G01   1 **[188 TEXT G01**]
G01   2 ^*0A Scottish knight*- Sir John Mercer*- was imprisoned in England.
G01   3 ^His son, in revenge, was harrying English shipping as far away as
G01   4 Cherbourg, and doing it to some purpose. ^John Philpot, one of that
G01   5 new class of merchant financiers which the city of London was now
G01   6 producing, fitted, equipped and manned a fleet from his own resources,
G01   7 and captured the young Mercer in a brilliant Channel fight. ^It was
G01   8 naturally a highly popular victory with the Londoners, but it brought
G01   9 heavy censure from nobles who still believed that they had a monopoly
G01  10 of leadership. ^But, at last, Gaunt sailed. ^Opposing him was the
G01  11 French Admiral, Jean \de Vienne*- a great sailor and an able
G01  12 strategist. ^Obedient to the policy of his King, \de Vienne avoided
G01  13 trouble at sea as cleverly as Du Guesclin avoided it on land. ^Gaunt
G01  14 was compelled to give up his search for an elusive foe, and, afraid to
G01  15 return home without something to show, he foolishly attempted to
G01  16 besiege the well-protected fortress of \0St Malo. ^This involved the
G01  17 dreary method of mining operations in which Gaunt, under the Black
G01  18 Prince, had shown considerable skill at the siege of Limoges. ^When
G01  19 all seemed to be going well, a sortie surprised the Earl of Arundel,
G01  20 who at that moment had charge of the mine; the mine collapsed, and
G01  21 with it Gaunt's hopes of fame and glory. ^Gaunt was compelled to
G01  22 return to England a disappointed and now even despised failure. ^The
G01  23 *'ribald**' Londoners, who cursed Gaunt as the murderer of Hawley,
G01  24 were also expressing their disappointment at the non-arrival of booty,
G01  25 and comparing the failure of a subsidized duke with the independent
G01  26 success of a London citizen.
G01  27    |^These dreary years of ineffective fighting provide obvious morals
G01  28 for those who are judges long after the event. ^It seems obvious that,
G01  29 though the longbows of yeomen could pierce the plate and mail of
G01  30 French knights, a brilliant battle was no substitute for a sound
G01  31 policy, and that, if archers had no target, campaigns became mere
G01  32 marauding route marches. ^It seems obvious that if an expedition to
G01  33 Brittany was compelled to attack via Calais, then the primary
G01  34 essential to the success of the French war was a navy in unquestioned
G01  35 command of the Channel. ^It seems obvious that divided forces were
G01  36 dissipating the advantages of a ring of bridge-heads which included
G01  37 Calais, Cherbourg, Brest, Bordeaux and Bayonne, and that there was no
G01  38 hope of final victory without a large-scale and concentrated invasion.
G01  39 ^But none of these deductions were drawn at the time, because
G01  40 large-scale war required money, and the citizens who had the money
G01  41 were not yet sufficiently at one with nobles and King to think their
G01  42 money well spent in financing a ruling class which despised them. ^The
G01  43 Commons were glad enough to enjoy the fruits of victory, they were not
G01  44 so eager to advance the needs of dynastic or baronial wars or even to
G01  45 provide the means for economic war, largely because it was not yet
G01  46 established that those who supplied means should also have control of
G01  47 ends.
G01  48    |^In this cruel process which was hammering out nations on the
G01  49 anvils of war, there was a constant stirring of those in authority to
G01  50 find some simple way out of the complicated financial \6*1impasse
G01  51 *0which always resulted, and in the story of the experiments and
G01  52 expedients to which the Exchequer resorted is the story of the prelude
G01  53 to the Peasants' Revolt of 1381. ^In appreciating this story, modern
G01  54 conceptions of governmental duties must be set aside. ^A modern
G01  55 government needs taxation not merely for defence and offence but for a
G01  56 very wide range of social services. ^A mediaeval oligarchy needed
G01  57 taxation in order to supplement the private wealth of the monarchy
G01  58 (the royal income from the revenues of crown lands, the fees of
G01  59 feudalism and the fines of justice) and to provide enough cash to meet
G01  60 royal expenses, and especially the expenses of waging war. ^Social
G01  61 service as a function of government was quite alien to mediaeval
G01  62 thought*- its substitute was the mutual self-help of communities,
G01  63 whether those communities were monasteries, manors, townships, or
G01  64 wards and guilds of a city. ^A mediaeval tax was therefore in essence
G01  65 a forced payment whose return was the uncertain bounty of booty and
G01  66 the vague advantages of military glory; it was therefore always
G01  67 granted grudgingly and coupled with the vain hope that, in the words
G01  68 of Parliament after Parliament, the King might *'live of his own
G01  69 resources and carry on his war**'. ^When *'his**' war did not bring
G01  70 victory and booty, a new group of Lords might oust the unsuccessful
G01  71 leaders, and the Commons, who usually supplied the hard cash, might be
G01  72 bold enough to demand the production of accounts, and even at times
G01  73 the impeachment of the unsuccessful. ^But the Commons were not the
G01  74 people, and even a full Parliament was not yet a true mirror of the
G01  75 nation. ^The people*- Langland's *'folk**' and Gaunt's *'knaves**'*-
G01  76 were villeins still tied to the feudal obligations of work or villeins
G01  77 who had bought their release, free labourers who worked for the
G01  78 highest bidders, free yeomen who had prospered enough to become
G01  79 successful farmers, the artisans, craftsmen, journeymen and small
G01  80 tradesmen of the towns, and the retainers and men-at-arms in the pay
G01  81 of landed Lords. ^None of these classes, except the yeomen, paid or
G01  82 expected to pay direct taxes.
G01  83    |^During the fourteenth century, the traditional methods of
G01  84 financing the Exchequer had become stabilized. ^When the King and his
G01  85 Council required additional funds, they were usually granted an export
G01  86 tax on the wool trade, collected by means of that *'staple**' system
G01  87 which ensured that prices, quality and tax could be efficiently
G01  88 supervised and controlled, together with a subsidy or tax on all
G01  89 movable property. ^There were two other sources of public revenue*-
G01  90 first, the Church, which wisely followed the lead of the Commons and
G01  91 in its own Convocations granted equivalent contributions, and second,
G01  92 the foreign merchants, with whom the King's officials had formerly
G01  93 made private bargains at *'colloquies of merchants**', and whose
G01  94 payments were now authorized by parliamentary sanction at a rate
G01  95 roughly fifty per cent in excess of the rate for native merchants. ^In
G01  96 addition to these revenues, the King had the financial benefits of his
G01  97 position at the head of the feudal system, as its chief landowner and
G01  98 the recipient of the fines of royal justice.
G01  99    |^It was, therefore, a complicated and not very satisfactory
G01 100 financial system in which the borders between private and public purse
G01 101 were as ill-defined as the borders between private and national war,
G01 102 and in which the comparatively simple obligations of the feudal
G01 103 pyramid were becoming hopelessly involved with the complex bonds of
G01 104 trade and industry. ^Furthermore, it had ceased to provide sufficient
G01 105 revenue for the needs of continental war. ^It was a problem which had
G01 106 been worrying the servants of the royal household for some time*-
G01 107 including those political clergy whom Wyclif had denounced*- and, in
G01 108 the last year of Edward *=3's reign, they had devised an experiment to
G01 109 overcome their difficulties. ^They had invented the poll-tax. ^Every
G01 110 adult*- defined as over fourteen years of age*- except the beggar, was
G01 111 to pay a groat (4\0d.) to the royal Exchequer. ^From the point of view
G01 112 of its inventors, it was a simple method of bringing the whole nation
G01 113 within the obligation of contributing to the glory and stability of
G01 114 the realm as a whole*- or, as later centuries put it, *'broadening the
G01 115 basis of taxation**'. ^Its obvious injustice was that it assessed all
G01 116 men equally*- the poor paid exactly the same as the rich; but, as
G01 117 hitherto the poor had never paid anything, and as the rich still
G01 118 supplied the traditional revenues as well, there was a case for a tax
G01 119 which took a little from everybody. ^On the other hand, there was the
G01 120 more relevant objection that not everybody had consented to the tax*-
G01 121 the poor were not represented in Parliament. ^In the event, the first
G01 122 poll-tax of 1377 (also called the *'tallage of groats**') while
G01 123 naturally rousing much resentment, produced but meagre returns*- there
G01 124 was as yet no trained bureaucracy to make tax collecting either fair
G01 125 or productive.
G01 126    |^Two years later, the inventors of the first poll-tax tried again.
G01 127 ^In a Great Council held in February 1379, the Lords had adopted the
G01 128 significant course of raising loans by compulsion on a large scale
G01 129 from many of the landowners, monasteries and towns*- so desperate were
G01 130 the financial needs of the Exchequer. ^It was a drastic method of
G01 131 which much more was to be heard in later years, and it was followed by
G01 132 presenting the Parliament called to Westminster at Easter with the
G01 133 necessity of repaying the loans. ^The anger of the Commons was only
G01 134 appeased by the voluntary production of accounts which proved the
G01 135 desperate need for funds, and as a result the second poll-tax was
G01 136 agreed. ^*'{*1Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approbetur}*0**' was an
G01 137 accepted legal maxim, but it was not yet carried to its logical
G01 138 conclusion*- the people were still to be taxed by the Commons. ^But
G01 139 this time there was a very interesting attempt to apply a sliding
G01 140 scale to the payments demanded. ^The definition of an adult was
G01 141 altered to read *'over sixteen**', and, where the poorest were to pay
G01 142 a groat, the Duke of Lancaster and the Archbishops of Canterbury and
G01 143 York were to pay ten marks, and between these two extremes a graduated
G01 144 scale of payments was fixed for the different classes of laymen and
G01 145 clerics. ^Again the resentment was widespread and the results
G01 146 disappointing*- a tax estimated to yield *+50,000 in fact raised only
G01 147 *+27,000.
G01 148    |^In the following year, 1380, the last and most notorious third
G01 149 poll-tax was agreed by a Parliament which met at Northampton. ^There
G01 150 were dark reasons for a meeting so far away from the capital in a town
G01 151 with poor communications and not over supplied with hostelries and
G01 152 lodgings. ^London was again in turmoil; but this time over a question
G01 153 of trade rivalry. ^A rich merchant from Genoa had been murdered, and
G01 154 John \de Kyrkby, a Londoner, was one of those charged with the crime.
G01 155 ^It is clear from the chronicles that this was a sordid quarrel
G01 156 between monopolists and interlopers. ^The city merchants were jealous
G01 157 of foreign merchants who could tempt court and baronage with rarer
G01 158 luxuries than those within the scope of English traders, and whose
G01 159 prices could not be controlled in the interests of the city rings.
G01 160 ^The chronicler Walsingham remarks that the Genoese's chief crime was
G01 161 that he proposed to sell pepper at a mere 4\0d. the pound! ^At the
G01 162 same time, the news of the war was disheartening*- a Breton expedition
G01 163 led by the Earl of Buckingham was not going well, and an expedition of
G01 164 Gaunt to Scotland was as unpopular as Gaunt himself. ^At Northampton,
G01 165 the Commons might be more amenable*- they could be faced with the
G01 166 realities of the financial situation, and urged to provide the means
G01 167 for a solution. ^A sum of *+160,000 was demanded*- a staggering figure
G01 168 to mediaeval eyes. ^It was determined that *+100,000 was a fairer
G01 169 target, and the Parliament agreed to find two-thirds of this sum
G01 170 providing the clergy supplied the remainder. ^The method of assessment
G01 171 to which the Commons agreed was that of the first poll-tax. ^The
G01 172 manifest injustice of this method had been to a certain degree
G01 173 corrected by the sliding scale of the second poll-tax, but this lesson
G01 174 was ignored, and the injustice trebled in weight by a flat-rate tax at
G01 175 treble the rate*- every adult had to pay three groats, but this time
G01 176 an adult was re-defined as anyone over fifteen. ^Trebling the rate was
G01 177 arrived at by a simple arithmetic which argued that, as the first
G01 178 poll-tax had supplied *+22,000, a tax of three times the rate would
G01 179 produce *+66,000. ^The only concession made in view of the objections
G01 180 to the first two poll-taxes was the suggestion that the rich should
G01 181 help the poor*- but this was only a pious hope because no machinery
G01 182 was provided for carrying it into effect, and a subordinate clause
G01 183 went far to nullify what small effects it had*- no man and wife
G01 184 together were to pay more than twenty shillings, a restriction which
G01 185 applied to the generous rich as well as to the mean.
G01 186 *# 2048
G02   1 **[189 TEXT G02**]
G02   2 ^*0They had long been preserved at Burley-on-the-Hill, the seat of the
G02   3 Earl of Winchelsea, one of whose ancestors married a niece of Harvey.
G02   4 ^It has, however, since been shown that they were much more likely to
G02   5 have been the property of Sir John Finch, who was once a Professor of
G02   6 Anatomy at Pisa, and seems to have had for an anatomical pupil one
G02   7 Marchetti, who made *'tables of veins, nerves, and arteries, five
G02   8 times more exact than are described in any author**'.
G02   9    |^John Evelyn in his *1Diary *0also refers to some tables which Sir
G02  10 Charles Scarburgh had seen and was anxious that Evelyn should present
G02  11 to the College. ^He only agreed to lend them for a short time for
G02  12 Scarburgh's use in his lectures, and ultimately presented them to the
G02  13 Royal Society. Evelyn had purchased these tables at Padua in 1646 and
G02  14 had had them transported to England. ^They were then *'the first of
G02  15 that kind ever \1seene in our Country, & for \1ought I know in the
G02  16 World, though afterwards there were others**'. ^The fact that
G02  17 Scarburgh succeeded Harvey as Lumleian Lecturer in 1656 and refers to
G02  18 these tables as *'unique**' makes it unlikely that Harvey had used
G02  19 anything of the kind; otherwise his friend Scarburgh would surely have
G02  20 seen them and would not then have regarded Evelyn's as unique.
G02  21    |^From 1616 to 1628 there were no objections at the College of
G02  22 Physicians to Harvey's new ideas except on the part of \0Dr James
G02  23 Primrose (whose date of decease is given by Munk as 1659, and who
G02  24 accepted Galen as authoritative, one of his arguments being that in
G02  25 the olden days patients were healed without the knowledge of the
G02  26 circulation, and that therefore this doctrine, even if true, would be
G02  27 useless. ^Lint, 1926). ^Shakespeare died on 23 April 1616, while on 3
G02  28 February 1618 Harvey was appointed Physician to King James *=1, and on
G02  29 7 May of that year was described in {*1Pharmacopoeia Londinensis},
G02  30 *0on the Committee dealing with which he had been serving, as
G02  31 *'{Medicus Regius juratus}**'; in February 1620 he served with Sir
G02  32 Theodore \de Mayerne (1573-1654/5) and William Clement on a Committee
G02  33 to watch the surgeons, and in March 1625 he and his brother, John,
G02  34 were admitted Members of Gray's Inn. ^In that month he attended King
G02  35 James *=1 in the latter's last illness which, in the accusation of the
G02  36 Duke of Buckingham by the House of Commons in the following year, was
G02  37 said to have been connected with a plaster and a posset, administered
G02  38 in *'transcendent presumption**' by the Duke. ^On Harvey's evidence,
G02  39 however, there was nothing harmful in the posset, though he did not
G02  40 advise the plaster because he did not know its ingredients. ^He was in
G02  41 this year elected Censor of the College for the second time.
G02  42    |^In the following year he was offered an official residence in the
G02  43 precincts of Bart's, where many notable people lived, but refused it
G02  44 and received instead an increase in annual salary from *+25 to *+33
G02  45 6\0*1s. *08\0*1d. ^*0In 1627 he served on a Committee, appointed by
G02  46 the College of Physicians at the request of the Privy Council, to
G02  47 report on some alum works in \0St Botolph's, Aldgate, which the
G02  48 Committee condemned as a nuisance. ^In November Harvey became an Elect
G02  49 of the College \6*1vice *0Gwynne, deceased, after Mayerne had refused
G02  50 because he was too constantly employed at Court.
G02  51    |^The former's {*1De motu locali animalium}, *01627, written in
G02  52 his own hand, had formed \0ff. 69-118 of the British Museum Manuscript
G02  53 Sloane 486, and appears to be a previously unpublished notebook in
G02  54 which he jotted down his thoughts with a view, eventually, to
G02  55 publishing a book on animal movement. ^It was added to at intervals
G02  56 without being finally drafted, and it is this incomplete synopsis
G02  57 which was in 1959 published by the Cambridge University Press after it
G02  58 had been edited, translated and introduced by \0Dr Gweneth
G02  59 Whitteridge, Archivist to \0St Bartholomew's Hospital, for the Royal
G02  60 College of Physicians. ^It appears that Harvey planned a treatise on
G02  61 the movement of muscles even while he was preparing {*1De motu cordis
G02  62 et sanguinis. ^De motu locali animalium} *0is the work mentioned in
G02  63 Chapter *=17 of the former's essay of 1628, and it shows, even if it
G02  64 contains no new experimental observations, that Harvey's understanding
G02  65 of muscle and of muscular contraction was sounder than that of his
G02  66 predecessors and even of some of his successors.
G02  67    |^In 1628, the year in which he turned fifty, he was elected
G02  68 Treasurer of the College of Physicians and also published his first
G02  69 book, entitled, {*1Exercitatio anatomica de motu cordis et
G02  70 sanguinis}. ^*0It seems reasonable to suggest that William Fitzer,
G02  71 the English publisher of the book in Frankfurt, had been suggested by
G02  72 Harvey's friend, Robert Fludd, or Robertus \de Fluctibus (1574-1637),
G02  73 second son of Queen Elizabeth's one-time Treasurer of War, and the
G02  74 \0*2MS. *0which he received has been described as *'the most important
G02  75 medical work ever written**', for it contained Harvey's *'new concept
G02  76 of the heart's movement and function and of the blood's passage round
G02  77 the body**'; this he had confirmed in the presence of the President
G02  78 (\0Dr Argent) and Fellows of the College of Physicians for more than
G02  79 nine years past by numerous ocular demonstrations, and had freed from
G02  80 the objections of learned and skilful anatomists. ^In so doing he had
G02  81 surely shown the world *'the truth that is more beautiful than the
G02  82 evening and the morning stars**', and had raised himself effectively
G02  83 from the ground and placed his head among the stars, as he had planned
G02  84 to do in his days at Padua.
G02  85    |^It is fitting before reading the *'{libellus aureus}**' to cast
G02  86 one's mind back over the efforts of the great men of the past in
G02  87 physiology, and to realize what a supreme act of courage it must have
G02  88 been on the fifty-year-old Harvey's part to challenge concepts
G02  89 established over so many generations. ^One can understand how much his
G02  90 colleagues at the College must have helped by their agreement with the
G02  91 ocular demonstrations of those things for the reasonable acceptance of
G02  92 which he once again so strongly pressed. ^*'Over many years a
G02  93 countless succession of distinguished and learned men had followed and
G02  94 illumined a particular line of thought, and this book of mine**', he
G02  95 said, *'was the only one to oppose tradition and to assert that the
G02  96 blood travelled along a previously unrecognized circular pathway of
G02  97 its own.**' ^So he was very much afraid of a charge of
G02  98 over-presumptuousness had he let his book, in other respects completed
G02  99 some years earlier, either be published at home or go overseas for
G02 100 printing unless he had first put his thesis before the Fellows and
G02 101 confirmed it by visual demonstration, replied to their doubts and
G02 102 objections, and received the President's vote in favour. ^He concluded
G02 103 his words to the President and Fellows with a splendid passage worthy
G02 104 of an Elizabethan, which by birth he was: ^*'It was, however, dear
G02 105 Colleagues,**' he said *'no intention of mine, in listings and
G02 106 upturnings of anatomical authors and writers, to make display by this
G02 107 book of my memory, studies, much reading, and a large printed tome.
G02 108 ^In the first place, because I propose to learn and to teach anatomy
G02 109 not from books but from dissections, not from the tenets of
G02 110 Philosophers but from the fabric of Nature. ^Secondly, because I
G02 111 consider it neither fair nor worth the effort to defraud a predecessor
G02 112 of the honour due to him, or to provoke a contemporary. ^Nor do I
G02 113 think it honourable to attack or fight those who excelled in Anatomy
G02 114 and were my own teachers. ^Further, I would not willingly charge with
G02 115 falsehood any searcher after truth, or besmirch any man with a stigma
G02 116 of error. ^But without ceasing I follow truth only, and devote all my
G02 117 effort and time to being able to contribute something pleasing to good
G02 118 men and appropriate to learned ones, and of service to literature.**'
G02 119    |^In an introduction to his short book of seventy-two pages, Harvey
G02 120 shows the relative weakness of previous accounts of the movement and
G02 121 function of the heart and arteries, for by reading what his
G02 122 predecessors have written and by noting the general trend of opinion
G02 123 handed on by them a man can confirm their correct statements and
G02 124 *'through anatomical dissection, manifold experiments, and persistent
G02 125 careful observation emend their wrong ones.**' ^At the end of his
G02 126 introduction he wrote that *'from these and very many other arguments
G02 127 it is clear that the statements made hitherto by earlier writers about
G02 128 the movement and function of the heart and arteries appear incongruous
G02 129 or obscure or impossible when submitted to specially careful
G02 130 consideration. ^It will therefore be very useful to look a little more
G02 131 deeply into the matter, to contemplate the movements of the arteries
G02 132 and of the heart not only in man, but also in all other animals with
G02 133 hearts; moreover, by frequent experiments on animals and much use of
G02 134 our own eyes, to discern and investigate the truth.**'
G02 135    |^In Chapter One he gives his strong reasons for writing, beginning
G02 136 by saying how difficult he found it to discover through the use of his
G02 137 own eyes in living animals the function and offices of the heart's
G02 138 movement so that he all but thought with Fracastorius, that it had
G02 139 been understood by God alone. ^At length he propounded his new view on
G02 140 the matter, and found it acceptable to some, to others less so. ^He
G02 141 published so that, if something accrued to the republic of letters
G02 142 through his work in this field, it might perhaps be acknowledged that
G02 143 he had done rightly; also, that others might see that he had not lived
G02 144 idly; or at least that others, given such lead and relying on more
G02 145 productive talents, might find an opportunity to carry out the task
G02 146 more accurately and to investigate more skilfully.
G02 147    |^In Chapter Two he gauged the nature of the heart's movements from
G02 148 the dissection of living animals, showing how these movements
G02 149 alternate with rests and are seen best in cold animals or in flagging
G02 150 warmer ones. ^At the time of its movement the heart becomes generally
G02 151 constricted, its walls thicken, its ventricles decrease in volume and
G02 152 it expels its content of blood, appearing paler in so doing in animals
G02 153 such as serpents, frogs, and the like.
G02 154    |^At one and the same time, therefore, occur the beat of the apex,
G02 155 the thickening of the heart walls, and the forcible expulsion of their
G02 156 contained blood by the contraction of the ventricles.
G02 157    |^Going on in Chapter Three to the movement of the arteries,
G02 158 likewise gauged from the dissections of living animals, Harvey noted
G02 159 that contraction of the heart and the apex beat occur in systole,
G02 160 simultaneously with dilatation of the arteries and of the artery-like
G02 161 vein, and expulsion of the ventricular content. ^Arterial pulsation
G02 162 disappears with cessation of ventricular contraction. ^During cutting
G02 163 or puncture of the ventricles, there is often forcible expulsion of
G02 164 blood from the wound.
