AND OTHER MEMORANDA, 1665-
1676.
ED. DONALD CRAWFORD
SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY, 36.
EDINBURGH 1900. 
PP. 54.35-80.11.^]

<P 54>
   The very beggers in France may teach folk thrift. Ye sall 
find verie few women beggers (except some that are ether not 
<P 55>
working stockings, or very old and weak) who wants their rock
in their bosome, spining very busily as they walk in the        #
streets. 
   The French, notwtstanding all their civility, are horridly
and furiously addicted to the cheating of strangers. If they 
know a man to be a stranger or they cause him not pay the 
double of what they sell it to others for, theyl rather not     #
sell
it at all, which whither it comes from a malitious humour or a 
greedy I cannot determine, yet I'm sure they play the fooll in 
it, for tho they think a stranger wil readily give them all     #
they 
demand, or if he mint to go away that he'el come again; yet
they are whiles mistaken. Many instances we could give of it 
in our oune experience, al whilk we sall bury at this tyme, 
mentioning only one of Patrick Humes, who the vinter he was 
at Poictiers, chancing to get the cold, went to buy some sugar 
candy. Demanding what they sold the unce of it for, they        #
demanded
18 souse, at last came to 15, vould not bat a bottle;
wheirupon thinking it over dear he would have none of it, but
coming back to Mr. Alex=rs= he sent furth his man, directing    #
him
to that same wery chop, who brought him in that for 3 souse 
which they would not give him under 15. That story may 
pass in the company of one that understandes French, of the 
daughter who was sitting wt her mother at the fire, wt a 
great sigh cried, (\O que je fouterois\) . The mother spearing  #
what
sayes thou, she replied readily, (\O que je souperois\) . 
   On September 12 arrived heir 2 Englishmen from Orleans, 
who brought us large commendations from Mr. Ogilvie their,
who desiring to sy the toune, I took them first up to the 
steeple of the place, which being both situat on a eminence 
and also hy of it selfe gave us a clear survey of the whole
toune. We discovered a great heap of wacuities filled up wt 
gardens and wines, and the city seimed to us like a round hill,
the top of it and all the sydes being filled wt houses. And to 
our wiew it seimed not to have many mo houses then what we 
had discovered at Orleans, for their we thought we saw heir 
one and their one dispersed. At Orleans we would think they 
lay all in a heap (lump) [\WORD IN BRACKETS INTERLINED\] . From #
thence, not desiring but that 
they sould find the Scots as civil and obligding as any, we 
<P 56>
was at the paines to take them first to the church of (\Nostre
Dame la grande\) , on the wall of which that regardes the place
standes the statue of the Empereur Constantine, (\a cheval\) ,  #
wt 
a sword in his hand. From thence to Ste. Radegondes, wheir 
we showed them hir (\tombeau\) ; from that to St. Croix, wheir  #
we 
showed them the (\empressa\) of Christs foot, of which we spake
already; and from that to St. Peters, which we looked all on 
as a very large church, being 50 paces broad. 
   In the afternoon we went to the Church of St. Hilaire, wheir
at a distance we discovered the Scots walk; so called because
when the Englishes ware beseiging the toune a Regiment of 
Scotsmen who ware aiding the French got that syde of the toune 
to garde and defend, who on some onset behaving themselfes
gallantly the Captain got that great plot of ground which goes
now under that name gifted him by the toune, who after          #
mortified
to a nunnery neir hand, who at present are in possession
of it. The church we fand to smell every way of antiquity. 
   Heir we saw first that miraculous stone (of which we also 
brought away some relicts) which if not touched has no 
smell, if rubed hard or stricken wt a key or any other thing, 
casteth a most pestilentious, intollerable smell, which we      #
could 
not indure. We tried the thing and fand it so. The occasion 
and cause of this they relate wariously. Some sayes that the 
stone was a sepulchre stone, and under it was buried a wicked 
man that had led a ill life, whos body the Dewill came on a 
tyme and carried away; whence the stone ever stinks in that 
maner since. Others say that when the Church was a bigging, 
the Dewill appeared to one of the maisons, in the signe (shape) #
[\WORD IN BRACKETS INTERLINED\]
of a mulet and troubled him; wheirupon the maison complained
to St. Hilaire the Bischop, who watched the nixt day 
wt the maison, and the Dewill appearing in that shape he 
caused take him and yoke him in a cart to draw stones to the 
bigging of the church. They gott him to draw patiently that
great stone which we saw and which stinks so, but he got 
away and would draw no more. 
   Nixt we saw St. Hilaires (\berceau\) , wheirin they report   #
he lay,
a great long peice of wood hollowed (for it wil hold a man and 
<P 57>
I had the curiosite` to lay in it a while) halfe filled wt      #
straw 
that they may lay the softer. To this the blinded papists       #
attributes
the vertue of recovering madmen or those that are besydes 
themselfes to their right wites, if they lay in it 9 dayes and  #
9
nights wt their handes bound, a priest saying a masse for them 
once every day. And indeed according to the beleife of this 
place it hath bein oft verified. The fellow that hes a care of 
thess that are brought hither told us of a Mademoisselle who 
was extraordinarly distracted and who was fully recovered by 
this means. Another of a gentleman who had gone mad for 
love to a gentlewoman whom he could not obtaine, and who 
being brought their in that tyme recovered his right wits as 
weill as ever he had them in his dayes. Its commonly called
the (\berceau de fols\) ; so that heir in their flitting they   #
cannot 
anger or affront one another worse then to cast up that they 
most be rockt in St. Hilaires cradle, since its none but fools 
or madmen that are used so. 
   The greatest man in the province of Poictou is the           #
governour, 
who in all things representes the king their, save only that he
hath not the power to pardon offenders or guilty persones. 
Tho a man of wast estat, to wit of 300,000 livres a year, yet 
he keips sick a low saile that he wil not spend the thrid of    #
his 
rent a year, only a pitty garde or 7 or 8 persons on foot       #
going 
before his coach; and 4 or 5 lacquais behind; yea he sells      #
vin, 
which heir is thought no disparadgement to no peir of France, 
since theirs a certain tym of the year that the King himselfe 
professes to sell win, and for that effect he causes at the 
Louwre hing out a bunch of ivy, the symbol of vin to be sold. 
   The King also playes notably weill on the drum,              #
especially 
the keetle drumes, thinking it no disparagdement when he was 
a boy to go thorow Paris whils playing on the drum, whiles 
sounding the trumpet, that his subjects may sie whow weill 
hes wersed in all these warlike, brave, martiall excercises.    #
The 
invention of the keetle drume we have from the Germans 
who makes great use of it. 
   The father of this present King also, Lowis the 13, could 
exactly frame and make a gun, and much more a pistol, with 
<P 58>
all the appartenances of it, as also canons wt all other sort   #
of 
Artillerie; for he was a great engineer.
   There are amongs the French nobility some great deall 
richer then any subject of our Kings; for the greatest subject  #
of 
the King of Englands is the Duc of Ormond, or the Earle of 
Northumberland, nether of which tho hath above 30,000
pounds sterling, which make some 300,000 livres in french 
money, which is ordinar for a peir in France. The last of 
which, to wit, my Lord Northumberland, by reason of that 
great power and influence he hath in the north of England, 
his oune country, the parliament of England of old hath found 
it not a miss to discharge him the ever going their, and that 
for the avoiding and eviting of insurrectiones which, if he 
ware amongs them, he could at his pleasure raise. Surely this 
restraint neids not be tedious to him since he is confined in a
beautiful prison, to wit, London; yea he may go thorow all 
the world save only Northumberland, he may come to Scotland 
whilkes benorth Northumberland be sea. It may be it might 
be telling Scotland that by sick another act they layd a 
constrainct on that house of Huntly, the Cock of the north. 
If so, the French Jesuits sould not have such raison to boast
(as we have heard them), and the papists sould not have so 
great footing in the north as they have. 
   We most not forgett the drolleries we have had wt our host 
Mr. Daille` when I would have heard him at the (\garde`         #
robe\) , to 
sport my selfe whiles, I would have come up upon him or he 
had bein weill begun and prayed him to make hast by reason 
I was exceedingly straitned when they would have bein no 
such thing, wheiron he would have raisen of the stooll or he 
had bein halfe done and up wt his breecks, it may be whiles
wt something in them. 
   In our soups, which we got once every day, and which we 
have descryved already, such was Madames frugality that the 
one halfe of it she usually made of whiter bread, and that 
was turned to my syde of the board, the other halfe or a        #
better 
part she made of the braner, like our rye loaves, and that 
was for hir and hir husband. 
<P 59>
   The bread ordinarly used heir they bake it in the forme of 
our great cheeses, some of them 12 pence, others 10 souse, 
others for 8. Thess for 10 souse are as big again as our 6penie
loaves, and some of them as fine. 
   There comes no vine out of France to forreine country, save
that which they brimstone a litle, other wise it could not keip 
on the sea, but it would spoil. Its true the wine works much 
of it out againe, yet this makes that wine much more unwholsome
and heady then that we drink in the country wheir it 
growes at hand. We have very strick laws against the            #
adulterating
of wines, and I have heard the English confess that 
they wished they had the like, yet the most do this for         #
keiping 
of it; yea their hardly wine in any cabaret of Paris that is 
otherwise. 
   Hearing a bel of some convent ringing and ronging on a 
tyme in that same very faschion that we beginne our great or
last bel to the preaching, I demanding what it meant, they 
told me it was for some person that was expiring, and that 
they called it (\l'agonie\) . That the custome was that any who
ware at the point of death and neir departing they cause send
to any religious house they please, not forgetting money, to 
ring a Agonie that all that hears, knowing what it means, to 
wit, that a brother or sister is departing, may help them wt
their prayers, since then they may be steadable, which surely 
seimes to be wery laudable, and it may be not amiss that it 
ware in custome wt us. The Church of England hath it, and 
on the ringing any peaple that are weill disposed they assemble 
themselfes in the Church to pray. In France also they ring 
upon the death of any person to show that hearers, called (\le
trespas\) , that some persone is dead. The same they have in 
England, wt which we was beguiled that night we lay at 
Anick, for about 2 howers of the morning the toune bel ronging 
on the death of one Richard Charleton, I taking it to be 
the 5 howers bel we rose in hast, on wt our cloaths, and so got
no more sleip that night. 
   Their was nothing we could render Mr. Daille` pensive and 
melancholick so soon wt as to fall in discourse of Mr. Douglas. 
He hes told me his mind of him severall tymes, that he ever 
had a evill opinion of him; that he never heard him pray in 
<P 60>
his tyme; all 16 moneth he was wt him, he was not 3 or 4 
tymes at Quatre Piquet (the church) [\WORDS IN BRACKETS         #
INTERLINED\] , and when he went it was 
to mock; that he was a violent, passionate man; that he spak 
disdainefully of all persones; that he took the place of all    #
the 
other Scotsmen, that he had no religion, wt a 100 sick like. 
   Its in wery great use heir for the bridegroomes to give rich
gifts to the brides, especially amongs thess of condition; as a
purse wt a 100 pistols in it, and this she may dispose on as    #
she 
pleaseth to put hir selfe bravely in the faschion against hir
marriage. We have heard of a conseillers sone in Poictiers 
who gave in a burse 10000 livres in gold. Yet I am of the 
mind that he would not have bein content if she had wared all 
this on hir marriage cloaths and other things concerning it, as
on bracelets and rings. The parents also of the parties usually
gives the new married folk gifts as rich plenishing, silver     #
work, 
and sicklike.  
   In parties appealls heir from a inferior to a superior, if   #
it 
appear that they ware justly condemned, and that they have 
wrongously and rashly appealed, they condeime them unto a 
fine called heir Amende, which the Judge temperes according 
to the ability of the persones and nature of the businesse: 
the fine its converted ether to the use of the poor or the 
repairing of the palais. 
   The Jurisdiction of thess they call Consuls in France is to 
decide controversies arising betuixt marchand and marchand. 
Their power is such that their sentence is wtout appeall, and 
they may ordaine him whom they find in the wrong to execute 
the samen wtin the space of 24 howers, which give they feill 
to do they may incarcerate them. Thus J. Ogilvie at Orleans. 
   Even the wery papists heir punisheth greivously the sine of 
blasphemy and horrid swearing. Mr. Daille` saw him selfe at 
Bordeaux a procureurs clerk for his incorrigibleness in his 
horrid swearing after many reproofes get his tongue boored 
thorow wt a hot iron. 
   The present bischop of Poictiers is a reasonable, learned    #
man, 
they say. On a tyme a preist came to gett collation from him, 
the bischop, according to the custome, demanding of him if he 
<P 61>
know Latin, if he had learned his Rhetorick, read his           #
philosophy, 
studied the scooll Divinity and the Canon law, etc.,
the preist replied (\quau copois\) , which in the Dialect of    #
bas
Poictou (which differes from that they speak in Gascoigne, 
from that in Limosin, from that in Bretagne, tho all 4 be but 
bastard French) signifies (\une peu\) . The bischop thought it  #
a 
very doulld answer, and that he bit to be but a ignorant        #
fellow. 
He begines to try him on some of them, but try him wheir he 
will he findes him better wersed then himselfe. Thus he         #
dismissed
him wt a ample commendation; and severall preists,
efter hearing of this, when he demanded if they had studied 
sick and sick things, they ware sure to reply (\cacopois\) . He #
never 
examined them further, crying, go your wayes, go your wayes, 
they that answers (\cacopois\) are weill qualified. 
   We have sein sewerall English Books translated in French, 
as the Practise of Piety, the late kings [^GREEK OMITTED^] ,    #
Sidneyes 
Arcadia, wt others. 
   We have sein the plume whilk they dry and make the 
plumdamy of. 
   The habit of the Carmelites is just opposite to that of the 
Jacobines, who goe wt a long white robe beneath and a black 
above. The Carmes wt a black beneath and a white above. 
The Augustines are all in black, the Fullions all in white. 
   Its very rare to sy any of the women religious, they are so 
keipt up, yet on a tyme as I was standing wt some others heir
in the mouth of a litle lane their came furth 2 nunnes, in 
the name of the rest, wt a litle box demanding our charity. 
Each of us gave them something: the one of them was not a 
lass of 20 years. 
   Mr. Daille` loves fisch dearly, and generally, I observe,    #
that 
amongs 10 Frenchmen their sall be 9 that wil praefer fisch to 
flech, and thinks the one much more delicat to the pallate then
the other. The fisch they make greatest cont of are that they
<P 62>
call the sardine, which seimes to be our sandell, and which we 
saw first at Saumur, and that they call (\le solle\) , which    #
differs 
not from our fluck but seimes to be the same. The French 
termes it (\le perdrix de la mer\) , the patridge of the sea, 
because as the pertridge is the most delicious of birds, so it  #
of 
fisches. Mr. Daillie` and his wife perceaving that we cared 
not for any sort of fisches, after they would not have fisches
once in the moneth. 
   We cannot forget a story or 2 we have heard of Capuchines. 
On a tyme as a Capuchin, as he was travelling to a certain 
village a little about a dayes journy from Poictiers, he 
rencontred a gentlemen who was going to the same place, 
whence they went on thegither. On their way they came to 
a little brook, over which their was no dry passage, and which 
would take a man mid leg. The Capuchin could easily overcome
this difficulty for, being bare legged, he had no more ado 
but to truce up his gowen and pass over; the gentleman 
could not wt such ease, whence the Capucyn offers to carry 
him over on his back. When he was in the mides of the burn 
the Capucyn demanded him if he had any mony on him. The 
man, thinking to gratify the Capucyn, replied that he had as 
much as would bear both their charges. Wheiron the Capucyn 
replied, If so, then, Sir, I can carry you no further, for by 
the institution of our order I can carry no mony, and wt that 
he did let him fall wt a plasch in the mides of the burn. 
(\Quaeritur\) , whither he would have spleeted on the regular 
obedience of their order if he carried the man having mony on 
him wholly throw the water. 
   At another tyme a Capucyn travelling all alone fand a 
pistoll laying on the way. On which arose a conflict betuixt 
the flesch and the spirit, that same man as a Capuchin and as 
another man. On the one hand he reasoned that for him to 
take it up it would be a mortell sine; on the other hand, that 
to leive it was a folly, since their was nobody their to        #
testify
against him. Yet he left it, and as he was a litle way from it 
the flesch prevailed, he returned and took it up, but be a 
miracle it turned to a serpent in his hand and bit him. 
<P 63>  
   Enquiring on a tyme at Madame Daillie` and others whow 
the murders perpetrate by that fellow that lived at the port
St. Lazare came to be discovered, I was informed that after 
he had committed these villanies on marchands and others 
for the space of 10 years and above, the house began to 
be hanted wt apparitions and spirits, whence he thought it 
was tyme for him to quatte it, so that he sould it for litle 
thing, and retired to the country himselfe. He that had 
bought the house amongs others reformations he was making 
on it, he was causing lay a underseller wt stone, whilk while 
they are digging to do, they find dead bodies, which breeds 
suspicion of the truthe, wheirupon they apprehend him who, 
after a fainte deniall, confesses it; and as they are carrieing
him to Paris to receave condigne punishment, they not garding 
him weell, some sayes he put handes in himselfe, others that 
he complices in the crime, fearing that he might discover them,
to prevent it they layd wait for him and made him away by 
the way, for dead folk speaks none. 
   On the 22 of Septembre 1665 parted from this for Paris 
4 of our society, Mr. Patrick, David and Alex=r= Humes, wt 
Colinton. We 3 that ware left behind hired horses and put 
them the lenth of Bonne`vette, 3 leagues from Poictiers (it 
was built by admiral Chabot in Francis the firsts time, and he 
is designed in the story Admirall de Bonnivette). By this we 
bothe gratified our commorades and stanched our oune 
curiosity we had to sie that house. It's its fatality to stand 
unfinished; by reason of whilk together wt its lack of          #
furniture 
it infinitly comes short of Richelieu. It may be it may yeeld
nothing to it in its bastiments, for its all built of a brave 
stone, veill cut, which gives a lustre to the exterior. Yet 
we discovered the building many wayes irregular, as in its
chimlies, 4 on the one side and but 3 on the other. That 
same irregularity was to found in the vindows. In that which 
theirs up of it theirs roome to lodge a king and his palace. 
Al the chambres are dismantled, wtout plenishing save only
one in which we fand som wery weill done pictures, as the 
present Kings wt the Queens, Cardinal Mazarin's ( who was a 
<P 64>
Sicilian, a hatmakers sone) and others. The thing we most 
noticed heir was a magnifick stair or trumpket most curiously
done, and wt a great deall of artifice, wt great steps of cut 
stone, the lenth of which I measured and fand 20 foot. I saw 
also a very pretty spatious hall, which made us notice it, and 
particularly Colinton, who told me that Colinton hous had not 
a hall that was worth, whence he would take the pattern of 
that. We fand it thre score 12 foot long, and iust the halfe 
of it broad, thats to say 36. Above the chimly of the roome 
are written in a large broad the 10 commandements. 
   Heir we bade adieu to our commorads, they forward to 
Micbo that night, 2 leagues beyond Bonnevette, to morrow
being to dine at Richelieu and lay at Loudun; we back to 
Poictiers. 
   Its like that we on their intreaties had gone forward to 
Richelieu if we had bein weill monted; but seing us all 3 so    #
ill 
monted it minded us of that profane, debaucht beschop Lesly,
who the last tyme the bischops ware in Scotland (when           #
Spootswood
was Archbischop) was bischop of the Isles. He on a tyme 
riding with the King from Stirveling to Edinburgh he was wery 
ill monted, so that he did nothing but curse wtin him selfe 
all the way. A gentleman of the company coming up to him, 
and seing him wt a wery discontented, ill looking countenance
demanded, Whow is it, whow goes it wt you, my Lord? He 
answered, Was not the Dewill a fooll man, was he not a 
fooll? The other demanding wheirin, he replied, If he had 
but sett Job on the horse I am on, he had cursed God to his 
face. Let any man read his thoughts from that. 
   The richness of France is not much to be wondred at, since   #
to 
lay asyde the great cities wt their trafficks, as Tours in      #
silkes. 
Bordeaux wt Holland wares of all sorts, Marseilles wt all 
that the Levant affordes, etc., their is not such a pitty city 
in France which hath not its propre traffick as Partenay in its
stuffes, Chatteleraut in its oil of olives, its plumdamies and
other commodities which, by its river of Vienne, it impartes 
to all places that standes on the Loier. 
   In France heir they know not that distinction our Civil Law
<P 65>
makes betuixt Tutors and Curators, for they call all curators, 
of which tho they have a distinction, which agries weill wt the
Civil Law, for these that are given to on wtin the age of 14 
they call (\curateurs au persones et biens\) , which are really
the
Justinianean tutors who are given (\principaliter ad tuendam 
personam pupilli\) and (\consequenter tantum res\) ; thes that  #
[{are{]
given to them that are past their 14, but wtin their 25, they 
call (\curateurs du causes\) , consequentialy to that, (\quod   #
curatores 
certae rei vel causae dari possunt\) , and wtout the auctority 
of thir the minors can do nothing, which tends any wayes to 
the deteriorating their estat, as selling, woodsetting or any 
wayes alienating. 
   What concernes the consent of parents in the marriage of 
their children, the French law ordaines that a man wtin 
the age of 28, a woman wtin 25 sall not have the power of 
disposing themselves in marriage wtout the consent of their 
parents. If they be past this age, and their parents wil not 
yet dispose of them, then and in that case at the instance of 
the Judge, and his auctority interveening they may marry tho 
their parents oppose. 
   When the friends of a pupil or minor meits to choose him 
a curator, by the law of France they are responsible to the 
pupill if ether the party nominat be unfitting, or behave       #
himself
fraudulently and do damnage, and be found to be not 
(\solvendo\) . 
   At Bourges in Berry theirs no church of the religion,        #
since, 
notwtstanding its a considerable toune, their are none of the
religion their, but one family, consisting of a old woman and 
hir 2 daughters, both whores; the one of them on hir deathbed
turned Catholick when Mr. Grahame was their. 
   Its a very pleasant place they say, situate on a river just 
like the Clin heir; they call it the Endre. 
   Heir taught the renouned Cuiacius, whom they call their 
yet but a drunken fellow. His daughter was the arrantest 
whore in Bourges. Its not above 4 or 5 years since she died, 
whence I coniecture she might be comed to good years or she
died. 
<P 66>
   This university is famous for many others learned men, as 
Douell, Hotoman, Duarene, Vulteius, etc. 
   The posterity of the poor Waldenses are to be sein stil in 
Piedmont, Merindol, and the rest of Savoy, as also of the 
Albigenses in Carcasson, Beziers and other places of Narbon. 
They are never 10 years in quietness and eas wtout some         #
persecution
stirred against, whence they are so stript of all their 
goods and being that they are necessitate to implore almes of 
the protestant churches of France. About 12 years ago a 
contribution was gathered for them, which amounted to neir 
400,000 livres, which was not ill. 
   The principall trafick of Geneva is in all goldsmiths work. 
The best (\montres\) of France are made their, so that in all   #
places 
of France they demand Geneva (\montres\) , and strangers if     #
they 
come to Geneva they buy usually 3 or 4 to distribute amongs 
their friends when their are at home. 
   In the mor southren provences of France to my admiration I 
fand they had and eated upright cheries 2 tymes of the year,
end of May and beginning of June, a little after which they 
are ordinar wt ourselfes, and also again in Octobre. On a day   #
at
the beginning of that moneth at dinner Mr. Daille` profered to 
make me eat of novelties, wheiron he demanded me what fruits 
I eated in the beginning of the year. I replied I had eaten
asparagus, cherries and strawberries. You sall eat of cherries
yet, said he, and wt that we got a plate full of parfait
cherries, tho they had not so natural a tast as the others, by
reason of the cold season, and the want of warmness which the 
others enioy. They had bein but gathered that same day;
they are a sort of bigaro; when the others are ripe they are 
not yet flourished.
   The most usuall names that women are baptized wt heir be 
Elizabeth, Radegonde, Susanne, Marguerite and Madleine. The 
familiar denomination they give the Elizabeths is babie, thus 
they call J. Ogilvies daughter at Orleans; that for Marguerite
<P 67>
is Gotton, thus they call Madame Daille` and hir litle 
daughter. Thess of the religion, usually gives ther daughters 
names out of the bible, as Sarah, Rachel, Leah, etc. They 
have also a way of deducing women names out of the mens, as 
from Charles, Charlotte, from Lowis, Lowisse, from Paul, 
Pauline, from Jean, Jeane. Thir be much more frequent 
amongs the baser sort then the gentility, just as it is wt the 
names of Bessie, Barbary, Alison and others wt us. 
   A camel or Dromedary would be as much gazed on in France 
for strangers as they would be in Scotland. In Italy they have
some, but few, for they are properly Asiatick wares, doing as 
much service to the Persian, Arabian and others Oriental
nations acknowledging the great Tartar chain as the silly, dul 
asse and the strong, robust mule does to the French. The 
camel, according to report indeniable, because a tall, hy beast
it most couch and lay doune on its forward feet to receave its 
burden, which if it find to heavy it wil not stir til they ease
it of some of it; if it find it portable it recoveres its feet 
immediatly.
   There comes severall Jewes to France, especially as          #
professing
physick, in which usually they are profondly skilled. 
Mr. Daille` know on that turned protestant at Loudon. 
Another, a very learned man, who turned Catholik at             #
Montpeliers,
who a year after observing a great nombre of peaple that 
lived very devotly and honestly, that ioined not wt the Church
of Rome, having informed himself of the protestants beleife, 
he became of the Religion, publishing a manifesto or Apology 
wheirin he professes the main thing whey he quites the 
Catholick religion for is because he can never liberate their 
tennet wheirby they teach that we most really and carnally 
eat our God in the Sacrament, from uniustice, absurdity and 
implication. 
   The Laws of Spaine, as also of Portugal, strikes wery 
sore against Jewes that will not turne Christians, to wit, 
to burning them quick, which hath bein practicate sewerall
tymes. On the other hand a Jew thats Christian if at 
Constantinople he is wery fair to be brunt also. Whence 
<P 68>
may be read Gods heavy judgement following that cursed 
nation. Yet Holland, that sink of all religions, permits 
them their synagogues and the publick excercise of their 
religion. They rigorously observe their sabath, our Saturdy,
so that they make ready no meat on that day. If the wind 
sould blow of their hat they almost judge it a sin and a breach
of the sabath to follow it and take it up. Their was a Jew 
wt us in the 1662 year of God that professed at least to 
turne Christian, and communicated in the Abby Church. 
   We may deservedly say, (\omnia sunt venalia Gallis\) , for   #
what 
art their not but its to be sold publickly. Not so much 
as rosted aples ready drest, (\chastans, poirs\) , rosted geese #
cut 
unto its percels, but they are crieng publicklie, and really I 
looked upon it as a wery good custome, for he that ether 
cannot or wil not buy a whole goose he'el buy it may be a leg. 
   The prices of their meats waries according to the tymes 
of the year. The ordinars of some we have already mentioned;
for a capon they wil get whiles 20 sous, whiles but 14 or 12. 
   Theirs a fellow also that goes wt a barrel of vinegar on his
back, crieng it thorow the toune; another in that same posture 
fresch oil, others moustard, others wt a maille to cleave wood,
also poor women wt their asses loadened wt 2 barrels of water 
crying, (\Il a l'eau fresche\) . At Paris its fellows that      #
carryes 
2 buckets tied to a ordinar punchion gir, wtin which they 
march crieng (\de l'eau\) , which seimed a litle strange to us  #
at 
first, we not crying it so at home. Also theirs to be heard
women wt a great web of linnen on their shoulder, a el wand 
in their hand, crieng their fine (\toile\) . Theirs also poor 
fellows that goes up and doune wt their hurle barrows in 
which they carrie their sharping stone to sharp axes or gullies
to any bodie that employes him. 
   Their came a Charlatan or Mountebanck to Poictiers the 
Septembre we was their, whose foolies we went whiles to sie. 
The most part of the French Charletanes and Drogists when they 
come to a toune to gain that he get them themselfes a better 
name, and that they may let the peaple sie that they are not 
<P 69>
cheaters as the world termes them, they go to all the           #
Phisitians, 
Apothecaries and Chiurgions of the toune and proferes to 
drink any poison that they like to mix him, since he hath a 
antidote against any poison whatsoever. 
   A mountebank at Montpeliers having made this overture, 
the potingers most unnaturally and wickedly made him a 
poisonable potion stuffed wt sulfre, quick silver, a vicked     #
thing 
they cal (\l'eau forte\) , and diverse others burning corrasive
ingredients to drink. He being confident in his antidote, he 
would drink it and apply his antidote in the view of all the 
peaple upon the stage. He had not weill drunk it when by 
the strenth of the ingredients he sunk all most dead upon the 
scalfold or stage; he suddenly made his recourse to his         #
antidote 
which he had in his hand; but all would not do, or halfe a 
hower it bereaved him of his life. 
   Their are also some of them that by litle and litle          #
assuesses
themselfes to the drinking of poison, so that at lenth by 
a habit they are able to take a considerable draught wt 
out doing themselfes harme. Historians reportes this also 
to have bein practicate by Mithridates, King of Persia 
(Parthia). [\WORD IN BRACKETS INTERLINED\]
   Upon the founding of the Jesuits Colledge at la Fleche on 
made thir 2 very quick lines:  

(\Arcum dola dedit patribus Gallique sagittam, 
Quis funem autem quem meruere dabit.\) 

   In many places of Germany their growes wery good wines,
in some none at all. The Rhenish wine which growes on the 
renouned Rhein, on which standes so many brave tounes, is 
weill enough knowen. They sometymes sell their wine by the 
weight as the livre or pound, etc., which may seime as strange 
as the cherries 2 tymes a year in France. Thus they ar
necessitate to do in the winter, when it freizes so that they 
most break it wt great mattocks and axes, and sell it in the 
faschion we have named. 
   Adultery, especially in the women, is wery vigorously
<P 70>
punished in many places of France. In Poictou, as Mr. 
Daille` informed, they ignominously drag them after the taile
of a mule thorow the streits, the hangman convoying them, 
then they sett them in the most publick part of the toune
bound be a stake, wt their hands behind their backs, to be a 
obiect of mockery ther to all that pleases. 
   They that commits any pitty roobery or theifte are whipt 
thorow the toune and stigmatized wt a hot iron marked wt 
the (\flower de lis\) on the cheik or the shoulder. If any be   #
taken 
after in that fault having the mark, theirs no mercy for
them under hanging. 
   Every province almost hath its sundry manner of torturing 
persones suspected for murder or even great crimes to extort 
from them a confession of the truth. At Paris the hangman
takes a serviet, or whiles a wool cloath (which I remember 
Cleark in his Martyrologie discovering the Spanish Inquisition
also mentioned), which he thrustes doune the throat of him as 
far as his wery heart, keiping to himselfe a grip of one end of 
the cloath, then zest wt violence pules furth the cloath al     #
ful of
blood, which cannot be but accompanied wt paine. Thus does
the (\burreau\) ay til he confesses. In Poictou the manner is   #
wt 
bords of timber whilk they fasten as close as possibly can be 
both to the outsyde and insyde of his leg, then in betuixt the 
leg and the timber they caw in great wedges from the knee 
doune to the wery foot, and that both in the outsyde and 
insyde, which so crusheth the leg that it makes it as thin and 
as broad as the loafe of a mans hand. The blood ishues furth 
in great abondance. At Bourdeaux, the capital of Guienne, 
they have a boat full of oil, sulfre, pitch, resets, and other  #
like 
combustible things, which they cause him draw on and hold it 
above a fire til his leg is almost all brunt to the bone, the 
sinews shrunk, his thigh also al streatched wt the flame. 
   On a tyme we went to sie the charlatan at the Marcher 
Vieux, who took occasion to show the spectators some vipers he 
had in a box wt scalves in it, as also to refute that           #
tradition 
delivered by so many, of the young vipers killing their mother 
<P 71> 
in raving her belly to win furth, and that wt the horrid peine
she suffers in the bringing furth her young she dies, which     #
also 
I have heard Mr. Douglas - preaching out of the last of the 
Acts about that Viper that in the Ile of Malta (wheir they are
a great more dangerous then any wheir else) cleave to Pauls 
hand - affirme at least as a thing reported by naturalists, the
etymon of the Greek word [^GREEK OMITTED^] seiming to make for  #
this 
opinion, since it comes [^GREEK OMITTED^] (\a habendo 
dolorem\) . Yet he hath demonstrated the falshood of that 
opinion: for he showed a black viper also spooted wt yellow 
about the lenth of a mans armes, about the grossenesse of a     #
great 
inkhorne wholly shappen like a ell save only its head wt its
tongue, which was iust like a fork wt 2 teeth, wheir its        #
poison 
mainly resydes, that had brought furth 2 young ones that same 
very day, which he showed us wt some life in them just like 2 
blew, long wormes that are wrinkled; and notwtstanding the 
mother was on life and no apparence of any rupture in hir       #
belly.
To let us sie whow litle he cared for it he took hir and wrapt 
it that she might not reach him wt hir head, and put it in his 
mouth and held it a litle space wt his lipes; which tho the 
common peaple looked on as a great attempt, yet surely it was
nothing, since their is no part of the Viper poisonnable save
only its head and its guts. As for the flech of it, any man     #
may 
eat it wtout hazard, for the same very charlatan promised 
that ere we left the toune, having decapitated and disbowelled
it, he sould eat the body of it before all that pleased to look
on, which he might easily do. For as litle as he showed himself
to care for it, yet he having irritate and angred it, either
by his brizing it in his mouth or by his unattentive handling 
of it (for such is the nature of the Viper that tho its poison  #
be
a great deall more subtil, percing and penetrating, and         #
consequently
in some account more dangerous then that of the 
hideous coleuure or serpent, yet it wil not readily sting or    #
bit 
except they be exasperate, when the others neids no             #
incitations, 
but wil pershew a man if they sy him), when he was not taking 
heid, it snatcht him by the finger, he hastily shakt it of on   #
the
<P 72>
stage and his finger fell a blooding. He was not ordinarly
moved at this accident, telling us that it might endanger the 
losse of his finger. He first scarified the flech that was      #
about 
the wound, then he caused spread some theriac (one of the 
rarest contrepoisons, made mainly of the flech of the Viper)    #
on 
a cloath which he applied to it. About a halfe hower after he 
looked to it in our presenc, and his finger was also raisen     #
in 
blay blisters. He said he would blood himselfe above a 
hower, to the end to reid himselfe of any blood already
poisoned and infected, lest by that circulation that the blood
makes thorow al the body of a man once of the 24 howers the 
blood infected sould communicate itselfe to much. Also he sayd 
that he had rather bein stung in the leg, the thigh, or many
other parts of the body then the finger, by reason of the       #
great 
abondance of nerves their, and the sympathy the rest of the 
body keips wt them, which renders the cure more difficile. 
   This charlatan seimed to be very weill experimented. He 
had bein at Rome, which voyage is nothing in France, and 
thorow the best of France.  The stone thats to be found in 
the head of the hie toad is very medicinal and of great use 
their. They call a toad (\grappeau\) ; a frog (\grenouille\) . 
   The papists looks very much on the 7 sone for the curing
of the cruels; severall of the protestants look on it as        #
superstition.
They come out of the fardest nooks of Germany, as 
also out of Spain itselfe, to the King of France to be cured    #
of 
this: who touches wt thir wordes, which our King aequivalently
uses, tho he gives no peice of Gold as our King does, (\c'est   #
le 
roy qui vous touche, c'est Dieu qui vous guerisse\) . He hath a 
set tyme of the year for the doing of it. The day before he 
prepares himself by fasting and praying that his touche may 
be the more effectuall. The French could give me no reason
of it but lookt on it as a gift of God. 
   We can not forget a witty answer of a young English 
nobleman who was going to travel thorow France and 
Italie, whom his friends feared exceedingly that he would 
change his Religion, because he mocked at Religion. They
<P 73>
thought that King James admonition to him might do much to 
keip him constant, wheiron they prayed the King to speak to 
him. Yes I shall do that, quoth he. When he came to take his 
leave of the King, King James began to admonish him that he 
would not change his Religion, for amongs many other            #
inconveniences
he would so render himselfe incapable of serving his 
King and his country, and of bearing any office theirin. He 
quickly replied, I wonder of your Majesty who is so wise a 
man that ye sould speak so; for ther is no a man in all 
France or Italy that wil change wt me tho I would give him 
a 100,000 livres aboot. The King was wery weill satisfied wt 
this, telling his freinds that he was not feared he would       #
change, 
but that he saw he would bring back all the Religion he carried
afield wt him. 
   At the Marcher Vieux beyound our expectation we saw one 
of the fellows eat the Viper head and all. The master striped
it as a man would do an elle, and clasped it sicker wtin a inch
of its neck. The fellow took the head of it in his mouth and
zest in a instant bit it of its neck and over his throat wt     #
it, 
rubing his throat griveously for fear that it stake their. He 
had great difficulty of getting it over, and wt the time it     #
had 
bein in his mouth his head swalled as big as 2 heads. The 
master immediatly took a glasse halfe full of wine, in which    #
he 
wrang the blood and bowells of the headlesse body of the 
Viper and caused him drink it also, breaking the glasse in 
which he drank it to peices on the stage, causing sweip all 
wery diligently away that it might do no harme. Immediatly
on the fellows drinking of it he had ready a cup of             #
contrepoison, 
which he caused him drink, then giving him a great 
weighty cloak about his shoulders he sent him to keip him 
selfe warme before a great fire. The reason of which was to 
contrepoise the cold nature of this poison as of all that       #
poison
thats to be found in living creatures, which killeth us by 
extinguishing our natural radical heat, which being chockt 
and consumed the soul can no more execute its offices in the 
body but most depart. 
   In the more Meridional provinces of France, as Provence, 
<P 74>
Languedoc, etc., they have besydes the other ordinar Serpents 
also Scorpions, which, according as we may sie them painted, 
are just like a litle lobster, or rather the French (\rivier
Escrivises\) . They carry their sting in their taile as the     #
Viper 
does in its mouth. Tho it be more dangerous then any, yet 
it carries about wt it contrepoison, for one stung wt it hath 
no more ado, but to take that same that stung him, or any 
other if he can light on it, and bruise out its substance on    #
the 
place wheir he is stung, and theirs no hazard. The potingers 
also extracts a oile which hath the same virtue. 
   Its not amisse to point as it ware wt the finger at that 
drollery of the priest who preaching upon the gifts that the 
3 wise men gave to Christ, alleadged the first gave (\d'or,
myrrthe\) , the 2d (\argent\) . He could never find, tho he     #
repeated
it 20 tymes over, what the 3d gave wt the rest of its           #
circumstances. 
As also of the soger that made good cheir to his 
Landlord; and of Grillet the Deviner who notwithstanding of 
his ignorance yet fortune favorized. 
   The Frenchwomen thought strange to hear that our women
theyle keip the house a moneth after they are lighter, when 
they come abroad on 8 dayes, and they are very weak that 
keips it a fortnight. 
   Be the Lawes of France a slave, let him be a Turk, slave to 
a Venitien or Spaniard, etc. (such enemies they pretend         #
themselfes
to be to servitude, tho their be legible enough marks of 
it amongs them as in their (\gens de main mort\) , etc.), no    #
sooner 
sets he his foot on French ground but (\ipso facto\) he is      #
frie. Yet 
al strangers are not in the same condition their, nether brook
they the same priveledges, for some they call Regnicolls,       #
others 
Aubiens ( (\suivans les loix du Royaume\) , bastards). The      #
principal 
difference they make betuixt them is this, that if a Regnicoll 
such as the Scots are, chance to dy in France they have the 
power of making a testament and disposing of their goods as 
they please which they have their, whither they be moveable 
or immoveable. If they die not leiving a testament yet its no 
<P 75>
less secure, since their friends to the 10 degrie may take
possession of them. Its not so wt the Aubiens who have no 
such right, but dieng, the King is their heir, unless it may be
they be Aubiens naturalized, who then begin to have the 
priviledges of the others and the very natives. 
   The Laws of France (this is the rigor) [\WORDS IN BRACKETS   #
INTERLINED\] denies children 
begotten in Adultery or incest aliments, which tho harsh,       #
condemning
the innocent for the guilty, yet they think it may 
serve to deterre the parents from sick illicit commixtions. 
   The laws of France, as of the most of Europe (tho not
practicate wt us), in thess case wheirin a man gets a woman 
wt child, ordains that ether he marry hir or that he pay hir
tocher good, which is very rigorously execute in France. 
   We can not forget a Anagram that one hes found in 
Cornelius Jansenius, to wit, (\Calvini sensus in ore\) . 
   At Rome the Jews have a street assigned to them to live
in a part. In France, especially in Montpeliers, wheir theirs 
seweralls, they dare not wear hats of that coleur that others
wear, as black or gray, but ether rid or green or others, that 
all may know them from Christians.
   The King of France amongs other titles he assumes, he calls 
himselfe Abbot of St. Hilaire, to wit of that church that bears
the name in Poictiers, whence its amongs the aenigma'es of 
France that the Abbot of St. Hilaire hath the right of laying
with the Queen of France the 1 night of the marriage.           #
Wheirupon
when this king married the Infanta of Spaine, some of 
the French nobility told hir that the Abbot of St. Hilaire had
the right of lying wt the Queen of France the first night, she 
replied that no Abbot sould lay wt hir but her prince. They 
pressing that the laws of France ware such, she answered she 
would have that law repealed. They telling hir the matter she
said the Abbot sould be welcome. 
   The most part of Them that sweips the chimelies in France 
we discovered to be litle boyes that come out of Savoy wt a 
long trie over the shoulders, crying shrilly thorow the         #
cityes, 
(\je vengeray vos chemine`es haut en bas\) . Its strange of     #
thir litle 
stirrows, let us or the Frenchmen menace them as we like we 
<P 76>
can never get them to say, (\Vive le Roy de France\) , but      #
instead
of it, ay (\Vive la Reine de Sauoye\) .
   We was not a little amazed to sy them on dy making ready 
amongs other things to our diet upright poddock stools, which 
they call (\potirons\) or (\champignons\) . They'le raise in a  #
night. 
They grow in humid, moisty places as also wt us. They frie 
them in a pan wt butter, vinegar, salt, and spice. They 
eated of it greedily vondering that I eated not so heartily of 
them as they did; a man seimes iust to be eating of tender 
collops in eating them. But my praeiudice hindred me. 
   To know the way of making their sups is not unnecessar 
since our curiosity may cause us make of them at home. 
Of this we spoke something already. Further he that hes 
made ready boiled flech, he hath no more ado but to take 
the broth or sodden water wt his flech and pour it above his 
cut doune loaves, which we proved to be very nourishing. If 
a man would make a good soup wtout flech, he would cut me 
doune some onions wt a lump of butter ether fresh or salt,
which he sall frie in a pan, then pour in some vinaigre, then 
vater, then salt and spice, and let al boil together, then pour
it on your sup, and I promise you a good sup.
   We cannot forget what good company we have had some 
winter nights at the fire syde, my host in the one noock, 
Madame in the other, and I in the mides, in the navel of the 
fire. He was of Chattelerault, she of Partenay: they would 
fallen to and miscalled one anothers country, reckning over al 
that might be said against the place wheir the other was born 
and what might be sayd for their oune.  Whiles we had very 
great bickering wt good sport. They made me iudge to decide
according to the relevancy of what I fand ether alledge. I 
usually held for Madame as the weaker syde. 
   The most part of the French sauces they make wt vergus.
For geese they use no more but salt and water. 
   This consequence may be whiles used: Sy ye this, yes. Then 
ye are not blind: hear you that; R, yes. Then ye are not 
deaf. 
   We saw a horse ruber wt a blew bonnet in Poictiers almost
<P 77>
in the faschion of our Scotes ones; another we saw not, from 
our leiving of Berwick, til our returne to it againe. 
   To be fully informed of the history of the brave General 
(Mareschal) [\WORD IN BRACKETS INTERLINED\] Birron, whom they   #
had such difficulty to get 
headed; as of the possessed Convent of Religious vomen called
(\les diablesses de Loudun\) ; as of the burning of the preist  #
as
sorcerer and  his arraigning his iudges before the tribunal of 
the Almighty to answer him wtin a few dayes, and all that sat 
upon his Azize their dying mad wtin som litle tyme; it wil 
not be amisse to informe ourselfe of them from the History of 
France. 
   The French, tho the civilest of peaple, yet be seweral 
experiences we may find them the most barbarous. Vitnes
besyde him who dwellt at Porte St. Lazare, another who brunt
his mother because she would not let him ly wt hir, and was 
brunt quick himselfe at the place in Poictiers some 5 years     #
ago. 
   The French Law is that if a women be 7 years wtout hearing 
news of hir husband that she may marrie againe. 
   We have marked the German language to have many words 
common wt our oune, as bread, drink, land, (\Goet\) for our     #
God; 
(\rauber\) ; feeds, (\inimiticiae\) ; march, (\limites\) ;      #
fich; flech; (\heer\) , sir; 
our man, (\homo\) ; (\weib\) for wife. 
   We have eated puddings heir also that we call sauses, which 
they make most usualy of suine. 
   We cannot passe over in silence the observation the          #
naturalists
hath of the Sow, that it hath its noble parts disposed in the 
same very sort they are found in a man, which may furnish us 
very great matter of humility, as also lead us to the           #
consideration
and sight of our bassesse, that in the disposall of our 
noble parts we differ nothing from that beast which we recknon
amongs the filthiest. They make great use of it in France 
heir. In travelling we rencontred wery great heards. 
   Tuo boyes studieing the grammar in the Jesuits Colledge at 
Poictiers, disputing before the regent on their Lesson, the on 
<P 78>
demanded, (\Mater cuius generis est\) : the other, knowing that
the mother of the proponer had a wery ill name of a whore, 
replied wittily, (\distinguo\) ; (\da distinctionem\) then;     #
replied, (\si 
intelligas de mea` est faeminini; si de tua, est communis\) (in
the same sort does Rosse tel it).
   The occasion of the founding that order of the Charterous 
in France is wery observable. About the tyme of the wars 
in the Low Contries their was a man at Paris that led one 
of the strictest, godliest and most blameless lifes that could 
be, so that he was in great reputation for his holinesse. He 
dies, his corps are carried to some church neir hand wheir 
a preist was to preach his funeral sermon the nixt day. A
great concourse of peaple who know him al weill are
gathered to heir, amongs other, lead by meer curiosity, comes 
a Soger (Bruno) who had served in the Low Country wars 
against the Spaniard and had led a very dissolute, prophane, 
godless life. The preist in his sermon begins to extol the 
person deceased and amongs other expressions he had that, 
that undoubtedly he was in paradis at the present. Upon this 
the dead man lifted himselfe up in his coffin and cried wt a 
loud voice, (\justo dei iudicio citatus sum\) : the peaple, the #
preist
and al ware so terrified that they ran al out of the kirk, yet
considering that he was a godly man and that it would be a 
sin to leive his corps unburied they meit the nixt day. They 
ware not weill meet, when he cried again, (\iusto dei iudicio 
iudicatus sum\) ; when they came again the 3d tyme, at which he 
cried, (\justo dei iudicio condemnatus sum\) . This seimed wery 
strange to all, yet it produced no such effects in any as in    #
our 
Soger, who was present al the tymes: it occasioned              #
enexpressible 
disquietment of spirit, and he fell a raisoning, If such a 
man who was knowen to be of so blamlesse a conversation, 
who was so observant of his dueties to God be dammed, hath 
not obtained mercy, oh what wil word of the who hath lead so 
vicious a life, thinks thou that thou will be able to reach 
the height that that man wan to, no. At last considering 
that company and the tongue ware great occasions to sin he 
resolves to institute a order who sould have converse wt none 
<P 79>
and whom all discourse should be prohibited save onlie
when they meet one another, thir 2 words (\Memento Mori\) . For
this effect he fel in scrutiny of a place wheir they might be 
friest from company, and pitched upon a rocky, desolate,        #
unhabited 
place not far from Grenoble (about 3 leagues), wheir 
they founded their first Convent, which bears the name of 
Chartrouse, and is to be sein at this day. Notwtstanding 
that their first institution bears that they stay far from the 
converse of men, yet (which also may be observed in the         #
primitive 
Monachisme) they are creeping into the most frequented
cities. Vitness their spatious Convent, neir halfe a mile       #
about,
at Paris. 
   These of the Religion at Poictiers from St. Michel to Paise
they have no preaching the Sabath afternoone. 
   Its not leasum for a man or woman of the Religion to marry 
wt a Papist; which if they do, they most come and make a 
publick confession of the fault and of the scandal they have 
given by such a marriage before the whole church. Experience 
hes learned them to use it wery sparingly and meekly, for when 
they would have put it in execution on som they have lost 
them, they choosing rather to turne papists then do it. We 
are not so strick in this point as they are; for wt us (\licet  #
sed 
non expedit cum non omne quod liceat honestum sit\) . 
   Out of the same fear of loosing them they use wery sparingly
the dart of excommunication except against such as lives al 
the more scandoulously. The protestants in speaking of their 
Religion before papists they dare not terme it otherwise then 
(\pretendue Reforme`e\) .
   We have eaten panches heir, which we finding drest in a 
different sort from ours but better, we informed ourselfe of it
thus: they keip them not intier as we do, but cuts them into 
peices as big as a man wil take in his mouth at once, then      #
puts 
them in a frying pan wt a considerable lump of butter, having 
fryed them a good space, they put in vineger, a litle salt and 
some spice; this is all. 
   Their goosing irons they heat them not in the fire as we do;
but hath a pretty device. They make the body of the iron a 
<P 80>
great deall thicker then ours, which is boss, and which opens
at the hand, which boss they fil wt charcoall, which heats 
the bottom of the iron, which besydes that its very cleanly,
they can not burn themselfes so readily, since the hands not 
hot. 
   They dry not out their linnens before the fire as we do:
they have a broad thing iust like a babret on which we bak 
the cakes, only its of brass very clear, its stands on 4 right 
hight feet. They take a choffer whiles of brass oftner lame, 
filled wt charcoall, which they sett beneath the thing, on      #
which 
they dry out their cloaths wery neitly. 



 <B SDIA3A>
<Q SC3 NN DIARY LAMONT>
<N LAMONT DIARY>
<A LAMONT JOHN>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1649-1671>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T DIARY PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H HIGH>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E X>
<J X>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z NARR NON-IMAG>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^THE DIARY OF MR JOHN LAMONT OF NEWTON, 1649-1671.
ED. G.R. KINLOCH. MAITLAND CLUB. 
EDINBURGH 1830. 

SAMPLE 1: PP. 150.8-154.6
SAMPLE 2: PP. 187.23-191.37
SAMPLE 3: PP. 212.3-219.26^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 150>
   1662, Jun. 16. - In the afternoone, at Kirkekaldie, one      #
George Griue, maltman
ther, was killed by the shot of a pistoll, by his owne sonne,   #
for the son
fyred wpon his father deliberatly and one sett purpose, whille  #
his father was 
turning the malt kill, and shott him throw the head; and,       #
fearing he had not 
beine dead, he tooke a stone in his bannet, and brake all his   #
feace, and afterwarde
smote him with the  said stone on the breast diuers tymes.      #
After the 
fact, he came from the place, and began a simeing repentance,   #
crying out, and 
saying that his father and he had discorded, (ther was          #
disagriement amonge 
them before, for it is reported that the father had lyen in     #
adultery this 17 or 
19 yeire bypast with diuers persons; for his custome was to     #
drinke mutch
of the day tyme abroad, and to be absent from his owne howse    #
att night,) and 
that he rather goe throwgh nyne kingdomes then be in such a     #
life; and coming
to one of his acquentance, he desyred him to goe and giue him   #
a pynt of 
aile to helpe away his melancholy: and so they went, and        #
whille they were
ther, ther comes by a pyper and plays, and this wretched son    #
went out and 
did dawnce. After this, the night approaching, he came to his   #
fathers man, 
and desyred him that night not to locke the stabell doores,     #
because he purposed,
early the nixt morning, to goe with ane of the horse to bring   #
home 
a loade of coalls, (which was not his custome, bot to cause     #
locke the doore.)
So, in the night tyme, he came to the stabell and tooke out     #
one of the horse, 
and came to the kill and tooke out his fathers corps, and layd  #
on the horse, 
and tooke the same to the sands ther, and threw it ouer the     #
Craige as yow goe 
to the West Bridge; and returning, he cast the malt throwgh     #
other, that the 
blood sould not be knowen, as also threw somewhat on the doore  #
of the kill 
to couer the bloode; and so stabelled the horse againe. Not     #
long after, he 
returns to the stabell and tooke out the same horse to goe      #
for the coalls, bot 
after the horse was drawen, he wold wpon no account goe with    #
him, bot 
he was forced to put wp this horse againe, and take ane other   #
horse, and so 
<P 151>
went and brought the coalls. The nixt morning this murther is   #
noised abroad,
bot none wold confesse. Att lenthe this wretched son is         #
challenged for itt, bot 
he denys that he knew any such thing; and he is had to the      #
corps, bot the 
corps did not bleide wpon him, (for some affirme that the       #
corps will not bleid
the first 24 howrs after the murther): howeuer, he is keiped,   #
and within some 
howrs after he is had to the corps againe, and the son taken    #
the father by the 
hand, the corps blieds at the nose, bot he still denys. Also,   #
the mans wife 
is brought, and they cause hir touch hir husband, bot he did    #
not bleide: for 
some supposed hir to haue a hand in this murther, bot she did   #
not acknowledge
any thing. At lenth the son is brought to the tolbuith, and     #
shortly 
after he calls for the minister, and confesses this horrid      #
fact, telling that he
was the only man that did it, and purges the woman, and any     #
other whom they 
suspected. Some dayes after he was put to deathe att            #
Kirkekaldie, and his 
body put wp on a gibett att Kirkekaldie, aboue the towne.       #
(Some say, that 
before his death, he confessed he had lyen with his fathers     #
cowe.)
   1662, Jun. 12. - The Earle of Morton maried Lady [\Grizel\]  #
Middelton, 
his Maj. Commissioner, his eldest dawghter; the mariage feast   #
stood in the 
Abbay of Halyrudhouse, where hir father remained for the tyme.  #
Mar. ...
1666, she depairted owt of this life att Aberdowre. 
   1662, July 5, being Saturns day, - The said say, betuixt 7   #
and 8 in the 
morning, at Lundy in Fyfe, Johne Rattray, one of the plow-men   #
ther, being 
in the garden yearde, sneding [\pruning\] tries on the north    #
dyke, ouer against the coallstabell, 
for the gyle-howse, [\brew-house\] Alexander Cuninghame, elder, #
in Lundy Mille, 
came in the yearde, and stoode a litell vnder the place where   #
he was sneding,
the said Johne crying if ther were any body ther to bewarre     #
and remoue, 
for the branche was falling downe. The said Alex. not           #
regairding, was immediatly
smitten with it to the grounde, and dyed presently of the       #
stroake, 
his pan [\skull\] being broken, and his necke almost, so that   #
he was neuer heard speake 
a word after. After which, he was taken wp, and placed on a     #
deal at the 
garden yeate, till James Murray, wright, meade a coffin to      #
him, and that same 
day in the afternoone, he was interred at Largo church, in      #
the east end of 
the said church yearde. Jul. 24, 1662, his second son, named    #
Alex. likewise,
was scorged throwgh the towne of Cuper of Fiffe, and  after     #
brunt 
in the right hand with a burning iyron, and banished the shyre  #
of Fiffe, because
some monthes agoe, he had ryddine away with his measter, S=r=   #
Johne 
<P 152>
Lesly of Newton in Fiffe, his horse, and 700 marks, or therby,  #
of his money, 
and spent the same idelly in the west-countrey. Before he went  #
away, he had 
gotten his measters woman with childe. 
   1662, July. - About the begining of it, Mr William           #
Oliphant, one of the 
ministers of Dumfermling, depairted out of this life at his     #
dwelling howse 
ther, and was interred at the said church the .. of July. 
   1662, Jul. 23. - The Nationall Couenant of Scotlande,        #
sworne solemly some 
yeirs agoe by the whole kingdome, was torne and riuen by 7 or   #
8 heralds ouer 
the crosse of Edb. by order of the then present sitting         #
parliament ther. 
   1662, Jul. 26. - The magistrands were lawriatt att St        #
Androws, by Mr 
George Weyms, principall of St Leonards Colledge. Mr Ja. Weyms, #
the 
lesler, had the classe in St Leon., and did dedicatt his        #
theses to the Archbishope
of St Androws, Mr Ja. Sharpe. His speich he had about that tyme #
was 
(\De majestate regia\) , and relleshed mutch both of loyaltie   #
and episcopacie. In 
his theses ther were some strange tenets: he held that the      #
Word of God was 
the rule of faith, bot not of maners; and that ane oath was no  #
longer obleidging
then the pleasure of the magistrat that did cause take the      #
same, etc. And
Mr Patrick Lyon in the Old Colledge, he did dedicat his theses  #
to his cheife 
the Earle of Kingorne, (his Lo. was likewyse patron of the      #
theses in St Leonards
Colledge the yeire before); the most pairt of his Theses were   #
consisting
of (\Problemata Philosophica\) . About the middest of this      #
monthe, or therby, 
the said archbishope did cause all the measters of the          #
Vniuersitie ther 
take and subscriue the oath of alleagence; only Mr Ja. Wood,    #
Princ. of the 
Olde Colledge, did absent himselfe at this tyme, vnder pretext  #
he had taken 
it before, (which he had indeid, bot with certaine              #
exceptions,) as also Mr William 
Campbell, regent ther: bot this was not satisfying to the       #
Bishope; bot 
sent them word that they behoued to doe itt, and gaue it them   #
to aduice till 
he came backe to St Androws againe from the Parl. att Edb. 
   1662, Agust 5. - Johne Gibsone, now Laird of  Dury, was      #
serued aire to 
his deceassed brother, S=r= Alexander, in the tolbuith of       #
Cuper, Johne Malcome
of Balbedie, being Sheriffe depute att that tyme, Johne Bayns,  #
clerke, 
and Kincraige Chancelour of the seruice that day: diuers        #
gentlemen of the 
shyre of Fyffe were wpon this seruice, as Ayton, Earls-hall,    #
the said Kincraige,
Enster, Fenges, D. Mairtin of Strendry, etc. (the said day      #
George Mutray, 
tennant in Ouerpratous, was absolued of a blood at lundy, in a  #
court 
ther, Magnus Gourlay being baylie, and Mr Patrick Glassforde    #
clerke; and 
that same day was found guilty of the same blood att Cuper, in  #
the said Shiriffe
<P 153>
Court ther. The pairtie complainer was ..... Spence, seruant to
the said George, for the tyme.) 
   1662, Jul. 24. - The Laird of Mackdonalde, being a yowng     #
man, maried
the Earle of Morton, his sister; the mariage feast stood att    #
St Jhonstone, in 
the lady Kinnowlls lodging ther. 
   1662, Agust 4. - The old Lairde Of Pitfowre in the Carse,    #
depairted out
of this life, att his dwelling house ther, and was interred     #
att the church of 
Symedose, the 7. of August, in the day tyme. (About a yeire     #
before his death, 
he fell in fornicatione with ane Margaret Hendersone, a yowng   #
woman that 
taught the cheldren in the Cott-towne of Pitsowre, and meade    #
satisfactione 
for the same, when he was betwixt 60 and 70 yeirs of age, in    #
the said church.)
   1662, August 7. - William Preston, yowng Valyfield, maried   #
Anna Lumsdaine, 
S=r= James Lumsdaine of Endergaile, his yowngest dawghter; the  #
mariage 
feast stood in hir fathers howse att Endergaillie: (This yowng  #
gentelman 
had ane halt in his goeing.) 
   1662, Agust 14. - By order from Mr James Sharpe, Archbishope #
of St 
Androws, Mr Johne Ramsay, formerly minister of ....., in        #
Angus, was
admitted minister of Scony in Fyffe, some of ministrie of the   #
presbetrie 
of Kirkekaldie being ther present, giueing him the right hand   #
of felloshipe;
viz. Mr Johne Robersone, m. of Dysert, Mr Androw Waker, m. of   #
Achetertule ......,
and Mr Joswa Meldrum, m. of Kingorne, 
who preached the said day of his admissione; his text was       #
Ezech. 3. 17. After
sermon ended, he tooke his promise to be faithfull in his       #
charge of that 
flock; and ther was deliured to him the Bibell, the keys of     #
the church doore
and the bell-tow; and Dury was required to be assistant to      #
him, which he 
vndertooke to doe; as for the rest of the heritors they were    #
not present, viz. 
Athernie and Fenges. He did succeid to Mr Alex. Moncriefe,      #
who, att that 
tyme, was vnder prosesse before the parl. att Edb. After that   #
they went and 
tooke possession of the manse and glibe. 
   1662, Agust 19. - Robert Coluill, brother sone to Lord       #
Coluen, and 
apparent air of his estate, maried Margaret Weyms, Fenges       #
eldest dawghter 
without proclamation, haueing a warrand to that effect from the #
forsaid Archbishope
of St Androws. This busines was done uery suddenly, for the     #
bryde
knew nothing of it till that morning; for the Lord Coluen at    #
this tyme was 
uery sicke, and death looked for; and it was accomplished by    #
his aduice to 
preuent the warde of the mariage. They were maried att          #
Fackland by Mr 
William Liuistone, minister ther; and that night they came to   #
Balfarge;
<P 154>
and the nixt morning the bryde-groome, with the Laird of        #
Fenges, went to 
Crummy, to wait on the Lord Coluen, to sie what wold be the     #
euent of his 
sicknes; and in the afternoone the bryde, with hir company,     #
came to hir fathers
howse at Kilmuxe, bot the bridgrome did not returne till after  #
the said 
Lord Coluens death and buriall, which were both in one day;     #
viz. the 25 of 
Agust 1662, and then returned, viz. on the 27 of Agust with his #
father in law. 


<S SAMPLE 2> 
<P 187>
   1666, Apr. 10. - Being the day of the race att Cupar of      #
Fyffe, which day 
the E=r=. of Rothes being his Maj. Comissioner for the tyme,    #
his horse did cary 
the pryse, being a great silver cup. Stobs horse was second,    #
and the Lord 
of Mongomery horse was last, being only thrie in all. And the   #
12 of Apr. 
whille they were spectators of a lesser cowrse, the Lord        #
Lithgow and the Lord 
Carneggie, after cupps, ther passed some words betwixt them,    #
and about night 
they drew off the rest, on the hill towards Tarvet Broom, and   #
drew ther 
swords on att another, till att last Carneggie gave Lithgow a   #
sore wownd. 
While this was noised abroad, divers of the nobilitie and       #
others ther present, 
did rydd downe to stope them; amonge whom was the E=r=. of      #
Weyms, who, 
laboring to ryd in betwixt the pairties, had both his owne      #
horse vnder him, 
and his mans horse thrust throwgh by them, whille they were     #
drawing one 
att another, so that both the horses dyed; also one of the      #
Lord Melvens horses
was hurt, and the Lord Newwarke had one of his servants ridden  #
downe also, 
and hurt. And att night, they were both putt vnder arreist by   #
his Maj. Commissioner
<P 188>
att Cupar, in ther severall qwarters.  Apr. 18, Carnegie went   #
to 
Edb. to be entred prisoner in the Castell. 
   1666, Apr. - The old Laird of Ruthven in Angus, surnamed     #
Crichton, depairted
owt of this life at his dwelling howse ther; and his son yo.    #
Ruthven, 
maried Gerntilly, yo. dawghter except one, abowt 4 howrs        #
before his fathers 
death, vpon the accownt the warde of the mariage might not      #
fall. 
   1666, Apr. 25. - The diocesian synod satt att St Androws,    #
where Mr ...
 ................ Archdeane of St Androws did preach, and Mr    #
Sharpe, Archbishope,
was moderatowr. Ther was litell publicke businese done, only    #
the 
severall presbetrie bookes were revised and examined, and some  #
other customary 
things. Yowng Meggens Hay, in the Carse of Cowry, was           #
challenged 
before them for adulterie: the last session of this meiting he  #
was citied to give
oath, and refused; now he was content to sweare, bot they       #
were affrayed to 
take his oath, so that the businese is yet depending before     #
them. Also the 
Laird of Spencerfield in Fyffe, was accused before them for     #
adulterie, with 
two or thrie others of that nature. Also one .... [\Constable   #
John\] Small in Angus, who 
prescrives potions of phisicke to divers persons of meaner      #
qwalitie, was accused
before them for diveinning to the peopell, and taking vpon him  #
to tell 
to the peopell who were the persons that did steal owght from   #
them. Mr.
.... Bruce, Mr Ro. Hinniman, and Mr Jo. Afflecke, by the        #
bishops appointment,
did confer and examine him of severall particulars, some which 
he confest, others he denied; alwayes they appointed him to     #
satisfie in 
some of the churches of that presbetrie wher he lives, and      #
confese his fawlt 
and error of deceaving the peopell, and to doe so no more,      #
which he promised
to doe. Mr George Diston was spoken off, and continued in the   #
estaite 
wherein he was till the nixt meiting. Also, one Mr David        #
Campbell, m.
in the Merns, who once came in the ending of a synod, but went  #
not in to 
them, but went to the bishops howse and salutted him, bot never #
returned 
since, was appointed to be cited to come to ther nixt meiting,  #
otherwise to be
proceided against. Also, ther was a complaint given vpon        #
severall ministers
for giveing testificatts to persons to goe and seike supplie    #
wher they 
pleased, so that divers, both ministers and others, therby were #
oppressed: for 
remedy of which they appointed that no minister sowld give a    #
testificat to 
any of his parishoners for that effect without the consent of   #
the presbetrie, 
and the presbetrie to give no warrant to any without ther owne  #
bownds, as 
<P 189>
they sowld be answerabell. After they had sitten a day and a    #
halfe, they
closed ther meiting, and adiourned till Oct. nixt. 
   Some dayes after, the Bishop tooke iowrney for London, and   #
the Archdean
of St Androws with him. (Abowt this tyme also the Lady          #
Newwarke 
and hir son, and the Lady Ardrosse and hir son, went wp to      #
London also.)
About the midest of July 1666, the Lady Newwarke and hir son    #
returned,  
and the Bishope and the Archdean of St [\Andrews\] abowt the    #
end of itt;
and the Lady of Ardrose and hir son did not returne till the    #
1 of Oct. 1666.
   1666, Apr. 28. - William Lundy, in Lundy Mille in Fyffe,     #
bowght a pairt 
of Bayrehills nire St. Androws, from his father in law John     #
Adie, and gatt 
infeftment of itt the said day, and was confirmed by the said   #
archbishope, 
Mr Sharpe, as his swperior. Att his entrie he dowbled his few   #
dewtie vpon
him, which is only tippence, and tooke a groatt. This rowme     #
payes 
abowt 5 chalder of victwall, wheroff two to the said            #
archbishope yeirly, one
to the archdeane of St Androws, and two to the measter. Itt     #
stood him 
abowt 5000 merkes; wheroff, for his tocher 2500 merks; and to   #
the bishop 
and New Colledge of bygone dewties, abowt a 1000 m.; wheroff,   #
to the bishope
presently vpon bond paying annual rent, 300 lib.; and to the    #
relict of 
the deceassed John Jonston att St Androws, abowt a 1000 m. of   #
bygone
dewties in likemaner, whose infeftment still stands till itt    #
be redeimed; and 
abowt 500 m. besyde, of bygone interest of his tocher and       #
other chairges. 
He had also att this tyme the plenishing of the rowme. Itt was  #
a Witsundays 
bargaine; and he was to enter and to have crope 1666. In Apr.   #
1672,
he sold the said rowme to Mr [\Patrick\] Lentron, the deceasset #
Provest Lentron
his brother att St Androws, for 17 hundreth merks, wheroff, to  #
his 
mother in law, the said John Jonstons wife, ane 1000 merks;     #
and to the 
said Archbishope, of bygone teinde since the said William his   #
entrie, abowt 
700 merks. Also, at that tyme anew he gave a bond to the said   #
Patrick Lentron, 
for 80 lib. of bygone interest, payabell att Mairt. 1672. 
   1666, May 12. - John Wilson, comisar clerke att St Androws,  #
depairted 
owt of this life att his dwelling howse ther, and was interred  #
the 15 of May 
in the publick buriall place. 
   1666, May 24. - Mr Robert Whytte, minister of Inch-Stowr in  #
the Carse 
of Gowry, was admitted minister of the Northferry besyde        #
Dundie, by the 
presbetrie of St. Androws. Mr ............ did preach the day   #
of his admission. 
He did succeid to Mr .... Veilland, who was deposed becawse 
he wold not acqwiese with episcopascy. 
<P 190>
   1666, May 29, being Twesday, - the solemnitie of his Maj.    #
birth day, K. 
Ch. the 2, was keipet throwgh Scotland, England and Irland, by  #
sermon to 
that purpose in divers places, shoting of cannon, bon fyrrs     #
att night, and 
ringing of bells, etc. That day, Mr John Achinleck, m. of       #
Largo, preacht 
att Largo, his text being Ps. 34. 3, 4. "O magnifie the Lord    #
with me; Let 
ws exalt his name together," etc. May 29, 1668, he had the      #
same text;
May 29, 1671, he had the same text. 
   1666, Jun. 2, 3, and 4. - Ther was a great sea feght         #
betwixt the English 
and Dutch fleits, wherin both had a very considerabell losse    #
and damage. 
The English, in ther printed narrative, confessed they lost 10  #
of his Maj.
great ships. Jul. 25, they had another bowt of itt, where the   #
English lost 
one shipe and the Dutch two; all thrie brunt, as the English    #
printed peaper 
affirms. 
   1666, Jun. 20. - Mr David Falconer, one of the regents in St #
Leonards 
Colledge, and leatly admitted minister of ..... in Lowthian,    #
maried .....
Brayddy, dawghter to the deceassed Andro Brayddy in St          #
Androws: the mariage
feast stood att Baylie Falconers howse in St Androws, who,      #
some yeirs 
before, had maried the said yowng womans mother. This day,      #
whille they 
were att dinner, the newes came that one ...... Weyms,          #
Glennistons brother
in Fyffe, student of philosophie in the Old Colledge, had       #
perished in 
the water att the Witch-hill, who had gone owt with some of     #
his comorads
after dinner, to watch themselves in the sea att the said       #
place. Shortly after, 
the corps were gotten, and interred the nixt day att St         #
Androws. 
   1666, Jul. 11 and 18, being Weddensdays both, - ther was a   #
publicke proclamation
over the Crosse of Edb. by his Maj. being printed, for keiping  #
a
day of soleme humiliation throwgh owt this kingdome, in         #
behalfe of his Maj. 
navall engagement against the Dutch, and against the French     #
and Danes 
ther assisters; that the Lord wold be reconciled to these       #
lands and his peopell;
that sin and prophanitie may be done away, and that the Lord    #
wold 
be pleased to blisse his Maj. with successe and victory (if     #
itt be his will,) ovir 
his adversaries, etc. Jul. 11, it was keiped att Largo by Mr    #
John Achinleck, 
m. ther; his text that day, both sermons, was Ps. 79. 8. "O     #
remember 
not against ws former iniqwities," etc.  Obs. the 11 day was    #
for all one this 
syde of Eske, and the 18 day for all beyonde itt. 
   1666, Jul. - This mounth the E=r=. of Weyms buelt a timber   #
bridge over the  
water of Leven, a litell above the Basse Milln, for the         #
greater seale of his
Methell Coall; itt stood him abowt ....
<P 191>
   1666, Jul. - The yo. Lady Hermiston Sinclair in Lowthian,    #
the Lord Sinclair
in Fyffe, his only dawghter, depairted owt of this life att     #
Dysert, shortly 
after the bringing foorth of a cheilde, and was interred att    #
Dysert the 24 of 
July in the day tyme. 
   1666, Jul. - Mr John Carmichaell, eldest son to Mr Fredricke #
att Merkinshe, 
and leate minister of Traqware in Lowthian, being deposed       #
becawse
he was not throwghly episcopall, etc. depairted owt of this     #
life att Pitteddie
in Fyffe, and was interred att Kirkaldie the 28 of July in the  #
day tyme. 
   1666, Jul. 28. - Yowng Balfowre in Fyffe, his eldest son,    #
being a yowth 
about 20 yeirs, depairted owt of this life att his fathers      #
howse in Balfowre, 
of a purpie fever, and was interred att Merkinsch kirke the 1   #
of August, in 
the day tyme. 
   1666, Jul. 28, being Saturns day, - the magistrands att St   #
Androws were 
gradwatt by Mr George Weyms, provest of the Old Colledge, nire  #
to the number 
32 or 33 persons. 
   1666, Jul. - This monthe, or therby, the Vicownt of          #
Oxen-foord in Lowthian, 
maried the E=r=. of Lithgows dawghter, surnamed Livistone,      #
without proclamation, 
bot by a warrant from the Bishope, and withowt consent of his 
twtors; the bryde verry yownge, and he not too olde, being      #
both bot abowt 
26 or 27 yeirs of age. Not long after, he went abroad to        #
France and stayed 
some yeirs, and did returne in Apr. 1671, and ther was a        #
second mariage solemnitie
   1666, Aug. - Robert Whyte, provest of Kirkaldie, depairted   #
owt of this 
[\life\] att his howse ther, and was interred att the said      #
church Aug. 6, in the 
day tyme.  That same day also a dawghter of the deceassed       #
Balweirry, surnamed 
Scot, above 60 yeirs of age, never maried, was interred in the  #
said place. 
   1666, Aug. - ..... Sharpe, Mr Robert Weyms, leate minister   #
of the 
Elly in Fyffe, his wife, depairted owt of this life att the     #
Elly, and was interred
ther Aug. 24, in the day tyme. She dyed in child-bearing,       #
being browght 
to bed, as some affirmed, in the seventh mownthe. 
   1666, Aug. 23 and 30, being Thursday, - a day of soleme      #
thanksgiveing to 
God for the leate victory by the royall navey over the Dutch    #
flieit, Jul. 25
last, was observed throwgh owt this kingdome by sermon in the   #
forenoone,  
shooting of cannon and bony-fyres att night; the 23 day being   #
for Edb. Lowthians,
and all besouth Forth, and the 30 day being for Fyffe, Angus,   #
and all 
benorth Tay. Mr John Ackinleck, m. of Largo, his text that day  #
was Ps. 68. 
19, 20. "Blissed be God, who daily loadeth ws with his          #
benefeits," etc. 