G02 165    |^Arterial diastole is thus synchronous with cardiac systole but,
G02 166 when movement of blood through arteries is hindered by compression,
G02 167 infarction or interception, the more distal arteries pulsate less
G02 168 because their pulse is nothing other than the impulse of the blood
G02 169 entering them.
G02 170    |^Chapter Four dealt with the nature of the movement of the
G02 171 ventricles and of the auricles, gauged from dissection of living
G02 172 animals. ^[In four-chambered hearts] there are four movements which
G02 173 are distinct in respect of place but not of time, the two auricles
G02 174 moving synchronously and then likewise the two ventricles. ^With
G02 175 everything more sluggish as the heart lies a-dying, and in fishes and
G02 176 in relatively cold-blooded animals, the auricular and ventricular
G02 177 movements become separated by an interval of inactivity so that the
G02 178 heart appears to respond ever more slowly to the pulsating auricles,
G02 179 and the order of cessation of beating is left ventricle, left auricle,
G02 180 right ventricle, and finally (as Galen noticed) right auricle. ^*'And
G02 181 while the heart is slowly dying, one can sometimes see it*- so to
G02 182 speak*- rouse itself and, in reply to two or three auricular beats,
G02 183 produce a single ventricular one slowly and reluctantly and with an
G02 184 effort.**'
G02 185 *# 2013
G03   1 **[190 TEXT G03**]
G03   2 ^*0Yet in spite of the fact that his ideas did his business no good
G03   3 George would never conceal them. ^He was a socialist and believed in
G03   4 the right of the working class to control their own destiny, and said
G03   5 so.
G03   6    |^Being a craftsman and a skilled man, George won many prizes, and
G03   7 though some people would have nothing to do with him, others would,
G03   8 and the comrades helped in many ways.
G03   9    |^When eventually the ovens were fixed at the new shop, the
G03  10 tremendously hard work was if anything intensified. ^George used to
G03  11 mix 100 stone of bread in 12 hours, and Kate served in the shop, which
G03  12 was open from 8 o'clock in the morning to 12 o'clock at night. ^At
G03  13 that time pastries and buns were sold at 32 pieces for one shilling.
G03  14    |^On returning from school young George found many chores awaiting
G03  15 him.
G03  16    |^George, however, would find time to speak at meetings, no matter
G03  17 what his commitments, to act as chairman, to speak at street corners.
G03  18 ^In this Kate helped him a great deal, often taking the bread out of
G03  19 the oven after he had gone out. ^Also his bakery was still a meeting
G03  20 place where current problems were discussed, and working men argued
G03  21 and clarified their ideas, thrashed out the issues of the day, where
G03  22 they listened to George and his exposition of Marxist theory.
G03  23    |^From its inception the British Socialist Party had carried out
G03  24 intensive propaganda, not confining its activities to the City and the
G03  25 East End but reaching out to the suburbs and outlying districts, the
G03  26 main speakers being George \0H. Fletcher, Alf Barton, and {0A. E.}
G03  27 Chandler.
G03  28    |^They conducted classes in economics, put up candidates for
G03  29 elections, and held a number of meetings in support of the miner's
G03  30 strike of 1912 for a minimum wage. ^(In this strike, as reported in
G03  31 the *1Sheffield Guardian *0in March of that year, 1,000,000 men were
G03  32 out a fortnight, disciplined and solid, when only 20 per cent of them
G03  33 stood to gain anything from the strike and the other 80 per cent made
G03  34 sacrifices for their fellow men; this remarkable strike raised the
G03  35 question of a living wage and showed the worth of the common man.)
G03  36 ^Propaganda efforts of a week's duration took place, demonstrations,
G03  37 social events and field days.
G03  38    |^In order to raise money for their manifold activities the
G03  39 Sheffield British Socialist Party began the manufacture of razors,
G03  40 knives, \0etc. ^There was the *1Revolutionist *0at 3\0s. 6\0d., the
G03  41 *1Clarion *0at 2\0s. 6\0d., or just a common *1Proletarian *0at 1\0s.
G03  42 6\0d., a *1Red Flag *0pocket knife being the same price. ^They were
G03  43 made by local comrades who were *'little masters**', and on the boxes
G03  44 was a suitable inscription: ^*'Sharp enough to cut the throat of the
G03  45 most hard-hearted Capitalist!**'
G03  46    |^Other methods of raising money were tried such as the Male Voice
G03  47 Choir, which Charlie Grant worked particularly hard to bring into
G03  48 being.
G03  49    |^*'Can you sing?**' he asked Arthur Parkin. ^Arthur couldn't, but
G03  50 he joined the Choir. ^Most of the members were unemployed at the time,
G03  51 they had never sung a note in their lives, and hardly one of them had
G03  52 a decent suit to wear. ^Uncompromising material, perhaps, but Charlie
G03  53 Grant persevered and began by teaching them tonic sol fa. ^They paid
G03  54 1\0s. 6\0d. a night for a room and rehearsed twice a week. ^Soon they
G03  55 were good enough to sing at meetings.
G03  56    |^One of the helpful by-products was that they were able to obtain
G03  57 some respectable clothing, with which they wore a white tie and Red
G03  58 Flag badge, thus presenting a much better appearance.
G03  59    |^Later, on many a sunny Sunday evening, when George went to speak
G03  60 at Malin Bridge, they would be there to begin the meeting. ^They sang
G03  61 to get a crowd and save the speaker's voice. ^Many fine speeches were
G03  62 delivered by George, who had become so well known and popular that if
G03  63 he were announced to speak the week before, the crowd would be there
G03  64 at the appointed time and place, ready and waiting. ^Collections of
G03  65 30\0s. or so would be taken.
G03  66    |^As they became known the Choir went to working-men's clubs, to
G03  67 Conisborough on cheap trips to sing to the miners, and sang for other
G03  68 organisations such as the Bakers' Union, for whom they went on
G03  69 Saturday evenings to the Corner Pin Hotel, to rally the members.
G03  70    |^The {0*2B.S.P.} *0also rented pleasant rooms on West Street,
G03  71 where a successful Sunday school was held. ^One of the students was
G03  72 young George, and another the dark-haired little granddaughter of
G03  73 Charlie Grant.
G03  74    |^George often spoke at the Sunday school. ^He christened the
G03  75 babies. ^Also, when called upon to do so, he would officiate at
G03  76 funerals.
G03  77    |^Religion was one of his pet subjects, for being well acquainted
G03  78 with the Bible, which he had read in prison where it was the only book
G03  79 they were allowed, he could debate on religion with anyone. ^Although
G03  80 his ideas were diametrically opposed to those of parsons he got on
G03  81 wonderfully well with them, particularly those who, like the \0Rev.
G03  82 Conrad Noel, the eloquent leader of the Church Socialist League,
G03  83 genuinely advocated socialism. ^With such men, who had the courage of
G03  84 their convictions and their Christianity, common ground could be
G03  85 found.
G03  86    |^There was no abatement in political work. ^The British Socialist
G03  87 Party endeavoured to get more socialist members sent to the Council,
G03  88 and to Parliament, being determined and obdurate in their attitude
G03  89 that their candidate must go forward in the elections. ^In the
G03  90 Sheffield Trades and Labour Council meeting on October 16, 1912,
G03  91 George had said, ^*'\0Mr. Barton would go to the poll. ^Just as the
G03  92 Labour Party had fought the Liberals, they were going to fight the
G03  93 Labour Party.**'
G03  94    |^This new party, the British Socialist Party, was not prepared to
G03  95 accept the role of junior helper in the Labour movement, or of only
G03  96 providing propaganda in order to increase the volume of socialist
G03  97 thought in the city, but sought to create in the Labour movement a
G03  98 more militant attitude capable of achieving socialism for the working
G03  99 people. ^In its ranks were men steeled in the struggle, who for many
G03 100 years had worked without stint to the best of their ability and
G03 101 knowledge for the working people. ^Not all members, though, understood
G03 102 the same thing by socialism or fully accepted Marxism. ^Hyndman, the
G03 103 leader, had for some time been propagating a reactionary policy and
G03 104 veering away from the rank and file. ^Alf Barton, who in 1911 was
G03 105 presented with a book on the life of Marx, and a gold purse in
G03 106 recognition of his work for the movement, was later known to say that
G03 107 it was not necessary to understand Marxism in order to understand
G03 108 socialism, though at this time he was a keen member of the
G03 109 {0*2B.S.P.}. ^*0George, however, never deviated from his belief that
G03 110 it was the economic basis of society which needed to be changed, for
G03 111 the conditions of the people were appalling, there being only slight
G03 112 alleviations.
G03 113    |^In 1908 5\0s. a week had been granted to the old people at 70.
G03 114 ^The Lloyd George Insurance Act, based upon the principle of
G03 115 Bismarck's legislation many years earlier, which principle was to make
G03 116 the working people pay for their own benefits, had come into
G03 117 operation, and eased but slightly the situation of some of the most
G03 118 needy of the population. ^But now stagnation seemed to have set in.
G03 119 ^Wages were pitifully low, particularly the wages of women. ^It was
G03 120 reported in the *1Sheffield Guardian *0of November 1912, that women
G03 121 employed in the holloware trade had had to strike for a wage of 2\0d.
G03 122 an hour, whilst the wages of many other girls did not even reach this
G03 123 pittance. ^In the printing trade the wage of a skilled woman worker
G03 124 was only 10\0s. a week.
G03 125    |^Endeavours were also made by the Amalgamated Union of Bakers and
G03 126 Confectioners to improve the bad conditions of the bakers. ^Their
G03 127 proposals were sent to the master bakers for signature but only eight
G03 128 out of twenty-five conceded the terms of the men. ^Jack Hawksworth,
G03 129 Secretary of the Bakers' Union, attended the Sheffield Trades and
G03 130 Labour Council to appeal for support for the men, and a resolution was
G03 131 passed to boycott the non-recognised shop in November 1912.
G03 132    |^In this year the Sheffield Trades and Labour Council also passed
G03 133 a resolution in favour of a general strike should war be declared, and
G03 134 the *1Sheffield Guardian *0of September 27, 1912, went further and
G03 135 declared itself in favour of passive resistance to all taxation. ^So a
G03 136 reading was taken of the direction the wind was blowing, presaging a
G03 137 world disaster, yet it was lost sight of in the immediate smaller
G03 138 issues of the day. ^The Liberals claimed to be working for peace but
G03 139 the drift towards war went on without hindrance. ^It was a readymade
G03 140 solution to their problems of poverty and unemployment. ^Interest,
G03 141 however, remained; and George continued his leading role. ^He acted as
G03 142 chairman at a {0*2B.S.P.} *0meeting in the Sheffield Corn Exchange
G03 143 in January 1913, when a large audience expected Ben Tillett to be
G03 144 there, but as George explained, he was unable to come on account of
G03 145 illness. ^Jack Jones of London and Charles Lapworth, who three years
G03 146 before had stood for Brightside, delivered speeches, and party songs
G03 147 were sung by the Clarion Vocal Union.
G03 148    |^Rather halting and reluctant steps were taken to bring about
G03 149 agreement between the British Socialist Party and the Sheffield Trades
G03 150 and Labour Council on the question of elections and affiliation.
G03 151 ^These, however, did not have any immediate result, and the friction
G03 152 which existed between these bodies was not resolved that year, to the
G03 153 detriment of the labour movement.
G03 154    |^Although the Sheffield {0*2B.S.P.} *0had declared, as stated by
G03 155 \0Mr. Chandler at a meeting the year before, that there were to be no
G03 156 leaders in their movement, yet the need for correct and definite
G03 157 leadership began to be urgently felt, as George was to point out in
G03 158 conference later on.
G03 159    |^In March, 1913, at a special meeting of the British Socialist
G03 160 Party, they decided to adopt Comrade William Gee as Parliamentary
G03 161 candidate, and the following resolution was carried unanimously:
G03 162    |^*'That this branch of the British Socialist Party adopt \0Mr.
G03 163 \0Wm. Gee of Northampton as prospective Socialist Candidate for the
G03 164 Brightside Parliamentary Division and pledges itself to use every
G03 165 legitimate effort to secure his successful return.**'
G03 166    |^Events, however, were to decree otherwise.
G03 167    |^At the {0*2B.S.P.} *0Conference of that year the cleavage of
G03 168 opinion became more evident. ^Hyndman's support of a strong navy
G03 169 caused much hostility and he had to undertake to express such opinions
G03 170 only in his private capacity, and not as a member of the Party. ^It
G03 171 was also resolved that only Socialist candidates should be recognised,
G03 172 and a resolution against an increase in armaments was carried.
G03 173    |^In the matter of the municipal elections 1913 was a more
G03 174 successful year for the labour movement, and at a meeting of the
G03 175 Sheffield Trades and Labour Council in November, \0Mr. Rowlinson
G03 176 referred with satisfaction to their success and stated there was no
G03 177 reason why they should not have a big fighting force in the City
G03 178 Council before long. ^But the City Council was again using repressive
G03 179 measures to attack the labour movement of the city. ^They proposed to
G03 180 prohibit public meetings at the traditional site of the Queen's
G03 181 Monument, and this aroused the anger and indignation of the whole
G03 182 labour movement, of all shades of opinion, throughout the city. ^On
G03 183 February 17 a special conference was called which included
G03 184 representatives of the Sheffield Independent Labour Party, British
G03 185 Socialist Party, the Daily Herald League, the National Union of
G03 186 Women's Suffrage Society, the Woman's Social and Political Union, and
G03 187 the Trades Council. ^A decision was taken to organise a mass
G03 188 demonstration of protest.
G03 189    |^Subsequently, on Sunday, March 8, 1914, an orderly and
G03 190 substantial procession with the banners of the British Socialist
G03 191 Party, the Independent Labour Party and the trades unions flying made
G03 192 its way from the Wicker to the Queen's Monument. ^Collectors went
G03 193 alongside with petitions. ^Gathered at the Monument was a crowd of
G03 194 4,000 people, many of whom had come long distances.
G03 195 *# 2015
G04   1 **[191 TEXT G04**]
G04   2 ^*0He very kindly accepted, adding in his letter that he would have a
G04   3 friend staying with him on that day, and would like to bring him over
G04   4 for the drive from Kennington. ^So at 3 {0p.m.} the car drove up to
G04   5 the Hall, and out of it stepped our Bishop with the Archbishop of
G04   6 Canterbury! ^\0Dr. Davidson said he would go for a walk over the
G04   7 fields while we attended to our business. ^To my amusement, when we
G04   8 met at tea at the rectory after the Dedication, the Archbishop said he
G04   9 had been stopped by a farmer in a field. ^He seemed rather indignant,
G04  10 but we took the episode without a smile till afterwards.
G04  11    |^The Hall proved most useful, especially in winter when the
G04  12 distance to the church deterred many from coming to Sunday Evensong.
G04  13 ^We managed to furnish a table with cross and candles, and the people
G04  14 appreciated the Church Hall for worship as well as for more secular
G04  15 purposes.
G04  16    |^In 1910 \0Dr. Talbot was translated to Winchester, and \0Dr.
G04  17 Hubert Burge became Bishop of Southwark. ^Meanwhile I had been asked
G04  18 to do a bit of Diocesan work in connection with Higher Religious
G04  19 Education, and to become the Southwark Secretary of the Church Reading
G04  20 Union. ^This meant organizing lectures and courses of religious
G04  21 instruction through the Diocese, and I also found myself a member of
G04  22 the Diocesan Conference, where I remember introducing myself as the
G04  23 incumbent of the highest church in the Diocese. ^There was a somewhat
G04  24 shocked atmosphere in some quarters, until I explained that my church
G04  25 was 800 feet high above the sea level!
G04  26    |^The work was growing pretty heavy, and we managed to get a
G04  27 stipendiary layman who could help among the children and young people.
G04  28 ^It was while I was at Tatsfield that I first visited Oberammergau in
G04  29 Bavaria to witness the Passion Play. ^The place and its people were to
G04  30 play an important part in my life. ^For five years in succession till
G04  31 war broke out in 1914, I spent my summer holidays there and became
G04  32 very intimate with the people and the environs. ^Every year between
G04  33 the Passion Plays, an interval of ten years, another play would be
G04  34 performed at the small theatre in the village, when new talent would
G04  35 be discovered and trained. ^After the First World War, 1914, I did not
G04  36 visit Germany for ten years, by which time in 1924 I was in a
G04  37 different parish in Surrey.
G04  38    |^Towards the end of my five and a half years' incumbency I was
G04  39 asked if I would start a village choral society and conduct it. ^This
G04  40 opened up a new interest, and we plunged into it.
G04  41    |^First of all simple part-songs: I found only one member who had
G04  42 any idea of reading music. ^This was the village doctor who was an old
G04  43 school friend at Clifton. ^He could sustain the tenor part quite well
G04  44 and lead the others. ^As for basses and altos the conductor had to
G04  45 teach by singing the parts with them. ^It was very amusing, and by the
G04  46 end of a few months an enthusiastic choir of men and women could
G04  47 render simple part-singing tolerably well.
G04  48    |^Then we went to work on Coleridge Taylor's *'Hiawatha's Wedding
G04  49 Feast.**' ^Enthusiasm grew, and in a few more months we gave a concert
G04  50 at which the accompanist was the village schoolmaster, and the tenor
G04  51 solo *'Onaway awake**' was sung by the Rector. ^Friends from
G04  52 Limpsfield, in addition to the villagers, came up, and we were all
G04  53 happy.
G04  54 *<*=5*>
G04  55 *<*2\0ST. MARK'S, WOODCOTE, *01913-1922*>
G04  56    |^*2IN *01913 \0Dr. Burge, Bishop of Southwark, asked me to go as
G04  57 Vicar of \0St. Mark's, Woodcote, Purley, a new church built by the
G04  58 well-known architect \0Mr. George Fellowes Prynne, who was to become a
G04  59 very intimate friend, and I was later on joint executor of his estate
G04  60 with his solicitor cousin. ^As Bishop Talbot had told me that I ought
G04  61 not to spend many years in Tatsfield, we held great family
G04  62 consultations. ^My eldest brother was then living in Limpsfield with
G04  63 his family, and found a very suitable house nearby where my mother
G04  64 settled, and eventually died in 1926 at the age of 92. ^\0Dr. Burge
G04  65 was not able to be present at the Institution and Induction Service in
G04  66 \0St. Mark's. ^This was taken by the Suffragan Bishop of Woolwich,
G04  67 \0Dr. John Leake, who lived at Blackheath, and was a close friend of
G04  68 ours.
G04  69    |^But what a change from the dear little old church at Tatsfield to
G04  70 the great modern church of \0St. Mark's at Purley. ^One felt at
G04  71 Tatsfield that, small as the church was, it had its own atmosphere,
G04  72 and for centuries had been a House of Prayer. ^I could not but feel
G04  73 the chilliness of the new church, beautiful as it was and is. ^When we
G04  74 had found a group of people who gladly co-operated, we made the little
G04  75 side chapel a place of daily prayer. ^I suggested to the congregation
G04  76 that it needed warming up by constant prayer and worship, and we found
G04  77 many to help. ^Gifts of candlesticks and stained-glass lancet
G04  78 windows*- finally a new altar*- helped to furnish the chapel as a
G04  79 little sanctuary for prayer and quiet. ^In time we received similar
G04  80 gifts for the High Altar, and large East and West windows. ^It was
G04  81 very interesting to have the privilege of filling such a beautiful
G04  82 building with suitable fittings; I made a rule that all gifts should
G04  83 be submitted for approval to the architect, himself a fine artist. ^It
G04  84 is quite possible to put beautiful things into a beautiful church and
G04  85 yet spoil the building with ornaments unsuitable to the environs.
G04  86    |^We also had a little Mission Hall leading off the Brighton Road,
G04  87 in a street full of small houses. ^This was called Ellen Avenue when I
G04  88 first went there, but was soon changed into the better-sounding name
G04  89 of Lansdowne Road. ^There were lots of children there, and we had a
G04  90 flourishing Sunday School and an evening service. ^I soon saw that the
G04  91 parish needed more help both at the church and Mission district. ^The
G04  92 Church Army Captain had done very good work in the Lansdowne Road
G04  93 district, but I needed more help in the church for the full rota of
G04  94 services on Sundays and weekdays. ^Most fortunately I was able to
G04  95 engage the \0Rev. {0E. U.} Evitt in 1913 soon after I had come, and
G04  96 he organized the Mission district and got to know, and be known by,
G04  97 many of the people of the parish.
G04  98    |^A great blow disturbed all our efforts in the following year,
G04  99 1914, when war broke out. ^Very soon Chaplains for the Forces were
G04 100 urgently needed, and I felt clearly that one of us must volunteer.
G04 101 ^The Bishop, \0Dr. Burge, did not wish me to go then, as I had barely
G04 102 been in the parish for a year. ^\0Mr. Evitt, however, was much less
G04 103 committed than his Vicar, and he was accepted at once and was very
G04 104 soon in France where he did splendid work until his health broke down
G04 105 and he had a bad attack of enteric fever. ^Meanwhile in Purley there
G04 106 was much activity and much co-operation especially with the other
G04 107 Christian communities. ^At a large public meeting we launched the
G04 108 project known as the *'Coulsdon and Purley Patriotic Fund**' in whose
G04 109 counsels and committees I found myself deeply involved. ^At first, the
G04 110 main work was to help wives and relations of the soldiers to get their
G04 111 *'Separation**' allowances, but soon, alas!, as casualties began and
G04 112 increased in the winter of 1914 and 1915 the matter of War Pensions
G04 113 became very urgent, and I was asked to be Chairman of the Committee in
G04 114 Coulsdon and Purley. ^Indeed, for the next seventeen years, during my
G04 115 time at Purley, and from 1922 at Surbiton, I was continuously Chairman
G04 116 of the local War Pensions Committee. ^This task involved a very great
G04 117 deal of detailed work for the Committee. ^We had a splendid body of
G04 118 local residents, and a series of excellent Honorary Secretaries. ^Our
G04 119 Committee met once a week in the evenings, and included professional
G04 120 men from every walk of life. ^Very soon we managed to get a hut in
G04 121 Purley where soldiers were very welcome and the ladies organized a
G04 122 canteen. ^Life was in those years more than busy. ^We now had a
G04 123 vicarage next to the church, and I was most fortunate in having for
G04 124 eight years a most able and devoted housekeeper whom I had known well
G04 125 in Limpsfield where she had a house next to the church. ^On hearing
G04 126 that I was to leave Tatsfield and come to Purley she offered to come
G04 127 and look after me. ^She was a real treasure, of yeoman stock and
G04 128 clever in all domestic things, a widow who knew how to look after the
G04 129 *'boy,**' who was the only other occupant of the house when \0Mr.
G04 130 Evitt had gone. ^I have now long lost sight of the *'boy,**' but he
G04 131 was lucky to be trained in domestic duties by \0Mrs. Everett.
G04 132    |^And that brings me to say something about the children. ^While
G04 133 the war dragged on and casualties increased, spreading sorrow into
G04 134 many homes, there was a great solace and joy in the work among the
G04 135 children. ^We gathered together a splendid Sunday afternoon service at
G04 136 the church, each child being given a number which, as they came into
G04 137 church, they could just whisper to the superintendent who filled in
G04 138 the register at her own home. ^Each child had a picture given them and
G04 139 the lesson was largely based on this. ^It was on a stamp which could
G04 140 be stuck in their book, and there was quite a clamour for back stamps
G04 141 if a child had to miss the Sunday Church from any cause which the
G04 142 Vicar considered justifiable! ^It was quite amusing to see how much
G04 143 the children enjoyed the service, and I heard of parents or faithful
G04 144 nurses threaten any naughty child with the penalty of not being
G04 145 allowed to come to the Children's Church on Sunday afternoon. ^I hope
G04 146 the threat kept them good in the week, but anyway they were a most
G04 147 delightful lot, and it is a great joy to meet them now fifty years
G04 148 afterwards when so many are parents or even grandparents, and one of
G04 149 the present churchwardens and several officials of the church still
G04 150 remember those days.