<S SAMPLE 3>
<P 212>
   1669, Awg. 28. - The Laird of Kirkenesse, surnamed Dowglas,  #
in Fyffe, 
being a yowng man, depairted owt of this life att Kirkenesse.   #
He dyed of a 
purpie fever, and was interred the 3 of Sept. att Kinroshe, in  #
the day tyme. 
   1669, Awg. 31. - Att Cwpar in Fyffe, in the tollbuith ther,  #
Mistris Ann 
Gibson, Durys nice ( who was formerly conveyed away privatlie   #
from Pearth 
to the Hylands, by the deceasset E=r=. of Stormont his means,   #
and mutch 
busines anent itt before the Lords of Maj. secret cownsell att  #
Edb. An. 
1668, or therby), remaining att Dwry for the tyme, did choose   #
hir cwratowrs;
amonge whom were the E=r= of Rothes, the Chanclowr, S=r= Androw 
Mwrray, and the Twtowr of Stormont, hir vncells on the mother   #
syde; 
Dury and his brother George Gibson, hir vn. on the father       #
syde; Sir ....
Wedderburne of Goffoord, Powry Fothringham, etc. They dyned     #
that 
day att the deceassed David Jonstown in Cwpar, his howse; 5 of  #
them 
meade a coram, among whom Rothes, Dury, his brother, and        #
Gosfoord being 
fowre. 
   1669, Awg. 31. - The E=r=. of Haddingtown depairted owt of   #
this life att 
Twningham, and was intered ......
   1669, Sept. 8. - Mr George Gibson, the leat Laird of Bowffie #
in Fyffe, depairted
owt of this life att Pittenweyme, being dwelling ther for the   #
tyme, 
and was interred the 13 of Sept. ther in the day tyme. 
   1669, Sept. 9. - The Lord Rose-hill, the E=r=. of North-Eske #
in Angus, his 
son and apparent aire, leatlie the Measter of Lowre, maried     #
Lady Bea. Lindsy, 
the E=r=. of Crawfords yo. dawghter, being 4 in all: wheroff    #
one to the E=r=. 
Rothes; the 2 to the deceasset E=r=. of Haddington, newly       #
mentioned; the 3
<P 213>
to the Laird of Steinson in Lowthian; and the 4 to the said     #
Lord Rose-hill, 
surnamed Carneggy. The mariage feast stood att hir fathers      #
howse in 
Strwthers. 
   1669. - Mr George Diston, leatlie m. of the Cowlts, bowght   #
the lands of 
Lochmelony from S=r= John Preston of Ardrie, laying to the      #
northward of 
Cwpar in Fyffe: itt stood him abowt 6 or 7 thowsand merks. 
   1669, Sept. 17, being Fryday, - ther arose a great tempest   #
of wind suddenly, 
so that ther was a litell boat belonging to Buckheaven, with 4  #
men in itt, 
carying mussels to Leith, that perished in the Firth. Also,     #
Sept. 24, being
Fryday also, a ship belonging to Preston Pans, in Lowthian,     #
came downe from 
London, richly loaden with divers commodities, and rich         #
merchant goods, 
being in the Firth some dayes before, fearing a tempest of      #
wind also, lowsed
with a purpose to goe for the Elly, mistaking the harbowr,      #
sett in above the 
Ferry vpon the rocks att Kincraige, and perished. The men       #
were safe, and 
many of the goods recovered; bot the cowntrey peopell paryet    #
vpon many 
of them. Vpon which .... [\Constable James\] Mitchell,          #
skipper, and some others that had interest, 
procwred ane order from the chanclowr, the E=r=. of Rothes, for #
restitution
of the goods, which was read Oct. 3, 1669, in severall          #
churches after 
sermon, as in Largo, Newburne, and Kilconq=r=. etc. to be       #
delivered back to 
the skipper, or in his absence to Jhon Whytt, skipper in the    #
Elly, and somewhat
promised to such as browght back any thing. 
   1669, Sept. - Mr Robert Lundin, Straverlys thrid brother,    #
was admitted 
second minister of Dysert be the presbetrie of Kirkaldie,       #
haveing, some dayes 
before, receaved ordination from the archbishop of St           #
Androws, Mr Sharp, 
att the Ferry nire Dundie, Mr John Anderson then being parson   #
of Dysert. 
   1669, Oct. 5. - Att Cwpar, S=r= .... [\Constable John\]      #
Weyms of Boggie, and S=r= William
Bruce of Balcaskie, were chosen commissioners for Fyffe, for    #
the ensewing
parliament appointed to sitt at Edb. Oct. 19, 1669, where the   #
E=r=. of Lawderdaill 
was his Maj. commissioner. 
   1669, Oct. 6. - The diocesian synod satt att St. Androws,    #
where the ...
   1669, Oct. 13. - In the night tyme ther arose suddenlie a    #
great tempest of 
wynd, raine and thunder, which occasioned great preiudice both  #
be sea and 
land in divers places. In divers harbowrs some vessels were     #
broken and chattered;
as in Dundie, where they sustained, as some affirme, above ten  #
thowsand
merkes worth of losse; St Androws, Craill, Anster,              #
Pittenweyme, 
<P 214>
Ferry, Weyms, where a vessell of Kirkaldie, called the Dority,  #
brake lowse, 
owt of the harbowr, and splitted herselfe beneath the Chapell   #
ther on the 
rocks; Dysert, Kirkaldie, etc; also in the water of Tay att St  #
Jonston, some 
of the Inches within the water, wher bestiall were pastoring,   #
wher overflowen,
and the beastiall drowned, both oxen, horse and sheep. Some     #
also feeding 
on the water syde perished in likemaner, and divers Helen-kay   #
came downe 
the water; as also some lost on the water of Erne. Tries in     #
divers places
broken, spoilt and blowen vp be the rootes; as att Lundin,      #
Largo, Dury, 
Kilspindie, Evelick, etc. 
   1669, Oct. 19. - The parliament satt att Edb. where the      #
E=r=. of Lawderdaill 
was his Maj. comissioner, the day being Twesday on which they   #
did ryd; the
Marqwes of Dowglas caried the crowne, Argyll the Scepter, and   #
Marr the 
sword, (the E=r=. of Crawfort being then att Edb. did not ryd.) #
Ther was no 
sermon att ther sitting downe, according to ther custome:       #
(Vpon this one 
said, - Becawse God was not sowght, therfor it was like it      #
might come to 
nowght.) At ther meiting first of all, the comissioner his      #
comission was read; 
then he had a large speech to the members ther conveined,       #
consisting mainly
of the things; 1. his Maj. pleasure anent ch. goverment, to     #
continowe episcopacy,
as it was established; vseing some arguments proveing the       #
divine right 
of episcopacy, and that it was most consistent with monarchie,  #
etc. 2. His
purpose too have an Vnion established betwixt Scotland and      #
England. After 
that his Maj. letter was read, they appointed ane oath to be    #
taken of each skiper
and merchant of every ship, what comodities they had in, for    #
payment of 
his maj. cwstomes, and the waiters in likemaner to be           #
continowed. Also they 
established ane act of his Maj. swpremacie over all persons,    #
and ovir all 
cawses, etc. They did somewhat anent the bringing home of       #
bullion, and 
some other particwlar acts, etc. Dec. 23, 1669, this sessiown   #
of parl.was 
adiowrned to the 8 of Jun. 1670, or therby. They did some what  #
also anent 
the ordering of the melitia in this kingdome. Jan. 20, 1670,    #
the comissioner 
tooke iowrney againe for London. Jan. 17, 1670, all the acts    #
of parlia. 
were read and proclaimed over the cros att Edb. be the Clerke   #
Register, etc. 
(Abowt this tyme Mr William Sharp, the Lord St Androws          #
brother, was 
knighted be his Maj. comissioner.) 
   1669, Nov. 6. - Att Largo, on Largos grownd, the first       #
yeirly merket ther 
began, which was proclaimed before att divers other merketts,   #
to hold att that 
tyme, and to be custome frie for the space of thrie yeirs to    #
come. In itt ther 
was divers merchant goods; cloth, both linnen and woollen;      #
bestiall of all 
<P 215> 
kinds, etc. A horse reace for a sadell, for horses within 40    #
lib. a pryce; and 
a foot reace for a bonet, and a paire of shoes. Each ryder was  #
to putt in a 
shilling for the sadell. Thomas Fowlls att Largo caried the     #
day the said 
yeire. Also ther was a weikly merket appointed ther, to hold    #
every Fryday. 
All that came to sell any thing ther other dayes of the weike,  #
were ordained
be act of cowrt, to pay custome for ther comodities; bot these  #
that keiped 
the merket day were custome frie. 
   1669, Nov. 18. - Mr Robert Wood, a Craills man borne, was    #
admitted 
minister of Scony in Fyffe, be the presbetrie of Kirkaldie. Mr  #
John Ramsay, 
minister of Markinshe, did preach the day of his admission.     #
His text was, 
Ezech. 3, 17, 18, 19. "Son of man, I have made the` watchman    #
vnto 
the howse of Israell," etc. Remember, the day of his admission, #
ther was 
none of the heritors present att the kirk, and bot some of the  #
elders; and 
there was not so mutch as one of them that gave him the right   #
hand of felloshipe.
He did succeid to the said Mr Jhone Ramsay. 
   1669, Nov. - S=r= .... Scot of bevelay in Lowthian, one of   #
the Clerks 
of the Sessiown att Edb. depairted owt of this life att Edb.    #
He dyned that 
day att Bavelay, and came in after to Edb. and dyed suddenly    #
that same night. 
Also abowt that tyme, ..... Ogilvie of Mwrey, in the Carse of   #
Gowry, 
depairted owt of this life att Edb. It was affirmed, that the   #
dyed sudenly in 
likemaner; and both were interred att Edb. 
   1669, Nov. - Mr George Hamilton, yo. in Pittenweyme,         #
maried ....
Boyd, a Lowthian gentelwoman; the mariage feast                 #
stood ........ After 
they were maried, he browght hir to Pittenweyme, to his         #
fathers howse. 
He was to have 6 or 8 thowsand merkes of portion with hir, as   #
was noysed. 
   1669, Dec. - Mr James Mairtin, m. of Awchtermowghty in       #
Fyffe, was 
transported from that to Bingrie. Mr George Ogilvie, m. of      #
Kirkaldie, 
did preach the day of his admission; he did succeid to the      #
deceasett Mr Robert 
Bruce. 
   1669, Dec. - Mr Keneth Loggie, m. of Kirkaldie, depairted    #
owt of this 
life att Kirkaldie, and was interred ther the .. of Dec. in the #
day tyme. 
   1669, Dec. - S=r= David Achmowty, in the parish of           #
Markinshe, depairted 
owt of this life att ...... on the Border; haveing gone ther    #
some weikes
before, for feare of caption be his creditors, and was          #
interred nire to the place. 
   1669, Dec. - Yowng Kirkforther maried ...... [\Constable     #
Bethia Ramsay\] a Lowthian gentelwoman,
<P 216>
for his second lady. Jan. 10, 1670, she came home to            #
Kirkforther. 
   1669, Dec. - Old Twtor Weyms in Fyffe, depairted owt of      #
this life att 
his dwelling howse, and was interred the .. of Dec. 1669. 

[}1670.}]

   1670, Jan. 10 - The old Lady Balbirny in Fyffe, surnamed     #
Arnot, depairted
owt of this life att Balbirny, and was interred at Markinsh     #
kirke, 
the 14 of Jan. in the day tyme. She dyed of flwx. 
   1670, Jan. 11. - Yowng Balfarge, surnamed Weyms, in the said #
parish, 
maried Ann Aytown, the Laird of Aytown his second dawghter;     #
the mariage 
feast stood att Aytown, in hir fathers howse. 
   1670, Jan 14. - Mr Hannah, one of the ministers in Edb.      #
maried Helen 
Lundin, the old Lady Achtermairny in Fyffe, surnamed Law, hir   #
second 
dawghter. They were maried privatly in Leith, withowt           #
proclamation. 
That night they supped qwietly att Jean Jafras in Edb. the      #
Lady Achtermairnys
qwarter for the tyme, and the nixt day went home to his owne    #
lodging. 
This mariage was accomplished after a short resolution; for     #
that 
same day fowrtnight after he saw hir he was wedded to hir. He   #
told he 
stood not vpon hir portion, for he said he was content to take  #
hir although 
she had nothing. 
   1670, Jan. 15. - Be proclamation, be act of cownsell att     #
Edb. the dollars, 
comonly called the (^Leg dollars^) , were cryed downe to 56s.   #
wheras formerly 
they went for 58s.; which mead a great owtcrying among the      #
merchants 
att Edb. and others. 
   1670, Jan. 18. - The Lord Drwmond, the E=r=. of Pearths      #
aparent aire, 
maried Lady .... [\Constable Jean\] Dowglas, the Marqwis of     #
Dowglas his sister; the mariage 
feast stood in the Abay att Edb. 
   1670, Jan. - The E=r=. of Tullibardin, surnamed Mwrray, in   #
Pearthshyre, 
being ane old man, depairted owt of this life att               #
Tullibairdin, and was interred
the ........ He dyed without any ishue of his owne body. 
   1670, Jan. 28, being Fryday, - the E=r=. of Argylle,         #
surnamed Cambpell, 
who first maried the E=r=. of Mwrrays dawghter, att that tyme   #
maried La. 
<P 217> 
Ann Makkenzie, the Lady Balcarres in Fyffe, for his second      #
lady; the mariage
feast stood att Balcarres. They were maried be Mr Da. Forret    #
withowt 
proclamation, be vertew of ane order from Mr Sharpe, Archb. of  #
St Androws. 
   1670, Feb. 10. - S=r= James Lumsdaine, yo. of Endergailly in #
Fyffe, depairted 
owt of this life att Endergailly in his fathers howse, and was  #
interred 
the 22 of Feb. att Kilrinny, in the day tyme. 
   1670, Mar. 8. - The Lord Lindsy in Fyffe, the E=r=. of       #
Crawforts eldest 
son, maried La. ...... [\Constable Mary\] Jonston, the E=r=.    #
of Hartfells dawghter. They were 
maried privatly att Leith, be ane order from the bishope; none  #
of the pairtys 
parents, as was comonly asserted, being satisfied therwith. 
   1670, Mar 25. - The Lord Kinglassie in Fyffe, surnamed       #
Aytown, being 
ane old man, depairted owt of this life att Kinglassie, and     #
was interred att 
his parish kirke the 30 of Mar. in the day tyme. He dyed        #
withowt any 
cheldren of his owne body, and left his inheritance to Mr       #
James Allexander, 
leatlie regent att St Androws, his ladys sisters son, who       #
maried Rachell Aytown,
Kinnady his brother, his second dawghter. 
   1670, Apr. 2. - Abowt night, Captaine Robert Hovey, the      #
deceasset Doctor 
Hovey att St Androws his only son, depairted owt of this life   #
att Yorke
in England, and was interred ther the 4 of Apr. in the day      #
tyme. 
   1670, Apr. 8, being Fryday, - one Andro Smith, who formerlie #
lived in 
Dundie, and then being cooke to John Gibson of Dwry in Fyffe,   #
went downe 
to Leven with John Wobster, the said Dwry his stewart, who      #
comeing backe 
in the evening toward Dwry, in the way he left the said Jh.     #
Wobster, 
and said he was off the way; and turning asyde a litell from    #
him, fell 
in a coall pott and drowned, wither a sett [\purpose\] the Lord #
knowes. The 
nixt day he was taken owt and intered. It was affirmed be       #
some, that 
<P 218>
some dayes before he was nire a fitt of distraction; for,       #
comeing in to the 
woman howse ther, one of the women looked to his hand, and      #
said he had 
a trim hand. He replyed, for als a trim a hand it was, ther     #
was ane ill turne
in his hand. And be others, that comeing by some one or other   #
that was 
beaken bread, he lookes in to the water that was standing by    #
hir, and said 
to the woman, that iff she knew what was in the water she wold  #
beake none
with itt; for in itt he saw both heaven and hell, and that      #
hell was full of 
persons, and that ther was bot few that went to heaven. 
   1670, Apr. 11. - One Major Weyer, who lived in Edb. who had  #
some allowance 
from the towne, for waiting or otherways, being ane old man, 
about 75 or 76 yeirs of age, was brunt att the Gallo-lay,       #
betwixt Leith and 
Edb. for incest with his sister, beastialitie in laying with    #
beasts, etc. He 
confest he had lyen with his sister, who was maried to          #
another, since she was 
16 yeirs of age, and had layin with beasts divers tymes, etc.   #
He was one 
that had a great profession, and keiped divers of the           #
conventicals att Edb. 
He wold not suffer the ministers to spake or pray for him       #
(nether wold he 
seike Gods mercy; bot when he was forced to doe it, he          #
said,"And now 
what better am I?") And Apr. 12, being Twesday, his sister      #
[\Jean\] Weyer, 
being abowt or more then 60 yeirs of age, was hanged att Edb.   #
She confest
insest, witchcraft, etc. On the scafold she cast away hir       #
mantell, hir 
gown tayle, and was purposed, as was sayde, to cast of all hir  #
clothes before 
all the multitude; bot Baylie Oliphant, to whom the businese    #
was intrusted,
stoped the same, and commanded the execwtioner to doe his       #
office. Bot 
whille he was abowt to throw hir ovir the leather, she smote    #
the execwtioner 
on the cheike; and hir hands not being tyed when she was        #
throwen ovir, 
she labored to recover hir selfe, and put in hir head betwixt   #
two of the steps 
of the leather, and keiped that powster for atyme, till she     #
was put from itt. 
They dyed both impenitent persons, as was supposed be the       #
standers by. 
   1670, Apr. 12. - The Laird of Haining, surnamed [\Pringle,\] #
his horse 
caried the day att Cwpar race the said yeire; and Bandocks      #
horse the second 
day. 
   1670, Apr. 13. - The diocesian synod satt att St Androws,    #
where the 
Archb. Mr Sharpe was moderatowr, and Mr G. Ogilvie clerke.      #
They revised
the presbetrie bookes, and other synodicall businese, and       #
dissolved the 
day following, according to ther custome. 
   1670, Apr. 17, being the Sabath, - Doctor Mairtin of         #
Strahendry in Fyffe, 
depairted owt of this life att Strahendry. For the space of 5   #
or 6 yeirs he 
<P 219>
was not abell to travell abroad, and interred the 25 of Apr.    #
att Lesly 
kirke, in the day tyme. 
   1670, Apr. 30, being Saturns day, - John Drwmond, the E=r=.  #
of Pearths second 
son, maried Sophia Lundin, the heretrix of Lundin in Fyffe.     #
They were 
maried att Largo kirke be Mr John Awchinleck, m. ther, abowt 6  #
a cloke
att night. The Chanclowr, the E=r=. of Rothes, E=r=. of Weyms,  #
E=r=. of Pearth, 
E=r=. of Roxbwrgh, the Lord Rwthven, Lord Drwmond, Lord         #
Ballentine, Lord
Navoy, Judge Ker, Kincraige, and divers others being present.   #
They  were
maried sudenly withowt proclamation; for on the Thursday ther   #
was a meiting 
of these formentioned persons, to try if they cowld condescend  #
on the 
terms of the contract, and on the thrid day after it was        #
accomplished. The 
mariage feast stood at Lundin. (Obs. that hir mother, Margaret  #
Lundin, 
was the heretrix of the said family in likemaner.) Att this     #
tyme, both the 
lady hir grandmother, and the lady hir mother, were living,     #
and had ther 
proportions of the fortune. His father contracted for 60        #
thowsand merks
Scots money, to be given in for the releife of the said         #
fortune, viz. 40 th. m.
of it for paying of debt, and 20 th. m. of it for hir sister    #
Mist. Anna Lundin
hir tocher, (who was after maried to Ja. Carnegy of Fineven in  #
July 1673.) 
Mar. 3. 1671, the said yo. lady was browght to bed of a         #
dawghter, named Anna;
and Jul.22, 1672, being Moneday, Elizabeth was borne, and       #
baptized 
Jul. 27. (He was to engadge, besyde his money, for 20 thows.    #
merks of 
burden alreadie contracted to the said estaite; and the lady,   #
his mother on 
law, had libertie to burden the same with 10 tho. merks more;   #
and he was 
to have 2000 merks yeirlie of the fortune, 600 of the old       #
lady, and 1400 
merks of his mother in law). Oct. 31, 1673, being Fryday, John  #
was borne, 
and baptized the 14 of Nov. 



<B SDIA3B>
<Q SC3 NN DIARY ABRODIE>
<N A BRODIE DIARY>
<A BRODIE ALEXANDER>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1652-1680>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T DIARY PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y 40-60>
<H HIGH>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E X>
<J X>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z NARR NON-IMAG>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^THE DIARY OF ALEXANDER BRODIE OF BRODIE, MDCLII-MDCLXXX, AND
OF HIS SON JAMES BRODIE OF BRODIE, MDCLXXX-MDCLXXXV.
SPALDING CLUB. ABERDEEN 1863.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 93.13-107.6 
SAMPLE 2: PP. 309.1-323.17^]


<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 93>
   November 8th. - John Brodie was sick of a boil; and in him   #
he saw 
much of human frailty. My soul was humbled under barrenness,    #
that I 
had not spoken a word for him, or to edify others. Lord,        #
pardon! Something
of the Lord's dealing may be observed in the sickness which we  #
are 
liable unto. Oh that I may understand and learn, and may not    #
be as the 
beast!
   This day the Laird of Grange and John Forbes were agreed.    #
I besought 
the Lord that nothing might stick to me, as if any thing of     #
that kind were
brought to pass by my skill, wisdom, or dexterity. I did        #
before the Lord 
disclaim and renounce all as being nothing, and having nothing  #
to boast of. 
I worshipped the Lord in the variety and freedom of his gifts;  #
that gives
some the gifts of family government, which he withholds from    #
others; and 
to some to take their necessary competent use of their          #
substance, while 
others deny to themselves the things that are convenient and    #
necessary for 
them. This is his gift; and he finds the want of it, and        #
looks up to God, 
that he would supply or be in stead of it. He observes that     #
his heart cannot 
bide long at a resolution against a temptation or a sin; and,   #
in 
particular, in the matter of inordinate desires and coveting:   #
albeit he has 
seen the evil and vanity of that sin, yet, alas! how soon is    #
he carried away 
and intangled, forgetting his resolutions? Here he prayed for   #
Grace, more
Grace, and to be prevented. 
   Saturday, 12th November. - I had been toiling at the Stone:  #
....
<P 94>
Thence the Lord led me to reflect on his Church, and to pray    #
that he would 
repair and make straight her walls, and bless her walls, and    #
erect and finish
them; that there may be no enormity in them, and that they may  #
be for 
holding out ravenous, destroying beasts, and for preserving     #
the trees of his
planting. Take pleasure in thy vineyard yet, and plant and      #
water and 
adorn it, that thou mayst delight in it, and trees may grow up  #
in it, both 
fair to look on, and fruitful; and hedge them up from the       #
violence of beasts. 
Does the poor creature take such care in the dikes and trees?   #
Does he promise
himself a subordinate contentment and pleasure in them? And     #
wilt 
not thou much more take pleasure in thy sweet, pleasant         #
Garden? Wilt 
thou not help what is amiss in it, and dwell in it for ever?    #
Lord, let that 
which he is about be a token to him, that thou wilt yet do      #
that to thy kirk, 
which thou puttest him upon toward his natural habitation and   #
dwelling. 
Oh for faith to believe in thy name for this! and he would not  #
let thee go 
till thou blessest us. 
   13th November. - (\Die Dom.\) It was the great suit of the   #
day, and the  
chief errand and exercise, that the Lord would remember the     #
broken estate of
his Church in these lands and beyond sea; and would consider    #
both the violence 
which the one is under, whereby the Gospel is suppressed,       #
resisted and 
east of, and idolatry set up; and there they have not so much   #
as liberty of profession,
where sometimes he has had a glorious Church; and among us,     #
how 
great our confusions and darkness and differences! so that we   #
are like to be 
devoured of one another. Next, the manifold errors and          #
corruptions that are
crept in in his worship, and no effectual means taken to        #
refrain and punish error
and corrupt doctrine. 2, The society, fellowship, and           #
communion of his Churches
and people broken down, our walls broken down unto the ground.  #
3, The 
carnality of our spirits in employing and making use of         #
discipline, Church-judicatories
and censures. Therefore, that he would heal our breaches, 
build up our walls, knit and unite our minds and affections in  #
the Lord, and 
for him and his truth; take away our carnality and our          #
looseness, dwell 
among us, and set up his tabernacle in these lands; may rid us  #
out if snares
and mistakes in the matter of Ecclesiastick and Civil           #
Government, would 
[\bear\] us forth, and uphold us in this trial, until he grant  #
the desired issue.
This evening I found deadness and indisposedness. Oh that the   #
Lord 
impute it not, and that it be no impediment in the errand of    #
the day to his
Church or my poor soul!
<P 95> 
   14th November. - Reading Phil.iii. 9, 10, 11, 12. I desired  #
to be cast 
down under his unsensibleness, that he finds not any such       #
rare, transcendant 
excellency in the knowledge of Christ, as to count all things   #
but dung for 
him. He counts over much of other things, which is a shrewd     #
sign that he 
counts not so highly of him as he ought. Oh Lord! help and      #
correct this 
error in his judgment, affection, and practice, that he may     #
find that excellency
in the knowledge of his name, that all things else may stink    #
in comparison! 
Want of knowledge in the cause. Oh for some increase and 
growth of this knowledge!
   V. 15. - I desired and besought the Lord to give me and his  #
people the 
understanding of that Word, "If in any thing ye be otherwise    #
minded, God 
shall reveal even this unto you." Give thy people the right     #
use of this 
Word; for it is a ground of differ .... . Here I desired to     #
note and 
write down this prayer, and these tears and observations, that  #
they may be
as a witness betwixt God and me. In the evening my heart smote  #
me 
under Mr. .... Necessity: and I resolved, since he was serving 
me in some measure, I ought (nay, and, albeit he were not, I    #
ought) to 
look to his need, as unto a member and servant of Jesus Christ.
   15th November. - Upon Phil. iv. 11, 12, 13. "I have learned  #
in whatever 
estate to be content. I know how to be abased, &c." My poor     #
soul 
was cast down under the corruption which I found in my heart    #
contrary 
hereto; much disquiet, strong violent lusts, inordinate desires #
and affections,
particularly the covetous desire .... either by removing me     #
from them, 
or them from me; that he would subdue and slay by his Grace,    #
and grant 
that he be not given up to this sin, to be conquer'd and        #
overcome of it. He 
prayed and believed on this Scripture, to be well instructed    #
in every estate;
and, if it had been lawful, he desired to disclaim, nay, and    #
inclin'd to promise
against .... .
   17th. - I went to King-edward, and observed the Lord's       #
Providence in 
dissolving my bargain with John, that thereby he might [\be\]   #
rid of some
impediments, which give occasion of more free exercise of       #
tenderness to the 
poor tenants; and he, in the sense of goodness in it,           #
worshipped and prayed
for strength to improve it. 
   20th. - (\Die Dom.\) It was the exercise of the day, to be   #
humbled under 
the blasphemous raging of the poor man David, who by his        #
hideous and 
<P 96>
blasphemies deafen'd and fill'd my ears. Oh Lord! how much      #
wrath and 
sadness is in this matter! sanctify this ,and pardon for the    #
Lord's sake. 
Further, in regard of the times and relations he stood in,      #
that he might be
guided in his paths, and fill'd not with politick or carnal,    #
but spiritual wisdom 
and understanding; to be well-pleasing to him in all things,    #
and be
strengthened. He sought for Grace to be fitted for suffering.   #
He besought 
the Lord for direction in disposing of his son, to what place   #
he thought 
fittest, and might be for his glory and their good; and         #
desired to be humbled 
under family sins and impenitency; most not repenting, or but   #
unsoundly 
repenting them of their evil ways. The Minister, from Herod's   #
family, 
spoke seasonably, in exhorting to diligence and care over his   #
family; and 
he adored and worshipped the Lord, whose message it was. 
   In the Evening I called for my Son, and exhorted and         #
admonished him to 
self-trial, and to more exactness, sincerity and watchfulness   #
over his heart
and thoughts than ever. He read Jer. xl. The pride and          #
commotion of 
Ishmael, and his murder of Gedaliah, and taking the Jews        #
captive to the 
Ammonites; and desired to remark that passage, for it seems a   #
warning, 
that the poor people of Scotland may be put to suffer harder    #
things from 
their own countrymen, than they have done from strangers.       #
Lord! fit them 
and me for it. Their discontentedness to submit to Babylon,     #
and  their carriage
seems to represent .... .
   21st. - H. Stewart was buried; on which occasions I          #
besought the Lord
to sanctify that object and warning of mortality to me, for my  #
preparation
for death. At night I called for my daughter Grissel; and,      #
after sad and 
grave admonition, reproof and warning, she entred on a new      #
engagement, 
as follows. [\It is written and subscribed with her own hand\]  #
"This night 
my Father carried me before God for my forgetting the           #
resolutions and promises
which I made lately to God. I did confess and take with my      #
hainous
guiltiness, and promised yet again to bewail it and mourn for   #
it before 
God; in p[{articular{] I confess my .... . [\Here she makes a   #
particular
enumeration of her sins.\] This night I purposed against these  #
things, 
and every one of them; and will beseech the Lord's strength     #
and grace for 
that effect, and that for my former dealing with him would not  #
forsake 
me, but would forgive and heal for his own name's sake. For     #
this end I 
employ, and believe in, the Lord Jesus Christ for               #
all-sufficient Grace, without
<P 97>
whom I can do nothing: and, that this night may be remembred,   #
and
my renewed promises (L.L.) [\I subscribe\] this, that it may be #
a witness 
for ever against me in this world, and at the Day of Judgment   #
in the 
World to come.                           GRISSEL BRODIE."
I closed this exercise with supplication; wherein the Lord      #
most sensibly 
and comfortably assisted me: which I took as a token, that he   #
would either 
hear me in the particular, or else would accept of me, and of   #
my desire to 
honour him in my poor children. 
   24th. - For this cause he was bowed down and abased, and     #
sought to have
the spirit of constancy, fortitude, discerning, and of a        #
sound mind poured 
forth; that, in time of the Church's trial, he be not like a    #
beast, all dried
up. This is more grievous than all that can befal him.          #
Deliver him from 
carnal counsel, and let him not be saved by it, but by the      #
name of the Lord. 
Alas, he despaired of seeing the breaches of Scotland and       #
England made
up, and of seeing a settled estate of his Church in these       #
lands, go matters 
as they will! Oh Lord! tho' it should be thus, keep him from    #
despair, and 
every wrong way. Lead him in thy way, albeit he should          #
sacrifice his life 
in it. Oh this is a blind prayer, albeit in some measure from   #
his heart!
   27th. - (\Die Sab.\) It was the great errand of this day, to #
be humbled 
under his unstedfastness of mind, ignorance, unsettledness,     #
wavering, learning
to his own understanding; therefore besought the Lord for more  #
understanding
and light for the right ordering of his ways, in a dark, evil,  #
slippery 
time. Oh the need he stands [\in\] of thy inlightning,          #
quickning, confirming 
Grace! Lord! remember the trial of thy poor Church in these
lands, that our dfferences may bring forth some advantage to    #
religion and 
thy work, and may not end in a perpetual confusion and          #
disorder, and utter
darkness. Oh Lord! prevent. He desired to be humbled under his  #
barrenness,
and the ineffectualness of the word in private and publick. Oh 
Lord! let him find it the Word of Life, and let more life be    #
in it towards 
him, from and thro' the Lord Jesus his Lord! Give a door of     #
utterance, 
and much of thy Spirit and blessing, to him that is sent to us  #
this day, and 
to thy ordinance among us, and in every congregation in the     #
land. 
   29th November, 1653. - My son and nephew went to the         #
College, and 
were uncertain which way or to what place to go. I committed    #
them to the 
Lord's Providence, and believed in his name for mercy and       #
direction to 
them. I did myself go towards Elgine about the Valuations; and  #
my heart 
<P 98>
was afraid of miscarrying, blind, partial, unjust judging:      #
Lord! discover
covetousness, or any seed of unrighteousness in that matter,    #
and prevent 
him. His heart was loose, unsavoury and dull and earthly this   #
morning;
and he desired to be cast down under that exercise, which,      #
thro' heaviness
and slight going about thy worship, he had brought on his       #
soul, and grieved
thy Spirit. Lord! for pardon, and the visitation of thy         #
people! He was 
cast down under his darkness and indifferency, and the trials   #
of the time, 
and differences of the Lord's people. Help in this matter to    #
get thy mind 
and his heart brought to conformity with thy mind. Lead him,    #
thou that 
guidest the blind by a way that they know not. 
   He observed the Lord's Providence anent Thomas M'Phearson,   #
who was 
like to prove for little use; and by that the Lord shewed his   #
thoughts were 
not mine. Help my soul to adore and worship and see and follow  #
thee in 
this teaching Providence.
   3rd December. - My soul was afflicted under the .... . He    #
was 
humbled in the evening, and desired to set his heart in the     #
day following to 
seek the Lord earnestly. 1, For strength against the security   #
and deadness 
that was creeping on; for he is in danger to be overwhelm'd     #
with it, if the 
Lord prevent not. 2, That he may know the time and season, so   #
far as not 
to be ignorant of the Lord's will to him and to his people and  #
the land. It
is thy wisdom to keep up periods, and determin'd things to      #
come, and events, 
from him; but it is thy will that he should understand thy      #
works, so far as 
to learn thy will and his duty. Lord! teach. 3, Lord, he        #
seems to fare the 
worse, since the child went .... , both in the barrenness and   #
dryness 
of his heart in reading the word, and in supplication also.     #
Help and 
quicken; quicken these that join with him, and quicken his      #
Spirit for thy 
name[\'s sake\] . 
 4th. - (\Die Dom.\) Reading 1 Thess. v. 1, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11,  #
he found the 
Lord merciful in offering that passage for his present secure   #
sleeping condition,
that he may be awakened out of sleep, and walk as a child of    #
the day, 
and prepare for the day of the Lord, because he knows not the   #
time; therefore
to watch, and consider, that he sleep not, nor his feet slip    #
not; but 
walk as in the day: "For they that sleep, sleep in the night,   #
and they that are 
drunk, are drunk in the night;" but I, being of the day,        #
should be sober. 
Lord! give of this spirit of sobriety. I observed that the      #
Lord (as soon as 
be intended to humble himself, and to seek him with all his     #
heart against
<P 99>
deadness, and the desertion that he was under) did prevent      #
him; and, in 
the evening before the day appointed for the exercise, the      #
Lord did in some 
measure loose his bands; therefore he desired to mingle         #
thankfulness with 
his supplications and the duties of the day, and to insist      #
with [\the\] Lord
against heart-habitual security, and for discerning the times,  #
and to be stirred
up to watchfulness and sobriety, that his feet slide not; and   #
for mercy
to these that are weak, dull, ignorant, refractory among us in  #
the family, 
that they may be quickned and healed and turned; and all thro'  #
Jesus
Christ. Lord! point out, and stir up to, the particular duties  #
in which he 
is wanting towards this people, and lead him in thy way, that   #
thou mayest 
do their souls good; but let him not ascribe any thing to       #
means, or to himself;
for he fears that does hinder thy blessing. Lord! sanctify to   #
us the 
sad affliction of the poor distracted man among us, whose       #
distemper was 
yesterday at a great height of blaspheming and execration. In   #
the evening
he was desirous to be much humbled under the wandring thoughts  #
and 
and unstedfastness of the day, and besought the Lord to         #
pardon, and not to 
turn away his ear from my prayer. 
   Matth. xiv. - He resolved solemnly against all liberty;      #
that he would not 
take the liberty he had done, in fostering or countenancing     #
carnal mirth, or 
looking upon it with delight. For the sins of children are the  #
parent's sin 
and punishment; therefore he cries to thee for mercy in thy     #
Son to him 
self .... .
   10th December. - I purposed in the day following to set      #
myself apart to 
seek the Lord for this, that he would cause the Gospel to       #
have a full and 
free course, as in the lands and places where it is not         #
received, so particularly
in this poor country; and would remove the impediments,         #
whether 
guiltiness in us, or external, from these that should further   #
it. 
   11th December. - At the entring to prayer, I found much      #
desertion; and 
when I arose and read the Protester's letter, I found the       #
subject thereof to 
be the same with the work of my spirit to-day; the gaining of   #
souls, and 
progress of the Gospel; and therefore was confirmed in the      #
necessity of this
duty, especially in this place, which is dry, while other       #
places are wet. They 
appoint a Fast third Sabbath of January, and the Wednesday      #
thereafter 
for Thanksgiving, and for supplication and humiliation under    #
the stop that
the Gospel meets with by the want of purging. Their next        #
meeting is in 
second Tuesday of March next, for a Report of Overtures.
<P 100>   
   13th. - We met in Forres about Janet's marriage; and,        #
enquiring severally
what might be the Lord's mind to us in that matter, we all      #
unanimously 
resolved, albeit there was matter of affliction and exercise    #
in it, in 
the distance and separation from us, yet it might prove to the  #
honour of 
God and her good; and  next, we knew not for what end the Lord  #
sent her 
thither, but believed in his name and Providence, that it was   #
for his own 
glory; and therefore we resigned our will to God, and gave up   #
our interests, 
and what was dear to us in that matter, as a sacrifice, an      #
Isaac to 
God; and so committed the prosecution of it to the Lord, and to #
what means 
he thought fit. He observed this day a very cross Providence    #
in our design 
for Mr. William Weir; for after that I had written my letters,  #
upon
the uncertainty of the Earl of Murray's going South, I was      #
forced to change 
all again. He adored and besought the Lord in this, that he     #
would turn 
this to good; and would, by whom it seems good to him, visit    #
this poor dry 
place, and make the savour of Christ more fragrant, strong and  #
precious 
among us, like ointment, to draw many. 
   16th. - He was much exercised with desertion and deadness;   #
partly 
arising from loose and careless walking, irreverent and         #
inconsiderate drawing 
near to God, pride, grieving his Spirit; partly to bear down    #
his
insolence and arrogance, that cannot bear much, and is apt to   #
put duties
in Christ's stead: therefore the Lord finds it necessary thus   #
to exercise and 
humble, that he may be nothing, and base in himself, and the    #
Lord Jesus 
may be all. But oh, alas, how ill is he to learn this! In       #
prayer he had an 
expression, that his delight in his commands, and in obeying,   #
was as sweet 
as any promise or reward; and the best part of heaven would be  #
grace 
made perfect, obedience to the will of God perfected; and he    #
rejoiced in 
this. Further, that wicked men had never, nor found they so     #
much false 
pleasure in sin, as we had time, pleasure, and joy in his       #
service, and in 
enjoying him a moment. Oh Lord! how far from the practice and 
reality of this, albeit praying for it, and professing it to    #
be thus! Oh!
when will he fulfil his profession, and come up to that which   #
he prays for 
and professes. 
   This evening, with Janet, we wondred at the snares which a   #
christian 
had to pass, even when he had overcome lusts and carnal         #
desires. Oh the 
danger of spiritual temptations, vain imaginations,             #
will-worship, errors in
his mind, spiritual pride, not holding by the word. Oh Lord!    #
when my 
<P 101>
soul shall once land on the other side, and have a foot on the  #
bank upon the 
good land, and be set safe there within the port; how shall I   #
look back and 
praise! How fit shalt thou make him to praise, albeit now       #
distempered! 
We concluded, we are apt to fall in many temptations when we    #
were under 
the influence of spiritual inlargements, and never in more      #
danger than at 
that time. We must not put off prayer or duties, albeit not     #
inlarged or 
assisted to them. We must not walk by sense, but by faith;      #
loosness hath 
many fair pretexts, but ends in utter desertion. We must guard  #
against 
spiritual evils, pride, contempt of others, loosness and        #
liberty, or dispensing
with ourselves in duties; and, on the other hand, must not      #
rest "in bodily
exercises which profit little," but study to godliness. Lord!   #
guard, stir up, 
and be thou surety for him. 
   Upon 1 Tim. iv. 2, 8, he desired to be kept and guarded      #
against speaking
lies in hypocrisy, and a feared conscience. Further, to see     #
his aptness
to trust something to bodily exercise, as if godliness did      #
consist therein; 
neglecting true piety towards God, which consists in the        #
exercise of faith
in Christ, for daily growth in sanctification and               #
mortification thro' the 
Spirit, patience, self-denial, approving himself to God,        #
walking in his love
and in obedience; weaned more from the world and sensual        #
things, and 
from covetousness, and love of vanity and creatures. Oh Lord!   #
prevent, 
and heal, and build up, for thy name's sake. 
   December 19th, 1653. - This night Mr. William Ross, after    #
serious consideration
of the necessity and usefulness of the duty, did freely desire  #
to 
renounce himself, and to give up himself, soul, mind, body,     #
spirit, parts, 
abilities, learning, and all he had or should attain unto, to   #
the Lord; and 
consecrated, vowed, and bound himself to the Lord for all his   #
lifetime; and, 
in the faith of the Lord's strength and grace, did roll over    #
his soul's case on 
God, and besought the Lord only to accept, and to put to his    #
seal, and to 
become his God, his all-sufficient God; and did take the Lord   #
witness 
hereof before me, and subscribed this with his heart and hand.
   M. W. Ross.

   December 20th. - I read 1 Tim. vi.1,2, and desired to adore  #
the Lord 
in his wisdom, that had made religion and christianity in       #
servants no
exemption from their duty, subjection, obedience, and           #
reverence to superiors, 
both rulers and masters. Oh Lord! how contrary is this to our   #
wisdom,
that are apt to think that religion looses from these, and      #
gives more liberty?
<P 102>
In the evening he read v. 6, to 11, and there found the very    #
idol of his 
heart described. He worships the Lord in his spirit for this    #
night's warning
against covetousness and love of riches, which is the root of   #
all evil, and 
has drowned many in perdition. Lord! I desire to believe in     #
thy name for 
Grace against the sin, and against the temptations, and         #
snares, and dangers
which this sin leads and draws unto, and has caused many to     #
err from the 
Faith, and pierced themselves through with many sorrows. If I   #
be the 
Man of God, and the Lord's servant, oh how unmeet is it that I  #
should 
serve or be subject to base lusts? "Lord! I am thine; save me!"
   23rd. - I was at Innes; and in deliberating upon their       #
affairs, beside any
external cause, I did perswade them to look to God from whom    #
the distress 
did come. It was not out of the dust; therefore other means     #
would be in 
vain, till this were begun at. Therefore, to labour to humble   #
themselves
under his hand; and to beseech him to turn away his             #
displeasure, to sanctify
the rod, discover the causes why he thus exercises; and that    #
he may remove 
it, if it seem good to him, in his own time: or otherwise to    #
teach and instruct
them by it, that they may profit to his glory and their good. 
   25th. - (\Die Dom.\) He desired to intreat the Lord for      #
mercy to his soul,
that he might not shift his duty, or be ashamed of the Lord in  #
any day of 
trial; but he may be furnished with might and power from the    #
Holy Ghost 
in the inner man, to the contempt of danger and loss, and to    #
the unfeigned
love of the Lord and his truth, and to be guided in it. Next,   #
for mercy to 
his family, that it might have the blessing of Onesiphorus his  #
family; that 
his children may be entailed to the Lord, and that they may     #
worship and 
serve the God of their fathers with a pure conscience. Lord!    #
thou wast
his father's and forefathers' God, and thou art and hast been   #
his God. Oh
that thy mercy, and kindness, and covenant, may be extended to  #
the offspring,
to his children, and the generation rising up; and free Grace   #
in 
Christ make up the want of love and service to his poor         #
children! Further, 
in the matter of his going south with E.M., and his affairs do  #
seem to call 
him. He desires a heart sacrificed and addicted to the will     #
and mind of 
God in this, to be led upon his duty, if any duty ly on him to  #
that man 
whose Curator he is; by thee, by thee only, he desires to go    #
and come. 
   December 25th. - This day at even I did begin to read over   #
this book,
and the exercises which his spirit had been under in former     #
times, and ... .
<P 103>
   26th. - Alas! this evening the poor child Sandie did fall    #
down stairs, to 
the utter hazard of his life. Oh Lord! how soon are our         #
greatest comforts 
darkned and eclipsed! How moderate should our expectations      #
and joys be of 
creature-hopes! Oh the rich and merciful Providence of God,     #
that he was 
[\not\] taken up dead quite; that he lives! And, if he recover, #
shall it not 
be as given from the dead again? My soul besought the Lord for  #
him, that 
he might be restored, and be yet for farther service and use,   #
and for the 
parents comfort and ours in the Lord. Say, Lord! that thou      #
hearest in 
bringing up this child. Oh Lord! discover my sin, and my        #
mother's, or the 
family's or the parents; and teach us by this providence!       #
Lord! let it be 
a sign and pawn of much more mercy to that poor child, of the   #
good thou 
wilt do to him another day! And he desires to take it so. 
   28th. - Captain Dundas came to me from Colonel Blunt,        #
anent my arms. 
I writ sparingly, but in the Shire's letters, and in that       #
thought it was no 
duty, but might prove a snare and sin to these that are in      #
arms, being the 
oft branded enemies of God and his people; and therefore        #
said, he durst not
help them, or strengthen their hands. Dundas told me that, on   #
the Act 
anent Ministers, the Parliament was broke up again, and had     #
resigned their 
power in the General's hands. Oh the wisdom of God! Oh the      #
depths of 
his Providences! Oh so shallow as his understanding is, to      #
conceive of 
these his strange works!
   Psal. xvii. 4. - "Concerning the works of men, by the words  #
of thy 
mouth thou hast kept me from the paths of the destroyers" This  #
unsearchable 
Providence of God is beyond all my understanding. Oh Lord!      #
teach,
guide his spirit in the understanding of these things, and      #
confirm against 
staggering! This evening, being desired to go to Petty to the   #
Earl of 
M[\uray\] , I commended my way to God. 
   December 27th. - the greatest tide and overflowing was of    #
the sea that 
has been seen these 40 years. 19th day of the month, it went    #
over the 
works in Inverness, and the highway there, almost to the top    #
of the bridge, 
and in Findhorn took away some houses, as they said. 29th and   #
30th, I 
was taken away with company so much, that private exercise and  #
fellowship
with God was interrupted. This, this was matter of              #
humiliation; and I 
desire to resolve in his strength against it, and not to give   #
place so much to 
company.
<P 104> 
   31st. - Spynie moved to put Mr. John Urquhart to the Earl    #
of Murray's;
but, in regard of the expedience to put him to the College, I   #
thought it
was most convenient he should go there; but desired direction   #
of the Lord.
I was this day humbled under the Lord's Providence, in          #
suffering Mr Colin 
Campbell as well as the rest to fall in Aberdeen, and not to    #
go to St. Andrew's, 
which I did so earnestly desire. Oh Lord! turn this to their 
good, and let it not be a snare to them, which I fear!
   31st. - I desired to begin the next year, as with an         #
unfeigned acknowledgment
of his ignorance, and impurity, and unsoundness of mind, so     #
with 
supplication to God against these evil lusts; and desire        #
strength in faith to 
lay forth, offer and hold up his heart and mind to the Lord,    #
to receive of his 
oil and anointing, that in the year to come, and through the    #
course of his 
life, his judgment and affections may be guided in the          #
unfeigned love of God
and his Truth. As a new-born babe, he desires on the first day  #
of the new 
year to be accepted in Christ Jesus, who gave himself for me.   #
And now I 
desire to return my soul and mind in an offering to God, as a   #
New Year's
gift. Oh Lord! the hearing and accepting of his desire and aim  #
were a 
new gift indeed! Let thy Grace be renewed with the year, for    #
all the exigencies
of these perilous difficult times, that he may not swere or     #
wander, 
or walk loosly, either by rules of carnal wisdom or vain        #
imaginations, but 
walk in the name of Lord his God for ever! Oh Lord! I am        #
almost 
off my feet; the strange revolutions do so astonish, and        #
amaze, and damish 
[\damp\] his mind; but thou hast said, "Whoso is wise, shall    #
understand these 
things; prudent, and he shall know them: For the ways of the    #
Lord are
right, and the just shall walk in them; but the transgressors   #
shall fall 
therein."
   January 1st, 1654. - this day his sou desired to follow out  #
what he 
intended yesternight, in offering up his mind, and will, and    #
spirit, to be
taught and led by the Lord; and to renounce all other carnal    #
rules, or 
wrong guides. Oh the confusion that his soul was in             #
[\on reading\] 1 Tim. iii.
The fountain of all the evil which he feared was from unpurged  #
out love of 
himself, and covetousness; and therefore besought the Lord      #
against these, 
<P 105>
that they might not blind his mind, and corrupt and win in      #
[\gain ground\]
on his affections. Notwithstanding his fear, suspicion, and     #
jealousy this
day; yet, Oh Lord! reject not, but make good and confirm the    #
request, 
and accept of the free-will offering of his heart this day,     #
that for this year, 
and all his lifetime, he may continue and remain thine, under   #
thy law and 
thy effectual teaching, built on thy sure word, that he stray   #
not! In the 
evening he read Mat. xiv. 22, upon the preposterous carnal      #
affection of 
that people that would have made Christ a King; and from this   #
drew forth 
the evil that honest good affections may lead poor souls into,  #
when they are
not well directed and guided by the word. Never person so fit   #
to be a 
king, and so well gifted for it, and such a friend to the       #
kirk, and to religion;
yet he refused it, and shewed that his kingdom was spiritual.   #
Much of this 
evil is in our head. He looked to God for the acceptance of     #
this day's
offering, and granting of this day's prayer. 
   He heard of the Highlanders' forces approaching, and that    #
they had a 
purpose to seize his person. He desired only to flee in to      #
God, to be found
walking in his way, and he should not be moved at any such      #
tidings. He 
feared no tidings, except the misgiving, and deceit, and        #
declining, carnal 
inclinations and designs, overtures, and reasonings of his      #
heart. Secure 
from this, Oh Lord! and do with him what seems good to thee.    #
He desired
this evening to disclaim any safety he might get by carnal      #
compliance, 
protection from them, or such like; but that all his safety     #
may be from, in, 
and to the Lord; that his heart may be guided and kept in the   #
love of God, 
and due hatred of every appearance of evil. 
   5th. - This day, apprehending the coming down of these men   #
from 
Duthel, as was reported, he desired of the Lord to be           #
instructed, and furnished 
with resolution, how far to proceed with these men, and where   #
to 
stand; for he was jealous of the facilness, unsoundness, and    #
self-love of the 
heart, which, for avoiding trouble, might flatter and stretch   #
itself beyond
measure, to please and comply with these men. Help him to take  #
their 
cause and their persons up aright; for they appear not to       #
him. After humiliation
before God, this was the only resolution, that he should not    #
walk in 
any crafty, deceitful, carnal, double way; but in a plain,      #
sincere, single way: 
and, if he were destroyed, let him be destroyed. Lord, he       #
subscribes to 
<P 106>
this with his whole heart: seal thou it to his soul! 2, Next,   #
Lord, this is 
not enough, for ignorance and simplicity may misguide him,      #
even when he 
is single. Lord, he depends on thee for light and strength, to  #
be guided in 
thy truth, that in thy time thou wilt give a proof of thy       #
love; and that he 
may know by his obedience, that his soul loves, and cleaves     #
to, and believes 
in thee. 
   This night he received Waristoun's Letters of the 16th       #
December in 
answer to mine, and remembered my dream. I desired to be        #
humbled 
under the admonitions and warning therein against loosing       #
from former 
principles, and closing with one or other. He heard that        #
Cromwell was 
declared Protector of these Three Nations with great            #
solemnity; and that for
his lifetime. He adored the Lord, and wondered, and desired to  #
stoop 
down and consider the depth of the Lord's wisdom, and his       #
strange works, 
which are past finding out; and besought the Lord to teach him  #
that which 
he knows not. Every Thursday to remember W. and these with      #
him. 
   6th. - Hearing of the approach of Glencairn and his forces,  #
his heart
grew like a stone, stupid, and without any motion, or life of   #
God. He was 
confused in his resolution, not knowing if it were safest and   #
freest from 
temptations, to stay at home, or to withdraw to the south or    #
north. Being
plunged in this darkness, and not knowing what to follow, he    #
desired to 
mourn and be cast down before the Lord, as a little child;      #
and to hold up
his will and mind unto him, to learn the present duty. Lord,    #
stir up, and 
dispel the confusions and darkness on his mind, and make his    #
path plain
before him. Help him to exercise faith in thy name, for the     #
present strait. 
Sanctify the word of thy providence to his soul this evening,   #
1 John ii.,
15, 16, 17, that the love of the world may not secretly and     #
insensibly sway 
his mind, and blind, and mislead; but he may purely see thee,   #
that art the 
light; for where the love of the world is, there is not the     #
love of God. 
As David said of Keilah, Will they give him up or not?" So,     #
Lord, 
he desires to enqure anent his stay here; or shall he remove    #
or not?
<P 107>
Give forth and signify thy will, for he believes in thy name    #
for this 
particular. 
   7th. - He writ his answer to Waristoun, and told him he      #
feared a sorer 
evil than the taking away of goods or life; and desired his     #
remembrance .
L. Strathnaver came. He read 1 John ii. 24, 27, and prays that  #
that word 
which he heard from the beginning might abide in him. 