G04 151    |^Speaking of churchwardens and children leads me at once to
G04 152 chronicle a most intimate and lasting friendship begun in 1913 in
G04 153 Purley and continuing till old age to-day. ^When I went to \0St.
G04 154 Mark's, the first contact I made was with the Vicar's Warden, \0Mr.
G04 155 {0F. W.} Charlton and his family, the youngest of whose three sons
G04 156 was just coming into the world in this year of 1913. ^From then till
G04 157 now the acquaintance ripened into a very deep friendship which I have
G04 158 taken with me through all the many vicissitudes of a long ministry.
G04 159 ^\0Mr. and \0Mrs. Charlton have been from the first difficult years of
G04 160 war, when most lives were upset and some tempers were easily frayed,
G04 161 the most loyal and devoted friends. ^Their homes*- for since those
G04 162 years they have lived on in Purley*- have always been havens of rest,
G04 163 and the welcome has never failed. ^Their three boys, now successful
G04 164 men, were in our Children's Church from the outset, and when we don't
G04 165 see one another we do not forget.
G04 166    |^In those early years 1914-18, life was very full both in the
G04 167 parish and in the wider war activities. ^The Bishop, knowing that I
G04 168 spent my holidays in Bavaria, asked me if I would do something for two
G04 169 wards at the Royal Herbert Hospital, full of war prisoners. ^I was
G04 170 very glad to help in this way, and visited them frequently,
G04 171 establishing at once a friendly contact with the Bavarian wounded who
G04 172 were delighted to find someone who knew their native villages. ^I
G04 173 could at once notice the great antagonism between the Bavarians and
G04 174 the Prussians who openly scorned these more simple country folk.
G04 175 *# 2005
G05   1 **[192 TEXT G05**]
G05   2    |^*0For me, at any rate, this was all slightly ludicrous, almost
G05   3 shame-making, but one had to take it as part of modern life. ^The
G05   4 effect of make-believe was, if anything, heightened by the arrival in
G05   5 the room of the German uniforms. ^Surely this must be fancy dress.
G05   6 ^There was continuing unreality in the few verbal exchanges and the
G05   7 multiple signatures of many documents and then suddenly, came a
G05   8 heart-stirring display of such moral courage as one rarely meets. ^All
G05   9 done, German General Alfred Jodl, some time Hitler's Chief of Staff
G05  10 and now, with Admiral Friedeburg, co-signatory to his country's
G05  11 defeat, leant across the table to General Bedell Smith, our Chief of
G05  12 Staff, and in command of this little operation, asking in English for
G05  13 permission to say a few words. ^Instinctively, somehow, permission was
G05  14 given, whereupon General Jodl delivered in German a last-minute appeal
G05  15 to the conquerors to acknowledge the sufferings of the German people
G05  16 and to treat them with *"\gna"digheit**". ^It was of the very essence
G05  17 of the German dilemma that this man, this fine soldier, who had
G05  18 allowed himself to become the instrument of his country's destroyer,
G05  19 should find himself capable, at this climax of his and his country's
G05  20 disaster, of pleading with cogent eloquence on behalf of his
G05  21 countrymen. ^I was able next day to confirm the impression of him as a
G05  22 soldier of the highest efficiency when giving him our Supreme
G05  23 Commander's orders as to the disposal of the forces remaining in being
G05  24 under German command.
G05  25    |^Within hours of this final act of surrender Admiral Friedeburg
G05  26 had killed himself. ^We killed General Jodl later by hanging him in
G05  27 Nuremberg Gaol.
G05  28    |^There seemed to me to be an appropriateness in making the final
G05  29 act of this, my second Great War, here at Rheims with its scars still
G05  30 unhealed from thirty years before when the city had stood on the edge
G05  31 of the four-year battle zone of that first great struggle. ^The lovely
G05  32 cathedral still showed its wounds and it was still possible easily to
G05  33 trace the lines of the old No-Man's Land of 1914 to 1918. ^This time,
G05  34 mercifully, there had been little destruction but warlike atmosphere
G05  35 was not entirely lacking since, through the town, ran one of the *"Red
G05  36 Ball Highways**", those one-way highspeed supply routes along which by
G05  37 day and night thundered the endless convoys of giant American supply
G05  38 trucks carrying supplies from Normandy to the battle-fields. ^It was
G05  39 seemingly not only humans that derived comfort from the roar of
G05  40 engines, for it seemed to have positively intoxicating effect upon the
G05  41 nightingales that appear to exist in Rheims in great profusion. ^It
G05  42 was of our disjointed times that one should be kept from sleep by the
G05  43 deafening chorus of a positive nuisance of nightingales. ^As a
G05  44 counter-irritant almost I used to listen of nights to light music
G05  45 broadcast from Deutchlandsender-Berlin in equally unbroken stream save
G05  46 when the girl announcer would break in with air raid warning of *"many
G05  47 enemy aircraft in flight toward Germany.**" ^Until a night of no more
G05  48 music when one realized, almost with regret, that the Russians must
G05  49 have overrun the transmitter.
G05  50    |^Not entirely to my regret, I was not of the party who flew to
G05  51 Berlin there to re-enact the ceremony of surrender for the benefit of
G05  52 Russian propaganda. ^From the garbled accounts given by the
G05  53 participants on their return and restoration to normality it had
G05  54 seemingly developed into an oriental orgy of monumental proportions.
G05  55 ^Instead I organized for myself a personal celebration of victory and,
G05  56 on the invitation of American General Maxwell Taylor, brilliant
G05  57 commander of that crack 101st {0U.S.} Airborne Division, I visited
G05  58 Berchtesgaden. ^There I lodged in the Hotel suite that had until
G05  59 recently been permanently reserved for the notorious Heinrich Himmler,
G05  60 and was shown the local sights. ^Foremost among these, of course,
G05  61 Adolf Hitler's famed *"Eagle's Nest**", that stupendous piece of
G05  62 engineering leading up to the Alpine boudoir where so much mischief
G05  63 had been hatched for all the world. ^In the madness of the whole
G05  64 concept one could sense evil. ^One could imagine the follies of
G05  65 grandeur that must have assailed the disordered mind as it rode the
G05  66 storm up on those heights, surrounded by the tempests on which it must
G05  67 have seemed that the Valkyries rode to greet the Wagnerian hero gazing
G05  68 out over that wonderful vista of mountain, lake and plain.
G05  69    |^Then down below was hidden away the vast Goring collection of art
G05  70 treasures, the loot of all Europe. ^Herein was another testimony to
G05  71 mental aberration. ^Was it perhaps that, deep down in the man's vast
G05  72 depravity, there was a craving after beauty that had somehow gone
G05  73 adrift and, nurtured on obscenity, put out freakish growth. ^I wonder
G05  74 if he appreciated his ill-gotten possessions in the short time he had
G05  75 them.
G05  76    |^So on to Germany to confirm the great victory, this time without
G05  77 equivocation*- no mere armistice, no hanging back at the Rhine, no
G05  78 haggling, not at any rate with our late enemies. ^Easy enough said but
G05  79 to find a suitable location brought us up against considerable
G05  80 difficulty. ^Thanks to the devastation wrought by our Air Force,
G05  81 choices were few, it being necessary to find a place not only with
G05  82 reasonable accommodation intact but whence good communications
G05  83 radiated. ^The lot fell on Frankfurt on the Main where the great
G05  84 {0I.G.} {Farben Industrie} Head Office, surely one of the world's
G05  85 most advanced functional buildings, was found to be reasonably intact.
G05  86 ^Efficient fire-watching had kept within reasonable limits the several
G05  87 fires that had obviously been started on the roofs by incendiary
G05  88 bombing. ^Bazooka battles in the basement had failed to undermine the
G05  89 fabric. ^The various temporary lodgers who must have streamed in and
G05  90 out of the place had caused damage principally only to the vast
G05  91 numbers of safes and strong rooms which had been burst open and
G05  92 ransacked. ^Providence gave the solution of the biggest problem which
G05  93 was that presented by the destruction of a large acreage of window
G05  94 glass. ^By some freak of chance there was found to be surviving in the
G05  95 devastated railway yard nearby a trainload of sheet glass, enough to
G05  96 make a reasonable replacement job. ^Blocks of modern flats housed the
G05  97 junior staff in some luxury while the seniors suffered no pain in the
G05  98 palaces of the {0I.G.} \Farben Directors up in the charming villages
G05  99 of the Taunus Mountains only a few miles out of town*- Konigstein,
G05 100 Falkenstein and Kronberg with its imposing Victorian castle, its
G05 101 sculptured likeness of Queen Victoria herself on the church tower.
G05 102 ^Here at last we had found for ourselves an ideal lay-out, high
G05 103 efficiency in the offices, great comfort in our billets*- so,
G05 104 inevitably one might say, there came the end of {0*2S.H.A.E.F.}
G05 105    |^*0The German surrender having disposed of the military problem,
G05 106 it was no longer possible to ignore the inevitable consequences
G05 107 thereof that demanded for their solution efforts that might be of a
G05 108 different nature, but were none the less strenuous. ^So long as the
G05 109 battles lasted they naturally took priority over all other activities
G05 110 and thoughts and one tried to salve the conscience with the hope that,
G05 111 victory won on the battlefield, the rest would be *"all right on the
G05 112 night**". ^But, recovered from the excitements and tensions of those
G05 113 few dramatic hours of *"unconditional surrender**", the partial
G05 114 capitulations on the two flanks to Field-Marshals Alexander and
G05 115 Montgomery and then the overall climax at Rheims with its repeat
G05 116 performance in Berlin, one became immediately and horrifyingly aware
G05 117 of the terrifying inadequacy of our preparations for what was now to
G05 118 come.
G05 119    |^So long ago as in the early {0*2C.O.S.S.A.C.} *0planning days I
G05 120 had earnestly sought for some definition of the ultimate object of the
G05 121 whole great enterprise; whether, for instance, Germany was to be
G05 122 destroyed, dismembered or reorganized. ^I had asked, in fact, for the
G05 123 definition of some positive object to pursue. ^Here we were at the end
G05 124 of the campaign still with no answer to my question. ^And, for the
G05 125 majority, thought on the subject had been inhibited by the narcotic
G05 126 effect of the terrific slogan *"unconditional surrender**" than which
G05 127 nothing could be more negative. ^We had received the enemy's
G05 128 unconditional surrender. ^So what?
G05 129    |^To make it all doubly difficult, the end of battle had released
G05 130 the unifying pressures that had bound the alliance so comparatively
G05 131 intimately, and there became at once evident a pronounced tendency in
G05 132 the other direction, a tendency to fly apart.
G05 133    |^So that we were in the worst possible shape to deal with the
G05 134 immediate task of trying to co-operate with the Russians who suffered
G05 135 from no such disadvantages as did we.
G05 136    |^History suffered dismal repetition. ^Back in 1918 the end had
G05 137 also come with unexpected speed and had found the western alliance
G05 138 infirm of purpose and lacking precision of aim. ^At the very heart of
G05 139 the confusion the resolute but unbroken Germany, grievously wounded
G05 140 but far from destruction, was able to lay the firm foundations for
G05 141 military revival. ^So now in 1945 the Russians were quick to take
G05 142 advantage of the all too evident disunity among those from whose
G05 143 efforts they had, since 1941 only, been glad to benefit.
G05 144    |^As a British officer of {0*2S.H.A.E.F.}, *0serving an American
G05 145 Chief, I was well placed to watch the distressing drift apart, the
G05 146 growing impatience on American part with British bombast and bland
G05 147 assumption of superiority in so many fields. ^While on the British
G05 148 side there appeared all the evidence of a growing inferiority complex,
G05 149 jealousy of lavish American resources of all kinds and reluctance to
G05 150 acknowledge the scale of American achievement.
G05 151    |^The speed of events once the Rhine was crossed found both British
G05 152 and Americans equally unprepared for what followed. ^We had
G05 153 overestimated the degree of resistance to be put up by the Nazi party
G05 154 and by the German people. ^We had given too much credence to German
G05 155 propaganda, which had built up in our minds a picture of widespread
G05 156 fanaticism that might well entail prolonged operations of a type that
G05 157 would call for most careful handling. ^We foresaw a withdrawal by the
G05 158 Nazi e*?2lite with the cream of their surviving {0S.S.} troops into
G05 159 a well-chosen mountain fortress in the Tyrol, heavily fortified and
G05 160 provisioned, that would necessitate difficult siege operations for its
G05 161 reduction. ^Meanwhile we should have met the Russians head-on, in
G05 162 mid-Germany, which might lead to anything. ^Even at this late stage
G05 163 there was no working arrangement as to the details of this encounter.
G05 164 ^It was bound to happen one day and from our side every conceivable
G05 165 effort had been made to arrive at agreement on a procedure for the
G05 166 avoidance of unfortunate accident in the heat of battle. ^Less than no
G05 167 response from the Russian side led one to fear that the event might
G05 168 well have the outcome that the Nazis evidently hoped might lead to
G05 169 disaster. ^Then there had been much talk of the setting up among the
G05 170 German population of a general system of *"\*1francs-tireurs**", *0to
G05 171 be named *"Werewolves**". ^Arms were to be distributed widespread
G05 172 among the civilian population, whose burning patriotism would inspire
G05 173 them to wage a clandestine war of murder, sabotage and terror against
G05 174 the hated conquerors.
G05 175    |^As it turned out we were wrong on all accounts. ^Altogether we
G05 176 had overestimated the hold of the Nazi party over the German people.
G05 177 ^The Nazi fortress concept turned out to be nothing more than a
G05 178 fantasy. ^Thanks to the good sense of the front line soldiers, the
G05 179 meeting of East and West was marked by the use of no weapon more
G05 180 lethal than vodka. ^And the effect on the German people of the first
G05 181 ten years of the promised thousand of Nazi rule, so far from creating
G05 182 a spirit of warlike frenzy, had produced universally a dull bewildered
G05 183 apathy.
G05 184    |^So far had our thinking led us in this matter of the
G05 185 *"Werewolves**" that we had contemplated the necessity of very special
G05 186 precautions to guard the lives of our airmen. ^Particular hatred, we
G05 187 felt, was bound to be aimed at the representatives of those who had,
G05 188 over the years, spread such ghastly havoc, destruction and death over
G05 189 Germany, causing such wholesale slaughter among men, women and
G05 190 children, old and young alike.
G05 191 *# 2021
G06   1 **[193 TEXT G06**]
G06   2    |^*0In mid-April Anglesey moved his family and entourage from Rome
G06   3 to Naples, there to await the arrival of his yacht from England. ^The
G06   4 beauty of the place quite exceeded his expectations.
G06   5 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G06   6    |^*'I am enchanted**', he told Arthur Paget. ^*'Probably *1the
G06   7 Element *0[the water] has *1not *0a little to do with it, but I admire
G06   8 Vesuvius, which smokes and spits a little to please us, and altogether
G06   9 the \6*1locale *0is certainly charming. ^I am now looking out in
G06  10 earnest for the *1Pearl.... ^*0At present I am not in force. ^The fact
G06  11 is *1Italian weather is a humbug *0and March is (barring Fogs) as bad
G06  12 at Rome as in London. ^I fancy this place more. ^The Scene at least is
G06  13 superb, and if it be too cold to go out, one may at least sit and
G06  14 enjoy it behind the windows {*1a*?3 l'abri du vent}, *0and with the
G06  15 benefit of Sun, whereas at Home every house is constructed and placed
G06  16 so as to have as little as possible of that very agreeable
G06  17 companion.**'
G06  18 **[END INDENTATION**]
G06  19    |^By the end of the month he still delighted in Naples. ^He told
G06  20 Cloncurry that he enjoyed it as much as his health permitted him to
G06  21 enjoy anything. ^*'The *1Pearl*0**', he wrote, *'is arrived, which is
G06  22 a great resource. ^Vesuvius seems to be tired; he is going out
G06  23 fast.... ^What a gay, lively people, and what a busy town. ^At Rome,
G06  24 every other man was a priest: here the priest is \1superceded by the
G06  25 soldier*- a favourable change in my eye, particularly as the troops
G06  26 are very fine.**'
G06  27    |^When the sailing season was past, he sent *1Pearl *0back to
G06  28 England, and returned to Rome for the winter. ^In late November, he
G06  29 was *'suffering as usual**', but hoped, he told Arthur, *'to find this
G06  30 place agree with me better than Naples. ^The journey has been against
G06  31 me, as there has been much rain and damp, but the temperature is high
G06  32 & I have not yet thought of a fire.... ^By the by,**' he added, *'what
G06  33 good cooks the Neapolitans are. ^I have a very good one, but alas!
G06  34 *"\1tis all lost upon Maud!**" ^The utmost extent of my eating is a
G06  35 little macaroni, \1spinage & {*1compote de pommes}, *0with which,
G06  36 however, I quite keep up my condition, \1altho' I sleep little & wake
G06  37 constantly & in pain. ^A pleasant life truly!... ^It so happens that I
G06  38 have an Italian who is perhaps the *1best {*0Valet de Chambre} that
G06  39 ever was. ^But he has not one word of English.**'
G06  40    |^While he was writing this letter he heard of the fall of the
G06  41 Whigs, and the temporary assumption of the government by the Duke of
G06  42 Wellington. ^*'What a frightful event!**' he wrote. ^*'I tremble!
G06  43 ^What infatuation! ^Personally I am indifferent, but I really tremble
G06  44 for my country! ^I may be mistaken, \1tho' I cannot but fear that the
G06  45 exasperation of the People will be so great at the return of
G06  46 Ultratoryism, that the Commons House upon a dissolution, which must be
G06  47 had, will be a mass of Radicalism, & then God knows what may
G06  48 happen.... ^God grant, however, that I may be a false prophet & that
G06  49 all may go well. ^Sir \0R. Peel was here, I understand, but an express
G06  50 took him off yesterday.**'
G06  51    |
G06  52    |^While he was in Naples there had opened a new chapter in the
G06  53 history of Anglesey's unceasing search for an effective alleviation of
G06  54 his painful malady. ^None of the numerous conventional remedies to
G06  55 which he had been subjected ever since the symptoms had first shown
G06  56 themselves seventeen years before had had the slightest effect. ^Nor
G06  57 is this to be wondered at, for even today, in the 1960s, no cure has
G06  58 been found for the {6tic douloureux}. ^As early as 1830, when
G06  59 Anglesey believed himself to be on the point of death, the new German
G06  60 curative method known as homoeopathy had been brought to his notice.
G06  61 ^In April of that year his first wife's brother-in-law, the
G06  62 diplomatist Lord Ponsonby, had written to advise Anglesey to give the
G06  63 system a trial, adding that it was being cultivated with extraordinary
G06  64 success in France and Italy, and that he himself was being treated
G06  65 under a doctor who had studied under its founder, the aged \0Dr.
G06  66 Samuel Hahnemann. ^This remarkable man of medicine, whom Sir Francis
G06  67 Burdett described to Anglesey a year or two later as *'more like a God
G06  68 upon earth than a human being**', had an increasing number of
G06  69 disciples among unorthodox medical men in the cities of Europe. ^One
G06  70 of these was the Neapolitan, \0Dr Giuseppe Mauro, whom Anglesey
G06  71 consulted in May 1834. ^Mauro's first action was to write to his
G06  72 revered master at Ko"then, near Leipzig, asking for advice. ^In doing
G06  73 so he described his distinguished patient and his symptoms. ^He told
G06  74 Hahnemann that he found Anglesey a strong, energetic man with a gentle
G06  75 and charming character, even-tempered and sedate, not easily
G06  76 irritated, patient and persevering, *'but he appears to despair of
G06  77 ever being cured.**' ^Only the right side of his face was affected,
G06  78 the pain extending from the corner of the mouth and the chin, up to
G06  79 the eye socket and as far back as behind the ear. ^During an attack
G06  80 the outer skin would become so sensitive that on being touched it felt
G06  81 as if something red-hot were singeing it, and the acts of speaking and
G06  82 swallowing became difficult in the extreme. ^North and east winds and
G06  83 sudden changes in the weather generally provoked severe bouts of pain.
G06  84 ^These were always accompanied by an irregularity of the pulse and
G06  85 acute constipation. ^During a bad attack Anglesey would writhe in
G06  86 silent agony, burying his head in his hands, the torment coming in
G06  87 spasms every three or four minutes, over a longer or shorter period.
G06  88 ^Hahnemann's reply to Mauro was to send off some medicines (which took
G06  89 three months to reach Naples) and to write personally to Anglesey
G06  90 stressing the need for continual outdoor exercise above all else.
G06  91    |^In September, Sir James Murray was replaced as Anglesey's
G06  92 personal physician by \0Dr Dunsford, an English disciple of
G06  93 Hahnemann's. ^He at once took over the correspondence with Hahnemann,
G06  94 but soon came to the conclusion that as soon as it was possible to
G06  95 cross the Alps, Anglesey and his party should take up residence for a
G06  96 period in Ko"then. ^Consequently, at the end of April 1835, Anglesey,
G06  97 accompanied only by his son Clarence, \0Dr Dunsford and two servants,
G06  98 arrived within hailing distance of the great Hahnemann himself. ^The
G06  99 reason for taking Clarence, who was now a young man of twenty-three,
G06 100 was that he too was in need of medical assistance. ^His complaints
G06 101 were venereal, and Hahnemann refused to prescribe for him without a
G06 102 personal examination. ^What success Hahnemann had in Clarence's case
G06 103 is not known, but after a month's treatment at Ko"then, Anglesey
G06 104 seemed to be well on the way to a cure. ^This happy but impermanent
G06 105 state of affairs was brought about by a very careful application of
G06 106 the homoeopathic system. ^At that date the doctrine that *'likes
G06 107 should be treated by likes**', which is its essence, was completely
G06 108 revolutionary. ^The fact that homoeopathy utterly rejected the weapons
G06 109 commonly used against disease, such as bleeding, mercurialism and
G06 110 purgatives, ensured that *'every Apothecary**', as Lord Ponsonby put
G06 111 it, *'must be its determined foe.**' ^But Hahnemann had had
G06 112 extraordinary successes in curing diseases which had quite baffled the
G06 113 conventional remedies, and in Anglesey's case, by experimenting with
G06 114 selected medicines and meticulously noting their effects, he managed
G06 115 to reduce the frequency and violence of the attacks very considerably
G06 116 over a period of several months. ^This partial success may well have
G06 117 been due less to the drugs than to the cessation of the debilitating
G06 118 remedies hitherto employed. ^For instance, Hahnemann told Dunsford
G06 119 that it was *'never necessary or useful to lessen the amount of blood
G06 120 because it always means a lessening of energy and those forces whose
G06 121 reactions are all the more beneficial the more they are kept
G06 122 intact.**' ^This \6*1diktat, *0and others like it, though universally
G06 123 accepted today, sounded like treason in the ears of the orthodox
G06 124 practitioners of the 1830s, but their application was clearly the
G06 125 chief basis of Hahnemann's success. ^Anglesey was so impressed by what
G06 126 seemed a miraculous cure, that he gave Dunsford permission to publish
G06 127 an account of it. ^In this were detailed the various medicines tried
G06 128 and their effects; Anglesey was pictured as having *'recovered the
G06 129 stoutness, the vigour and the activity of a young man. ^For several
G06 130 months he has not felt the coming on of the tic, and he has such
G06 131 confidence in homoeopathy that no relapse can lessen it.**' ^Though
G06 132 this last statement was an exaggeration, Anglesey was certainly
G06 133 grateful to Hahnemann for giving him the longest periods of freedom
G06 134 from pain he had ever had. ^It was said that he looked ten years
G06 135 younger and wherever he went praised the miracles which homoeopathy
G06 136 had wrought in him. ^By June 1835, when he had returned to England and
G06 137 re-established himself at Beaudesert, he felt that his sojourn abroad
G06 138 had well served its purpose: what he called the *'wretched nerves**'
G06 139 of his face were at last quiescent, and he knew once again the
G06 140 blessing of uninterrupted sleep.
G06 141    |
G06 142    |^Later in the year, the idea of some sort of public employment was
G06 143 again in the air. ^Lady Cowper, for instance, told Princess Lieven on
G06 144 September 25th that Anglesey was very much annoyed at not obtaining
G06 145 the Admiralty in place of Lord Auckland, who had gone to govern India.
G06 146 ^If there was any truth in this, Lord Melbourne's letter of the
G06 147 following day, offering Anglesey the Government of Gibraltar, may have
G06 148 been a sop. ^*'It is**', he wrote, *'one of the best military
G06 149 situations which the Crown has to bestow*- the salary has been
G06 150 settled... at five thousand pounds yearly, it being understood that
G06 151 the Governor is not hereafter to be absent from his post. ^It has
G06 152 struck me that \1altho' very improbable it is not quite impossible
G06 153 that you might be willing to accept of this appointment.**' ^The reply
G06 154 was not bereft of asperity:
G06 155 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G06 156    |^*'*1Beaudesert, \0Sept. *027, 1835
G06 157    |^*'Dear Melbourne,
G06 158    |*'I have received your letter of yesterday.
G06 159    |^*'I am not prepared to spend the remainder of my life at
G06 160 Gibraltar, & moreover (if even residence were not the condition),
G06 161 having no taste for a sinecure, I have only to thank you for the offer
G06 162 & to decline it.
G06 163    |^*'I remain, dear Melbourne, faithfully yours,
G06 164    |*'*2ANGLESEY*'
G06 165 **[END INDENTATION**]
G06 166    |^*0Soon after his return from Europe, Clarence Paget had become
G06 167 seriously ill with a supposed abscess on the lungs. ^After months of
G06 168 suffering, his life was almost despaired of when as a last resort it
G06 169 was suggested that the patient should be taken to consult Hahnemann
G06 170 once again. ^It was no longer necessary to go further than Paris, for
G06 171 by this time the great man had been driven from his native Germany by
G06 172 the antipathy of his orthodox brethren. ^The main difficulty was how
G06 173 to make the expedition from England without killing the patient before
G06 174 he completed it. ^The problem was overcome in an interesting manner.
G06 175 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G06 176    |^*'Fortunately,**' wrote Clarence in after years, *'the King...
G06 177 remembered there was a luxurious old bed travelling-carriage in the
G06 178 royal coach-houses, which had carried his brother, George *=4., and he
G06 179 kindly placed it at the disposal of my father. ^Into it I was put,
G06 180 more dead than alive, and we got across to Calais, and from thence by
G06 181 easy stages to Paris... ^\0Dr Hahnemann was immediately summoned*- a
G06 182 little wizened old man of seventy [he was, in fact, over eighty], not
G06 183 more than five feet high, with a splendid head, and bent double*- with
G06 184 him his wife, a remarkably intelligent French woman, who was very
G06 185 plain, and much younger than the doctor. ^He gave one the idea of a
G06 186 necromancer. ^He wrote down every symptom, examined me all over, asked
G06 187 ever so many questions which I had scarcely strength to answer, and
G06 188 took up his gold-headed cane to depart. ^My father hung upon every
G06 189 word, but could get nothing from him.
G06 190 **[MIDDLE OF QUOTE**]
G06 191 *# 2003
G07   1 **[194 TEXT G07**]
G07   2    |^*0When he saw Trelawny's printed letter, Lord Sidney wrote to
G07   3 Douglas Kinnaird saying that it was incorrect throughout. ^He had no
G07   4 sooner heard from Count Gamba and Fletcher that Byron would have
G07   5 wished his body to return to England than that course was
G07   6 *'immediately carried into effect**'*- not in spite of himself and Sir
G07   7 Frederick Stoven, but with their perfect concurrence, while ~*'General
G07   8 Adam was at Corfu the whole time and never interfered in the slightest
G07   9 degree about the matter**'.
G07  10    |^His only reference to Trelawny by name in the course of several
G07  11 communications to Hobhouse and Kinnaird about Byron's affairs is
G07  12 satirical: ^*'I have not the \1honor of any acquaintance with \0Mr
G07  13 Trelawny who seems to have had charge of the Mule when Count Gamba
G07  14 accompanied the remains of our deceased friend to Zante....**'
G07  15    |^If Trelawny failed even to meet Lord Sidney and the British
G07  16 Government's other representatives in the islands, while they warmly
G07  17 welcomed Gamba to their counsels, it would go far to explain his
G07  18 attempts to exalt himself at the young Italian's expense.
G07  19    |^In his popular and acutely unreliable book on Byron and Shelley,
G07  20 Trelawny implies that not only Gamba but Fletcher and Tita and the
G07  21 steward, Lega Zambelli, failed to perform the most elementary duties
G07  22 towards the dead. ^He pretends to have found everything in uttermost
G07  23 disorder*- *'tokens that the Pilgrim had most treasured, scattered on
G07  24 the floor,*- as rubbish of no marketable value, and trampled on**'.
G07  25 ^This was to give colour to his pretext for copying Byron's last
G07  26 letter to his sister, which was that its chance of reaching its
G07  27 destination had seemed slight. ^The collection of Pietro Gamba's
G07  28 letters deposited among the Murray manuscripts show that the greatest
G07  29 care was observed in gathering together all the possessions of a man
G07  30 whose importance was fully recognized by everyone about him. ^*'I have
G07  31 had put under Government seal his belongings, which will be opened by
G07  32 Prince Alexander Mavrocordato in my presence and that of certain
G07  33 Englishmen who are here. ^I have taken an exact inventory of them.**'
G07  34 ^Thus on April 21st, several days before Trelawny appeared, Gamba
G07  35 wrote to Lord Sidney Osborne, and his inventory has been preserved.
G07  36 ^The papers were reopened in the presence of leading Missolonghi
G07  37 officials in order to make sure that no recent will was amongst them.
G07  38 ^It may have been then that Trelawny contrived to do his copying.
G07  39    |^Considering that Pietro was not above twenty-three years of age
G07  40 when he undertook a load of heavy responsibilities, his conduct
G07  41 reveals him as one of the most intelligent as well as the most
G07  42 sympathetic of Byron's \6*1entourage *0in Greece.
G07  43    |^With his good looks*- for he *'carried the passport of a very
G07  44 handsome person**'*- his good manners and his perfect lack of
G07  45 pretension, he even succeeded in disarming Hobhouse's possessiveness
G07  46 and making him forget how deeply he had disapproved, less than two
G07  47 years ago in Italy, of the immoral way the Countess Guiccioli's family
G07  48 accepted Byron as her lover.
G07  49    |^Augusta Leigh too was favourably impressed, and wrote to Lady
G07  50 Byron after she had received a visit from him:
G07  51 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G07  52 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G07  53    |^I have today seen Count Gamba*- which was very distressing for
G07  54 many reasons but quite unavoidable*- he is a pleasing, fine looking
G07  55 young man & spoke with great feeling.
G07  56 **[END QUOTE**]
G07  57 **[END INDENTATION**]
G07  58    |^The unfortunate Augusta was in one of her worst states of
G07  59 confusion. ^She had loved Byron, but she had betrayed him, betrayed
G07  60 him not twice, as he had betrayed her, but again and again over a long
G07  61 span of time, fawning on his implacable wife, purveying to her in
G07  62 secret the unguarded letters he never suspected any eye but her own
G07  63 would see, feeding the stealthy fires of her animosity: and having
G07  64 betrayed him, she had grown to fear and almost to hate him. ^She had
G07  65 dreaded his outpourings of affection for her in poetry that he thought
G07  66 would clear her and that only compromised her, and the headstrong
G07  67 folly that tempted him to write on ever more daring themes, teaching
G07  68 the world to guess what repentance and unrepentance preyed upon his
G07  69 thoughts. ^She had dreaded still more that he might return to England,
G07  70 overshadowing her again with spiritual and social peril.
G07  71    |^But this kind of return was what she could never have foreseen...
G07  72 that he should come back not voluble but silent, not beautiful but
G07  73 defaced, not in obloquy but with his praises ringing! ^She could
G07  74 remember now his exciting laughter, his almost filial love for her,
G07  75 her almost maternal love for him. ^Above all she could remember the
G07  76 anguish of their parting, and how he had been *'convulsed, absolutely
G07  77 convulsed with grief**'. ^So love revived, and in its most sentimental
G07  78 form. ^While he lived she had lost touch in her perpetual alarms with
G07  79 what was best in him; dead his memory became sacred to her.
G07  80    |^She felt almost as strongly as Hobhouse about biographies. ^Quite
G07  81 apart from the divagations of her *'poor brother**'*- so she
G07  82 constantly referred to him*- there were a hundred reasons why it would
G07  83 be objectionable to have the family history exposed. ^Whatever
G07  84 latitude she allowed in the warmth of her kindly nature to others*- or
G07  85 to herself*- she believed implicitly in the moral code she had learned
G07  86 from her good grandmother, the Countess of Holderness, living in a
G07  87 well-ordered Derbyshire manor. ^She had no desire to see in print that
G07  88 her mother, who was to have been a duchess, had been involved in a
G07  89 scandalous and ruinous divorce, that her father, *'Mad Jack Byron**',
G07  90 was a profligate and a bankrupt who had squandered every penny two
G07  91 successive wives had brought him and left the second on the verge of
G07  92 destitution, and that he had died a drunkard and perhaps a suicide,
G07  93 hiding in France to escape his creditors.
G07  94    |^It was no more pleasant for the \0Hon. Augusta Leigh to share
G07  95 this kind of story with the world than it would be for most
G07  96 20th-century ladies moving in court circles and having children to be
G07  97 settled advantageously in life. ^She had lived down the rumours which
G07  98 had made the year of the Byron separation a nightmare to her, and she
G07  99 had also succeeded, though with an increasing sense of effort, in
G07 100 persuading her little world to avert its eyes from her husband, *'that
G07 101 drone**', as Byron called him, whose career of devotion to the turf
G07 102 was reputed to have a certain shadiness. ^She had earned the right to
G07 103 be left in peace.
G07 104    |^Byron's fame was, of course, very wonderful, but it carried with
G07 105 it too many reminders of his terrible indiscretions*- the writing of
G07 106 *1Don Juan, *0which she had never ceased to deplore, his shocking
G07 107 blasphemies like the *1Vision of Judgement, *0his making friends with
G07 108 the atheist known to her as *'that infamous \0Mr. Shelley**', and his
G07 109 mixing with really low and horrid people such as the subversive
G07 110 journalist Leigh Hunt, whom one would never conceivably meet in decent
G07 111 society.
G07 112    |^She was most emphatically opposed to the production of sheer
G07 113 indelicacies, and that was the light in which she saw the proposed
G07 114 book by Dallas. ^Letters between a mother and a son*- a son so
G07 115 outspoken and a mother so far from suitable to be paraded before the
G07 116 public! ^And brought out by that seedy poor relation, Dallas! ^Could
G07 117 anything be in worse taste? ^The ill-mannered man had not even had the
G07 118 common courtesy to write to her about it, but had sent her a verbal
G07 119 message through a niece of his simply informing her that it was his
G07 120 intention to bring out the book. ^It was a good thing she had \0Mr
G07 121 Hobhouse to depend on.
G07 122    |^There had been a time when she had shared Annabella's detestation
G07 123 of \0Mr Hobhouse*- had agreed with her that he was a bad influence,
G07 124 one of the *'Piccadilly crew**' who encouraged Byron to drink and
G07 125 behave outrageously. ^She was far too diplomatic to have let him
G07 126 suspect the scornful terms in which she was referring to him in her
G07 127 daily letters to Annabella when the marriage was breaking up; and this
G07 128 was fortunate because he had turned out to be a powerful friend to
G07 129 her.
G07 130    |^No one had done more to silence the whisperings which connected
G07 131 her, so untruly and unfairly, with the Separation. ^He was not, after
G07 132 all, the godless debauchee he had once seemed but a serious-minded
G07 133 person who felt exactly as she did about Byron's poetical defiances,
G07 134 and who had the same passionate desire to protect his memory. ^He was
G07 135 generous too, and although his expenses as a Member of Parliament were
G07 136 heavy and he depended on an allowance from his father, he had
G07 137 renounced for her sake Byron's legacy of a thousand pounds. ^Hanson,
G07 138 the solicitor, was naturally remunerated for his services, but all
G07 139 \0Mr Hobhouse's duties as executor were performed without reward. ^And
G07 140 now there was more trouble brewing with those unbearable Dallases.
G07 141    |^Dallas senior was detained in Paris by severe illness, but Dallas
G07 142 junior was full of fight and applying for the injunction to be lifted.
G07 143 ^He had gone to Byron's cousin, now 7th lord, and had got him to
G07 144 compose an affidavit to the effect that, whereas he had formerly been
G07 145 reluctant to approve the publication unless it had first been examined
G07 146 by the relatives and friends of his predecessor, he had now read the
G07 147 book and was content for it to be issued without that precaution.
G07 148    |^There were few things in Augusta's whole life, full of calamities
G07 149 though it was, that hurt her more than this contemptuous slight from
G07 150 George Anson Byron, whom she had loved with an unswerving loyalty, and
G07 151 had looked on as her intimate friend. ^Moreover, he was without the
G07 152 right to make such pronouncements: he had inherited nothing from her
G07 153 brother but his title, whereas she was not only of nearer
G07 154 consanguinity but the chosen recipient of his property.
G07 155    |^These, if she had only known it, were precisely the reasons why
G07 156 her cousin took pleasure in the opportunity of annoying her. ^Lady
G07 157 Byron did not like Augusta to have intimate friends, and in every
G07 158 instance where the occasion was granted her, she managed to find some
G07 159 excuse for bestowing, in whole or in part, those confidences which
G07 160 never failed to leave her audience agape with wonder at her
G07 161 magnanimity and Augusta's wickedness.
G07 162    |^George Anson Byron had seen enough of the poet's atrocious
G07 163 conduct as a husband to be aware that Augusta, so far from being
G07 164 responsible for the collapse of the marriage, had been Lady Byron's
G07 165 greatest support and comfort at the time; but it had been deemed
G07 166 necessary all the same to enlighten him as to the suspicions in the
G07 167 background, and he had repeated them to his newly married wife. ^Their
G07 168 friendship for Augusta became rather hollow, and the news that Byron
G07 169 had left her practically all his money caused it to crumble to
G07 170 oblivion.
G07 171    |^Though Lady Byron knew perfectly well that Byron, as early as the
G07 172 year of their wedding, 1815, had made a will in Augusta's favour, she
G07 173 had evidently not passed on that information; and it came as an
G07 174 appalling surprise to Captain Byron that he had been left without the
G07 175 fortune that would keep up the title. ^Why he should have cherished
G07 176 expectations it is difficult to see, considering that a nearer
G07 177 relative was poor and in debt, and that he had been on bad terms with
G07 178 Byron since the Separation, in which he had whole-heartedly and with
G07 179 courage allied himself with the opposite side; but that he suffered a
G07 180 shock his letters poignantly show, and the disappointment must have
G07 181 been all the worse because the will was not produced until nearly
G07 182 seven weeks after he had learned of his succession.
G07 183    |^*'Respecting the will**', he wrote to Byron's widow a few days
G07 184 after hearing its contents, *'the very thought of it is painful to me.
G07 185 ^What Mary has said about it is too true.**'
G07 186    |^What Mary, the new Lady Byron, had said about it was written on
G07 187 the first half sheet of the same paper:
G07 188 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G07 189 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G07 190    |^My dearest Annabella,
G07 191    |The more we consider the most prominent subject in your letter,
G07 192 the more we are convinced of the truth of that dreadful history
G07 193 connected with it.
G07 194 **[MIDDLE OF QUOTE**]
G07 195 *# 2020
G08   1 **[195 TEXT G08**]
G08   2    |^*0All friends in the India Office emphasised Ritchie's humanity,
G08   3 *'the revelation that anyone in his position could spare time and
G08   4 thought for the younger members of the office**', *'his continual
G08   5 kindness, generosity and public spirit**', together with *'social
G08   6 pre-eminence as one of the very few witty Englishmen**'; while the
G08   7 Indian Press dwelt on *'the load of personal additional
G08   8 responsibility, due to the Secretary of State's illness**' (in March
G08   9 1911 he had a fainting fit and was ordered two months' rest) *'and to
G08  10 his leadership of the House of Lords, which broke down the Permanent
G08  11 Under Secretary**'; and observed too that Ritchie was *'more human,
G08  12 genial and considerate than his reticent and aloof predecessor, Lord
G08  13 Kilbracken**'.
G08  14    |^There is a true story, connected with another branch of the
G08  15 Service, regarding an official, who, having represented his country
G08  16 abroad for some ten years in an obscure post in a distant country,
G08  17 came home on leave and, summoning all his courage in the hope of
G08  18 getting a transfer, telephoned to the head of his Department and said:
G08  19 ~*'This is {0H.M.} Representative in*-**', to which the head of the
G08  20 Department replied: ~*'Christ!**' and hung up the receiver. ^In this
G08  21 delicate art of handling subordinates, Ritchie adopted a different
G08  22 method. ^A high-spirited young Indian Political Officer, Terence
G08  23 Keyes, brother of Admiral Sir Roger Keyes, {0V.C.}, and uncle of
G08  24 Colonel Geoffrey Keyes, {0V.C.}, came home on furlough from the
G08  25 North-East frontier and expounded to Ritchie some local objections to
G08  26 the frontier policy of the Government. ^A few days later Ritchie was
G08  27 infuriated to find the same objections, obviously communicated by
G08  28 Keyes in his nai"ve inexperience, and lapped up with delight by the
G08  29 Treasury, in a letter supporting some financial objections of their
G08  30 own. ^At a subsequent reception at the India Office Ritchie pitched
G08  31 into the Treasury officials present for what he called *'their Chinese
G08  32 methods**', and then into Keyes, whom he nevertheless invited to a
G08  33 talk at the Office, later repeating the invitation several times in
G08  34 writing, until Keyes eventually came, and Ritchie was able to explain
G08  35 that, though it did not matter to him personally, he realised the
G08  36 feelings of young officials home from India about *'old buffers**'
G08  37 like himself, and had been afraid he had put a young fellow on a wrong
G08  38 path. ^Keyes left the office, not only reconciled to his drubbing, but
G08  39 convinced that Ritchie was the only Englishman never resident in India
G08  40 who understood the East, and was the best Government official in his
G08  41 experience.
G08  42    |^An account may also be given of Ritchie's opinions of high
G08  43 officials, for few of whom he cherished unbounded regard. ^For
G08  44 Kilbracken indeed he had great admiration, but considered that he was
G08  45 timid when it came to the crux.
G08  46    |^Of Kitchener he used to say with humorous exaggeration: ^*'One
G08  47 can do nothing with him. ^One must shoot him.**' ^He added: ^*'There
G08  48 are two or three people like that in our office. ^One can do nothing
G08  49 with them. ^One must shoot them.**' ^But he would have spared Lord
G08  50 Morley, for Lady Minto recalled how, when her husband was Viceroy,
G08  51 Ritchie once said to her, with a twinkle in his eyes, ~*'There will
G08  52 always be a few people who will know that it's Lord Minto who keeps
G08  53 Lord Morley in order**'*- he was found *'very cranky and not
G08  54 level-headed**' by Lord Hardinge, the next Viceroy.
G08  55    |^Of Lloyd George, on the day after his Mansion House speech of 21
G08  56 July 1911, in which he gravely warned Germany that England would be no
G08  57 mere spectator in the development of the Agadir affair, Ritchie said,
G08  58 with amused contempt: ^*'He is so happy*- he has at last been allowed
G08  59 to talk about something important.**'
G08  60    |^Since his Eton days he had known Lord Curzon, who had always been
G08  61 one of his admirers. ^To a colleague Curzon wrote far back in 1892:
G08  62 ^*'Ritchie's knowledge and experience are unrivalled in the Office.
G08  63 ^His great ability and judgment enable him to take a large share of
G08  64 responsibility, and in all Parliamentary points (questions, debates,
G08  65 \0etc.) he is a better adviser than anyone here.**' ^In 1909, on
G08  66 Ritchie's appointment to the head of the Office, Curzon wrote:
G08  67 ^*'Hurrah. ^So at last you have climbed to the dizzy but inevitable
G08  68 spot. ^It is good for you, but better for the India Office, and best
G08  69 of all for India itself.**' ^And he assured Lady Ritchie, after her
G08  70 husband's death, that his good relations with Ritchie were never
G08  71 affected by his difficulties with the India Office when Viceroy of
G08  72 India, and a few days later, in order to defend before the House of
G08  73 Lords the purchase of large amounts of sterling for the Government of
G08  74 India through \0Messrs Samuel Montagu and Company instead of through
G08  75 the Bank of England, he pointed out that the financial experts had
G08  76 been fortunate enough to obtain, through the whole transaction, the
G08  77 advice and concurrence *'of a gentleman of whom they all so deeply
G08  78 deplored the loss*- he meant his friend Sir Richmond Ritchie, the late
G08  79 Permanent Under Secretary at the India Office.**'
G08  80    |^On his appointment as Viceroy Curzon had offered to Ritchie the
G08  81 post of his Political Secretary, but Ritchie had declined, not
G08  82 reciprocating Curzon's admiration. ^Before leaving for India, Curzon
G08  83 came to Ritchie's room at the India Office, *'very affectionate and
G08  84 cordial**', as the latter wrote at the time, *'but in bad spirits and
G08  85 rather doubtful about his health. ^We had a solemn farewell.
G08  86 ^Existence officially will certainly be nicer with him safe in the far
G08  87 distance.**' ^Years later, on 14 July 1911, the Pop Centenary Dinner
G08  88 was held at Eton. ^Curzon went, but Ritchie was too busy. ^A week
G08  89 later, passing down the High Street at Eton, he paused to look at a
G08  90 photograph of the Dinner, at which Curzon could be seen at the end of
G08  91 the top table delivering a speech. ^*'He looks very well there**', was
G08  92 Ritchie's sole comment. ^*'Not too close.**'
G08  93    |^As Government documents covering the last fifty years are not
G08  94 public, no full account can be given of Ritchie's actual achievements
G08  95 at the India Office, but the *1Dictionary of National Biography
G08  96 *0observed that, although the part which he played in the momentous
G08  97 changes in Indian administration was confidential, *'it is believed
G08  98 that he was responsible for the strict adherence to recorded
G08  99 precedents which was an unexpected feature of Lord Morley's policy in
G08 100 all questions relating to internal affairs of native states. ^He was
G08 101 also closely connected with the negotiations with Tibet which followed
G08 102 the armed mission of Sir Francis Younghusband to Lhasa in 1903-4, and
G08 103 with those which resulted in the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907.**'
G08 104 ^The old India Office files contain the draft and counterdraft of this
G08 105 Convention in his own handwriting, from which still emanates the aroma
G08 106 of the tobacco which he had smoked over fifty years ago, poring day
G08 107 and night over these papers.