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 309> 
   1671. Januarie 14. - Ther was an storm of wind and rain. I   #
did see
the bruitishness of men, and desird to be affected with it;     #
and the abuses at 
thes peni mariages, and desird to hav it rectified. But I am    #
infected as 
others ar, and ani thing that makes gain to a tenant, I am      #
redi to compli
with it. 
   16. - This day I did again meit with Grang and Innes, at     #
Forres; but 
the Lord, in his providence, maid us meit with new impediments  #
by Gulloden 
his absence, and Kilr=s= [\Kilraok's\] ... I had sharp          #
expostulations 
with Grang for his deceitful dealing in the bargain. 
   17. - I heard from Edinburgh how neir the Bishop Leighton    #
and 
the Nonconformists wer aggreid as to meeting. Lord! ordour it   #
in merci 
for the good of Thy kirk. 
   18. - This day the Presbytry met at Dyk for trying Mr. Jhon  #
Falconer.
He seimd to hav som measur of knowledg and fitnes. I durst not  #
oppos him, 
but consented. Let the Lord ordour it in merci to the yong      #
and old, that 
the generations rising up may be blest in it, and God be        #
honoured. 
   25. - I heard from Mr. Wm. Ross; and he had mani scruples    #
anent Aldern. 
   27. - I spok to Mr. Wm. Ros of the presentation, and I find  #
he was not 
unwilling; but he was kept back by the titl of the digniti;     #
fear that the 
parish would not giv a cal and concurrence, nor the Bishop giv  #
a free 
admission. I durst not press him, but exprest my desir to       #
further him, if 
he had freedom. ... I did efternoon speek with Mr. Jhon         #
Falconer, and 
warnd and exhorted him. Lord! Thou hast the key that opens;     #
Thou 
baptises with the Holy Ghost. 
   30. - I did confer with Mr. Wm. Ros anent the presentation   #
to Aldern, 
and found he might inclin to it, and come ouer al scrupls.      #
But I  durst not 
adviz him to tak the titl and digniti, nor to giv ani oath to   #
the Bishop.
Therfor he writ to Grang to sie if that might be dispend with.  #
... I 
admonished and reprovd Mr. Willim for what I heard of him, as   #
the Lord
gav me utteranc. Oh! I see my frailti and unstedfastnes in      #
him. 
   Febr. 20. - My son did goe to Penick. I did cal for Mr. Jhon #
Falconer, 
at Dyk, and spok to him as the Lord gave me utteranc; enquird   #
if he wer 
born again, how it stood betwixt God and him, exhorted him to   #
tri his estat, 
that he beguil not his oun soul. The tyms ar ill; godlines      #
litl regarded; 
<P 310>
civiliti is not godlines; he would need som thing els. He       #
said he had caus
to search, and promisd to enter in a mor serious consideration  #
of his estat, 
and to be mor diligent. He prayed, and departed. Had thoghts    #
of exhorting 
him to com under personal covenanting with God, and giving up   #
himself to 
Him.
   23. - I reaceavd from Edinburgh that Park was maried. He     #
answerd 
me veri generalli to what I had wrytten and offerd to him. 
   26. - (\Die Dom.\) I spok a word this night to the children, #
Cath. and Eliz=t.= , 
and Cath. Dunbar, and  enquird at them if they desird to serv   #
a good master, 
and wer they willing to giv up themselvs, soul and bodie, to    #
God, to tak him
to be ther father, ther master, ther God, and to ingadg         #
themselves to be his 
children, to doe his wil, that he may serv himself of them      #
qhuilst they lived
in the world. They profesd they desird it, and wer willing. I   #
desird them 
to consider weil of it, that they may never draw back or        #
repent of it. They 
wer the Lord's alreadi. He had right to them by purchas, by     #
creation, by 
his providence, by the covenant of ther baptism, and by the     #
gift that ther 
parents had mad of them to him. They gav nothing of ther oun    #
to him, 
but that which was his alreadi and dear boght and payd for. I   #
leave this 
on Thee, to seal it on ther harts. 
   28. - I heard a report that Park was under som troubl for    #
marying by an 
unconform minister. I desird to be affected with ani thing      #
that befel him. 
   March 6. - I did goe to Penick with my son, and ended som    #
bargains; 
and therafter went up to Leathin, and met with Calder and our   #
friends anent
Marg=t.= Hay and Francis his marriage. Ther wer stops in it.    #
Lord! ordour 
them to good. But they cam to some close, but with som humour.  #
I was 
verie earnest to have the conditions moderat, which he gave. 
   12. - (\Die Dom.\) I heard Thornhil died this morning. 
   22. - I denuded myself of the sheriff's estat this day to    #
himself.  I 
feard inconvenienc becaus it did bear for sumons of money; and  #
I had noe
thing but a trust. Let not this be my hurt or a snar. 
   26. - (\Die Dom.\) I found much corruption, and unsoundnes,  #
darknes. ....
This, and the cace of Aldern and Dyk, was my sor burthen.       #
That the Lord
<P 311>
would shyn in on this dark plac, and breath on thes dead        #
bodies, is one of the
great desirs of my hart. 
   27. - I kept at Forres betwixt the children of Thornhil,     #
and did see how 
carnal affections and self lov blinds and divids the most neer  #
relations. Our 
meiting did not tak the effect we desired at this tyme. 
   April 1. - Mr. Jhon M'Culiken was heir, going to Aberdeen,   #
about his sone. 
   2. - (\Die Dom.\) I desir to be affected with the witherd    #
and dri stat of Dyk
and Aldern. Oh! does ther fall ani rain upon them?
   4. - We did meit at Forres anent the publick matters of the  #
shyr.  I was 
feard for snares, either partialiti or passion; but albeit      #
ther be noe cleannes, 
I found the Lord preventing me. The E. of M. was aswagd         #
somthing 
of his fume. It was laid on me to ordour the rolls, and I       #
found injustic in 
the laying on som parishes (for easing Innes) mor then ther     #
proportion, but 
it was under pretext that they wer much easd by what they had   #
bein befor. 
I doubt of my oun consenting to it, the sinfulnes of it; but I  #
am readi to 
flatter myself as innocent, quhen yet I giv way. 
   8. - Calder cam heir. He heard of the death of his           #
cousin-german, Mr.
Colin Campbel. 
   I heard of acts preparing in Ingland against                 #
Nonconformists. Lord! 
ouer rul thes acts and lawes. 
   11. - I was cald to Granghil, to see my grandchild, Mari     #
Dunbar, under 
heavi sicknes. But I had comfort by her, in seeing som seids    #
of the grac of 
God in her, beyond her age, or the means she has had. Oh! so    #
fre as His
grac is. For this I bles Him. ... I prayed at her desir. ...
   12. - This day Francis and Marg=t.= Hay wer maried. 
   13. - I visited Mr. Ja. Urquhart, who was under some         #
infirmiti. 
... This day ther did fall out a remarkabl accident, neuer to   #
be 
forgoten. The drawbridg at Calder fell, carying in a great      #
stone, and with it 
24 men, and the Laird himself. Some wer hurt; and I desird to   #
observ to 
the prais of God and his merciful providenc. I besoght the      #
Lord to teach
that yong man quhom it concerned, what his mind was by this     #
providence. ...
   15. - Baili Brodi staid heir, and the Sherif cam, and spok   #
of his effairs.
I find he is danger to lose throgh self lov, passions, reveng.  #
I spok to 
him as the Lord gave utteranc, and warnd him against            #
vindictivness, and byends
<P 312>
injustic, and against covetousnes, and making benefit by the    #
poor
peopl. He thankd me, and promisd. 
   17. - Dr. Gordon, Brey, Petgauni, cam heir. I profited litl. #
Brea said 
that the curats wer wors then ... men, nay, then Pharisees,     #
Pilat, or thes
that crucified the Lord. I exprest my dislyk of that            #
expression. 
   I heard of the death of Lochinzeal, in the L. Argyl's        #
house, slain, as is 
thought, by Colonel Jams Menzies. 
   19. - I heard of the death of the Duke of York;  the E. of   #
Panmoor; 
the good laird of Cuninghamhead; the L. Colvil Eagel.           #
Sanctifie thes
warnings to me. 
   20. - This day I spent with the children of Saltoun. ... The #
chaplain, 
Mr. John Buchan, prayd in the famili.
   21. - I spok litl to them of God. ... Altyr cam in this way. #
The 
strangers returned. I found bodili distemper. ... I spoke to    #
Mr. Jhon
Buchan anent the children. ... This night, Marg=t.= Brodi of    #
Teri was 
deliverd of her daughter. 
   32. - I heard of Sir Jhon Gilmor's distemper and sicknes;    #
Sir Lod.
Gordoun's sicknes; the justices commission to tri and punish    #
nonconformists; 
the fear of invasion from France; the discontents in Engl.      #
under burthens.
   23. - (\Die Dom.\) I desired this day, under thes things     #
which I heard
yesterday, and under the sens of my oun deadnes, declining,     #
the Lord 
withdrawing and hiding himself from me, my undescerning,        #
darknes, 
confusions, the reeling of mani, Col. Lockhart's taking the     #
declaration on 
his knees, and his rising, thos in the west desiring an island  #
to goe to Mari 
Island, assignd by the king, and under al the mani confusions,  #
divisions, 
temptation, trials, which the poor kirk of God is under in      #
thes lands; and 
the .... , and am troubld. 
   24. - I did not goe to the shyr's meiting, but withdrew,     #
becaus of the 
contests among them. I did spend some tym betwixt Mr. Wm.       #
Falconer and 
.... . I did see human infirmiti in them, passion, self-lov.    #
Oh! as 
I desir Thou mayst piti me, so piti thos that groan under this  #
burthen. 
Coll. Innes cam hom with me at night, and he told me he was     #
summoned to 
<P 313>
Aberdeen, befor the circuit, for baptizing his child by an      #
deposd minister.
I desird to sympathiz with him, and to hold his cace up to      #
God. I heard he 
was in strait, and I desird to be instructed by it, and to      #
hear burthen with 
him.
  May 7. - (\Die Dom.\) I desird to remember thes that are      #
suffering in this 
plac, and the next shyrs about: That God would over rul ther    #
sufferings, 
and turn them to his glori, and ther good and comfort, and the  #
good of his 
church. 
   11. - Torwoodlie cam heir. ... I was glad, and desird that   #
his coming,
and our societi, may be sanctified. 
   12. - I purposd to meit the judges at Forres, this day, and  #
to invit them
to din. 
   13. I did goe to Forres, and waited on the Lords, who cam    #
heir and dind, 
and mani of the gentlmen with them. Ther was plenti of outward  #
things; 
but our lyf consists not in them; yet, oh! what snares in thes  #
things, and 
apt am I to be puft up with vain glori. 
   14. - (\Die Dom.\) ... I heard of the death of the good Lord #
Riuuen, and 
desird to be instructed and affected rightli by it, that good   #
men ar taken 
away; and is it not from the euil to com? Shall we not lay it   #
to hart? How 
few is ther left in this generation! I considerd how mani wer   #
taken away by 
death of the most eminent and upright, and that seuerals wer    #
exercisd by distemper
of mind, as I heard, of Col. Straquhan, Col. Kerr, Wariston,    #
Mr. Dav. 
Douglas, Mr. Ramsey, now the L. Rivuen, W=m=. Gordon of Lunan,  #
Christian 
Russel.  How mani taken away, by delusion and error, of the     #
most chois 
Christians, especiali at Aberdeen! I desir to consider this,    #
and to be 
sober. ...
   17. - I heard that Torwoodlie was sickli of an excess. I did #
visit him at 
Leathin. He and Mr. R=t.= Martin, and his wyf cam heir with me  #
at 
night. 
   18. - I heard of the poor men that wer fynd at Invernes, for #
not hearing 
the present ministers.  Whateuer be ther errour or darknes,     #
they hav mor
affection, simpliciti, and honesti than I. I desir to bear      #
burthen with them. 
Oh Lord! ouer rul, and lead them out. 
<P 314>
   19. - The lords of the circuit came to Darnway. Mr.          #
Monipenni cam heir. 
torwoodlie took a litl of the exces at night. I desir to be     #
instructed by
it, and to recommend him to God. 
   22. - Mr. Tho. Ross was with me. I heard and saw his lot,    #
and desird to 
understand and be instructed; grac in a great measur, with      #
mean natural 
gifts, straitnd, over-reachd with debt. I cannot enough         #
consider this; keep 
me from stumbling. 
... I heard of the abomination committed by Ross of             #
Invercharran, 
with his oun daughter; that he hang'd a man; livd in adulteri.  #
I desired to 
be affected duli with this, and to be learnd how to lay it to   #
heart, and be
exercisd under it. 
   23. - A poor man did meit me, which fel doun on his knees.   #
The dislyk 
of the postur did mak me hast from him, and quhen I returned,   #
he was gon.
I was chalendgd for not supplying him. 
   24. - I was cald to Leathin, to see Torwoodlie. I appointed  #
Thursday to 
meit with Grang, at Forres again, if the Lord thoght fitt. 
   I knew not what to doe with Park anent the patronag. Lord!   #
be my 
light and strength. I did visit Torwoodlie, at Leathin, and     #
found the 
distemper continu, and he was disturbd about. 
   25. - I was cald to Forres anent the inventaring of Grang    #
his wryts, and 
som thing was don in it. Mr. Th. Urq=t.= was, last night, with  #
me. I heard by 
him of Col. Innes' straits. I desir to be instructed by         #
it. ... Mr. Tho. told me 
of his busines with Mr. Ja. Park, and that he was to serv       #
inhib.  [\inhibitions\]
against him. I desir to be helpd to examin this, and to judg    #
aright.  Even 
how thes things of the world affects the best of men. 
   26. - ... Ther was a poor woman taken for theft. I desir to  #
know
what is the Lord's will in this; to pursu her to death or not,  #
being incorigibl,
and markd for the sam crims befor. 
   27. - I did, at night, goe to Leathin, to see Torwoodlie. 
   31. - Mr. Tho. Ross cam heir. I did somthing in maiters      #
concerning him. 
He said, he as confidentli beleevd that thes min=s.= should be  #
thrust out as the 
light shind. I laid up this, and desird to be instructed. He    #
said, he could 
<P 315>
not defin a tym. I durst not say soe; but I remit it to God.    #
He said, he 
approvd al that was don in the year 1649; yet could not I.      #
Lord! piti me. 
I movd two great difficulties I met with in religion. 1. To     #
construct and 
interpret God's providences aright. 2. What use wit, and        #
natural reason,
and parts may be of in the mysteri of God; and when, and how,   #
and 
quhairin, in what caces, and how far, it is to be made use of.  #
We spok of 
the apostl Paul, the natural  gifts, as weil as the             #
supernatural, quhairwith he 
was indud, the fortitud, stedfastnes, clearnes, confidenc,      #
patienc. 
   June 1. - Innes, Sandsyd, Moortoun, and others, dind heir.   #
I did 
tak ouer great liberti in eating and drinking. Oh! what neid    #
hav I to 
watch! And the Word's unsauori. I heard of the death of Ladi    #
Castelmain: 
that the hous of Northumberland was extinguishd, and the estat  #
and honour 
conferd on that woman, and .... I desir to see and remark the 
Lord in it, and to be instructed. That Barclay was recald from  #
Irland: 
Sir Arthur Forbes and the Bishop of Dublin had commission in    #
his plac. 
I heard of other mutations up and down; that the King of        #
Franc had 
gotten Antwerp. I desir to ador God in his gouerning the        #
world. 
   2. - I spok betwix Duncan Grant and Park. But neither in     #
that
could I effectuat ani agreement. I was burthened with the       #
wilfulnes of 
men, and reverencd God's providenc. ... Park feard that his     #
sister, 
Balnafairis wyf, might fall to be distempered.  I desird to     #
sympathiz with her. 
He spok to me of the patronag, and to get ani part of Penick    #
he pleasd, 
and as if he adhered to the litl minut, notwithstanding that    #
he past from it. 
I said I perceavd he was picking a quarrel with me. I spread    #
the exerceis,
his hart and ways, and myn, befor the Lord. 
   3. - Park writ to me to meit him at Penick, on Monday, and   #
that 
he would propound ouertours for keiping friendship betwix us. I #
returnd
answer, that nothing but our corruptions neided hinder our      #
friendship. The 
inheritanc abov was larg enough to suffic us al. Ther would     #
be noe enui, nor 
use of thes accomodations which disturbd us heir; that we had   #
noe less caus
to long for the one, then to weari of the other. That my        #
friendship and lov
to him should outwear houses and enjoyments heir, and the       #
rocks. Lord! 
I speak this in the singlnes of my heart Thou knows. 
<P 316> 
   4. - (\Die Dom.\) I read somthing of the quaker's opinions,  #
and desir to be 
cast doun under it. This is a sore trial among others. Oh! for  #
the spirit 
of discerning, to cleav to truth, and to be deliverd from       #
error, and corupt
reasoning, and blindnes. ... The objections I met with in       #
Barclay's book
I spread befor God. Giv me what to answer, and let the seid of  #
God be in 
me to know errour from truth.
   5. - I did meit with Park, at Penick. I did see infirmities  #
in .... . The 
best want not ther failings. He took exception at that which I  #
writ, that 
nothing but our corruptions neided interupt our freindship.     #
He movd to 
haue that he might hav the land beneth the way; yet he had      #
past form it. 
This man is an exercis to me. ... I see it difficil, and almost #
impossibl to 
retain this man; yet I desir that nothing may separat me from   #
him in the 
Lord.  
   I did visit Torwoodlie, at Leathin, who was yet under        #
sicknes. I had 
scarc a word of God to him. 
   8. - I desird grac to know the wil of God to me in the       #
patronag; for som 
one or other must be presented. I am to meet about the militia  #
of the parish. 
   10. - Grang declind to present to Aldern. I desir light and  #
counsel in 
this maiter, for I am full of darknes.
   13. - Grang did present Mr. Jhon Cuming to Aldern. I wes     #
content to 
be frie of it, and that I had noe hand in it. 
   14. - I was al night at Kin=d.= Next. ... day, Mr. Wm. Ros   #
cam over, and 
was inclind to accept the Deanrie. I desird to se God's         #
providenc, that he
cam not til the other was presented. I gave him no              #
incouradgment to com
to Aldern, and movd the digniti, which was abjurd. But he had   #
noe bands,
but was readi to com over that. I desird to consider this and   #
to be humbld,
becaus of him and myself. Oh! how does self lov, or a bait,     #
commoditi,
interest, desir, affection, blind. ... I cannot but piti him,   #
and remember that 
I find al the evel that's in him in myself. Oh! so unstedfast   #
as man is. 
Oh! is it possibl ther can be such gifts and such infirmities   #
in one person?
Hav I not caus to fear? I movd to Mr. Wm. if he had not         #
clearnes in 
Aldern, to tak Edinkelie. ... I cam lat home. 
   15. - This day was appointed for a mustering of the men at   #
Lanmoor. 
Ther I did desir to observ what this work would tend to; for    #
it is not 
<P 317>
intended for good. ... I did after visit Torwoodlie, at         #
Leathin, and returnd
at night. 
   16. - Mr. Wil. Ros. cam heir, and declind to tak the         #
deaneri. I reverencd 
the Lord's providenc, both towards him and me, that we were     #
not a snar to
one another. Efternoon, I went to Kinloss for thes arms which   #
wer at 
Findorn, and visited my uncl; but, alac! so carnal and earthli  #
as I fond 
him, and so litl savouring of God or the things above. 
   22. - I spok with Mr. Hugh Ross anent the corruptions of the #
church, 
and corrupt naughti men admitted to the ministeri, nobiliti     #
corrupt and 
degenerat, and general ignoranc and negligenc reigning, and     #
Poperi, implacablnes
of good men to one another, decay of godlines and pieti, and 
growth of profannes and errour. Thes are tokens of God's        #
wrath. ...
   I met with Both, and he spok to me anent Mr. John Cuming to  #
be 
Dean. I said, I would mak no impediment, and I would giv him    #
my 
friendship, if he caried weil, but would not persuad him, and   #
if he had 
scrupls I would not labour to remov them. 
   26. - I did visit Torwoodlie, at Leathin; but alac! so litl  #
useful or 
comfortabl as my visit was, and unsavrie. ... I cam in by       #
Granghil, and 
reprovd him for compelling others to drink. 
   July 8. - I visited Torwoodlie and Ladi Leathin. Both wer    #
sick. I spok
a word to him to enquir what the Lord said by this providenc,   #
and this 
unlookd for affliction. 
   12. - I heard of the Ladi Cassil's purpos to go out of       #
Scotland, and to 
mari a privat man. ... The L. of Calder's daughter, Ann, died. 
   13. - I heard of som slaughter fallen out betwix the L. M'   #
Donald's
friends and the Clan Cameron. 
   15 - I found som stolen trees with Pat. Th. in Dyk, and had  #
caus to 
suspect W. Lard lykwys. I desird to punish ther fault. ...
   19 - My grandchild, Elizabeth, was very sick. I desird to    #
consider 
the Lord's hand on her, and, in her, on us and the famili, and  #
to be instructed. 
Oh! let the Lord sanctifi this rod to me and to the child. 
   20. -  I did send Jhon Anderson to buy picks. I did see      #
matter to 
be humbld in the militia. 1. Men violentlie set it up. 2.       #
Quhat oppression, 
<P 318>
and inequaliti, and an insupportabl burthen. 3. The end and     #
use of it, the 
Lord knowes, or what it will produce. But I desir to reverenc   #
the Lord's
providenc in it, and to be subject; and committ the case of     #
the land and 
euent to God. 
   21. - Mr. Jhon Cuming cam to me, and spok of his             #
presentation to Aldern.
I did express good will to him, but told him he knew I differd  #
in my judgment
from the constitution of the present church government, and,    #
therfor, 
could not adviz him, but left him to get his direction from     #
God and his own 
conscience. He said, he would adviz with his brother Mr. Wm.,   #
but had no 
scruple in his own conscience. 
   26. - ... I heard Will. Dunbar had beat his wyf, and fled to #
tak on to 
be a soldier of Franc. I desir euen to be instructed in         #
this. ...
   30. - (\Die Dom.\) We spok of thacking the kirk. I took      #
liberti to speak 
of it; let it not be sin to me; and wrot anent hether to E. M.  #
I heard 
that Caldcot's son, Patrick Innes, had wilfulli killd Charles   #
Innes, his oun 
brother, from emulation anent the mother's lov to the one mor   #
then the 
other. I desird to consider this sad accident, and be           #
instructed. 
   August 12. - Torwoodlie was with me al night. In the morning #
I spok
to him of the deadnes, decay, and barrennes amongst us, and     #
how just it 
wer with the Lord to bring us low as he had lifted up. 
   18. - I kept at Dyk with the elders in distributing to the   #
poor. The 
minister spok to me of thes who were disconform, and said they  #
had the doctrine 
and ways of the Don=ts.= [\Donatists\] and Cathari. I did deny  #
this, and 
said they had nothing common with them, but wer sound and       #
orthodox, excep
in the maiter of government. He said, Som preachd becaus of     #
that word: 
"Wo to me if I preach not." I said, I feard mani preachd for    #
lov of ther 
stipends, and could be content to quit preaching so that they   #
had ther 
livlihood. He said, We had a sound, abl ministri. I said, We    #
had a 
naghtie, unfaithful ministri, that mad no consciens of ther     #
calling, and the 
teaching and winning in of souls. I spok ferventli, and my      #
heat hinderd
my judgment. Lord! mak that poor man see how litl ground he     #
has 
of peac or ...., and mak me sie the sin and evels of this       #
generation.
   19. - ... I did efternoon goe to Findorn, wher wer som       #
preparations
for the peer. I could discern and see litl of God, goe or doe   #
what I will. 
<P 319>
Tho. Gordon cam heir at night. He told me that Mr. Geo.         #
Meldrum, and Mr.
Menzies, and Mr. Mitchell did communicat with one another in    #
Sacrament 
and prayer in secret, and did not approue the strictnes of      #
others. 
   21. - Mr. Jhon Falconar cam heir this night. The Lord helped #
me with 
some inlargment and sens of a lifles dead ministri, and the     #
public defection.
   22. - The sherif, yesterday, cam to me, and told me his      #
purpose of mariag;
and desird me to meet with him this day and his friends at      #
Mon. I heard 
Mr. Nath. Martin and Mr. J. Steu=t.= wer at Aldern, and         #
preached against 
hearing the ministers, and answered all objections. Oh! I fear  #
my self on 
the one hand and the other. 
   23. - I heard som of the silencd ministers wer at Insoch. 
   24. - The minister[{s{] , Mr. Nath. Martin, Mr. J. Stu=t.=,  #
and Mr.J. Park 
went by uncald for me. I fear my self, becaus thes men's        #
compani ar not 
dearer to me. 
   28. - I was cald efternoon to meit with Grang and others,    #
anent the 
sherif's affairs. I was prest to be cautioner for the sherif    #
for a greater sum
then I intended. Let not this be a snar to me. I desir, in som  #
measur, to 
do it to the Lord; if, by our help, the poor yong man, throgh   #
His blessing, 
may be helped. 
   31. - The sherif and Grang took journey this day south. I    #
heard of great 
opposition which Grante's freinds made to his mariadg with      #
Leathin's
daughter. 
   Sept. 5. - I was burthend with the sin of the plac, frequent #
theiving
and stealing; and I held it up to God that he would restrain    #
it, and discouer, 
and lead me to search and find it out, if it seimed good to     #
him. 
   18. - Mr. Jhon Cuming and his brother's son, Patr., cam to   #
me. I heard 
of Mr. Hutchison, and was glad. I perceavd Mr. Jhon inclind     #
to tak
Aldern, thogh with som reluctanci. I would not advis or desir   #
him; but 
left it to him. Onli I said he should get al the furtheranc     #
from us that we 
could, if he enterd. 
   19. - This day was veri foul, and the Lord seemed to         #
threaten to destroy 
the fruits of the ground. Mr. R. Gordon and Col. Innes was      #
heir. I heard 
the confusions which wer at London about religion; presbytery   #
against 
<P 320>
presbytery, Croftoun and Baker, and the meeting of seueral      #
opinions and 
sects diffring much from another; ther boldnes in upholding     #
and keiping 
ther meetings, and the forbearanc that al got. I desird to      #
consider this, and 
be exercisd with it, and instructed. 
   28. - I heard Brey was heir this night, and Mr. Rob.         #
Gilespi, the son of 
the good Mr. Geo. Gilespi. I had conferenc with them anent the  #
estat of 
the kirk of God in other places; and alac! so desolat and wast  #
as it is laid. 
   29. - Mr. Gillespi and Brey staid al this day also. I found  #
my oun 
declining and securiti creeping on. How am I shaken as to       #
former principls. 
How far short do I com others in zeal, nay, and censur them     #
that goe ani 
thing beyond myself. I desir to be humbld under this; the       #
land's decay, 
and the decay that my soul is falling in. Lord! rais me up,     #
and grant me, 
for Thy nam's sak. From the conscienc of my infirmiti,          #
nigardlines, earthlines, 
straitnedness, and that for my effairs I straiten my self, I    #
purposd, if 
the Lord would giv strenth, and grac, and constanci, and an     #
honest sound
hart, to lay by som money for such uses from tym to tym, and    #
not to touch
it to other uses. Lord! tak snars out of my hart, and way, and  #
inlarg my 
hart to Thee, and in Thee: Wherof this mark shall be a sign     #
and memorial. 
   30. - Bray and Mr. Rob. Gilespi went henc. I might hav       #
profited mor 
by them then I did. 
   I heard Tho. Glas[\'s\] wyf was brought to bed befor her     #
tym; and [\it\]
appeired he had fallen with her ere he maried. 
   Oct. 1. - I warnd the minister that Tho. Glas[\'s\] child    #
was gotten in 
whordom long befor mariag; and that he should, if he thought    #
fit, suspend
the baptism of his child; but he did not think this fitt. 
   Cath. Collace was heer this night. I conferrd with her on    #
her lot by a 
wicked husband; her perplexiti, not grudging to bear, but       #
solicitous to
know dutie. I was dark, yet I promisd to com to Insoch, and     #
sie Mr. Tho.
Hog, and confer with her. Let the Lord giv light. I observ the  #
Lord's
providenc in yoking that child of His and such a croce. 
   5. - ... Ther cam one Mr. Pringl, which cald himself a       #
deposd
minister. He insinuated his condition. Yet I feard whither he   #
was what
he profesd. Bot I look to God, for I need grac to discern and   #
to guid me. 
<P 321>
   6. - I did goe to Elgin with the sherif. It was his head     #
court; and a 
great compani was with him. This is a vanitie under the sun,    #
that is seated
in the hart of man. We did also meit and end the conditions of  #
his mariag
with Sir Lod. Gordon's daughter. 
   16. - Mr. Al=r.= Fordice and his wyf, Anna Meldrum, cam      #
heir. I read a 
lyn from Mr. Geo. Meldrum. He desird that the Lord's work in    #
that plac
might be rememberd. This was exercis to me, to reflect on the   #
Lord's work
in that plac some tym befor, and now marrd. I desir to be       #
instructed about
this, and to wryt of it to Mr. Geo. 
   21. - I heard that the man who cald himself Pringl, and a    #
deposd minister, 
was a counterfit. 
   24. - I heard of the death of old Cantra, and desirs to be   #
instructed, and 
was cald to his burial against the 26. 
   26. - Colloden cam heir, and desird me to recomend him to    #
the President. 
I was straitnd in it; yet I desird not to displeas man, and     #
yeelded. 
Lord! [\let\] it be noe snar to me. I ouerreach myself oft in   #
desiring
to pleas men, and to promot that which concerns them. Oh! that  #
I had 
that cair to pleas the Lord. 
   31. - I did visit Mr. T. Hog, and Cath. Collace, and spok of #
her lot, and 
what was fittest for her to doe. Loth was I to advis to part    #
with a husband. 
I should hear him first, and labour to remov impediments of     #
ther agriement.
   The Master of Duffus did visit me. I did sie the danger of   #
irreuerent 
speaking befor God, and vaunting my oun spirit as prayer. Oh!   #
teach me 
to pray, and giv the spirit which teaches to pray. 
   November 5. - (\Die Dom.\) The E. of Sea[\forth\] cam heir,  #
and din'd. Our 
communication was litl savrie. ... He went from this befor      #
sermon. 
   8. - I did speak betwix Jhon Ross and his wyf, Cath.         #
Collace. Litl 
understanding hav I to discern, or to judg betwix them. But I   #
depend on
God for light from heaven. 
   12 - (\Die Dom.\) I heard Mr. Wal. Kin was to preach, and    #
questiond if 
I should goe, and whither I should hear weak men that talk all  #
out of other
men's books. I cannot answ=r.= this. It is tru they should be   #
fitted as weil as
cald; yet I desir to stoop to evri mean wherby I may be         #
edified, wer it 
reading quhair I can get noe other. ... He spok good words,     #
and such as, 
could I appli them, wer sound and wholsom. 
<P 322>
17. - I heard that Al=r.= , Waristoun's son, had brok, and      #
throgh cheating,
lying, and wrong ways. My brother and others had sufferd much   #
by him. 
I desird to consider this, and be instructed. 1. The son of     #
such a father. 
2. Of such hopes and expectation. 3. His affliction is not so   #
much as his 
sin. 4. Others disapointed of him, that for lov to his father,  #
had born
favour to him. The woman be defild, and took as his wyf, taken  #
hom by
her father. 5. I desird to learn what this said to my poor      #
brother. He 
said and writ to me that it had almost kild him. Lord! unfold   #
this providenc.
   25. - Braco cam heir. I detained him til Monday. Let it be   #
noe snar or
sin to me. For he .... . I heard again of the death of the      #
good Lord
Ruthven, and [\that he\] died in som distemper of melancholie,  #
and his effairs
not in good ordour. I desird to consider, and observe, and be   #
instructed. 
He told, that divers of not conform ministers wer letten        #
preach in the land: 
That the Bishop of St. Andrews cam with 500 hors to the burial  #
of Elcho. 
Latherdal's loosnes. 
   26. - (\Die Dom.\) Braco was with me, and I knew not how to  #
converse 
with him. I heard Haddo was made a lord of session. 
   27. - Mr. William Falconer cam heer, and spok of his selling #
his salmond
fishing. With his insinuations I was almost intangled in a      #
desir to bui. But 
the Lord prevented me. 
   Decr. 8. - Heer cam the sherif, Mr. Jhon M'Culikan, and Mr   #
Rob=t.= 
Gilespie. I reverenc God in this providenc. We ar litl the      #
better of the 
best companie. 
   9. - Spini dind with me, and I spok betwix him and my uncl   #
Francis, 
anent the teinds, but agreied not. Spini spok bitterli of the   #
honest disconform
ministers, and of indulging them. I cannot see good in thes     #
things. 
   10. - (\Die Dom.\) I read anent the Accomodation betwix      #
conforms and not 
conforms. Oh! my darknes and instablnes, and doubtfulnes. Let   #
the Lord
send out light and strenth to guide me, and mak me discern. 
   11. - I went to the burial of the goodwyf of Newtoun. 
   12. - This day I was at the baptizing of the E. of M. his    #
son Francis.
   13. - Mr. Ja. Urquhart was heer this night. 
   14. - The L. of Grant dind heir. The L. of Calder and        #
Leathin writ to 
<P 323>
the E. of M. anent Calder his busines. I took liberti in my     #
discours and 
mirth. Let the sin be taken away through Jesus Christ. I found  #
him a 
soft going man; but what he may yet turn to, the Lord knows. I  #
spok of 
the buying of Balueni to him. Lord! let this be noe snar to     #
him nor us. 
   20. - I heard of the death of yong Cantra, and desird to be  #
affected with 
it, so soon after his father. ... He is as yong as I am or      #
thereby. Shal I 
not tak warning?
   23. - Leathin cam heir afternoon. He invited me to his       #
daughter's mariage, 
or to com the day efter.
   24. (\Die Dom.\) I heard this day by Coubin, younger, that   #
the Ladi 
Latherdale is dead. Let it not be for a judgment to that man.   #
Oh! if he 
belong to Thee, doe him good by it. ... I heard the Princ of    #
Orang was 
restord to his places and dignities, which he had in Holland,   #
at least, which 
his fathers and ther famili had. Lord! turn this to Thy glori,  #
and ouer rul 
thes actions and transactions of men. 
   26. - This day the Lord of Grant was maried to Leathin's     #
daughter, 
Janet Brodie. I desird to hav them and that action on my hart. 



<B SDIA3C>
<Q SC3 NN DIARY JBRODIE>
<N J BRODIE DIARY>
<A BRODIE JAMES>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1680-1685>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T DIARY PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y 40-60>
<H HIGH>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E X>
<J X>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z NARR NON-IMAG>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^THE DIARY OF ALEXANDER BRODIE OF BRODIE, MDCLII-MDCLXXX, AND
OF HIS SON, JAMES BRODIE OF BRODIE, MDCLXXX-MDCLXXXV.
SPALDING CLUB. ABERDEEN 1863.
PP. 425.1-439.29.^]

<P 425>
   17 April, 1680. - This night, betwixt 12 at night and 2 of   #
the morning, 
being Sabbath morning, dyed my precious, worthie, and dear      #
Father, of a fitt
of the gravel. I had come hom only the night before betwixt 12  #
and one of 
the morning. I was not apprehending that this strok was so      #
near. It found 
me secur, and stupid, and asleep; which has been the plaug and  #
disease I 
have been held by long before. This has a loud cry, if I could  #
hear it. I 
can hardly aprehend the consequence of it to the land, and      #
church, and 
famely. The Lord give instruction, and open the ear; and        #
awaken out of 
securitie!
   We were further threatened with a dismal sad symptom in his  #
being
removed. He was like to have passed away without a word to      #
anie of us, 
in a sound. It pleased the Lord in his mercie and goodnes to    #
give som 
blink of reviving, so that, with the intermission of sleip and  #
slumbring now 
and then, we had sweit, savorie, seasonabl words, thrie or      #
four hours before 
his death. His advise to myself at the last was, "My son, be    #
strong in the 
Lord, and the power of his might. My son, to the Law and to     #
the 
Testimonie" Mr Jas. Urquhart prayed, and I hope was heard in    #
it, that 
the Lord would not tak him away in such anger against us, and   #
that the 
Lord would open his mouth, and that his death might be          #
edefying. These
words were always in his mouth, "My father and my God; Lord     #
Jesus 
leave me not; tak me with Thee;" and being asked a word         #
concerning his
hop and expectation of the Church and interest of Christ, he    #
said, "The Lord
would redeem his people." He longed to be ridd of a body of     #
death and 
sin. He was afraid while he lived, and in the tym of his        #
sicknes, to have
been in great pain and distraction; but it pleased the Lord to  #
give him a 
<P 426>
quiet passage and end, without complaint of pain, or working,   #
or thraching. 
In his lyff also, he thought it would be desyrable to pass out  #
of tym to 
eternitie on the morning of a Sabbath, and to begin an eternal  #
Sabbath; 
which he obtained. He was brought so weak and low by his        #
continued 
sickness and enervitie of bodie and mind since the 5 of May     #
last, at which 
tym he took the beginning of his sicknes at Ballachastel,       #
which has continued
and increased upon him ever since.  I desire to be instructed   #
and tak 
warning, and to be awakened by this strok, and to hear what it  #
speaks to 
myself, the poor famely, the land, the church. There are many   #
things in it, 
if I could winn to read or be instructed by it as to myself. I  #
have had the 
benefit of instruction, warning, means of knowledge, and has    #
not profited in 
and by the company of such a one since ever I had it, and now   #
I am 
deprived of it: this speaks anger. I have seen the godlie       #
conversation, holy
and christian walk of a father, - his watchfulnes, - his secret 
communion with God, - yet cannot say that my heart has been     #
gained or 
winn to the following his example. I have not made that use of  #
his company
that anie other would have done. The famely has not profited.   #
Oh! 
how unlike and unsuitable to the pains taken on them. He has    #
kept up a 
light amongst us; I and others have been weakening his hands,   #
drawing 
back; he has, in some measure, fard the wors of such a person;  #
and now, 
while I am under thes and many such convictions, I cannot       #
recal or get back 
thos occasions which I have lost, mispent, and livd away. And   #
now, if the 
Lord should say he would not reprove or be at anie mor pains    #
with me,
he wer just and holy, and it were the just punishment of my     #
iniquity. But 
let his mercy, and grace, and love Christ Jesus, com over al    #
thes provocations.
   Now, what can or will this sad strok do to me? if the Lord   #
strike not in by
his Spirit with it, I will sleep on. Oh! that this night, and   #
dark cold winter 
would kill and nipp bitter roots which are within me, of        #
securitie, wordlines, 
passion, pride, carnaliti. Oh! that the Lord would give a       #
tender, spiritual,
holy, zealous, frame of heart, and to be watchful, that this    #
be a tym of getting
acquaintance with Christ; a tym of weaning affections from the  #
world, and 
things in it. O! that the Lord would com in and fill the room   #
and place in 
the famely, and in hearts, and mak up the want of a dear        #
father and instructor.
   18. - Die  Dom. Mr. A. D. [\Alexander Dunbar\] only prayd in #
the 
<P 427>
famely, in the morning. It was our complaint that Sabbaths wer  #
desolat 
formerli; but alas! al our sun seems now to be gon doun. I read #
with 
the famely a pairt of the 3 Lament, and prayd, if I may cal it  #
prayr. 
Mr. A. spok a word in the evening. ... Main and his wiffe wer   #
heir. 
Ther cam one from Castl Forbes to enquir anent my dear Father.  #
I wrot a 
line to my daughter, and dispatchd the bearer that sam day. 
   19. - Lethen, Urkney, Petgownie, Miltoun, and som of our     #
freinds wer 
heir, to advise anent the disposal and ordouring of the burial  #
of my dear 
Father. Ther wer several occasions occurred to make us delay    #
till the 5 of 
May.
   20. - Calder, and my uncl, Joseph, cam from the south heir   #
this morning. 
We had a sorrowful meiting, upon the remembrance of our loss.
   21. - I found som stirrings of natural affections, greiff,   #
and troubl. Lord!
teach me to discern and know things that differ, and to get     #
the greiff and 
sorrow to run in a right channel. 
   Granghil and his son wer heir, and several other companie.   #
We wer 
ordouring som things concerning the funerall of my precious     #
Father. ... I 
dispatchd to Aberdeen for som things: som things we declind,    #
last we might 
be mistaken. Mr. James Urquhart was heir. He seimd to have      #
somewhat 
to warn and admonish me of, which his love and his faithfulnes  #
would not 
suffer him to spare. I desir to receave and welcom. His         #
reproofs I trust 
sal not break my head. He delayd to speak til another tym. ...
   I desir to be troubld that ever in word or thoght I offended #
my dear
Father, that I have not made that use of his companie and       #
societie that I 
oght to have done. My uncl told me, that I was quarreld with    #
by others
for unkindnes, nor having so open a hart as my father. I desir  #
to tak with 
evrie chalange. The seed and root of al evil is in me; if the   #
Lord subdue 
not, and piti not, I am undone. My uncl, Joseph, went to Both   #
to sie his 
daughter. 
   22. - This day my wiffe and Al=r.= Finlater, and I put the   #
bodie of my dear 
Father in his cerecloth, and caus anoint with oyls, and         #
pouders, and spices.
The bodie was the cask which keipd a nobl jewal; the bodi is    #
united to 
Christ; ther is hop of resurrection; therfor we tak car for     #
the bodie, which 
sal rise again in glorie, tho' sown in corruption.
   23. - We wer this day ordouring the dispatch of letters for  #
the burial. ...
I wrot to Huntly. Let it be no snar to me, for I am rude and    #
ignorant. 
<P 428>
   24. - I heard with great greiff that Mr. James Urquhart had  #
got som 
offence in this place and hous, and he thought his compani was  #
not acceptable, 
and that he was straitn'd to com among us. I desir to be        #
humbl'd for 
this. Alas! how much more know I of myself than al the world    #
does. I 
desire that none of us may be under any mistak with him. I      #
found appearance 
of others offending with us. ...
   My dear Father was this afternoon putt in his coffin. I      #
desir to sie and 
aknowledg God in al this. O! for grace to live as having the    #
faith of a 
resurrection, of death, and judgment. 
   25. - Die Dom We read in the famely a pairt of the 51 Psalm. #
Mr.
A. Dunbar on Phil. 1.21, " For to me to live is Christ, and to  #
dye is gain.'
   27. - I found manie mistaks betwixt us and freinds. ... I    #
found Mr. 
James Urquhart was offended and stumbl'd by us, and that he     #
was alienat
from the hous, and had no liking to com neir it. I desir to be  #
helpd to
search and try my oun ways. I desir grace to welcom anie        #
chalang, or 
reproof coms this way as from the Lord. 
   28. - My Uncl, and Main, and Miltoun, and I spok somwhat     #
together of 
the condition of this famely, the Lord's goodness to us, and    #
of our unansuerablnes, 
of the decay and wearing out of former tendernes [\and\] zeal. 
   29. - Urkney cam heir this evening. He looks to be in a      #
decay as to 
his bodily condition. Let the Lord spare him, and doe him       #
good by al he 
meits with. By him I heard of Tarbet's being at Elgin; his      #
apprehension 
of troubl by M[\urray\]. 
   30. - Urkney was heir with us; and we wer making som         #
preparations 
for the funerall of my precious dear Father. ... Jo. Brodie     #
returned from
Aberdeen. Lethen, and Granghil, and som freinds, wer heir to    #
advice what 
we had to doe. 
   May 4 - I went doun to sie the burial place whar my dear     #
Father is to 
lye. I cannot winn to make anie right use or improvment of      #
what I sie or 
hear; nay I sleip stil, notwithstanding of al the alarums I     #
gett. Som of 
our friends cam heir at night. We went again doun to sie the    #
burial place, 
and appointed it in another place then before. 
   5.- This is the day of the burial of my deir Father;         #
which I desir to 
keip in remembrance whil I live; which strok of his being       #
remov'd speaks 
my sin, and God's anger and provocation, and the necessiti of   #
repentance 
and turning to God. I desyr to apply that word of Elihu to      #
Job, 34. 31, 
<P 429>
"Surely it is meit to say to God, I have born chastisement, I   #
will not 
offend ani mor." We worshipd God together in the famely in the  #
morning. 
Alas! so littl stamp or impress as I have on my hart of what    #
is upon 
the famely. 
   I miss a spiritual fram in goeing about this sorrowful       #
action. A day or 
two since Mr. James Urquhart cam heir, and told me som grounds  #
of 
mistak and offence he got in the hous, as particularli that     #
cariage of theirs, 
whil the L. Marr was heir. Other things he warnd off, and       #
exhorted to 
keip God's way; told hou readi and bussie Satan would be to     #
tempt and 
draw away from God. Oh that this might sink in the hart! ...    #
After 
the burial som freinds cam to the hous with us. We begud not    #
at worshipping
of God. We took som bodili refreshment. 
   6. - Freinds went away several ways. 
   11. - My Ladie Murray and L. Doun cam heir. I found no       #
inclination 
to ani companie. I went with them to Darnway, and waited on     #
the Earl of 
Murray, but made no stay. ... We heard of the continuance of    #
Don. 
Campbel's sicknes, and how smal expectation was of his          #
recoverie. 
   12. - I directed advertisment to friends to meit heir on     #
Friday the 14. 
   13. - I read in the morning Calvin on Math. and on Isai. ... #
Grant  cam 
heir from Forres, and expressed his sence of his loss in my     #
Father, professd
kindnes and affection to his hous and famely. I desir to be     #
taught of God 
in evrie thing that concerns dutie to himself and to al         #
relations. Calder
went by and cam not in. I desyr to affoord no ground or         #
occasion to anie 
friend to draw away.
   14. - Most of the kindred and persons of my Father's famely  #
mett heir. 
The Lord helpd som to give a word of warning. Al wer sensibel   #
of ther
loss. It was thought to be our dutie to search and try our      #
ways wherby we 
had provoked the Lord. It was rememberd, as the observation     #
of the worthie
head of the famely whil alive, that he expected stroks upon     #
us, and that 
altho' the Lord had shown us kindnes, and had raisd us out of   #
the dust, and 
made us somewhat in the world, yet had we bein unfruitful and   #
barran. ...
Evrie one spok as the Lord helped and gave assistance, and      #
exhorted to 
keip God's way, to sett up His worship, to fear and serve Him,  #
to live in 
union and harmonie one with another, to seik the good and       #
welfare one of 
another. I did express my adictednes to my friends, my          #
willingnes to be 
warnd and admonishd by them, and that, as the Lord would give   #
grace, I 
<P 430>
should mint unto my dutie to God, to seik and endeavour, so     #
farr as I could,
al ther welfars. Ther was som motion that the work and dutie of #
supplying
honest fouks suld not decay and be forgotten. The Lord helpd    #
to make 
som agreiment and setling for supplie of the poor distressd     #
goodwiffe of 
Aikenway, our friend. I desir to aknouledg God who enlargd ani  #
bodie's
hart to doe this. 
   It was pressd and thought fitt we should meit again, and     #
frequentlie. ...
I spok somwhat to Leathen of other concernments of the famely,  #
which was 
not meit to handl befor so many witnesses, such as the          #
provision of my 
children, the security of my wiffe in her lyffrent, the         #
convoyance of the 
estait, and interest of the famely.
   It pleased the Lord that we wer together in some measur of   #
oneness and 
good understanding. Let the Lord be aknowledged in this. The    #
goodwiffe 
of Aikenway cam heir this night. My Uncle went to Both and      #
Lethen. 
Most of our friends went hom.
   15. - We are in expectation of citations befor the Justice   #
Court, for 
absenc from the host. ... Mr. Tho. Innes was heir anent som     #
bussines
with my Uncl. I found my Uncl. peremptor and tenacious. ... I   #
am 
mor apt to sie infirmities, and censure them in others then     #
to sie my 
own.
   17. - Monday. Calder cam heir, from whom I had not one       #
expression of 
kindnes, sympathie, sence of the loss of my worthie and deir    #
parent, bot som
useful profitabl warnings and admonitions; which I desir to     #
receave and 
embrace. He advisd to depend on God, to follow the exampl of    #
him who
was gone, to keip my friends; and manie other useful,           #
seasonabl, profitabl 
lessons. ... My Uncl visited my Lord Murray and Spynie. My      #
wiffe 
went to Darnway afternoon. I was desird by Spynie to goe        #
frequently to 
my Lord Murray, and was told that he had no quarrels with me. 
   19. - I wrat south to my Lord Argyl, and Advocate, and gave  #
my Uncl 
my dispatch. 
   21. - Windihils was heir, who had bein with my uncl Joseph   #
at Innes. I 
heard Innes was stil in mistaks with me, and spard not to       #
speak of me. The 
Lord  knows if in my hart I desingd him anie inconvenience. I   #
desir to sie 
and acknowledge God. ... I intended and purposed good offices   #
to him and 
his famely, and lo! I am tristed with this in stead of          #
sympathie, or remembranc
of the kindnes of the dead. I desir to sie al men ar a lie;     #
and let not 
<P 431>
my confidenc or dependenc be upon them. ... I heard that my     #
Lady 
Seaforth, Belnagoun and his Ladie had bein heir this            #
afternoon. 
   22. - Urkney, Dr. Gordoun, young Gordonstoun cam heir, and   #
several 
others. I did sie much alteration, extream weaknes in Urkney,   #
so that it 
was a verie wonder if he might com thorou, or recover. 
   24. - I was purposd to goe to Darnway this morning; which I  #
did. I 
lookd up to God for guiding, teaching, leading, and furnitur    #
which I stood 
in neid of. I spoke with the Earl of Murray anent my            #
expectation of his 
protection and favor, and that I had rather owe him, and be     #
debtour to him 
for his kindnes then any other Earl or Marquis. He told me he   #
had never 
done anie act of unkindnes to me or my father, nor had done     #
anie thing to 
occasion my doubting of his kindnes. He told me he would com    #
doun to
this, and tel me al he had report of, and would not harbour     #
anie thought to 
dwel or sitt down on it. Let the Lord keip and deliver me from  #
snars and 
lead me in ways approven of him. I spok to him of my absence    #
from the 
host, and what my exceptions and defences wer. I went with      #
him from 
Donnun to neir Auldearn, where he mett with Calder. I staid at  #
Auldearn
with Calder most of the day. I heard of Kinstarie's purpose     #
of changing
his interest, leaving this countrey. I desir to be instructed   #
by it, that thes
who had anie favour towards the best things ar like to leave    #
the place. 
   I was with Calder at Mr. Jo. Cuming's in Auldearn. I desir   #
to consider 
what offence this may give to honest men, my companie and       #
correspondence 
with these. I cam in by Penick, visited Mr. James Urquhart and  #
his wiffe, 
who wer both verie weaklie and infirm. 
   29. - I was purposd to have mett with Spynie after the       #
sermon at Dyk, 
bot was disapointed. I declined goeing to Darnway this way;     #
was affraid
of snares. 
   This evening there cam heir Mr. William Cumming, and         #
Kirkmichel,
Kennedie, a gentleman of my dear father's acquaintance, who     #
had intended
a visit to my father. Alas! what an emptie roum and place wil   #
al men find
heir! I desird to have a due sence of the gentleman's respect   #
to my father. 
   30. - This day. ... my wiffe took bedd, and keiped clos bed  #
of a feaver. 
   3. June. - This was a day of rendevous of our militia, foot  #
and hors in the 
shires. Kirkmichel went out to it. ... My wife continues sick   #
to death of 
feaver, and can tak nothing to sustain or hold up nature. 
   4.- Kirkmichel went from this hous upon his return and       #
journay hom. I 
<P 432>
was trubld and ashamd with the marks of his respect put on      #
this place, and 
that his journey sud have bein expensive to him by anie of us.  #
I desir not 
to lye under this debt. Mr. Al=r.= Dunbar returnd heir this     #
day. Mr. William 
Cumming cam heir. I offerd him back sum gold which Kirkmichel 
had left heir, bot he would not. 
   5. - Tarbet cam heir in the morning in his way South. ... I  #
was frie
with him upon several things. ... He thought I would not        #
declin a citation
before the justice court. Let the Lord prepar me for trials.    #
In the 
evining, I got letters from Elgin of Urkney's sicknes, and a    #
cal to com ther.
They apprehended I would not overtak him in lyffe, for he was   #
becom much 
wors then he was before. 
   6. - Die Dom. I sent Jo. Campbel to Elgin, to know how       #
Donald 
Campbel was, and to bring me word; who returnd at night with    #
the 
account of his being somewhat bettered, and that he had som     #
hopes of 
himselfe. I desir to bless the Lord for this. If he spare him,  #
let it be in 
mercie, and let him sie the evil, and be recoverd and reformd   #
in al that is 
wrong, and out of ordour. 
   My wiff's feaver encreasd greatlie this day, and her         #
weaknes is great. 
The Lord is threatning to tak away the desir of my eys. ... She #
did
express her hope and faith in God, the engadgments [\that\] wer #
on her to 
Him; and albeit she had not walked ansurablie to them, yet she  #
desired to 
stand to the bargain. She had manie savorie expressions, and    #
desird to 
improve experience of the Lord's kindnes to her formerlie, and  #
his deliverances. 
She told me she had no anxietie or care about children, or      #
anie 
thing in the world. She had cast them over on God, who was      #
faithful.
   This afternoon I was affraid of the event of this sicknes.   #
Let the Lord
disapoint and turn away my fears. She told me, It was not the   #
mater of 
her greiff to die. She hoped it would put an end to her         #
miserie and sin. 
She told me she had purposd thir many days past to have com     #
under new 
bands and engadgments to the Lord, but was hinderd somwhil by   #
sicknes, 
and otherways; bot, as she could, with her hart, soul,          #
affections, she desird to 
resing al to God, and ... to remain and abid with him for ever. 
   7. - Graing, and several companie, wer heir this day,        #
visiting my wiffe, 
whos sicknes continues and increasses. ... Graing was to goe    #
south within a 
day or two. I wrat a line to Mr. James Urquhart, that he might  #
know our 
state, and mind it befor the Lord; who promisd to com heir the  #
next day. 
<P 433>
   8. - Which he did; bot my wyff's infirmitie was such as she  #
durst not 
heir or speak. She said to Mr. James she was weil pleasd with   #
that high 
sublim devyce of saving sinners by a  Redeemer; and who would   #
not be
pleasd? She aknowledgd she was unwilling: He only made her      #
willing. 
   10. - Windihils, the Doctor Gordon, and my sister Granghil   #
wer heir 
with her. Al their hopes of her wer bot small. ... I sat up     #
beside her 
al night. 
   11. - It did not appear that she was like to get anie cool;  #
bot this day her
feaver seems to be less. 
   12. - It pleasd the Lord that this last night my poor wiffe  #
got som eas 
and sleip, and after thir 14 days abstinence begud to tak som   #
litl refreshment. ...
Dr. Gordon thought that she was out of the feaver. 
   18. - This day I went to visit Mr. James Urquhart, and his   #
wiffe, and 
the goodwiff of Both younger, who has bein dangerouslie sick    #
of a feaver. 
   19. - I went to visit the Earl of Murray, who had bein verie #
sick, and in 
danger. O that the Lord might sanctifie his sicknes, and bring  #
him to consider
with whom he has to doe, and to reflect on his ways! I heard    #
mor of 
that ill reported of papers found with one Cargill. I desir to  #
intertain a 
dislyk of them, according to any report I have heard of them. 
   21. - I went to Elgin to visit Urkney. ... I found him       #
plaintiff of his 
B[\rother\] Al=r.= He had hopes of his oun recoverie, albeit    #
indeed his caic
looks most dangerus. 
   26. - I staid at Mon[\aghti\] som tym with Miltoun, and did  #
som bussines;
cam hom by Burgie, wher I saw that paper wherein the King his   #
government
was renuncd. ... I could not bot dislyke that paper. I heard of 
the reading the indulgences. 
   28. - I went up afternoon to visit E.M. Let the Lord visit   #
his soul, and 
do him good by what he is tristed with. 
   1 July. - I heard that the King had taken away the mater of  #
the host 
and absence from it from before the Justice Court to the        #
Councel, and that 
al wer remitted, and indemnified, bot such as wer suspected in  #
ther principles;
and thes the Counsel might call for and convein at their        #
pleisur. I 
desir to be instructed by al this, and prepard for trials. 
   I got a call this night betwixt 11 and 12 at night to goe    #
to Urkney, for 
som sudden chang was expected. 
   2. - I went to Elgin this morning; mett with Mr. Hugh        #
Anderson by the 
<P 434>
way, who had com from Aberdein, from whom I had an account of   #
the sad
differs and divisions among the Lord's people. He had heard     #
Mr. Menzies 
and Mr. Meldrum;  he was much displeasd with that paper which   #
som persons
had drawn up at [\the\] South. I had a letter from my Uncl,     #
confirming 
that of the indemnnitie to al be north Tay who wer absent from  #
the host, 
reserving to the Counsel to call for all suspected or           #
disaffected persons, and 
to punish them. I found Urkney verie weak, bot stil hoppful of  #
his own 
condition. He had passd by stool a deal of congeald blood, and  #
he 
imagind this being gone, he might be the better. 
   3. - I spok with Mr. [\James\] U[\rquhart\] and Milton anent #
Innes his 
unkindnes. I desir to aknowledg God in this; and let the        #
strangdnes of 
men lead me more to seik for the favor and loveing kindnes of   #
God. 
   4. - Die Dom. I was purposing to have taken some tym with my 
daughter, and to have spok to her anent her duty to God, and    #
as to others
among whom her lott is cast. I was purposd to move to her the   #
coming 
under new bonds and engadgments to be the Lord's, and to sett   #
up his
worship in their famely, and to give him the throne of their    #
hart. 
   5. - Ther appears to brak out som cross and trubl betwixt    #
Cowbin and 
me. We had a meiting, first at Dyk with the heritors of the     #
parish, and 
then on the ground be north the bank. We desird Cowbin to meit  #
with us, 
bot he cam not. We made civil interuption. We desird cowbin to  #
meit with us, 
bot he cam not. We made civil interuption. The Mr. of Forbes    #
went
from this on his way hom. I staid at hom this night, visited    #
the E. of
Murray at evening, and was purposed, God willing, to goe with   #
the Mr. and 
my daughter the nixt morning.
   6. - I cald at Burgie the nixt morning, and afterward went   #
to Elgin;
visited my Lord Duffus; staid with Urkney most of the day, who  #
seemed to 
be growing dailie weaker. I was raisd al night to have sein     #
him expyr. 
It pleasd God to give him som blink. There was ordourd som of   #
his bussines, 
whil Mr. Robert Donaldson was ther. 
   7. - The Mr. and my daughter went to Innes, and thence to    #
Dippil at
night. I desir to comit my way to the Lord. Let him ordour and  #
direct 
my steps. I went to Dippil, and from that to the Bogg; was      #
detaind to
their dinner. Let not their company be a snare to me. We cam,   #
by God's
providence, to Castle forbes at night. My Lord was from hom.
   8. - I went this day to visit Leslie, my Ladie Marr at       #
Tiliefur, and cam
in by Putachie and Whythaugh to Castle Forbes at night My Lord 
<P 435>
Forbes cam hom from Eight; had bein setling thair affairs. I    #
heard that 
Eight had reflected upon his complyanc, and what a snare the    #
world and 
preserving his estait was to him; and his carnal witt. I heard  #
he would
not allow Mr. Ad. Barclay to pray; regretted his too much       #
familiaritie with 
him. I desir to be instructed by this. 
   9. - I spok of bussines with my Lord Forbes, and went        #
afternoon to 
Brux, but found none of them at hom. I was purposd to return    #
the next
morning homward, but their importunity prevaild with me to      #
delay til 
Monday. 
   10. - This day we went to Putachie;  dind at Whythaugh. I    #
found the 
young persons would neid prudence and circumspect walking; and  #
that ther 
wer mistaks apt to fal out betwixt nearest relations. My Lord   #
drew me 
doun to Mr. Ad. Barclay's hous upon this evening. Let not this  #
be a snar
to me. 
   11. - Die Dom. I desird to be exercisd in the dutys of the   #
day, that I 
may know how to sanctifie the Sabbath. Let God draw neir to my  #
soul, 
and let my soul be neir to him. I desird to mention and have    #
on my thoughts
this new societie and famely erected in this place.  My Lord    #
Forbes cam in 
the morning to my chamber and prayd. I called for my daughter,  #
and 
spok to her, as I could, of her duty; minded her of what        #
obligations lay on 
her to be the Lord's; asked her, if she did repent and rue the  #
bargain; 
admonishd the exhorted her to fear His name, to avoid al snars  #
and temptations, 
to warn and incourage her husband, to countenance the worship   #
of 
God in the famely, to strenthen Mr. Geo. Monro his hand in the  #
famely
duties. 
   12. - I had bein cald hom several tyms since I cam heir; was #
told of the 
sicknes of several of the children, and the troubl that was     #
made to us by 
yong Cowbin and his father. I left Putachie this morning, and   #
visited the 
old Lady Leslie, and Urkney, at Elgin and cam to Miltoun at     #
night. 
   13. - I ordourd the hors and men at Mon[\aghti\] to com for  #
leading my 
petts. I cam in by Burgie in my hom coming; met with Cowbin,    #
and did
expostulate with him anent his unkindnes, and way with me. 
   15. - We had a meiting, this morning, of the heretours of    #
the parish concernd
with Cowbin. ... I went to Forres and Burgie, afternoon, but 
missed Graing. I heard Urkney was verie weak, and that I was    #
like to be 
cald for; gott letters from the South anent the new model,      #
[\and\] compearance
<P 436>
before the Counsel for absence from the host. I heard of        #
petitions by
severals for the Parliament's sitting in England; petitions     #
anent removing D.
K. [\Duke of York\] from Court and England; anent his being a   #
Papist 
recusant; of a Parliament in Irland; the King's                 #
expect[\ation\]s of great
soums from them; the forfaulter of 29 mor heritors, who wer at  #
Bothwel;
proclamation against Cameron and others; of a new paper of      #
theirs, which 
I could not relish, nor conceive to be sound, and agriable to   #
the principles
of either Christian religion, or Presbytry.
   16. - I desir to seek counsel and direction from the Lord as #
to the 
ordouring of my conversation aright, according to His Word,     #
and as to our
present jarrs and differs with Cowbin.
   Miltoun went to Lethen; and I gave him in comission to       #
speak to him of 
several things concerns this bussines. 
   We had advertisment that Cowbin was building at his hous.    #
I cryed to 
God for direction. I advertisd Granghil; conveind the           #
tennents; and on
the way we wer stopd, upon knowledg that the report was false.  #
I desir to 
aknowledg God in this, in that he prevents. 
   I heard Urkney was neir his last. I was cald to goe to him   #
that night; 
yet I staid at hom til the nixt morning.
   17. - I staid this day also, until I should hear som further #
account of my 
freind. I find a great deal of prejudice and ill will from      #
men. I desir to 
be helpd to sie God, and his hand, and to have his peace and    #
favor throu 
Jesus Christ. 
   I heard that Cowbin and his men wer in arms, the last night  #
at the new
hous. 
   18. - Die Dom.  I was this day again cald to Elgin, and told #
 that I could
not overtak a word of D[\onald\] Campbell. O that I wer         #
learning to die!
Let the consideration of what fals out, excit and sturr me up   #
to secur his 
peac and favor. I writ a line to J.U. [\James Urquhart\] at     #
Lethen to mind 
the caic of our family, that the Lord might sanctifie his       #
trials, and give the 
right use of all that we ar lying under. The children           #
continoud unwel, Katt., 
Eliz., Girsl, Margt. This is God's hand immediatly. I am also   #
folloud 
with unkindnes and trubl from neighbours. ... I wrot to A. D.   #
[\Alexander 
Dunbar\] to com to the famely, that it might not be without som #
remembrance
of God's name. I went towards Elgin; halted a litl at Tho.      #
Gordon's;
and found, when I cam to the toun, Urkney was removd. I am      #
traveling
<P 437>
to death, but finds litl preparation for it. I heard that he    #
died weil, and 
that he had given satisfaction to persons about him. Oh! for    #
grace to live
so as that the end may be comfortabl.
   19. - Seing Innes, Grang, and others cam not, friends who    #
wer ther 
advisd and orderd som things concerning the burial, and         #
appointed Thursday
to transport to Aldearn, and Fryday nixt for the burial. I      #
found much 
unsoundnes in my oun hart, and rottennes, and that which may    #
humbl. 
We satt up dispatching letters til near one o'clock in the      #
morning. 
   20. - I had account of the Mr. of Forbes his being sick, and #
that my
daughter and he both wer lying of a feaver. 
   21. - I went afternoon to meet with the E. of Murray; found  #
him at the 
Walkmil. I told him, that I heard he was our partie as to our   #
affairs with 
Cowbin. ... He quarrelled at my calling the tennents to lead    #
petts, as if 
it wer a convocation. Let the Lord make my way straight befor   #
him. The 
Earl said, He would not medl with either of us. 
   22. - Thursday. We mett at the bank head with Cowbin and his #
friends. 
I desir to aknowledg God in his Providence, that ther was no    #
heat or sturr
among us, we ending in appearance fairlie, and appointed a new  #
meeting.
... After our meeting in the evining, we went al to the water   #
syd to attend
our friend's corps from that to Auldearn. The water was verie   #
great; it 
pleasd God that al passd without hasard. I cam hom at night.    #
Mr. J 
M=c=Kilican had prayd in the famely eir we cam hom.
23. - This was the day of the burial of Donald Campbell. He was #
caried
from Auldearn to Calder. I heard that som shires had            #
represented to the 
Councel how unpractical and contrar to law the model was.
   I visited the Ladie Calder, and cam hom at night. I cald at  #
Penick by 
the way. I had a word of warning from Mr. J. U. [\James         #
Urquhart\]
anent reforming the famely, looking to dissordours. 
   24. - My wiffe went to Darnway. I got advertisment to a      #
burial of 
Cowbin's daughter, a maid, who had bein long sick. 
   25. - Die Dom. I read Dickson on Ps. 84. "How aimabl ar Thy 
tabernacles." ... A.D. [\Alexander Dunbar\] on Math. 6. 33.     #
"Seik
first the kingdom of God, and his righteousness, [\and\] all    #
other things shall
be added [\unto you\]." ... In the evining we went doun to      #
Cowbin to the 
young woman's burial. 
   26. - Tho. Gordon was dispatched to Putachie, and the        #
rootman. Let 
<P 438>
the Lord visit that hous and famely. ... I went doun to visit   #
the moss, 
and parted the petts. They had stolen many of them. I desir to  #
be taught
patience, humilitie, moderation to suffer wrongs. 
   27. - We enterd this morning to the leading of the petts.    #
Albeit I be 
apt to be intent on thes things, yet ther is one thing          #
necessar. Let the 
Lord help to know dutie. I had occasion to writ to Ila, to the  #
Laird of 
Calder, by an express his Ladie was sending. I had letters      #
from the South
anent my affairs with Cowbin. I could not be satisfied with     #
the account
I had from my uncl, nor the consultation. 
   28. - Cowbin's brother made interuption to the leading of    #
the petts. 
   29. - We had letters from Putachie anent the condition of    #
that famely.
I spok with Lethen of several affairs. 
   30. - This day, morning, we heard from Putachie of the       #
continuing siknes
of thes two young persons. Let the Lord sanctify this trial. I  #
went to 
Elgin upon affairs which concern Urkney. Let the Lord ordour    #
and direct
my way. I met Grant by the way. I heard of Mr. Cameron and his 
brother, and several other persons being kild in the West:      #
That ther had 
bein an engadgment betwixt them and som of the King's forces:   #
That one 
Hakston was apprehended. I desir grace from God to construct    #
aright and 
interpret al God's providences. We met on Urkney's affairs. We  #
found
matters in dissordour. I suppd at Colin Innes, where I had      #
litl satisfaction
by reason of the companie. 
   31. - Ther was som thing done anent Bogholl's affairs. I     #
sie that man
disquiets himself in vain. How soon does the Lord cutt the      #
throat of a 
man's hopes!
   1 August.- The last night I was tossed al night with         #
defluxion and the 
toothach. How easily can the Lord marr al outward comforts! We  #
spok 
somewhat of our affairs with Cowbin. I went to Moortoun; spok   #
with the 
Ladi anent her father's alienation and unkindnes to me. She     #
regretted 
thes mistaks, wisht me to goe yet to Innes. I find aversion     #
from it. She 
reflected on her brother his carriage, as unbecoming, and       #
being a stain to 
religion. 
   We comund a marriage betwixt old B[\aili\] Brodi in Forres,  #
and one 
Hamilton, the Ladie Mortoun's woman. I sent Windihils to        #
excuse the 
disappointment of the meeting with Cowbin. when I cam hom I     #
found a 
call from Putachie, and their earnestnes to have us over. 
<P 439>
   3. - This day we made out, both my wyff and I, towards       #
Putachie. I 
desire to commend the famely to God. Let him also ordour and    #
direct our 
way. I waited on the E. of Murray in the morning. I found him   #
reservd
and straitnd.  I desir to aknouledg God in al that I meit       #
with. I heard 
that Innes elder was goeing to Darnway to the E. of Murray,     #
and was cald
for, in ordour to the model of the militia. ... We wer al       #
night at the 
mills of Towie. We heard by Kat. Watson that our friends wer    #
somwhat 
recoverd. ... We mett with young Bellendalach at Whytlumms;     #
visited
Leslie by the way; and cam before evening to Putachie. We found #
the 
Mr. verie weak and low; ther condition was mor dangerous than   #
we apprehended. 
They wer both dull of hearing. 
   5. - I heard Mr. Duncan Forbes had bein there with them, bot #
staid not;
only went to a roum and prayd. ... The young persons wer not in #
cace to
hear or receave a word from him thorou ther sicknes. 
   10. - I heard som accounts what the shires in the South were #
doeing 
anent the modl. I heard of Park's quarrels against me. I desir  #
to giv him 
no ground of offence; al I intended was to be securd. I cam     #
away from 
Putachie this morning, and cam to Elgin at night. I heard that  #
the E. of 
Murray was gone. I had purposd to have sein him. 
   11. - Most of the gentlemen of the shire wer gone over Spey  #
with the E. 
of Murray. ... I did sie great appearance of carying on the     #
modl. ... I 
cam hom towards evening.
   14. - I read  Calvin on a part of 50 and 51 of Jeremy. ...   #
Al=r.= Dunbar, 
the sheriff's brother, was heir. ... Granghil and Glasach wer   #
heir. I was 
invited to a christning of Glasach's child to morrow. I would   #
fain have
declined it; yet I yeilded. Let it be no snar to me. Mr. Jo.    #
Stewart spok
to Lethen and me anent Aik[\in\]wais affairs, and the mariag    #
betwixt Duncan 
Forbes and ther daughter; pressd me to do somewhat. We ended    #
som 
affairs concerning our friend Miltoun, in taking on us som of   #
his debt. 



<B SDIA3D>
<Q SC3 NN DIARY AHAY>
<N A HAY DIARY>
<A HAY ANDREW>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1659-1660>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T DIARY PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H HIGH>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E X>
<J X>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z NARR NON-IMAG>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^THE DIARY OF ANDREW HAY OF CRAIGNETHAN, 1659-1660.
ED. A.G. REID.
SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY, 39.
EDINBURGH 1901.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 52.21-67.29
SAMPLE 2: PP. 84.13-88.29
SAMPLE 3: PP. 183.10-190.15^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 52>
14 (^June^) , (^Twysday^) , 4 (^acloak^) . - This morning       #
being in 
Waristoun's hous in Ed=r= after I was readie the lady Waristoun 
cam up to Sir Jo=n= and me, and sat in our chamber from 4 till
8 a cloak. We did read my lord's letters entreating her 
ernestly to come up, and after debating all circumstances we 
advysed her to settle her bussiness, and go as quicklie as may 
be with the returne of my lord Argyle's coach, which is to be 
heer on twysday. My lord writes the peace betwixt France and 
<P 53>
Spaine is now concluded, and that the Grandees inclyned to 
have sent S=r= Jo. Ch: a pleinpotentiary to the Zound, if he    #
had 
been at London. About 8 acloak I went up to my sister's, and 
made me readie to go to Humbie being sent for, and then I 
spok with Pat Murray, who warranded me to give doun 100 
lib to the tennents of Deuchar and Kershope. I spok also to 
M=r= Ja. Calderwood, who told me Dalkeith bussiness was 
delayed till Thursday cum 8 dayes in hopes of agreement with 
the lady Weemes. 
   At 12 acloak W=m= Thomsone took me in, and spok with me 
anent Jo. Edgar. I left with him to satisfy Sir Jo=n= Cheislie  #
and 
therafter acquaint me, and I should doe my best to aggree 
him with Jo=n= Edgar, therafter I took my horse and went to 
Humbie about 5 a cloak. I sat with the lady about ane houer 
and told her all things I knew from her father, and of news; 
imediatlie I fell so exceedinglie sick as I was able to do      #
nothing, 
but go to my naked bed, wher I lay in great paine till 10 at 
night, fearing death. The lady satt up all night weeping and 
fearing my distemper to be lik that whereof her husband dyed. 
   This was a sad day at night, but els indifferent. 
   A drying day with some wind. 

   15, (^Wednesday^) , 8 (^acloak^) . - This morning being in
Humbie 
after I was readie being still unweall but much eased both of 
my fever and paine yesternight, I found myself much bound to 
blisse the Lord. I made ane accompt to the lady of that 
bussiness concerning M=r= Gedeon Penman to persew him by ane 
reduction; I looked on the inventar of the houshold stuffe and 
mended some things that were to dear rated. Therafter the 
lady and I fell into a debate concerning her going to the       #
Bath, 
seeing now she finds herself certainly free of child, only she 
was puzzled what to doe with her child, which she thought she 
wold never leav but unwillinglie. I told her that if she used   #
not 
some means now, it was lik she wold prove a creple all her      #
dayes, 
and doubtless the more she trusted to God he wold be the 
more kynd and mercieful to her, howsoever we left it till the 
lady Waristoun came out; only I wrote a letter to the lady 
Waristoun not to engadg any part of the coach, till she speak 
with her daughter the lady Humbie. 
<P 54>
   We dyned together in Humbie, and therafter looked out 
some papers in the study, and then came S=r= Ja Durhame and 
visited the lady, I discoursed with them above ane hour and 
so he went. 
   Toward night cam the lady Inglistoun, and she and the Lady 
and I discoursed anent the lady's condition, and so I went to 
my chamber and retired myself till supper tyme, and found 
myself a litle better nor I was.
   This was a good day to my soule. 
   A fair, drying day. 

16 (^June^) , (^Thursday^) , 6 (^acloak^) . - This morning      #
being in 
Humbie after I was readie I went to the Ladye's chamber, and 
debated with her and the lady Inglistoun anent her journey to 
the Bath. I refused to give her positive counsall in that 
matter, but I thought she was called of God to use means for 
recoverie of her health and I left so with her being very       #
loath 
to let me go, that upon her advertisement I should come to 
Humbie. 
   About 11 acloak we dyned together, and did therafter eat 
strawberryes, and so I parted and cam home thro' the moores, 
by the way I did read upon a mirrie french book called
(\Reveile matin contre la melancholie\) . I cam home after 6 at 
night, and by the way I spok to Jamie Robisone at Skirling to 
have ane cair of my hors at the grasse ther. 
   After I cam home I found a letter from the lady Humbie 
inviting me to come to Humbie which had miscaryed till now, 
I found also a letter from W=m= Thomsone making me ane 
accompt of Jo=n= Edgars bussiness at length; I found my wife 
and children in health, for which I blisse the Lord. I found 
that M=r= Ja. Kirkton had been at this hous upon Twysday all 
night waiting for me, when he cam from Lanerick communion. 
<P 55>
So after I had retired myself being very wearie, I supped and 
went to dutie. 
   This was a tollerable good day to me. 
   A windie day with some raine. 