G08 108    |^This Anglo-Russian Convention regulated the relations of Great
G08 109 Britain and Russia in Persia, removed the menace of Russian military
G08 110 operations against India, and initiated the Entente with Russia which,
G08 111 together with the British Entente with France, enabled Great Britain
G08 112 to face the German danger in 1914. ^It was one of the landmarks and
G08 113 turning points in British diplomatic history at the beginning of the
G08 114 present century. ^In spite of very great difficulties due to the
G08 115 prevalent Russian anti-British feeling, and to sharp and violent
G08 116 political conflicts in Russian ruling circles, as well as to the
G08 117 weakness of the Russian Government itself, the negotiations for this
G08 118 Convention were carried out during 1906 and 1907 with the greatest
G08 119 skill and success in Russia by Sir Arthur Nicolson (then British
G08 120 Ambassador in \0St Petersburg, later Lord Carnock) and in London by
G08 121 Sir Edward Grey (then Foreign Minister) and Sir Charles Hardinge (then
G08 122 Permanent Under Secretary of State at the Foreign Office, afterwards
G08 123 Lord Hardinge of Penshurst) on behalf of the Foreign Office, and on
G08 124 behalf of the India Office by Lord Morley (then Secretary of State for
G08 125 India) and Ritchie (although then only head of the Political and
G08 126 Secret Department of the India Office). ^The Government of India,
G08 127 which did not altogether approve, was left *'entirely out of
G08 128 account**', and only the Prime Minister and Lord Ripon were kept
G08 129 informed, according to Sir Charles Hardinge's letter to Sir Arthur
G08 130 Nicolson of 10 July 1907. ^This astonishing secrecy {6vis-a*?3-vis}
G08 131 the Government of India was due, according to a later letter of
G08 132 Valentine Chirol dated October 1907, to Lord Morley's *'fears**' of
G08 133 Lord Kitchener (then Commander-in-Chief India) and the *'weakness and
G08 134 inefficiency**' of Lord Minto (then Viceroy), whose ideas, as Lord
G08 135 Morley complained, *'involved a complete subversion of the policy of
G08 136 {0*2H.M.G.}**' ^*0If one may accept Lord Hardinge's estimate of Lord
G08 137 Morley, mentioned above, it would seem hard to overestimate the role
G08 138 played by Ritchie, and one may wonder whether it was adequately
G08 139 rewarded by the award to him of a {0*2K.C.B.} *0in the summer of
G08 140 1907, the {0*2G.C.B.} *0being at the same time awarded to Nicolson
G08 141 in \0St Petersburg.
G08 142    |^Later, after Ritchie's death, Hardinge, then Viceroy, wrote to
G08 143 Crewe: ^*'I was very much shocked to get your telegram today
G08 144 announcing the death of Ritchie. ^He was a man in whose judgment I
G08 145 have learned to have great confidence. ^During the five years that I
G08 146 was in the Foreign Office he and I worked together in very close
G08 147 conjunction, and he made things go very smoothly between the India
G08 148 Office and the Foreign Office. ^I always looked upon him as one of my
G08 149 best friends and as a most loyal coadjutor. ^If he and I had not been
G08 150 on such good terms together, I think there might have been more
G08 151 difficulties in connection with the conclusion of the Anglo-Russian
G08 152 agreement.**'
G08 153    |^Reference may also be allowed to Pope-Hennessy's recent biography
G08 154 of Lord Crewe, from which it emerges that from 1905 to 1910, when Lord
G08 155 Minto was Viceroy and Lord Morley Secretary of State for India, even
G08 156 if *'very cranky and not level-headed**', *'the power of the Secretary
G08 157 of State in London increased gradually but imperceptibly, so that by
G08 158 the end of Minto's rule the Secretary of State for India had more
G08 159 control over Indian affairs than had ever been the case before**', and
G08 160 that after 1910 the Viceroy was Lord Hardinge who *'lacked Lord
G08 161 Minto's enterprise, and was in every way a more conventional and less
G08 162 imaginative man**', while the Secretary of State was Lord Crewe, much
G08 163 absent from the India Office on account of ill health and other duties
G08 164 in the House of Lords. ^Ritchie was permanent head of the India Office
G08 165 during most of this time, and it is not surprising that Sir Mackenzie
G08 166 Chalmers (see page 19) considered that it was only through Ritchie's
G08 167 great ability and devotion that the Government of India was enabled to
G08 168 pull through the serious difficulties of those years; that Sir Henry
G08 169 Dobbs (see page 19) wrote that Ritchie had very great influence on
G08 170 affairs in India and saved the Government from many mistakes; that Sir
G08 171 {0J. R.} Dunlop Smith (see page 20) considered Ritchie's death a
G08 172 blow to India not easy to measure; and that Lord Crewe himself (see
G08 173 page 17) admitted that Ritchie could in no way be replaced.
G08 174    |^Nevertheless, anybody able to wade through the enormous mass of
G08 175 correspondence between the India Office and the Foreign Office, or
G08 176 between the former and the Government of India during the vital busy
G08 177 years covering the Anglo-Russian Convention, the Minto-Morley reforms
G08 178 and the Delhi Durbar, will be struck by the relatively small quantity
G08 179 of letters or memoranda from Ritchie. ^That was typical of how he
G08 180 worked. ^As he himself had once written to a young authoress: ^*'One
G08 181 never accomplishes anything outright, but as a result of one's
G08 182 exertions, things end by happening to a certain extent as one would
G08 183 wish.**' ^At the India Office he worked *1through *0successive
G08 184 Secretaries of State and Viceroys, and they knew his value. ^To Lord
G08 185 George Hamilton Ritchie, then forty, was *'his right hand man**', to
G08 186 Lord Morley he was *'the ablest man in the Civil Service**', and Lord
G08 187 Crewe leaving for the Delhi Durbar in 1911 recommended the
G08 188 Parliamentary Under Secretary Montagu, who remained behind, in
G08 189 everything *'to consult Ritchie**'.
G08 190 *# 2026
G09   1 **[196 TEXT G09**]
G09   2    |^*0There was no change in my working life except, as the years
G09   3 went on, for better positions and more money. ^But there was a great
G09   4 change in my social life, as complete as that from school to the
G09   5 nursery garden. ^Cut off from my old acquaintances, and Slough's mad
G09   6 round of spurious gaiety, I groomed myself for the country life. ^To
G09   7 do this, I threw in my lot (about *+12) with my sister's, who had
G09   8 always been so horsey that she might have been a Sellars and Yeatman
G09   9 original. ^With the help of Bertie Barnwell, an old acquaintance of my
G09  10 mother's from Pytchley, we bought a hunter, saddle and bridle for
G09  11 *+25.
G09  12    |^With a slit in the back of my coat and a straw between my teeth,
G09  13 standing with my feet in the fifth position, smelling faintly of
G09  14 ammonia, I could soon talk horse until the cows came home. ^I could
G09  15 talk of the Italian forward seat, the uselessness of hunter classes at
G09  16 horse shows, the vagaries of scent, and I could quote Surtees,
G09  17 Beckford, and the Badminton Library books on hunting and driving, and
G09  18 the *1Horse and Hound, *0as if the opinions I expressed were my own.
G09  19 ^My best line was whether it were better to ride to hunt or hunt to
G09  20 ride. ^I was for the former, on account of the fact that I was never a
G09  21 brilliant horseman.
G09  22    |^I read *1Memoirs of a Foxhunting Man *0in full, and after that
G09  23 there was no holding me*- not with snaffle, gag, pelham, curb, bridoon
G09  24 or universal (all done from memory, nothing up my sleeve). ^I hunted
G09  25 on Saturdays in the winter and went to horse shows in the summer. ^I
G09  26 stopped earths, built fences, dug badgers, schooled ponies, drove
G09  27 traps, and became the complete *'unspeakable in pursuit of the
G09  28 uneatable**'. ^I lost touch with my old friends and their narrow
G09  29 outlook, making new ones with a narrower. ^The local Hunt was the
G09  30 Staff College Drag, which hunted fox on two days a week and ran a drag
G09  31 line for another two. ^What with this and preparing for their annual
G09  32 pantomime, it is surprising that we were as well prepared for war in
G09  33 1939 as we were. ^But this military atmosphere, and the example of
G09  34 some of my old friends in Slough, persuaded me to apply for a
G09  35 commission in the Territorial Army, and I was gazetted 2nd Lieutenant
G09  36 in the 5th Battalion, the Queen's Royal Regiment, in 1936, one of the
G09  37 800 officers to have his commission signed by King Edward *=8.
G09  38    |^This was all part of the act. ^I was beginning to put on the
G09  39 agony of the squire, the yeoman farmer, the old {0A. G.} Street
G09  40 romantic stuff. ^I found out that my family had lived in Chobham (the
G09  41 parent village to West End) for over 350 years and that we had been
G09  42 honoured in the district, at some time in the dim past, by having a
G09  43 local common (Street's Heath) named after us. ^Students of Surtees
G09  44 will now readily understand that a latent cynicism made me decide then
G09  45 that if ever I should write enough to need a pseudonym, it would be
G09  46 *'Stephen Dumpling**'.
G09  47    |^The act was good, but it lacked the necessary backing. ^I soon
G09  48 realized that in spite of my attention to my uncle and aunt I had no
G09  49 hope of joining them at the Nursery during my uncle's lifetime. ^My
G09  50 only possible expectation was that it would be left to me after his
G09  51 death, with some provision for my aunt. ^As they were then aged
G09  52 respectively seventy-four and sixty-eight, it seemed as if I might not
G09  53 have to wait so very long, at that. ^Not that I didn't work hard:
G09  54 almost every evening I would call on my uncle at the Nursery, after I
G09  55 had bathed and changed, to have a chat with him. ^I took them both to
G09  56 church. ^Regularly, Sunday in and Sunday out, I went to church at
G09  57 eleven o'clock, to Matins, the service of respectability. ^Nothing so
G09  58 common as Evensong (the service for the servants after a day's work on
G09  59 the day of rest) or anything so extravagant and Romish as a regular
G09  60 attendance at the eight o'clock Communion Service. ^Going to church
G09  61 continued to be a habit, one that included a walk round the Nursery
G09  62 with my uncle*- and the constant hope that he would drop a hint about
G09  63 my future prospects.
G09  64    |^My uncle had been People's Churchwarden for so long that no one
G09  65 could remember anyone else. ^When he gave up, I followed him. ^It was
G09  66 Trollope, Jane Austen, Angela Thirkell, the lot. ^But I was, in fact,
G09  67 only a correspondence clerk on a nursery. ^Because of my family
G09  68 connections (everyone assumed that one day I should go into the
G09  69 business) I could only obtain promotion if it were impossible to find
G09  70 anyone else to do the job. ^I might leave at any moment and take my
G09  71 knowledge and ability to my uncle. ^So, at twenty-two, I settled down
G09  72 to wait, as a Dead End Kid, having learnt all that it seemed necessary
G09  73 to learn to step into my uncle's shoes and a ready-made business.
G09  74    |^Quite apart from this thwarting situation, growing rhododendrons
G09  75 and azaleas seemed, in 1939, to be a futile occupation. ^Munich and
G09  76 its aftermath made gardening a trap more than an escape, to a young
G09  77 man of twenty-two. ^Even hunting was beginning to pall, and in March
G09  78 1939 I attended what I thought would be the last meet of the Staff
G09  79 College Draghounds. ^My energies were now directed to the Territorial
G09  80 Army and my reading matter became *1Field Service Regulations 1927,
G09  81 Volume *=2, *0and *'Cassandra**' of the *1Daily Mirror.
G09  82    |^*0William Connor, who began that column in 1935, is my favourite
G09  83 journalist. ^My secret ambition was to write a similar column but with
G09  84 a right-wing slant. ^Before the war I seldom agreed with what Connor
G09  85 wrote, but I was lost in admiration for the way it was written. ^And
G09  86 once, about this time, he was so very wrong. ^He wrote a bitter,
G09  87 brilliant piece tearing to bits, with every tooth and claw in his
G09  88 magnificent vocabulary, the comment of some woman in America that, to
G09  89 people doing a routine job, war could be a welcome relief. ^She was
G09  90 right. ^He was wrong. ^For it was a relief to me. ^And if I had still
G09  91 been hoeing, it would have been more so.
G09  92    |^In peace-time I was a single young man waiting for a dead man's
G09  93 shoes: in war I should be a keen young officer with a flying start in
G09  94 training and seniority. ^But I never heard a shot fired in anger,
G09  95 which accounts for a lot*- particularly for my mental attitude today.
G09  96 ^I was in the war, but out of it. ^My experience is no more than that
G09  97 of the Angry Young Men.
G09  98    |^In 1941 I was dangerously ill with pneumonia in Leeds Castle
G09  99 Hospital, near Maidstone. ^Andrew Smith, a subaltern with me in the
G09 100 same company before the war, was stationed in the town and looked
G09 101 after my mother when she came to visit me as the result of a dramatic
G09 102 telegram. ^Let me be quite fair; it was Harold Fennell who made all
G09 103 the arrangements for her journey, even providing her with a hired
G09 104 car*- not easy in those days. ^It would probably be unkind, I think,
G09 105 to suggest that his motives were no better than mine when I was so
G09 106 regular in my attendance at church together with my uncle and aunt.
G09 107    |^After coming to see me, and learning that I was not reacting to
G09 108 drugs, Mother was sitting in her room at the hotel, feeling sad and
G09 109 close to tears. ^Andrew came to cheer her up.
G09 110    |^*'Don't worry, \0Mrs Street. ^You'll see. ^John will get better,
G09 111 they'll send him home, he'll meet some nice girl, get married, while I
G09 112 may well be killed.**'
G09 113    |^For some ten days I was very ill, out under morphia most of the
G09 114 time. ^I was well nursed*- it makes all the difference in the world
G09 115 when they fill in your next-of-kin as *'Mother**' and not *'Wife**'.
G09 116 ^But the drugs were not having the right effect. ^Once more, I do not
G09 117 expect you to believe what follows. ^I do not even defend what I am
G09 118 about to tell you. ^I am quite prepared to listen to rational
G09 119 explanations, to be told that it is coincidence, self-persuasion, a
G09 120 triumph of the human will. ^But what happened to me during that long
G09 121 illness must be told, plainly and simply.
G09 122    |^On the second Sunday that I was in hospital, during my morning
G09 123 period of consciousness, just after I had been washed, the hospital
G09 124 Chaplain came to my bed and asked if I would like to make my
G09 125 Communion. ^I said I would. ^The screens were brought round. ^The
G09 126 Chaplain administered the Sacrament. ^He prayed for my recovery and,
G09 127 as far as I was able, so did I.
G09 128    |^Almost at once, I began to get better. ^And all the argument in
G09 129 dialectic materialism or progressive humanism or applied psychology
G09 130 will not convince me that I was not cured by a near-miracle.
G09 131    |^I had just gone through a bad patch of selfishness and disbelief.
G09 132 ^And I was still a stout Protestant, with no great faith in the
G09 133 mystery of the Eucharist. ^In fact, only a few days before I was taken
G09 134 ill, I had been deliberately offensive to Father Stevenson, the Roman
G09 135 Catholic priest attached to my Company mess. ^I had tried to provoke
G09 136 him about the Anglo-Catholic church in the town where we were
G09 137 stationed. ^Now that it is too late I regret my pride and bad manners
G09 138 and my narrow sectarian insolence. ^But Father Stevenson had more
G09 139 influence on me than he will ever know*- coupled with my personal
G09 140 miracle at Maidstone.
G09 141    |^Daily, hourly, I grew stronger. ^As soon as I was fit to be
G09 142 moved, I was transferred to a room on **[SIC**] my own, and my eating
G09 143 utensils all had a piece of elastoplast stuck to them. ^The nurses
G09 144 would only answer my questions with tactful evasions. ^*'It's rather
G09 145 noisy for you in the ward.**' ^*'It's easier for us to attend to
G09 146 you.**' ^*'There is a larger night staff up here.**' ^But none of them
G09 147 convinced me.
G09 148    |^So it was no great shock when the senior physician told me that I
G09 149 had a spot on my lung, the result of the pneumonia, and that I was to
G09 150 be transferred to the British Legion Sanatorium at Preston Hall. ^Yet
G09 151 it was still bad enough. ^The Army was now my life: I had even been
G09 152 accused of out-soldiering the soldiers. ^I had enjoyed every minute,
G09 153 from wet hours in a slit trench to foot-stamping on a barrack square.
G09 154 ^The thought that I might have to leave the Army in 1941, with the war
G09 155 only half fought, was unbearable.
G09 156    |^In bed all day, on complete rest, I only caught an occasional
G09 157 glimpse of hollow-cheeked men who lived all the year in open huts in
G09 158 the grounds*- men who knew only too well that phosgene smelt of musty
G09 159 hay, and mustard gas of garlic. ^For three months I lay on my back
G09 160 with nothing to do but look forward to the morning injections, and
G09 161 pray that I would not be discharged from the Army. ^Then I began to
G09 162 think. ^Not just vaguely reminiscing, or idly speculating, but serious
G09 163 constructive thinking about all sorts of problems. ^A cousin sent me
G09 164 *1The Weekend Book, *0and I read poetry for pleasure for the first
G09 165 time. ^And it made me think again. ^Then I began to write
G09 166 spasmodically*- odd descriptions of things I had seen, little
G09 167 experiences, brief character sketches of people I had known. ^It was
G09 168 an important time for me, those three months in bed, more important
G09 169 than I have made it seem. ^It showed me that I had, within my own
G09 170 mind, a source of pleasure that had been stamped on in the past by
G09 171 rugger boots or riding boots or *'Boots, brown, Officer's pattern**'.
G09 172 *# 2002
G10   1 **[197 TEXT G10**]
G10   2 *<*427*>
G10   3    |^*2A GERMAN PRISONER OF WAR CAMP CAME TO THE VILLAGE. ^QUIET,
G10   4 *0gaunt young men, they gave no trouble. ^They tamed and made pets of
G10   5 grey squirrels and field mice and kept the camp in a beautiful state
G10   6 of order. ^Garden patches surrounded by whitened stones sprung up
G10   7 where there had been nothing but rubble and old tins. ^If all
G10   8 fraternising had not been strictly forbidden, the village maidens
G10   9 would gladly have obliged.
G10  10    |^Some of the men were allowed to take outside work in the
G10  11 afternoons, which was how I got Willi. ^He came as part-time gardener
G10  12 in place of Ron, transferred to another Home Guard.
G10  13    |^When I first saw Willi I thought him a middle-aged man. ^He was
G10  14 gaunt and angular and already going grey. ^I was surprised to discover
G10  15 he was only twenty-three. ^What it had taken Ron a whole day to do,
G10  16 Willi achieved in an hour, leaving everything ship-shape and in order
G10  17 it was good to see. ^He was embarrassingly humble and self-effacing,
G10  18 bitterly ashamed of what he could do nothing about. ^There were many
G10  19 children coming about the place and he would stop for a moment and
G10  20 lean on his spade and watch them. ^Especially a small blonde girl.
G10  21 ^One day he told me she was just the age of his own small daughter.
G10  22    |^*"I also have a son, but him I have not seen.**"
G10  23    |^As we got to know Willi better, he told me he had been taken away
G10  24 from his farm, shortly after he left school, turned into a soldier and
G10  25 packed off.
G10  26    |^*"I worked with agriculture and knew little about politics. ^I
G10  27 was not very clever. ^I did not know very well what it was all about.
G10  28 ^Only that I who wished to be a farmer, must be a hero. ^In the
G10  29 country we hear **[SIC**] talk of Hitler and this and that. ^It did
G10  30 not seem to have anything to do with us.**" ^It had been so much my
G10  31 own position at the start of it all that I understood well enough.
G10  32    |^A General in full rig came down one day to lunch with me. ^He
G10  33 came across Willi in the garden. ^Willi went very white, half
G10  34 expecting, I think, a sword would be drawn and he would be cut down on
G10  35 the spot. ^The General took out a cigarette case and offered him one.
G10  36    |^*"It is not like that with us,**" Willi said afterwards, and he
G10  37 shook his head, sad and bewildered.
G10  38    |^He worked for me for two years. ^I gave him tea on his afternoons
G10  39 at the cottage, with boiled eggs and coffee, things he had not seen
G10  40 for years. ^He asked if he might take the used coffee grounds back to
G10  41 his friends. ^He never did anything without first asking permission,
G10  42 always a little shamefaced, as if fearing he presumed. ^Before he left
G10  43 he made a doll for the little girl he called Blondie, and came shyly
G10  44 to ask might he be permitted to give it to her. ^There was nothing
G10  45 arrogant or bumptious about him, and nothing servile. ^Only
G10  46 excessively humble and any kindness or consideration that came his way
G10  47 obviously caused him immense surprise.
G10  48    |^Willi went back to Germany when peace came. ^His home was now in
G10  49 the Russian zone.
G10  50    |^*"*1Here in my own country,*0**" he wrote me, *"*1I am less free
G10  51 than I was as a prisoner of war in England.*0**"
G10  52    |^His ambition was somehow to save enough to get his family and
G10  53 himself out, and at one time it had seemed within his grasp. ^Then a
G10  54 change in the currency laws reduced his savings to nothing.
G10  55    |^I have not heard from Willi for some time. ^The last news I had
G10  56 of him was from someone who had got out and gone to America and wrote
G10  57 me from there saying Willi had asked him to inform me he had not
G10  58 forgotten us but life was not easy, and please when I wrote him would
G10  59 I be very careful what I said, because letters to foreign countries
G10  60 and from foreign countries were carefully watched.
G10  61    |^*"*1No one*0**" wrote the man in America *"*1can realise what
G10  62 these poor people must go through and suffer. ^The houses are broken
G10  63 and there is not wood or nails to mend them, and now since these new
G10  64 laws, much of his saving money is also gone.*0**"
G10  65    |^I did not get my usual Christmas card last year. ^The box of
G10  66 clothes I sent for his children was not acknowledged.
G10  67 *<*428*>
G10  68    |^*2TO VISIT AMERICA JUST AFTER THE WAR WAS LIKE WAKING FROM A
G10  69 *0bad dream to find oneself suddenly in Aladdin's Cave, with all the
G10  70 jewels edible. ^We were mostly undernourished, in England, grown
G10  71 accustomed to empty shops and dreary plaster mock-ups of trifles and
G10  72 iced cakes, and of a sudden here was the real thing. ^Fruit piled
G10  73 man-high in the supermarkets. ^Ice creams we had forgotten about.
G10  74 ^Great steaks that looked like a dinner for eight, were a portion for
G10  75 one.
G10  76    |^I remember I had to buy a good bit of soda mint to tide me over.
G10  77    |^The toys made even greater impact. ^We hadn't seen a toy for
G10  78 years. ^At Saks Fifth Avenue there was a whole window devoted to Teddy
G10  79 Bears*- pink and blue and the conventional buff. ^Teddy bears with
G10  80 lovable coloured velvet and chamois leather soles to their feet*-
G10  81 leading a domestic life in Teddy-sized houses.
G10  82    |^My scanty dollars did not run to buying any of them, but looking
G10  83 was free.
G10  84    |^People were so kind. ^I felt like a shipwrecked mariner who had
G10  85 been rescued by a luxury liner. ^Strangers pressed boxes of chocolates
G10  86 on me. ^The Lift Man in one of the big shipping companies, previously
G10  87 known to me, gave me a large supply of candy bars, saying ^*"Sister,
G10  88 you sure look peaked.**" ^I saw *1Oklahoma *0with its original cast,
G10  89 before it had been watered and slowed down as someone appears to think
G10  90 American plays have to be for English audiences (but they are wrong).
G10  91 ^That was a little interlude worth facing the rigours of the journey
G10  92 out and back for*- and they were many. ^I went out on a Liberty ship.
G10  93 ^There was a rumour going about that they frequently came apart in the
G10  94 middle. ^The weather was so bad the tin biscuits were never out of the
G10  95 portholes. ^Four women, one of them desperately seasick all the way
G10  96 (not me), were closeted together in a small cabin for eight days. ^But
G10  97 there was any amount of drink on board*- to us amazingly cheap*- and
G10  98 the other three stood me cocktails, and even champagne, to encourage
G10  99 me to recite poetry, or tell them stories. ^Over all that trip hangs a
G10 100 golden alcoholic haze.
G10 101    |^I came back in *"luxury**" on the *1Queen Mary. ^*0She was still
G10 102 a trooper and there were not enough chairs for everyone to sit down in
G10 103 the lounge at the same time, so they never had a chance to cool off.
G10 104 ^Four of us shared a cabin for sixteen*- hence the luxury. ^One was a
G10 105 woman I could not place. ^She tried to smuggle in a fifth*- a dog*-
G10 106 but the numbers were against her, and him we packed off to the
G10 107 butcher*- traditional cherisher of hounds aboard ship. ^She wore
G10 108 slacks and a jumper, and went to bed by simply undoing one button when
G10 109 the whole caboodle fell off on the floor. ^Usually half seas over, she
G10 110 had glasses of whisky standing around at vantage points, to which she
G10 111 put her lips when so disposed. ^These we emptied out of the window or
G10 112 down the loo when we got a chance. ^Nightly she staggered in, undid
G10 113 the vital button and went to bed smoking a cigarette. ^Presently it
G10 114 fell from her nerveless fingers on to the bunk beneath which was piled
G10 115 high with life jackets marked *2HIGHLY INFLAMMABLE.
G10 116    |^*0Why more Atlantic Liners did not, and still do not, go up in
G10 117 flames, I often wonder, what with lit cigarette ends blowing about the
G10 118 decks*- lit cigarettes thrown away to windward taking a short cut into
G10 119 the handy portholes. ^However, we got our wayward belle, in the face
G10 120 of fearful odds, safely ashore. ^She was discouraged because we would
G10 121 not allow her gentlemen friends in to visit her in the cabin.
G10 122    |^England looked drab and shabby, the autumn colours faded and
G10 123 wishy-washy after the Connecticut Fall. ^I returned to troubles
G10 124 galore, but so pepped up with square meals I felt I could face
G10 125 anything.
G10 126    |^My Mother-in-law was getting old. ^She had seen plenty of trouble
G10 127 and finally succumbed to the buffetting of fate and retired to bed for
G10 128 good. ^This was a very sensible idea, except for the fact she had no
G10 129 one to look after her save Redman the Gardener. ^That same patient
G10 130 soul who had been bombarded with Shakespeare in the asparagus beds.
G10 131 ^He had been wielding trays and goodness knows what else until I
G10 132 arrived. ^Accustomed to Eastern servants in her young days, my
G10 133 Mother-in-law had never been able to accustom herself to the
G10 134 I-don't-mind-if-I-do attitude of domestic workers at home. ^They in
G10 135 their turn would have none of her autocratic ways. ^So she was all
G10 136 alone.
G10 137    |^*"I knew you would fix something when you got back, dear,**" she
G10 138 said, with touching confidence. ^The situation was complicated by
G10 139 Redman himself collapsing.
G10 140    |^I finally got her rooms and attendance in a large country house
G10 141 nearby, where from her windows she would see much the same scenery as
G10 142 from her own home. ^Old ladies are crotchety and hard to please. ^She
G10 143 kept me busy one way and another, and it seemed strange that I*- the
G10 144 only one who had ever stood up to her*- was the one she turned to now.
G10 145 ^No other member of the family was available or mobile, or within
G10 146 reach. ^Or they had young children of their own, or they had married a
G10 147 wife and could not come. ^Old age can be frightening in these days
G10 148 when the young people have all been brought up to please themselves
G10 149 only. ^Forgetting that for them also a time will come...
G10 150    |^There was no snow that year until March. ^Ron, newly demobbed
G10 151 from the Home Guarding, gladly laying his rifle aside, built me a
G10 152 fruit cage for the raspberries and gooseberries. ^It looked like an
G10 153 elephant \*1keddah.
G10 154    |^*0\0Mrs. X, the carpenter's wife, died. ^There were two \0Mrs.
G10 155 X's in the village. ^Rumour at first reported the wrong one, at which
G10 156 \0Mr. X, the carpenter, was deeply incensed.
G10 157    |^*"It's my wife \2wot's died. ^Surely I ought to know,**" he said,
G10 158 standing in his yard full of statuary which for some reason he
G10 159 collected. ^(Warriors in strange uniforms, angels off tombs, elves and
G10 160 toads.)
G10 161    |^*"It was ever such a surprise,**" said \0Mr. X in an injured
G10 162 voice, as though resentful of the fact she had not given him proper
G10 163 warning. ^He said he hoped I'd come and take a look at her when he got
G10 164 her all proper and laid out. ^I could not face it, but passed the
G10 165 invitation on to my Home Help, in whose day disaster was ever a bright
G10 166 flag.
G10 167    |^Although it was common knowledge that \0Mr. X had never paid much
G10 168 attention to \0Mrs. X while she was mobile, he was immensely proud of
G10 169 her now she was dead. ^His arrangement of screens, and flowers and
G10 170 pieces of rich embroidery purchased at sales (perhaps against this
G10 171 very day) was, said my Home Help, tearfully, a real treat. ^The
G10 172 funeral was not to be for a whole week.
G10 173    |^*"He does not want to part with her,**" she said, wallowing, and
G10 174 shedding a further tear.
G10 175    |^*"Maybe he'll stuff her and keep her,**" I said, trying to
G10 176 introduce a lighter note. ^This conjured up a life-like picture of
G10 177 \0Mrs. X neatly stuffed (for everything \0Mr. X does is meticulous),
G10 178 wearing her dolman and toque, propped up in his yard amongst the rest
G10 179 of the statuary. ^I wrote to June in America saying, ^*"*1Don't have
G10 180 me stuffed, pettie, when I die. ^Unless you think I could be useful
G10 181 standing in the hall holding a tray for cards*- like bears in Scots
G10 182 Baronial homes.*0**"
G10 183 *# 2019
G11   1 **[198 TEXT G11**]
G11   2 ^*0Did his audience know anything of land hunger? ^They ached for
G11   3 allotments and smallholdings. ^Did they know of the effects of land
G11   4 monopoly on the life of a village? ^A Tysoe man would never take a job
G11   5 that meant living in a closed village. ^No! ^He'd go to Birmingham,
G11   6 rather, or cross the ocean. ^Did they know how wealth from over-large
G11   7 estates gets misused? ^They'd heard of great estates being enclosed in
G11   8 the past by removing villages (there was an old example not so far
G11   9 away): of Compton House being emptied and the old place in danger of
G11  10 being pulled down to pay for bribes and oceans of beer at an election.
G11  11 ^Did not the old folk know of starvation and crime here in the old
G11  12 days? ^Those had not been due to lack of corn in England. ^In a
G11  13 certain chapter of *1Irish Realities *0they would read the proof that
G11  14 deaths in the so-called potato famine in Ireland were not due to lack
G11  15 of food in the country. ^The food was there*- the deaths were due to
G11  16 the impassable gulfs between classes and to a *'governing class**'
G11  17 which did not know how to govern and was not in a position to find
G11  18 out; and yet would not let the people learn to manage their own
G11  19 affairs. ^In Ireland the gulfs were deeper than they had ever been
G11  20 here*- conqueror ruling conquered still.
G11  21    |^Now there was the Home Rule Bill to let the Irish improve their
G11  22 own country, take their own problems in hand. ^There were to be
G11  23 safeguards and compensation. ^Those were right enough: over-sudden and
G11  24 over-drastic changes meant trouble and loss always.
G11  25    |^Joseph held up the book again. ^It had been printed seventeen
G11  26 years before, yet conditions were still the same. ^Why? ^What stood in
G11  27 the way? ^Who stood in the way of Tysoe's small desires for
G11  28 betterment? ^Who whittled down the Allotments Bills? ^Who threw out
G11  29 bills to give farmers security of tenure? ^And all the bills ever
G11  30 drawn up to allow a village to have a real village school? ^Who
G11  31 prevented villages two years ago from gaining a reasonable court of
G11  32 appeal from decisions of Feoffees of Town Lands and the like? ^The
G11  33 House of Lords! ^And the House of Lords would throw out the Home Rule
G11  34 Bill.
G11  35    |^Let Tysoe men never forget it: what worked for well-being in
G11  36 Tysoe would work in other communities. ^What went seriously wrong here
G11  37 would go wrong there. ^You can't, he said, turn the Home Rule Bill
G11  38 into an Act: but it was the duty of all village wiseacres to vote for
G11  39 it.
G11  40 *<*2CHAPTER *=10*>
G11  41 *<*6LAND HUNGER:*>
G11  42 *<THE PROMISED LAND*>
G11  43    |^*2THE *0main subject of this chapter was too plain a tale, too
G11  44 little lightened by any humour or success ever to be told as a whole
G11  45 in a family circle. ^But though I never heard the story in full I
G11  46 gathered its outline; its events affected the childish lives of myself
G11  47 and my brothers and sisters. ^They helped, for one thing, to form our
G11  48 economic background. ^They must also have had a certain influence on
G11  49 my father's outlook*- not too large an effect on a mind so naturally
G11  50 large, but they must have sharpened its political edge. ^Locally, the
G11  51 events had their publicity. ^By 1896 my father was writing occasional
G11  52 notes for the *1Warwick Advertiser *0and counted its editor among his
G11  53 very friendly acquaintances. ^\0Mr Lloyd Evans was a Radical and a
G11  54 warm-hearted spectator of village struggles. ^So it came about, I
G11  55 infer, that Tysoe affairs were well ventilated in the county paper.
G11  56    |^In the election just passed, of 1885, Gladstone had been returned
G11  57 to power but, as everybody foresaw, his Home Rule Bill was thrown out
G11  58 by the House of Lords. ^As a consequence, there was another election
G11  59 in 1886 and this time a Conservative majority was returned to the
G11  60 Commons*- but the Tysoe labourers had the satisfaction of knowing that
G11  61 their spirited member, the Radical \0Mr Cobb, still represented the
G11  62 Rugby Division.
G11  63    |^The Liberal programme had included the promise of an Allotments
G11  64 Act and now there was no chance of it. ^True, the new government
G11  65 hastened to promise an Act with the same title but it would not have
G11  66 the same nature. ^It would permit and even encourage ten-pole
G11  67 allotments, which the Vicar already permitted, and would do Tysoe no
G11  68 good.
G11  69    |^Two years earlier Joseph had thought the Labourers' Allotment
G11  70 Committee a waste of effort; it would be better, he had thought, to
G11  71 wait in the hope of new legislation which would enjoin upon local
G11  72 charities and perhaps upon vestries the duty of providing allotments
G11  73 when they were demanded. ^He had known also that the needs of weekly
G11  74 wage-earners were not the only ones. ^Thatchers, hauliers, carpenters
G11  75 were all trying, and of course failing, to get an acre or two,
G11  76 sometimes to grow wheat and animal feed, in some cases to pasture a
G11  77 horse, or for a cow and pigs. ^The times were discouraging and yet at
G11  78 Southam, not so many miles away, an Allotments Association had been
G11  79 successful in getting a good acreage. ^It was a larger and luckier
G11  80 village, the folk more varied. ^A doctor had grasped that starvation
G11  81 made for ill-health and allotments for good food, and had given help
G11  82 and support. ^Whatever the handicaps, Tysoe men must try again. ^So at
G11  83 Christmas 1886 a new start was made. ^Eighty-six signatures were
G11  84 obtained to a statement of the need for small parcels of land and a
G11  85 public meeting was held early in the next year, fifty men present.
G11  86 ^The Tysoe Allotments and Smallholdings Association was formed and
G11  87 soon had seventy-five members, an extraordinary number, representing a
G11  88 high proportion of the village, but perhaps some were young men living
G11  89 with their parents.
G11  90    |^One may suppose my father's part in all this to have been a large
G11  91 one, possibly indispensable. ^It was the constant calls of members of
G11  92 the Association interrupting the kneading of her bread or causing her
G11  93 to drop the scissors at a crucial point in cutting out her children's
G11  94 clothes that made my patient mother agree that we needed more space.
G11  95 ^But Joseph was far from being the only effective member: the
G11  96 inclusion of tradesmen brought in a greater vigour and resilience and
G11  97 more *'know-how**'. ^Then also, the Lower Townsmen joined, and in a
G11  98 tough fractious spirit. ^They were sometimes a roughish party, liking
G11  99 to stand apart a little from the other Towns. ^But now they had a
G11 100 story of frustration all their own, and brought power to the common
G11 101 effort.
G11 102    |^Joseph became the first Secretary of the Association and held the
G11 103 office for many years*- until all its main objects had been attained
G11 104 and its affairs reduced to routine. ^In these early days he urged his
G11 105 Committee to get influential support from outside the village; it
G11 106 might be possible to shame obstructors as they had been shamed in the
G11 107 matter of wages, fifteen years before. ^Get the local papers to regard
G11 108 their claim as news, get a well-known president, he urged. ^But to
G11 109 please the old Labourers' Association their President was adopted.
G11 110 ^\0Mr Daniel Fessey was a notable Tysonian*- the only one I ever heard
G11 111 of who made a fortune. ^He was a member of a poor unfortunate family,
G11 112 one of whose members had been charged with manslaughter after the last
G11 113 crude boxing match. ^I remember him well; he decorated our early
G11 114 childhood. ^He had been the inventor of curious gadgets, for example a
G11 115 new stirrup which was adopted by cavalry regiments. ^With his small
G11 116 fortune he was undergoing a change into a dapper and mannered
G11 117 exquisite, reminding one of Shakespeare's Frenchmen. ^By the time I
G11 118 knew him his clothes were of the finest; his speech fantastically
G11 119 precise and his manner to man, woman and child elaborate*- but as full
G11 120 of friendliness as of formality. ^Just as he was never ashamed of
G11 121 those disreputable ancestors so he sympathised with the poor and stood
G11 122 by their small movements.
G11 123    |^The Committee thought it best to await the publication of the
G11 124 Government's Allotments Bill before moving far, so they drew up
G11 125 regulations for their non-existent holdings, visited the Southam
G11 126 Association and corresponded with the agent of the Compton estate,
G11 127 stating their needs and asking for a first refusal of land. ^When the
G11 128 Bill became law Tysoe's would-be cultivators gave it a sardonic
G11 129 attention. ^Under the Act, if no land were available after elaborate
G11 130 inquiries and other processes, the Sanitary Authority was given power
G11 131 to propose a special Act of Parliament to compel some owner or owners
G11 132 to sell land. ^What a strange body to choose! ^It neither could nor
G11 133 would use such powers, said the Tysoe Association. ^They were right:
G11 134 in all England only one of these Acts was ever proposed.
G11 135    |^Meanwhile there was the Queen's jubilee. ^Why should men grudged
G11 136 by a government a scrap of land to dig celebrate the long reign of its
G11 137 head? ^Majuba and Khartoum and the new imperialism were sharpening the
G11 138 atmosphere. ^Many sensing future trouble looked back thankfully over
G11 139 fifty years of comparative peace. ^Fifty years on the throne, and a
G11 140 woman!*- the Queen could be acclaimed. ^So the village was at one in a
G11 141 mild rejoicing. ^In May the village made ready*- a committee was
G11 142 chosen to plan celebrations. ^The Managers of the School hung up a
G11 143 huge picture of the old Queen with her grey hair, her solemn face and
G11 144 wide blue Garter Ribbon; and on each side of her, smaller pictures of
G11 145 the neatly bearded Prince of Wales and of Princess Alexandra with a
G11 146 wall of tight yellow curls along her brow; another of the Queen was
G11 147 hung in the Reading Room, a full-length portrait with a profile of her
G11 148 face and of stout, gathered skirts sloping far back behind her, and
G11 149 yet another in the Peacock, flanked by Disraeli and Gladstone.
G11 150    |^The great day was the twentieth of June. ^After the service in
G11 151 the church, an oak tree was planted on the green by the Vicar's wife,
G11 152 who was that rare thing, a woman of intellectual interests. ^Her
G11 153 speech stressed the hope for village unity. ^Two hundred and thirty
G11 154 years earlier had died, she said, a venerable Vicar of the Parish.
G11 155 ^After forty-nine years of service he had gone*- said an entry in the
G11 156 Parish Register for 1654*- *'to enter on his eternal Jubilee**'. ^In
G11 157 the seventeenth century England had known fifty years of doctrinal
G11 158 quarrels and civil war; clergymen had been turned from their cures,
G11 159 and churches irreverently used. ^But while in other parishes there had
G11 160 been bitter discord, John Stevenage and another Stevenage, his nephew,
G11 161 had quietly continued their duties in the old peaceful way. ^Let all
G11 162 take example by John Stevenage. ^Let all pray for peace*- peace for
G11 163 the nation and within the nation, peace in Tysoe. ^Then the Vicar
G11 164 pointed to the trees, young and old, that had been planted on the
G11 165 green, witnessing to other occasions when the village had been at
G11 166 one*- the William and Mary elm, celebrating the coming of that man of
G11 167 peace, the Prince of Orange; the tree of constitutional liberty (the
G11 168 *'Franchise Tree**'); and now this sapling, the tree of loyalty.
G11 169    |^It was always the same; all Tysonians felt that the village ought
G11 170 to be at one. ^Those who opposed the Vicar were mischief-makers,
G11 171 disturbers of the peace; on the other hand he and his missus brought
G11 172 from inferior parishes notions that no self-respecting folk could put
G11 173 up with. ^The different patterns of community at the back of minds,
G11 174 the needs, the passions, the fantasies*- these though doubtless
G11 175 understood in part were never made plain in the discussions.
G11 176    |^The Jubilee interval was over. ^In October the Vicar invited the
G11 177 holders of the ten-pole allotments to a tea-party and made a speech to
G11 178 them on their duties. ^Allotments, he said, might be rightly
G11 179 cultivated by them, under certain conditions. ^They must have the
G11 180 necessary leisure to till them; they must apply manure; the produce
G11 181 must be consumed at home (which meant they were not free to sell it).
G11 182 ^A sixteenth of an acre was the right extent. ^Possibly if a man had
G11 183 no garden at all, it might not be wrong to have two sixteenths.
G11 184 *# 2029
G12   1 **[199 TEXT G12**]
G12   2 **[MIDDLE OF QUOTE**]
G12   3 ^*0The Captain, however, forbade it.**' ^I honestly do think that a
G12   4 captain of one of {0H.M.} ships seldom finds himself criticized in
G12   5 an official document requiring his signature. ^Brock, as usual,
G12   6 ignored the impertinence*- for the moment.
G12   7    |^On the other hand I find a cutting from a *1Naval and Military
G12   8 Record *0of December 14th pasted into my diary which reads: ^*'Sir*-
G12   9 In your issue of the 30th \0ult. there was a letter signed *"Naval
G12  10 Officer**" complaining that our main fleets spend too much time at sea
G12  11 and that on this account there is a grave discontent among the
G12  12 personnel. ^As an officer of more than a couple of years' standing I
G12  13 have discovered none of these terrible grievances. ^In fact I am
G12  14 perfectly satisfied with my lot, and do not find my ship in the least
G12  15 stuffy, nor do I mind putting to sea in her. ^These views are shared
G12  16 by everyone I have spoken to. ^Does *"Naval Officer**" want our fleets
G12  17 to lie alongside the home ports, Gibraltar or Malta, for nine months
G12  18 in the year? ^It is not every naval officer who is afraid of battle
G12  19 exercises, or manning and arming ship, or of sea trips between nice
G12  20 places. ^If *"Naval Officer**" chooses to present one side of the case
G12  21 to the British public, surely the views of the majority may have a
G12  22 hearing also. ^{0N. O.}**' ^Of course no one penetrated my anonymous
G12  23 signature. ^Brock would have been puzzled at such a letter coming from
G12  24 *1me!
G12  25    |^*0It was about now that I took action against Their Lordships
G12  26 themselves in the matter of the yearly Examination in French of Junior
G12  27 Officers Afloat. ^My diary simply records: ^*'French exam. ^Had hoped
G12  28 to do well but they asked what were the pronouns which correspond to
G12  29 the adjectives *"*1{ce, cette, ces, son, nos, leurs.}**" ^*0Got
G12  30 furious with the question and wrote down ^*"*1\Ce, \ces *0and *1\cette
G12  31 *0are not adjectives; *1\son, \nos *0and *1\leurs *0are pronouns.**"
G12  32 ^So don't expect much Kudos.**' ^Their Lordships' reply was in the
G12  33 shape of a *+5 silver stop watch by \0S. Smith & Son, 9 The Strand,
G12  34 London, inscribed: *"Admiralty Prize Junior Officers Afloat, 1905,
G12  35 French, \0Midn. {0O. M.} Frewen, {0R.N.}**", an unusually gracious
G12  36 admission of defeat probably due to a printer's error. ^The watch,
G12  37 admittedly not worn continuously, fell into disrepair just fifty-two
G12  38 years later, and it seemed to me natural to go to the address printed
G12  39 on its face to ask the makers to overhaul it. ^By 1957 London traffic
G12  40 had become something of a nightmare to rural drivers so that my wife
G12  41 parked our little Morris car in the taxicab sanctuary of Charing Cross
G12  42 *'just for a moment**' while I walked west to \0No. 9*- and found it
G12  43 not, not on the south side anyway, where stand the other low odd
G12  44 numbers. ^After much research, and in an indignation equal to that of
G12  45 \0Midn. Frewen at his French exam, I crossed the road and demanded of
G12  46 a shop-owner opposite where were \0S. Smith & Son? ^*'Never been in
G12  47 the Strand,**' he answered. ^*'Well, here's their address on the face
G12  48 of my watch,**' I retorted. ^*'Well, I can only say that I've been
G12  49 here twenty-five years and they've never been here in my time**'
G12  50 closed the discussion, but not the enquiry: he kindly produced a
G12  51 London Telephone Directory which directed us to 179 Great Portland
G12  52 Street, \0W.*=1, with more and worse traffic jams, including a
G12  53 succession of *'No Entry**' streets negatively barring our car's
G12  54 access to the Promised Land. ^We eventually walked there and my
G12  55 watch*- *'her speed she \1reneweth again**'. ^The taxi drivers at
G12  56 Charing Cross had also shown the courtesy one has come to expect of
G12  57 them.
G12  58    |^I had loved the idea of coming to sea, to cruise and see the
G12  59 world, but my diary entry in December 1905 reads: ^*'Have now done 90
G12  60 days*- in Malta.**' ^Ninety Days' Detention was a stereotyped
G12  61 punishment for major offences by lower deck ratings. ^And we had
G12  62 another six weeks to come before again sailing the seas.
G12  63 *<*58*>
G12  64 *<Feminine Influence on Senior Officers*>
G12  65    |^*6C*2HRISTMAS DAY, 1905, *0was my first one in a ship, 1903 and
G12  66 1904 having been spent on leave. ^I think my diary entry may be of
G12  67 interest for a typical account. ^It reads: ^*'Turned out 7.30. ^After
G12  68 breakfast read *1Last Days of Pompeii *0till Divisions. ^Skipper had
G12  69 everybody aft and told them in a good short speech that the \0C.-in-\0C.