   17, (^Friday^) , 7 (^acloak^) . - This morning after I was   #
readie I 
went to Bigger and spok with M=r= Alex=r= Levingstone and some 
of the elders who desyred me to draw up ane dispositioun of 
the toure in Bigger be James Broun to the Minister and 
Sessioun for 400 mks.; also that we should supplicat my L.
Wigtoun for some old timber in the Boghall to be a roofe to 
the toure to be a schoole; M=r= Alex=r= told me that he had 
heard some reports of mosse troupers but there's no certainty. 
   Therafter I went to the Boghall with W=m= Crightoun and 
saw only five jests and a peece of ane old fluiring which       #
could 
be usefull for us; then I cam home and dyned with my wiffe, 
and in the afternoone I caused Hew Nisbit write, and I 
dictated ane dispositioun of the said toure and putt in it a 
pro~=rie= of resegnat=n= and a precept of seasing. 
   I heard from London of a malicious paper in print and read 
it, called the Characters of some Scotch grandees, etc. It is 
against Waristoun, Argyle, Swyntoun, Co=l= Lockert and David 
Barclay, and is most bitter; it is supposed to be composed by 
Christop. Irwing, Pat. Oliphant, Geo. Pittilloch, and one W=m= 
Miller. I saw another paper in write concerning the Reformation
of all the Judicatories in Scotland. The Scots affairs are 
committed to Waristoun, Vaine, S=r= Jo=n=, Jo Desborow Lambert, 
Galloway, etc. Thereafter I retired at night. 
   This was a tollerable good day. 
   A drying day after morning raine. 
<P 56>

   18 (^June^) , (^Saturnday^) , 7 (^acloak^) . - This morning  #
after I was 
readie I wrote a letter to my brother concerning my coming to  
Haystoun on Monday, if God will. I wrote another letter to 
M=r= Arch. Porteous to go thither with me to see my brother's 
daughter who is taken with the epilepsie. After I had 
breakfasted, my aunt Katherin cam to me and shew me she was 
in distresse. I gave her a dollar. She told me that the lady 
Smythfield died upon Wednesday last and was buryed yesterday,
and that she had left all she had to her son W=m=, and so 
she went away home. 
   About 12 acloak I dyned with my wiffe, who was very 
unweel all this day. After denner I walked to the mosse and 
found that the peats wer not yet dry. I caused bring home the 
powny and stugged him. Therafter I did read a litle on the 
litle french book against melancholy becaus my spirit was sad. 
  Toward evening I retired myself to my weekly search, and 
found that I had not walked this week suitable to the large 
allowance the Lord gave me the last sabbath, for which I was 
sory, yet I resolved in the Lord's strenth to amend it in time
to come, and so I went to prayer, wherin also the Lord was 
good to me. 
   This day I find M=r= Sam Jonstoun is dead, and my band is 
assigned unto his son Alex=r=. 
   At night I went to family dutie, and so to supper. 
   This day was prettie free of outward temptations.
   A mixed day, wind and some raine. 

   19, (^The Lords Day^) , 7 (^a'cloak^) . - This morning after #
I was 
readie I went to Bigger kirk, and heard M=r=. Alex. Lev.        #
lecture
on Exod. 33; cap hath 2 parts. Some means for reclaiming that 
people and Moses familiar dealing with God. (^v.^) 1. OBS. That
sinfull practices provock the Almighty to be ashamed of a 
people. 2=o= That the choise way of consolation in a sad tyme 
is to act faith on the Cov=t=. (^v.^) 2. OBS. That folk may     #
find reall 
demonstrations of divine pouer that have not his heart toward
<P 57>
them (^v.^) 3. That ther is much mercy in God's acquainting 
sinners with this contraversie. (^v.^) 4. That its a relevant   #
cause 
of mourning to mourn for Gods anger. (^v.^) 7. that its a       #
forrunner
of sad judgm=t= when God threatens departure and folk 
lay it not to heart many more. OBS=s= on 2=d= pt of cap, etc. 
   He preached on Math. 4.12. In the text 4 things. The 
tyme when Christ preached first, the place wher, the reason of 
it, and the preaching itself. 6 considerations for illustrating
of the time when he preached. 1=o= It was the happines of all 
nations. 2=o= It was at the 30=th= yeir of his age. 3=o= It was 
when Jo=n= was fast. 4=o= Such as Jo=n= must not preach long.   #
5=o=
Jo=ns= lot should not terrify others. 6=o= Persecution maks     #
Christ 
appear and help. As for the place, 2 reasons of it. Eminent 
men are never more undervalued nor in the place wher they 
are borne, etc. 
   Afternoone he lectured on 2 Pet. 1. 8, etc., consisting of
many argts to presse grouth in grace and holines. (^v.^) 8.     #
OBS. 
That the way to pleas God is to have thes graces abounding 
in ws. 2=o= The more thes graces abound, the more shall we 
abound in saving knowledg. (^v.^) 11. That holines is the only 
way to get ane open dore to heaven. (^v.^) 12. That folk that 
even know their dutie are very ready to forget it under a 
temptation. (^v.^) 14. That its a ready way for following       #
dutie, 
to intertein constant thots of death, etc. 
   Therafter he preached on Math. 4. 13. The 3=d= thing is the 
reason of Christ's preaching ther, to fulfill a prophecie from 
Isai. 9. 1. explained. OBS. that a people living w=t=out Christ 
are in a sad state, and under the shaddow of death, 3 counsalls 
how to intertein Christ as light. Considering what we wer 
once hath 3 fruits. Christ differs from vther preachers, becaus 
he hath the keyes of David, etc. After sermons, I cam hom 
and retired, and so to familie dutie. 
   I found my spirit sad, but it was a tollerable day. 
   A cold windie day, and some raine. 
 
   20 (^June^) , (^Munday^) , 6 (^acloak^) . - This morning     #
M=r= Ro=t= Broun 
and M=r= Arch. Porteous cam to me betymes. After I was readie 
we took our breakfast together, and therafter we went away 
to Haystoun to visite my brother's child subject to the         #
epilepsie. 
<P 58>
By the way we heard great reports of the rysing of the mosse 
troupers, but no certaintie of it. I called at Hallyard and     #
saw 
the good wiffe of Hundlhope who told me that her husband
had been imprisoned thes 5 weeks in Peebles at Monnerhews 
instance for 2000 mks. 
   We cam to Haystoun at noone, and dyned with my brother 
and his wiffe. After denner M=r= Arch. Porteous appointed 
some things for the child and wold have gone, but my brother 
being ernest, I moved him to stay, so we went to the feilds
together; my brother shew me he had built a new dyke about 
the Rye yard which cost him 200 mks. He told me the maner 
of the lady Smeithfeilds death. That seing her sone S=r= Jo=n= 
so consumed with the french disease, immedeatlie death seased 
on her and she took bed, and never arose againe, that she had 
left her moveables the one half to her daughter and the other 
half to her son W=m=.
   My brother told me also he had been in Ed=r= and had 
delivered to Mary 500 mks. and taken my discharge thereof 
for my use, also my last terms anual rent extending to 225      #
mks. 
and had gotten my discharges, both which I left with Mary. 
   I cam in with my brother, and so we went altogether to 
supper, and therafter to bed. 
   This was but a raving day to me. 
   A very warme, faire day. 

   21, (^Twysday^) , 4 (^acloak^) . - This morning being in     #
Haystoun 
after I was readie I went to breakfast with M=r= Ro=t= Broun    #
and
M=r= Arch. Porteous, and then we took our horse and cam away 
homward. My brother convoyed us to the Needpath, and so 
left us. Therafter we cam to the Stane and took some            #
refreshment. 
I went to Bigger to the sermon. 
   I heard M=r= Alex=r= Levingstone on Jude 8. In the text 4 
things: a comparison betwixt them and uthers, a description 
of these, he speaks of ane enumeration of their faults, and a 
reproofe to them. OBS. that tho all sines are not of one        #
degree, 
yet all sines are equally abhominable in Gods sight. OBS. 2, 
that pernicious erroneous persons are but filthy dreamers 
pleasing themselves in sinfull pleasures. Error is a dream, 3 
wayes. 6 rules how to be free of thes dreames and mistakes
<P 59> 
about our condition. OBS. last that error in judgme=t= brings
furth error in practise, etc. After sermon I went to the 
sessioun where we ordered some discipline and concluded the 
closing of the bargaine of the schoole with James Broun, and 
I was appointed to draw a supplication to my L. Wigtoun for
the old timber in Boghall. 
   At 12 acloak M=r= Alex=r= and M=r= Rot. Broun and his wife 
went all doune with me and dyned at the Stane, and stayed a 
whyle in the afternoone. After they were gone I went to the 
feilds, then I resaved a letter (being speaking with M=r=       #
Alex=r= 
anent John Callanders coming to Humbie) from S=r= Jo=n=         #
Cheislie
and another from the Lady Humbie be her footman, both 
desiring me to be in Ed=r= tomorrow, which I promised if the 
Lord will, and so I went to dutie. 
   This was a tolerable day to me. 
   A prettie faire day. 
 
   22 (^June^) , (^Wednesday^) , 6 (^acloak^) . - This morning  #
after I was 
readie I went to Ed=r= for meeting with the lady Waristoun 
befor she go to London, by the way I called at Dolphintoun
and saw him and his wife and acquainted him that the lady 
Humbie was going to the Bath, he said he wold readlie have 
gone if he had more tyme to prepare himself. 
   I cam to Ed=r= about 3 acloak, and went to my sister's hous
<P 60>
who told me she had resaved 720 mks. from my brother for me 
and she wanted 5 merks. Therafter I went doun and saw the 
lady Waristoun who told me that she had agreed with the 
coachman for 26 lib. sterling and that they wer to go away on 
Munday nixt. She told me also that her lord had written 
home that ther are great fears of ane invasioun upon all the 3 
kingdomes. 
   Toward night S=r= Jo. Cheislie cam and then we conferred 
together a long tyme anent my lord Waristouns condition, 
being continued still all the moneth president of the Councel   #
of 
State. I spok with Pat Murray anent the tennents of Deuchar 
who seemed to be satisfyed, albeit I could not get money to  
him till neer Lambes. My sister told me her husband was 
fyned in 35 lib. sterling for the Renish wyne he brought home. 
So I cam doun and supped with the lady Waristoun and S=r=       #
Jo=n=,
and they moved me to stay ther all that night, therfor I 
retired myself and so I went to bed. 
   This was but a raving day. 
   A windie, ranie day. 
 
   23, (^Thursday^) , 7 (^acloak^) . - This morning being in    #
Ed=r=, after 
I was readie I made some enquirie about money for the lady
Humbies journey bot could find none. I resaved a letter from 
her shewing me that she had resaved 2000 mks. from M=r= Ja. 
Kirktoun, and that he desyred a cautioner, and entreating me
to speak with M=r= Brand to be cautioner for her, but I thought 
it not expedient least she should get a refusal, for he was 
craving his accompt of funeralls from her in the tyme. 
   I was with the lady Wariston and S=r= Jo=n= closse all this  #
fornoone
consulting about the lady's affairs, both in the familie 
and in their office. The familie is committed to the lady 
Redhall, and the managing of their office to the severall       #
clerks, 
and so I left them, and went to denner. After denner M=r= W=m=
Cheislie lent the lady 4000 mks. and I lent him 40 lib. to mak 
it out, which he promised to repay me againe.  About 4 acloak 
at night I went to my horse and went out to Humbie; I cam 
ther about 7 ho=rs=, and conferred with the lady a long tyme 
<P 61>
anent her journey to the Bath and the disposing of her estate 
and her child. We resolved to let her daughter stay in Humbie, 
and that her cusigne M=rs= Gray should wait upon her. Therafter 
I wrote l=ers= to all the freinds and she subscryved them to 
meet att Humbie upon Saturnday for ordering her affairs. 
And after supper I retired myself and then went to bed. 
   This was a tolerable good day. 
   A prettie faire day, and warme. 

   24 (^June^) , (^Fryday^) , 7 (^acloak^) . - This morning     #
being in Humbie,
after I was readie, the Lady and I went to the studie, and I 
drew ane memorandum of all things to be proposed to the 
freinds in order to the journey, and tho=t= it fittest to let   #
them 
move things, and we either to concurre or not, according as we 
found expedient; the lady told me she had a mynd to mak her 
testament, and desyred my help in it, but I told her that I 
wold not medle in that bussiness least if the lord should call 
her, I might be judged to be too officious to medle in that 
which was betuixt her and her neerest relations.  
   About noone we dyned, and M=r= Jo=n= Stirling with us, who 
desyred ernestly that the lady Waristoun might come be
Bothens and see my Lady Tweddale, wherof I promised to 
advertise her. 
   In the afternoone I did help the Lady to putt all her        #
things 
in order for her journey, and caused her send in all her        #
silver 
work and most considerable papers to Ed=r=, and becaus she had 
no gold, that she should tak one of her best rings with her to 
Ingland in case of a strait. About 4 acloak I went out and 
helpit to adjust the garden for building the wall of it. Then 
cam M=r= Jo=n= Drummond, and he and I walked a long time in 
the garden, and then went in and spok a whyle with the Lady. 
   About 9 we went to supper, and in the midst of it cam Sir
Jo=n= Cheslie and told us the lady wold be heer on Munday; so 
after supper we retired and I went to bed and lay with S. Jon.
   This was a tollerable good day. 
   A tollerable fair day. 
<P 62>
   25, (^Saturnday^) , 6-7 (^acloak^) . - This morning being in #
Humbie, 
after I was readie I mett with the Lady and S=r= Jo. Cheislie,  #
and 
we debated severall bussinesses relating to her, which was      #
expedient
to be proposed to friends and what not. After breakfast
all the freinds being met, we went thro severall points of 
her affairs, and concluded 1=o= That the child should stay at 
Humbie under the care of M=rs= Gray, and in case of sickness or 
trouble in the countrey be removed to Inglestoun. 2=o= that the 
testa=t= be confirmed, and the lady to find a cautioner, and    #
recommend
it to Keith to mend some things in the inventary. 3=o= we
payed M=r= Jo=n= Drummond for David's annuity till Mertimes 
nixt by assigning him to Whittinghames band of 4600 mks. 
4=o= we aggreed that Michael Melin should provyd money for 
the lady. 5=o= we consented to a warrand to Alexander Borthwick
to pay for building the garden wall and uther dykes, etc. 
   In the afternoone after we had dyned altogether, they went 
away, and I caused the lady send in one thousand merks to 
Ed=r= to be returned by bill to London to her, and I promised 
to be surtie for the 2000 mks. to M=r= Kirtoun. In the evening  
I retired myself and went to the feilds, and fell upon my
weekelie search, wherein I find too much tumbling up and doun, 
which brings in but very little honour to God. I find my vow 
of faithfulness and frequencie in duty not conscionable aneugh 
performed, for which the Lord pardon me for Christ's sake. 
Afterward I cam in the exercise and then to supper, and so 
retired, and to bed. 
   This was a tollerable day, I blisse God. 
   A fair day, but not very warme. 

26 (^June^) , (^The Lords Day^) , 7 (^a'cloak^) . - This        #
morning being in 
Humbie after I was readie and had ended familie dutie, I went 
to the church and heard M=r= Ja. Calderwood lecture on Math. 
25.14, etc. In the parable 3 things, the Lord's departure, the 
improvement of the talents, and the accompt they mak. OBS. 1,
That every man has his talent wherein he may be serviceable 
to God. 2=o= That the Lord gives not gifts alik, nor in like 
measure unto all. 3=o= That we must not envy these to whom 
the Lord givs large measur of gifts. 4=o= That God doth not
exact more of his people nor they are able. 5=o= From him that 
<P 63>
had one talent, OBS. that idlenes is a very fearfull sin.       #
From 
the accomp=t= given, OBS. That such as improve the weak gifts 
God gives them, shall not want their reward. 2=o= that the 
judiciall processe in the great day, will run manely on works. 
3=o= That men are condemned for not doing of good, etc. 
   Therafter he preached on Math. 5. 6. 2. By righteousnes
is meant Christ's imputed righteousnes. In the text 3 the 
frame of the godlie, their blisednes, and the confirma~ion of   #
it 
OBS. 1, That the righteousnes of Jesus Christ is a very         #
desirable 
thing. What this righteousnes is; the desirablenes of it in 6 
considerations. 3 considera=t=ns anent the sin of leaning to    #
our 
oune righteousnes and neglecting Christ's OBS. 2, that its the
frame and disposi=o=n even of the meanest of Gods people to 
desire earnestly Christ's righteousnes; 2 considera=o=ns anent  #
the 
workings of the soule. OBS. 3, That such as hunger after 
righteousnes are blissed, etc. 
  In the afternoone he preached on 2=d= com~and, Exod. 20. 4. 
In the text is a prohibition and a comination, backed with 2 
argts. one taken from Gods justice, another from his mercie. 
Something bidden, and something forbidden in this com~and; 
ther is a totall, and a partial neglect of worship. We ought 
to regard the maner as weell as the matter of worship. OBS. 
that wicked idolatrous parents are worst of all uthers unto 
their children. 2=o= that to be godly and worship God is the 
best way to doe good unto your children. 3=o= that loving of 
God and keeping his comands are twines and inseparable, etc. 
   After sermones I cam home to Humbie, and retired myself 
in secret, and therafter we went to familie exercise. 
   I found this a favourable day to my soule, and the Lord 
gave me good allowance in dutie, blessed be he. 
   A very seasonable raine all day.
  
   27, (^Munday^) , 6 (^acloak^) . - This morning being in      #
Humbie 
after I was readie I went with the lady and resaved from her 
all her keyes which she entrusted to me as to a freind. She 
told me that she had left her testam=t= in her litle cedar box
which she desyred should not be opened till she returne or els 
be removed by death. At breakfast cam up the laird of Keith 
and the lady, and took leave of the lady Humby, and seemed
<P 64>
to be somewhat displeased, becaus of the ladys respects to me. 
Therafter came the laird and lady Ingleston, and brought a 
l=re= of excuse from the Lady Waristoun that she could not 
come this way, and desyred me to write a l=r= to the lady       #
Tweddale
to excuse her, which I did. 
   We dyned altogether in Humbie, and after denner I did 
read the news from London, that Waristoun was still President,
and still more rumors of the invasion of this Iland from France
and Spaine. About 4 acloak my father cam to Humbie, and 
therafter we went all from thence; The lady Humbie to           #
Newmylns,
and S=r= Jon. and I to Haddingtoun, and not finding the 
lady Waristoun there but that she was gone to Bothens, we
wer desyred to go ther all night, and when I parted with 
my brother, he desyred me to speak to the lady Waristoun
in his behalf. 
   At 8 acloak we cam to Bothens and ther resaved l=res= againe 
from London, and a pece written be Pittilloch for opening the 
Session. After supper I went to bed, being made very welcome. 
   This was but a raving day.
   Much raine fell this day. 

   28 (^June^) , (^Twysday^) , 4 (^acloak^) . - This morning    #
being in 
Bothens, after I was readie I took a drink, and left all the 
strangers in bed, and went down to the Newmylns to meet and 
convoy the young lady Humbie to Dumbar wher all the company 
had trysted at 10 hours, but she was gone betymes, 
and so I rode very hard, and over took her within a myle of 
Dumbar, wher we cam at 8 a'cloak. 
   After I cam ther, the lady and her maid and I met privatlie,
wher the Lord allowed me very much comfort and tenderness
in prayer, and therafter she recommended ernestly to me the 
care of her daughter and all her affairs. Then we did           #
breakfast 
altogether there; about 11 acloak cam M=rs= Gilespie and 
about 12 acloak cam the lady Waristoun from Bothens, and 
being all mett, they spok a litle together, and therafter I     #
took 
leave of them all, and putt them into the coach, and convoyed 
them a litle beyond Dumbar, and so returned with S. Jo. 
Cheislie and Inglestoun and his lady to Haddingtoun, and by 
the way saw the old lady Humby. After we had stayed there 
<P 65>
2 houres we took horse againe, and Sir Jo. cam along with me 
at my desyre to Humbie all night, wher we saw the child in 
good health. I went and visited the keyes and papers the lady 
had entrusted to me, and did remove the chartar kist to the 
wardrob according to her direction. 
   About 9 at night we went to family duty and so to supper 
and therafter to bed. S=r= Jo=n= and I lay together as          #
formerlie. 
   This was a good day to my soule I thought. 
   Warme and fair till night, then raine. 

29, (^Wednesday^) , 7 (^acloak^) . - This morning being in      #
Humbie, 
after I was readie I spok to John Skirving to have a cair of    #
all 
things about the hous, and to Christian Lawsone to cair for     #
all 
things within the hous, and to M=rs= Gray to have a cair of the 
child, and I recommended all unto the Lord, being called 
therunto becaus the lady had made a factory to me and trusted 
me with all she had. 
   After we had breakfast ther, I took my leave, and desyred 
M=rs= Gray to send a footman imediatlie to me upon any          #
alteration
of the child, which she promised to do, therafter Sir  Jo. 
Cheislie and I went straight to Dalkeith to see the Gen=ll=. We 
cam ther about 12 acloak, and dyned in the toune. 
   After denner we went in and saw the Gen=ll=, wher I observed #
a 
strange providence. I had a pistoll in my pockett, and when 
the corporall was ryping me at the gate he had it in his hand,
and yet observed it not, so I escaped without any trouble,
blissed be God, which should teach me to be more warrie in 
tyme coming. 
   We stayed with the Gen=ll= all the afternoone and had many
discourses with him, he neither feared foraigne invasion from
French nor Spanish, nor any trouble of mos troupers, becaus he 
said he had assured all the Highlands. We told him if need
wer, we would ask libertie to cary armes, which he promised. 
   At 8 acloak at night we took our horse, and cam into Ed=r=. 
My lord Cocheran being with us, and I had a great colick. I 
lay at my sister's hous. 
<P 66>
   This was a tollerable good day to me. 
   Fair before, and very foule afternoone. 

   30 (^June^) , (^Thursday^) , 6-7 (^acloak^) . - This morning #
being in 
Ed=r=, after I was readie I went and delivered a band to the 
lady Jerviswood of 2000 mks. granted be the lady Humbie 
principall, and myself at her desyre cautioner, to Mr Ja=s= 
Kirktoun and his wiffe. Therafter I resaved from my sister 
407 lib., which she gott from my brother for me. I putt 400 
lib. in the lady Humbies trunk, together with some papers of 
concernment. 
   At 11 acloak I mett with W=m= Thomsone and Jo=n= Edgar, 
and at lenth I aggreed them for paying to W=m= Thomsone 
10000 merks, and he to discharge all his right of apprysing to 
Jo=n= Edgar's hous, and so I dyned in Ja=s= Tarbits hous, and 
therafter wrote a letter to the lady Humbie. Afterward I 
went up and visited the lady Humbies trunk in her father's
hous, and then went doun and saw my lord Brodie and took 
leav of him, and at 5 acloak I took horse and galloped home 
ag=t= 9. 
   When I cam home I found a letter from Mr Ro=t= Hay to me, 
anent ane accompt of duke Hamiltons bussiness, which I resolve 
to ans=r=, and speak to my brother to forbear pressing 200 
mks. which he is owing to my lord Errol. 
   I found M=r= Ro=t= Broun at our hous, who had been ingadging 
some brethern to help him at his communion, which is to be 
upon sabbath come ane fortnight, and I found my wiffe and 
children in good health, for which I blisse the Lord. So, after 
we had supped, I went about dutie in the familie, and so we 
parted, and went to bed. 
   This was a confused but successfull day. 
   A very seasonable, faire day. 

<P 67>
   1 (^July^) , (^Fryday^) , 7-8 (^acloak^) . - This morning    #
after I was 
readie, M=r= Alex=r= Levingstoun and M=r= Thomas Laurie cam     #
doun 
and visited me. I told them all the neus; that the peace of 
Spaine and France was lik to have had influences apon this 
iland, and that the quarrell was lik to turne papist and        #
protestant;
that the Protector was fled from the hazard of arrestment
of merchantts for mournings for his father's funerals. 
Andrew Steinsone told me also that ther wer 2 bales of papist 
books directed to him as if they had been paper, and that many 
such had been vented within thes few yers. 
   About 10 a'cloak, M=r= Ro=t= Broun and M=r= Tho. Laurie and  #
I
went up to Bigger, and becaus it was the fair day I wold not 
stay, but mett with M=r= Jon Rae, and imediatlie cam doun 
againe. And therafter I sent to Helen Broun a doller, and to 
David Thorburne 4 lib. and so my wiffe and I dyned together 
with M=r= Jo=n= Rae and his wiffe at our hous. 
  In the afternoone I found myself exceeding lasie and unfitt
for any service or work, and so I went to the feilds and had    #
my 
oune thoughts of my bussinesse, and found that I had much 
reason to wrestle with God in behalf of the trust he hath put
over upon me in reference to the lady Humbie and her 
daughter, and to remember them at every tyme I bow my
knee to the Lord. 
   Toward night I did read awhyle on Spencer's new and old 
things, and so went to familie dutie, resolving to go to
Kilbocho sermons tomorrow if the Lord will, and so I went to 
supper. 
   This was but an ill day to my soule. 
   A faire warme day. 

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 84>
19, (^Tuysday^) , 6 (^acloak^) . - This morning after I was     #
readie I 
drew a petition in favor of Thomas Geddes for supplie, and sent
it with my wiffe to M=r= Alex=r= to be subscribed by the        #
Presbrie. 
After breakfast I took my horse and went away to Haystoun, 
and by the way having so trysted I called on Kirkurd, but he 
was gone. I cam to Haystoun about 1 acloak and found there 
all the tenants of the Deuchar waiting for me. So my brother 
counted with them all, and wold not suffer me to doe it. I
told him that he had promised no meddling more with the 
tenants, but he denyed the samyne and professed he wold still 
meddle, ay till he wer legallie discharged and secured. I 
thought it not fitt to contend with him in words, there be no 
law patent. 
   After compt and reckoning with the tenants and discussing 
them, I was content to tak my oune part and Pat Murrays 
and Ja=s= Chrysties. I had resaved in money of all 700 lib.,    #
which 
was 25 lib. Scots to every thousand merks, and so my brother 
keept Bridgfurd's part extending to 100 lib., and I took the 
rest with me and gave my broy=r= my note for it, that I had     #
resaved 
the saym. 
   After this I dyned with my brother about 4 acloak at night. 
<P 85> 
He told me that M=r= Pat Oliphant had vented many base
calumnyes against my lord Waristoun, so about 4 and a half I 
took my leave of my brother, and went away that night to 
Humbie to see the child. I was exceeding wearie when I cam
ther being late, and so after I had eaten a little, I found a 
great pane in my head and went to my chamber. I resaved 
2 l=res= from the lady Humbie: One dated at Duncaster and 
another at London July 12, and so I went to dutie. 
   This was a barren day of meditation but successful. 
   This was a very warme day. 

   20, (^Wednesday^) , 7 (^acloak^) . - This morning  being in  #
Humbie
after I was readie I looked some of the trunks q=r=of I had the 
keys, to see that nothing therein was spoiled. I blissed the
Lord that I found the child so weell in health in Humby, and 
that I heard from the mother also that she was much better 
since she went away, as she writes to me, wh. was a singular
trysting mercie. About 10 acloak Alex=r= Borthwick cam and I 
acquainted him that I had gotten a letter from the lady         #
desyring 
some money to be sent unto her, but he protested he had no 
money to doe the little things that wer recommended to him, 
and that the tennents wer exceedingly poore, and had nothing 
in their hands at this tyme of the yeir, and so he went. 
   About noone I dyned with M=rs= Gray and M=r= William, and 
after denner I walked doune to the mylne and saw the mason 
compleating the bridge ther, and I desyred him to come the 
morne to the garden dyke, and not leave it againe till he
outred it, which he promised to doe. Therafter I walked 
thro the parks and saw my sons litle naig, and so cam in 
again to the hous. 
   About 4 acloak M=r= Andrew Borthuick cam to me, and we 
conferred anent M=r= Gedeon Penman's committee, which is to 
sitt upon Tuysday come eight days. I desyred him to draw a 
petition to that committee and I should cary it west to Sir
Jo=n= Chiesly to amend it and send it in againe to him; so
we went in to the study and found out his seasings, and saw 
great presumptions of his appropriating the church rent to his
oune use. 
<P 86>
   Toward night I retired and therafter cam to supper, being 
very unweel I was not able to eat. 
   This was a tollerable good day to me. 
   A closse, warme day. 

   21, (^Thursday^) , 6 (^acloak^) . - This morning being in    #
Humbie 
after I was readie I copyed over the accompt betuixt my broy=r= 
and the tennents of Deuchar, and therafter I went to            #
breakfast, 
and so took my leave of them at Humbie. I cam be M=r= Ja=s= 
Calderwood and saw him, who told me that M=r= W=m= was at 
Dalkeith at the exercise upon his tryells for the kirk of       #
Dalkeith. 
Therafter I cam by Keith, and told him the great need
the lady Humbie had of money, and to try him, desyred his 
advice how to get some. He told me he thought Michael had 
none, and for himself he protested he had not 5 lib. ster=l= in 
the world, so I left him after he had told me that the freinds 
wer going about to settle Adam and contract him. 
   About 1 acloak I cam to Ed=r=, and after I had shifted       #
myself 
in my sisters, I went doune to M=rs= Brand and saw her l=res=   #
from
London, and told her I was to give her some money for the 
lady Humbie. I spok to M=r= Jo=n= Drummond, who told me 
that Prestons money was readie, and that it should be given
to Allantoun for the soume dew to him. He thought also 
Michael should give money to the ladie.  So I cam to Michael 
being sick, and with some difficultie I got from him upon my 
receipt 45 lib. Ster=l= for the ladye's use; and so I went out  #
to 
Redhall and saw Waristoun's children all weel, and came in 
againe and resaved a letter from the lady Humbie dated 
London 16 July. Therafter I wrote a long letter to her 
acquainting her with all her business, and that I had           #
delivered 
to M=rs= Brand 100 lib. Ster=lg= for her use, and sent it away  #
by 
the post. Therafter I spok to Ja. Crystie that I had his money 
readie for him, and so I cam home, and supped in my sisters 
hous, and so to dutie and to bed. 
   This was a tollerable good day also. 
   A warme day and some clouds of raine.
<P 87>
22 (^July^) , (^Fryday^) , 5-6 acloak. - This morning being in  #
Ed=r=
after I was readie I went doun the way, and delivered to M=rs= 
Brand 100 lib. Ster=l= for the lady Humbies use, to be answered 
to her at London, and took M=rs= Brand's receipt therupon. She 
cast much of it as ill money, and so I have behind 10 mks. 
of ill money which rested of the 1000 mks. was left with me 
becaus Michaell gave me 45 lib. Ster=l=, which being added to 
55 lib. Ster=l= maks 100 lib., and so rests 10 mks. over the 55 #
lib. 
to mak 1000 mks. 
  Therafter I went to seek Pat Murray to give him his money, 
but could not find him, and therfor I delivered to his good 
broy=r= Ro=t= Bard 195 lib. and took his note, he get me        #
Patricks 
ticket of receipt of it. Therafter not finding Ja. Crystie at 
his chamber I told his man that he might call for his money 
fra Jo=n= Thomas, and so I delivered to Jo=n= Thomas 50 lib. to #
be 
given to Ja. Crystie, and he get his note of receipt therof     #
fra 
me, and keip it for me. 
   After this I cam to my chamber and ther Andrew Stevisone 
delivered to me 2 of these popish books had been sent to him    #
as 
they had been paper, q=r=of I caryed the one to S=r= Jo=n= and 
promised to send him S=r= Jo=n's= advyce q=t= to doe with thes  #
bookes. 
I caused remove the lady Humbies trunk out of her father's 
hous into my sisters hous for fear of any hazard that might 
befall it ther. 
   About 1 acloak I took my horse and cam away, and becaus 
I had severall l=res= to Sir Jo. I cam be Kerswall way. I dyned 
by the way at Redhall with Cradoun, and saw all my lord 
Waristoun's children in health. Therafter I went on to          #
Kerswall, 
and missing Sir Jo=n= I was not able to ryde any farder 
that night, so I stayed and supped with the lady, being very 
unweel. 
   This was a tollerable day to me. 
   Most pairt raine all day. 

   23, (^Saturnday^) , 6-7 (^acloak^) . - This morning being in #
Kerswell,
after I was readie, I took leave of the lady, and then
<P 88>
took my horse and went to Quodq=n=, q=r= I saw my sister weel   #
and 
M=r= Ro=t=. I stayed with them half an houer, they told me they 
wer going to the west countrie upon tuysday nixt. Therafter 
I went to Culter to meet with Sir J=on= Cheislie. After I had 
given him his l=res= he gave me them to read, q=r= I found that #
the 
Government is still unsettled, that ther is fear of ane         #
invasioun,
and of ane insurrectioun of discontented persones w=t=in the 
countrey. He advysed Andrew Stevisone to comunicat his 
bussiness to M=r= Douglas, that he may tak his way to comunicat
it or not to the Gen=ll=, and that he have a cair to save him
harmless both as to the hazard and to the charges. I was 
desyred to keep Munday come 8 dayes at Culter for devyding of 
their co~moun. About 12 acloak I cam away from Culter, being 
very unweel I cam home, and sleept neer 2 hours. About 4 
houers cam Sir Daniel Carmichael and visited me and stayed 
ane houer, therafter cam Elsp Greg and her good brother and 
Ja=s= Rae, and stayed a whyle, and after they wer gone I        #
retired 
myself to my weeklie search. I found that God had been 
very kind unto me throughout this week, but that I had not 
requitted the Lord as was my dutie. He hes graciously borne 
me through in the bussiness I had to doe, and I have            #
recompensed 
him ill for good. Among uther things I was exceedinglie
hardened and bound up this day, which should be a 
thanks giving day, my predominant rebelling ag=t= me, the 
Lord curb it; so I retired to prayer. 
   I had a letter from my broy=r= and anoy=r= fra De~on Law and 
one fra Ja. Hamilton anent my charter. 
   This day my spirit was bound up and my heart hardened. 
   Great clouds of raine and many this day. 

<S SAMPLE 3>
<P 183>
   7 (^Novemb=r=^) , (^Munday^) , 7 (^a'cloak^) . - This        #
morning being in 
Berwick after I was ready, becaus the Lady Humbie was not 
yet come, Gradoun and M=r= W=m= Thomsone and I walked round 
about upon the wall head of Berwick. I observed many iron 
guns upon the walls but only 1 brasse gun. Therafter we 
walked to the key and to the Bridg and cam in againe. 
   I heard this day that Gen. Monk's men were marched no 
further nor than Anwick, and that Col. Lilburne with severall 
troups of the army had possessed himself of Newcastle and 
Tynmouth Castle, and that they keeped both good guards, but 
non of them cam neer to another. I see S=r= W=m= Selby his 
hous in Berwick making readie for my Lady Munk to lodge 
in all winter. 
   About 12 a'cloak we dyned at our lodging hous in M=r= 
Conyers at the Common Wealth Armes, and therafter I went to 
the Schoole and to Katherin Maxwell's chamber to have seen 
her and her sone, but they wer not w=t=in. It is a new built 
Schoole - M=r= Web is master. Then we payed our reckoning,
being very dear: Gradoun and I payed half and half, and so we 
took our hors and cam away to Gradoun. I left a letter with 
M=r= Ogle to the Lady Humbie q=n= she comes to Berwick,         #
desiring 
her to come to Gradoun. We cam to Gradoun againe towards 
evening. Ther I met with the lady Craigie, whom I find 
very sharp but exceeding perverse in her opinion of             #
anabaptisme. 
After supper I retired to my chamber and to 
bed. 
   This was but ane idle, jacking day. 
   Cold and haill afternoone. 
<P 184>
   8, (^Twysday^) , 7 (^a'cloak^) . - This morning being in     #
Gradoun, 
after I was ready I did read upon the history of K. Henry       #
7=th=,
written be S=r= Francis Bacon. How being Earle of Richmond 
he wan Bosworthfeild, and was proclaimed king in the feilds, 
and was therafter crouned at Westminster. How he made 
use of his 3 fold title to the Croun in the Parlia=t= as Henrie 
of Lancaster and husband to Elizabeth, eldest daughter to 
Edward 4=th=, also by his conquest, but leaned most to his 
oune blood and title, etc. At denner M=r= Ure, Minister of 
Norham, and his wife cam in and dyned with us. He told me 
that the present pouers wer about to abolish tyths and leav 
the ministry unprovided. After dinner the lady Craigie and 
I did reason a long tyme concerning anabaptisme, but she fell 
out in unsound and blasphemous expressions, alledging y=t= the 
scripture warranded contradictions, citing that place of        #
eating 
and not eating for conscience sake. Therafter cam Jo=n= Hume 
of Kello, who told us that Monk's men wer melting away 
some above 12 or 15 in one troup, and that he heard 
Lambert was coming doun. We sent a man to Berwick to 
wait on the lady Humbie. 
   In the evening I did read on Bacon's story of Henry 7=th=,
and finds him a most wise and fortunat prince, and how 
Perkin Warbeck molested the king as representing Richard 2=d=, 
sone to Edward 4=th=, etc. Therafter I went to supper, and so 
to my chamber a whyle and retired. 
   This was a sad day and idle also. 
   Raine and haill most p=t=. 

   9 (^Novemb=r=^) , (^Wednesday^) , 7 (^a'cloak^) . - This     #
morning being in 
Gradoun, after I was readie I did read out the story of 
Henry 7, and finds it weel written and the laws of the tymes
weel remarked. He reigned 23 yers and maryed his eldest 
daughter upon James 4 King of Scotland, and dyed excessive 
rich. 
   At breakfast the lady Humbie came to Gradoun, having 
been in Cornwall all night. She had come from York upon
horsback. I found her prettie well recovered in her health,
and she was very kind and respective; therafter she and 
I withdrew and prayed together, wher the Lord allowed me 
<P 185>
much outletting. I spent the wholl fornoone with her. She
told me she had spent 300 lib. ster., having bought many 
things. She told me it was weel for Scotland this Parlia=t= 
was raised, becaus they looked on us as a conquered province. 
That my L. Lambert was likelie to cary anything he pleased 
in the army and so in the State. That her father was hoples 
of good to Scotland from either partie, etc. 
   We dyned late. After denner I made the Lady Humbie
ane accompt of all her bussiness how it went since she went 
away, and wrot a letter for her to Ro=t= Andrew at Newcastle
how all things went in Scotland. Therafter the lady and I 
communed together a long tyme anent q=t= was expedient to be 
done after her homcoming. Therafter I went to supper, 
where we had too great abundance. Then I retired, and did
read on Hops practicks after I was in bed. 
   Ane unfruitful day, yet a blink I had. 
   A very foul day of raine  and haill.

   10, (^Thursday^) , 7 (^a'cloak^) . - This morning being in   #
Gradoun 
after I was readie I did read the declaration of the Councell
of officers who now have the Gov=t= in their hands, wherin  
is tolleration promised and the taking away of tyths, which 
is lik to be destructive to religioun. Therafter we went to 
breakfast, and so took hors and cam away. I caryed the 
lady Humbie behind me y=t= I might speak with her all the 
way. We cam be Eccles and Stitchell, and at lenth cam to 
Mellerstane, wher we met with Jerviswood, who took us in and 
we took a drink with him. It is ane old melancholik hous
that had had great buildings about it. He cam with us to 
Lauder at night. By the way the lady told me how at 
present ther wer women that preached publickly every week
in the chappel at Whythall. How the City of London are
decayed in their religioun, y=t= the sabbath is not observed,   #
but
merchandise is made on that day; that S=r= Hen. Vaine and 
Major Galloway do preach every sabbath in their own
houses, etc., which maks me fear judgment to be coming on 
that land. We cam to Lauder after it was dark, and ther 
met M=r= Ro=t= Symsone com post from London. I did read 
a litle book called the plots of Jesuits for overturning        #
protestant
<P 186>
religion and another solid peice containing overtures 
for union among the churches of the 3 nations, both which he 
brought from London with him. Therafter we supped and 
so we retired to our chambers. 
   This was no ill day, I blisse the Lord. 
   A very rainie day. 

   11 (^Novemb=r=^) , (^Fryday^) , 6 (^a'cloak^) . - This       #
morning being in 
Lauder after I was readie I went to breakfast w=t= Jerviswood 
and Gradoun, and therafter I cam away w=t= the lady Humbie 
and took leav of them. I conferred by the way with the lady,
and found she had spent 300 lib. sterl. upon her journey 
to the Bath. I thought it was too much money, but was 
glade she had recovered her health. We cam to Humbie 
about 12 a cloak, and found the child and all freinds in good 
health, blissed be the Lord. 
   Therafter we went to denner, and the laird of Keith and 
the lady and M=r= Ja. Calderwood cam to us. After denner 
I talked a whyle with M=r= Ja., who told me that all Munks 
troups wer come eastward toward England and wer lying in 
the thrie Lothians, and that the Gen=ll= was very resolut to 
fight upon the grounds he had layed doune. 
   After they wer gone, I delivered all the keys and resigned 
all the trust which the lady had given me at her way-going 
unto herself againe, and so I accompted my self weel            #
acquitted. 
   Toward night she and I conferred together a long time 
concerning the sad condition of her fathers familie, and how 
in makin his last will he had only left to his 4 youngest 
children 4 thousand merks, and that the money on Redhall
was M=r= Brands except 8000 merks, and how he intended to 
com sune and leav his lady to agent his bussiness. So I 
supped non but took a drink and so retired. 
   This was a good day, I blisse the Lord. 
   Frost all day and snow at night. 

   12, (^Saturnday^) , 7 (^a'cloak^) . - This morning after I   #
was ready, 
being in Humbie, I resolved to go home, but much snow being
fallen in the night I durst not venture, and the lady would 
not let me go. After I had breakfast she took me to her 
<P 187>
study and shewed me her trunks which she had brought from 
London and q=t= cloaths she had bought, being all mourning,
besydes some coats for her oune daughter and her sisters, 
besyds som very good peuter vessell very cheap. 
   Afterward I dyned with the lady, and Alex=r= Borthwick cam 
to her, and told us how sad a condition the tenents wer in 
becaus of the scarcitie of the last crop, and that it was lik 
she wold get som roumes in her oune hand. Therafter I did 
read a while upon Davila in Inglish, which belongs to my 
lord Tweddal. Then the lady and I talked a long tym, and 
she told me all the particular way of the Bath. I was only 
disatisfyed that men and women sat together in one bath, 
and I found also that it was a very chargable thing to go 
about that cure. Toward night I retired myself to my weekly 
search, and found that the Lord had very graciously protected 
me through my journeys this week, and had allowed me also 
some blinks of his presence in dutie, for which I blisse his  
name; but that I had walked somq=t= loosely in my               #
communications,
for which I beg his pardon. Therafter I went to 
dutie in family and had some allowance, and so retired. 
   This was ane idle day to me, Lord pardon. 
   Snow all nyt and frost all day. 

   13 (^Nov=r=^) , (^The Lords day^) , 7 (^a'cloak^) . - This   #
morning being 
in Humbie, after I was ready and gone about family dutie I 
went w=t= the lady to the Kirk, and heard M=r= Ja. Calderwood 
lecture on Rom. 1. 1-12. In the cap. ther is a preface and 
the mane proposition. The penman described from 3 things.
OBS. that gifts and parts mak not men ministers, unles they 
be called of God, (^v.^) 2 OBS. that the doctrine of the        #
ghospell 
is no new thing. (^v.^) 3. that Jesus Christ is the subject     #
matter 
of the scriptures. (^v.^) 5. that ministers are a gift freely   #
given 
of God to his church. 2=o= that the free grace of  God lights 
oftenest on the most unworthie. (^v.^) 7. OBS. 1, that          #
believers 
are dear to Christ. 2=o= that God's free love is the cause of 
all the saints mercies. 3=o= that grace calls us to be saints. 
4=o= that God's favour is to be sought in the first place and 
outward things in the 2=d=, etc. 
<P 188>
   Therafter he preached on Math. 5. 11. OBS. that God is 
good and faithfull who tells his followers of the worst things 
they meet w=t=. 2=o= that wicked men have ever keenest hatred 
against faithfull ministers. OBS. 3, that we ought to apply 
the promises to ourselves if we wold have comfort in the day 
of adversity. 4 considerations to clear this point; 3 uses, 
and 3 marks to try if we have interest in the promises and 
may apply them. 5 directions anent applying the promises.
Mak a catalogue of them, study interest in the great promise
Christ, apply absolut promises if you can not conervall         #
promises, 
pray for light, and learne to look up qn you darr not apply,    #
etc. 
In the afternoone he preached on the 8=th= Command, Exod. 
20.15. The things required in this precept are 1=o= liberality, 
2=o= all means tending to it as contentedness of mind. 3=o=
that men should be diligent in the stations qrn God has 
placed ym. 3=o= a sober use of that which they gane. 4=o= 
liberality both to ourselves and uthers. 5=o= restitution of 
goods unlawly purchased. 5 motivs to the dutie of equity and
justice. 1=o= It's a part of Gods image. 2=o= without this your 
service to God is nought. 3=o= heerby yow honour God. 4=o= 
heerby you are saffe in evil times, and 5=o= many excellent 
things are spoken of it. 
   After sermons I went home w=t= the lady and retired myself. 
The child Helen took a sore fitt of a colic. It troubled us 
but the Lord heard us for her. Therafter we went to familie 
dutie, and so to supper and prayed after. 
   This was a good day. Blissed be the Lord for it. 
   Frost in the morning, therafter raine. 

   14, (^Munday^) , 7 (^acloak^) . - This morning being in      #
Humbie 
after I was ready I did read a litle upon Davila his historie 
of the civill warrs of France concerning Henry 3, his causing 
murther Charles and Henry, 2 brothers, duke of Guyse and 
Cardinall of Lorraine at the assemblie of the states at Blois 
and his imprisoning the rest of the heads of the League. 
   Therafter I took breakfast w=t= the lady and resaved som 
directiouns from her to send som silver plate out of her trunk
in Ed=r= to Humbie, and after prayer I parted w=t= her and cam 
to Ed=r= about 2 acloak. In the afternoone I met with Doc=t=
<P 189> 
Purves, who told me that ther wer 4 Commissioners com to 
Ed=r=, viz. Whaley and Crosse, and 2 ministers, Caryll and 
Baker, to signify to the army the Submissiouns of the           #
Independent
Churches to the army in Ingland; I heard also that 
Lambert is this night in Newcastle, having com doun post, and 
some regiments are following him. Therafter I met w=t= Pat 
Murray, who desirs me to get the same right my brother has 
to Deuchar and he shall tak the same right from me that he 
has from my brother and give my brother his band back. I 
was also informed that the elections through all the shyres 
for the meeting tomorrow at Ed=r= was of the royall partie and 
noblemen for the most part. 
   Therafter I went to the stationers, and bought Da. Fergusons
Scots Proverbs and viewed som uther books about ane 
hour, and so I cam to my chamber in my good-broy=rs= hous, 
wher I supped and was in a very sad humour and after dutie 
I went to my bed. 
   This was a sad and idle day to me. 
   A fair, louring day. 
  
   15 (^Novemb=r=^) , (^Twysday^) , 7 (^a'cloak^) . - This      #
morning being in 
Ed=r= after I was ready I dispatched a letter to the lady       #
Humbie 
and acquainted her of M=rs= Brands craving her for money 
borrowed, and I delivered all the things to her servant Thomas 
Pait. Therafter M=r= W=m= Cheislie cam to me and caryed me 
to his chamber, wher I saw his cusign Jon. Chieslie and a 
Polish bed which he lay in. I cam up the way and spok with 
Hew M'Cullo anent 8 moneths cesse of Crightoun wherof I 
sent word to pay it. 
   I did read ane ans=r= of the army of Ingland to the officers 
in Scotland y=r= letter dated at Linlithgow and the Scots 
officers reply to the said ans=r=, both which are full of       #
scripture 
and very fair pretences. Therafter I did breakfast with my 
good-brother and took leave. 
<P 190>
   Betwixt 10 and 11 acloak I took my horse and cam away 
homeward. By the way I found my heart very barren and           #
unfaithfull
in meditations. I found much sadness upon my spirit; 
and came at length to Dolphintoun, wher I stayed neer ane 
hour. The laird was gone to Lanerick to a tryst w=t= Westraw.
   I cam home about 5 acloak at night and sent for Jon 
Callender and spok with him anent his going to Humbie; 
therafter I resaved a letter from M=r= Tho. Laurie and a lone 
of 3 books, and Montanus, Clerks examples, and Buxtorffs        #
lexicon. 
I resaved another letter from my brother desiring me to move 
S=r= Jo=n= to go to Bothans. I found my family in good health,
I blisse the Lord, my wife only was unweel, so I went to dutie 
secret and privat. 
   This was no ill day, I blisse the Lord. 
   A sore day of raine and wind. 




<B SDIA3E>
<Q SC3 XX DIARY CUNNING>
<N DIARY/EXPENDITURE BK>
<A CUNNINGHAM W>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1673-1680>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T DIARY PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H HIGH>
<U NET DOCUM/FAMILY>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z X>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^THE DIARY AND GENERAL EXPENDITURE BOOK OF WILLIAM
CUNNINGHAM OF CRAIGENDS, KEPT CHIEFLY FROM 1673 TO 1680.
ED. JAMES DODDS.
SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY, 2.
EDINBURGH 1887. 
PP. 1.1-22.2.^]

<P 1>
[}CUNNINGHAM OF CRAIGENDS 
DIARY AND HOUSEHOLD BOOK.}]

Note of all things I do in reference to my Civill businesse, 
such as, Landsetting, Victual selling, any bargane 
making, or engaging my self any way. In brief, all my 
civill adoes that are worth the marking, and not contained 
in my compts of Charge and discharge of money, 
since my marriage or entry to Land. 