G12  70 would have gone rounds had the ship not been in dockyard hands. ^Then
G12  71 Church. ^After Church I had meant to take Holy Communion but, being
G12  72 ordered up there by the Commander, I got very angry and refused to go.
G12  73 ^Then went round the Mess Decks, taking various savoury meats from
G12  74 various nicely decorated messes, notably the Chief Stokers'. ^The
G12  75 Skipper and Warrant Officers then came into the gunroom. ^After lunch
G12  76 got into \de Burgh's knickers, my blue jacket, brother Hugh's
G12  77 stockings, and brown boots. ^Went ashore with Ritchie and \de Burgh;
G12  78 went up to Admiralty House and found Gibbs, who promptly offered me
G12  79 the loan of his riding-boots. ^Wore them. ^Went back to Calcara Steps
G12  80 and mounted. ^My \0G. a most spirited one. ^He kept galloping away
G12  81 from the rest the whole way to \0St. Paul's Bay, where we had tea,
G12  82 twenty-four of us; the \0C.-in-\0C., his wife, nine officers and
G12  83 thirteen snotties. ^(Hervey left his \0G. behind and turned up in a
G12  84 carrotze.) ^Started back about 4.30. ^Had a splendid series of gallops
G12  85 and got back to Porta Reale about 5.30. ^Went to Admiralty House to
G12  86 return my boots and Gibbs made me eat unheard-of chunks of ripping
G12  87 cake. ^Then came on board. ^Had no dinner. ^Couldn't after Gibbs'
G12  88 cake. ^Feeling rather sore but very bucked up with the afternoon's
G12  89 work, though not exactly with things in general. ^Dominant fed-upness
G12  90 of the day was that fool Commander stopping me going to Second
G12  91 Service. ^He might have known that any self-respecting Englishman
G12  92 would, in the first place, go; and in the second place refuse to be
G12  93 ordered about on such subjects. ^And he thought he was doing right
G12  94 too, I suppose. ^All hands stood off after Divisions.**'
G12  95    |^I was indeed so indignant over being ordered to Holy Communion
G12  96 that I actually entered it in my official Journal for the Naval
G12  97 Instructor's and Captain's signatures. ^Holy Joe sent for me and said
G12  98 that if I did not erase it he would have to draw the Captain's
G12  99 attention to it, so this I did. ^Whether as a Chaplain he considered
G12 100 the incident reflected on the Commander, or whether as my Naval
G12 101 Instructor he considered that it reflected on me for disobedience of
G12 102 orders, I never knew. ^My Journal also says of my ride, ^*'No
G12 103 casualties, although I was nearly thrown onto a donkey-cart and was
G12 104 repeatedly not under control. ^\0Mr. Hervey came in a carrotze, being
G12 105 unable to persuade his pony to keep up with the rest.**' ^(Tactfully
G12 106 put.) ^*'A very enjoyable afternoon, but it made me very stiff for two
G12 107 or three days after.**'
G12 108    |^My Journal for December 31st states aggressively: ^*'Nothing of
G12 109 note happened until 11.55 {0p.m.} when I was turned out rather
G12 110 forcibly and after witnessing \0Mr. Bennett strike *"16 bells**",
G12 111 drank punch in the wardroom. ^Owing, however, to the Captain's not
G12 112 caring for noise and singing we turned in again about 12.30. ^Thus
G12 113 ended the year 1905.**' ^To be fair to poor Osmond \de \0B. Brock, who
G12 114 didn't attend the traditional ceremony of striking 16 bells, my diary
G12 115 records that we *'went and struck about 32 bells**', {0i.e.} no
G12 116 ceremony but just a cacophony on the ship's bell, and in the wardroom
G12 117 the demure noise and singing is described *'sang {2Auld Lang Syne}**'.
G12 118 ^Then Chichester as junior snottie attempted *'Clementine**' and I
G12 119 helped him through it. ^*'However, at the third verse the Skipper got
G12 120 agribulgent, so we desisted and went and kicked up hell and the
G12 121 sleepers in the chest flat. ^At last slept and lay in till 7.30. ^Then
G12 122 worried Hardy by singing in the bathroom.**'
G12 123    |^The Captain responded to the aggression in my Journal, which he
G12 124 inspected and initialled on Tuesday, by sending for me on Thursday to
G12 125 tell me the sketch I had put in was not good enough *'for such a good
G12 126 Journal as mine and would I improve it before going ashore**'. ^In
G12 127 fact, stopped my leave. ^I submitted my improvements the following
G12 128 Tuesday *'and the old devil isn't satisfied yet! but let me have my
G12 129 leave back**'. ^I was also in trouble now with Gathorne-Hardy, who
G12 130 ordered me to report myself, dressed, to him every morning, for not
G12 131 being out of the chest-flat by 7.45. ^I turned out next morning at
G12 132 5.30 to attend the daily *'Hands fall in**', dressed and woke the
G12 133 distinguished senior lieutenant and made my report by 6.15, which was
G12 134 *1not *0well received.
G12 135    |^News now came through that Mamma and sister Clare were going to
G12 136 arrive on the 18th. ^I searched Valletta for rooms and, with a good
G12 137 deal of trouble, finally managed to secure them in the Royal Hotel in
G12 138 Strada Mercanti, not the best quarter of the city but the best I could
G12 139 do. ^But Sir George Warrender, \0Bart., Captain of {0H.M.S.}
G12 140 *1Carnarvon, *0had also been on the lookout and found them grander
G12 141 ones at the Lord Nelson, in Floriana. ^And with their arrival the
G12 142 scallywag snottie was thrown back to his first few days at sea and
G12 143 became the popular midshipman of the *1Bulwark, *0to be received by
G12 144 admirals, captains (except him of the *1Bulwark*0), wardroom officers,
G12 145 and even by the Rifle Brigade, then stationed at Pieta, whose major,
G12 146 Tom Hollond, had been the Duke of Connaught's {0A.D.C.} at Clare's
G12 147 coming-out season in Dublin in 1903, when the Duke was
G12 148 Commander-in-Chief.
G12 149    |^My diary for the 18th records: ^*'Turned out 7.30 and dressed in
G12 150 plain clothes. ^During breakfast got a signal from \0C.-in-\0C.
G12 151 [cruising in {0H.M.S.} *1Surprise, *0the \0C.-in-\0C.'s yacht in those
G12 152 gracious days] asking when my people were coming. ^Told him, and then
G12 153 went ashore. ^At 9.20 the *1General Chanzy *0arrived, and chartering a
G12 154 nice dghaisa, I followed them up harbour. ^Bennett turned up with a
G12 155 signal from the Admiral saying his barge and carriage were at Ma's
G12 156 disposal. ^Found the carriage awaiting us at the Custom House and
G12 157 drove to the Lord Nelson, and I had my second breakfast. ^Then Lula
G12 158 (Tom Hollond's most charming wife) and Sir George looked in on us. ^At
G12 159 4.30 we three went to Lula's and wandered round the garden till
G12 160 Acheson turned up, when Clare and he wandered round together and Ma
G12 161 and I kept out of the way. ^After tea Ma and Clare returned to their
G12 162 hotel and I to the ship. ^Made an evolution of dressing, hurling the
G12 163 innards of my sea-chest far and wide, and ended up with a flying leap
G12 164 across the Schoolplace table in the middle of dinner to provide myself
G12 165 with a gold stud. ^Then repaired to Sir George's and we had a good
G12 166 dinner*- in fact I ate too much. ^We then went on to the Opera, using
G12 167 \0No. 13 box (Charlie \0B.'s). ^The opera was *1Rigoletto. ^*0All the
G12 168 e*?2lite were there. ^Gibbs turned up with a message from the
G12 169 \0C.-in-\0C. and I introduced him. ^Clare went into ecstasies over him
G12 170 and Ma thought him so nice and good looking. ^Gather I am not a
G12 171 screaming success, especially with Mother. ^They stripped me of my
G12 172 white waistcoat to send it to the wash, and lectured me on the need of
G12 173 sucking up to my superiors, with the usual result. ^Then returned on
G12 174 board 12.35 and turned in.**'
G12 175    |^Next morning, a Friday, *'asked the Commander for leave till
G12 176 \0Feb. 5th. ^He said he would see the Captain about it, but did not
G12 177 expect I would get it. ^Then seizing my fast-waning courage in both
G12 178 hands and a tooth, asked could I go ashore now. ^He said if Parsoon
G12 179 agreed, I could. ^Parsoon disagreed, so I did. ^Found Ma in her
G12 180 chemise and Clare in her bed.
G12 181 **[MIDDLE OF QUOTE**]
G12 182 *# 2001
G13   1 **[200 TEXT G13**]
G13   2 ^*0He was very proud to think that *1he *0had conceived the original
G13   3 idea of a League of Nations; but as a matter of fact this reality
G13   4 which he had produced was, in the opinion of \0Mr. Wells, something
G13   5 much more practical and far reaching. ^It was not organised talk but
G13   6 assembled knowledge. ^The International Institute of Agriculture,
G13   7 sustained by subsidies from fifty-two governments and administered by a
G13   8 permanent committee representing these governments, existed to compile
G13   9 records, based on telegraphic reports from the Boards of Agriculture
G13  10 of different countries, of the agricultural prospects throughout the
G13  11 world. ^The intention was to provide such information about production
G13  12 that the distribution could be adjusted to the probable demand.
G13  13    |
G13  14    |^In addition, the Institute had developed departments dealing with
G13  15 meteorology and with the prevention of diseases in plants. ^David
G13  16 Lubin was quite clear that as his *"fabric of economic intelligence**"
G13  17 was built up, it would become evident that there must be a revision of
G13  18 the conditions of international transport. ^The transport of the whole
G13  19 terrestrial globe, he reckoned, could, if there was a centralised
G13  20 control, be as well regulated as his mail order department.
G13  21    |
G13  22    |^This conception, in spite of its failure, aroused the curiosity
G13  23 of \0Mr. Wells and appealed strongly to his imagination. ^The ultimate
G13  24 intention was to obtain control of the food supply of the world and of
G13  25 its distribution. ^Eventually in the interests of civilisation, the
G13  26 activities of this Institute might have been extended to the control
G13  27 of other things beside food stuffs. ^Just as the Hague Tribunal may be
G13  28 thought of as the first faint sketch of an International Court of
G13  29 Justice, so this International Institute of Agriculture might turn out
G13  30 to have been a foreshadowing of the germ from which might spring not
G13  31 only universal economic peace but an economic World State.
G13  32    |^The Great War submerged this internationalism. ^In August 1914,
G13  33 there was *"a dismally sentimental little dinner,**" when the French,
G13  34 German, Austrian and Belgian members of the Committee drank together
G13  35 to the Peace of the Future. ^Then, talking of their immediate duty,
G13  36 they dispersed *"in a state of solemn perplexity**" to serve each his
G13  37 own belligerent country. ^What was left of the Institute, staffed by
G13  38 women and by the mutilated and unfit, devoted itself to the problems
G13  39 of the allied food supply. ^President Wilson ignored the Institute.
G13  40 ^During the influenza epidemic of 1918 its founder died. ^In January
G13  41 1919, the funeral of David Lubin passed disregarded through the
G13  42 streets of Rome hung with bunting to welcome President Wilson.
G13  43    |^David Lubin's International Institute was established at Rome, as
G13  44 we have said. ^Very naturally, the reader may wonder why this city was
G13  45 selected. ^The fact is that the King of Italy met \0Mr. Lubin more
G13  46 than half-way. ^*"That is why,**" said \0Mr. Wells, *"in a not very
G13  47 widely-known book of mine which represented a World State emerging out
G13  48 of Armageddon, I made the first World Conference meet at Brissago in
G13  49 Italian Switzerland under the presidency of the King of Italy.**"
G13  50 ^Thus \0Mr. Wells was able to utilise one of his earlier
G13  51 *1Anticipations, *0of *"an intelligent monarch who might waive all the
G13  52 ill-bred pretensions that sit so heavily on a gentlemanly king**" and
G13  53 come into the movement. ^On a similar occasion, \0Mr. Wells hinted at
G13  54 an English monarch, a most admirable gentleman, who submitted to the
G13  55 traditional trappings of royalty but who preferred to be incognito so
G13  56 that he might pass as *"plain \0Mr. Jones.**"
G13  57    |^In spite of \0Mr. Wells's antipathy to monarchs, royalty does not
G13  58 fare so badly in *1The World Set Free. ^*0Not only is the King of
G13  59 Italy made to preside over the World State but another ruler is
G13  60 favourably depicted. ^We mean, of course, the democratic Egbert,
G13  61 sovereign of the most venerable kingdom in Europe. ^*"He was a rebel
G13  62 and had always been a rebel against the magnificence of his position.
G13  63 ^In theory his manners were purely democratic. ^It was from sheer
G13  64 habit and inadvertently that he was permitting his companion to carry
G13  65 both bottles of beer.**" ^As a matter of fact, the king had never
G13  66 carried anything in his life; and he had never noticed it.
G13  67 *<*2CHAPTER EIGHT*>
G13  68 *<THE WAR*>
G13  69 ^{0*4H. *2G.} WELLS *0was no Jingo. ^On the contrary, he considered
G13  70 himself *"an extreme Pacifist.**" ^In his opinion, *"of all monstrous,
G13  71 irrational activities, war is the most obviously insane.**" ^On no
G13  72 conceivable ground is there any sense in modern war. ^It effects
G13  73 nothing except the waste of much energy, the destruction of huge
G13  74 quantities of material, the slaughter and mangling of many men.
G13  75 ^Modern warfare changes nothing but the colour of maps, the design of
G13  76 postage stamps, and the relationships of a few accidentally
G13  77 conspicuous individuals.
G13  78    |^There was not a man alive who could have told you of any real,
G13  79 permanent benefit that would be obtained from war between England and
G13  80 Germany. ^There was certainly nothing which counter-balanced the
G13  81 obvious waste that must result, whether England shattered Germany or
G13  82 whether she was overwhelmed.
G13  83    |^On the other hand, \0Mr. Wells had no reason to be surprised when
G13  84 war broke out in 1914; for, as far back as 1901, he had
G13  85 *"anticipated**" that before Germany could *"unify to the East**" she
G13  86 must fight the Russians, while *"to unify towards the West**" she must
G13  87 fight the French and perhaps the English, for France was not likely to
G13  88 have to fight alone; very probably she would have the support of the
G13  89 British Empire.
G13  90    |^*"Writing in the midst of the turmoil of war,**" \0Mr. {0J. D.}
G13  91 Beresford was vividly aware that his mind had been prepared for what
G13  92 had come by the romances of {0H. G.} Wells. ^In *1The War in the
G13  93 Air, *0particularly, *"with just such exaggerations as are necessary
G13  94 in fiction,**" which described what had now happened. ^No doubt we
G13  95 would learn our lesson from experience but it might have been learned
G13  96 from the fiction of {0H. G.} Wells without paying such a fearful
G13  97 price.
G13  98    |^\0Mr. Wells considered himself to be very nearly an average man.
G13  99 ^If he was at all abnormal, he supposed that it was *"only by reason
G13 100 of a certain mental rapidity.**" ^Be this as it may, the outbreak of
G13 101 hostilities evoked much the same response in \0Mr. Wells as in many
G13 102 other Englishmen. ^He was against the man who first took up arms. ^He
G13 103 carried his pacifism beyond that ambiguous little group of British and
G13 104 foreign sentimentalists in the Labour Leader who pretended *"so
G13 105 amusingly**" to be Socialists and who later in 1916 would have made
G13 106 peace with Germany at once, thus giving her a breathing space in which
G13 107 to recover sufficiently to commit a fresh outrage. ^\0Mr. Wells did
G13 108 not understand these people: he did not want to stop merely this war:
G13 109 he wanted *"to nail down war in its coffin.**"
G13 110    |^As early as August 7th we find him writing about *1The War that
G13 111 will End War. ^*0To him it was a war of Ideas. ^(He called chapter
G13 112 eleven *'The War of the Mind.**') ^All the realities of this war were,
G13 113 in his opinion, things of the mind. ^The real task was to get better
G13 114 sense into the heads of those Germans*- and of people generally. ^We
G13 115 must end the *1idea *0of war. ^Our business was to kill ideas: the
G13 116 really important thing was propaganda.
G13 117    |^Every sword that was drawn against Germany, was in his opinion,
G13 118 *"a sword drawn for Peace.**" ^Consequently \0Mr. Wells was heart and
G13 119 soul behind the Allies. ^With his one lung and damaged kidney he was
G13 120 not likely to go on active service. ^Even with the advent of
G13 121 conscription, there was no chance for him. ^It is worth noting, by the
G13 122 way, that \0Mr. Wells had always maintained that compulsory military
G13 123 service followed almost as a corollary from the principles of
G13 124 Socialism. ^He had always commended the advice of his friend, William
G13 125 James, who used to urge that the youth of a nation might well be saved
G13 126 from effeminacy by compulsory national service in places like mines
G13 127 and sewers and the deep sea fisheries. ^If one ought to have
G13 128 conscription for labour in Peace, why not conscription for war?
G13 129    |^{0H. G.} Wells, ahead as usual, was busy in July 1916 with the
G13 130 problem of Reconstruction. ^His *1Elements of Reconstruction, *0with
G13 131 an introduction by Viscount Milner, appeared in *1The Times *0during
G13 132 July and August. ^The first chapter stated that the book was the work
G13 133 of *"two friends**" and in the introduction Lord Milner referred to
G13 134 the *"authors**" but as a matter of fact the whole series was written
G13 135 by {0H. G.} Wells.
G13 136    |^In August, 1916, Wells was persuaded to make a tour of the
G13 137 Western Fronts. ^One of the peculiarities of this *"queer**" war was
G13 138 this *"tour.**" ^After suppressing information for some months, during
G13 139 which even the war correspondent was almost eliminated, both sides
G13 140 discovered that opinion was playing a larger part than had been
G13 141 expected. ^As a result, Wells one day found \0Mr Habokoff the editor
G13 142 of *1The Retch, *0and Count Alexy Tolstoy, that writer of delicate
G13 143 short stories, and \0Mr. Chukovsky the subtle critic, calling upon him
G13 144 after braving the wintry seas to visit the British Fleet. ^\0M. Joseph
G13 145 Reinach soon followed, upon the same errand.
G13 146    |^Then our turn came; and \0Mr. Arnold Bennett was soon wading in
G13 147 the trenches of Flanders while \0Mr. Noyes became *"discreetly
G13 148 indiscreet**" about what he had seen among the submarines and \0Mr.
G13 149 Hugh Walpole was with \0Mr. Stephen Graham *"in the dark forest of
G13 150 Russia.**" ^When {0H. G.} Wells, in August 1916, arrived in Italy,
G13 151 he found it *"warm and gay**" with memories of Hilaire Belloc, Lord
G13 152 Northcliffe, Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, and Colonel Repington.
G13 153    |^Some writers, \0Mr. Wells assured us, made their tour with very
G13 154 great diffidence. ^He himself did not want to go at all. ^In fact, as
G13 155 early as 1915 it had been suggested that he should go but he *"evaded
G13 156 the suggestion.**" ^*"I travel badly,**" he tells us, *"and I speak
G13 157 French and Italian atrociously. ^I am an extreme pacifist and I hate
G13 158 soldiering.**"
G13 159    |^His reluctance to be a spectator at the Front was largely due to
G13 160 a *"fear of being swamped by the spectacular side.**" ^He knew that
G13 161 the chances of being hit by a projectile were infinitesimal but he was
G13 162 afraid of being hit by some vivid impression: he feared that he might
G13 163 see some horribly wounded man or some decaying corpse that would so
G13 164 scar his memory that he would be reduced to *"a mere useless gibbering
G13 165 stop-the-war-at-any-price pacifist.**" ^It appears that many years
G13 166 before he had unexpectedly, one tranquil evening, come upon a drowned
G13 167 body which so disturbed his mind that it was *"darkened for some weeks
G13 168 by a fear and distrust of life.**"
G13 169    |^On the other hand, it seemed as if no man could claim to have
G13 170 done his duty as a rational creature unless he had formed some idea of
G13 171 what was going on *"out there.**" ^It seemed necessary moreover to
G13 172 obtain some conception of what this upheaval was going to produce. ^In
G13 173 addition, it seemed as if one ought to have not only an idea of what
G13 174 was going on but also some notion of how one wanted it to go.
G13 175    |^To make a long story short, \0Mr. Wells went. ^One of the first
G13 176 things he did in Italy was to meet the King*- the first sovereign he
G13 177 had ever met. ^He found the King of Italy in a drawing room very much
G13 178 like that in which he had met General Joffre a few days before. ^As he
G13 179 was handing his hat to the second of two servants standing by, a
G13 180 *"pleasantly smiling man,**" appearing at the study door, began to
G13 181 talk in excellent English about \0Mr. Wells's journey. ^As they went
G13 182 into the study it gradually became evident that this was the monarch
G13 183 himself.
G13 184    |^*"Addicted as I am,**" said \0Mr. Wells, *"to the particularly
G13 185 sumptuous study furniture of the cinema, I found the appearance of
G13 186 this royal study very simple and refreshing.**" ^The modern ruler
G13 187 shows a disposition to intimate at the outset that he cannot help it.
G13 188 *# 2004
G14   1 **[201 TEXT G14**]
G14   2 ^*0There are those on the one hand who say, *'absolutely not. ^People
G14   3 would panic and start pulling the communication cord. ^They might even
G14   4 surge up the corridors and try to get on the engine themselves,
G14   5 whereupon the whole vehicle would be brought into greater peril than
G14   6 ever. ^Leave the men on the engine alone. ^With a large hatful of luck
G14   7 they might get us somewhere without a smash-up. ^And if not, well,
G14   8 that just goes to show that journeying through the world is a
G14   9 hazardous business and it is a mistake to look for too much
G14  10 security.**' ^The people who take this view exist everywhere*- in
G14  11 Communist countries no less than in others. ^It was one of the reasons
G14  12 why Stalin got left on the engine a long time after he was visibly
G14  13 unfit to run the train. ^Others, and they, too, exist in millions
G14  14 everywhere, are all for spreading the dire news among the passengers
G14  15 as speedily as possible. ^They think these unfortunates have the right
G14  16 at least to know what is going on up there at the head of the train.
G14  17 ^Some of them think that just spreading that news, and pointing with
G14  18 derision at the way the driver is acting, is all that they can
G14  19 usefully do. ^They are satirical and unconstructive. ^They admit they
G14  20 probably could not operate the engine any better themselves, while
G14  21 claiming as credit to themselves that at least they are not even
G14  22 pretending to. ^Some others are firm in the belief that once the
G14  23 passengers know what is happening they will somehow find ways and
G14  24 means to avert the threatened catastrophe*- perhaps, somewhere in the
G14  25 second class coaches, there are some real engineers. ^These call
G14  26 themselves democrats, but as they have never yet got full control of
G14  27 the footplate, nobody knows what their large claims amount to.
G14  28    |^What arouses the indignation of the honest satirist is not,
G14  29 unless the man is a prig, the fact that people in positions of power
G14  30 or influence behave idiotically, or even that they behave wickedly.