   (^May^) 18, 1674. - I sold to Alex=r= Millar, my miller in 
Dennestoun, his meill cropt 1673, at 7 lb. the boll. The whole 
meill he pays, or now ows, for the sd cropt being only 8 bolls,
he having payed in 6 furlots of his meill 1673 in former years
to my father, so that my father is comptable to me for 3 of     #
the 
sd 6 furlots, the other 3 falling to himself, for the reason    #
that 
appears in the considerations about the rentall. The price of 
the sds 8 bolls Alex=r= Millar is to pay 20 lb, of it           #
to-morrow.
The rest with his whole silver rent at Lambas, or between 
Lambas and Martinmas, otherwise he is to run the hasard of  
the Feir. 
   (^May^) 20, 1674. - Having before been in terms with W=m= 
Cuningham, Tailour, anent fixing him to be my man, wheranent
also I had made a condition at 8 lb. in the half-year. 
But then I altered it, and, mostly of my own good will,
hightened it to 10 lb. a half-year, giving him presently a      #
suit 
of old cloaths, and old boots, and hat, promising also always   #
to 
hold him in cloaths beside his fie; for which he is to serve    #
me as 
my man, to work my Tailour work, and my wife's, and her son's 
and gentlewoman's; and is to work my mother's Tailour work 
<P 2>
upon what terms she pleases. I had promised him also a pair 
shoos in the half-year; And when I told of keeping my 
ston'd horse at grasse in summer, I engaged to hold him in 
shoos. I told him also that he might take in other folk's work 
to the house, providing he work it without prejudice of my 
work and service, and my mother's. So I gave him a merk, 
beside half a merk I had given him before. 
   (^July^) 15, 1674. - Having before given out that I would    #
sell 
what meill I had for 13 mks the boll, ready money, I opened     #
the 
Girnell that day, and sold all I had, being just a chalder,     #
for I 
had given 42 bolls of the readiest to my mother in part of our
boarding. And 24 bolls 3 firlots being Andrew Laird's 12 
bolls, Alex=r= Millar's, 8 bolls, 3 firlots and 4 bolls of      #
Malcolme 
Patiesoun's was unladed. And a firlot was given to John
Allan at the beginning of the year, on my wife's account. The 
haill summa of my ferme meill 1673, amounting but to 83 
bolls. I sold I say the said chalder to the persons, and was 
payed of it in manner specified in my compt of charge or credit 
of money about that time.
   (^August^) 1, 1674. - I compleited the first year's boarding #
to 
the Lady betwixt Whitsunday 1673 and Whits: 1674. Having
befor given her 200 mks., with 50 bolls meall, and Bear, I 
then gave her 156. 06. 8. of reall money. With 13 lbs., for 
which she took Ja. Moody debtor, who owed me so much for 
meall. And the compt of all my foulls which she got, amounting
to 14. 13. 4, compting Capons at ha: mks., Hens at grots, 
and Cocks at 40d., and excepting 8 hens and 2 cocks of 
Andrew Laird's, and 2 hens and a cock of Malcome Patieson's,
which were not brought in, And counting the 12 stane of 
cheese payed by the Achans at 16 lb. All together makes up 
300 mks. given her that day in compt and in money, which,
with the former 200 M., makes 500 M., and the 50 bolls victual
which is accepted for the sd year's boarding of myself and my 
wife, her gentlewoman, and servant lasse, and my man. Our 
two horse grasse and fodder is also compted, and payed for by 
it. But not then corn, for which I have my father to pay 
beside. 
   (^August^) 24, 1674. - Having on Aug. 22 gotten Andrew 
Laird's growing cropt given me in payment of q=t= he was owing
<P 3>
me, amounting to about 410 lb., according to accompt most 
favourable for him, I promising him to give him back 50 M. 
if I could make the sd 410 lb. out of the cropt, and also q=t= 
more I could make of it to give to him also. But the sd 50 
M. being to be given down of my own, I promised only in case 
he would goe this May and leave the towne. And if he would 
stay still, and keep a quarter qrof I made ane offer I would 
only lend him 100 lbs. worth of his cropt, and give him         #
nothing 
down. I say having gotten the said cropt, and being to sett 
at leist the other 3 quarters of the towne, on the said 24 of 
August I agreed with one John Murdie, who dwells in a mailling
neir by which he holds of my Lord Glencairne, I agreed 
with him, I say, for one quarter of it, being the half of the 
Westmost half, though that half be not yet divided. The rent 
we agreed upon was for stock and teind 5 bolls meill, 50 M. 
money, half at Martimas, half at next Whit Sunday, six 
poultry fowlls, the half of the cesse, and his dews to the      #
mill, 
being the 20 peck mill thicking, and mill stone heading. And 
his proportion of grassing the millar's 2 ky, but I to relieve 
him of all teind. He is to have his proportion of the houses 
as well as the land, and because the houses are out of case,    #
he 
to have one boll down the first year: As also in case this      #
yeir's 
fodder be not eaten in the towne, so that he want his           #
proportion 
of the soill, he is to have another boll, or 10 mk. down. 
   (^October^) 16, 1674. - I completed the paymt of Hugh Muir's
compt. Having on the 3d of August given him 200 M., I gave 
him 81 lb. 10 sh. on the sd 16 of Oct=r=, which, with 18 lb.    #
10s., 
makes 100 lb. The whole rest of the compt amounting to 
102. 06. 10., which 2 lb. 6s. 10d. I got down, And the 18 lb.   #
10s. 
I keept from him at my wife's desire for some plenishing he 
got of Cuninghamheid's; so I became Cuninghamheid's debtour 
for the sd. 18lb. 10s., and shall pay him whenever his use 
requires it, I mean the first money that shall be given out     #
for 
him.
   (^Oct=r=^) 23, 1674. - I payed John Fleming all his fies, he
having been my servant from Mart: 1670 till Whits: 1674, the 
first 2 years and a-half at 4 lb. only a half year, the next    #
half 
year at 5 lb., the last at 6 lb. I had one way and other while 
he was with me payed him one 4 lb., and some more also, but 
<P 4>
I did not stand with him, his fie being little, but payed him 
all the rest except the said 4 lb., amounting to 27 lb., the    #
said 
23 of Oct=r=.
   (^Nov.^) 10, 1674. - I agreed with John Park, for present in
Foddstoun, to be my tennent in the Easter half of Dennestoun,
being that part which was sometime possest by James Hendersoun. 
Having gotten the present master's consent, I agreed 
with him that he should pay me of constant rent for the sd 
land in stock and teind 200 merks, half silver, half meill at   #
10 
mks the boll. So he is to pay me 100 mks, and 10 bolls of 
meill, and a dozen of poultrie fowlls. But in regard the 
land and houses are farr out of case, I agreed to take lesse    #
rent 
for some of the first years, viz.: I gave him to advise him     #
till 
Candlemasse next whether he would bind for a 19 year tack, or 
for a 10 year tack. If he would bind for 19 years I was to      #
give 
him ane ease of the rent for the first 3 years, viz.: I am but  #
to 
get for the first year (which is to be the 1675), only 80 lb.   #
all 
silver rent, and the poutterie. And for the 2=d= year I am to   #
get 
90 lb. all silver rent, and the poutrie; and for the 3=d= year  #
I 
am to get but 80 lb., and still the dozen poultrie; the forsd 
rent being always for both stock and teind. But if he would 
bind but for 10 years, I am to give him ease but for the first 
two, viz.: He to pay but 80 lb., all silver, for the first,     #
and 90 
lb. for the second, paying always the 12 poultrie. And for the 
third, and years following, of the 10 year tack; or fourth,     #
and 
years following, of the 19 years tack, to pay the full rent of 
100 Mks. silver, 10 bolls meill, and the 12 poultrie, I being 
always bound to releive him of all teind, personage and         #
vicarage;
And he always bound to pay his full dews to the mill 
according to his proportion of land, as is specified in my      #
agreement
with John Murdie. And this ease of rent for the first 
years to be in consideration of both houses and lands being     #
out 
of case, and the fodder being sold and carried off the ground,
so that he is to make his moan for nothing either to help 
houses or land, save only the summer muck, that was made in 
summer last by that side of the toune. 
   Upon the 26. of Dec=r= 1674, John Carswell, one of my        #
tennents
in Locherside, stole secretly away with his family, and 
anything he had, leaving his haill rent 1674 unpayd, and 
<P 5>
nothing to pay it with but a little rotten spilt corn in his 
yeard, which, when it was threshin, came scarce to 3 firlots,
and some peats, and of which (beside the corn) I made only 
56s. scots. He left also 2 doors upon the house of his 
own on putting. So upon the 5 of January 1675, I sett his 
mailling to John Shaw, son to James in our own Mains. The 
rent he conditioned to pay is 40 mks. and 4 hens, 10s. of       #
vicarage 
teinds, and the half of the cesse, qranent we both subscribed 
a paper by way of contract, binding us both for nine 
years. 
   (^Janr.^) 1675. - I agreed with James Patieson in Locheside 
for q=t= of his ferme meall 1674 he laid not in he should pay   #
16 
M. for the boll of it at Lammas next.
   (^Feb=r=^) 22, 1675. - I sold two bolls of my ferme meall to #
Jonet 
Reid in Foddistoun at 16 mks. per boll, to be payed at Lammas 
next, which meall her son, Gavine Park, came and received out 
of the Girnell the morn after. 
   (^March^) 18, 1675. - I made bargain with James Hamiltoun, 
Barr's son, about horses as follows: I having in August last 
sold him my little ston'd naigg for 100 lb., which he was yet 
owing me, and had but 3 days before given me his band for 
bearing a rent from Martimas last. On the said 18 of March
I bought a large Brown gelding from him, for which I            #
conditioned 
to give him my wife's old white horse and 13 lb. sterling
in buit, the sd 100 lb. Scots band, with 3 lb, as half a 
year's rent of it, being allowed in the first end of it. So I 
exchanged horses with him that same night, and the morrow 
after payed him 53 lb. Scots, which is the overplus of 13 lb. 
sterling, after the 103 lb. Scots is taken off it. Also I gave 
him up his 100 lb. band the sd day; And exchanged bridles 
with him, giving 10 grots to buit. 
   [Sometime this winter I promised to my Uncle's William's 
wife to bear half and half with the laird, my father, of her 
son's boarding at the schooll for a year, providing the whole 
exceeded not 20 mks. a quarter.] [^EDITOR'S BRACKETS^]
   (^March^) 19, 1675. - My father and I agreed with James
Shaw about all our meall that is in the Girnell, and my part 
is just 11 bolls and a firlot. He is  to give 16 mks, for each 
boll, getting only one boll to the haill bargane, which, as     #
the 
<P 6>
laird counted it, comes to 36 bolls 14 pecks. He is to take 
the key of the Girnell, and pay us according to our count of 
inlaid meill, and to bear the loss of Indrink (if any be)       #
himself. 
Nor are we to be troubled with measuring of it. My proportion
of the boll of too meill by the forsd count comes to somq=t= 
lesse than the third part of a boll. And the 11 bolls and       #
firlot 
at 16 M. comes to just 120 lb., the sd too meill making it 
about 5 mk. less. The term of paymt being Lammas next. 
The laird got the arles. 
   (^March^) 30, 1675. - I sold to Alex=r= Millar in            #
Dennestoun,
2 bolls 3 firlots of his meall 1674, at 14 mk. the boll,        #
having 
directed him to lay in 4 bolls and a firlot to the minister of 
Kilmacolme, which will pay so much of his stipend 1674, which 
by condition with Andrew Laird, I am bound to pay, and 
having before conditioned to give him 10 firlots down for that 
year, because much of Dennistown lay waist, all which comes 
to 9 bolls and a half, of which I am countable to my father     #
for 
3 firlots. He is to pay me the forsd price for the 2 bolls 3    #
firlots at Whits: next. 
   (^May^) 6, 1675. - I agreed with James King, Maissoun in 
Kilbarchan, that he should build me a Leapingonstone at the 
said towne at Ro=t= King's house end, himself furnishing all    #
the 
material and service (except one day's horse service for        #
leading, 
which I was to send). And I should pay him 5 mks. for all. 
Also I gave him a 6 pence at the bargaine making, beside the 
said 5 merks. 
   (^August^) 2, 1675. - I compleited the second year's         #
boarding
to the Lady betwixt Whitsunday 1674 and Whits: 1675. 
Having before given her 200 merks, with 50 bolls meall and 
bear, I then gave her 156 lb. 12s. 8d. of reall money, and got 
15 lb. farder allowed me for 5 firlots of my ferme meall 1674, 
which she had gotten more than the sd 50 bolls. Also she 
had gotten of my fowlls als many as, according to the price 
made the last year, came to 12. 07. 4. Also she had gotten, 
either in stuff or in money, the Achans 12 stains of cheese, 
which, compted at 16 lb., brings up the compt to 500 mks., 
and 50 bolls meall and bear, which pays as it did the last 
year. 
   (^August^) 28, 1675. - My father and I being far behind with
<P 7>
Malcolme Patieson, who owes my father 30 bolls oats, and 
110 lb. 4d. of money; And owed me 133 lb. 4d., beside the 
rent of the growing cropt 1675, wee thereupon having arreisted 
his goods and inhibit him to shear; Thomas Crawfurd and 
James Park in Houston being sent for to sight his crop, who 
went twice through it two severall days, qrof the sd 28 of 
August was the last, taking Ja. Walkingshaw with them the 
last day. On the first day they esteem'd it at 100 bolls 
(counting the oats only, and excluding Bear, Pease, and Beans).
On the second day at 95 bolls, giving the account of every 
particular parcell. So on the same 28 of August, Peter 
Waker being also one of Macolme's creditors, and having a 
great desire to the mailling, entered in bargane about the sd 
cropt (having first gotten a private condition of me of the 
mailling in case of his bargaining for the crop and becoming 
our pay master of what was owing us thereby). The termes 
of his bargane about the cropt being that he should pay 1200 
mks. for it, meaning only the oats at abov'sd, which 1200 mks. 
is to goe first in satisfaction of what is owing my father and 
me, where of he gave one half full dollar to my father and 
another to me in arles, my father counting the oats at 8 pound 
the boll, but promising in case other creditors gave ane ease 
also to count it but at 10 M. the boll, which will be 40 lb. 
down. And I also promising 40 M. down in case Malcome
were content to leave the rowme that I had no more to doe 
with him as a tennent. And because a part of my debt stood 
in meal, viz.: this year's 1675 ferme being 12 bolls 3          #
firlots, 
it was agreed that the sd Peter should lay it in, and get the 
price of 17 bolls of oats, namely 17. eight pounds, which       #
comes 
to 204 M. allowed him for it. The terms of paymt of the 
1200 merks were to be as follows: - 1. My debt of 133. 04. 4.
(reducing the 40 M. which is to be given down, so it will be 
but 106. 11. 0.) is to be payd at Marts next. All the laird's
debt being 310. 00. 4. (after the 40 lb. is deduced) is to be   #
payd 
at Cands. and Whits: next be equal portions. My forsd ferm 
meill to be laid in at the usuall time of year. And my silver 
rent 1675, with the vicarage teind, to be payed at the forsd 
Whitsunday. At which time the rest of the 1200 M. is to 
come in also, which my father is to distribute among the 
<P 8>
creditors if they referr themselves to him (which a good part 
of them has done already), or otherwise dispose of it as shall 
be most equitable and convenient for Malcom's behoove. And 
as to my promise to Peter Waker about the mailling, it being 
certain that except in consideration of the mailling, and       #
without 
a condition made to him thereof, he would never have 
given so much for the cropt, nor no other man, by 50 M. at 
leist, though in equitie I might have found out some way how 
to have made that 50 M. acrew to me, yet I have let it pass 
with the other 40 M., which in the case forsd I intend to give 
down both for Malcome's behoove. And that same day agreed 
with Peter Waker for the mailling at that same rent that 
Malcome had it at. Malcom being loath to go out of the land 
altogether, agreed with Peter and me to keep a thrid of it, so 
I got up my 40 M., and Peter bound for the haill rent, which 
we altered a little by turning 2 bolls of meill into bear, and 
turning the odd 3 firlots of meall into 5 lb. of money, Peter 
promising to get Dargavell his present master's consent, and 
promising to give Malcome some bield of a house and a yeard 
under him. Also in consideration of entre, we agreed that if 
he got a tack he should put the houses in good order, which 
for present are far out of case. And if at the tack expiring 
they were any more than 200 M. better nor at his entrie, he 
should have satisfaction for it (the entries of the rowme       #
being 
estimate at 200 M., though at this present entrie it be agreed 
to be waired upon the houses). Also because I have to give 
40 M. down to Macolm Patiesoun, I would have a condition 
of Peter that at leist he should make me up in that, and as he 
did not absolutely promise any more than 20 M. to my wife at 
his entrie, yet I resolve and expect not to want anything of    #
the 
whole 40 M. by and attour the 200 M. to be waired on the 
houses. 
   (^Oct.^) 1675. - There being a conveniencie that my wife     #
should 
go to Edinburgh, and assist to the carrying on that action of 
her son's against the Earle of Lowdon, And my father proposing 
it as a thing expedient, It was agreed amongst us that she and 
I should go there; And als far as our charges there exceeded 
our charges at home, or more particularly, whatever our 
expense for meat and drink, coal and candle, house room, 
<P 9>
cloaths washing, and fodder for our horses, and stable maill, 
but not corn, exceeded 1000 mk. by year, compting               #
proportionally
to the time we stay there, seeing wee are furnished in all 
these at home for our 1000 mks. we are to have what our 
expense for these things exceeds this off Cunninghamheid,       #
being 
there upon his business. So accordingly wee counted, and 
found our 1000 Mk. by year would yeeld 80 Mk. for every 
month, and 40 Mk. beside among all the 12, which we laid by 
for cloaths washing. The 80 Mk. a month we found came to 
about 35s. a day, wherof wee payed first 12s. for chamber 
maill, and then 10 S. for two horse fodder, so that there       #
rested 
for meat, drink, coal and candle, nothing but about a merk, 
which comes to 20 lb. in the month, inde 80 lb. in the hail 
four months of the winter session, which 80 lbs. I payd all     #
till 
about 15s., as is to be seen in my count of depursmts, Dec=r=   #
4, 
1675, Jan=ry= 10 and Feb=ry= 28, 1676. And for the rest of our 
expense, I mean the compt of meat and drink, coal and candle 
only, which we were to get off Cuninghamheid. My Lady 
Ruthven, with whom wee joined in table and lodging, relieved 
him of it, so that wheras our half of the compt for the first 
month came to 24. 16. 6. I payed but 20 lb. on Dec=r= 4, 1675.
   And also on Feb=ry= 28, 1676, when our half of the compt 
came to 20. 16. 4., I payed but 10 lb., so that during the
Session she releived Cuninghamheid of 15. 12. 10. as our 
superexpense by being in Edinburgh about his busines. And 
that beside much other provision, such as meall and fowls, 
that she brought and sent for out of Freeland, our half querof 
for the first month, but, turned in money, came to 12 lb. 9s.   #
2d. 
But I suppose all the other three months compt of that kind 
of provision would have amounted to more than that one. 
   (^Dec=r=^) 29, 1675. - I agreed with James Paterson about    #
one
of his 3 bowls of ferme meill 1675, that he should pay me 8 lb,
for it betwixt and the next Martimas, being to lay in the 
other two. 
   (^Dec=r=^) 29, 1675. - I agreed with John Murdie and Jonet
Reid about the sd John his bowls ferme meill 1675, that this 
said John shall pay me for two of them, and the sd Jonet for 
the other two, betwixt and the next Martimas, all at the price 
of 16 Merks a bowl. 
<P 10>
   (^Dec=r=^) 30, 1675. - I filled and closed a long run on     #
compt 
betwixt my father and me, All the articles qrof are set down    #
in 
my Charge and Discharge of that day, except such as are jot 
down before in other parts of the book. But I have since 
wished that I had left out three articles more of my charge 
of that day, to wit, the 400 lb. of old pension money that I 
payed for Physick to my sisters, and that payed to William 
Holms. I wish, I say, I had left out these, as being old debt 
payed to me, And wishes I had left als much out of my           #
discharge 
of the old debt payed by me as would have balanced 
them, And this would have restricted my charge or compt of 
receits to my yearly rents and incom's since the 1673           #
inclusive,
which I much aim at. And I believe this would leave my order 
not hitherto much broken, except in these three articles. 
   (^Jan=y=^) 5, 1676. - I closed with my mother about the      #
halfyear's 
boarding from Whits till Mart=s= 1675. I gave her 256 
Mks. in money, and counted the Achans 12 stane of cheese 
(which she got) at 24 mks., Inde 250 Mks. This, with 19 
bowls of my meal and 6 bowls of my bear, payed the sd           #
halfyear's 
boarding, according to the old rate. 
   (\Eod: die.\) - I agreed with Archibald Arthur about 2 bowls
of ferme bear 1675 (the Lady not getting it that year). He 
conditioned to pay me 16 Mks. for the bowl of it betwixt and 
Whitsunday next. 
   (\Eod: die.\) - I agreed with John Shaw and James Brock
about that mailling in Locherside that John Shaw took from 
me in Jan=ry= 1675, he being willing to quite it to James       #
Brock. 
I agreed to take the sd James for my tennent at the same rent
John Shaw had it at, only adding 2 years, wheras John Shaw 
payed but 4 the said James Brock is to pay 6. And also 
he is to give me ane dollar out of the 10 shillings sterling    #
that 
he has promised John Shaw for quiting his tack. So I am 
to cancell John Shaw's tack and give James Brock a new one. 
   (^March^) 14, 1676. - I agreed with one William Caldwell in
Houstonside about John Caldwell's mailling in Locherside, the 
sd John having nothing wherewithall to bruik it. I sett it to 
the sd William at the same rent, to witt, 20 lb. of silver, 3 
bowls ferme meill, 3 days horse service, and 3 fowlls, and 10 
shillings of vicarage half cesse. But on condition of 3 more 
<P 11>
fowls yearly I promised him two yoaking of land tilling this 
year; so he is to pay yearly three young fowlls, as he called 
them, payable at Lammas, beside the above three young 
fowls payable at the ordinar time of the year, and all the      #
rest 
of the rent. And if he stay but a year or two that the 
additional fowls make me not up for my two yoakings of land, 
then I am to have four lb. for them at his departure.   
   (^March^) 18, 1676. - I sold my white horse to James Shaw,
wherof he is to give me the one half presently, and the other 
betwixt and the Fair of Glasgow. 
   (^March^) 25, 1676. - Having before given my man Wm 
Cuningham his leave, I have agreed with one James Mortoun, 
at present in Mr. James Huchesom's service, to enter my man 
at Whitsunday next for 10 pounds of fie in the half-year, and 
half-a-crown for shoos; also I must give him a suit of livery   #
at 
entry, being to hold him in cloaths, either livery or my own 
castings. I gave him a Merk of arles to help him to a new 
hat, and resolve to give him ane old one too. 
   (^August^) 23, 1676. - I exchanged with Peter Waker old corn
for meall. I got six firlots corn to my horse, and gave him     #
six 
firlots meall, which I marked in my compt sold at 8 M. the 
bowl, because that was the price I sold some of the rest at at 
that time. 
   (^Sep=tr=^) 6, 1676. - I payed Mr. Patrick Simson for six    #
boll of 
the teind 1675, and 4 lb. of vicarage, having directed Andrew 
Laird to lay him in some meil about Martimas last, who          #
accordingly
gave him ten firlots; That, with the six bowls I now 
payed him, compleits Dennestoun teind for cropt 1675. 
   (^Nota^) . - Though the meall be fallen exceeding cheap now
that Ja: Shaw, to buy my girnald in bulk, will give me no more 
than 4 lb. 6s. 8d. the bowl, and a bowl to the score, yet I 
payed Mr. Patrick all his at 10 M. the bowl, he refusing to 
take meall, and was scarse content of that price either, the 
Candlemas Feir, he said, being 7 lb. 10s., and that the leist 
he took from any was 7 lb.; but I thought him very well payed 
at 10 M., it being more than I designed, never doubting but 
he would be pleased with the price as it presently sold if he 
would not take the meall, for I well remember the Feir was not 
always his rule, for I payd him 7 lb. for it cropt 1673, And 
<P 12>
the Feir at Candlemas 1674 was but about 6 lb. I have not 
written up this in my look of depursments, because in my 
rentall it is given up as payable by the land, over and above 
my rent, though in my own setting of that land I have           #
confounded 
my rent and the ministers teind throughother. But as 
I have omitted the first teind out of my compt of depurs=ts=,   #
so I 
would remember to leave as much of the rent that is yet to 
come in out of my charge as will equall it, And so I have; for 
this 30 of Dec=r= 1676 I have gotten in the last of the sd      #
teind 
from Andrew Laird, being 5 lb. 6s. 8d., having before gotten 
18 lb. 13s. 4d. from Jo: Murdie, and 20 lb. from Jonet Reid, 
All which I have taken out my compt of rents. But I got 
at the same time from the sd Andrew 7 Merks beside, which I 
have insert among my compts. 
   (^Oct=r=^) 10, 1676. - John Murdie payd me for his 2 bowls,  #
but, 
in regard of the great moan he made, I gave him 4 Mk. back 
again, upon promise of secrecy, not resolving to give Jonet 
Reid anything, for Jo: Murdie had bought all his ferme at 16 
merks the bowl, and bought a load of it back again from me 
at the same price, which made me pity him much.
   (^Jan=ry=^) 1, 1677. - I agreed with James Patreson for one  #
of 
his bowls ferme meall 1676, that he should pay me 7 Mk. for it 
betwixt and the next Martimas, and lay in the other two.
   (^Jan=ry=^) 3, 1677. - I fitted  a compt with my father,     #
whereby 
wee mutually payed each other all that was betwixt us           #
preceding 
that day, and I got paymt of all my preceding depursments
for Cuninghamheid. And also I got One Hundred 
Merks more till a compt to beginn again upon. 
   (^Jan=ry=^) 4, 1677. - I gave the Lady, my mother, Ane       #
Hundred 
Merks in paymt of the silver half of our boarding for the time 
wee were all at home. My wife and I, and each of us but one 
servant and but one horse to fodder. The space was betwixt 
the 15 of August and the last of October 1676. I allowing her
10 bowls meall for the victuall half of it, wherof she has      #
gotten 
five already of meall 1675, and is to get other five of cropt 
1676.
   (\Eod: die.\) - I payed Archibald Arthur, younger, for the
black horse which I  bought from him on December 30, 1676. I 
payed him the said 4 of January 8 score of Mks., which was his 
<P 13> 
price, with a bowl of meall, which he is yet to receive, And 
half a crosse dollar of drinkmoney I gave to his brother 
Andrew. 
   (^March^) 7, 1677. - I reserved, at my wife's desire, 3 lb.  #
17s 3d. 
out of the chamber maill in Edinburgh then payd by me. 
This 3 lb. 17s. 3d. is the price of ane old silver spoon of     #
Cuninghamheid's,
weighing ane ounce and 5 drop, which was left in 
the chamber, so my wife allowed her woman to pay so much of 
the chamber maill so then keep it off the landlady. The sd 
spoon was found again, so I am debtor to my wife's woman for 
the 3 lbs. 17s. 3d., and so I am Cuninghamheid's debtor for 
the 3 lb. 17s. 3d. 
   (^March^) 24, 1677. - The tack of the Rywraiths being fallen
by the death of Robert Cochrane, who died Jan=ry=, I, on the 
sd 24 of March, agreed with his son, Hugh Cochrane, for a new 
tack of the sd Rowme upon the terms following, viz.: He is 
to pay of entresse for a 19 year tack this instant 1677, being
always the first of the 19. He is to pay, I say, of entresse    #
500 
lb. Scots, the one half at Martimas next, the other at the 
Martimas therafter in the year 1678, with a rent for what 
remains unpaid at the respective terms. And is also to pay of  
yearly rent during the years of the forsd tack Ane Hundred 
pounds silver rent, with ten pounds as the few dutie and        #
vicarage, 
which I myself pay for it to the Earle of Dundonald, As 
uplifter therof, ay an whill he be redeemed by the Exchequar.
The said Hugh, I say, to pay yearly at Martimas and Whitsunday,
be equal portions, the sd 110 lbs. silver and 15 bolls 
ferme meall at the usual Terme, as the yearly tack duty for 
the Rycroft for this instant crop 1677, and in all time 
coming during the said haill. And if it please the sd Hugh 
rather to have a life rent tack, I promised, and at the same    #
time 
conditioned to him, that for two hundred and fifty Merks more 
of entresse I should give him a life rent tack for all the      #
years of 
his own lifetime, so he is to advise him betwixt and his tack 
making, and chuse him whether of the two he pleases, the 19 
year tack for the 500 to entresse, or the liferent tack for     #
his 
own lifetime allanerlie for the 1000 M. I obleisd myself to 
either, And he obleist himself to one of the two. The           #
communing 
and agreement was made, and hands straught therupon, 
<P 14> 
before my father, Andrew Rosse, Ja: Walkinshaw in Achans, 
and William Houston in overJohnstoun. 
   (^March^) 21, 1677. - I sold Ninian Waker his 2 bolls bear
1676 for 7 M. 40d. the boll, to be payd shortly. 
   (^March^) 26, 1677. - I sold Archbald Arthur his 2 bolls     #
also
at the same price. I had promised long ago to Peter Waker 
to sell him his as I sold the rest. 
   (^March^) 30, 1677. - I sold the 4 bolls of bear out the     #
Achans 
for crop 1676 to John Shaw, at the sd price of 7 Mk. 40d.
the boll. 
   (^May^) 22, 1677. - My man James Mortoun, having given me
over at Freeland, I agreed with Andrew Grey, conditioning
him only 5 pound in the half-year, with a suit of Livery        #
cloaths 
in the year, an old hatt at his entry, and a ryding coat and 
loan of a sword and belt during his abode with me only. And 
for boots and stockins and shoo's, or any other thing he 
needs, he is to provide himself of them, and keep himself in    #
the
equipag of ane honest riding servt during the time he stays 
upon the forsd conditions. I gave him a six pence of arles. 
   (^May^) 28, 1677. - I sold to Alexander Millar in Dennestoun
his meall 1676, unlaid in yet, at 4 lb. the boll (there being   #
8 bolls
3 firlots of it), to be payd 24 lb. agst that day 20 days, the  #
rest 
within ten days therafter. 
   (^June^) 28, 1677. - Upon words sent me to Edinburgh by my
father, I wrote home to him desiring him to sell my meall in 
my girnald, amounting to 85 bolls and a firlot, some of it 
cropt 1675 some 1676, to James and John Shaws, at 4 lb. the 
boll, yea giving a boll to the score if no better can be, they 
taking the hazard of Indrink, and not trouble me with the 
outgiving of it, but taking the key of the girnald themselves 
upon my compt, which accordingly my father sold to the same 
persons upon the same terms, and made the terme of paymt
Martimasse next, or thereby, and received 28 shillings of       #
arles,
which I have gotten.
   (^October^) 23. - They payd me 300 Mks., and May 18=th=,
1678, they payd me 73 lb. 9 shillings and a boll corn, price    #
at 
4 lb., and John Shaw gave me my father debtor for 16 lb., 
which completes the price of 82 bolls 1/4 of the forsd meall    #
(the 
other 3 bolls was never laid in the girnald, but my father      #
sold 
<P 15> 
it with his, and payed me for it in Oct=r= last). I say the sd  #
16 
lb. compleits the price all but 28 Mks., which the sd John Shaw 
now rests me. 
   (^Oct=r=^) 13, 1677. - Robert Lyle in Auchenseall, his tack 
being run out, and my father, since his turning liferenter,     #
not 
able to renew it without my consent, wee agreed that I should 
take the entresse and consent to the tack with my father, and 
for the entresse that I should pay my father a yearly duty 
correspondent therto, so we concluded that for a new 19 year 
tack, beginning with the cropt 1678, my father and I both 
subscribing, the sd Robert should pay of entresse 500 M., and 
20 pound at Marts 1677, or a rent for what of it remain then 
unpayd. This I am to receive, and am for my father's interest
to pay him 40 lb. yearly of augmentation so long as he should 
live and the forsd tack continue together. I am to begin the 
payment of the 40 lb. at Marts 1678 for the cropt 1678. 
   (^An.^) 1677. - My father made a new condition with me 
anent the 300 Mks. rent which he pays me yearly out of the 
lands reserved in liferent to him by my contract of marriage, 
viz.: He gave me the fewe duty of the Ley, which is 200 Mks. 
yearly, to pay so much of it, and the other 200 Mks. he pays 
himself, getting always the 40 lb. of Thos. Lyle's allowed as a
part of it. At Martimas 1677 I recd 300 Mks. of the forsd 
entresse, as also 500 Mks. of Hugh Cochrane's entresse, and 
lent them both out, being 800 Mks., to Alexr Birsban for 
a rent from the said Martimas. But because my father, at 
my own direction, both received and gave them out, I omitted 
to write them up in my Charge and Discharge at the time, 
being myself at Edinburgh, but shall doe it yet afterwards, at 
the next Martimas or some other time. Also I recd another 
100 Mks. and 20 lb., inde 400 Mks. and 20 lb., of the sd 
entresse at Whitsunday 1678, with half a year rent of the sd 
100 Mks., so Robert Lyle rests me now only another 100 Mks.,
wherof I have his band bearing a rent from Marts last 1677.
   (^May^) 1678. - I sold to Alexr Millar his own millne meall
1677, at 3 lb. 13s. 4d. the boll, being 8 bolls 3 firlots. 
   (^June^) 28, 1678. - What money I then put up in my compt
given to my wife, is over and above 30 lb. 10s. 6d. given her
also in satisfaction of so much depursed by her of house        #
compt, 
<P 16>
   and 21 lb. 8s. of chamber maill the time I was away in May
and June. This being 51 lb. 18s. 6d., though I gave it her, 
yet I put it not in her compt, but in the compt of Boarding or
Maintenance, and intend to make this the custom in the like 
cases. 
   (^Oct=r=^) 14, 1678. - The black horse which I got from      #
Archbald 
Arthur having fallen crooked in my hand, I sold him to John
Shaw for five pound Sterling, which he would not promise to 
pay me before Whitsunday next. 
   (^Oct=r=^) 22, 1678. - I payd my mother 2 months' boarding   #
for 
myself and man at 20 lb. a month, Compting about 8 stone of 
Achans cheese 1676 that she took in for 16 Mk. of it, the 
rest I payed in money, being 29. 06. 8.
   (^August^) 16, 1678. - I left my wife in Edinburgh, and gave
her 100 Mks. beside what money she had before. Of this 
100 Mks. I count only 30. 16. 6. in the Compt of our boarding,
because at my return on the 23 of Oct=r= she gave me compt of 
no more spent upon diet and lodging the sd space. 
   (^March^) 29, 1679. - I sold 6 bolls girnald meil to Richard
Hunter in Johnstouns ground for 4 lb. 40d. the boll, which 
the sd Richard came and received upon Saturday, April 5. He 
is not bound to pay it before Lammas next. Also James and 
John Shaws took a boll at the same price. 
   (^April^) 1, 1679. - I sold to John Shaw my 4 bolls horse    #
corn, 
payable out of the Achans for cropt 1678, and with it I sold 
him also my 4 bolls bear 1678, payable by the same towne, 
both corn and bear overhead at five Mk. and ane half the boll. 
Terme of payment, Lammas.
   (^March^) 1679. - My boy Andrew Grey having run away, I 
agreed with one Thomas Clerk, a tailour, to serve me for a      #
man. 
The Condition was 10 pounds of fie till Martimas, being then 8 
months to it (for he was presently to enter). Ane suit of old 
cloaths of my casting to serve him for wear for the whole year  #
if 
he should stay; and 2 or 3 pair of shoo's als I should cast     #
them. 
So Thomas Clerk entered, but would not come West, tho it 
was his condition to come on his foot (wee travelling in        #
coach).
As also I gave him 24s. to bear his charges, beside 9s. I gave 
him a feeing, and ane pair of old shoo's. But he deceived me, 
and came not West, and when I wrote for him David Lamsdaill 
<P 17>
sent me George Marshall in his place, who would serve me 
upon that same condition, getting only 24s. for his charges 
West, which I payed him out of 3 lb. my wife was owing me. 
   (^Oct.^) 1679. - Upon reckoning made up by myself how much 
I have been at home since my first going to reside in           #
Edinburgh 
at Hallowday 1675, And what I have payed my mother for 
my diet these times, I find I was ten days at home that Yuill, 
as also about eight weeks in the Spring vaicance 1676, for      #
which 
I offered her money, but she would not take it, saying she      #
would 
be als chargeable to me another way, so I payed nothing for 
these two times, but only my fowlls 1675, she getting the       #
worth 
of 13. 07. 4., and I keeped my sister Rebecca the haill next
winter session in Edinburgh, which was all I payed for myself 
and my man these two times. Then my wife and all came 
home in the next vaicance, 1676, and stayd about 10 weeks, for 
which I payd her sufficiently, viz. 100 M. and 10 bolls         #
victuall.
   Then I was at home myself with my man 14 days at Yuill, 
other 14 days next March, 1677, about 24 days in May and 
June, and 20 days in Oct=r= - in all 72 days, or 10 weeks - for 
which I payd my cheese 1676, inde 16 lb., my fowlls 1676 at 
17 lbs. 7s, and ane boll meall, 4 lb. In all 37 lb. 7s. 
   Then I was at home, myself and man, ten days in Jan=ry= 
1678, and about 5 weeks in May and June, for which I payed 
nothing but my fowlls 1677, at 14. 12. 8. But my coming in
Jan=ry= was upon call to my sister's wedding. 
   And for times I have been at home since, I have dewly 
payed at 20 lb. a month for myself and man, and als much for 
my wife and her woman; so that, laying all together, I will not 
be owing much on this account. 
   In March last, 1679, my wife, finding Richard's jewell, or 
locket of diamonds, aselling, and that it was immediately to    #
be 
given to William Law, goldsmith, for 22 lb. sterling, she       #
agreed 
with Auchinharvy, who had the selling of it, that the money 
which he was owing for some plenishing gotten by his            #
predecessour,
the Doctor, in the house of Kerilaw, and which, beside 
the Ironwork, was estimat at 250 Merks. He condescended to 
lay out 20 lb. sterling for that 250 Mks. in the first place,   #
and 
the rest of it till account of the ironwork, which it is        #
thought 
will not be much. This 20 lb. sterling she gave for the         #
jewell, 
<P 18>
and the other 2 lb. sterling I payd out of my own purse, so     #
that 
the jewell is partly Cuninghamheid's and partly mine. 
   (^Oct=r=^) 7, 1679. - The Laird of Pollock told me at        #
Glasgow 
that he had entered in a new bargain with the Duchess of 
Lennox anent the farming of her Scots estate. He was to 
advance her presently, he said, 700 lb. sterling, and for that  #
and 
a yearly duty of 320 lb. sterling, all to be payd at London 
Exchange free to the receiver at ilk Whit Sunday, he had 
5500 lb. Scots yearly rent, and likewise a power to sett 19     #
year 
tacks, the entresses wherof he valued at 3 or 400 lb.           #
sterling. 
But the tacks were not yet fallen; but whenever they should 
fall through the Duchess' life, the nature of her gift was 
such that she or any from her might set them for 19 years, not 
diminishing the rental, though she should not live that space. 
Pollock is to bear all the skaith and loss incident to land,    #
and 
to pay public burdens, except about 3 or 4000mk, which he 
has subfermed, for the full duty correspondent to the said 
5500 lb. He says the Nishet pays but 250 mks. of the said 
duty, and is well worth 600 mks., and the tack falls within 5 
years. 
   (^October^) 20, 1679. - My father taking up the last of his
sklait-coal silver for that year, they being all sold, he       #
found 
the sum of it to amount to 333. 19. 0. Then he entered in
compt with his Hill man anent the number of the Cinner-coals, 
to see if the sklait-coals had holden out proportionally, for 
they are always thought to be equal in number. So they 
compted near 1100 load of Ciner-coal sold and led home that 
year; which, compting the sklait-coal at 10s. the load (as they 
sell,) should have made the sum of their price amount to 
upwards of 500 lb. instead of the forsaid 333. 19. 0. But,
considering the mixing sklait-coal in the hutch with the Ciner 
(which the coal-hewers have a great game of, because their 
wage is regulated by the number of Ciner coal, and not of 
sklait coal), and stealing, and other occasions of diminution,  #
he 
said he was used never to expect more but a hutch and a half 
of sklait-coal for a load, being 2 hutches of Ciner. But yet 
the above written is less, being scarce two for three, whereas 
that is three for four. 
   In June and July 1680 I made two voyages to Edinburgh 
<P 19>
upon Cuninghameheid's businesse, and seeing they hold me in 
nothing at home (as they did when I ordinarly resided ther      #
with 
my wife), I ought to have the ordinar expense of them off 
Cuninghameheid. In ane of which I was keept 20 days, and 
my compt that space came but to 34. 18. 0., for I do not
charge him with extra-ordinars. The other voyage was            #
compleited 
in 8 days, but my father and Ashenyeards went ther 
also, being all ordained to come and depone about Lindsey's 
businesse. Our compt in that voyage was 20. 12. 4., beside
the expense of taking my father and Ashenyeards home again, 
I setting them free out of Edin=r= -
   34. 18. 0. & 20. 12. 4. is 55. 10. 4. 
   (^Dec.^) 6, 1679. - I fied James Gemmel for my man that
current half year, and conditioned him nine pound of fie and 
boots while he is with me. Any other thing I was to give him 
being in my own will, and he to keep himself in a condition of 
ane riding servant, I promising not to make a footman of him. 
   (^March^) 7, 1680. - John Thomsoun, smith in Locherside,     #
going 
off the ground to Houstoun's land, he left me payment of the 
year's rent 1679, which was owing in manner following: -

1. He gave me James Black, his successor, debitor 
for 50 mks., +L 33 6 8 

2. He gave me James Paterson in Locherside 
   debitor for 12 0 0 

3. He gave me his ticket for 14 11 0
[^TOTAL^] +L 59 17 8

   (^March^) 23, 1680. - I sold to Alex: Miller in Dennistoun
Milne his 8 bolls 3 firlots ferme meall, payable be him for     #
the 
Millne for cropt 1679, price 6 lb. 40d. the boll. Terme of 
payment is Lammas next. 
   (^April^) 22, 1680. - I agreed with Jonet Reid in Dennistoun 
about her 10 bolls ferme meall, payable by her for cropt 1679,
for which she conditioned to pay 6 pound 40d. a boll            #
Whitsunday 
next, and altogether to be without fail completed ere Luk's 
day next. 
<P 20>
   (\Eod: die.\) - I sold to John Dick the cow belonging to     #
Umql 
James Brock, which I seized for the year's rent he died in the 
debt of. John Dick is to pay me 19 Mks. and 40d. for her 
betwixt & Whitsunday next. 
   (^April^) 24, 1680. - I sold to Gavin Wakinshaw in Achans 
2 bolls of his horse corn 1679 (having lent my father the       #
other 
two, to be payd again in as much corn some other year), for 
which Gavin is to pay me 5 pound the boll at the Fair of        #
Glasgow. 
   (^Oct.^) 8, 1680. - I agreed with ane Hugh Steinstoun to be
my servant to enter at next Martimas. I am to give him ten 
pound ilk half year, and two mks. half mk. for shoos. Ane 
suit of livery to last him a whole year (if he stay so long);   #
and 
I conditioned also to give him 40s. Scots at his entry to help 
him to a pair of boots. The 10 lb and 2 mks. 1/2 mk. is all 
the half year condition, and the suit of livery the whole 
year's. 
   At Pasley, (^October^) 27, 1680. - The Commissioners of      #
Excise 
in the shire of Renfrew, being met that day, at the desire of 
the Master of Rosse, to lay down some course for furnishing
the troop whereof he is Captain (then lying at Pasley) with 
straw or hay, conforme to the Counsells Acte, dated October 
7. 1680, wherof he produced ane Copy but no print extract. 
The Commissioners did first appoint a moderate price for the 
straw & hay (as the said Act appointed them), being 2s. for 
the stane of straw and 30d. for the stane of hay, which was to 
be payd by the troopers, or at least to be allowed in the       #
Cesse 
of such as furnished it, upon production of the troopers'       #
receipts. 
   After the public meeting there were 4 or 5 of the gentlemen,
by advice of my Lord Dundonald, that spoke with Alexr 
Miller & Robert Bowgg, two men in Pasley. And, in name 
of the haill shire, showed a great willingness to the thing 
conduced with these 2 men to keep a store-house in Pasley, &
provide straw to furnish the whole troop, compted at 60 horse, 
as much as they should call for (not exceeding 8 stane a week 
to the horse), always giving their credits for the quantity,    #
for 
which the shire is to pay the said two men at the rate of 30d. 
the stane of straw, taking up their accounts conform to the 
receipts, & that which they declare they got ready money for 
(if it be within the said calculum). The bargain was made 
<P 21>
for a month, once to try a hand, and the men were to begin and 
furnish upon the Monday following, being the first of           #
November. 
And they got 10 lb. sterling in hand, which pays 2 full weeks 
of the said month at the outmost the compt can reach. The 
which 10 lb. sterling was borrowed upon the said 4 gentlemen's 
band, all joined with the Earl of Dundonald, which makes five. 
The gentlemen were Houston, Pollock, my father, & Johnstoun. 
By this means the receipts will be gathered, and the 
Master of Rosse promises exact payment or allowance in our 
cesse, conform to receipts, at the foresaid rate of 2s. the     #
stane. 
By this means the burden will be light, and the poor people 
eased of the trouble of carriage & other damage that the 
way of locality laid them open to. 
   The said 2 men rewed of the bargain, and did not hold 
it. But the troop removed from Pasley, and the 10 lb. band 
was cancelled. 
   (^Ap=l=.^) 4, 1682. - I agreed with John Finnie to be my man #
in 
place of Hugh Steinstoun. The said John Finnie is to enter 
at Whitsunday next to my service, and I am to give him of fie 
24 lb. yeirly and a suit of old cloaths, and no more, of        #
condition. 
And if he stay but half a yeir with me he is to get no 
cloaths, but is to get half a crown more nor his 12 lb. as a    #
pair 
of shoon's price in consideration of his wanting the cloaths.   #
I 
gave him 20s. of arles. 
   John Hair having given me that part of his mailling called 
the Hill, paying 20 mks. by yeir, I got it fastened upon 
James Patieson at the same rent on this condition, w=h= I gave 
him in write, viz. : I prorogat his 19-yeir tack of his down 
mailling for all his lifetime and his wife's, they always       #
keeping 
the Hill at 20 mk. yeirly; and when the 19-yeir tack should 
expire, he and his wife, during their lifetime, should only 
augment me four pound yeirly, so making their silver rent 50 
mks. for all-together after the ish of the 19-yeir tack, and    #
44 
mks. yeirly before expiring of it, beginning to that new        #
mailling
August 1682.
   (\Eod: die.\) - I lent to Alex=r= Hume of Kirkhouse, at his
earnest desire, 20 dollars till Whitsunday next. For which I 
have his band, bearing registration payable at the first of 
June to come, which I intend not to let sleep after that 
<P 22>
day if he pay me not willingly. The money lent was just 
56 lb. 12s. 



<B SBIO3A>
<Q SC3 NN BIO SOMERVILL>
<N MEMORIE SOMERVILLES>
<A SOMERVILLE JAMES>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1679>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T BIOGR OTHER>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y 40-60>
<H HIGH>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z NARR NON-IMAG>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^JAMES, ELEVENTH LORD SOMERVILLE.
MEMORIE OF THE SOMERVILLES; BEING A HISTORY OF THE BARONIAL 
HOUSE OF SOMERVILLE. 2 VOLS. VOL. II.
EDINBURGH: JAMES BALLANTYNE AND CO., 1815. 
PP. 423.11-458.7.^]

<P 423>
   The English sending non of ther troups to the 
west untill near Martinmas, the countrey gentrie 
that wer not yet gone up to the king's armie att 
Stirling, follows ther ordinary recreatione of 
hunting and hawkeing. Young Corhouse being 
at this sport, was pleased to come to Cambusnethen,
there to renew his leigger acquantance
with that gentleman's sone, where his wellcome 
was suteable to the civilities he had mett with 
from him in the campe; haveing stayed here 
too dayes, Corhouse invites young Cambusnethen 
to his father's house, and would have him 
alongst with him, which he condescended to; 
haveing procured his parent's licence, they sett 
furth, weill furnischd with hawkes and dogs, 
which gave them much sport, the feilds and 
wayes betwext Cambusnethen and Corhouse being
<P 424>
fitted for halkeing and hunting; att night 
they came to the Corhouse, where they wer courteously 
receaved by the lady (a daughter of the 
house of Lie, her husband being then with the 
king att Sterling), and modestly by the young 
ladyes: when they appeared, the first that came 
in sight was Mistress Margaret (now lady to Sir 
James Johnstone of Wasterhall, second chieff of 
that name), of whom, by the way, young Corhouse
was pleased to give ane character, and 
withall informed his comerad that the Laird of 
Wasterhall was her servant; for the youngest, 
Mrs Martha, she was not seen untill supper, and 
then came into the roume in a plaine countrey 
dresse; the truth is, she needed nothing else, 
being allwayes ane ornament to her cloaths when 
at the best, which eftirward she wore as fyne and 
fashionable as any lady of her qualitie within the 
natione, and that without wronging her husband's 
fortune or her oune credit. It is proper in this 
place, as I suppose, (being soe near a relatione, 
and that frequent occasione will occurre to mentione
her name dureing the remeineing part of 
her father-in-law's memory), to give a descriptione
of her persone and qualifications, both being
excellent; to begin with the first, att her age 
of fyfteine compleat, she attained to her full 
<P 425>
height, which was soe farre above the ordinary 
stature of most women, that she was accounted 
amongst the tallest of our natione, but soe as 
that diminished nothing of her handsomenesse, 
every part answering thereto, as a slender waste, 
large shoulders, big breast, henches full and 
round, as nature had fitted her for delicate children,
which in tyme she brought furth; her visage
was long, her nose high, her brow bent and 
smooth as alabaster, her chin and cheeks somewhat 
full, with a little read, especially in hott 
weather; ther was nothing boor soe litle proportione 
with the rest of her body, as her hand and 
foot, both being extremely litle, but weill shapen, 
whyte, and full of flesh; her skin was smoothe 
and clear, but what was covered, not soe whyte 
as I have seen severall of her complexione that 
was purely sanguinean; her hair being of a 
bright flaxen, which darkened as she grew in age, 
added much to her beauty, wherin ther was no 
blemish, her mean being answerable to that, and 
her persone gave occasione to these that saw her 
at church, or any other public meeting, to ascert 
she graced the place and company where she was. 
It has often been observed, that when this gentlewoman 
walked upon the street (which was but 
upon occasione, being better imployed at home),
<P 426>
that the eyes not only of the men, but also of 
these of her oune sex, was upon her, soe farre 
as ther sight could serve them, admireing her 
parts and handsomenesse. If any should questione
the truth of what I have written concerning
the persone of this young lady, ther are 
thousands yet alive both in Clidesdale, wher she 
was born and brought up, and lived some years 
when in a married estate, and in Mid-Lothian, 
her residence thereftir, where she lived some 
thretteine years, and therin dyed, that will give 
the same testimony of her persone, features, and 
beauty. 
   For the induements of her mynde, they wer 
answerable to the excellency of the cause, as being 
of a quick apprehensione, strong judgement, 
a ready delyverie, albeit she had a little haugh
in utterance, which was soe farre from makeing 
it unpleasant, that it graced her speech, and was 
very takeing with these she conversed with; in 
a word, she was pious towards God, obedient to 
her parents, loveing and submissive to her husband,
and obledgeing to the meanest of his relations;
indulgent towards her children, frugall in 
<P 427>
careing for her familie, charitable to the poor, 
and courteous to all persons whatsomever. Haveing 
allready written of her personal induements 
in ane epistle directed to her four sones, which 
was all the children she boor, and was at men's 
estate when she dyed, I shall enlarge myself noe
farder upon this subject, but leaves it to the consideration
of all the world, whither a persone soe 
handsome and soe qualified had not charmes 
enough upon first sight, to ingadge the affectione 
of any man, as she did of this young gentleman's, 
who, without farder ceremoney, eftir supper proffered 
to her his service, being then in her oune 
and sister's apartement, which with as little ceremony
she accepted, with this provisione, that 
he procured her parents consent: this bargaine 
begune was happily finished within ane year and 
a month thereftir, to the great satisfactione of all 
parties concerned.
   Eftir eight dayes stay att the Corhouse, Cambusnethen
and young Corhouse came back to 
Camnethen, haveing in company with them a 
gentleman named John Kennedie, brother-german 
to the Laird of Auchtifardell, old Corhouse's 
brother-in-law. This gentleman had been page 
to Major Bannatyne, and was with him all the 
tyme he lived, and bred a souldier; att the duke's 
<P 428>
engagement he was preferred to be leivetennent 
to ane troupe of horse, and that deservedly, being 
both stout and resolute, which served to purpose 
at this tyme, to preserve, not only the reputatione, 
but the lifes of thir two forward gentlemen
upon this occasione. Some sex weeks eftir 
the armie that was defeat att Dumbar was rallyed 
att Stirling, the kirk party in the state and 
armie drawes up a remonstrance, which they offered 
to the king and counsell, by the hands of 
Sir James Stewart, provest of Edenburgh, for 
which eftirward he was necessitat to take a remissione,
as did most of these that had any 
hand therein; the same being rejected by his 
majestie and his counsell, as full of treasonable 
language, tending to seditione, separatione, and 
douneright incroaching upon the rights and priviledges 
of the croune and safety of the natione. 
In that juncture of affairs, upon his majestie and 
counsell's rejecting of this remonstrance, Collonell
Kerr, Collonell Stackett, with severall other 
officers of horse, drawes off a great part of the 
cavellerie that was conveened at Stirling, and 
formes them to a fleeing armie, which (disouneing
the king's authoritie, but upon such conditions
as they themselves, and the new schismaticks 
of the presbytearean kirk, will needs have 
<P 429>
the king condescend to) they martch first to 
Tweeddale, the westland part of Tiviotdale, Eskdale, 
Annandale, Galloway, where they levied 
some troups of dragounes; the wholl of this litle 
armie, with ther recruits (being by farre the 
best horse that had been in the armie at Dunbar), 
consisted near of two thousand horse and 
dragounes, which, in the latter end of October, 
they bring from the south, and quarters them upon
Clyde. Ther being sixteine of Captaine Lockhart's
troupe, belonging to Collonell Hackett's 
regiment, quartered upon Cambusnethen's land, 
whereof twelve had taken up ther lodgeing within
the place, which happened to be the same 
very night that thir two young gentlemen and 
Leivetennent Kennedie came there from the Corhouse,
most of the roumes of the house being 
taken up with themselves and ther pedies, whereof
they had not a few, and all the stables with 
ther horses; whill young Cambusnethen was 
dealling in fairnesse with some of the troupers, 
that they would remove a part of ther horses to 
the office-houses without the court, that ther 
might be roume for the stranger's horses, and was 
<P 430>
lyke to prevaill with them: young Corhouse unhappily 
quarrells with one of them, and from 
words they went to ther swords, whereupon the 
rest of the troupers drawes, which made Leivetennent
Kennedie, Cambusnethen, and three of 
ther servants, quickly dismount, being yet on 
horse-back; the court was narrow, and sex horses 
standing in it, one houzed, which was of great 
advantage to the smallest number, ther being sex 
against twelve, because the straitnesse of the 
court, and madnesse of the horses, now at liberty,
affrighted with the noyse and clashing of soe 
many swords, ran madly up and doune the court, 
and was lyke to tread both parties under ther 
feet, soe that the troupers, albeit stout fellows, 
had but small advantage by ther number. Ther 
had but few blowes passed before Leivetennent
Kennedie was master of four of ther swords, and 
two of them next the yett were forced out by 
the two young gentlemen, who, haveing small 
swords, put soe home ther thrusts, that they wer 
necessitat to reteir or to be nailled to the wall.
   This bickering might have been bloody enough, 
if old Cambusnethen, being at the tyme in the 
barnes, (which was at some distance from the 
place) hearing the noise and loud clamour of the 
women, had not quickly comed in, wherupon
<P 431>
the rest of the troupers, willingly of themselves, 
withdrew without the yett, out of respect to him, 
knowing he was ane old souldier, and loved all 
such; ther was three of the troupers wounded, 
the gardiner of Camnethen, that came in to assist 
his young master, deeply cut in the shoulder,
two of the horse cutt upon the neck and hips,
young Corhouse had a large mandell coat which 
he had on cut in fyve places, and his arme a 
little wounded; young Cambusnethen haveing 
on a gray Dutch hatt, had his head weell preserved 
from being deeply cutt. Soe soone as this 
businesse was composed, to pacifie the souldiers, 
they were appoynted to quarter upon the tennents
next the place, and from it ther was abundence 
of meat and drinke sent to them, which 
made them dispense with the supposed affront 
they had mett with in being putt from ther 
quarters. 
   Two dayes eftir this, (as it had been resolved 
upon betwext young Cambusnethen and his mistres),
Corhouse begs libertie from Cambusnethen
and his lady, that seing ther sone had proffered 
his service to his youngest sister, they 
would be pleased to licence his goeing alongst 
with him to see his father, that he might be assured 
thereof from his oune mouth; this they 
<P 432>
willingly condescended to, wherupon thir gentlemen,
with ther servants, sett furth, haveing
Leivetennent Kennedie for ther companione and 
guyde. Corhouse had then his regiment of horse 
(for Collonell Stewart eftir Dunbar came never 
up to them) quartered in Angus, his oune was 
at the Laird of Grange's house, fyve mylles beyond 
Dundie. Upon the fyfth day after they 
parted from Cambusnethen, thir gentlemen came 
to this place, haveing made noe great haste by 
the way, because they desyred to see the countrey, 
as haveing never travelled that road before. 
Corhouse receaved his eldest sone indifferently,
as one whom, by all appearance, (it consists with 
my knowledge, he never spocke one good word 
off) he had noe lykeing for dureing his life, and 
yet left him all (yea even that which ought to 
have been non of his) at his death, I mean the 
executrie, which, in reasone, should have pertained 
to his two daughters, seing his other sone, 
Sir William Bannatyne, dyed some years before 
himself; as for young Cambusnethen and the 
leivetennent, he made them very wellcome to 
his quarters, as did the old Laird of Grange and 
his lady, a true-hearted and loyall gentlewoman, 
to whose memory, for her civilitie, I ow this 
breif narrative. 
<P 433>
   It was at this ladye's house that that party of 
the covenanters then standing armie, that gairded
in the Marques of Montrose, eftir his forces 
was beat, and himself betrayed in the north, lodged 
him, whom this excellent lady designed to 
sett att libertie, by procureing his escape from 
her house; in order to this, soe soon as ther 
quarters was settled, and that she had observed 
the way and manner of the placeing of the 
guairds, and what officers commanded them, she 
not only ordered her butlers to let the souldiers 
want for noe drinke, but she herself, out of respect 
and kyndenesse, as she pretended, plyed 
hard the officers and souldiers of the main-guaird 
(which was keeped in her owne hall) with the 
strongest ale and aquavite, that before midnight, 
all of them (being for the most part Highlandmen
of Lawer's regiment) became starke drunke. 
If her stewarts and other servants had obeyed 
her directions in giveing out what drinke the 
outgairds should have called for, undoubtedly 
the bussinesse had been effectuat; but unhappily,
when the marques had passed the first and second 
centinells that was sleeping upon ther musquets, 
and likewayes through the main-guaird, 
that was lying in the hall lyke swyne on a midding,
<P 434>
he was challenged a little without the outmost 
guaird by a wretched trouper of Strachan's 
troupe, that had been present at his takeing.
This fellow was none of the guaird that night, 
but being quartered hard by, was come rammelling
in for his belliefull of drinke, when he made 
this unluckie discovery, which being done, the 
marques was presently seized upon, and with 
much rudenesse, (being in the adye's cloaths,
which he had putt on for a disguize) turned back 
to his prisone-chamber. The lady, her old husband,
with the wholl servants of the house, wer 
made prisoners for that night and the morrow 
eftir, when they came to be challenged before 
these that had the command of this party, and 
some members of that wretched committie of 
estates that satt allways at Edenbrough, (for mischieff
to the royall interest) which they had sent 
for the more security, to be still with this party, 
fearing the great freinds and weill-wishers this 
noble heroe had upon the way he was to come, 
should, either by force or stratageme, be taken 
from them. The ladie, as she had been the only 
contryver of Montrose's escape, soe did she avow 
the same before them all; testifying she was 
heartily sorry it had not taken effect according 
to her wished desyre. This confidence of hers,
<P 435>
as it bred some admiratione in her accusors, soe 
it freed her husband and the servants from being 
farder challenged; only they took security of the 
laird for his ladye's appearing before the committie 
of estates when called, which she never 
was. Ther worships gott somewhat else to thinke 
upon, then to conveen soe excellent a lady before 
them upon such ane account, as tended 
greatly to her honour and ther oune shame.
   The second day eftir thir gentlemen's comeing 
to the Grange, young Cambusnethen took 
oppertunity to acquaint Corhouse with the occasione
that brought him there to pay his respects 
to him. At that distance he had been informed 
of the particular by his sone (who was noe good 
secretary) the night preceeding, and therfore it 
was noe surprize to him; for in a short compliment 
he thanked the gentleman for the honour 
he intended to put upon his familie in proffering 
to match with it, but withall, he insinuated the 
tymes was ill for marrying, or giveing in marriage. 
However, if ther were any settlement in 
the countrey, he should advise with his wife, 
daughter, and his other relations, about the affair,
which he hoped might take effect. Corhouse 
was a man of few words, and lyked not these that 
<P 436>
had too many; thairfore this gentleman gave 
him only thanks for soe obleidgeing ane answer. 
   Eftir a fortnight's stay in this place, Corhouse 
goes to court, which was then at St Johnstounes, 
and takes with him young Cambusnethen, fearing 
that in his absence his sone and he might 
quarrell at ther game, being both young and hasty, 
especially his sone, whom he knew to be extremely
quarrellsome upon slight occasiones. Being 
come to Perth, Corhouse mynded his businesse,
and this gentleman his recreationes, for 
some dayes, and then comes to take his leave of 
Corhouse, haveing a greater desyre to be with 
his daughter then all the ladyes about the court.
Corhouse knowing soe soon as this gentleman 
came to the west, he would visit his familie;
therfore he gives him letters to his lady, and to 
other persones in that countrey, with whom he 
had bussinesse, recommending the delyverie to 
him, whereof he was very carefull, as weill became 
him. That night before Cambusnethen 
parted from court, Corhouse was somewhat pressing 
that he should drinke heartily, but findeing 
the young gentleman had a great aversione therfrom,
he most civilly forboor to trouble him with 
any more nor what he willingly took; the rest 
<P 437>
of the company, upon Corhouse's account, doeing 
the same. 
   That very evening it was concluded by his 
majestie and the counsell, that Generall Major 
Montgomerie should martch to the west with the 
greatest part of the cavillrie and dragounes, for 
to reduce that dissenting party to his obedience, 
either by fair means or foull; for Collonell 
Strauchan, ther head, being at first imprisoned 
in Dumbartoune, because of the remonstrance, 
was eftirward removed to Caithnes Castle, from 
whence escapeing, he returned not to the westerne 
forces, but left them to be commanded by 
Gilbert Kerr, haveing himself treacherously fallen 
off to the English, where meeting with some 
disappoyntments, he reteires to his father's house 
at Mussillburgh, contracts a frenacie, and in it 
dyes, thereby eviteing a helter, which he deserved 
for his former and present actings against 
the king and his royall father. It is true, for 
personall courage and conduct, he was as gallant 
a man as ever went before his enemie, and 
acted accordingly, but of very debauched principalls, 
as most of the rigid presbytereans are to 
this day, whose darleing and sword this Strauchan
was, eftir Major Bannantyne dyed, who, as 
he was more worshipfully descended, soe was he 
<P 438>
nothing short of him in gallantry, and much more 
honest, if he had lived but a few years longer to 
have knoune and seen the cheats of the presbytereans,
for whom he fought soe couragiously
against the king, and dyed in ther service some 
few dayes before Long Merstoune Muir; and it 
is much to be regrated that soe gallant a man 
should have perished in soe bad a cause. But I 
returne. 
   Major-generall Montgomerie, according to the 
orders he had receaved, setting furth with his 
party, young Cambusnethen being of his particular 
acquaintance and cussing, goes alongst 
with him untill he passed Stirling-bridge, and 
was upon his martche for Dumbartoune, when 
comeing to take his leave, the generall major's 
intelligence being uncertane, he intreated his 
cussing, seing he was goeing higher up Clyde 
then he intended to martche his party, if necessity 
constrained not, that he would be pleased to 
give him notice of Collonell Kerr's motione, and 
if he had any acquaintance or relationes in that 
party, to learne it from them how they stood affected 
to a reconciliatione upon the termes offered
by his majestie. This Cambusnethen promised 
to doe by an expresse within three or four 
dayes, but was prevented by the defeat of that 
<P 439>
dissenting party; for this gentleman haveing 
parted from the generall major neer the head of 
Campsie Fells, upon Fryday about twelve a 
clock, he came to Glasgow that night, where being 
informed that that remonstrating armie was 
quartered upon the other syde of Clyde, because
of his promise to the generall, he resolves to be 
with them the next day, haveing there a dear 
and intimate comerad, one James Baillzie, second 
sone to the Laird of Carphin, then cornet 
to Gilbert Kerr's oune troupe, which then quartered 
in Renfrew. Cambusnethen comeing to 
this toune, enquyres for the cornet's quarters, 
which haveing found, he sends in word ther was 
a gentleman desyrous to kisse his hand. Soe 
soon as he hears this (being of a free and generous 
dispositione) he came quickly to the door, 
where seeing his dear comerad, (who was yet 
with his two servants on horse back,) he leaps a 
great hight, and clasps him all in his armes, without 
speaking one word, for joy. Cambusnethen 
told him, smylling, within some few dayes they 
might come to meet with more unkindely imbracements;
"That shall never be," sayes the 
cornet; "light, dear comerad, and explain yourself;"
which he does, desyreing of the cornet 
that they might be without company for half an 
<P 440>
hour. Being come to his apartment, Cambusnethen 
enquyred at the cornet if he had any news;
he said non, but that the souldiers and inferior 
officers of ther party wished for a conjunctione 
with the rest of ther oune armie, for now they 
stood in fear both of them and the common enemie, 
and because of that, it is supposed we will 
quarter in Galloway this winter. Whill they wer 
thus discourseing, one knockes softly at the door, 
which the cornet opening, ane ordinance delyvers 
him a short note, which, when he had read, 
he delyvers to his comerad, and sayes, "Since 
Dumbar wee had not the good fortune to be togither,
and now ane hour must part us, as you
may see by that note; "which contained, that 
upon sight he should martche the troupe for 
Rugline, (his leivetennent being then sick at
Glasgow.) The occasione of this was, Collonell 
Kerr had intelligence from Edenburgh that 
Cromwell was about to send a strong detatchedment
of his horse to quarter upon Clyde, and 
force him to seek his elsewhere, and that very 
day he had notice from Lendrick, that upwards 
of twentie troupes of horse was come there, and 
bound farder west, whereupon he concluded, as 
he had reasone, ther designe was to fall upon his 
quarters, which he mynded to prevent, by giveing
<P 441>
them ther wellcome to that countrey; and 
this was the reasone he soe quickly conveened 
his troupes, and appoynted ther randezvouze at 
Rugline, for he judged the English would lodge 
that night at Hamiltoune, ther being noe conveniency
at that seasone of the year for soe many 
horse, but there. 
   Soe soon as the troupe was conveened at the 
cornet's quarters, and they wer ready to martch, 
this young gentleman thought any intelligence 
he was able to give Generall Major Montgomerie 
would be but lame, untill he understood how 
ther forces disposed of themselves eftir this generall
rendezvouze; thairfore he insinuate as 
much to his comrad as he had a desyre to goe 
along with him, which, when he understood, he 
was pleased to give him ane hearty invitatione. 
It was neer two in the eftirnoon before all the 
troupes came into the rendezvouze, and about 
ane hour thereftir they wer formed in two great 
bragads of horse, each bragade haveing two 
troupes of dragounes upon the right and left 
hand, the wholl of the horse being four regiments,
to wit, the Lord Kirkeudbright's, Collonell
Strauchan's, Kerr's, and Hackett's; non of 
the two first was present themselves, they were 
<P 442>
commanded by ther leivetennent-collonell and 
major, ther number being about twelve hundereth 
horse, besydes ther dragounes, which was 
four hundereth strong. The horse was weill 
mounted and completely armed, the three collonell's
troupes all in buff coats, and many of 
them Dutch, or High Germans: If ther principall 
officers had been guilty of noe more but the 
witholding of soe many gallant men from acting 
in his majestie's behalf, with the rest of his forces 
then in the feilds, it might have made them soe 
farre criminall, as to have forfaulted both their 
lyves and fortunes to him. But his mercy even 
extended to as many of thir men as out-lived his 
happy restauratione. 
   Whill this armie of horse stood in this posture, 
Kerr had intelligence that Lambert had passed 
Clyde with a great body of horse, and intended 
for Hamiltoune. Upon this informatione he called
a counsell of warre, which satt in the tolbuith 
of Rugline; here the questione was putt, Whither 
they should fight the English, or martche ther 
forces to Carrick or Galloway; for by this tyme 
Major-generall Montgomerie, by ane expresse, 
had intimate his majestie's will and pleasure to 
them, wherein as yet they had come to noe resolutione,
<P 443>
but begane now to consider they we 
lyke to have ther hands full when they should 
have to doe both with the king's forces and the 
common enemie's. This made them conclude 
ther safest course was presently to fall upon the 
English, and whatever the successe might be, it 
would at least take off much of the odium under 
which they lay, because of ther seperating of themselves
from the king's armie. Soe soon as this 
was resolved upon, the counsell of warre brocke 
up, and every officer went to his particular charge. 
The troupes being keeped togither, the barne 
yairds within the toune and adjoyneing villages 
payed for that daye's and a part of the night's 
quarters; near ten the same night they came togither,
and was ordered in this manner: Ther was 
a party of ane hundereth and forty horse given 
to the laird of Rallstoune, then Leivetennent-collonell
to Strauchan, which was to martche before 
the vanne of the armie, and was ordered to fall 
upon the enemie's out-guairds; the first braggad 
of horse Gilbert Kerr commanded himself, the 
second Collonell Hackett, for the third I doe not 
remember the officer's name that commanded 
them; the dragounes was equally shared to these 
braggads, but ther was non given to the forelorne 
hope. This was a great errour in these that commanded,
<P 444>
and in effect lost them the oppertunity 
of routeing Lambert's party, and keeping himself 
prisoner, as you shall hear. All things being ordered 
according to ther mynde, they martched 
furth upon Saturday, or rather upon Sunday 
morning, the last of November, 1650. About 
twelve at night, Ralstoune, with his party, being 
still a quarter of a mylle before the armie, ther 
designe was to have surprized the English outguairds 
that stood upon the muir, a little above 
the toune, and soe to have fallen into the enemie's 
head-quarters; but souldiers of farre lesse 
experience, then for certaine many of these officers 
was that commanded this armie of horse,
might easely have known that the brightnesse of 
the night (being fair moon-light) would not only 
have discovered them att a good distance by the 
sight of the eye, but that likewayes the noyse 
of ther horses feet (being then a hard frost) 
could not but alarume the enemie, seing they wer 
hardly a myle off any place before they came to 
it; but these things, and severall other circumstances
that occurred in the tyme of actione, 
brocke this party; for the enemie's out-sentries
haveing heard the noyse of the horses feet, presently 
conjectured ther was a great body of horse 
advanceing towards them, whereof they gave notice 
<P 445>
to ther guaird, which they heard of themselves 
before the sentries came in. This they 
advertised Lambert off, by two horsemen, who 
immediately commanded the guairds to draw off, 
and to bring ther sentries without challengeing 
the enemie within the toune, and not to leave a 
man at that port where he knew the enemie 
would enter, because of the way they were comeing.
This he did of purpose to delude our 
men, by makeing them beleive, that eftir his 
martche they should find him secure: but it proved
otherwayes; for Rallstoune misseing ther 
guairds upon the muir, advanced still with his 
party untill he came to the port, where ther was 
not a man to challenge him, which made him 
doubt either some stratageme, or that ther intelligence
had been false of the Englishe's being 
there; but comeing to the broad street that 
leads from the tolbuith to the palace yett, he 
fand the enemie, albeit in some consternatione, 
ready to receave him, whom he resolutely charges, 
breakes, and housses most of them in lesse than 
a quarter of ane hour. It was then soe exceedingly
darke, because the moon was now gone too, 
beeing neer three in the morning, that noe man 
could discerne his friends from his foes but by 
the light of ther pistolls; and soe great was ther 
<P 446>
confusione, that the English within the toune, 
being more in number by sex parts then these 
that charged them, killed severall of themselves,
takeing them for their enemies. Lambert being 
beat from his horse was made prisoner for ane 
hour; but his qualitie not being knoune, the 
troupers that had taken him rambleing for horses, 
(whereof there was good store to be had whose 
masters had forsaken them), he made his escape 
out at the back entrie of Sarah Jean's Close, then 
the greatest inne in Hamiltoune. Being knoune 
to his oune men, he was presently mounted. 
   To these braggads of horse that was drawen 
up upon the Crafts without the toune, who yet 
had seen noe enemie, for all the hott worke ther 
comerads had within. Day beginning now to 
appear, being near sex in the morning, when two 
rascalls, that was more for plunder then fighting,
with each of them two of the enemie's horses in 
ther hands, comes up to Collonell Kerr, and assures 
him Rallstoune was absolute master of the 
toune, haveing killed many, made prisoners some, 
and beatten the enemie out of it: this last was 
a notorious lye, for the English was yet within 
the toune three tymes Rallstoune's number, 
though not in one body, but in twenties and 
thretties upon horse-back, ready for [^EDITION: readyf or^]
service, soe 
<P 447>
soon as they should distinctly know ther enemies;
however, this false intelligence soe hightened
the courage of that body of horse that Kerr 
commanded, that presumptuously they cryed to 
him and ther other officers, to lead them to charge 
the enemie, or they would doe it without them, 
and upon that begane to move, which ther commanders 
seing, advanced with them; ther was 
betwext them and the enemie (which stood in a 
great and close body with a strong reserve ready 
to receave ther charge), a little burne, antiently 
called Keagoe Burne, from whence the first of
the Hamiltounes had ther designatione, but now 
knoune for Hamiltoune water, because it runs 
through a part of the toune. This water runneing
somewhat laigh, ther is a descent to it from 
the west, whereupon Gilbert Kerr's horses stood, 
and ane ascent to the east where the English had 
placed themselves; our men, in passing of this 
(being in a large front), had fallen in some disorder,
which the enemie observing, presently 
charges them soe home upon the ascent, that 
many of our front being pressed back by the 
\number\ and strength of the English horses, 
<P 448>
overturned many of the second and third ranks,
both horse and men, in the water; however, for
a short tyme, it was weill enough foughten, for
these upon the right and left hand opening,
falles in resolutely upon the enemie's flanks and
putts them soe to it, that they wer lyke to fall in
as great confussione and disorder as ours was, in
passeing the water. But the ground being good
and level whereupon they fought, they soone recovered
themselves, and worsted these few that 
disputed with them upon that syde of the burne.
The reserves of both parties, nor yet the dragounes,
never came to actione, for any thing I
could see or hear; what was the reasone thereof
I am yet to learne. Upon the retreating of this
braggad, commanded by Kerr, the other, commanded
by Hackett, fairly martches off without
fyreing of a pistoll, which the enemie observing,
they calmely martches ther reserve over the 
burne, whill that braggad of theirs which had 
foughten was rallying, and putting themselves in
order for the persute, Collonell Kerr, with his
oune troupe and severall officers, keeped the
rear of his oune forces, where wee will leave
them stoutly disputeing every rig lenth (for near
two mylles) with the enemie; and see what became
of Rallstoune and his party, who, soe soon
<P 449>
as it was day (every ane of his men haveing ane
of the enemies horse and some prisoners) he begane
to retreat out of the toune, which the English
(being now come togither in greater bodies)
observing, they resolved not to part with him
upon soe unequall terms, and to losse ther men
and horses; thairfore they charge him upon his
reteareing from all quarters of the toune. Most
of his men's fyre being spent in the night service,
they wer necessitat now to dispute it with ther
swords, which they did very gallantlie, as being
loath to part with ther late purchase, but to ther
great losse, being felled with the enemie's shott,
and cutt doune with the multitude of ther swords,
which in a manner surrounded them, ther was
the greatest slaughter imaginable; for before
this they had foughten be guesse, being doubtfull
how to direct ther shott or stryke at the
enemie because of the darknesse of the night;
but now every man saw how to imploy his armes
at this last conflict: there fell of Rallstoune's
party near sextie, and the rest, with the losse of
ther prisoners and horse, being brocken, wer
forced out of the toune, to shift for themselves
the best way they could.
   The enemie being still upon the persute of
<P 450>
Collonell Kerr with reserved troupes, charged 
him still, soe that at lenth many being killed, and 
most of the gentlemen wounded that keeped the 
rear, his oune horse shott, and his right hand almost
cutt off, he was taken prisoner. At the same 
charge Cornet James Baillzie was shott in the 
mouth, through the cheekes, and with much gallantrie,
by the helpe of his dear comerad, came 
off from being made prisoner; such of ther 
troupes as keeped in a body, retreated to Ayr, 
whither the English persued them, until of themselves 
they dispersed, and this was the end of the 
remonstrating armie, that acted nothing worthy 
of themselves, nor of that big expectatione the 
foolish ministers of ther party had of them. Of 
the routeing of this party, Generall major Montgomerie
had notice before eight a clock at night 
from his cussing Cambusnethen, whereupon the 
next day he martches his forces back to Stirling,
there to attend his majestie's farder orders. 
   Cambusnethen haveing brought his comerad, 
Cornet Baillzie, to Paisly, and left him there to 
be cured of his wound, goes himself to the Laird 
of Cathcart's, of the name of Semple, neer cussing
of his by the mother syde; here he remained 
for three dayes, untill all the English troupes
had passed west, and then in company of the 
<P 451>
Laird of Idistoune, and some other neighbour 
gentlemen that had sheltered themselves at Cathcart's,
he returnes to Cambusnethen; here it cannot 
be forgotten how most of this company by 
the way freatted extremely that this young gentleman
and his servants would not part with ther 
armes, and lay them asyde, as they had done to 
a very knife, for fear of meeting with the English. 
As they journeyed with this humour of thers, 
Cambusnethen made good sport by telling them 
he loved his armes and horses very weill, and his 
libertie farre better, and would not readily part 
with any of these without blowes, if they should 
meet ane enemie by the way, although somewhat 
unequally staited. This discourse frighted 
some of the gentlemen soe much, that when they 
entered the parish of the Munckland, they slipped
off through by-roads to ther oune homes, and 
left this gentleman to journey to his alone. 
   Being come to Cambusnethen, he was joyfully 
receaved of his parents, to whom he gave ane 
particular account of his receptione by Carhouse, 
and how he stood affected to the proposall he had 
made anent the matching with his familie; likewayes
he informed them of the newes then at 
court, and the orders given to Major-Generall 
Montgomerie, and his particular commissione to 
<P 452>
himself, in order to the giveing of him intelligence
anent the discenting forces now brocken 
att Hamiltoune, whereto he had been an eyewitnesse. 
This startled his parents much, who 
haveing noe informatione of ther sone's being on 
this syde of the water of Forth, could never have 
suspected his being at that engadgement. His father
modestlie reproved him for hazarding himself 
where he had noe call; but his mother chide 
him extremely, even to tears, soe that with many
fair promises not to doe the lyke, he scarce could 
calme her passione, which, proceeding from an excesse 
of love to and fear of loseing her only sone, 
was the more excuseable in her that had been a 
most indulgent mother to all her nyne children, 
wherof ther was non at this tyme alive but her 
eldest sone and youngest daughter. 
   The day eftir ther sones comeing to Cambusnethen,
 he goes for the Corhouse to see his mistress, 
delivers the letters and what other things 
he had in commissione to the lady from her husband,
which she accepted very thankfully from 
the hands of this gentleman, of whom she had a 
great esteeme from ther first acquaintance to her 
oune death, which she evidenced by many singular
favoures conferred upon him and his familie,
both before and when he became her sone-in-law.
<P 453>
Eftir some eight dayes tyme at the Corhouse, 
this young gentleman haveing renewed his acquaintance,
and againe proffered his service to 
his delicate mistress, he was necessitat to part 
from this loveing company, haveing receaved his 
father's commands, who was now ready to go for 
Perthshyre, either to resyde at court, or with his 
cussing, the Laird of Pottie, a second brother of 
the house of Raploch, for that winter. The reasone 
of this sudden resolutione was, because eftir 
the defeat of Collonell Kerr, Cromwell had 
resolved to garrisone the toune of Hamiltoune, 
which he did with three thousand foot and horse, 
and gave the command therof to Collonell Lillburne.
This made most of the weill-affected gentlemen
in the Nether Waird to retire themselves
beyond the water of Forth. Cambusnethen and 
his sone resolved to be at his majestie's coronatione, 
which was solemnly performed upon the 
first of January, 1651; the manner whereof is so 
punctuall and particularly sett doune, both by 
the English wryters, and before that printed sermone,
preached at the coronatione by Master 
Robert Douglas, eftir the presbyterean straine, 
and alamod the covenant, that it wer superfluous
for me to insert the same here. 
   Cambusnethen, dureing his abode att court, 
<P 454>
and with his cussing Pottie, he went to kisse the 
hands of William Duke of Hamiltoune, then residing 
at the Struthers, a house in Fyfe, belonging 
to his brother-in-law, the Earle of Crawfuird, 
both of whom being now forsooth reconcealled 
to the kirk, who yet would fain have been paramunt,
but by this tyme ther wings was clipped, 
and out of necessitie they became better mannered, 
and admitted persones of honour, and 
souldiers of merit, to serve ther prince and countrey
upon farre easyer termes, then they would 
have done the year preceeding. It was to this 
house of the Earle of Crawfuird's, (a very beigett
covenanter, great stickler and opposer of 
his majestie's good intentions and interest in this 
kingdome, att and before the beginning of the 
warre, when but Lord Lindsay, but then turned 
proseylite in the year 1648, and yet retained untill
his death some grains of the golden calf,) 
that many of the Clydesdale gentlemen came to 
pay ther respects to his grace the Duke of Hamiltoune,
and amongst others, Cambusnethen 
and his sone, whom he receaved kyndely; knowing 
Cambusnethen to be an old and expert souldier,
he was pleased at parting to assure him that 
he would procure from his majestie the command 
of a regiment of foot for him, provyding he would 
<P 455>
accept thereof. Cambusnethen humbly thanked 
his grace, and told him his majestie would gett 
farre younger and abler souldiers to serve in that 
statione then he was; however, he was resolved 
to hazard his only sone in the king's service, by 
putting him in his troupe of guaird for a tyme, 
which accordingly he did, and then returned to 
the west to look eftir his private affairs, which 
was now beginning to be in some disorder, because 
his estate in Mid-Louthian was eaten up, 
first by our oune forces, and then by the enemie's,
under whose feet they now lay. Att parting he 
gave his sone his blessing, and commanded him 
presently to put himself in the king's guaird of 
horse, but that he should receive noe pay, nor 
be burdensome to the countrey, he left him gold 
and money for three months, against which tyme 
he concluded the king's armie would take the 
feilds, and incampe on this syde of the water of 
Forth, and then his sone might be supplied with 
necessaries from his oune house of Cambusnethen,
which accordingly was done all the tyme 
the armie incamped att Torwood, Killsyth, and 
Lelbur bridge, untill his majesty's martcheing 
into England. Here I might take occasione to 
give a true and particular account of our armie's 
martcheing, incamping, and actions, from their 
<P 456>
first setting furth from Stirling Parke, untill ther 
passing by Carlisle, but that all these occurrences 
are allready fully spocken to by the author of the 
Civill Warres of Brittaine; and to be ingenuous, 
the distractions of our kirk, state, and armies, 
with the mistakes and miscarriages of our principall
officers, ought to be buried in perpetuall 
oblivione; besydes this gentleman, Cambusnethen,
haveing noe command, nor being present 
all that tyme, whose memory I wryte, and not 
his sones, but soe farre as it necessarily occurres
upon his and the familie's concerns, which cannot 
now be evited, haveing soe great a dependency 
the one upon the other, as being then in 
the eighteinth year of his age, and the same year 
wherein he was marryed, I say it wer not proper,
from this narratione, to give ane account of 
the armie's proceedings, seing he had no command 
therin, nor yet his son, who served his
prince and countrey out of dutie and loyalty voluntarily,
without pay or hope of reward, soe 
long as the armie remained in Scotland; but 
soe soon as it was knoune they wer to martche 
for England, Cambusnethen fearing he might 
lose his only sone in that expeditione, wrote to 
him the night before the king parted from Stirling 
to come home, and he not comeing, nor returneing 
<P 457>
the expresse soe soon as he expected, 
because the armie was to martche that way, 
Cambusnethen apprehended his sone was resolved 
to goe alongst with them, wherupon he procured 
obleidgeing letters from his sone's mistress, 
inviteing him to see her in his passage, which, 
when he performed, the passione of love soe 
farre prevailled, that ther was noe resisting of 
her commands, which, upon old Cambusnethen's 
earnest entreaty, she caused her mother second 
by a kindely force in keeping close the iron yett 
untill the king's armie was passed Boghall, a 
house belonging to the Earle of Wigtoune, then 
garrisoned by the English, soe that ther was noe 
safe travelling upon that road to have followed 
the armie; hereby Cambusnethen obtained his 
desyre, and it fell out happily for the preservatione 
of his familie, which had been extinct if 
that young gentleman had been lost in that unfortunate 
expeditione, wherein soe many noble 
and gallant men perished to their oune eternall 
praise, and the great comfort of ther surviving 
<P 458>
relationes, seing it was in the service of their 
prince, whose merits then, as at this present, 
calles for the outmost that his subjects can doe 
in defence of his sacred persone and royall authoritie,
above all persons in all causes, within 
his oune dominions, let papists and presbyters 
babill what they please. 



<B SBIO3B>
<Q SC3 NN BIO JTURNER>
<N MEMOIRS>
<A TURNER JAMES>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1632-1670>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T BIOGR OTHER>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y 20-40/40-60>
<H HIGH PROF>
<U NET X>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z NARR NON-IMAG>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^TURNER, SIR JAMES.
MEMOIRS OF HIS OWN LIFE AND TIMES, 1632-1670.
ED. T. THOMSON. BANNATYNE CLUB. EDINBURGH 1829.

SAMPLE 1: PP. 3.1-15.25
SAMPLE 2: PP. 107.26-118.14^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P 3>
I was not seventeene yeares old when I left the schooles,       #
where 
haveing lightlie passed thorough that course of philosophie is 
ordinarlie taught in the universities of Scotland, I was        #
commanded
by my father and grandfather to commence Master of Arts at      #
Glasgow, 
much against my will, as never intending to make use of that    #
title
which undeservedlie was bestowed upon me, as it was on many 
others before me, and hath beene on too many since. I stayd a   #
yeare 
after with my father at Dalkeith, applying myselfe to the       #
studie of 
humane letters and historie, in bothe which I allways tooke     #
delight.
I did reade also the controversies of religion betweene us and  #
the Roman
Catholickes, (for the Presbyterians at that time made litle or  #
no 
noyse,) wherby I might be enabled to discern the truth of the   #
Protestant
persuasion and the fallacies of the Popish one or any other,    #
that 
so I might not, in traversing the world, be carried away with   #
everie 
wind of doctrine. Bot before I attaind to the eighteenth yeare  #
of my 
age, a restles desire enterd my mind, to be, if no an actor,    #
at least a 
spectator of these warrs which at that time made so much noyse  #
over 
all the world, and were managd against the Roman Emperour and   #
the 
<P 4>
Catholicke League in Germanie, under the auspitious conduct of  #
the 
thrice famous Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sueden. Sir James      #
Lumsdaine
was then levieing a regiment for that service; with him, (my 
neerest freinds consenting to it,) I engaged to go over         #
ensigney to his 
brother Robert Lumsdaine, eldest captaine; who since that time  #
was a 
generall major, and tuo days before the king was routed at      #
Worcester, 
was killed at Dundee, (where he was governour,) in cold blood,  #
ane 
houre after he had got quarter. 
   It was about Lambes of the yeare 1632, that we came before   #
Elsennure
in Denmark, where we stayd three days, and therafter landed 
at Rostock in the Dutchie of Mecklenburg; from whence we        #
marched 
to the Archbishoprick of Bremen, where, whether with the        #
change of 
aire or dyet, or by eating too much fruit, (wherof I saw that   #
countrey
abound more than my oune,) or all three, I fell grieveouslie    #
sicke. My
fever keepd me sixe weeks, and by that time I was able to       #
walke 
abroad, we were sent to reduce some obstinate countries to      #
order, and 
force them to submit to the Suedish yoake. This provd a hard    #
and 
severe winter to me and all of us, who knew not before what it  #
was not 
to have tuo or three meals aday, and goe to bed at a            #
seasonable houre 
at night. 
   The King of Suedens victories had carried him so far up in   #
Germanie,
that we never came to see him. At the time of our arriveall,
his fortune beganne to decline; for at Nuremberg, trusting to   #
that prodigious
successe which had attended all his former undertakeings, he 
stormed a well fortified campe entrenchd on a hill, in which    #
were tuo 
armies; the Imperiall under Wallenstein, and that of the        #
League under 
the Elector of Bavaria. At this was a rash, so it proved an     #
unfortunate ...;
<P 5>
for beaten he was with the losse of neere foure 
thousand killed on the place, among whom were many brave 
......... and gentlemen. Neere sixe thousand wounded, so that   #
all the 
hospitalls and lazarettos of Nuremberg were sufficientlie       #
filld. Nixt 
November, this magnanimous king, endeavouring to save the Duke  #
of 
Saxe his lands from the same Wallenstein, losd his life at the  #
battel of 
Lutsen, which notwithstanding was wonne by the conduct and      #
valour
of Bernard Duke of Weimar. In Februare 1633, a strong and       #
veterane 
armie of the Sueds came to the Lower Germanie, under the        #
command 
of George Duke of Brunswick and Luneburg as generall, and 
Dodo Baron of Kniphausen as felt marshall, with which joynd     #
Lumsdains
Scots regiment, and one English one under the same Colonell 
Ashton who was killed at Tradaff or Drogheda in Ireland, where  #
he 
was governor, where all were put to the suord by Cromwell in    #
the 
yeare 1649.
   With this armie I had a lamentable cold, wet and rainie      #
march, till 
we layd siege to the strong toune of Hammelln, which held out,  #
with the 
destruction of multitudes of our men, till the 28th of June,    #
and till the 
two earles Merod and Grunsfield, both Imperiall generalls,      #
came with 
an armie of 20,000 men to relieve it. We broke up, and met      #
them 
foure English miles from thence, and fought them. This was a    #
battell 
wherin so much blood was shed, as was enough to flesh such      #
novices as 
I was. We gaind the victorie, which was a great one to be       #
gaind with 
so little losse on our side. Neere nine thousand of the         #
Imperialists were 
killd in the place, three thousand taken, with eighteene        #
canon, and 
above eightie standards and collors. The toune yeelded          #
therafter on 
articles. After this battell, I saw a great many killd in cold  #
blood
<P 6>
by the Finns, who professe to give no quarter. The whole time   #
of this 
siege, my best entertainment was bread and water, abundance of  #
the 
last, but not so of the first; but this proceeded from want of  #
money,
for the leager was plentiful enough. The rest of this summer,   #
nixt harvest 
and nixt winter, I was at the sieges of severall towns and      #
castles,
and at many brushes, encounters and ..............; and all     #
the 
time sufferd exceeding great want of both meate and clothes,    #
being necessitated
to ly constantly in the fields with little or no shelter, to    #
march 
allways a foot, and drinke water; so that then I could verifie  #
that which 
I had so often heard at schoole, (\Dulce bellum inexpertis.\)   #
And indeed 
I was so hardend with fatigue, that thogh at first I longd to   #
be backe 
at Scotland, yet being so well inurd to toile, I fullie         #
resolved to goe on 
in that course of life of which I had made choyce, and I        #
thought then
I could have livd all my days on a very spare dyet, and         #
without a bed
too; so true it is that (\Habitus est altera natura.\)
   In the beginning of the yeare 1634, our English and Scotch   #
regiments, 
such as they were, came to be quartered at that Oldendorpe
neere to which the battell was fought. I was lodged in a widows
house, whose daughter, a young widow, had been married to a     #
rittmaster 
of the Emperors. She was very handsome, wittie and discreet;
of her, thogh my former toyle might have banished all love      #
thoughts
out of my mind, I became perfitlie enamourd. Heere we stayd     #
sixe
weeks, in which time she taught me the Hie Dutch, to reade and  #
write 
it, which before I could not learne bot very rudlie from        #
sojors. Haveing
then the countrey language, I heard also the fashions and       #
customes of 
the Germane officers; and about this time was both regiments    #
reducd 
to tuo companies; tuo captaine lieutenants, and tuo ensigneys,  #
(wherof
<P 7>
I was one,) onlie ordaind to stand; all the rest casheerd, and  #
in great 
necessitie and povertie. The tuo companies were bot badlie      #
used, tossed
to and fro, in constant danger of ane enemie, and without pay.  #
Bot I 
had learnd so much cunning, and became so vigilant to lay hold  #
on 
opportunities, that I wanted for nothing, horses, clothes,      #
meate, nor
moneys; and made so good use of what I had learned, that the    #
whole 
time I servd in Germanie, I sufferd no such miserie as I had    #
done the 
first yeare and a halfe that I came to it. 
  It was in this yeare that the Emperors Generalissimo          #
Wallenstein, 
intending to betray his master, familie and armie, [\was put    #
to\] death
by Gordon and Leslie at Egar in Bohemia, by the way of fact,    #
(\per viam 
facti,\) as they call it, because by the way of right, or (\de  #
jure,\) he was so 
strong as he could not be proceeded against. The actors were    #
well rewarded
by the Emperour, especiallie Leslie. Ferdinand the Second 
entrusts the conduct of his forces to his sonne the King of     #
Hungarie, 
who, with the help of the Cardinall Infant, brother to the      #
King of Spaine,
gave a total defeate to tuo Suedish armies, under the command   #
of Bernard 
Duke of  Weimar and the Suedish field-marshall Gustave Horne. 
Sixe thousand or therby, wherof our tuo companies made up some  #
part, 
were on our march to Nordling, where the battell was fought,    #
to have 
reinforcd the Sueds; and were within a few leagues of           #
Frankford du 
Mein when we heard of the rout, and so were countermanded to    #
Westphalia. 
By this one blow the Sueds loosd more ground then they had 
gaind in a yeare before; and nixt yeare most of the Dutch       #
princes 
made their peace with the Emperor. 
   Touards the latter end of this yeare, my fathers death       #
calld me to 
Scotland to give my mother a visite, where I was forcd to stay  #
longer 
<P 8>
then I intended; for the frost continued that winter            #
universallie through
Europe till the midst of March 1635. In the summer I returned,  #
and 
being informed at my landing at Bremen, that some officers      #
intended 
to goe from Hamburg to Persia, I resolvd to make one of that    #
number, 
and upon that account went thither; where I found many of my    #
countreymen,
some English and some Germans, great with child of that         #
expedition,
wherin they promisd themselves more gold then the philosophers 
stone can afford the alchymists. The matter was this. The 
Duke of Holstein Gottorff intended to set up a trade with       #
Persia, for 
silks to be transported from Hircania thorough the Caspian      #
sea, and 
then up the great river Volga, from thence to Riga, then to     #
Holstein. 
The Sophi of Persia was contented ane embassador sould be sent  #
to 
treate with him concerning the traffique, bot that the          #
embassador sould 
bring with him as many officers as possible he could, to        #
traine the Persian
foot, wherin he was farre inferior to the Turke. A number of    #
us 
were to goe as members of the embassadors houshold and          #
traine, because
the Great Duke of Musco, being at peace with the Grand          #
Seigneur, 
wold not suffer us to goe otherwise; bot the Russe hearing the  #
designe,
wrote to the Duke that he wold not suffer his envoy to passe    #
with such 
followers. After I had spent some of my moneys at Hamburg, and  #
got a 
promise of the directors of that expedition, that roome sould   #
be keepd for 
me if the voyage went on, I went to Osnaburg, where my          #
colonell Sir 
James Lumsdaine was governour. The Persian expedition was       #
bloune 
up by the perfidie of the Dukes embassador, who reveald the     #
whole plot
to the Turke; for which he had his head strucke of at his       #
return from
Persia, having deservd a more ignominious death. At my arrival  #
at 
Lumsdaines garrison, I found my place was disposed to ane       #
other, which
<P 9>
I lookd upon as no fair play, being done contrare to promise.   #
I was 
forcd to stay there. Sir James goeing away, and the             #
Imperialists prevalleing
everie where, Osnaburg is blockd up by the Marques of Grana. 
This blocquado was cousine german to a seege; in the time       #
wherof I 
came againe in employment. 
   Nixt summer the Sueds prevaile; old Leslie is made our       #
fieldmarshall,
(Kniphausen being killd,) and King his lieutenant generall;     #
they 
beate away the Marques, who beseegd us in Osnaburg, joyns with  #
the 
Landtgrave of Hessen, and with joynt forces beates Lamboy and   #
some 
other of this Emperors generalls, who had beseegd the strong    #
toune of 
Hanaw two yeares, and put fresh provision in it. Heere was Sir  #
James 
Ramsay governour. After this Leslie joynes with Banier, and     #
both of 
them fought with the Duke of Saxe, and ane Imperiall armie at   #
Woodstocke,
where they gaind a compleate victorie. 
   In the yeare 1637, I went with some commanded men,  with     #
Lieutenant
Generall King, into the land of Hessen, to assist the           #
Landgrave to 
beate some Imperiall regiments out of his territories, who      #
indeed were 
makeing havocke of all among his poore subjects. Upon our       #
approach
they retird; bot thogh we were tuo to one against them at       #
least, and 
that Bigod, who commanded them, made a stand at Eshvegen, yet   #
did 
we retire in great haste, thogh in good enough order, back to   #
Cassels
the Landgraves residence and capitall citie, and left the poor  #
countrey
to the mercy of ane enraged enemie, who had order by fire and   #
sword 
to force the Landgrave to accept of the peace of Prague.        #
Neither did
Bigod spare to burn three faire tounes, Eschvegen, Olendorpe    #
and Vitsenhausen
before our eyes. A mournfull sight it was, to see the whole 
people folow us, and climbe the tuo hie rockes which flanked    #
us. Old 
<P 10>
and young left their houses, by the losse of them and their     #
goods to save 
their lives. Aged men and women, many above fourscore, most     #
lame 
or blind, supported by their sonnes, daughters and              #
grandchildren, who 
themselves carried their little ones on their backes, was a     #
ruthfull object 
of pitie to any tender hearted Christian, and did show us with  #
what 
dreadfull countenance that bloodie monster of warre can appear  #
in the 
world. Neither did our feare, (which often masks itself with    #
reason 
of state, as then it did,) permit us to make any stay at        #
Cassels, bot 
pousd us with some haste to Westphalia. As we pasd by a litle   #
toune 
called Brokle, where lay ane Imperiall garrison, a great many   #
of them 
had sallied out, lind the hedges and annoyd the Hessich, who    #
that day 
had the vant; which when King saw, he commanded this Sir        #
Edward 
Bret and me, with each of us fiftie musketeers, to beate them   #
in; which 
we did, with a great losse to them, and of three or four of     #
our oune men. 
Therafter finding no enemie in the field to oppose us, the      #
Landgrave 
and King beseeged the litle bot indeed strong toune of Vecht,   #
in which 
was Lutersam, the Elector of Collens lieutenant generall. This  #
siege 
we plyd so brisklie, that within eight days it yeelded on       #
articles. From
thence we runne to the siege of Furstanaw, which, when we had   #
invested,
the Landgrave, by the tolleration, perhaps advice, of the       #
estates 
of Holland, broke up with his armie and marched into East       #
Freezland, 
where nixt winter he dyed. Bot his armie, under the command of 
Lieutenant Generall Melander, quarterd there tuo yeares at      #
least; wher 
they made themselves so strong, that therwith the brave         #
Princesse 
Emilia, Landgraves, in the minoritie of her pupill sonne, of    #
whom 
she was Regent, did these feates in opposition to the Emperor   #
Ferdinand
the Third, as hath made herselfe famous to the world, and much
<P 11>
enlargd  the territories of that protestant prince. After this  #
separation, 
Lieutenant Generall King was forcd to breake vp the siege, and  #
put 
his litle armie in guarrison. Nixt yeare he joynd at Statlone,  #
in the 
bishoprick of Munster, with Prince Palatine, and beseegd Lemgo;
but the sudden approach of Count Hatsfeld with ane Imperiall    #
armie 
obligd them to get them gone; bot was overtaken by him neere
Vlotho, and there rather shamfullie routed then overthroune,    #
where 
Prince Rupert and the Lord Craven were taken, with many brave   #
gentlemen
more. Nixt spring I fell grievouslie sicke of a tertian, which 
keepd me full seventeene weekes. 
   It is not my purpose to relate all the great actions were    #
done in Germane
during my aboade there, that being the subject of ane other     #
storie;
or yet of all the occurrences befell myselfe, that wold be      #
tedieous; and 
therfore I shall say, that haveing passd thorough the severall  #
charges 
of ensigney, lieutenant, captaine lieutenant, and captaine,     #
after I had recovered
of my ague, being discontented with my colonell, one            #
Plettemberg
a Courlander, for imposeing too hard conditions of recruts on   #
me, 
I tooke my leave of that service in the frontiers of            #
Franconia, and went 
straight to Scotland, to look for some employment under the     #
Prince 
Elector, who as I heard, by order of parliament, was to levie   #
ten thousand
men in that kingdome. Being arrivd I found indeed a parliament 
sitting in the yeare 1639, where E. Traquair was commissioner;
but no word of levies for Germanie, but verie great rumours of  #
civile
warrs. I stayd bot one fortnight there. At my return to         #
Germanie
nixt winter, I engadged to raise a companie of Germans vnder    #
one Colonell
Burgsdorff, who past then vnder the reputation of a brave and 
honest cavalier; bot I found he was more obliged to report      #
than he 
<P 12>
deserved; for he cheated me shamefullie by giveing up his       #
capitulation, 
laying the blame on Felt marshall Banier having strengthened    #
his regiment
with five and forty men which I had levied on my owne charges,
which could cost me no lesse than foure hundreth dollars; so    #
many
leviers there were for severall interests, and so knavish the   #
sojors. 
   This abuse obligd me to goe to Sueden, to complaine to       #
these who 
were Administrators dureing the minoritie of Queene             #
Christiana. I went 
in companie with Sir James Lumsdaine, whose regiment I had      #
left 
foure yeares before, and Colonell David Lesley, since Lord      #
Neuarke. We 
shipd at Lubeck, and after a fortnights toyle at sea, we        #
landed at 
Stokholme the capitall citie of that kingdome; much beautified  #
since
with these sumptuous and magnificent palaces which the Suedish  #
generalls 
have built, as monuments of these riches they acquired in the 
long German warre. There I saw one of the fairest castles, and  #
of the 
greatest reception, of anie I ever lookd on, all coverd with    #
copper, of 
which mettall that kingdome abounds. It stands on a prettie     #
ascending
hill from the sea; and under it, for most part, rides the       #
navie 
royall, composd of great and tall ships, carrying some 50,      #
some 60, some 
70, and some eightie brasse guns. The Queene was then about     #
fourteene 
yeares old, applying herselfe much to learne forreine           #
languages, and 
to the studie of these sciences, which by the strength of       #
her .... naturall 
endowments she soone acquired, which has made her so famous     #
all the 
world over. Her mother, a beautifull and vertuous princesse,    #
at this 
same time when I was at Stockholme, stole away out of Sueden,   #
being 
necessitated so to doe by the rude entertainment given her by   #
the five 
Administrators; bot within a few yeares brought backe with      #
honor by 
her daughter, after she had tane the reines of the government   #
in her 
<P 13>
oune hands. Her cousine german, the Palsgrave Charles Gustav, 
since that time king, and famous enough for the short time of   #
his 
raigne, was just then returned from his travells in Italie,     #
France, England 
and Germanie. 
   I petitiond the Councell, and made my particular             #
application to the 
renouned Chancellor Oxestern, who, as he had with admirable     #
prudence
and successe mannagd the warre in Germanie after the king his 
masters death, with the title of Director of the Evangelicke    #
League 
and Plenipotentiarie Legat for Sueden, so I found that in       #
Sueden itselfe,
he governed all affaires of state both forreine and domestick. 
After sixe weeks staye, they offerd me a letter to Field        #
marshall Banier,
to cognosce on the difference betueene Burgsdorff and me. But   #
knowing
well enough to what litle purpose I sould make so expensive     #
and dangerous
a journey to find out Banier, who in pursueance of his good 
fortune had enterd Bohemia, I desird my passe, which was        #
granted 
me, and with it as much money as I suppose I had spent at that  #
Court.
Haveing signified my desire to goe to Gottenberg, and there to  #
ship for 
Scotland, they gave me the Queens passe for free horses, meate  #
and 
drink by the way; a custome much in use then, and very          #
grievous to 
the poore countrey men, since justlie abrogated by a law. 
   I did well perceave the Administrators encouragd all my      #
countreymen
to goe home, old Generall Leslie being then to enter England    #
with ane 
armie; and there is no doubt but that rebellion, whereof he     #
was heade, 
was fomented by both Sueden and France; the late king in the    #
yeare
1630, haveing made peace with Spaine, so much to the prejudice  #
of 
the ambitious designes of these tuo crounes. I was no lesse     #
then a fortnight
in travelling to Gottenberg, thogh in  August 1640; yet it is   #
bot 
<P 14>
fiftie Suedish leagues, each wherof we can compute to be no     #
lesse then 
sixe English miles at least. At my arriveall there, I           #
understood there 
were tuo ships lying at Millstrand in Norway, three Suedish     #
miles 
from Gottemberg, one ane Englishman bound for Hull, ane other   #
a Dane 
bound for Leith. 
   I had swallowed without chewing, in Germanie, a very         #
dangerous 
maxime, which militarie men there too much follow; which was,   #
that 
so we serve our master honnestlie, it is no matter what master  #
we serve;
so, without examination of the justice of the quarrell, or      #
regard of my
duetie to either prince or countrey, I resolved to goe with     #
that ship I 
first rencounterd. After tuo days necesare stay at Gottenberg,  #
I hired 
a boat and went away in the evening; we rowed all night, and    #
haveing
pasd tuo Suedish castles, about breake of day we came neere     #
Millstrand.
Understanding the wind blew faire for both ships, I was advisd
to step out, and goe a foot straight thorough the toune to the 
shoare, it being the neerer cut, whill the boate went a         #
greater way about 
with my servant and coffer. I did so, and came just there as    #
the Englishman
was hoyseing his sailes. I askd him if he wold give me passage
to Hull, (a place I have since beene too well acquainted        #
with,) who 
told me he wold with all his heart, provided I wold presentlie  #
step in. 
I beseeched him to stay till my servant and coffer came,        #
without whom 
I could not goe; bot no intreatie or prayer could prevaile      #
with the 
inexorable skipper, for away he flew from me, as ane arrow      #
from a 
bow. This onlie hinderd me to present my endeavors to serve     #
the King 
against the Covenanters. I calld instantlie for the Dane who    #
was 
bound for Scotland, resolving to serve either the one or the    #
other without
any reluctance of mind; so deeplie was that base maxime rooted  #
in 
<P 15>
my heart. The people pointed with their fingers to the ship,    #
which 
had got a great way out from the shoare, and stayd there for a  #
passenger 
whom the skipper had promisd to carry to Edinburgh. He was 
ane old man, who at taking his farewell of his friends the      #
night before, 
had drunke so much that he had sleepd his time. Immediatlie
I clapd in fresh men in my boate, the others being overwearied  #
with 
rowing, and so came to the ship; neither did the skipper make   #
any 
scruple to ressave me, thogh at first he conceaved his old man  #
was in 
my companie. To the neglect of this old man, nixt to all        #
ruleing providence,
may I attribute my goeing at that time to Scotland. On the 
sixth day after my embarkeing, we saw ourselvs not farre from   #
Aberdeene.
I was glad we were so farre north, because I had heard the 
kings ships were in the firth; bot I was mistaken, for they     #
were gone; 
and no matter they had been gone sooner, for any good service   #
they 
did the king there. The skipper set me ashore at a place        #
called the 
Cove, from thence I hired horses to Edinburgh. This was in the  #
month 
of September; and Generall Leslie haveing marchd into           #
England, with 
a numerous armie at the Lambes before, and put my Lord Conway
with some of the kings forces to a shamefull retreat at         #
Newburne, 
had made himself master of Neucastle, and all the Bishoprick    #
of Durham.
I found this successe had elevated the minds of my countreymen
in generall to such a height of vanitie, that most of them      #
thought, and 
many said, they sould quicklie make a full conquest of          #
England; bot 
time hath shoune them since that they made their reckoning      #
without 
their host, for the very contrare fell out. 

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 107>
   That summer I desird my wife to give me a visite in a        #
strange land
once more, and to meet me at Bremen, which she readilie did,    #
and in 
<P 108>
June arrivd safelie there; the which meeting, after all these   #
traverses, 
was exceeding comfortable to me. I could not learne what keepd  #
the 
Generall so long in Holland; waiting whose orders, I stayd      #
still at Bremen
with my wife, not onlie all that summer and harvest, bot nixt
winter also. I had advisd him to give no commissions till he    #
came to 
the hills, that everie mans merite might be cognoscd on. This   #
he 
faithfullie promisd, bot forgot it; for he gave bot too many,   #
and among 
others, one was sent to me, to exerce the same charges I had    #
at Worcester, 
which I accepted. 
   In Februare 1654, the Generall made saile from Amsterdame    #
to Cathnes,
accompanied with my Lord Napier, Sir George Monro, Generall
Dalyell, and Lieutenant Generall Drummmond, and many other      #
gentlemen;
and though he had promisd to send for me, that I might goe 
along with him, yet he did it not, bot wrote to me to follow    #
him. In 
Aprile nixt I entrusted myselfe to ane honnest skipper, who     #
livd in 
Bremen, bot had beene borne in Scotland. I resolvd to goe with  #
him 
to Norway, where he was to take in a loadeing of timber, and    #
from 
thence to Fife: and so cast myselfe on Providence, it not       #
being possible 
for me to forsee how I could get to the hills from that place.  #
After 
tuentie days tempestuous voyage at sea, we arrivd at Norway;    #
and 
after a months stay there, we went againe to sea, and on the    #
ninth 
day came to the coast of Fife. I went ashore beside Enster, in  #
the 
night time, being then in June. I sufferd the skipper to take   #
all my 
clothes, pistolls, carabines and saddles with him, all which    #
he burried
under ground at Culros. After some privat stay in Fife, I was   #
furnishd
with tuo indifferent good horses, by tuo noble and loyall       #
gentlemen;
and haveing got most of my things with great hazard and         #
difficultie
<P 109>
out of Culros, and meeting with five or sixe officers of the    #
armie,
(for so they calld themselvs) I went to the hilles as farre as  #
Locherne,
where I met with some others, who pretended to a great desire   #
they 
had to be with the armie. I encouragd them much to so loyall    #
ane 
action, bot found it was not their earnest; for they did bot    #
leade 
me up and doune the countrey, without ever draueing neere the   #
armie;
which they might easilie have done, it being then at the heade  #
of Loch
Tay, from whence it removeing, and Monck follouing, it was      #
never 
possible for me afterwards to come to it. 
   A guarrison of English, both foot and horse, lying at        #
Drummond
Castle, I lurkd some time about Locherne, with very much        #
danger;
and at that time, I had the bad fortune to see numbers of       #
horsmen
which belongd to the Kings armie passe that way, seekeing to    #
get to 
their severall homes; haveing taken a libertie to themselvs to  #
disband,
after ane unhappie rencounter at Lochgarie betueene Generall    #
Middletone
and Morgan, wherein the royall partie was worsted, bot with     #
the 
losse of very few men. I spoke with most of these horsemen,     #
and found 
they were all willing to continue in the service, if their      #
horses were put 
in case, who were all pitifullie beaten, and that they had put  #
themselvs
in some better equippage, which indeed I saw to be as bad as    #
could 
well be imagind. Upon consideration heerof, I wrote to the      #
Earle of 
Glencairden, who haveing done some handsome things before       #
Middletones
arriveall, had acquird the affection of both the countrey and 
soldierie, bot upon some dissatisfaction given him, had left    #
the Generall,
and retird himselfe with some Lords and Gentlemen, to the Ile   #
of 
Makfarlen. I sent my letter (a copie wherof I keepd, and yet    #
doth)
by a trustie hielander. In it, I adjurd his Lordship by all     #
that was 
<P 110>
or could be deare to him, to appoint a rendevous for these      #
dispersed 
troopers, if he pleasd, three weeks after the date of the       #
letter; assureing 
him they wold punctuallie keepe it, as men who were very        #
readie to 
obey all his orders; and withall offerd my service in it, or    #
any thing 
els wherin he conceavd me able to advance the grand designe of  #
his
Majesties service. I ressaved his ansuere, which did not at     #
all please 
me; for by it my Lord told me, he could doe none of these       #
things I 
desird him; being he was layd aside as useles to the King or    #
his service;
with some other expressions of ressentment of the injuries had  #
beene 
done him. This made me sensible that the Kings affaires in      #
that 
countrey were all out of frame, and made me conclude it         #
necessare, that 
he who was most concernd ought to know his oune condition, and  #
that 
it could be represented to him by no fitter person than         #
myselfe, who I 
found could doe him no good where I was. And heerupon I put on  #
a 
resolution to get out of Scotland as soone as I could.
   To this purpose of mine, a faire occasion offerd itselfe.    #
One Menyies, 
a lieutenant of horse, had about eighteene or tuentie           #
troopers, and a 
trumpeter, with him; and these five officers who came with me   #
out 
of Fife, stucke still close to me. All of them haveing          #
intelligence
that there was 200 paire of pistolls in a house of Kircaldie,   #
they had 
some thoughts of goeing thither to make a purchase of them.     #
When 
they had communicated the matter to me, I fullie persuaded      #
them to 
give it the hazard. On our second days march, we came to ane    #
alehouse
in Glendeven, where they conferd the command of the partie on
me. There being good ale there, I causd them all drinke         #
lustilie, and 
payd for the breuvage, a thing not usuall at that time in       #
these parts. 
Haveing given the word and signe, I march before with my five   #
officers,
<P 111>
and my servant, inverting the ordinare custome of (\enfans      #
perdus,\) or 
forlorne hopes, and orderd Menyies to follow at a litle         #
distance with 
the rest. It was touards the evening, and I had not rode a      #
full mile, 
when I discovered a partie of above threttie well mounted men   #
of the 
enemie, Scots and English. By providence I had on both my       #
hands 
tuo litle riseing hills, betweene which I tooke my place with   #
my officers,
the enemie being below me in no good rideing ground. I resolvd  #
to 
ressave his charge; bot I sent my servant immediatlie to        #
Menyies, 
commanding him to gallop up with his partie, and to cause his   #
trumpet
sound a charge all the way. The enemie and I had trifled away 
the time with inquireing for whom we were, thogh both of us     #
knew 
we were not one for ane other. At length, when I heard our      #
trumpet, 
I bid one of my officers tell we were for God and King          #
Charles, and 
cryd aloud myselfe, that English sould have quarter, bot Scots  #
none;
and so charged. On our side no pistoll was discharged bot       #
mine, all the 
rest being unfixed; on the other, one carabine and a pistoll,   #
which last
was shot at me. The enemie runne baselie, and my partie pursud 
eagerlie, Menyeis being a man stout enough and well mounted.    #
After 
we had pursued by the helpe of the moone about a mile and a     #
halfe, I 
causd sound a retreate. Sixe of the enemie were kild, and       #
foure taken;
to one wherof, Jonston, a Scot, bot borne in Ireland, I had     #
given quarter, 
Menyeis unworthilie kild in cold blood. He cravd me pardon for 
it; I desird him to beg Gods pardon for so unchristian ane      #
action.
and so pasd it, because I durst not challenge it. The           #
mischiefe was, 
he made his peace shortlie after with the English governour of  #
Sainct 
Jonston, and suore to him that he had killd that poore man by   #
my
order, haveing said no Scot sould have quarter; for which the   #
English
<P 112>
vowd to cut me in peeces where ever they found me. That might,  #
we 
refreshd in the wood of Kincairden; neither did I thinke it at  #
all fitting
for my partie to pursue their designe of Kircaldie or me my     #
intention
to get into Fife. I was that night divested of my command 
neither could I by any intreatie move Menyies to march quicklie #
to
the hills, knouing these of Falkland and Brunt Band wold be     #
quickly 
after us, and these of St. Jonston might be before us. The      #
truth is, he 
had a localitie therabout, and looking more after money than    #
men 
from the countrey people, he protracted the time so long as     #
the English
gave us the chase. Menyies wold have beene at killing the       #
other 
three prisoners, whom partlie with intreatie, and partlie with  #
horrible 
threatnings of ane after revenge, I saved; they crying still    #
to me to 
keepe parole to them, and had learnd well enough, thogh         #
against my 
will, both my name and charge. 
   After this, I shifted myselfe from these plundering          #
fellows, and haveing
put away both my horses and my arms, except one short sword, 
I resolvd to get into Fife all alone, sending my servant away   #
a foot 
clothd as a countrey fellow. The first night I was kindlie      #
entertaind 
at supper by my Ladie Breko and her sonne. He went to take up   #
his 
bed, as he used, in the mos; and I went on my travells with a   #
guide. 
The second night, the moone being eclipsed, I never in all my   #
life felt 
or saw so sad and so heavie a raine, nor so palpable a darke    #
night,
thogh in the midst of August. My poore guide, who was honnest 
enough, mistakeing his way, as it was no wonder, brought me in  #
a mosse,
in which he, my horse and I were well neere dround. After much 
tumbling, we got out; bot he, who at best was scarse halfe      #
witted,
grew allmost distracted with feare, not apprehending the true   #
reason
<P 113>
of so great a darknes and raine. My feare was, that his feare   #
sould
make him disert me, and therfor I comforted him, ever and       #
anone putting
a shilling in his hand, and promiseing him greater matters. My 
confidence brought him a litle to himselfe; bot I was glad      #
when I 
movd him to laugh, by telling him that he needed not feare the  #
white 
collor of my horse, which, when I met with him, he said wold    #
make 
me discernable in the night time; "for, said I, " the mosse     #
hath made 
him, you and me so blacke, that we may passe for blackamores."  #
The 
poore fellow brought me at length to ane honnest mans house,    #
and 
there he left me, after I had, to his oune thinking,            #
overrewarded him 
for his nights sad turmoile. This honnest man brought me, a     #
litle 
before day, to a friends house, where I desird to be. There I   #
reposd 
tuo days; and after ten days longer sojourning with some        #
others, I got 
to Enster, where I found ane honnest skipper bound for Ostend.  #
After 
I had lurkd foure days at ane honnest mans house in that litle  #
toune, 
I embarked, and with a faire wind in three days time arrivd at  #
Ostend;
being as glad to get out of Scotland as I was three years       #
before to get 
out of England.
   After I had viewd that strong place, famous for the three    #
yeares 
siege it stood out against the Archduke Albert, I went by       #
Bruges and
the Sluce of Flanders to Vlushing, and from thence to Travere,  #
where 
I was informed by that loyall gentleman, Sir Patrik Drummond,   #
that 
the King had beene, with his sister the Princesse Royall, at    #
the 
Spaw waters, and was then at Aken, the first and antientest     #
Imperiall 
toune of Germanie, the ordinarie residence of Charles the       #
Great, and 
famous for its hote bathes; the citie and many places about     #
it, standing
above immeasurable, and almost incredible subterraneous         #
sulphureous
<P 114>
hote waters, wherby many infirm, lame and diseased persons are 
cured. I went by Dort to Gorcum, from thence to the Busch.      #
There 
I took waggon, and passed through the land of Liege to          #
Mastricht. 
From that strong toune my nixt days journey was to Aken,        #
paying 
money all the way to the Spanish sojors for my life. I arrivd   #
there 
the 20th day of September, and rested that night. 
   Nixt day I addressd myselfe to the Vicount of Neuburgh, who  #
was 
very loth to beleeve the bad news I told him. Houever he        #
brought 
me to the King, to whom, after I had kisd his hand, I shew      #
that the 
losse of men at Lochgarie was not at all considerable; yet,     #
for all that, 
the condition of his affaires in that countrey was bot bad, if  #
the troopers 
disbanding and discontent of some of the Lords were rightlie    #
considerd. 
The last of these tuo seemd strange to him, as haveing heard 
nothing of it before; bot I offerd to make it appear to him by  #
my 
Lord Glencairns oune letter. His Majestie seemd to be well      #
satisfied 
with my freedome, and orderd me to bring the letter to him      #
after dinner,
which I did; bot feareing he wold keepe it, I tooke a perfite   #
copie 
of it, which I have yet by me. I was admitted to the            #
bedchamber, and 
none else bot my Lord Neuburgh. So soone as the King lookd      #
upon 
the letter, he said it was all my Lord Glencairns oune hand.    #
Many 
discourses he had with me; he said he wold shortlie send armes  #
and 
amunition to his Generall; he commanded me to waite on my Lord
Neuburgh and Chancellour Hide nixt day, and give them ane       #
exact and 
particular account of all I knew concerning his affaires in     #
Scotland.
He told me withall, he wold keepe Glencairns letter, thogh      #
written to 
me. I told his Majestie, the letter was in the right hand, he   #
being 
most concerned in it; and so I was dismisd. 
<P 115>
   Nixt day in the afternoone, I met the Chanclor and Vicount   #
Neuburgh
at a convent of Franciscan fryars, and gave them that account 
the King had commanded me to doe. I found it was good for me I 
had Glencairns letter to produce, a copie wherof, and of mine   #
to his 
Lordship, I gave the Chancellor to reade; for without them,     #
these 
tuo were apt enough to question the truth of that part of my    #
relation,
concerning the misunderstanding betueene the Generall and       #
Glencairne. 
They wold have it to be onlie betueene that Lord and Sir        #
George 
Monro. I told them that indeed it beganne betueene these tuo,   #
bot 
did not end there. The Chanclor then askd me, if I wold not     #
goe 
where the King thought fit to send me. I replyd, at the Kings   #
command
I wold goe to Japan. He merrilie ansuered, Japan wold be out 
of my way. I told him it could not be out of my way if the      #
King 
sent me there. Bot perceiveing his designe was to send me back  #
to 
Scotland with letters, I said I was readie to go, bot it was    #
fit to let his 
Majestie know before hand, I was a very improper person to      #
employ 
in ane accommodation of tuo persons, to neither of which I was  #
acceptable;
for Middletone had shoune how small respect he had for me in 
severall particulars, which I wolde forbeare to speake of.      #
Glencairne, 
and the other Lords, wold looke on me as a sojor, and so one    #
of those 
who they thought had cabald together to suppresse the           #
nobilitie. This 
was no excuse, bot a certaine and reall truth. After this free  #
language,
I was no more desird to goe to the Highlands. A choyce was 
made of Colonell Borthwick, to carry the Kings pleasure and     #
letters 
to his Generall, Glencairne and the other Lords. Bot his        #
negociation 
did the King litle good, and proved exceedinglie misfortunate   #
to himselfe,
as his foure yeares imprisonment at Bruges can too well         #
testifie. 
<P 116>
   I stayd a month in that toune, partlie to see my old         #
acquaintances, 
whom I knew not when I sould see againe; partlie to cure        #
myself of 
a disease which is epidemicall allmost in the place from        #
whence I 
brought it, the Hielands; I meane the ich or scab, the hote     #
bathes of 
of that citie being excellent for it. Then I got his Majesties  #
passe to 
goe to Bremen, bot not to leave his service. Haveing kisd his   #
and the 
Princesse Royalls hands, and taken my leave at Court, I left    #
Aken the 
very same day. His Majestie went to Collen, and went backe to   #
Mastricht,
with Colonell Borthwick, and George Arnot, at that time page 
to his Majestie. From thence we went doune the river Mase by    #
boate, 
to Rurmond and Venlo, and so to Gennop house. There we tooke    #
waggon
and went to Nimmeghen, where, after a nights stay together, we 
parted. I crosd the River of Wall, and by land went to          #
Utrecht, and 
from thence to Roterdame. I staid some time in Holland, and     #
went to 
the Hag, to give the Queene of Bohemia ane account of my        #
summers 
expedition; and I found it fit to doe so; for a report had      #
come to her 
eares, that in my discourses at Aken I had reflected on         #
Generall Middletone;
and she being a Princesse who had a kindnes for all Scotsmen, 
did not love to heare that we sould doe one ane other any bad   #
office. 
  It was now winter, and in the midst of November, when I       #
beganne 
my journey from Amsterdame to Bremen. I had a cold and          #
troublesome 
passage of it; bot God be praisd arrivd safelie there in ten    #
days time. 
There I had the comfort to find my sueet wife in good health,   #
haveing
myselfe passd the yeare 1654 with as much trouble and anxietie  #
of 
mind, fatigue of bodie, and danger both at land and sea, as     #
any yeare 
I ever pasd in my life. A litle before I went to Scotland, the  #
citie 
of Bremen had commenced a warre with Count Konighsmark the 
<P 117>
Suedish generall in these parts, and had continued it whill I   #
was in 
Scotland, with varieous successe; bot at the long runne, they   #
were forcd, 
shortlie after my returne, to accept of a disadvantageous       #
peace, after a 
very chargeable warre. In it they surprisd a sconce called      #
Burg, which 
the Sueds had taken from them, where Colonell Forbes my thrice 
noble friend was killd. He was brother to the Lord Forbes,      #
Governour 
of Stade, a gentleman of much honor, gallantrie and             #
integritie. 
   I had time enough to rest myselfe the whole nixt yeare,      #
1655. It
was then that Charles Gustave king of Sueden, broke the peace   #
with 
Pole, sixe yeares before the expiration of it, and invaded      #
that kingdome
with a prodigieous successe. A passe was sent me by one of his  #
Field 
Marshalls, Count Wittenberg, at the solicitation of some of my  #
friends, 
and ane invitation to come to him, who then had enterd Polonia  #
Major.
Bot I knew how displeasing it wold be to the King, that any 
professing loyaltie to him, sould serve a prince who had        #
allied himselfe 
so strictlie with Cromwell. I excusd myselfe for not goeing,    #
bot keepd 
the passe, which yet I have by me. In the summer 1655, Generall
Dalyell came over to Bremen from Scotland in a disguise. He     #
told me 
Lieutenant Generall Drummond was gone to Holland, and that all 
being losd in Scotland, Generall Middletone would shortlie be   #
with the 
King; and so he was, and whill he was at Court, severall        #
letters past 
betueene him and me. After Dalyell had stayd three or foure     #
days with 
me, he went with the poste to Amsterdame; neither did I see     #
him againe,
till his returne from Moscovia, which was not till ten yeares   #
after. 
   Nixt harvest, my wife, intending for Scotland, went a boord  #
of a 
ship, and was full seven Dutch leagues on her way from Bremen,  #
when 
the wind proveing contrarie, by Gods good providence, I alterd  #
my resolution,
<P 118>
and went doune the river of the Weser, and brought her backe, 
that I might enjoy her company the ensuing winter. This was     #
a great 
mercy; for that ship wherein she was to goe, after sixe weeks   #
tempestuous
tossing at sea, was glade to get backe to the river,            #
pitifullie 
spoyld, and three of her men dead. Not long after, a very       #
heavie and 
grievous concatenation of diseases seazed on my wife, which     #
keepd her 
seven full months; and indeed I had reason to feare the worst;  #
bot 
by the goodnes of God she was at length restored to health, to  #
my 
exceeding great joy. In the nixt Spring of the yeare 1656, we   #
found 
there was a necessitie for me to looke somewhere for a          #
subsistence, and 
so for us to part for a time. This was a griefe to us both;     #
bot it was 
our duetie to submit to Gods good pleasure. We resolved         #
therfor to goe 
first to Holland, and advice there further; and accordinglie    #
came by 
sea to Amsterdame, in the beginning of May.



<B SPRIV3>
<Q SC3 XX CORP JEANWEMY>
<N DOUGLAS CORR>
<A WEMYSS JEAN>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1659>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X FEMALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
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<Z X>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^FRASER, SIR WILLIAM.
THE DOUGLAS BOOK. 4 VOLS. 
CORRESPONDENCE (VOL. IV) EDITED BY THE AUTHOR.
EDINBURGH 1885.

FRASER, SIR WILLIAM.
MEMORIALS OF THE FAMILY OF WEMYSS OF WEMYSS.
3 VOLS. CORRESPONDENCE (VOL. III) EDITED BY THE AUTHOR.
EDINBURGH 1888.

FRASER, SIR WILLIAM.
THE EARLS OF CROMARTIE THEIR KINDRED, COUNTRY, AND 
CORRESPONDENCE.
2 VOLS. CORRESPONDENCE (VOL. I) EDITED BY THE AUTHOR.
EDINBURGH 1876.

FRASER, SIR WILLIAM.
THE MELVILLES EARLS OF MELVILLE, AND THE LESLIES EARLS
OF LEVEN. 
3 VOLS. CORRESPONDENCE (VOL. II) EDITED BY THE AUTHOR.
EDINBURGH 1890.

FRASER, SIR WILLIAM.
THE RED BOOK OF GRANDTULLY.
2 VOLS. CORRESPONDENCE (VOL. II) EDITED BY THE AUTHOR.
EDINBURGH 1868.

SAMPLE 1: (DOUGLAS)
          PP. 266.22-267.35 (JEAN WEMYSS)
SAMPLE 2: (WEMYSS)
          PP. 122.13-128.27 (ANNA BUCCLEUCH AND MONMOUTH)
          PP. 96.10-97.6 (MARGARET WEMYSS)
          PP. 109.12-109.30 (MARGARET WEMYSS)           
          PP. 148.1-149.19 (MARGARET WEMYSS)
          PP. 149.20-150.12 (DAVID WEMYSS) 
          PP. 150.13-151.24 (MARGARET WEMYSS)
          PP. 152.16-153.10 (MARGARET WEMYSS)
          PP. 156.19-157.11 (MARGARET WEMYSS)
          PP. 158.1-158.8 (DAVID LEVEN)
          PP. 158.9-158.26 (MARGARET NORTHESK)
          PP. 161.23-162.31 (DAVID WEMYSS)
SAMPLE 3: (CROMARTIE)
          PP. 66.11-67.12 (ISABELLA MACKENZIE)
          PP. 67.13-69.20 (ANN SINCLAIR)
          PP. 75.7-76.25 (MARGARET ERSKINE)
          PP. 98.14-101.4 (JAMES MACKENZIE)
          PP. 126.13-127.8 (ISABELLA MACKENZIE)
          PP. 146.16-147.8 (ISABELLA MACKENZIE)
          PP. 150.5-151.14 (JOHN TARBAT)
          PP. 200.5-200.26 (KENNETH MACKENZIE)
          PP. 201.1-201.17 (MARGARET WEMYSS)
          PP. 207.1-207.18 (MARGARET WEMYSS)
          PP. 220.22-221.9 (KENNETH MACKENZIE)
          PP. 276.1-279.14 (JOHN TARBAT)
          PP. 279.15-280.28 (DAVID WEMYSS)
          PP. 281.21-282.24 (JAMES MACKENZIE)   
          PP. 283.13-284.10 (JOHN TARBAT)
          PP. 286.14-287.9 (JOHN TARBAT)
SAMPLE 4: (GRANDTULLY)
          PP. 148.19-150.7 (LILLIES DRUMMOND)
          PP. 181.8-196.7 (THOMAS STEWART)
          PP. 201.14-202.21 (JEAN STEWART)
          PP. 203.22-204.19 (JEAN STEWART)
          PP. 281.1-281.18 (JEAN STEWART)
SAMPLE 5: (MELVILLE AND LESLIE)
          PP. 237.13-238.7 (JEAN GORDON)^]

<S SAMPLE 1>

<P 266>
[} [\265. LADY JEAN WEMYSS, COUNTESS-DOWAGER OF ANGUS, TO HER   #
FATHER, 
DAVID, SECOND EARL OF WEMYSS.\] }]
   Can[\ongate\] , 7 Jully 1659.
My Lord and dear Father, - I must needs vindicate myself from   #
thos unjust 
aleagances which Bogie wold inferr from thos papers which I     #
desyred your Lordship 
and him to subscrive; for the two that my Lord Angus friend     #
hes already 
subscrived, they were papers advised as necessary to be         #
subscrived (incase of ane 
agreement betwixt the Lady Alexander and me) by Sir Thomas      #
Nicolson himself, 
befor his death, as being the best mean to convince the young   #
pupels that what 
<P 267>
wee did was for ther good and not ther hurt and leassion, the   #
subscriving 
of which could not wrong thos that did it, because it was done  #
but by way of 
declaration as friends. I confess it might incapacitate the     #
subscrivers to be 
tutors afterward; but Sir Thomas said if that agreement was     #
fullfiled, my children 
wold need no tutors. Upon this grownd it was that I desyred     #
your Lordship to 
singe thos papers; and for the other, which does only give me   #
the keeping of my 
own children, I was assured that your subscriving of it could   #
not bring yow in 
hazard befor I sent it to yow, els I should never have          #
presented it to your Lordship;
for the narrating that parte of the testament wherin yow are    #
named toutors 
will not inferr your being tutors, but that yow might renunce   #
the office of tutorie, 
notwithstanding of your subscriving that paper; and for my      #
seeking of it now, 
it is the only time wherin I can hope to get my allays hands    #
to it, for if they doe 
it not now, upon the account of other favours I doe them, they  #
will never doe it 
heeraffter. Nether could your Lordship and my other friends     #
subscrive such a 
paper affter I were maried, which yow may savely doe now,       #
because then it wold 
make yow tutors. But I shall not desyre yow any more to singe   #
it, seing yow 
aprehend a hazart in it, and for thos yow have subscrived, I    #
think yow shall have 
them to take your name from them again, for my alayes will not  #
be satisfied 
except I did oblidg myself that your Lordship nor non other of  #
my friends should 
never seek more for my children, which I have refussed to doe,  #
least I should 
secum in it. I know it is the affects of Bogie's imbittered     #
sprite that maks him 
start all thes scrupls, of purpose to vex me; but he shall      #
lose his desinge in that, 
and I shall never imploy him more with any thing concerns me    #
or mine, for I 
have now found it well made good that which your Lordship has   #
often told me 
of him, and I shall ever esteem him so hearafter. I have sent   #
your Lordship, 
heer inclosed, the translation of all that conscerns my         #
jointer, or any other estate 
I may ask or claime. The dait of it is advised to be left       #
blank by my lawier that 
was intrusted with the draught of it, for he says bussines      #
must be purswed in my 
Lord Ruthvens name, being a person who wilbe les suspected      #
then your Lordship,
but the translation serves for my security incase of my Lord    #
Ruthvens death, so 
I hope your Lordship will lay it up carefully. I begg your      #
pardon for this tedious
letter, and shall remaine as becometh, 
   Your Lordships most affectionat obedient daughter and humble #
servant, 
Jeane Wemyss. 

   For the right honorable the Earle of Wemyss. 

<S SAMPLE 2>

<Q SC3 XX CORP ABUCCLEU>
<N WEM CORR>
<A BUCCLEUCH ANNA>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1663-1679>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X FEMALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 122>
[} [\143. ANNA, DUCHESS OF BUCCLEUCH AND MONMOUTH, TO HER 
MOTHER, MARGARET, COUNTESS OF WEMYSS.\] }]
   Whithall, September 28, [\1678.\]
Madam, - My Lord Melvill is so soone to leve this place that I  #
should 
not have wrettn this day by the post but to aquaint your        #
Ladyship 
that the Duchess has comanded me to waitt on her to Holland,    #
to see 
the Princess of Orange. I kenew not of this jurnay till         #
Thursday 
night, to lait to wrett. Wee are to go next Mundy or Tusday,    #
and 
if the uind contineus fair, we shall be littll mor then 24      #
hours on the 
jurnay, it being all by watter. Wee shall stay ther whilst the  #
king is 
at Neumarkett. That will be about a fortnight. Ther gos only    #
the 
Duchess of Buckingham and the Duchess of Richmond, and I,       #
besids 
<P 123>
Lady Ann, and my Lady Peetrbrowgh, and my Lady Heryett Hid, my 
Lord Ossarey, and my Lord Rooscomon. Wee are to ley in a hous 
nigh the Princess, but verie preevitly, which thy are used to   #
in that 
cuntray. So wee are not to be taken notice of as we go about.   #
As soon 
as ever wee arive, I shall give your Ladyship ane account. I    #
intend to 
gett my Lady Fox to make now and then a visett to my children, 
to see how they are. I belive she had mor skill then my self,   #
and I 
am sure she will take care to send to the docktr, which I hope  #
in God 
they will not need. But if they should be sick, she will send   #
in time, 
which I dare not trust only sarvants with. 
   I am, madam, your Ladyships obedent dutifull child, 
ABuccleuch

[} [\TWELVE LETTERS FROM ANNA, DUCHESS OF BUCCLEUCH AND         #
MONMOUTH,
TO HER STEPFATHER, DAVID, SECOND EARL OF WEMYSS. 
1663-1679.\] }]

[} [\144. (1.)\] }] [^ANNA DUCHESS OF BUCCLEUCH TO DAVID, 
SECOND EARL OF WEMYSS.^]
   Strand, 25 Agost 1663. 
My Lord, - I wold wret muche oftener to you, bot that my Lady's
leter serves ous bothe. I hope your Lordship will never dout    #
of my 
kendnes to your Lordship. I shall ever be sencable of your      #
respect 
and love to me. Resave thes tokene, and wer it for me. It is    #
worth 
<P 124>
litle, bot it is rar; it is ane flint ston. The kinge wears     #
the foloue of 
it, and I hope ye will wear it in remembrence of 
   Your Lordship's most affectionet doghter and servant, 
   Anna Buccleuch and Monmouth. 
   My serves to my sister Lady Margrat. 
   For the right honorablle the Earll of Wemys. 

[} [\145. (2).\] }] [^ANNA DUCHESS OF BUCCLEUCH TO DAVID, 
SECOND EARL OF WEMYSS.^]
   Strand, September 22, [\c. 1663.\]
My Lord, - I could not bot let you knou of ane verie fine       #
galant I 
have gotn senc the Duke want weth the King, to carie me to the  #
play. 
It is my brother Elho. Hi dos love them verie well, and verie   #
oft wi 
do wish your Lordshep weth ous. Remember my serves to my sistr 
Lady Margrat, and ever estim me, 
   My Lord, your Lordshep's most obedent daughtr, 
   Anna Buccleuch.
   I do wish your Lordshep war hir, that you might kep my       #
Lady 
weth me all thes wentr, for shie dos intend to go much to       #
soun. 
   For the Earll of Wemyss. 

[} [\146. (3.).\] }] [^ANNA DUCHESS OF BUCCLEUCH TO DAVID, 
SECOND EARL OF WEMYSS.^]
   Chisuick, Jouly 23 [\no year.\]
My Lord, - I have wretn to my Lady desayering her not to be to 
much affecket, bot it is mor in your pour to do; and I am       #
shour non 
nids to bid you, for everie bodie knous your love to her and    #
al hers, 
which obliges me to be,
   My Lord, your most obedent daughtr and humbl servant, 
   Anna Buccleuch.

   I hop my Lady is well in her helth, and my dier brother and  #
sistr. 
   For the Earll of Wemyess in Fif, Scotland. 

<P 125> 
[} [\147. (4.).\] }] [^ANNA DUCHESS OF BUCCLEUCH TO DAVID, 
SECOND EARL OF WEMYSS.^]
   Whethall, March 29, 1665.
My Lord, - I could not let this ocaision pas wothout wretn to   #
your 
Lordship. I wold not negleckt it so long, bot I was afred to    #
be troblsom 
to you if I had wretn as often as I had a mynd to do. For I  
desyr often to pot your Lordship in mynd of me, for non can     #
thenk of 
anie bodi mor then I do of you. I will give your [{Lordship{]   #
no mor 
trobll at this tim, bot to say that whill I live I shall ever   #
be, 
My Lord, your Lordships most affectionet daughtr and homble     #
servant, 
   An: Buccleuch. 

   Be plesed to remember my serves to my dear brother and       #
sister. 
   For the Earell of Wemyss.

[} [\148. (5.)\] }] [^ANNA DUCHESS OF BUCCLEUCH TO DAVID, 
SECOND EARL OF WEMYSS.^]
   Whethall, May 10, 1665.
My Lord, - I resaved you[{r{] Lordships letr, and I was veri    #
glad to 
have one from you. I am glad to hir that my litle brothr is so  #
fin a 
man. I hope to se him a brave man as anie in the world. I hop   #
you 
will pardon me for writin so short a lettr: bot I have no tim   #
bot to 
say that I am, 
   My Lord, your Lordships most obedent daughtr and             #
servant, 
   Anna Buccleuch and Mon[\mouth\] .
   For the Earle of Wemyss.

[} [\149. (6.)\] }] [^ANNA DUCHESS OF BUCCLEUCH TO DAVID, 
SECOND EARL OF WEMYSS.^]
   Salesberi, September 11, 1665. 
My Lord, - It is a gret wheyll since I hard from your           #
Lordship, bot I 
hop it will not be so longe again, for it is verie much         #
satisfaction to me 
<P 126>
alweys when I hir from your [{Lordship{] . I hop my brother is  #
in good 
helth, and at this tim I will give youe no mor trubl, bot that  #
I am, 
   My Lord, your Lordships most affecnot daughtr and humbll     #
servant, 
   Anna Buccleuch and Monmouth. 
   I hop in God that you and I shall be as moeri as ever wi     #
wass. 
   For the Earle of Wemyss. 

[} [\150. (7.)\] }] [^ANNA DUCHESS OF BUCCLEUCH TO DAVID, 
SECOND EARL OF WEMYSS.^]
   Tunbrig, Jouli 19, 1666.
My Lord, - I have resaved your letr of the 10 of Jouli, and I   #
should 
be sorie if you ever douted my remmimbring of your Lordship. I 
wret a letr to you which I niver had ane ansour of. Ther was    #
no 
bosinis innt. I feir it was lost, for your Lordship dous yous   #
to be so 
kind as to ansour al my letrs. I am ashemed that my Lady and    #
your 
Lordship should thank me for so pour a present as that I sent   #
you 
wass. I will not give you anie mor trubll at this tim then to   #
ashour 
you that as long ass I live I shall alweys be, 
   My Lord, your Lordship's obedent daughtr and humbll          #
sarvant, 
   Anna Buccleuch and Monmouth. 
   I am my dear brother and sistrs most humbll sarvant. 
   For the Earlle of Wemyss.

[} [\151. (8.)\] }] [^ANNA DUCHESS OF BUCCLEUCH TO DAVID, 
SECOND EARL OF WEMYSS.^]
   Whethall, October 11, 1666.
My Lord, - I resaved your letr this wick, and wass verie glad   #
of it, for 
I was afrayd you had mad a resolousion not to wret to me; and   #
nou 
<P 127>
I hop again that I shall hear somtims from you, which will be   #
a verie 
great satisfaction to her who shall allweys be, 
   My Lord, your most affectionat and obedent daughtr, 
   Anna Buccleuch and Monmouth. 
   For the Erle of Wemys. 

[} [\152. (9.)\] }] [^ANNA DUCHESS OF BUCCLEUCH TO DAVID, 
SECOND EARL OF WEMYSS.^]
   Whithall, November 21, [\16\]66. 
My Lord, - I resaved your Lordship's letr, and I shall not      #
faill to do 
what you bid me in it, as I shall alweys obay you in everie     #
thing. My 
wankle tels me that my brother is gron the boniest litle man    #
that hi 
ever did se, and I am exstremly glad to hear it. I hop in God   #
that hi 
shall bi a confort to your Lordship and my Lady, when you are   #
both 
a hunder yirs olod. My Lord is your most humbll servant, and I 
should be glad to shou hou much I am, 
   My Lord, your Lordship's most affectionat and obednt         #
dawghtr,
   A. Buccleuch.
   For the Earlle of Wemys.

[} [\153. (10.)\] }] [^ANNA DUCHESS OF BUCCLEUCH TO DAVID, 
SECOND EARL OF WEMYSS.^]
   Whithall, Novembr 14, 1674. 
My Lord, - I was verie glad to resave a lettr from you. It is   #
so long 
since I hade one, I was afrayd your Lordship would not writt    #
to me 
again. I do not deserve the thanks you are pleas'd to give me   #
for 
Capten Wemyss. I am sure if I could I would a dun his busines   #
for 
him, or anie you recomend to, 
   My Lord, your Lordship's must faithfull humbll sarvant,
   A. Bucleuch.
   For the Earlle of Wemyss. 

<P 128>
[} [\154. (11.)\] }] [^ANNA DUCHESS OF BUCCLEUCH TO DAVID, 
SECOND EARL OF WEMYSS.^]
   Whithall, January 21, 1678/9.
My Lord, - I was verie glade to resave your lettr, and to find  #
you are 
in good helth. You may freely comand anie that belongs to me,   #
and 
Sinkler has promist all deligence in your service, which I am   #
sure he 
will parform, tho I hope I shall never give you any trubll,     #
yitt I could 
not but be glade to read your kind exspre[{ss{]ion to me, tho   #
it was not 
the firstt, but I dare assur your Lordship that non of them     #
shall ever 
be forgotn by, 
   My Lord, your Lordship's most faithfull and humbll sarvant, 
   A. Buccleuch.
   For the Earlle of Wemyss. 


[} [\155. (12.)\] }] [^ANNA DUCHESS OF BUCCLEUCH TO DAVID, 
SECOND EARL OF WEMYSS.^]
   Richmond, May 29, 1679. 
My Lord, - The reasone I give you this trubll now is to give    #
you my 
most humbll thanks for your great kindnes in letting my         #
charter chist 
be keptt at the Wemys. It could not be so saiff in anie other   #
place, 
and I assure your Lordship I do verie offten wish my selff      #
ther, that I 
might be so hapie as to see my best frinds in that place, wher  #
I have 
bine so well and so merey. I shall not at this time say anie    #
mor, but 
to assure you that I am, 
   My Lord, your most affectinot humbll sarvant, 
   A. Buccleuch.
   For the Earell of Wemyss. 
[\Indorsed by David, second Earl of Wemyss:\] "The Duke of
Buccleuch and Monmuth cam to Edinburgh one 18 of June
1679 as Genrall aganst the rebells in the West."

<Q SC3 XX CORP MWEMYSS>
<N WEM/CROMART CORR>
<A WEMYSS MARGARET>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1652-1703>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X FEMALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 96>
[} [\114. MARGARET, COUNTESS DOWAGER OF BUCCLEUCH, TO DAVID 
SECOND EARL OF WEMYSS, AFTERWARDS HER HUSBAND.\] }]
   Shirefhall, 8 July [\1652\] .
My Lord, - My disyr preuailing so much with your Lordship this  #
day, 
as to perswad yow to goe another way then ye intended, obliges  #
me, in 
the sence therof, to return thanks, sieing in that mor respect  #
then in 
manie visits, or rather then in diserued. I most presume by     #
this to 
intret your Lordship to forget wher I am, that ther may be no   #
uisit 
nor leter till the end of the nixt munth, at uhich tyme hir     #
resoloosion 
shall be imparted to your Lordship, who is, 
   My Lord, your Lordships most humble seruant, 
   Margaret Leslie. 
   For the right honorable the Earlle of Wiemes. 

[} [\115. THE SAME TO THE SAME.\] }] [^MARGARET, COUNTESS 
DOWAGER OF BUCCLEUCH, TO DAVID SECOND EARL OF WEMYSS^]
   Shirefhall, 26 Agust [\1652\] .
My Lord, - Since it pleses your Lordship still to expres so     #
much 
respect, as willingly to alter any of your resolootions         #
intended, I doe 
estiem it ane uery great obligasion, and shall not dowt bot,    #
as it 
plesed your Lordship to promice, in your last to me at          #
Edenburgh,
<P 97>
that ye wold delay your coming to this syd som tym yet, tho I   #
shall 
not presum to pre[{s{]cryu, yet I houp not to be mistakin in    #
this; since 
at present it is most fit, and it is the disyr of hir uho is, 
   My Lord, your Lordships most humble seruant, 
   Margaret Leslie.
For the right honorable the Earlle of Wiems. 

<P 109>
[} [\130. MARGARET, COUNTESS OF WEMYSS, TO DAVID, EARL OF       #
WEMYSS,
HER HUSBAND.\] }]
   Strand, 10 October [\circa 1662\] .
My dierest Heart, - Yestirday I hed your Setordays letir, uhich #
was 
most welcom. This morning at 3 in the morning Hendry Makie cam 
to town. He sent for Niell Muntgomry, bot only told him ye wor  #
all 
uiell, and that ye was to ryd yestirday and end all. I am also  #
gled all 
is doon for my brothirs caus, for it wold haue doon him urong   #
if it hed 
bien delayd. Nixt uiek uill put ane end to all I can expect,    #
and I canot 
say I expect much, so that I howip about the twenty of this to  #
be moving 
hom, or the 22, as the litle busines I haue uill permit, bot    #
my dovghtir 
is uery uiell, so that I may leue hir as soon as I am redy to   #
go. I sell 
uret nixt uiek vhen I uill sertenly com of. -I am, yours, 
   M. Lesly. 
   My Lady wold a had me draun a pecktour on this papr, bot     #
ther is 
not so much merienes at my heart. My Lord, I did resave your    #
Lordships 
letr, and most let my Lady go, tho it is verie far aganst the   #
heart
of, my Lord, your most obedent daughtr, Anna Buccleuch. 
   For the Earll of Wemyss, at Edinbruch. 

<Q SC3 XX CORP MWEMYSS>
<N WEM/CROMART CORR>
<A WEMYSS MARGARET>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1652-1703>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X FEMALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT DOWN>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 148>
[} [\178. MARGARET, COUNTESS OF WEMYSS, TO DAVID, EARL OF 
LEVEN.\] }]
   London, September the 21, [\16\]95.
My Lord, - I ame very glad you were all in your ordinery health #
when 
I heard from you last. I pray God continue it. You tell me the 
contrey afoords noe news, and yit you can alwise write me       #
either the 
best or worst news I can hear, for that is according as your    #
wife, 
your selfe, and children are, and nixt to that ane account of   #
my Lord
your father, my sister, and there children, is the most         #
acceptable news 
I can hear. I wrote to my daughter just befor my sister         #
Buccleuch 
came here. I told her I did expect her Grace very soon. I       #
never 
doubted but that she was every way one of the best of her sex,  #
and 
now, I thank God, she is beleev'd to be soe by all that knows   #
her well.
She is the pleasentest company in the world, and the most       #
concerned 
in her friends. She ask'd me many questions about your wife     #
and 
children, and was very glad to hear of there being what they    #
are. I 
pray God bliss you all the one another. The post will be gone,  #
soe 
adieu, my dear Lord. 

[} [\179. MARGARET, COUNTESS OF WEMYSS, TO ANNE, COUNTESS OF 
LEVEN, HER DAUGHTER.\] }]
   September 28, [\16\]95. 
My dear Daughter, - I am very sorry you have been so ill of a 
collick, there is nothing gives it sooner than cold att the     #
stomack, soe 
I intret you keep your self warme. Since I came to London I     #
have 
had a great cold, but since I let blood it is much better. I    #
had a letter
from your Lord last week, but I never gott two in one week      #
from none 
of my friends since I left you; I wrote ane ansuer to it two    #
days after 
I receiv'd it. I am glad you are quite of Mr. Midletoun, but    #
verry sorry 
for our good kinde friend Mr. Dillidaff his death. I doubt not  #
of his 
<P 149>
being infinitly happy, which may be great comfort to all        #
concerned in 
him. I doubt if your brother will get written this day, for he  #
is out 
of toune; he has been very earnest with me to lett him goe to   #
the
academy here, which indid is very much commended; the master is #
a
French refugie, and is call'd a cerious honest man. They say    #
there is
noe place where your brother could better learne to ryde the    #
great
horse, fence and dance than here, and tho' I much rather have   #
him att
home, yit I must consider he cannot be bred their, and he dos   #
but loss
his time att Edinburgh, and therefore I resolve to put him to   #
the 
academy nixt week, God willing. I desired Dr. Melvill to tell   #
your
Lord and you that I had some thoughts of it when he parted from #
us
att Bath, but I had never saide a word of it to anie body but   #
my Lord
Rankeilor, for it is only two days since I tould your brother   #
his request
was granted. The D[{uchess{] of Buccleuche is gone back to      #
Culford to   
bring her children and familly into toun. The king is expected  #
here
next week, which is all the news worth writing. My dear, give   #
my
humble service to your Lord and my blissing to the sueet babes.
   I am ever your most affectionat mother,
   M. Wemyss.

<Q SC3 XX CORP DWEMYSS>
<N WEM/CROMART CORR>
<A WEMYSS DAVID>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1695-1705>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT EQUAL>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 149>
[} [\180. DAVID, LORD ELCHO, TO ANNE, COUNTESS OF LEVEN.\] }]
   London, October 26, [\16\]95.
My dear Sister, - I had a letter from you some four or five     #
dayes 
agoe, giving me ane account that you were all well, which shall #
continue
to be amongst the best of news to me. I am sory to find so
many of my letters to you have miscaried, for I am sure I did   #
not
write under five or six to you from the Bath, and this is the   #
third, if
not the fourth, since I came to London. I wrot with John Hay to #
my
Lord, and desinged to have written to you also, to tell you I   #
was
merry on your birth day, and drunk your health more nore once   #
or
<P 150>
twice, and hopes to drink it fifty year after this, but I judge #
this may
come to your hands before his doe ...
   Give my humble service to my Lord, and I pray you doe not    #
let
Mary forget me. I hope since I have not the blessing of a       #
brother, to
kepe my head from being broke, I shall have as many nephews to
kept it, as half a dozen men shall not be able to breake it.
   I was at the Princesses Court last night, where I heard the
envoy
from the Duke of Tuscany make a speach to the Princes and the
Prince; and I also see a Dutch envoy. I shall alwayes be sure   #
to give
you ane account of any news thats going. - I am, my dear        #
sister,
   Your most affectionate brother and obedient humble servant,
   Elcho

<Q SC3 XX CORP MWEMYSS>
<N WEM/CROMART CORR>
<A WEMYSS MARGARET>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1652-1703>
<M MEDIUM MS>
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<P 150>
[} [\181. MARGARET, COUNTESS OF WEMYSS, TO DAVID, EARL OF
LEVEN.\] }]
   London, November 16th, [\16\]95.
My Lord, - I receiv'd yours of the 7th, which I long'd for,     #
not having
heard from anie of you this fortnight before. My daughter       #
should order
some of her servants to write ane account of you all, when she  #
is not
well herselfe. I have been a little longer of writing to her    #
then
ordinery, being taken up about a very great and nesesary work;  #
I 
mean the receiving of the holie sacrament. I am verry sorry for #
what
you write anent my Lady Rothess her methods; it remembers me of
the proverb, The begining of mischief is noe more then a midge
wing. She has given her selfe the trouble to write severall     #
times to
<P 151>
me of late, and does, as you say, very much regraitt that she   #
is
nessitat to take such methods, or els she must quite the        #
shirrifship of
Fife. You may be shure she says all she can to justifie         #
herself, and
expresses a great deall of concerne and kindness for me and my  #
children,
and particularly that she is glad to hear your wife and         #
children
are all well. I am sorry you blame my Lord Rankilor so much.    #
You
must consider him as my Lord Leslie's tutor, and one so much    #
obliged
to his father, and yit I dar say he is both kinder and wiser    #
then to
instigatt my Lady Rothess to such violent measures. I am shure  #
he
has been att paines to persuade her to the contrary, and she is #
ill
pleass'd with him upon that head. He wrote a letter to me about #
3
weeks agoe, in which he did much regrait the differances        #
amongst
you, and saide he had so much respect and kindness to both      #
famillys,
and very great obligations besides; that he was much deficultat #
how
to carry. I did not hear from him since. I am sorry to hear you #
are
not pleass'd with William Robertsones methods. He wrote to me   #
that 
before he receiv'd my orders it was taken out of there hands,   #
and made
a councill business. I long to hear what becoms of it. Noe      #
doubt
the Chancelor will be against you, but I beleeve most part of   #
the
Councill will be your friends. I did not write so long a        #
letter, since I
had almost gone blynd, so I shall add no more but my blissing   #
to your
wife and sueet babes, and that I am ever,
   My dear Lord, your most affectionat mother and faithfull     #
servant,
   M. W.

<P 152>
[} [\183. MARGARET, COUNTESS OF WEMYSS, TO ANNE, COUNTESS OF
LEVEN.\] }]
   December 26th, [\16\]95.
My dear Daughter, - I am very glad to hear by your Lord that    #
you
are well, and the dear babes. I pray God continue it. I hope    #
you
shall see him before it be long, for he will stay noe longer    #
then his business
is done. I hope my sister Melvill is with you, to whom I have 
written, as also to my Lord Raith, who is like to take my       #
minister
from me, but he has been so positive that he will leave us that #
I blame
him the less. Truly Mr. Riddell has not dealt discreetly nor    #
very
prudently with me, for if he had pleass'd to a told me what he  #
has said
to many since I came from home, I had taken it less ill. I hope #
if he
come to see you you will tell him that his compleaning so much  #
of my
slighting him will make others afrayd to come; and, besyds, it  #
is such
<P 153>
a reflection, that it cannot but be very disobliging to me, and #
all conserned
in me; and I could truly swear I never did any thing that Mr.
R. had the least ground to take ill, so it seems he is too      #
credillous,
and that is a great weakness. My sister B. is just coming here, #
so I
shall only add, I am, my dear heart,
   Your affectionat mother,
   M. Wemyss.
   My dear, send the inclosed letters with your oune            #
conveniency so
soon as you can.
   To the Countess of Leven, Edinburgh, Scotland.

<P 156>
[} [\188. MARGARET, COUNTESS OF WEMYSS, TO ANNE, COUNTESS
OF LEVEN.\] }]
[\Circa 1696.\]
My dear, - I expected to a heard from you one Saterday, as you 
promiced. I hope Georges lousnes proceeds from teething. Lord
preserve him and make him a good old man. I have gott ane       #
express
from Edinburgh desiring me to come over, soe I entend to goe    #
this day
or tomorrow, and I will alow your sister to waitt one you,      #
since your
Lord cannot well get over so soon, so you may send the collace  #
for her
one Tewsday, and Mrs. Cicell will waitt one her that lenth,     #
since her
oune woman is like to dye and you cannot well spair yours. My   #
dear,
<P 157>
its like my Lord Northesk may give you a visett, which, if he   #
do, you
must not let him have ane oppertunity of speaking to your       #
sister
unless he take it when you are by, and in that case you ought   #
to tell
him that all the expressions of love he can give her, you       #
soposs, will
signifie nothing except he gaine my consent; for tho' I entend  #
to give
her noe more fruitless advice, yitt I will not consent to let   #
her marry
anie body that apears to be ane enemy both to the Government of
Church and State, and I have a far better oppinion of her then  #
to think
she would tho I did alow her, which I never will. Let me know   #
how
you all are. Adieu, my deare.
   To the Countess of Leven.

<Q SC3 XX CORP DWEMYSS>
<N WEM/CROMART CORR>
<A WEMYSS DAVID>
<C SC3>
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<P 158>
[} [\190. DAVID, EARL OF LEVEN, TO HIS WIFE, ANNE, COUNTESS OF
LEVEN.\] }]
[\Circa 1697\]
My d[{ear{], - I have winne the race with my mare. I rune       #
another
by match with my gelding against Carnwaths horse for fyve       #
guineas,
and win that. I have matched him with the same horse this day
moneth for 40 guineas to 20.
   I am yours, my d[{ear{] .  To the Countess of Leven.

<Q SC3 XX CORP MNORTHES>
<N WEM CORR>
<A NORTHESK MARGARET>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1697>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X FEMALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT EQUAL>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 158>
[} [\191. MARGARET, COUNTESS OF NORTHESK, TO HER SISTER, ANNE,
COUNTESS OF LEVEN.\] }]
[\Circa 1697\]
My dearest Sister, - I am very impatient to hear how dear Mary  #
is.
I wou'd have sent last week but was expecting every day to hear #
from
yow, becaus yow told me yow wou'd send. I am now very feard she #
is
worce that I have not heard from yow. I am wearie with wreten
before I am well begune to yow, for I have been wreten to       #
Leslie.  My
mother tells me that her dearest cusen, Montrose, is dying; I   #
know she
takes the alarme hottly. I have sent yow a litle cutt of my     #
Inchtoothill
linnen to be your morning aprons. I have ordered Jean to putt   #
up
your wallnuts and cheries if she can get a ruskie for them.     #
Give my
affectionat service to Leven; my Lord gives hes to yow both,    #
and
asks if your Lord hes got any word from Ingland about his       #
horces.
Your bairne is very well and going alone. I am as sick as ever, #
but
still yours, my dearest sister.
   Munday night.
   I will not forgett to drink your health tomorrow.
   To the Countess of Leven.

<Q SC3 XX CORP DWEMYSS>
<N WEM/CROMART CORR>
<A WEMYSS DAVID>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1695-1705>
<M MEDIUM MS>
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<Y X>
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<Z X>

<P 161>
[} [\196. (DAVID, LORD ELCHO, AFTERWARDS THIRD EARL OF WEMYSS,
TO ANNE, COUNTESS OF LEVEN.)\] }]
   London, October 8th, 1700.
I hope you will not attribute my seldome writting, my dear      #
sister, to
any thing else but what it really is, want of what to say to    #
prove
<P 162>
diverting to you. I was verry glad to hear from your Lord of    #
your all
being prittie well, and wishes what you complain of about your  #
own health
to the doctor to have been what I att first supposed it, tho' I #
think
there's noe great need of such a wish, unless it were to please #
you, for
there is noe appearence, upon my word, but that you'l come in   #
earnest to
what you hoped for in jest when you was young, to have twenty   #
bairns.
   I am verry sencible, my dear, of your good wishes towards me #
in
your care and concern in what is most dear to me, my babies,    #
and if
ever it lyes in my power to show any returns of gratitude,      #
there's
nothing, I'm sure, could be more pleasing to me; but you are    #
the only
mother they now have, and they are by providence thrown upon    #
your
care. I doe not encline to enter in compliments with you,       #
seeing still
they have too much the air of distrust, only what I could trust #
my all
with is you, because we are so much one, that what belongs to   #
one
another we have a speciall tittle too. I have had thoughts of a #
good
while to beg you to be att that trouble to look narrowly about  #
the
managment of my children, and that it may be the less trouble   #
to
you, and infinitely better for them, to take them to your own   #
family.
I know, my dear, you have told me you think it a trust, but, as #
I said
before, there's noe body I could trust more with, so, my dear,  #
when
you please to take them, they are yours. I'm affraid Margaret 
Caithness's coming to your family, with the other necessary     #
people
about the bairnes, prove but troublesome, so if Margaret Arthur #
be
not immediatly going to be married, Mary is both as capable and #
I'm
sure full as willing, to look after them as any. So, if you     #
please, order
Caithness to get somewhat more then her wages, and let her      #
dispose
herself as she pleases; but doe in this just as you think best.
   Give my humble service to Leven. Tell him there's a report   #
over
toun to-day, which most people beleives, tho' it is but         #
scarcely mentioned
in the prints, that both the Pope and the King of Spain is
dead. - My dear heart, adiew.

<S SAMPLE 3>

<Q SC3 XX CORP IMACKENZ>
<N CROMART CORR>
<A MACKENZIE ISABELL>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1690-1700>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
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<T LET PRIV>
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<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X FEMALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT EQUAL>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 66>
[} [\51. ISABELLA COUNTESS OF SEAFORTH TO HER BROTHER, GEORGE   #
VISCOUNT OF 
TARBAT.\] }] 
   Chanry, 28 Jun 1690.
   Dear Brothere, - Befor I can meit with my sone, the day      #
will be elapsed 
to which I am limeted, and my tutor, Hewgh, will not let me     #
meit without a 
writen warant; so I beseich yow get mee on the end of Jully or  #
soom day 
in Agust. I hop ther neids be no scrupll in giuing it, for,     #
God be thanked, 
all is peasabll hear. I sent up to see how he was, and to know  #
if he wad 
com doun a pairt of the way to meit mee. I sent him a sight of  #
your leter 
to me. His answear to me is, that he imbrases your kynd offer   #
and expects 
a proof of it. In the first plase, I wish ye wad get the        #
garison remooued from 
Brahan, and get this plas freied from qwartering of sojers,     #
which if don, I 
am in hops he will com doun and liue; for ye know his unhappy   #
perswastion 
may mak his seruants and them fall foull. I wad wish all that   #
might be 
shund. Any other thing for his safety and aduantag I neid not   #
writ; ye can 
beter doe it your self, and I hop the comistioner will not be   #
auerse. On
<P 67>
thing I most mynd and desyr, if posibill, that soon tym may be  #
giuen me to 
prouyd the four mounths cess presently apoynted to be payed.    #
Ye know 
at this tym of year no mony is to be had of our rent, and the   #
last years rent 
is not yet efectuall, nor is it to be got hear to borrow; so    #
that I most send to 
the Lewes and try if I can get so much on way or other, which   #
will reqwyre 
soom tym. So I intreat yow procure a munths forbearanc or mor.  #
This 
is enewgh of trubll at on tym from your affectionat sister and  #
seruant, 
   Isobell Seafort. 
   I am so weary with my jurny that I could not think of going  #
up the 
contry yet. I wish my [\son\] John wad be alowed to com hom,    #
for I can get 
no mony to send him. I pray yow giu him your aduys in the mean  #
tym. 
For the Viscount of Tarbat - thes. 

<Q SC3 XX CORP ASINCLAI>
<N CROMART CORR>
<A SINCLAIR ANN>
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<O DATE C 1690>
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<P 67>
[} [\52. ANN SINCLAIR, VISCOUNTESS OF TARBAT, TO HER            #
HUSBAND.\] }]
   Castalleoud, the 21 of Juli [\circa 1690\] .
My dear Love, - I recued the horses, coues, and all as you      #
wrot, uery 
will. I am uery sori of the disapoyntments you haue mett        #
with. By the 
acount I haue sene from Sir Georg Sinclair, Maye's moni was     #
long ago redi, 
and I hope or this tyme you haue recued it. I am told ther was  #
a ship of 
gret burdin brok to pices as she entered the Suteres, which I   #
wonderd much 
att, lodend with irne and I know not what els. The men are all  #
safe, and I 
hear they got uery good peniwortes of it; but nather my son,    #
nor any ther, 
aquanted me any thing conserning hir; bot so sone as Iohn       #
M'Leod come 
from the hilandes, which was the wery day I furst heared of     #
it, I sent him 
ther to se what truth was in it and to secure the anker and     #
best rop. I heared 
<P 68>
the Invernes men boght op all at a uery shep rat. When John     #
returnes I
will send you a trow acount. I lykwayes sent him to se if any   #
moni could 
be had for melle, or any thing els I had, for the litl uitwall  #
that you and I 
sold, you know, ther day is nott comed; and I lykwayes sent to  #
Chanri to 
see if Heow Bellr could send any. The litl moni I had I         #
allwayes was giueing 
of it to the wark men. I had seuen or eght that behoued to      #
haue payment 
euery Seterday. Its trow it was bot litl, but many smales       #
mackes a gret. 
I haue only ten or twelw pound to send, and if Iohn can get me  #
any, I shall 
be seor to send it when he returnes. If I could get moni for    #
butter or chies, 
I want not that. I haue giuen out a gret deall of chise for     #
the neow crop -
a ston of chis for a firlot of bear. This is as all my          #
nighbores does, bot I can 
get non almost sold at marketes, for it giues small prise,      #
ther is so gret plenti 
of it this year. Our wark goes on bott sloly. You know          #
M=c=gumeri is not 
ouer suift, bot he is ioging on; I hope it will shortly be      #
redi. I am iust 
going about to cut turff for laying the grines. I know not bot  #
you may be 
angri, seing I had no derection wher to cut. We know no place   #
bot ether 
from the syd of the moure as we goe to church, or in the wood   #
aboue the 
hous. Dason is doeing on; and now that I haue horses, I hop     #
something 
may be done, bot slades is the thing that kiles our horses,     #
for cartes will not 
goe wher the stones ar. Dauet is busi skliting the turettes. I  #
am only now 
uaiting for a litl more lyme, which is uery ill to be had; for  #
John nides for 
Tarbet, who is indid a uery good griue and becomed a uery       #
frugale man. 
To tell the truth, ther is litl ealle drunk in his house or     #
myne, not that we 
uant it to any that comes, bott uhay is uery plenti, and when   #
he stayes with 
me he drinkes nothing bot uhay, except in the morning, and      #
that uery litl, 
and it agries uery well with him. I browed only once since you  #
uent from 
this. You know I had uery good aelle in the hous, which I       #
botteled, and it 
keipes uery well; and I beliue the wine is uery good to, for    #
oght I know, for 
<P 69>
we haue not gret us for it. Once we drunk a fiow botteles,      #
when my sister 
Sefort come to dyne with me with her chaplen and brother in     #
laue. I am 
told they fish preti will att Conen iust now. I resolue to      #
send ouer and se 
how it goes with theme, when John returnes. I hear Wil          #
Sinclair is maried 
doun in Tarbat with Ann Doneldson, my woman. She uent from      #
this without 
tacking liue, with chyld to him, and stayes with John to wash   #
his linin 
and mack his bed. Tho she parted in that fasion with me, you    #
know uery 
will ther is no obligation will oblidg you to pay Willem        #
Sinclairs debt, or 
any thing he will say he took one my behalf, without they haue  #
my handwrit
for it; uther wayes ill seruants, as he was on, might wrong     #
masteres in a 
gret deall of moni. I left no acounts unpayed or giuen tiket    #
for, as Jeames 
Linsay knowes, and Ann Menizes. You writ me no acount of my     #
sones wife. 
They tell me she is broght to bed of a doghter. I know not if   #
it be so: I 
get neuer a letter from any of my doghteres, tho I writ many.   #
I know not 
what you haue done with Jeames Sinclair and my thre fiue gini   #
pises. This 
is anoff [\at this\] tyme. God preserue you and mack me         #
thankfull for your 
recouery and helth you now haue. I am 
   Your faithfull 
   A. Tarbat. 
For the Viscount of Tarbat. 

<Q SC3 XX CORP MERSKINE>
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<A ERSKINE MARGARET>
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<O DATE C 1690>
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<T LET PRIV>
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<Z X>

<P 75>
[} [\58. MARGARET ERSKINE, WIDOW OF SIR JOHN MACKENZIE, TO HER  #
SON, GEORGE
VISCOUNT OF TARBAT. CIRCA 1690.\] }]
   Edinburgh, this Wedinsday, lat. 
   Louing Sone, - Since I can not come to sie you, and it       #
seims ye haue not 
leasour to come sie me, I mast tell you ar very onkynd, and     #
litlle concerned 
in your mother, when I am abused with a litlle pitifull Seson   #
Lord, aganst 
both reson and jusstis. What ever I suffered in my husbands     #
time is 
wealenugh knowen, and what onjustice I got from that bench;     #
bot what he 
got I did bear it with als great patience as I think ever       #
women did. I 
thought him worth more then I had to giue him; bot I am sure I  #
owe no 
kyndnes to his mein sprited sone. His wife wreat very           #
imperiously to this 
same felow, to bring hir over my meall; and now he wreats, to   #
bring him my 
bear. The very last words of that decreit his father got,       #
giues him onlie the 
adminstration of that rent, and apounts it for his alimint,     #
and myn; how he 
<P 76>
comes in for the thrid hand after his fathers death to seik my  #
rent, I doe 
not onderstand. I pray you, giue you can get so much time, ax   #
him and his 
advocats a reson for it. After this I intend never to make any  #
agriment 
with him, bot take what the law will giue me. I know ther       #
goodwill alredie, 
and how they can strech both reson and justice, and I mynd to   #
haue another 
spring to the same tune. Recaue the leter he sent over, and     #
tak some 
cours to stop ther indiscretion, or els I miscall them very     #
ill. 
   I rest your louing mother,  
   M. Askyne.
For my Lord Tarbitt. 

[} [\59. THE SAME TO THE SAME. CIRCA 1690.\] }] [^MARGARET      #
ERSKINE TO GEORGE VISCOUNT OF TARBAT^]
   My deir George, - Your trouble is no small trouble to me;    #
bot I hope 
ye ar so wise as to tak that befals you from God Almightie,     #
and nothing hath 
befalen you but what is comen to men: and giue it war not for   #
the ofending 
God Almightie, it wold bot troublie me litlle; for thes         #
thinges is inevitable, 
when young men and men in drink qwarles togither. I put no      #
qwestion 
bot ye haue enamies, bot giue God be your frind ye neid not     #
cair. I haue 
sent you your legasie befor I dy. I wold not haue you giue      #
this gold away,
onles it be at a strat. I got it from your father, and I think  #
I can not 
bestow it beter then on your self. This with my blisen. 
   I rest your affectinat mother, 
   M. Askyne.
   The lat Erlle of Lithco, wold haue given me 36 pound         #
sterling for it, to 
haue giuen the Duk of Yorrk, when he was heir. It is Lamormour  #
gold. 
For the Viscount of Tarbitt. 

<Q SC3 XX CORP JMACKENZ>
<N CROMART CORR>
<A MACKENZIE JAMES>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1693-1705>
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<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT UP>
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<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 98>
[} [\79. JAMES MACKENZIE, AFTERWARDS LORD ROYSTOUN, TO HIS      #
FATHER, GEORGE
VISCOUNT OF TARBAT.\] }]
   Utrecht, October 18, [\16\]93.
   My Lord, - I am now, God be thanked, safelie arrived at      #
Utrecht. On 
the 5 instant I left London, but when I came to Greenwich, the  #
yauchts were 
gone down to the buy on the Nore. I immediatlie thereupon went  #
on board 
a smack goeing for Deal, and, when we came near the Nore, we    #
see a great 
fleet under sail, but none at all at anchor, so that I          #
dispaired of goeing to 
Holland this winter. This fleet proved to be the great ships    #
comeing to 
Chattam. As we went throw the fleet, we learnt that the         #
yauchts designed 
for the King were gone up Chattam river, there to lye till      #
such time as the 
convoy was readie. I then left the smack, and went after them   #
in a litle 
<P 99>
boat belonging to the men of war, but they sailed too fast for  #
us to come at 
them. So I landed at Sheerness, and in the evening, after       #
haveing vieued 
that fort, I went on board one of the yauchts. I had before     #
gott a warrant 
from the Lords of the Admiralitie, which I gave to the          #
captaine, who was 
verie civil to me. I went on board on the Fryday, and there     #
lay at anchor 
till Sunday, so that I had the opportunitie of seeing the       #
fleet, for we lay 
within a pair of the Brittannia. I need say nothing of them,    #
for your Lordshipp 
see them formerlie. On the 9 we sett sail under convoy of 4     #
great 
ships, commanded by our countrie man rear-admiral Mitchell. On  #
the 11 
we came in sight of Holland, and landed at the Briell. That     #
night I left the 
yaucht, and went up to Rotterdam in companie of 2 French        #
gentlemen. I 
found that, before I touched land, I had spent 5 guineas. It    #
cost me 2 for a 
warrant, 2 to the captaine, and 1 before I went on board for    #
boats from 
London to Chattam. This is a great toune, and the second in     #
Holland. 
There are but few things remarkable in it, onlie Erasmus his    #
statue erected 
in the markett place, and the great church, where lye intombed  #
severall 
admiralls. From thence I went to Delft, a verie neat toune.     #
This is the 
great magazine of Holland. In one of theire churches are to be  #
seen the 
tombs of William the Great and Admirall Trunp, and, in the      #
cloister, you 
have a brass pillar with ane inscriptione shewing how that      #
Prince was killed 
by a Jesuite, with his deserved punishment. From Delft I went   #
to the 
Hague, the fairest village of the world. There are here manie   #
things verie 
curious, as the Prince's palace and his house in the wood, in   #
a hall belonging 
to which are to be seen a great manie fine pictures done by     #
the most famous 
painters of Europe. Portlands gardens are well worth the        #
seeing. The King 
was at the same time at the Hague, onlie waiting for a fair     #
wind. On the 
13 I went to Leyden. Here I see the closet of the famous        #
Herman, the 
choisest collectione of curiosities in Europe; here is          #
likewise the best collectione
<P 100>
of plants and shrubs in the world; a great manie other things   #
they 
have, which for brevities sake I omitt. Here I staid some       #
days. On the 
16 I went for Utrecht. In my way I see the Rhine, which, tho    #
it retains 
the name, is but a small branch of it. I found here a great     #
manie Scotsmen, 
- I believe no less then fiftie. Lantoune and his ladie are to  #
leave this place 
so soon as my Lord Ballcarras comes here, and from hence to     #
Hamburg. I 
am not yet setled, nor do I intend it till I hear from your     #
Lordshipp, for I 
am affraid I cannot live so cheap here as in Oxford. They have  #
two different 
ways of liveing in this place; either they pension, or eat in   #
ane ordinarie. 
In the first, they pay for chamber and diet 15 shillings a      #
week; in the other 
they pay 7 for dinner onlie. You cannot gett a tollerable       #
chamber under 4 
shillings. This makes 11, besides breakfast and supper, which   #
cannot cost 
me much under a crown; and considering the inconvenience and    #
danger of 
goeing abroad at night for supper, which I must certainelie be  #
obliged to do, 
I think the first the best way. Then ten ducatoons for everie   #
colledge. My
exspences in my journay to this place are all extraordinarie,   #
so that, for this 
year, I am afraid I cannot live under ane hundred pounds, as    #
few or none 
here do. I would verie willinglie, if possible, put your        #
Lordship to less 
exspences. This year has been verie fatall to Scotsmen in this  #
place and in 
Leyden, few or none escapeing ane ague or fever; 3 or 4 dyed,   #
among them a 
son of Sir James Hay of Limplum, who is verie much regrated.    #
He was one 
of the best scholars Dr. Gregorie ever had; and I, tho this be  #
the best season, 
and tho I have taken as good care as possible, am a litle       #
troubled with the 
cold, so that if your Lordshipp find anie other place as        #
convenient, I would 
willinglie leave this place. Not but I like it verie well for   #
everie thing but 
the air, which I have good reason to fear, considering the      #
thinness of my 
bodie; and I think health is preferrable to anie thing in this  #
world. However, 
in this as in all other things, I shall submitt to your         #
Lordshipps determinatione.
<P 101>
But I fear I am too tedious, and I shall deferr anie other      #
thing I have 
to say till my next. 
   I remaine your Lordshipps dutifull son, 
   Ja. Mackenzie. 

<Q SC3 XX CORP IMACKENZ>
<N CROMART CORR>
<A MACKENZIE ISABELL>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1690-1700>
<M MEDIUM MS>
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<P 126>
[} [\103. ISABELLA MACKENZIE, COUNTESS OF SEAFORTH, TO HER      #
BROTHER, GEORGE
VISCOUNT OF TARBAT, WITH THE PRECEDING LETTER.\] }]
   13 December [\16\]97.
   Dear Brother, - Soom days agoe seuerall of our frinds met    #
at Fortrose, 
which tym they recomended the inclosed to me to be sent south   #
to yow; but, 
the sto[{r{]m fallen on so heauily, I could get non this plas   #
to undertak to 
goe with it, the uswall posts being allready south. I am        #
uentering now to 
send it; I wish it com safe to your hands. By this yee will     #
perceaue how 
willing all is to hau any diference betwixt yow and my sone     #
Seafort taken 
away; and non will be glader of it then I will, however I hau   #
bein misconstructed 
in the thing. Beleiue me, I wad dy much the easier that wee     #
war 
all as wee owght to bee, frindly and kynd, so that I hop out    #
of a Cristian 
disposition yee will pas by and forgiue wherin yee think yee    #
hau bein 
<P 127>
wronged; and this I will expecte from others to yow also; and   #
wherin I can 
contribut to mak all ods euen, I asure yow will be efectually   #
endeauored be 
your afectionat sister and seruant, 
   Isobell Seafort.
   My son continows ill of his grauill. On day of six he is     #
not free of it. I 
hau minted twys to goe see him; but the storm is so great I     #
was forst to 
turn back. 
For the right honourabll the Vicount of Tarbat - thes. 

<P 146>
[} [\119. ISABELLA MACKENZIE, COUNTESS OF SEAFORTH, TO HER      #
BROTHER (GEORGE
VISCOUNT OF TARBAT).\] }]
   9 September 1700.
   Dear Brother, - I got yours with Collen, Coulls sone. The    #
letter yow 
mention in it I neuer got; howeuer I am glad yow are weell;     #
and I nothing 
doubt of your being in a satisfyed condition. As I wad think,   #
yee war ill to 
pleas; and tho soom spok against your marage, I confess I did   #
not think 
them your frinds that did so. As to other things of which yee   #
had fears, I 
hop or this tym you know that your fears was grundless, as all  #
of us hop 
and wish. Now, as to my self, I think my trublls shall neuer    #
end till my 
tym end. I may say they run paraleall with my days; for euery   #
new day 
<P 147>
brings a new trubll; and that which I am huried with at         #
present is ode to 
come from a brother, a neuoy, and a sone. Soom says it was but  #
a base
unaterall imployment for Prestonhall to your sone Cromerty to   #
aprehend 
me with caption; and so uiolent are they on this that I dar     #
not keip my 
own hous. I pray giu your aduyse in this, for I am confident    #
it has bein
without your knowlidge. I shall trubll yow no farther, but      #
rests 
   Your afectionat sister and seruant, 
   Isobell Seafort. 

<Q SC3 XX CORP JTARBAT>
<N CROMART CORR>
<A TARBAT JOHN>
<C SC3>
<O DATE C 1701-1705>
<M MEDIUM MS>
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<Y X>
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<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 150>
[} [\122. (JOHN MASTER OF TARBAT TO HIS WIFE, THE HONOURABLE    #
MARY MURRAY.
CIRCA 1701.)\] }]
   My dearest Soule, -  My last was an answer to yours, sent    #
by Inchcouter. 
The bearer uas a footman of Lady Issobella M=c=Leods, who       #
promised to delyver 
my letter out of his oun hand to you at Tarbat, but lick a      #
raskall he forgot 
to call for the leter after it was sealed and baked. It uas     #
tuo days therafter or 
I hade occation to send it, and that uas a footman of           #
Gairlochs, so that I 
doubt not of your haveing receaved it long or nou. I deteaned   #
this bearer, 
thinking to give my dear Mary some sertean account of hou       #
matters stood 
betwixt my father and me in relation to the setlement of our    #
pryvat affairs; 
but the publick concern (I mean the parliament) does so         #
intyrly take up 
my father, that to attemp speaking to him of anie pryvat        #
business uer in vain. 
God knowes how uneasie this is to me; for it not only hes, but  #
is the only cause 
of my too long absence from the delight of my lyfe, and your    #
trouble for 
that I oune is uhat is most in my mind, espetially since I      #
receaved your last 
letter by the Inverness post, which uas Saturday last, dated    #
the 5th of Jullij.
I oune I never was more surprised then at the reading of the    #
first part of your 
last leter, for I concluded you uould have rested intyrly       #
satesfyed as to that 
proposition of my sisters going north, untill you should have   #
my return to uhat 
you writ uith Inchcouter; for that did contean as much as did   #
finally determin 
not only me, but lickuay our uncle, the Justice-Clerk, that     #
after uhat 
you said my sisters staying with me uas never more to be        #
thought of, and 
<P 151> 
my Lady Prestonhall uas of the saim opinion; so that, upon      #
second 
thoughts, I doubt my dear Mary uill be so just to your husband  #
as to condemn 
your dear selfe for interteaning the least thought that uould   #
occation a 
minuts disquett. My deare needs not fear that tho my father,    #
uncle, 
and all the relations I have alive, uould urge me in anie       #
thing against your 
inclinations, that ther pleasure uould weight in the ballance   #
uith yours. It 
is farr from that. The only reason that my dearest soul gott    #
not my positive 
resolution of not excepting my sister to live uith ous after    #
uhat you writ 
uith Inchcouter, uas the information my Lady Prestonhall gott   #
of my fathers 
resolution, in alltering his former design in setling his       #
estate and affairs in my 
person, in case of our refusing to take my sister to our        #
famely. For this reason,
I say, my uncle and his lady oblidged me neither to determin,   #
or writ to you 
finally of this matter, till your return to ther letters        #
should come, which I 
doubt not my angel uill doe in as reasonable terms as posible. 

<Q SC3 XX CORP KMACKENZ>
<N CROMART CORR>
<A MACKENZIE KENNET>
<C SC3>
<O DATE C 1703-1704>
<M MEDIUM MS>
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<F X>
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<Y X>
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<Z X>

<P 200>
[} [\157. (THE HONOURABLE SIR KENNETH MACKENZIE, SECOND SON OF  #
GEORGE
FIRST EARL OF CROMARTIE), TO HIS FATHER.\] }]
   Edinburgh, Aprile 15 [\circa 1703\]
   My Lord, - As I returnd from Preastounhall the other day,    #
Sir Robert
Dicksone being told I rode by, followd me to Inverask, and,     #
after many 
protestationes of his inclinatione to serve your Lordship, he   #
informd me that 
their is a certain designe to impeach the Duke of Atholl and    #
your Lordship 
befor the ensuing parliament, and that his avoucher assurd him  #
you coud 
not be awarr of the grounds of the indictment. This he woud     #
needs have me 
writt. I know the Earl of G. was a night with him not long      #
since, who I 
beleive is the author of this stuff. Tho I know very weell      #
their is nothing to
be feard of this kind, yett I presume to say that I wish your   #
Lordship were 
not presentt att our next sessione of parliament, for, as I     #
understand, your 
freinds will be very untractable if the grand affair talkd of   #
is to be pressd att 
this tyme; and for me, tho I will not determine myselfe         #
without advising with 
your Lordship, yett my being so singularly treated hitherto     #
gives me small
encouragment to serve such masters in tyme coming, for, as I    #
never yet made
a wrong step wheir the Crown was concernd, so I have bein       #
alloud to spend 
my tyme and money without thanks, when many who came not my     #
lenth 
have grown rich. 
   For the right honourable the Earle of Cromarty, principall   #
secretary of state 
for Scotland. 

<Q SC3 XX CORP MWEMYSS>
<N WEM/CROMART CORR>
<A WEMYSS MARGARET>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1652-1703>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
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<G X>
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<Y X>
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<Z X>

<P 201>
[} [\158. MARGARET COUNTESS OF WEMYSS AND CROMARTIE TO (HER     #
HUSBAND,
GEORGE FIRST EARL OF CROMARTIE).\] }]
   Melvill, the 19th of Jullie 1703. 
   My dearest Love, - I am very sory you have been so toyld     #
with business, 
and satt so late up. I pray God it may not do you hurt. I long  #
alredy to 
be uith you againe, and tho' I have a little of the gravell,    #
yitt I resolve, if 
the Lord give me health and strength, to goe from this place    #
tomorrow by 8 
acloak in the morning, for I do not care to ly abed when I      #
want my dearest 
and better parte. I shall be very carfull of your Pegie, and,   #
if I finde my 
selfe weary or not well tomorrow, I will stay till Wednesday,   #
which my sister 
is very earnest to have me do. My dearest heart, I had great    #
satisfaction in 
the work I have been about these severall days past. It is now  #
neer 12 
a cloak, so I shall add noe more, but I am unalterably, my      #
dearest life, 
   Your oune 
   M.W. 
   Your sone was very carfull of me, which I took most kindlie  #
one your 
account. 

<P 207>
[} [\165. MARGARET COUNTESS OF WEMYSS, SECOND WIFE OF GEORGE    #
FIRST EARL
OF CROMARTIE, TO (HER HUSBAND).\] }]
   Saterday, 24th [\1703\] .
   My Dearest, - Tho I wrote one Thursday, yit I would not      #
miss this 
occasion to tell you I am weell, I thank God; and if my dear    #
childe could 
have consented to my leaving her this afternoon, I would have   #
gone to 
Sherps houss and stay'd there to morrow and heard Mr.Tullideph  #
preach, 
and gon away one Monday morning. But my dauchter was vex'd      #
when I 
spook of it, and has convinced me I could not be uith you till  #
Tewsday if I 
did so; for my Lord Melvills coach is to com to the waterside   #
one Monday, 
and if wee can get the lenth of Kenoway that night, it is a     #
great jurney for 
the horses and for me too, who has 13 myles in this side; and   #
I hope wee 
shall get over on Tewsday afternoon - and I can be no sooner    #
over however 
now. The Lord send us a happy meeting! My dearst love, be       #
carfull of 
the best parte of me, and do not fast long nor sitt up late.    #
There is great 
care taken of me here, but I fear their will be some tears att  #
parting, tho 
none from me, my dear. 
[\Indorsed in the handwriting of Lord Tarbat:\] "C=s=. Weems    #
L=re=., 1703."

<Q SC3 XX CORP KMACKENZ>
<N CROMART CORR>
<A MACKENZIE KENNET>
<C SC3>
<O DATE C 1703-1704>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
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<F X>
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<Y X>
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<E INT UP>
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<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 220>
[} [\178. (THE HONOURABLE SIR KENNETH MACKENZIE OF GRANDVALE,   #
BARONET,
SECOND SON OF GEORGE FIRST EARL OF CROMARTIE, TO HIS            #
FATHER.)\] }]
   Edinburgh, February 17th [\1704\] .
   My Lord, - Last evening my Lord Aberurchle dyd. He           #
particularly 
recommended his sone to your Lordships and my Lord Justice      #
Clerks protectione. 
<P 221>
Munday next goes for court the Earles of Rothes and Roxbrough, 
with the Laird of Jerviswood, to represent to the Queen, that   #
the advising 
her Majestie to pay her forces heir with English money, was     #
pernitious to, 
and vnconsistant with the libertie of this natione, and that    #
such councellors 
shoud be removd from her persone; and further, to intreat of    #
the Queen that 
our parliament may be alloud to sitt at the tyme prefixd, that  #
the plott 
against her person and government may be laid befor it, and     #
that the noble
persons so much callumniat may have opportunity to vindicat     #
themselves. 
This is what I cane learn is all their bussines... 

<Q SC3 XX CORP JTARBAT>
<N CROMART CORR>
<A TARBAT JOHN>
<C SC3>
<O DATE C 1701-1705>
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<G X>
<F X>
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<Y X>
<H X>
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<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 276>
[} [\222. JOHN LORD TARBAT, ELDEST SON OF GEORGE FIRST EARL OF  #
CROMARTIE,
(TO HIS FATHER). (CIRCA 1704.)\] }]
   My Lord, - Your ordors anent the elections of the shyre of   #
Ross uas so 
long a coming that, hade I not taken measors uhich, to my       #
great satisfaction, 
I fynd assuerable to uhat your Lordship uas pleased to urit     #
both to myself 
and your other freinds in this place, the Uhige partie uould,   #
uithout dout, 
have caried ther design, which uas to have the Lairds of        #
Bellnagoun and 
Fouls chosen to represent the shyre of Ross in the insheuing    #
parliament; 
so that your interest (uhich by fare is the greatest,           #
notwithstanding of Fouls 
and Bellnagouns joineing thers), hade signefyed nothing in the  #
matter of 
the elections of Ross, either in shyre or broughs, only for     #
not uriting in time 
to your freinds, uhich your Lordship often blames me and        #
others of your relations
for, - I mean, not uritting, uhich in time comeng I purpose to  #
amend. 
Catbo, uho brought your letters, uas more the[{n{] three ueek   #
by the road. I 
insist the longer on this that your Lordship uill be pleased,   #
when anie such 
publick affair is to be gon about, to send ane express, for     #
letters of concern 
are never to be trusted to gentlemen. Nou that all things are   #
according to 
your Lordship desair, I most confess that I have some           #
satesfaction that once 
in my life I have occation to challenge your neglect of         #
uritting, for I doubt 
[\if\] I'l ever have it again. I beg your Lordships pardon for  #
this freedom. 
Hou soon I hade your letter, I aquanted all the barons of Uest  #
Ross to meet 
at Dinguall, which they did on Thursday befor the elections.    #
At our former 
meeting it uas unanimously agreed upon that, uhen your orders   #
should come, 
uhich all of them expected (I mean of Uest Ross), that Fouls    #
should be called 
to our pryvat consultation, uhich accordingly uas done. This    #
uas to persuad 
Fouls not to joine with Bellnagoun against the Mackenzies, uho  #
uer alluays 
<P 277>
his good nighbours and freinds, uhich ue douted not but he and  #
his famely 
uer sencesible of, particoularly uhen he and his father did     #
compeat uith Bellnagoun
in the elections for the last parliament, the Mackenzies still  #
preferrd 
Fouls; and nou that they resolued to have tuo of ther famely    #
(viz., 
M=c=Kenzies) to represent the barons of ther shyre in this      #
parliament, they 
douted not of Fouls' heartie concurance in ther so just and     #
reasonable 
design against Bellnagoun, or anie other uho uould opose them.  #
And this 
uas but uhat they looked for from Fouls and his famely as just  #
returns for 
ther former acts of freindship; this I had comission to tell    #
Fouls from all the 
barons of Uest Ross. His ansuer uas that he and his famely uer  #
verie 
sencesible of the Mackenzies freindship in generall, and the    #
Viscount of Tarbat 
in particoular; but in this affair of the elections he uas      #
sorie he could not 
go allongst uith them in choising tuo of ther famely, but he    #
uas satesfyed 
for on, which was Scatuall, as an honest man and my Lord        #
Tarbats near 
cousin. They thanked him for his offer, but told him roundly    #
that he 
uas neither just nor kynd, and that after this he nor anie      #
called Monro 
should have ther freindship as formerly, farder then comon      #
sivility oblidg 
them too. Fouls uas much surpryzed at this, and pretended to    #
excuse 
himselfe, upon the account of conscience, and a great deall of  #
other Uhigish 
cant, uhich is not uourth troubleing your Lordship uith at      #
this time. At last 
poor Fouls fell in tears, uhich made all our barbarous          #
muntaniers lauch, particoularly
Fairburn, uho bid Fouls go home to his mother and his           #
ministers, 
which sett both him and Bellnagoun better then to be members    #
of parliament.
I really think if poor Fouls uer not imposed upon by the light  #
headed 
ministers, he uould [\not\] have acted in this as he did. But,  #
uhen I found 
that Fouls uith the other Monros, particoularly Cullrain, uho,  #
uhen he receaved
your letter, promised upon honour to be for anie tuo I          #
pleased, hade 
joined uith Bellnagoun, I sent Coull and Rideastell to Foules   #
to tell him 
<P 278>
from me that, seeing he hade joined with Bellnagoun against     #
your Lordship 
and his other best freinds and nighbours to the great           #
prejodice of his famely,
I behouved to be excused if I did not act as formarly: for,     #
since reason and 
freindship could not prevail uith Fouls, perhaps some other     #
thing uould, which 
uas, if he pretened to apear at Tain the day of the election,   #
I uould give him 
the Queens hous to keep, for I hade a caption then in my        #
pocket readie, with 
messenger in the nixt room, but, on the consideration that      #
Fouls come ther 
on my call, he should go home as freely as he come afeild.      #
Both his cousin-germans 
told him that it uas needless for him [\to make\] anie          #
aplication to me, 
for I uas justly offended uith him for joineing uith            #
Bellnagoun. The sume 
conteaned in the caption uas six or seven thousand merks        #
Scots. Tho the 
sume uas not great, yett it uas too much for the laird and all  #
his clan to pay 
on so short advertisment; so the laird uas necessitate to stay  #
at home, uith 
great resentment against me. All his freinds joyned uith        #
Bellnagoun against 
your freinds, and uhen Fouls hade been uith them at the         #
elections, matters 
uould have gon as they are. And this I knew befor the day of    #
elections, for 
at the meeting I hade uith our freinds, uhich uas at            #
Chanonrie, we ueighted 
the interests of all the famelys in Ross and Cromarty. Your     #
Lordship's 
interest uas put in ballance uith Bellnagoun and Fouls (for by  #
that time ue 
hade sertean information of those tuo mightie chiftens union,   #
uhich perhaps 
may be a forruner of that of the tuo kingdoms) - both the       #
clans, to the ameazment
of the lookers on, did not move the scale your interest uas     #
in; upon 
uhich Killravock uas put in uith the other tuo lairds, which    #
manie thought 
uould at least make the ballance equall. On the contrarie, it   #
made them 
lighter. This occationed the calling for the records (keeped    #
by Heugh Dallas).
It uas found by the last ueighting that Bellnagoun allon        #
ueighted more then 
all the three does non. This hes sett all the polititians, of   #
uhich thers no
small number in Ros, a uourk to fynd out the cause that one     #
mans interest 
<P 279>
should dounueight three great chifes of clans. I dout not this  #
uill be knowen 
about the tim of the parliament sitting. Killravock give the    #
saim reasons 
for joineing Bellnagoun that Fouls did. Bellnagoun is mightely  #
offended at 
Pilltoun [{and{] John Froster for joining uith your freind; so  #
is Fouls at 
Roberson of Kindale. Thes three joyned uith your freinds, for   #
uhich the[{y{] 
deserue particoular thanks. I insisted the longer on this       #
because of your 
comand to be particoularly informed of everie on. For uhat      #
pased at 
the elections, as Bellnagoun's protestation and other           #
rediculous stuff, Catbo's 
letter heruith sent uill inform your Lordship particoularly.    #
God allmightie 
preserve you in your jurnie, and send you safe back to your     #
country for the 
satesfaction of your poor famely and freinds, and in            #
particoular to, my 
Lord, 
   Your obedient son,  
   John Tarbat.

<Q SC3 XX CORP DWEMYSS>
<N WEM/CROMART CORR>
<A WEMYSS DAVID>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1695-1705>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 279>
[} [\223. DAVID LORD ELCHO, AFTERWARDS THIRD EARL OF WEMYSS, TO #
HIS MOTHER
MARGARET COUNTESS OF WEMYSS AND CROMARTIE.\] }]
   Weems, January 21, 1704/5.
   Madam, - I had the honour of your letter dated January 13.   #
The letter 
which I wrote would come to your hands by the 15. To make       #
compliments 
to so near a relation as a mother, either for her concern in    #
her child or family, 
looks superfluous; for the maintaining or supporting the        #
interest of either 
perpetuats there own esteem, and establishess there own         #
character: so what 
is my part to say is, that I am very sencible of the good       #
wishes your Ladyship 
hes for me, and the desire you have that I should be living in  #
a settled way; 
and I shall alwayes live up to a right sense of it. I had       #
certainly been more 
particuilar in some of my former letters, had not I been        #
waiting till I should 
<P 280>
hear more fully from you; and now that your Ladyship hes        #
signifyed in part,
but that you'r tyed up from being more particular, I shall      #
here beg leave to 
give yee my oppinion. Madam, you needed not lay your commands   #
upon 
me to have waited of you, if I could possibly have done it;     #
but my circumstances 
runns very parrarill with the countrys, both very low at        #
present, and 
such a journey would infallibly bring my family under greater   #
burthen still; 
which is one difficulty to me. The next, which is not a small   #
one, is the 
waiting of yee where the court is. As I told your Ladyship      #
formerly, I have 
never yet seen the Queen, and where one neither hes (nor is     #
likly to have) 
any business about the court, there appearence there is uneasy  #
to both; besides,
a journey now would certainly put me into the mouths of every   #
body 
for something. Your Ladyship hes already wrote to my sister,    #
and you say 
you are to write to her Grace, so that its one to twenty but    #
it took air, which 
would reach the person's ears likewayes. And without there      #
were more then 
probability of succeeding, and that either the foundations of   #
this proceeded 
from a former acquaintance or from ane exact inquiry into my    #
circumstances, 
she would certainly be upon her guard more to me then any       #
body; and your 
Ladyship knows, however I might carry in it, yet a              #
dissappointment of that 
nature would not all be easy to me. Now I hope you will         #
consider of these 
difficultys effectually, for the more I know in the matter      #
before any journey 
be undertaken it were better for both, for then none is         #
exposed, and whatever 
is revealed to me shall be very sacred. This I doe indeed       #
think both 
safer for the design and for me. I have said all here; so that  #
I have nothing 
left to trouble my Lord with, only my most humble service, and  #
that you'l 
both please rightly to weigh what I have said. - I am ever 
   Your most obedient son,
   Elcho. 
   The children, I thank God, are very well. 

<Q SC3 XX CORP JMACKENZ>
<N CROMART CORR>
<A MACKENZIE JAMES>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1693-1705>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 281>
[} [\225. SIR JAMES MACKENZIE TO HIS FATHER (GEORGE FIRST EARL  #
OF
CROMARTIE).\] }]
   Edinburgh, 10 February 1705. 
   My Lord, - The spirit of (P=7=) predomeens so much in (41)   #
that one would 
think that fortie nyne and eightie nyne were returned againe;   #
and, which is 
<P 282>
worse, we are threatned with more alterations of the same       #
sort; (\avertat Deus.\)
I am sorie your Lordship should stand in need of much money,    #
since it is not 
only scar[{c{]er here then ever; and what you have a just right #
to from the 
thesaurie cannot be had by all the methods I can use, either    #
with the lords or 
receaver. Corns give a verie low price, and good merchants ill  #
to be had, so 
that I know not how your Lordship will be supplyed. An          #
unluckie accident 
happned here some nights agoe. Young Hallyards and young        #
Balfour quarelled 
in a tavern, and angrie words passed betwixt them, upon which   #
the first threw 
a glass in the others face, which cutt his eyeball so that he   #
hes lost the 
sight of it. There is a match concluded betwixt the lord        #
advocats son and 
the presidents second daughter. There was a foolish report      #
that the upper 
part of Clyde was dry for severall miles, but it was a meer     #
storie. We are 
fitting out our formidable fleet to oppose and be a terror      #
both to French 
and English foes; and, in pursuance of the late act of          #
parliament, we are 
provyding arms verie fast. The shyre of Angus alone have        #
signed for 10,000
stand to be sent for to Holland, so have att the Southerns.     #
The old Ladie 
Lochslynn is dead; she was above nyntie years of age. I am      #
troubled to hear 
that both my Ladie and your Lordship were ill of the cold. I    #
wish to see 
both safelie on this syde Tweed againe, since England is        #
neither for your 
healths nor interest. I am, 
   My Lord, 
   Your Lordships most dutifull and obedient son and servant, 
   Jas. Mackenzie.
   Be pleased to give my humble dutie to my Ladie.

<Q SC3 XX CORP JTARBAT>
<N CROMART CORR>
<A TARBAT JOHN>
<C SC3>
<O DATE C 1701-1705>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 283>
[} [\227. JOHN LORD MACLEOD TO HIS FATHER (GEORGE FIRST EARL    #
OF 
CROMARTIE).\] }]
   Baufort, 28 May 1705. 
My Lord, - The resolusion I hade of uaiting of your Lordship,   #
uhen I 
understood your aryvall in Scotland, made me not trouble you    #
with leters; 
but nou that my uifes cond[{i{]tion, uho is at the lying doun,  #
and my other 
cercomstances, uhich are not proper to trouble your Lordship    #
uith at this 
time, does depryve me of that satesfaction, I am necessitate    #
to give your 
Lordship the trouble of thes feu lines to testefy my duetyfull  #
respects and 
unfenied satesfaction for your safe return to your freinds and  #
famely. My 
Lord, I knove some persons uho does blame me for not haveing    #
performed
thes outuard markes of respect and duety that others of your    #
Lordships 
famely have done, but I hope your Lordship is so just as to     #
belive that, did 
<P 284>
my circomstances allou of it, I uould be as uilling and readie  #
to give proofes 
both of my duety and affection as anie concerned in your        #
Lordship. Therfor 
I hop your Lordship uill tak the uill for the deed. I knove     #
your Lordship
is nou under great affliction, so that its unproper to trouble  #
you either uith 
busines or long letters. I pray God confort and preserve your   #
Lordship. I
am, uith all respect, my Lord, 
   Your Lordship's most obedient son and servant, 
   MacLeod.
   This express goes in heast from your brother, uho, God be    #
thanked is 
nou in a uay of recoverie, but poor Rosehauch is still in       #
hazard. 

<P 286>
[} [\231. JOHN LORD MACLEOD TO HIS FATHER (GEORGE FIRST EARL OF #
CROMARTIE).\] }]
   Tarbat, 8th Jully 1705.
   My Lord, - I have sent this express to acquant your          #
Lordship of my 
uife's being safly delyver'd of a boy. God be thanked, both     #
shee and the 
child are in good condition. I presum to tell your Lordship     #
that I have 
named your grandchild after my Lord Elibank, uhich I hop        #
you'll aprove 
of. I am, my Lord, 
   Your Lordship's most obedient son,  
   MacLeod.
   The heritors of the parish of Tarbat have urit to your       #
Lordship by this 
bearer in favors of a nevey of your old servant Medatt, if it   #
be agreeable to 
<P 287>
your Lordship that this young man bees called to be minister    #
of Tarbat (as
Captain M=c=Leod assured me you uer). The people of the parish  #
are all unanimously
for Mr. Daniell M=c=Kenzie. It uill be lickuays a great         #
satesfaction 
to poor Medatt to have his nevoy setled neer him, besyds that   #
his brother 
Mr. Keneths noumberous small famely requeers it - I mean Mr.    #
Daniells being 
setled in this countrie. I beg pardon for this freedom. Uhou    #
soon it 
pleases God my uife recovers (uho is verie uaik), I'll use my   #
outmost endevore
to uait of your Lordship uhere and uhen you pleas to ordor me.  #
Your 
litle grandchildren are, God be thanked, in health. 

<S SAMPLE 4>

<Q SC3 XX CORP LDRUMMON>
<N GRANDTULLY CORR>
<A DRUMMOND LILLIES>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1654>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X FEMALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT EQUAL>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 148>
[} [\94. LADY LILLIES DRUMMOND, COUNTESS OF TULLIBARDINE, TO    #
HER BROTHER, THE
HONOURABLE JOHN DRUMMOND.\] }] 
   The 6 of Julie 1654.
Deare brother, - These are to lett yow know that I am againe on #
the mending
hand, and hopes yeat to live and doe yow seruice, wherby yow    #
may sie
how sensibll I am of the care and paines yow now take for ws.   #
Your litll
niece is a verrie fine child, and I hope shall bee a verrie     #
hansume womman,
she hath good signes of it, yeat; all your frindes, heir away,  #
wer verrie merrie
<P 149>
at her crisning, and drank your health hartlie, both in alle    #
and wine. My
lord our father was likwise verrie merrie, and came soe kindlie #
from Stobhall
toe her crisning, and was much pleas'd that it wass a girll. My #
ladie Drummond
shou'd a hade hir name, for she was verrie kind to me; but I    #
beg'd her
leave that I might give it to my lorde's mother, soe they call  #
her Elizabeth.
Yow may tell my ladie Newtone she hath her name from both her   #
grandmothers,
and remember my service to her. Soe soone as I am abll, I shall #
againe write both to her, and to my ladie Dalmash; but I shou'd
bee glade to
heer from them first. Deare brother, I am much asham'd, and my  #
Lord is
much trubll'd that wee shoud bee soe vnabll, at such a time, to #
furnish yow
with monnie; but, vpon my conscience, the condittione of this   #
contrie is soe
harde that ther is not a pennie goeing. Yow know your self that #
all our estates
consistes in victuall, and it gives no price, soe that wee have #
not sold a boll
this yeer, yeat; alwayes my lord will doe what hee cane toe     #
gett yow as much
as posibllie may bee hade; for I onlie tell yow this that yow   #
may not think it
neglect in ws if it come not soe soone to your handes as wee    #
desire, and may
bee yow expect. My lord is now in Edenborrow about it, a        #
purpose; hee will
give yow ane acompt from thence himself, soe that I shall not   #
need trubll
yow annie further with it at this time. I beseech yow, if you   #
cane posibllie
spare (when monnie comes to your handes) twelve or fifteene     #
pound sterline,
lett Mestres Carr, Mosies wife, have it for some things I have  #
sent for; and if I
return it not in monnie, I shall doe as good. But Mes[\ter\]    #
James and I shall
agree and gett it all in monnie to yow, for I know yow have     #
much to do with it
now. Forgive this trubll of sealling ane other letter within    #
yours, it is that it
may come saif to Mestres Carr, because I have sent, for some    #
thinges for my
litll girll, to her, that I cane not gett hier. Remember me to  #
Itall, and tell him
I shall doe all that's in my power to get his monnie befor      #
Mertimas, but I
cane hardlie promise, monnie is soe ill to be hade; but Sonders #
Done and I
<P 150>
shall gree that he bee noe mor trubll'd with it. I am soe tyr'd #
I cane noe
longer hold the pene, soe farewell,
   Deare brother,
   Your most afectionate sistter and servant,
   Lillies Drummond
London - For the right honourabll Sir Johne Drummond, my deare  #
brother, at
his lodging in Westmester, - These.

<Q SC3 XX CORP THOMSTEW>
<N GRANDTULLY CORR>
<A STEWART THOMAS>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1668-1670>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT DOWN>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 181>
[} [\116. SIR THOMAS STEUART OF GRANDTULLY TO THIS SON, JOHN    #
STEUART, APPARENT
OF GRANDTULLY.\] }]
   Murthly, November 17, 1668.
Loving Sonn, - I receaved yowrs, and am glad to hear that yow   #
ar in good
health and of yowr happie arryvall at London, and the sooner    #
that ye goe from
thence it is the better, befor winter com on, and tak Aldie's   #
advys wher ye
shall stay this winter, for since yowr away goeing I am         #
informed that thrie or
four may live in ther oun chalmer at Paris and bring the meat   #
from the
cookis, both cheaper and mak better fair nor they can doe in    #
pensioun. Allwayis
ye may tak Aldie's advys in this. I am glad to hear that yowr   #
sister and the
children ar in good health. As for Charles Stewart, I think it  #
is too much
chairges that ye should pay for his dyet, and as for his        #
fencing and the
rest of the exercises, ye shall pay nothing for him of that,    #
for it is in his oun
option to doe that or not. Aldie showes me that he hes gotten   #
ane boy that
hes verie good strengh to goe with yow, and when ye com ther,   #
questionles
ye will get comrads enew, and if Charles Stewart will not goe   #
alonges with
yow upon the accompt of payment for his dyet, he may com hom    #
when he
<P 182>
pleases, for I beleive ye shall find that dear enough. Ye may   #
send Patrick
Ramsay hom be sea, for it is neidles to keip him ther any       #
longer.
   I rest, your loving father,
   S. T. S. Granttully
For his loving sonn John Stewart, apearand of Grantullie, at    #
London.

[} [\117. THE SAME TO THE SAME.\] }] [^SIR THOMAS STEUART OF    #
GRANDTULLY TO HIS SON, JOHN STEUART, APPARENT OF GRANDTULLY.^]
   Murthly, December 12th, 1668.
Loving Sonn, - I receaved two of yowrs within this ten dayes,   #
ane daitit the
tent of November, and another the 26 therof, and I am glaid to  #
hear that ye ar
in good health. As for me I have bein this 20 dayes bygon a     #
litle indisposed,
being troubled with ane wind in my stomack, bot I hope it will  #
wear away
betime. I am informed as ye have wreattin to me that Angeiris   #
is the fittest
place ye can stay in this winter; and when my Lord Drumond      #
comes hom,
and I have occassion to sie him, I shall give him thanks for    #
his good advys.
Aldie shew me in his letter, which I receaved with yowrs, that  #
ye was to direct
yowr lettres from Angeiris to Edinburgh to Mr. Thomas Stewart,  #
so let me
know if this ye doe, that I may send my letters to him, and let #
me know,
also, if I shall direct my lettres to Aldie to London, to be    #
sent to yow, or 
wher I shall direct them, for I did wreat to yow to London. I   #
know not
if it did com to yowr hands, for I think ye was gon befor it    #
cam the lenth of
London. I am sorrie that Charles Stewart and ye hes fallen out; #
bot I find
be yowrs it is upon verie just groundis, which showis his       #
miscariadge. And
<P 183>
seing it is so, I am glaid of it that ye ar quyt of him, and my #
advys is to yow
not to medle with him any more, neither keip his companie, bot  #
let him doe
for himselfe. I am glaid that ye have gotten so good a servant, #
who will be
mor stedable to yow nor ane governour; keip good and civill     #
company, and
do not drink nor debausch. I have directit my lettres upon the  #
back as ye
have wreattin to me, so near as I can read it, bot I know not   #
if it will be
understood; bot I have wreattin to Aldie to helpe any thing in  #
it that is
wrong. And my construction shall be so favourablie of yow in    #
that particullar
anent Charles Stewart that ye have done what is just, and les   #
nor
what he deserves, for ye doted too much upon him, for I knew    #
yowr humor
and his wold not agrie, he being a litle hie, so hoping to hear #
from yow as
occasion offers, I rest,
   Your loving father,
   S. T. S. Granttully.  
[^FRENCH OMITTED^]

[} [\118. THE SAME TO THE SAME.\] }] [^SIR THOMAS STEUART OF    #
GRANDTULLY TO HIS SON, JOHN STEUART, APPARENT OF GRANDTULLY.^]
   Edinburgh, 15th January 1669.
Loving Sonn, - I sent yow two expresses since I receaved yowrs, #
quhairin in
the first I shew yow that I was very indisposed, bot in the     #
second that I was
prettie weill. And now, praised be God, I am wholie recovered.  #
If ye be
now at Angeiris or else wher, I wold have yow to com to Paris   #
in the begining
of March, and ye may stay ther two or thrie moneth, quhairby    #
theraftir
ye may com to London about Lambas, for I will have yow to stay  #
no longer
in France; and thiraftir ye may com hom, what ever may fall     #
out, for I am
becom a litle crazie. Let me know if ye have alse much money as #
will bring
<P 184>
yow back to London. And if ye have not, let me know what will   #
serve yow,
and I will stryve to send ane bill to Aldie before he com from  #
London, for
he and his Ladie both is to com for Scotland about the midle of #
March. Let
me know wher Charles Stewart is, and if he be coming hom. Bot   #
as I
wreat to yow in my last, ye shall bear no companie with him at  #
all. Let
me know how yow ar in yowr health. Let me know, if ye send any  #
lettres 
heir to Edinburgh, wher I shall have them, for I did not        #
receave any from
yow since the 29 November, which was daitit from Paris, so      #
expecting to
hear from zow with the first occassion, I rest,
   Your loving father,
   S. T. S. Granttully.
   Ye may may send yowr letters to Aldie so long as he is at    #
London, which will
be the surest way.
[^FRENCH OMITTED^]

[} [\119. THE SAME TO THE SAME.\] }] [^SIR THOMAS STEUART OF    #
GRANDTULLY TO HIS SON, JOHN STEUART, APPARENT OF GRANDTULLY.^]
   Edinburgh, January 2-, 1669.
Loving Sonn, - I receaved yowrs, daitit the second January      #
1669, upon Tuysday
last the 19=th= thereof, and I am glaid to hear that ye ar in   #
good health, and
praised be God, I am in good health at present, bot was a       #
moneth agoe a litle
indisposed. I did not receave any from yow bot this since the   #
29 of November,
which was daitit from Paris, and since that tym this is the     #
third that I have
wreatten to yow, for it seimes they have bein miscaried. I sent #
them all to
Aldie. I wreat to yow in my last, desyreing yow, if ye had      #
health and life, to
com to Paris about the midle of March, and ther ye may stay     #
untill the
beginning of August, and from that ye shall com to London, for  #
I will have
<P 185>
yow to stay no longer. And if ye have not so much money as will #
bring
yow that lenth, let me know what ye stand in neid off, and I    #
shall send ane
bill of exchaing to Aldie befor he com from London, for he and  #
his heall
famellie is to be in Scotland about the midle of March. Yowr    #
letters that
yow sent to my Lord Drumond was delyvered to him at London,     #
because he
is ther as yit. I wreat to yow to know wher Charles Stewart was #
in my last,
and ye shall send me ane returne of this so soone as possiblie  #
ye can, so
I rest,
   Your loving father,
   S. T. S. Granttully.
It pleased God to call on yowr sister, the Ladie Towch, 20      #
dayes or a moneth
agoe, bot we most submitt to the will of the Lord, as also my   #
sister Jean
within this ten dayes.
[^FRENCH OMITTED^]

[} [\120. THE SAME TO THE SAME.\] }] [^SIR THOMAS STEUART OF    #
GRANDTULLY TO HIS SON, JOHN STEUART, APPARENT OF GRANDTULLY.^]
   Murthlie, February 10th, 1669.
Loving Sonn, - I receaved yours, daitit 24th January, showing   #
me that ye
receaved two of myn at the wreatting of yowr last, and since    #
this is the
third that I have wreatten to yow, and for the present,         #
(praised be God,) I
am in good health, bot it greives me much to hear from yow that #
ye ar
troubled with a swelling of the splen and a palpitatione. And   #
there is
nothing that raises it souner nor either anger or greife, and I #
hope ye have no
reassoun for any of these two, unles it be that ye thinke long  #
for want of companie;
therfor, as I wreat to yow before, ye shall com to Paris about  #
the
<P 186>
latter end of March, for ther is nothing better for yow to tak  #
away that swelling
nor purging and letting blood at the hemorhoid veins, as ye did #
at St.
Androis, and ye should vse no violent exerceise either in too   #
much fencing or
dancing, &c. All yowr freinds heir, praised be God, ar in good  #
health, sua
let me hear from yow, so soone as possiblie ye can, how ye ar   #
in your health,
which, above all other things, I should wish yow to hav a cair  #
of. So expecting
your returne with the first occassion, I rest,
   Your loving father,
   S. T. S. Granttully.
Yowr sister is in Burnebank, otherwayis shoe wold have sent yow #
ane returne.
Ther is many changis heir since ye went away, for the Earle of  #
Southesk, my
lord Cowper, the Earle of Marr, Edinampill, and John Stewart in #
Slogenholl,
ar all dead, and Fongorth is in suit in Collonell Menzies       #
dochter, and will
be maried shortly. Ardoch is died in Edinburgh yestir night.
[^FRENCH OMITTED^]

[} [\121. THE SAME TO THE SAME.\] }] [^SIR THOMAS STEUART OF    #
GRANDTULLY TO HIS SON, JOHN STEUART, APPARENT OF GRANDTULLY.^]
   Murthly, March 15th, 1669.
Loving Sonn, - I receaved yowrs, and I am glaid to hear from    #
yow that ye ar
in good health, for in your last ye shew me that ye was         #
troubled with ane
swelling of the splen. And as for me, praised be God, I am      #
verie weill, bot
is a litle troubled with the gout; and as for yowr letters, I   #
beleive I have
receaved them all, for I think I have gotten four or fyve since #
ye went to
Angeirs; and seing ye desyr to stay at Angeirs this summer for  #
learning of the
<P 187>
langwadge, as I gave yow yowr friedom first, sua shall I now;   #
and in October
ye may com to Paris and passe the winter, that ye may com to    #
London in the
spring the next year. I have sent to Aldie ane bill of exchang  #
for 150 lib.
sterling to be sent to yow be exchaing, which is all the money  #
that I could
have at present, which I think will serve yow this winter in    #
Paris. Bot
when ye want money lat me know, and it shall be sent to yow,    #
for I know
ye spend non bot what ye can not hold in, and what ye spend in  #
good companie,
and learning of yowr exercisses. I think it verie weill         #
bestowed, and if
ye have any inclination to it, I wold have yow to learn to play #
upon the lute.
Your dear comrad, Charles Stewart, cam to Edinburgh 20 dayes    #
agoe.
I rest,
   Your loving father,
   S. T. S. Granttully.
Let me know what is becom of James Campbell of Fordie, or if ye #
have heard any word of him.
[^FRENCH OMITTED^]

[} [\122. THE SAME TO THE SAME.\] }] [^SIR THOMAS STEUART OF    #
GRANDTULLY TO HIS SON, JOHN STEUART, APPARENT OF GRANDTULLY.^]
   Murthly, Apryll 18th, 1669.
Loving Sonn, - I receaved yowrs the tent of this moneth, daitit #
14th March, from
Angeirs, and I am glaid to hear that yow ar in good health,     #
and, (praised be
God,) I never had my health better. It seimes ye have not       #
gotten my last, for I
sent to Aldie ane bill of exchange for 150 lib. sterling, to be #
answered to yow
either at Paris or Angeirs. And I have condiscendit to yowr     #
desyr, sua that
ye may stay in anie pairt of France this sumer ye think         #
fittest, and com in
winter tym and stay all winter at Paris. I receaved ane packet  #
of lettres
<P 188>
that cam to Edinburgh to Mr. Thomas Stewart quhairin there was  #
lettres
from yow to Sir John Drumond, Powrie, Touch, and Ruthven, which #
I caused
send to them, and that packet did not com to my hands till the  #
tent of
March, and it was daitit from Paris in December. And seing that #
is not the
surest way, at least as I supose, ye may direct them to on Mr.  #
Lindsay, a
goldsmith, at London, or to ane servant of my Lord              #
Lauderdaillis, whose
name I have forgoten, but Aldie will wreat so much to yow to    #
send them to
any of these two persons, for he wret to me that that wold be   #
the surest way,
seing he is coming for Scotland himself. Sir John Drumond       #
imediatlie
after receipt of yowrs sent yow ane returne; I know not if it   #
be com to your
handis as yit. As for the rest, I did not sie them since they   #
receaved yowr
lettres. As for Fordie, he is not com to Scotland, for we ar    #
informed heir
that he is in Candie, in Venice, and since his away goeing      #
hair cam never
any word from him; and as I wreat to yow of befoir, your dear   #
comrad Charles
Stewart cam to Edinburgh six or seven weiks agoe, and is there  #
as yit, and I
think he is ashamed to com hom: sua expecting to hear from yow  #
from tym
to tym, I rest,
   Your loving father,
   S. T. S. Granttully.
Aldie wreat to me that he thinks fitest ye stay at Angeirs till #
the heat of the
summer pas, for that is the most dangerous tym in all the year  #
for contracting
of fevouris, sua for preventing of that, if ye think fitt, ye   #
may cause let blood
this spring.
[^FRENCH OMITTED^]

<P 189>
[} [\123. THE SAME TO THE SAME.\] }] [^SIR THOMAS STEUART OF    #
GRANDTULLY TO HIS SON, JOHN STEUART, APPARENT OF GRANDTULLY.^]
   Edinborrough, Junii the 12, 1669.
Loving Sonn, - I receaved yowrs, daitit at Angeirs the tent of  #
Apryll, inclosed
within ane letter of Aldie's, daitit the last of Apryll, which  #
did not
com to my hands till the last of Maij, and another from yow     #
since, daitit the
8th Maij. I am glaid to heare that yow ar in good health, and   #
wherin ye
show me that ye have receaved ane bill of exchainge for 150     #
lib. sterling. And
as for yowr servant, if he will not carie himselfe as a         #
servant, ye may putt
him aff, and choise any other ye will. And seing ye wreat to me #
that he is
ane good and trustie servant, he should be something borne      #
with. And as
for what fie ye give to any servant, I am not to question that, #
bot mak yowr
oun bargan yowr selfe, bot ye should be loath to quyt a good    #
servant that
is trustie, and as for his fie it is no great maitter. I am     #
sure Aldie hes
desyred yow to stay at Angeirs till the hotnes of the summer    #
pas, in respect
that ye was ther all winter, and theraftir ye may tak a view of #
the countrie.
Aldie cam to Scotland about the 12 of May, and his Ladie and    #
his two
dochters ar at London, to whom I direct my letters now in his   #
absence; so ye
may doe the like. Praised be God, for the present I am in good  #
health, and
intends, God willing, to stay heir at Edinburgh till Lambas: so #
expecting to 
hear from yow fra tym to tyme, I rest,
   Your loving father,
   S. T. S. Granttully.
When ever ye stand in neid of money, let me know two or thre    #
moneths befor,
and I shall send ane bill to yow.
[^FRENCH OMITTED^]

<P 190>
[} [\124. THE SAME TO THE SAME.\] }] [^SIR THOMAS STEUART OF    #
GRANDTULLY TO HIS SON, JOHN STEUART, APPARENT OF GRANDTULLY.^]
   Edinborough, Junij 25th, 1669.
Loving Sonn, - I receaved yowrs the elevent of Junij instant    #
fra Aldie, who
is for the present at Meiklour, without any dait or day of the  #
moneth,
except the year of God; and another this day, daitit the tent   #
of Junij, and
I am verie glaid to hear that yow ar in good health at present, #
praised be
God for it, and that ye take such paines in your exercises,     #
which I wold have
yow to doe moderatlie, lest it wrong yowrselfe. I did wreat to  #
yow since I
cam heir, which was daitit the 12th of this moneth, and in      #
Aldie's absence
I did wreat to yowr sister, his ladie, ane letter direct to yow #
with ane
letter from Powrie. I know not if it be com to yowr hands as    #
yit, neither
hade I any returne from her, bot I am hopefull that shoe will   #
delyver it to
the ordinary poast, or at least to Mr. Blair; and as for yowr   #
relatiounes heir
that ye did wreat to, that ye have receaved no returne from     #
them, I should
not be at the paines to wreat any mor to them. Bot ther is on   #
heir, the
Bishop of Dunkeld, who hes mor kyndnes for yow, which I have of #
himselfe
be severall discourses, nor these that relaits verie near to    #
yow; therfor I
should desyre that ye should wreat to him with the first        #
occasion, and
give him thanks for his respects to yow, whom I know hes mor    #
kyndnes for
yow nor any man in Scotland. I perceave ye have receaved the    #
bill of
exchaing for 150 lib. sterling; and as I wreat to yow in my     #
last, let me know
two moneth befor ye want money, and I shall send so much to yow #
as I can
spair. I admeir that Bailzie Glas did not give yow ane returne, #
bot I think
it hes bein miscaried; this is the fort or fyft letter that I   #
have receaved
from yow, and ye may be assured ye shall hear from me as        #
occassion serves.
I wreat to yow befor that if ye had a genius for it to learn to #
play upon the
lute, and I wold have yow to stay quher yow ar till the heat of #
sumer pas,
<P 191>
and then to trawell in any place of the countrie ye think       #
fittest, and in
winter to com and stay at Paris. At present, praised be God, I  #
am in good
health, and intends to stay till near Lambas heir,
   I rest, your loving father,
   S. T. S. Granttully.
[^FRENCH OMITTED^]

[} [\125. THE SAME TO THE SAME.\] }] [^SIR THOMAS STEUART OF    #
GRANDTULLY TO HIS SON, JOHN STEUART, APPARENT OF GRANDTULLY.^]
   Murthly, August 20th, 1669.
Loving Sonn, - I am glaid to hear that yow ar in good health;   #
and as for me,
I thank God I am verie weill for the present. I receaved        #
amongist yowrs
ane letter to the Bishop of Dunkeld, and another to Aldie,      #
which I sent
to them; and as for yowr playing upon the lute, ye need not     #
trouble yowrselfe
for that, for ye have not so much tym now that ye can learne,   #
for it serves
for no vse unles ye had yowr musick. And as I wreat to yow of   #
befor,
ye shall constantlie hear from me as occassion offers;  so      #
having no mor for
the present, but wishing yow good health, I rest,
   Your loving father,
   S. T. S. Granttully.
[^FRENCH OMITTED^]

[} [\126. THE SAME TO THE SAME.\] }] [^SIR THOMAS STEUART OF    #
GRANDTULLY TO HIS SON, JOHN STEUART, APPARENT OF GRANDTULLY.^]
   Murthly, the last of September 1669.
Loving Sonne, - I receaved yours yisterday, daited from         #
Orleance the 14th
of this instant, s[\h\]owing that ye receaved ane of myn the    #
day befor ye sent
<P 192>
this away, datit the 20th August, and since this is the third   #
that I have
sent, and I receaved another of yours, daitit the 4th September #
from Orleance,
and as wher ye desyre to send money at fardest againe the last  #
of November,
and as ye desyr two hundreth pound sterling ye shall be sure to #
have one als
neir that tyme as I cane, for I can get no more for the         #
present, and because
it will be very deare living in Paris, ye may stay at Orleance  #
w[{nt{]ill the begining
of December, for ye may learne your exerceises als weill ther   #
as ye can
doe in Paris, and ye may com to Paris in the begining of        #
December and stay
till March, and from thence to London. Allwayes doe in this as  #
ye think
fitt, and I shall wreat to Aldie to get the bill to Paris, and  #
if that money will
not serve yow to bring yow to London, advertise me a moneth     #
befor. And as
for your cloathes, I wold have yow bot to buy on suit at Paris, #
unles they be
fashionable when ye com to the Court of England, for if they be #
out of the
fashion, they will serve for no vse, so ye can not weare them   #
ther. And I
doubt not what money ye get, bot I hope I shall think it weill  #
bestowed
when it pleases God we meit. As for the Bishope of Dunkeld, I   #
wreat to
yow that I sent him your letter, and as for Charles Stewart, I  #
did give yow
ane accompt befor that I neither heard from his father nor him, #
nor no other
persone that any of them did speak any thing in relatione to    #
yow since he
cam to Scotland. So assuring your self that ye shall hear from  #
me fra tyme
to tyme as occasion offers, I rest
   Your loving father,
   S. T. S. Granttully.
[^FRENCH OMITTED^]

<P 193>
[} [\127. THE SAME TO THE SAME.\] }] [^SIR THOMAS STEUART OF    #
GRANDTULLY TO HIS SON, JOHN STEUART, APPARENT OF GRANDTULLY.^]
   Murthly, 15th January 1670 
Loving Sone, - I receaved yours this day, which is the first    #
that I have
receaved from yow since the dait of your last, quhilk is the 22 #
October, which
I admeir of. I heard oftner from yow when ye was at a greater   #
distance, and
I am glaid to hear that ye ar in good health. I perceave ye     #
have receaved
the bill for 100 lib. sterling. And as for the other 100 lib.   #
that ye desyr, ye
shall have it about the begining of March. And as for buying of #
cloathes,
ye may buy them when ye com to the Court of England, which will #
be most
fashionable for Scotland. As for your intended journey to com   #
be Flanders
and Holland till England, I am nowayes for that, in respect of  #
the troubles;
for if ye knew my condition, which I did never accqwaint yow    #
with befor,
which is about the penult of Jully last, I fell over the stair  #
coming out of my
oun chalmer in Edinburgh, and hurt my luingie bone, and did     #
stay thereafter
two moneth in Edinburgh till I thoght to have recovered within  #
that space,
and thereafter cam home in ane chairot, and ever since hes      #
never bein able
to goe nor ryd bot upon two staves, sua that I am not able to   #
doe any
bussienes that I have to doe, which does concerne yow als much  #
as me, for I
think this is a very relevant reasson to mak yow com hom the    #
sooner.
Therefor I shall desyr yow, if health and life permitt, to com  #
to London about
the hinder end of March, that, God willing, ye may be heir      #
about the latter
end of Apryll. Bot I shall leave this to yourselfe to tak it to #
yowr consideration.
I wreat to yow in my last to try anent these relations that
Burnbean hes in France if they wer on life or not. So wishing   #
yow all health
and happieness, I rest,
   Your loving father,
   S. T. S. Granttully.
As for your servant, if he hes a mynd to com to Scotland, I     #
perceave ye
<P 194>
intend to fie ane Frensh boy, and ye have neid to try that he   #
be trustie, for I
intend to have Patrick Ramsay with myself agane Witsonday, who  #
for
present is with Sir John Drumond.
[^FRENCH OMITTED^]

[} [\128. THE SAME TO THE SAME.\] }] [^SIR THOMAS STEUART OF    #
GRANDTULLY TO HIS SON, JOHN STEUART, APPARENT OF GRANDTULLY.^]
   Murthly, first March 1670.
Loving Sonne, - I have wreatten to yow twyse in relation to my  #
indisposition,
bot I never got any returne, for it seimes ye doe not value it  #
much. I
shall desyr now, as of befor, that ye com to London about the   #
end of this
moneth or the beginning of the next, for ye shall not goe till  #
Holland; and
if ye will goe, doe not expect any mor money from me, for I     #
thoght my desyr
had been enough to yow as an command. And if ye com to London,  #
if ye
stand in neid of money, what I can spair I shall send it to     #
yow. I have
sent ane bill to Aldie for 100 lib. sterling, quhilk I have     #
desyred him to send
to yow, quhairof thair is fyftie pound for your oune vse, and   #
50 lib. for buying
of fyve dissoun of beatten gold buttons, which is ten pounds    #
Scotts for every
button. Let the frame of them be lik ane wannutt rigged, and of #
alse great
bignes as can be of that pryce, for I know they ar all bosse,   #
casten in ane
mould, and let the lups be strong for tying of them to the      #
coat; and tak some
bodie with yow that has better skill nor yourselfe least they   #
cheat yow. And
if ye think that this frame is not fashionable, ye may mak them #
of any othir
frame that is most in vse, for I beleive the vnce of gold in    #
made work wil be
very near thrie pound sterling, for they are all boght be       #
weight, and so much
for the workmanship, and if Aldie send yow bot fyftie pound     #
sterling, quhilk
<P 195>
is for your oune vse, ye shall buy non at all. For I have       #
desyred him to
buy them at London if he can get them at alse cheape a rait as  #
they can
be had at Paris. I did expect ane returne of my last befor this #
tyme,
for it seimes it does not please yow. I shall say no more at    #
this tyme.
I rest,
   Your loving father,
   S. T. S. Granttully.
[^FRENCH OMITTED^]

[} [\129. THE SAME TO THE SAME.\] }] [^SIR THOMAS STEUART OF    #
GRANDTULLY TO HIS SON, JOHN STEUART, APPARENT OF GRANDTULLY.^]
   Murthly, 13th May 1670.
Loving Sonne, - I receaved yours, daitit 30 Apryll, desyring me #
that I should
let yow stay two or thrie monethis longer at London, quhilk I   #
should
glaidlie condiscend to if I wer able to travell myselfe about   #
my oune bussienes;
and as wher ye show me that ther will be litle done this        #
session, that is a
clear mistak, for ther is a perempter day the first of Junij    #
assigned to me for
debaiting of it in the Inner House, and I am sure within two or #
thrie dayes
afterhend, I will either lose or gain the bussienes; for this   #
hes bein in this
twelf monethis, quhilk is a bussines of twentie thowsand merkis #
betuixt my
brother and me, which I beleive does concerne yow als much as   #
me, and if
ye have a mynd to goe for London again, to stay ther two or     #
thrie monethis,
I shall not be againest it, for I know your being ther present  #
with my informatione
to yo[\w would\] signifie alsemuch as I wer ther myselfe, and   #
as
for my obligationes to yow, I will stryve to requyt them        #
according to my
power. I receaved ane letter this day from Edinburgh, shouing   #
me that
<P 196>
upon Wednesday last that the Parliament is adjourned by         #
proclamatioun
till the 20 of Jully. Therfor I shall desyr that ye wold com    #
doun with
Aldie to be heir again the first of Junij. So having no farder  #
at present,
I rest,
   Your loving father,
   S. T. S. Granttully.
For his loving sonne John Stewart at London.

<Q SC3 XX CORP JEANSTEW>
<N GRANDTULLY CORR>
<A STEWART JEAN>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1671-1686>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X FEMALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT EQUAL>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 201>
[} [\136. JEAN STEUART, WIFE OF SIR JAMES MERCER OF ALDIE AND   #
MEIKLELOUR, TO
HER BROTHER JOHN STEUART, YOUNGER OF GRANDTULLY.\] }]
   London, 23 of February [\16\]71.
Honored and dear Brother, - I suppose my letter to my father    #
has informed
you of the sadd dispensatione the Lord has been pleased to      #
inflict
upon me, yett apprehending me oblidged in dutie to you has      #
troubled you
with this folloueng account of it. My dear husband has          #
complained all this
winter of a violent paine in his breast, and a stopping of his  #
breath which at
last proved unexpectedly mortall, for at ten a cloak in the     #
morning on Soonday
last, it pleased the Almightie God to call him to himself, he   #
having
desired his eldest daughter to read some passages of Scripture  #
to him, in the
time she was reading he expired with a great groan, not         #
speaking one word.
He had been indisposed some days before, but not so that        #
[\the\] phisitians
<P 202>
feared his death from that distemper. The next day he was       #
dissected, and
in the right ventricle of his heart, was found a great quantity #
of fatt matter,
about the bignesse of a plume, with tuo grains going from it    #
about the lenth
of tuo fingers, which had interrupted (as phisitians say) the   #
circulatione of the
blood, which, not having its naturall motione and course,       #
chocked him in a suddaine;
the maladie was such that it could not be discovered by the     #
most skillfull
artists, an thogh they had detected its cause, yett could never #
have remeded it.
His body is embalmed, and to-morrou is to goe from this to      #
Kirkcaldie in
Fife, so I confidently hope you will sheu your brotherly        #
affectione, so to him
and to me, as to take speciale care the last dutie be performed #
to him as
honorably and creditably as becomes a personne of his quality   #
and worth.
You may easily conjecture how unfitt I am nou to direct or      #
order anything of
that nature, therefor most leave it absolutely to your oun and  #
other freinds
discretione to dispose of it, and what trouble you shall be att #
in performance of
what I thus earnestly begg, shall not only be accounted ane     #
evidence of your
respects to him, but shall infinitely oblidge her who shall     #
ever subscribe me,
   Dear brother, your affectionate sister and seruant,
   Jeane Steuart.
I pray, send this enclosed to my father, with ane expresse, so  #
soon as you
receive it.
For the right honorable the Laird of Gairntully, yunger, -      #
These.

<P 203>
[} [\138. JEAN STEUART, LADY ALDIE, TO HER BROTHER, JOHN        #
STEUART, YOUNGER
OF GRANDTULLY.\] }] 
   London, 27 of March [\16\]71.
I receved yours of the 22 of this instant, and I acknouledge    #
myself extreamly
oblidged to you for your care in concerneng you so in my        #
affaire, but this
councell of Sir George Mackeinzie's will not satisfie alone,    #
for those personnes
<P 204>
who most doe for me what is to be done heer in that businesse   #
will not be
pleased unlesse they have the Lord Advocat's consultatione of   #
it, subscribed
by his oun hand, and his advise in everie thing that is to be   #
done heer for
secureng of it; and if any signature must be past in reference  #
to it, I pray
you wold be pleased to cause draue it accordeng to the Lord     #
Advocat's prescriptione,
and likewise lett me knou hou I most carry in it heer.
   Dear brother, I thank you very kindly for what pains ye been #
at in
waiteng for my dear husband's corps, and likwais for your good  #
advice. I
hope the shipe will be come before this come to your hands.     #
Allas! allas!
my los is so grat, that the mor I think of him the greater is   #
my griue. I
most confess I cannot get Paul's lesson learned, to be content  #
in every
condition. The Lord pardone me and giue me the santefied ves of #
this sade
affliction. Wisheng all health and hapenis to atend yow, I      #
rest,
   Your loueing sister and seruant,
   Jeane Steuart.
Sir, - I intreat you caus your man deliuer the inclosed.
Sir, - I intreat you let me heau the return of this as soone as #
yow can. Jean
and Grisell heas their seruis presented to you.
For the right honoured the Laird of Grantullye, younger, -      #
Thes.

<P 281>
[} [\212. JEAN STEUART, WIDOW OF SIR JAMES MERCER, TO HER       #
BROTHER, JOHN
STEUART OF GRANDTULLY.\] }]
   Meiklelour, 24 February 1686.
Much honored and dear Brother, - I earnestly intreat you to     #
have a care
what company you keep, upon severall accounts, for I hear that  #
my Lord
Panmure, tho' he was as moderate a man as many in Scotland, yet #
it was
after drinking he fell in that feaver whereof he died; for this #
I had from one
whom I will beleive very well. Sir, there is a report going up  #
and down
that Grisal intends for Italy, and that which makes me the more #
suspicious is
a letter she wrote to Mr. James, which I told you something off #
when you did
me the favour to see me here, which I confess does trouble me,  #
and I have now
written a line to Hellen, but I have not said any thing of that #
to her. I had
written tuice to her sister since I heard from her, so that I   #
desire that you
would be pleased to write to her as you think fit. Praying to   #
God to keep
you from all evil company,
   I remain, your affectionate sister and servant,
   Jeane Mercer.
For the Laird of Grauntully, at Edinburgh.

<S SAMPLE 5>

<Q SC3 XX CORP JGORDON>
<N MEL/LES CORR>
<A GORDON JEAN>
<C SC3>
<O DATE C 1689>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X FEMALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET FAMILY>
<E INT UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I INFORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 237>
[} [\287. LADY JEAN GORDON, COUNTESS OF DUNFERMLINE, TO HER     #
HUSBAND, JAMES,
EARL OF DUNFERMLINE\] }]
   Fywe, the 3 of October [\c.1689\]
I dou not dout but you hau heard of yong Borlom's being laid in #
prison in
Irland, becaus my Lord Melfort said he was a spy, which he was  #
no mor then I
am; but it ples'd his lordship tou say so, becaus Borlom had    #
not the good fortun
tou ples him. I tell you this that you may consider well befor  #
you send ouer to
the king; for if they be not in fauer with my Lord Melfort, you #
sie what they
may expect. I must lykways put you on your gaird of an other    #
thing, which is
that itts fear'd by seuerall of your frinds that thos in your   #
army who has ther
dependens on my Lord Melfort is cabaling against you and        #
others, who they think 
is not of the faction, and uou'd not cair tou be quit of you,   #
that they might
persuad the king that the busines wear don by him and his       #
frinds. This is all
but supitiones, but we hau som reson tou think itt: whoeuer,    #
itt's best for
you tou be upon your gaird, and not belue ther neues tou        #
easaly, without good
prouf for them. I heir som of them ar gon tou Irland, so I hop  #
thel ether giue
you the king's comands under his oun hand or his secretors,     #
that you may hau itt
tou show affterwards; but I'm in grett hops Melfort is from the #
king, the report
goes so constantly att Edinburgh without contradiction. Lett me #
knou as soun 
as posibell what way I shall send your mony tou you; for I      #
uou'd hau itt att you.
Mr[{s{] Ogilbe was heir, but is gon from this tou Bamf eght     #
dayes ago. I expect her
heir very soon agan. The inclosed shou'd hau gon tou you with   #
the last acation,
<P 238>
but was forgott: I dou not knou what letter I sent you in plac  #
of itt. Let me
knou what you want, for itt's so far in the winter that I must  #
mak haist tou
send tou you, els nobody will go. - I remain yours for euer,
   Jean Dunfermeling
   The chyld is uery well recouerd again. This and that         #
within itt ar all
wreten att on tym; so dou not neglect tou read them all.
   For the Earll of Dunfermeling.



<B SOFF3>
<Q SC3 XX CORO WGLENCAR>
<N CROMART/GRA CORR>
<A GLENCARNE WILLIAM>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1660-1662>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST DOWN>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>
<S SAMPLE X>

[^FRASER, SIR WILLIAM.
THE CHIEFS OF GRANT.
3 VOLS. CORRESPONDENCE (VOL. II) EDITED BY THE AUTHOR.
EDINBURGH 1883.

FRASER, SIR WILLIAM.
THE MELVILLES EARLS OF MELVILLE, AND THE LESLIES EARLS OF 
LEVEN.
3 VOLS. CORRESPONDENCE (VOL. II) EDITED BY THE AUTHOR.
EDINBURGH 1890.

FRASER, SIR WILLIAM.
THE EARLS OF CROMARTIE THEIR KINDRED, COUNTRY, AND
CORRESPONDENCE.
2 VOLS. CORRESPONDENCE (VOL. I) EDITED BY THE AUTHOR.
EDINBURGH 1876.

SAMPLE 1: (GRANT)
          PP. 22.6-22.29 (WILLIAM GLENCARNE)
          PP. 22.30-23.25 (JOHN ROTHES AND JAMES SHARP)
          PP. 23.26-23.37 (GEORGE HUNTLY)
          PP. 25.1-25.11 (GEORGE GORDON)
          PP. 25.12-26.7 (LUDOVICK GRANT)
          PP. 26.20-26.29 (JAMES PERTH)
          PP. 27.17-27.33 (PATRICK MARCHMONT)
          PP. 28.13-29.35 (DAVID LEVEN)
SAMPLE 2: (MELVILLE AND LESLIE)
          PP. 100.1-100.36 (WILLIAM CRAWFORD)
          PP. 101.1-101.33 (JOHN COCHRANE)
SAMPLE 3: (CROMARTIE)
          PP. 7.13-8.18 (JOHN FLETCHER)
          PP. 8.19-9.14 (JOHN MIDDLETON)
          PP. 9.15-10.27 (WILLIAM GLENCARNE)
          PP. 11.1-11.19 (JAMES NEWBURGH)
          PP. 11.21-14.20 (JAMES SHARP)
          PP. 30.16-31.20 (DONALD MCDONALD)
          PP. 36.6-37.17 (GEORGE MACKENZIE)
          PP. 37.18-41.27 (GEORGE TARBAT)^] 

<S SAMPLE 1>

<P 22>
[} [\WILLIAM EARL OF GLENCAIRN, CHANCELLOR OF SCOTLAND, TO THE  #
SAME\] }] [^TO THE LAIRD OF GRANT.^]
   Edinburgh, 13th October 1660.
   Sir, - I can not omitt to rander yow my particular thanks    #
for your cair and vigilancy over the
peace of the kingdome, and the particular tranquillity of the   #
bounds yee live in, whairof the
whole Committy of Estates ar very sensible, and have ordored    #
thair thanks to be returned
to yow, with incuragement to proceed in that your so laudable   #
deportment towards the
weelfair of his Maiesties service, quhairof as none heir doeth  #
doubt in the least kynd, so
none shall prove more reddy and willing vpon all emergents to   #
manifest himselfe your
affectionat freind and servant,
   Glencairne, Can=ll=rius I. P. D. Com.
   Sir, - If yow can procure or send me ane good tersell of     #
gooshauke with the first possible 
conveniency, I should accompt the same a speciall favour.
   For his very much honored freind, the Laird of Grant - these #
ar.

[} [\34. WILLIAM EARL OF GLENCAIRN, CHANCELLOR OF SCOTLAND, TO  #
ALESTER MCDONALD AND
ALESTER MCANGUS, ACHLUARACH.\] }]
   Edinburgh, October 15, 1660.
   We desyr yow to caus satisfie the Laird of Grant his men for #
such goods as was taikin from
them this yeir be Donald Bain and John M=c=Donald wick Gorrie,  #
his son (your men as we
ar informit), quhilk goods was challenched vpon your ground;    #
also satisfie the Laird of
Grant and his freinds of such goods as ye ar decernit be law to #
satisfie alreddie.
   Glencairne, Can=ll=rius.
   For Alester M=c=Donald, tutor of, and Alester M=c=Angus woir #
in Achluarach.

<Q SC3 XX CORO JROTHES>
<N GRA CORR>
<A ROTHES J/SHARP J>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1668>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET OFF>
<E X>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 22>
[} [\35. JOHN, SEVENTH EARL, AFTERWARDS DUKE OF ROTHES, AND     #
JAMES SHARP, ARCHBISHOP OF
ST. ANDREWS, TO THE CURATORS OF LUDOVICK GRANT OF GRANT.\] }]
   St. Andrews, Apryll 25, 1668.
   My Lords and Gentlemen, - We, having notice that the Laird   #
of Grant does sustaine great
prejudice by the neglect and disorder of his affairs, have      #
thought fitt, in pursueance of that
<P 23>
trust which his father and himselfe have placed in ws, to       #
recommend to your speedy and
speciall caire the rectifyeing of what yow fynd amisse, and the #
setleing for the future such
ane effectuall course for the tymeous wplifting of his rents    #
and improveing of his casualities
as his burthens may be releeved, by paying annual rents and     #
principall soumes to his
creditors as the estate may reach, and a competent aliement     #
provyded and affoorded for
himselfe, that he may for his future education be disposed of,  #
as shall be judged most convenient;
and for this effect, seing he is now in the north, wee desire   #
that his curators and
friends may meet at the first conveniency and tak inspection of #
his vncles accompts since
his intromission, conforme to our factories and instructions    #
given to him; and after the
accompts are fitted, that faithfull and qualified persons may   #
be impowered to wplift and
intromet with his estate for the ends mentioned. Wee are told   #
that the lease of his woods is
to expyre within a yeare or tuo, and that there is at present   #
great havock made of them,
and therefore shall desire that yow may see to the preventing   #
of any further unjust distroyeing
of them, as also that he may be speedily releeved of those      #
cautionries for which his father
stood bound for some of his friends. Wee hope wee need not use  #
arguments to yow for
tendering the condition of a pupill in whom yow are so much     #
concerned, and doubt not but 
yow will see it fitt once before the midle of Junii to acquaint #
ws with your proceedings in
the particulars mentioned, and your oppinion of what else yow   #
judge conduceing for his good,
for promoveing of which shall be contributed the ready          #
endeavours and assistance of, my
Lords and Gentlemen, your most humble servants, Rothes.
   S=ct.= Andrews
   Thes are fore the Earle of Morray, the Earle of Seaforth, my #
Lord Duffes, Sir Patrick
Ogilvie of Boyne, Sir James Baird of Auchmedden, the Laird of   #
Kempkairne,
the Laird of Ballandalloch yonger, with the reminent gentilemen #
of the Laird off
Grant his curatouris in the north.

<Q SC3 XX CORO GHUNTLY>
<N GRA CORR>
<A HUNTLY GEORGE>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1677>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST EQUAL>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 23>
[} [\36. GEORGE, FOURTH MARQUIS OF HUNTLY, TO THE LAIRD OF      #
GRANT.\] }]
   Bogue, December 22, 1677.
   Much honored Sir, - Having receaved orders from the Councell #
tuo days ago to be in
readines with my freinds and vassalls on the nixt advertisment  #
to march to Stirlin, in order
to his Majesties service, which probably may be shortly and     #
peremptor; wherfor I desyre
yow do me the favor to be in readines on tuenty four hours      #
advertisment, accompany'd
with your freinds and servants, to go the lenth of Stirling, or #
wherels his Majesties service
and the Councells order shall call. The place of meeting or     #
rendevouz shall be made known
to yow by the nixt from your affectionat freind and servant, 
   Huntly.
   For the Laird of Grant - these.

<Q SC3 XX CORO GGORDON>
<N GRA CORR>
<A GORDON GEORGE>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1685>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST EQUAL>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 25>
[} [\39. GEORGE, FIRST DUKE OF GORDON, TO THE SAME\] }] [^TO    #
THE LAIRD OF GRANT.^]
   Jun 3 [\16\]85.
   Honored Cussing, - Notvithstanding off former orders, yow    #
vill now bee plesd nott to stur
from Strathspy untill I advertis yow. Kepp your men in          #
reddines to march on twalve hours
advertisment iff possible. Argyll has lefft Kingtyr, and has    #
retyrd to the Isll of Butt. - I
am, your affectionat cussing and humble servant,
   Gordon.
   Dispatch, I intret yow, the inclosd imediatly.
   Yow have letters befor this from Mr. Dombar, at lest they ar #
dispatchd to yow. I hopp
all vill goe verry veell in evry thing yow or your frinds ar    #
concernnd.

<Q SC3 XX CORO LUGRANT>
<N GRA CORR>
<A GRANT LUDOVICK>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1685>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 25>
[} [\40. THE LAIRD OF GRANT TO THE EARL OF PERTH, LORD          #
CHANCELLOR OF SCOTLAND.\] }]
[\5th June 1685.\]
   My Lord, - In pursuance of the Counsells commission I have   #
300 men reddy with 20 dayes
provision, and I shall be with them at the head of Lochness     #
again the day appoynted by the
former proclamation. My kinsmen (who are heretours) were        #
ordained to wait on Duffus; but
I am necessitat, by vertew of my commission, to imploy some of  #
them as officers, considering
our countrey men are never significant without ther native      #
officers. My Lord, I receaved this
commission with great gladness, and it was still my principall  #
to serve the King with heart
and good will, and nothing done or that can be done shall be    #
able to discouradge, my Lord,
   Your Lordships most humble and obedient servant.
   For the Earle of Pearth, Lord High Chancellor of Scotland.

[} [\41. THE LAIRD OF GRANT TO SIR GEORGE M=C=KENZIE OF         #
ROSEHAUGH, LORD ADVOCATE.\] }]
[\5th June 1685.\]
   My Lord, - I receaved your kynd advis with the Counsells     #
commission, which shall receave 
full and heartie obedience. The first proclamation ordained     #
all our heretours to wait on
Duffus. But since my commission ordained my kinsmen to concurr  #
with mee, I have
imployed some of the heretours to be officers. It is known to   #
your Lordship that Highlanders
signifie nothing unless ther native officers be at their head.  #
My Lord, be assured I
shall serve the King most cheerfully and with all my heart, and #
I am overjoyed to have this
occasion, and your seasonable advis shall ever oblidge, my      #
Lord, your oblidgd cousen and
servant.
   For Sir George M=c=Kenzie of Rosehaugh, his Majesties        #
Advocat.

<Q SC3 XX CORO LUGRANT>
<N GRA CORR>
<A GRANT LUDOVICK>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1685>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST EQUAL>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 26>
[} [\42. THE LAIRD OF GRANT TO GEORGE VISCOUNT OF TARBAT.\] }]
[\5th June 1685.\]
   My Lord, - Your advys and the Counsells commission were most #
welcom to mee, and shall
be heartily obeyed. It was my principall ever to be loyall. It  #
is a dutie on all subjects,
and I am glade of this occasion to demonstrat how farr some     #
persons have mistaken and
misrepresented, my Lord, your Lordships obligd cousen and       #
servant.
   For the Viscount of Tarbat.

<Q SC3 XX CORO JPERTH>
<N GRA CORR>
<A PERTH JAMES>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1688>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST DOWN>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 26>
[} [\44. JAMES, FOURTH EARL OF PERTH, LORD CHANCELLOR, TO THE   #
LAIRD OF GRANT.\] }]
   Edinburgh, the 19 October 1688.
   Sir, - His Majesties speciall service requiring your being   #
at Edinburgh at this conjuncture,
these are therefore desireing yow, on sight hereof, with all    #
possible diligence to repair to this
place, where yow are to receive the Councills commands, in      #
whose name and by whose
warrant this is signified to yow by, Sir,
   Your most assured freind,
   Perth, Cancell. I. P. D.
   For the Laird of Grant - For his Majesties speciall service.

<Q SC3 XX CORO MARCHMON>
<N GRA CORR>
<A MARCHMONT PATRIC>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1697>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST DOWN>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 27>
[} [\46. PATRICK, FIRST EARL OF MARCHMONT, LORD CHANCELLOR OF   #
SCOTLAND, TO THE LAIRD OF
GRANT.\] }]
[\15th September 1697.\]
   Sir, - I have good information that some Popish missionaries #
are latly sent from abroad unto
this kingdome, particularly one designed Thomas Episcopus       #
Peristoch, V. A. (\pro Scotia\) . He
was on the 19 of July (\apud castrum Gordonianum\) . My         #
intellegence is in these words. Nou
I am perswaded a person of such character comes not hither but  #
upon some verie important
acount. Therefor I desire you will cause scearch Popish houses  #
and suspect places, and aprehend
suspect persons who cannot give a good account of themselves,   #
and commit them
to prison in places where they can be most secure, till you     #
advertiss me and farder order
be sent.
   I think you can cause scearch and aprehend without the       #
assistance of sogers, but in case
they be needed I have sent an order to the commanding officer   #
of any of the forces that are
nearest, which you may make use of. This shall be your          #
warrand. Given under my hand, 
at Polwarthouse, 15 September 1697.
   Marchmont, Cancellar.
   To the Honorable the Laird of Grant.

<Q SC3 XX CORO DLEVEN>
<N GRA CORR>
<A LEVEN DAVID>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1707-1708>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST DOWN>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 28>
[} [\48. DAVID, THIRD EARL OF LEVEN, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE  #
FORCES IN SCOTLAND, TO
(COLONEL GRANT).\] }]
   Weemys, 9th September 1707.
   Sir, - I receaved a letter from you the other day, wherin    #
you desyre to have a commissione
procured in order to the exchange betuixt your brother and Sir  #
Henry Rollo, which is done;
and therfore I think you ought to send up your brother with all #
convenient speid. Uhat I
am nou to uryte off, being of the highest importance and        #
requiring the outmost secrecy, I
most conjure you both to closeness and dilligence. I am         #
certainly informed that John and
Robert Murrays, brother germans to the Laird of Abbercairny,    #
are returned from France to
Scotland, and that upon treasonable designes against the        #
Goverment. I am informed that
they have bein in the north, and it is more then probable that  #
they will be much in your
countrey dureing thair aboad in this pairt of the kingdome. The #
Earle Marshell, Earle of
Arroll and Duke of Gordoune, their famillies and interests, I   #
presume are the places where
they are lickliest to haunt when in the Lou Countrey, and when  #
they goe to the Highlands you
can make a better judgement then I uhat will be thair haunts.   #
The discovery and apprehending
of those gentlemen, and the secureing of their papers, uould be #
a great service to
our gracious soveraigne; and the performance of this service    #
being more particularly the
concerne of those who have the honour to carry military         #
commissions, it tending so directly
to the keeping of the peace of the kingdome, and it being       #
lykeuayes more imediatly my
duety as haveing the honor of the cheife comand, so I thought I #
could not trust a matter
of such importance to anybody more proper to manadge it then    #
yourselfe, and I desyre you
may take it as a particular proofe of the confidence that I     #
have in you that I have uryte
<P 29> 
so plainly in this matter. I doe therefore earnestly desyre     #
that you use your outmost dilligence
to informe yourselfe off, and to secure those persones, with    #
their papers if possible. If
any of your officers that are uith the regiment can be of use   #
to you, call for them, and
imploy them as you think fitt, but you most trust feu, and      #
enjoyne all to outmost secrecy.
Pray you spaire noe paines nor expenss, and for doeing of all   #
uhich this shall be to you a
sufficient warrantt. I heare a great noyse of a Highland        #
hunting that the Duke of Gordoun
is to have; pray you give me a particular accompt if there is   #
to be any, and if any such be,
be sure to have ane officer there present at it, to observe     #
narouly the numbers and conditione
both of horse and foot, and give me a particular accompt        #
therof. I send this by one of
your officers to prevent miscarrieing of my letter. When you    #
uryte to me anything in 
ansuer to this, transmitt them by sure hands, and do not name   #
the persones above mentioned
but in this way (the tuo persones you urott off). - I am, Sir,  #
your most humble and obedient
servant,
Leven.

[} [\THE SAME TO THE SAME\] }] [^DAVID, THIRD EARL OF LEVEN,    #
COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE FORCES IN SCOTLAND, TO COLONEL        #
GRANT.^]
   Edinburgh, the 14th October 1708.
   Sir, - I am very sorry that I have not seen you befoir you   #
uent auay. I came heir on
purpose to have mett uith you, and did last night bespeak       #
horses both heir and at Haddingtoune, 
uith a designe to have bein uith you at Cockburnspath this day  #
by tuelve a'clock,
but ues taken so very ill last night uith a cough that I could  #
not follou out my designe. I
uish you a good journey and voyadge. I hope to see you soon at  #
London with such of your
officers as are members. I doubt not but you will get orders    #
for this end from Court, or
from the Duke of Marlborough. I have uryte to some freinds to   #
putt them in mind of this.
I hope you uill send ane officer to Neucastle tymously befoir   #
you to knou uhere the ships ly
that are designed for the transporting of your regiment, for I  #
am affraid you will still have
desertion so long as you ly in or about Neucastle. Give my      #
service to your leivtenent
collonell and major, and be pleased to allou of ensigne Scott   #
his being on foirlofe till I be at
London, and then if there be any occasione for attendance, I    #
shall imediatly dispatch him to
the regiment. I pray you lett me heare frequently from you,     #
uith a particular accompt hou
matters goes where you are. I desyre you will send me a list    #
of the strenth of your regiment
uhen you began your march, uith the number of deserters on your #
march, and leave
the same inclosed for me uith Mr. Kennedy at Neucastle, to be   #
keept by him till my arryvall.
- I am, much honord Sir, your most humble and obedient servant,
   Leven.
   Collonell Grant.

<S SAMPLE 2>

<Q SC3 XX CORO CRAWFORD>
<N MEL/LES CORR>
<A CRAWFORD WILLIAM>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1685>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST UP>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 100>
[} [\121. WILLIAM, EARL OF CRAWFORD AND LINDSAY, TO JAMES, EARL #
OF PERTH,
CHANCELLOR.\] }]
   Struthers, January 20th, 1685.
   May it please your Lordship, - As the great alteration in my #
health while
lately at Edinburgh forced me to pairt from that place somewhat #
hastiely, so my
weaknes necessitat me to so verrie short journeys, as I was     #
three days by the
way before I came this length. But being now in a condition     #
able to write, ame
hopefull I may without offence to your lordship mind yow of my  #
passe, which
once I had confidently expected along with me. If my            #
circumstances were
seriously considered by your lordship they will be found to     #
have no paralel in the 
nation, so as my passe needs not be deneyed me, in the most     #
ample and creditable
termes, upon the accompt of the preparatiue of it, lest others  #
should deal for
the same favour, I being the single nobleman in Scotland that   #
has not some way
or other a title to lesse or more of fortune, it is much more   #
my inclination to
liue in a remote place of the world, though under the hazard of #
a want of that
supplie so seasonablie from frinds, as I had while amongst      #
them, raither then
incurre new displeasures from rulers, for matters that I cannot #
in anie case help,
the place of my retraite (which I named to your lordship), and  #
the few servants
whom onlie I take with me, I hope are plain evidences that I    #
designe to displease
none that are in trust, in anie thing relateing to that         #
journey, and if my credite
amongst rulers is so low, that I cannot have trust in this, I   #
shall not repine that
I have a prison in the nation, for secureing them from what     #
they apprehend from
so unhappie a creature. Yet if I dare claime to anie favour     #
upon the accompt of
the freindship that sometyme I have bene honoured with by your  #
lordship, or
the interrest that is betwixt our children, or even from your   #
ordinairie generositie
to a person so much the subject of your pitie, I wold humblie   #
begge, that since
my wife hes but ten weeks to reckon, and that upon a short      #
wairneing I cannot
be provided for such a voyage, I may have your lordships answer #
with all the
convenient hast yow can, for I ame able to doe nothing untill I #
heare from your
lordship, if by your means my desire shall be granted, I may    #
without vanitie
assure yow whatever may be my other faults, there is not        #
ingratitude in my
nature, and so while I ame incapable of wittnesseing my sence   #
of such a matter   
otherwayes, your lordship shall for your prosperitie, and that  #
of your familie,
have still the ernest wishes of, my lord, your lordships most   #
faithfull and most
humble servant, Crafurd.
   For the Earle of Perth, Lord High Chancellour of Scotland.

<Q SC3 XX CORO COCHRANE>
<N MEL/LES CORR>
<A COCHRANE JOHN>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1685>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST EQUAL>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 101>
[} [\122. SIR JOHN COCHRANE TO SIR ANDREW MELVILLE.\] }]
[\Amsterdam, 23d April (1685).\]
   Sir, - Although wee have spent much teme in these pairts     #
yett wee have not
been idle. Wee ar now readdy with a considerable stoke of       #
armes and ammonitione
to goe to Scotland, and if God bliss us wee shall goe aboard    #
the morrow.
In a fiwe days the Deuke of Monmoth goes for Ingland, that both #
keingdoms
may oppose this apostate papist, who haith murthered his        #
brother to pave his
waiy to the crowne, and as is aparent to all thinkin men,       #
intends to destroy
the nations in all ther conserns, religious and civill. But God #
who has hitherto
helped us, will yett helpe to pull down that bloddy tyrante. We #
have a considerable
number of people with us, and all of us in good hearte. I am    #
perswaded
wee goe to venture our lives in a good cause, and we have no    #
cause to doubte of
Gods assistance. All protestaints in both keingdoms ar longin   #
for us, and will
as one man joyne in with us, so that I houpe you shall heare    #
good news from
your native countrie. Wee need officers, and therfore I         #
intrytt you to acquaint all
our countrie men, who ar in ani foraigne service to cume and    #
take imployment in
their own countrie, they shall bee all well provided for. I     #
daire not invite you,
although I am perswaded of your good affectione to our cause,   #
the weakenes of
your body dissabeling you for the feilds, but if you incline to #
cume, you shall
carve out your own command. Wee shall need men for garisons as  #
well as for
the feilds, and I houpe all our countriemen will thinke it      #
their dewty to assist us
att this teme. Doe mee the favoure to putt my humble service    #
to Generall
Shavott, and when you sie your prince, give my dewty to him,    #
and assure him
from mee that I have a deep sence of my obligations to him, and #
if God bliss
mee, I houpe to bee instrumentall in begetting a good           #
understandinge betwixt the
keingdoms of Great Britain and him. Give my service and my      #
soons to your 
good lady and childering, and to Collonell Lamott, his lady,    #
and hirr sisters. I
pray God bliss you all, for the keindness showen to mee. Make   #
it your woorke
to send home all men that can bee usefull to us. - I am         #
sincerely, your most
humble servant, Jo. Cochrane.
   Amsterdam, 23 Apreill, old steill.

<S SAMPLE 3>

<Q SC3 XX CORO FLETCHER>
<N CROMART CORR>
<A FLETCHER JOHN>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1662>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST DOWN>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 7>
[} [\4. SIR JOHN FLETCHER OF NEW CRANSTOUN, KNIGHT, LORD        #
ADVOCATE, TO
SIR GEORGE MACKENZIE, LORD TARBAT.\] }]
   Holyrudhous, 25 June 1662.
   My Lord, - That you the more clearlie may perceave what laws #
and acts
of parliament the wreatter of that letter (whereof you haif ane #
trew copie in
so far as relates to the King's Majestie and parliament) hes    #
contraveined,
I haif sent you the dowbles of three mainlie relaiting to the   #
busines; butt
thair be verie manie more: for in none of our King's tymes will #
you find that
the parliaments haif bein wanting to guaird aganst the making   #
or fomenting
anie misvnderstanding betuixt the King and his subjects, or     #
such as should
misconstruct his Majestie's proceedings or deprave his lawes.   #
And besyd
that act sent in King James' tym, thair be three more, as parl. #
8, cap. 134,
parl. 14, cap. 205, parl. 8, cap. 2, which you may, if you can  #
find acts thair (as
<P 8>
I beleive you may with Mr. Jhon Lokhart), pervse at your        #
leisour, from
which zow will find ground eneuch to heighten the guilt to its  #
proper pitch;
which is looked vpon here as verie transcendant from such ane   #
person at such
ane tym, when he cannot expect subsistance butt from his        #
Majestie's favour,
and when he cannot butt acknowledge that never parliament in    #
this kingdom
hath ever givin such testimonies of loyaltie and zeale for anie #
king as this
hes for his Majestie's service in all things relaiting to his   #
autoritie, prerogative,
and other interests, all which I dowt does not please persones  #
of his principles.
It was, you know, the engyn of the first troublers of our peace #
to
reproche the King's evell counsellors and officers of State,    #
butt to deprave and
defame a quhole (and such a) parliament is boldnesse above      #
expression, and
vnheard of in this kingdome. ...
   My Lord, I haif no more to say, butt wishes you all          #
happinesse in your
imployments, and ane speedie succesfull return, with fulness of #
health, to your
freinds, with all which none shal be more satisfied then, my    #
Lord,
   Your Lordship's most reall freind and servant, without       #
chang,
   Jo: Fletcher.
   For my Lord Tarbet - theas.

<Q SC3 XX CORO MIDDLETO>
<N CROMART CORR>
<A MIDDLETON JOHN>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1662>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST EQUAL>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 8>
[} [\5. JOHN FIRST EARL OF MIDDLETON TO SIR GEORGE MACKENZIE,   #
LORD TARBAT.\] }]
   Edinburgh, September 25, 1662.
   My Lord, - How I shall be ever able to retvrne yovr great    #
kyndness I
know not, but I will say no man shall be jvster in a fvll       #
acknowledgment.
<P 9>
My Lord Chancellor and ovr other freends are as yow left them,  #
verie franck
and honest, and will be most readie to doe evrie thing that     #
becommeth good
and dewtiefvll svbjects, not only in serveing the King in ther  #
owne stations,
bvt in telling ther jvdgments frielie concerning the            #
misdemeanors of others.
I did expect little better receptione at first then yow writt   #
of, bvt I am
hopfvll things will be better vnderstood yet. It is thoght      #
absolvtlie necessar
that yow stay yet till more of the bvsiness be knowen, for I    #
perceave when
none of ws are ther wee are still att a losse. A short time     #
will doe it,
therfor pardon me in keeping yow from a contentment (I know)    #
yow long
mvch for. I have been keept in this towne abovt the settleing   #
of the
magistrats for the ensveing year, and to morrow morning I goe   #
west. I long
to hear from yow, and am, my Lord, yovr most affectionat hvmble #
servant,
   Middleton.
   For my Lord Tarbitt.

<Q SC3 XX CORO WGLENCAR>
<N CROMART/GRA CORR>
<A GLENCARNE WILLIAM>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1660-1662>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST DOWN>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 9>
[} [\6. WILLIAM EARL OF GLENCARNE, LORD CHANCELLOR, TO LORD     #
TARBAT.\] }]
   Edinburgh, 23 November [\1662\] .
   My Lord, - I could not let this noble bearer goe without     #
giuing you some
trouble fearing the cuntrie life's sueitnes may aither haue     #
prevaild to make
you too much in love with it, or the hard renconters yee haue   #
mett with in
your first appea[{ra{]nces in the world may persuade you in too #
greate a
despondencie. At my returne hither I was surfeitted with the    #
solemne and
extraordinarie kindness our great ones receved at their first   #
arryvall, which
greue to that height that the Chancellar of England was         #
comanded to medle
no more in Scottish affairs, and all meittings of the Scotts    #
Councell thair
prohibited. This was eneugh to presage all future events; bot   #
I was a litle
<P 10>
comforted by a letter from Dumfreis sheuing alse greatt         #
confidence as ever,
and that the Chancellar is nou over all mistaks and fixt in his #
Majeste's
favour. This securd my dispondencie, while yesterday my Ladie   #
Wemis
was with me, and she confirms all that Dumfreis wreatt, and     #
assurs me that
her brother is to returne the nixt month; and, upon his         #
returne, I ame to be
sent for, and then, upon my coming up, a full examination of    #
all busines is
to be taken by the Kinge; and other business relating to        #
English deportment
will then likwyse be sett a foote; and hou desyrous I must need #
be,
yea, and hou necessarie it is, that yee be heir befor I goe     #
(which Dumfries 
assurs me will be about Christmas), yee may easilie conjecture. #
Whairfor
my earnest desyre is, that yee will precislie be over against   #
the first of
Januarie; for, if my hops and my oune hart doe not deceive me,  #
wee will
yet hau a happie issue of all our difficulties. Thair hath      #
beine much talking
heir of neu freindships betuixt my [{lord{] the Archbishop, the #
Lord Treasurer,
and my Lord Midlton, bot thir things are yet so groundles that  #
I rather
looke upon them as that some men are at a stand and beginning   #
to look
about them whair to fixe againe. Our Archbishop is allarumd     #
with information
giuen against his negatiue voice, bot this week he takes        #
journey. Tueddall
is to be ane extraordinare Lord of the Session, and indeed is   #
the only
man hath gott thanks in the Duke of Monmouth's behalfe. I sall  #
say no
mor, bot wishing with all my harte to sie you heir, and I hope  #
against then
to giue you better neus, and in the meane tyme non sall mor     #
endevour to
deserve your guid esteme then, my Lord,
   Your lordship's most humble servant,
   Glencairne.
For his verie honorable guid Lord, my Lord Tarbett,
on of the Senators of the Colledg of Justice.

<Q SC3 XX CORO NEWBURGH>
<N CROMART CORR>
<A NEWBURGH JAMES>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1663>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST EQUAL>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 11>
[} [\7. (JAMES FIRST EARL OF NEWBURGH) TO SIR GEORGE MACKENZIE,
LORD TARBAT.\] }]
   February the last [\1663\] .
   My Lord, - I have very little to say to yow by this post,    #
all thinges    
being att a stand, which I impute much to the great business    #
wee haue here,
which, thankes be to God, is gone so well as that neither       #
papist nor presbiter
will haue much reason to brag. In a word, the Act of            #
Vniformity wil be
preserued, and I doubt not but you will see the parliament here #
and our
parliament of Scotland to go vpon one and the same grounds.     #
Lauderdaill,
I now see, had more then himselfe for condemneing the Act       #
against the
Covenant, for the same thing was heighly pressed in the         #
parliament here;
but thankes be to God, without success, as I doubt not his in   #
conclusion will
proue so; and I must tell you, that I am not att all displeased #
with our
delay, being confident that in the end we shall be no loosers.
   I do expect a black box from the Chancellor to morrow, and I #
doubt not
but he has done as becomes himselfe and a man of honour.
   My humble service to him and the rest.
   I am faythfully yours.
   For my Lord Tarbett.

<Q SC3 XX CORO JSHARP>
<N CROMART CORR>
<A SHARP J>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1665>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST DOWN>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 11>
[} [\8. JAMES SHARP, ARCHBISHOP OF ST. ANDREWS, (TO SIR GEORGE  #
MACKENZIE,
LORD TARBAT).\] }]
   St. Andrews, September 2, 1665.
   My Lord, - By a letter from the Bishop of Ross, last night,  #
I was so surprysed,
that I resolved to give yow the trouble of this account of it.  #
He
<P 12>
wreats that after he had thought that all differences about the #
dues of his
see had been by your and the Bishop of Murreyes interposing     #
amicably
setled, the Earle of Seaforth, accompanyed with your self and   #
the laird of 
Cromartye and above a score of gentlemen of note more, came to  #
his howse;
and yow were pleasit, in great heat, publickly to discharge all #
freindship,
correspondence or respect to him, alleadging that he had wreat  #
a letter to
me challenging my Lord Seaforth, your self, and Cromartie, of   #
disaffection to
the Church Government. If that be the cause of this strange     #
usage, I must
bear testimony to the Bishops innocency, he not having wreat a  #
letter to me
bearing any complaint of the Earl of Seaforth or any other in   #
Ross, in the
poynt of ther disaffection to the Government, but a relation of #
the condition
of that countrey and of his sense of it, to the same purpose    #
with
the letters wreat by the Earl of Seaforth and your self to my   #
Lord Commissioner
which his Grace was pleasit to shew to me. I have been told,   
indeed, that it has been observed that, since my Lord Seaforth  #
his last
coming from the Sowth, the Bishop hath not been used with that  #
kyndnes
and respect which formerly he had, which is very grevous and    #
discouraging
to him, and caused admiration in me, my Lord Seaforth having,   #
when he did
me the honour to see me, givin me those assurances of his       #
freindship to the
setled order, and assistance to the Bishop of Ross, that I did  #
wreat to London
and caused represent to the King how necessary it would be for  #
the good
of his service that the Earl of Seaforth be incouraged and      #
inabled by a  
speciall fruit of his royall bountie; for which purpose I did   #
sollicit my Lord
Commissionar his favour, to which he was most inclyned; and     #
that as the
Earl of Seaforth and his freinds interest in that countrey was  #
great, so I made
no doubt of his resolution and affection to improve it for the  #
publick peace
and the good of the Church. By the relation I had from the      #
Archbishop of
Glasgow, I cannot say that our humble motion on my Lord         #
Seaforths behalf
<P 13>
was without some effect; but now, my Lord, I confess I am at a  #
stand what
to think of this odd usage putt so publickly upon the Bishop,   #
with whose
carriage and oblidging dealing towards those who hold of his    #
see I have
heard you speak with much commendation. This putts me in mynd   #
of an
expression which stuck with me yow had in freedom of discourse  #
to me upon
a night in my chamber at Edinburgh about two years agone, that  #
yow did
prognosticat I would hear complaints from some northern Bishops #
of the
contempt and injuries would be cast upon them. I shall not      #
judge what
hath been the instigation to this, or what is designed by it,   #
or what is at the
bottom where such smoak brakes forth, but am sorrye that such   #
essayes and
shrewd experiments should be first attempted in Ross, whence it #
was least
expected, which will give matter of various descanting to       #
freinds and adversaries 
in this conjuncture of affaires; and I leave it to be           #
considered by yow
how it will be construed that, upon a causeles suggestion, a    #
Bishop, who
is commissionated by the King and by the law of God and of the  #
land, is
intrusted with the inspection of the clergy and layety in that  #
precinct,
should be by the chief persons in the diocess, publickly in     #
presence of the
most of the gentry, contemptuously interdicted from respect,    #
freindship, and
correspondence of those whom the law hath put under his charge, #
which is a
sort of excommunication I know not where or when heard of befor #
in the
Christian Church, where respect to the lawes and publick        #
setlement is not
disclaimed, and doeth upon the matter import a menacing and     #
ignominious
dryving of him out of his diocess, where the Earl of Seaforth   #
and his freinds
enmity is knowin to be so significant. We are not yet brought   #
to that pass
as to brook a precarious authority upon these termes. If his    #
Majesty and
those intrusted by him will be satisfyed we be thus usit, after #
representation
made of our case, we shall the more patiently digest such       #
bafflings,
which are litle better then the throwing of stones or castocks  #
by the rable;
<P 14>
but so long as the lawes are in force, and our gracious         #
Soveraign in condition
to protect ws, till a rebellion be commenced of new, we hope it #
will not be
expected that we will be terrifyed from our endeavouring, by    #
laufull and
Christian meanes, that the authority of Christ and the King,    #
with which our
office is invested, doe not suffer in our persons and be thus   #
exposed to such
ill boading beginnings, whatever lott we shall be cast upon     #
therby. I have
wreatin to the Bishop of Ross, that immediatly he come south,   #
because we
have use for his service in the publick concernes of the Church #
this winter,
and have usit this freedom with your Lordship, which I desire   #
yow may
construe to have proceidit from that value I bear to yow, and   #
freindship
which yow shall alvayes have, if yow will leave to
   Your very affectionat freind and servant,
   Sct. Andrews.
   I shall desire my service may be presented to my Lord of     #
Seaforth and
to Sir John Urquhart, who I hope are persons more generous and  #
wise
then, after better consideration, to judge it fitt for them to  #
be the first
in giving example and to lead in casting indignities upon the   #
order
which they did own, and injuring persons who never disoblidged  #
them,
but were ready upon all occasions to serve them and may yet be  #
of some
use to them.

<Q SC3 XX CORO MCDONALD>
<N CROMART CORR>
<A MCDONALD DONALD>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1682>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E X>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 30>
[} [\19. DONALD MCDONALD OF MOYDART, CAPTAIN OF CLANRANALD, TO  #
SIR GEORGE
MACKENZIE, LORD CLERK REGISTER.\] }]
   Castelltirholme, 8 Junnii 1682.
   My werie noble Lord, - Yowrs I receaved of the daitt the     #
20th of Maij
lastt, wherby I find yowr Lordships cair, kyndnes, and favowrs, #
unrequyttable.
I thowghtt to have had the honor as to have kistt yowr          #
Lordships hands
befoir the Duikis comeing to Scottland, bott I was stormestedd  #
in Uistt ever
<P 31>
since the 8 of Appryll untill this tyme. Bott I find yowr       #
Lordship hes done
alseweill as give I had bein presentt, whilk I wishe God may    #
revard yow
and yowrs for yowr being the instrumentt of releiveing of me    #
and myne from
the thralldome and slaverie we were bound to vtheris. Itt       #
deserves to be
chronickled upon yow and yowr familie, and shall be in          #
perpetuall remembrance
be me and myne sua long as we live, and our posterittie eftir   #
us.
All the money due be me to Argyll was onely the lastt years few #
dewtie.
My Lord, as to the cautionrie, I hoope yowr Lordship will doe   #
all yow can to
see me fred thereof as yow have writtine. As to whatt is        #
betuixtt us, I have
ordored yowr Lordship ane thowsand powndis Scottis, whilk is to #
litle, bott
yowr Lordship knowes how I am used with Grahame, whom I took to #
be
mostt sufficientt; bott, whitther I live or dye, yowr Lordship  #
shall be both
verie honesttly and tymeously satisfied of the restt. I hoope   #
yowr Lordship
will take all in good pairtt and putt ane period to thatt       #
affair, for I have none
under God to recomend or trustt my affairs to bott yowr 
Lordship: therfor I
committ them quhollie unto yow. I restt, my verie noble Lord,
   Yowr Lordships humblestt servantt quhile I live,
   D. M=c=Donald of Moydart.
For my verie noble Lord, my Lord Register of the 
kingdome of Scottland.

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<A MACKENZIE GEORGE>
<C SC3>
<O DATE 1684>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
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<P 36>
[} [\24. FROM SIR GEORGE MACKENZIE, SECRETARY OF THE SECRET     #
COMMITTEE.\] }] [^TO LORD MARQUIS OF ATHOLE, LORD LEUTENANT OF  #
ARGYLESHIRE.^]
   17 September [\16\]84.
   My Lord, - Your letter dated the 10th, sent hither by Mr.    #
Bannerman, 
I read to the Secret Committee. They resolve to forbear         #
medling any
further with Arkinlas, or to ordor any thing concerning the     #
houses, till your
Lordship and they meet. Yours of the 14 came just now to hand.  #
The
Chancellor is gone, the Councell adjourned, the Commissioners   #
all home to
fitt themselfs for ther expedition, but I shall show your       #
letter to the Lord
Treasurer. In my owne opinion, haveing taken those appointed to #
be taken,
with such others as yow know guilty or dangerous, your Lordship #
may
returne, but lett them know yee will speedily return to keep    #
them in fear of
the fleuett. The plott for riseing in Scotland is now fully     #
discovered; many
more are guilty nor wee imagind, and it is a great danger which #
God
deliverd this nation from. The whole confession of severals of  #
the conspirators
are sent up to the King. Many are apprehended; but severals     #
guilty 
who were conscious, keept them selfs out of our grips.          #
Philiphach's ingenuity,
I hope, will safe him, but he was deeply in. Since some of      #
Argyle's papers
are found, I wish all were. I am goeing to speak the Treasurer  #
in Arkinlas
intelligence, and so cease writting till I see what shall be    #
done. Wee have 
examind, and find all as your Lordship informs of Arkinlas      #
intelligence, tho'
<P 37>
it appears he be no very honest man himself. So lett your       #
Lordship look
out for all that are guilty in that contribution.
   The Secret Committee comanded me to writt that of all things #
your Lordship
should press, by such mediums as yow think fitt, to see if the  #
shyre, at
least the suspected in the shyres of Argyle and Tarbat, will    #
consent to pay
a company to stay constantly ther, to prevent the farr more     #
troublsome way
of having forces sent still amongst them; and during the        #
standing of that
company they will have no other quartering, and also be free of #
ther owne
(\militia\) , which cannot but be expensive to them if they     #
[{be{] oft called out with
provisiones, as certainly they will be. This all the            #
committees are to indeavour
in the severall districts. Lord Neill Campbell is heer with     #
us, and
consents for his owne part, and promises to be active in it     #
with others. Its
no matter tho they condiscend to it but for a yeare, to bring   #
it on. On
this account he is allowed to goe home. My Lord, the confusion  #
wee are in
allowes me to say no more but what you know, that I am your     #
servant,
   Geo. M'Kenzie.
For my Lord Marquis of Athole, Lord Leuvtenant of Argylshyre.

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<C SC3>
<O DATE 1685>
<M MEDIUM MS>
<D CSC>
<V PROSE>
<T LET NON-PRIV>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H X>
<U NET X>
<E DIST EQUAL>
<J INTERACTIVE>
<I FORMAL>
<Z X>

<P 37>
[} [\25. (FROM GEORGE, VISCOUNT OF TARBAT).\] }] [^TO LORD      #
MARQUIS OF ATHOLE, LORD LEUTENANT OF ARGYLE AND TARBAT.^]
   Edinburgh, 22 May 1685.
   My Lord, - The Lord Commissioner and Earl Dumbarton will     #
tell yow
that all busines goes on heer as yow left them, and the         #
ammunition is ordered
to be sent to Balqhidder. No stirr in the least appears in      #
England. I pray
God send yow a fair opportunity, for if Argyll fix in Argyle,   #
he is twixt yow
and the ships. Pray acquaint the ships to beware of fyreships   #
and Argyle's
knacks, for I feare these litle ships may be some such. Hast    #
on by some
way to forwarne them; nothing can be fitter for all effects     #
then frequent
<P 38>
intelligence. The magistrats of Stirlin are ordored to have     #
posts ready to
come and goe, but spare not expresses. The Lord Commissioner    #
and Committee
hath nothing to say, and so yee will excuse not writting. Spare
your meall weell. Adieu.
For my Lord Marquis of Athole, Lord Leivtenant of
Argyle and Tarbatt.

[} [\26. (FROM GEORGE, VISCOUNT OF TARBAT).\] }] [^TO LORD      #
MARQUIS OF ATHOLE, LORD LEUTENANT OF ARGYLE AND TARBAT.^]
   Edinburgh, 27 May 1685.
   My Lord, - Since the publick letter caries all the good      #
news from England,
I shall not repeat what was there exprest. I writt this to      #
tell your
Lordship that the least mischance to your party would be of     #
prejudice. I
writt not this for your sake only, but for the King's interest. #
What your
strength is or the enimies I know not, but contemn no enimy,    #
especially if
they be numerous and weell armed. On the other hand, if ye      #
withdraw, the
rebels may fall downe on Stirlin, or passe thorough to the      #
western shyre,
where he may lurk and hover amongst the mosses, till the rebels #
convocat
in multitudes to him: so if yee fight him and beat him, that is #
best of all; 
and next to that is, if yee manadge so as to draw out the       #
rebels from the  
coast, so as the army from Glasgow may move towards and after   #
him, without
the hazard of Argyl's beeing in case to ship over the west      #
coast; then put
him once betwixt yow, I will think him in a bad state. But if   #
he fortify in
Tarbat or any other strong place, I know not how untrained men  #
will at first
attack forts. Yett yee can keep him in if yee have but meat.    #
But the L.
Generall dare not divide any of the standing force untill they  #
be out of
hazard of Argyl's goeing over to the west; but if once the      #
ships were in the
seas about Kintyre, especially were cruising within veiw of     #
Kintyre and the
<P 39>
west, then at your desyr I presume the Comander in cheeff heer  #
on your
desyre will, in that case, send you some standing forces of the #
foot and
granadeers, to the effect yow may force that fort. My care for  #
yow makes
me writt thus, tho all I can say is only on conjectur. I        #
recomend yow
heartily to God's care, and hope for those news which I hope    #
may produce
honor to yow and something els to Lord Charles.
For my Lord Marquis of Athole, Lord Leivtenant of
Argyll and Tarbat.

[} [\27. FROM GEORGE, VISCOUNT OF TARBAT.\] }] [^TO LORD        #
MARQUIS OF ATHOLE, LORD LEUTENANT OF ARGYLE AND TARBAT.^]
   Edinburgh, 5 June 1685.
   My Lord, - Wee have account that the Mermaid, on of his      #
Maiesties
frigats, went in by the sound of Mull; if there were two or     #
three of them in
the seas, on of them would doe weell to cruise on the back of   #
Kintyre.
   I am, my Lord, your faithfull servant,
   Tarbat.
For my Lord Marquis of Athole, Lord Leivtenant of
Argyll and Tarbat.

[} [\28. FROM GEORGE, VISCOUNT OF TARBAT.\] }] [^TO THE MARQUIS #
OF ATHOLE, LORD LEUTENANT OF ARGYLE AND TARBAT.^]
   Edinburgh, 24 June 1685.
   My deare Lord, - If yow want meall I have lost labour and    #
care, for
I never omitted to pouse it to be sent evry way. I am hopefull  #
to see yow
heer shortly, and will referr all history till then, and then   #
there will be a
tale of two drinks. I heare my sonne and many others are neare  #
yow, and
<P 40>
are altogether in want of bread. It is not possible for to say  #
any thing till
I see yow, and therfore nothing shall be said by,
   My Lord, your faithfull humble servant,
   Tarbat.
For the Marquis of Athole, Lord Leivtennant of
Argyll and Tarbatt.

[} [\29. FROM GEORGE, VISCOUNT OF TARBAT.\] }] [^TO THE MARQUIS #
OF ATHOLE, LORD LEUTENANT OF ARGYLE AND TARBAT.^]
   Edinburgh, 6 Agust 1685.
   My Lord, - Yow should justly challenge me if I had heard     #
any thing of 
so much importance to yow as what is in your Lordship's letter, #
ether from
Lochiell or any other, and not acquaint yow. But I assure yow,  #
my Lord, I
never heard any thing like it. Lochiel, if he spok such things  #
to another,
he was so discreet as to speak farr otherwayes to me, for he    #
regrated exceedingly
that yow accused him, or was angry at him, and all that ever I  #
heard
him say, was, that as to intelligence or correspondence with    #
the rebels he
would defy the world, and that he was sure you would witnes his #
earnestnes
to be at them; and, as to busines of the party which he         #
comanded, that
Argyle was crost neare be the tyme he was sent out from yow,    #
and long or
he could come at them, that his not overtaking them he counted  #
his greatest
misfortune. He blames the disobedience of severall of those he  #
comanded
and the guide which yow gave him; but for a word reflecting on  #
yow I never
heard of him. The Treasurer hath writt to yow of his goeing     #
up, and hopes
to see yow. I did not know of it till the letter allowing it    #
came to the
Secret Committee yesternight. I shall leave other litle         #
stories till meeting,
since he makes me hope for it.
For the right honorable the Marquis of Athole,
Lord Leivtenant of Argyle and Tarbat.

<P 41>
[} [\30. FROM GEORGE, VISCOUNT OF TARBAT.\] }] [^TO THE MARQUIS #
OF ATHOLE, LORD LEUTENANT OF ARGYLESHIRE.^]
[\Circa 1685.\]
   My Lord, - Your letter to the Earl Dumbarton most ether be   #
on mistake
or misinformation, or which [{is{] as bad a rule as ether, on   #
conjecture;
for when your Lordship said yee would have none with yow but    #
your owne
and the Macleans and Broadalbin, I advised that Lochiels and    #
the Brae
men and Glengarie might be called, which yow were for, and      #
accordingly
they were writt to, viz., Lochiell, Keppach, Glengarie. The     #
rest benorth
were at the samne tyme writt to rendevouz at Lochness; and in   #
Huntlie's
letter he was desyred ether act with the whole there, if        #
occasione offerd, or to
send such parties as your Lordship should judge fitt to desyre. #
I apprehend
yow will rather have too many then too few, for provisiones     #
most be scarce,
and necessity of dissipating for want of bread is what I feare  #
most, unless
Argyl's printing press mak men as weell as pasquils; but I      #
apprehend he
will over to Carrick or to Glasgow, in which case no doubt yow  #
most follow;
and the other body with Duke Gordon to move to Argyle to        #
prevent his
return, if your Lordship and the army press him in the low      #
country. Pray,
my deare [{lord{] , consider matters or yee grow angry at them, #
and beleeve not
evry litle representation till yow see the bottome; and as yow  #
nobly writt in
your letter, doe what is proper at present. It will be done. I  #
wish it fall in
your hand, and I hope it will, if he goe not over to Carrick. - #
I am,
   My Lord,
   Your faithfull humble servant,
   Tarbat.
   Beleeve it, if yow call more men as yee can provyd, yow      #
break. M'Intosh  
said he had no men, and so only desyrd a comission to call such #
of his kinn
as others left, viz., Earl Murray and Duke Gordon.
For the Marquis of Atholl, Lord Leivtenant of Argylshyre.