G14  31 ^It is that they conspire successfully to impose upon the public a
G14  32 picture of themselves as so very, very deep-thinking, sagacious,
G14  33 honest and well-intentioned. ^You cannot satirize a man who says
G14  34 ^*'I'm in it for the money, and that's all about it.**' ^You even feel
G14  35 no inclination to do so. ^In the 1930s it was easier, or perhaps
G14  36 simply more stimulating, to satirize the leaders of the British
G14  37 Government than to go to work on Hitler or Mussolini. ^For these
G14  38 latter, at least in the eyes of other peoples than their own, were
G14  39 creatures who roared out in public their bestial thoughts and
G14  40 intentions. ^Hitler in particular, because he had the enthusiastic
G14  41 support and spiritual concurrence of the vast majority of Germans, had
G14  42 no need of that hypocrisy which Wilde described as the tribute vice
G14  43 pays to virtue. ^He said he was going to persecute and murder the
G14  44 Jews, and no sooner was it said than it was done. ^He proclaimed his
G14  45 delinquent's contempt for civilization, and, to ensure that nobody
G14  46 misunderstood him, organized such fe*?5tes and galas as the *'burning
G14  47 of the books.**' ^He lied certainly*- lied continuously. ^But his
G14  48 lying was of a special kind*- it did not, and could not by him have
G14  49 been expected to, deceive anyone who did not secretly wish to be
G14  50 deceived. ^In this he resembled the great confidence tricksters.
G14  51    |^The confidence tricksters, it seems, consider it axiomatic that
G14  52 no wholly honest man can be regarded as a likely victim of the
G14  53 confidence trick. ^It is not the mere fools that the confidence men
G14  54 successfully delude. ^It is, in their pregnant phrase, the *'larceny
G14  55 in the blood**' of the victim which results in his victimization. ^And
G14  56 that was how Hitler operated*- exploiting and using as his leverage
G14  57 the *'larceny in the blood**' of innumerable politicians in every
G14  58 country who wanted to believe that here was a man who really had found
G14  59 a way of making diamonds out of plastics; a way, that is to say, of
G14  60 making a quick profit out of an illicit sale of the Western soul. ^You
G14  61 cannot satirize a confidence trickster*- the best you can do is expose
G14  62 him, send for the police. ^But when you find a respectable citizen*-
G14  63 the victim*- who, beneath his air of solid good sense and goodwill is
G14  64 secretly hoping to turn a dishonest political profit by getting a
G14  65 flashy-looking collection of goods labelled *'peace**' or
G14  66 *'security**' or *'the end of Bolshevism**' for some minimal
G14  67 down-payment in the way of a betrayal of the Jews, or the sacrifice of
G14  68 a couple of small nations, then you have a subject which invites and
G14  69 excites the attention of the satirist.
G14  70    |^The satirist, as I have remarked, is certainly among those who
G14  71 cannot bear that the passengers should be left for a moment longer in
G14  72 ignorance of the incompetence of malignancy of the engine driver. ^He
G14  73 is also likely to feel that having done that much his particular
G14  74 function has been accomplished, and he is not apt to pay much heed to
G14  75 those who keep asking him for his *'solution**'. ^He will reply that
G14  76 while he may, in some other capacity*- as, say, a voter or a
G14  77 magistrate or Trade Union secretary*- feel able and bound to propose
G14  78 and work towards *'solutions**', as a satirist that is not his job.
G14  79    |^Myself, I hold this to be a self-evident truth. ^And having,
G14  80 during the early 1950s, had some particular opportunities of watching
G14  81 at close range the way the wheels of neo-Elizabethan Britain went
G14  82 round, together with the very great advantage of viewing the whole box
G14  83 of tricks in the perspective of Ireland, I was more than happy to find
G14  84 myself suddenly and, for me, startlingly in close collaboration with a
G14  85 man whom, for many years, I had learned to regard as an incarnation of
G14  86 the Devil.
G14  87 *<*49*>
G14  88    |^I *2THINK *0it was a few months after the wind-up of *1Seven Days
G14  89 *0that I got a letter in Youghal which surprised me not a little, for
G14  90 it was an invitation to write an article for *1Punch. ^*0Not only
G14  91 that, but it was signed by my friend Anthony Powell who, it
G14  92 astonishingly appeared, had become *1Punch's *0literary editor. ^A
G14  93 pleasure of living in Ireland is that you can, so to speak, turn
G14  94 England on or off as desired, and at that time, having been a little
G14  95 soured of London by the *1Seven Days *0episode, I had turned it off
G14  96 altogether and become absorbed in whatever I was doing at the time. ^I
G14  97 had thus had no knowledge of the volcanic disturbance which started to
G14  98 shake Bouverie Street with the appointment of Malcolm Muggeridge as
G14  99 editor of that publication. ^Furthermore, had I heard this bit of news
G14 100 it would certainly not have occurred to me that it boded me any
G14 101 particular good. ^True, I had no intention of writing for *1Punch,
G14 102 *0but if I had, the appointment of \0Mr Muggeridge would have seemed
G14 103 to me to rule out any possibility of successfully so doing. ^For
G14 104 although we had never actually met I had hated him for years. ^Those
G14 105 were, of course, principally my Communist years when Malcolm
G14 106 Muggeridge had great prominence in our Rogues' Gallery of men who, for
G14 107 example, had gone to Moscow to bless and stayed to curse; of hardened,
G14 108 obstinate and vicious enemies of Truth and Progress; of particularly
G14 109 able, and, therefore, particularly detestable and dangerous
G14 110 journalistic and literary swordsmen in ranks of wickedness and
G14 111 reaction. ^Nor was conflict with Muggeridge in those days restricted
G14 112 to the battle of the typewriters. ^For he was often deadly active in
G14 113 the affairs of the National Union of Journalists*- his activity always
G14 114 directed towards frustrating or defeating some vital activity of our
G14 115 own.
G14 116    |^At that time the National Union of Journalists was as a running
G14 117 sore to the anti-Communists of the {0*2T.U.C.} ^*0For the London
G14 118 Branch, being by far the largest in the Union, was at most times able
G14 119 to play a preponderant part in framing the policies of the Union as a
G14 120 whole, and the London Branch, in its turn, was for long periods at a
G14 121 time, dominated by the Communists for the sufficient reasons, first,
G14 122 that the Communists were united in pursuit of various objectives
G14 123 whereas the anti-communists were in general united only in their
G14 124 anti-communism, and secondly, that the Communists were the only people
G14 125 who held it as a holy though often irksome duty to attend the Branch
G14 126 meetings. ^(These were usually held on Saturday afternoons at the \0St
G14 127 Bride's Institute, in one of the lanes just south of Fleet Street.
G14 128 ^There are not many drearier meeting halls in that part of London,
G14 129 which is saying a good deal, and in any case Fleet Street on any
G14 130 Saturday afternoon is one of the dreariest places anywhere. ^Add to
G14 131 this that I personally detest meetings and speeches, and all the
G14 132 business of resolutions and points of order. ^Naturally, I am entirely
G14 133 aware that all this is of the absolutely indispensable essence of
G14 134 democracy, and that when you attend such meetings you are seeing and
G14 135 taking part in the true life and work of democracy. ^All the same, I
G14 136 wished profoundly that it were possible for me personally not to have
G14 137 to do that thing.) ^More than once it had happened to me that my
G14 138 reason for asking to be excused attendance at \0St Bride's on a given
G14 139 Saturday afternoon had been accepted as valid by the Communist Party
G14 140 leaders, and then, just as I was rejoicing over such a release, the
G14 141 word would come that Malcolm Muggeridge was going to attend that
G14 142 particular meeting, was going to launch some major attack; in
G14 143 consequence all *'leave**' was cancelled, no excuses for
G14 144 non-attendance were any longer to be deemed valid. ^On such Saturdays
G14 145 I looked upon that man with more than ordinary political hostility. ^I
G14 146 humanly loathed him. ^In a paradoxical manner he represented all those
G14 147 disciplines of Communism and democracy which I had always found
G14 148 excessively irksome. ^He embodied for the moment everything that could
G14 149 make life vexatious, particularly on a Saturday afternoon in the
G14 150 desert parts of London.
G14 151    |^Knowing nothing of his appointment to the editorship, I was still
G14 152 bewildered by the presence in the literary chair of Anthony Powell who
G14 153 I had known since Oxford and whose novels, with their exquisite
G14 154 sinuosities and profound risibility had enchanted me for years. ^What,
G14 155 I had to ask myself, in God's name was *1he *0doing in that gale*?3re?
G14 156 ^And what, admitting that he personally was aboard the sluggish old
G14 157 hulk, on earth made him suppose that *1my *0presence would be welcome?
G14 158 ^Just making the matter more mysterious was a note in his letter*- he
G14 159 was asking for an article about Ireland*- saying that he would like
G14 160 the piece to be *'somewhat astringent**'. ^If he were simply trying to
G14 161 do me a good turn by arranging for me to get a small piece of money
G14 162 out of *1Punch, *0surely, knowing my general line of literary brew, he
G14 163 would instead have put in some cautionary note urging me to draw it
G14 164 mild?
G14 165    |^I certainly needed the small piece of money, so I wrote the
G14 166 piece, signing it discreetly *'{0J.H.}**'*- initials of James
G14 167 Helvick, under which name I then principally wrote. ^Within an hour or
G14 168 so of the earliest time the piece could have reached Bouverie Street
G14 169 from Youghal, I had a telegram from Anthony Powell offering hearty
G14 170 congratulations upon it, but asking had I any objection to signing
G14 171 *'in full**'. ^I wired back to say he could certainly sign it James
G14 172 Helvick. ^To this the response was equally prompt, and its contents
G14 173 made me ask myself whether Tony had gone actually off his head. ^For
G14 174 it emphatically urged me to sign *'Claud Cockburn**'. ^Resignedly, I
G14 175 telegraphed back that it was all right with me if he insisted. ^But to
G14 176 myself I thought that this bit of \6*1be*?5tise *0must inevitably mark
G14 177 the end of my connection with *1Punch*- *0surely it ought to have been
G14 178 obvious to Tony that nobody in authority there was going to have a
G14 179 person with my sort of reputation writing articles*- *'astringent**'
G14 180 at that*- in their paper?
G14 181 *# 2025
G15   1 **[202 TEXT G15**]
G15   2 ^*0Although he had a good knowledge of English, and a great admiration
G15   3 for the British and their political tradition, his diffidence and his
G15   4 conservative temperament made it virtually impossible for him to adapt
G15   5 himself to the very different life of the British capital.
G15   6 ^Anglo-Jewry, as indifferent in those days to Jewish learning as to
G15   7 Jewish nationalism, was for him no better than a whited sepulchre, and
G15   8 English Zionism, still dominated by Herzlian conceptions, had no
G15   9 attraction. ^The *"foreign**" Jews of London, though not so
G15  10 denationalised as the assimilated Anglo-Jews who despised and
G15  11 patronised them, were scarcely less remote from him in the cultural
G15  12 sense. ^He took life too seriously to have much time for its lighter
G15  13 side, and his personal contacts were determined by his serious
G15  14 interests, which were for practical purposes limited to the Jewish
G15  15 national movement in the widest connotation of that term. ^It resulted
G15  16 that throughout his London period he remained outside the Jewish
G15  17 community, and made practically no new friends, with the exception of
G15  18 a handful of young English Jews, who had been influenced by his
G15  19 writings and broadly shared his outlook. ^There were in England a few
G15  20 Russian Jews whom he had known while still in Russia*- among them
G15  21 Chaim Weizmann, who was a Lecturer in Chemistry at the University of
G15  22 Manchester*- and the society of those of them who lived in the
G15  23 metropolis, and of old friends from elsewhere who visited London from
G15  24 time to time, saved him from complete isolation. ^But he remained a
G15  25 stranger in a strange land.
G15  26    |^He had come to London with hopes of being able at long last to
G15  27 retire from the field of Zionist controversy and from committee work,
G15  28 and to devote his spare time to study in the Library of the British
G15  29 Museum, and to writing a book on Jewish nationalism or the ethics of
G15  30 Judaism, two subjects on which he was eminently qualified to make an
G15  31 original contribution to Hebrew and Jewish literature. ^These hopes
G15  32 were disappointed. ^He found the hubbub of the City of London, and the
G15  33 strain of the daily underground journeys to and from it, nerve-racking
G15  34 and exhausting, and sustained intellectual work after office hours was
G15  35 seldom possible. ^He got so far as to map out the plan of a projected
G15  36 work on Jewish nationalism, but no further. ^In the six years
G15  37 preceding the summer of 1914, when the first world war broke out, he
G15  38 wrote in all about a dozen pieces for publication, and these, together
G15  39 with a few of earlier date, were included in the fourth and last
G15  40 volume of *1At the Crossroads, *0which appeared in 1913; but he never
G15  41 wrote a book.
G15  42    |^The dozen pieces included two of his best-known essays, called in
G15  43 their English translations *1Judaism and the Gospels *0and {*1Summa
G15  44 Summarum}. ^*0The first of these, written in 1910, in the form of an
G15  45 extended review of Claude Montefiore's *1Synoptic Gospels, *0is of
G15  46 permanent value because of the original view which it propounds as to
G15  47 the fundamental nature of the difference between the religious and
G15  48 ethical standpoints of Judaism and Christianity. ^The well-worn
G15  49 antithesis between Judaism as the religion of Justice and Christianity
G15  50 as the religion of Love does not, in Ahad Ha-Am's opinion , go to the
G15  51 root of the matter. ^*"What essentially distinguishes Judaism from
G15  52 other religions is its absolute determination to make the religious
G15  53 and moral consciousness independent of any definite human form, and to
G15  54 attach it without any mediating term to an abstract, incorporeal
G15  55 ideal.**" ^Hence the Christian idea of a divine-human being, who
G15  56 mediates between God and man, is one which Judaism can never accept;
G15  57 and on the ethical side, Judaism rejects the Christian ideal of
G15  58 altruistic self-sacrifice, and holds to the principle of abstract and
G15  59 impersonal justice, according to which *"the self**" and *"the
G15  60 other**" must be regarded with complete impartiality, and a man is
G15  61 forbidden to satisfy his own selfish desires at the expense of his
G15  62 neighbour, but is not called upon to place his neighbour's life or
G15  63 interests *1before *0his own.
G15  64    |^The other essay, written in 1912, gives his impressions of
G15  65 Zionist progress after a visit to the tenth Zionist congress and to
G15  66 Palestine in the preceding year. ^It was written for once in a mood of
G15  67 comparative optimism, which enabled its sceptical author to discern
G15  68 encouraging signs both of new thinking in the Zionist camp, and of the
G15  69 emergence of a new Hebrew type of life in Palestine. ^The grandiose
G15  70 ideas which Zionism still professed officially seemed to him as remote
G15  71 from reality as ever, but he was happy to see Palestine beginning to
G15  72 develop into that *"national spiritual centre**" which the Jewish
G15  73 people needed above all things.
G15  74    |^Outside the literary field, he was, during the years immediately
G15  75 preceding the war, an active member of the Board of Governors of the
G15  76 Technical High School which it was proposed to establish at Haifa,
G15  77 with money provided partly out of a charitable fund set up under
G15  78 Kalman Wissotzky's will, and partly by the German-Jewish philanthropic
G15  79 organisation known as {*1Hilfsverein der deutschen Juden}. ^*0Ahad
G15  80 Ha-Am was appointed to the Board by the Wissotzky trustees, and along
G15  81 with Shmarya Levin and Yehiel Tchlenov, two of his old friends who
G15  82 were prominent in the Zionist Organisation, represented the Zionist
G15  83 point of view against the assimilationists of the \*1Hilfsverein,
G15  84 *0who held the whip hand because only they would have been able, if
G15  85 the need arose, to finance the scheme out of their own resources. ^He
G15  86 attached very great importance to the project both from the point of
G15  87 view of the material progress of the \*1yishuv *0and from that of the
G15  88 prestige of Jewish Palestine in the Middle East, and he patiently
G15  89 acted as a moderating influence in the inevitable clashes of opinion
G15  90 on the Board; but in spite of his efforts the uneasy partnership broke
G15  91 up in 1913, when the erection of the school buildings was in progress.
G15  92    |^The immediate cause of the rupture was the insistence of the
G15  93 \*1Hilfsverein *0on making German the language of instruction for all
G15  94 but Jewish subjects. ^The nationalist members of the Board, including
G15  95 Ahad Ha-Am, resigned on that issue; and, in sympathy with their point
G15  96 of view, the teachers of the already existing \*1Hilfsverein *0schools
G15  97 in Palestine declared a boycott of all its educational institutions.
G15  98 ^The outcome of this action was the establishment by the Zionist
G15  99 Organisation of its own Hebrew school system, which marked a
G15 100 turning-point in the history of the \*1yishuv. ^*0Ahad Ha-Am objected
G15 101 in principle to the boycott weapon*- it seemed to him not to differ
G15 102 essentially from the \*1herem, *0or excommunication, which was a
G15 103 dreaded weapon in the hands of religious bigotry*- and he also had
G15 104 grave doubts about the ability of the Zionist Organisation to find the
G15 105 money for the upkeep of an efficient Hebrew school system; but the
G15 106 activists had their way, and on this occasion the results did not
G15 107 justify his fears. ^As for the Technical School project, the
G15 108 \*1Hilfsverein's *0intention to implement it alone was frustrated by
G15 109 the outbreak of war in the following year; and after the war, when
G15 110 Palestine was placed under a British Mandate as the destined national
G15 111 home of the Jewish people, the present Haifa Technion was established
G15 112 under Zionist auspices.
G15 113 *<*4The War Years*>
G15 114    |^*0The outbreak of the first world war in 1914 put an end to Ahad
G15 115 Ha-Am's literary career. ^He disdained to write for publication under
G15 116 war conditions, in which censorship precluded the absolutely
G15 117 unfettered expression of opinion; and the Hebrew-reading public waited
G15 118 in vain for some indication of his views on the attitude to be adopted
G15 119 by the Jewish people towards the war, or his expectations of what the
G15 120 future might bring. ^Nor was it possible for him to find in wartime
G15 121 the peace of mind which might have enabled him to retire into an ivory
G15 122 tower and devote himself to philosophy or scholarship. ^The world war
G15 123 meant for him a relapse into barbarism, which shook the foundations of
G15 124 his implicit belief in the progress of humanity; and without that
G15 125 belief he was like a lost soul. ^The massacre of the Jews in his
G15 126 beloved Ukraine, and the uncertainty as to what might be the fate of
G15 127 the \*1yishuv, *0intensified his unhappiness; and his \6*1malaise
G15 128 *0adversely affected his physical health.
G15 129    |^Paradoxically, it was during this period of acute distress that
G15 130 he made for the first time a direct contribution to the shaping of the
G15 131 policy of the Zionist Organisation. ^Thanks to his intimacy with \0Dr.
G15 132 Weizmann, he was kept informed from the outset of the steps which were
G15 133 taken during the war to win the sympathy of the British Government and
G15 134 British public opinion for Zionism. ^He was throughout in close touch
G15 135 with those who conducted the negotiations which ultimately led to the
G15 136 issue of the Balfour Declaration of 2nd November, 1917, and was a
G15 137 member of the small informal Political Committee which was set up to
G15 138 advise Weizmann and Sokolow when those negotiations reached the
G15 139 decisive stage. ^His great moral influence was consistently exercised
G15 140 in the interests of realism and moderation in the formulation of
G15 141 Zionist demands, both during the war and later, when the Zionist case
G15 142 for the Versailles Peace Conference of 1919 came to be prepared.
G15 143 ^Taking, as always, the long view, he regarded the unequivocal
G15 144 recognition by the civilised world of Jewish national rights in
G15 145 Palestine as of greater value than the immediate establishment of a
G15 146 Jewish state, for which in his opinion neither Palestine nor the
G15 147 Jewish people was as yet prepared. ^The Balfour Declaration, designed
G15 148 to create conditions in which the political future of Palestine would
G15 149 be determined primarily by the amount of effort and sacrifice that
G15 150 world Jewry was prepared to put into the task of developing the
G15 151 country, was in line with his gradualist approach, and seemed to him
G15 152 to go as far as could be reasonably expected at that time in the
G15 153 recognition of Jewish national rights. ^He realised, however, as not
G15 154 all Zionists did in those days, that there was an important difference
G15 155 between *"the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the
G15 156 Jewish people**", which was what the British Government undertook to
G15 157 support, and *"the re-establishment of Palestine as the national home
G15 158 of the Jewish people**", which was the formula suggested on the
G15 159 Zionist side. ^He looked forward to an era of steady expansion of the
G15 160 \*1yishuv *0under British tutelage, and of the progressive
G15 161 revitalisation of diaspora Jewry through the influence of the
G15 162 *"national spiritual centre**", which for him was of greater moment
G15 163 than any spectacular achievement in the political or economic sphere.
G15 164 *<*4His last years*>
G15 165    |^*0The end of the war, in 1918, found him a broken man,
G15 166 psychologically even more than physically. ^He was still able to carry
G15 167 on his duties as manager of the Wissotzky business in London for a
G15 168 time, but he had no strength left for study or writing. ^A breakdown
G15 169 of his health towards the end of 1919 necessitated months of
G15 170 sanatorium treatment, and left him suffering from some deep-seated
G15 171 nervous trouble, which defied precise diagnosis.
G15 172    |^He now had only one desire, to spend his last years in Palestine,
G15 173 where he hoped, and was encouraged by his medical adviser to hope,
G15 174 that he might recover his health sufficiently to be able to make some
G15 175 contribution to the life of the \*1yishuv. ^*0It had always been his
G15 176 wish to settle in Palestine, but his passionate love of independence
G15 177 had stood in the way of his seizing any of the opportunities of doing
G15 178 so which had presented themselves at one time or another. ^Now, at the
G15 179 age of 63, he felt that he had earned the right to retire on a pension
G15 180 which would enable him to live in reasonable comfort in the land of
G15 181 his dreams. ^For unknown reasons, over a year elapsed before the
G15 182 necessary arrangements could be made; and it was not till the end of
G15 183 1921 that he was able to leave London for Palestine, accompanied by
G15 184 his wife and their son and daughter-in-law.
G15 185    |^He preferred to live in Tel-Aviv, which was a creation of the new
G15 186 spirit of Jewish nationalism, rather than in the Holy City of
G15 187 Jerusalem, to which the aura of medievalism still clung; and the
G15 188 Tel-Aviv Municipality built him a house next to the {*1Gymnasia
G15 189 Herzlia}, *0the first all-Hebrew secondary school of modern times.
G15 190 *# 2051
G16   1 **[203 TEXT G16**]
G16   2    |^*0A second effort to romanticize Devon did no better. ^Fletcher,
G16   3 with memories of Elizabethan England, spoke of local talent. ^Sidney
G16   4 whinnied scornfully.
G16   5    |^*'Here it is. ^Us. ^We three. ^We're the only local talent within
G16   6 fifty miles.**'
G16   7    |^And Fletcher, who had wanted masochistically to claim
G16   8 Philistinism for America, clicked his tongue.
G16   9    |^It took us a long time to discover anything about his private
G16  10 life. ^Not till he announced one day gloomily, ~*'I \2endoor
G16  11 domesticity,**' did we even know that he was married.
G16  12 *<*=4*>
G16  13    |^My acquaintance with Basil Blackwell, my first publisher,
G16  14 developed quickly into a friendship which, though we have not often
G16  15 met since I left Oxford, has lasted and is based on real regard.
G16  16 ^Presently, with an appetite sharpened by the American anthology, I
G16  17 suggested to him that it would be a good idea for me to make an
G16  18 anthology picked from the many poets he had published. ^He fell for
G16  19 this idea, and the result was *1Eighty Poems, *0beautifully produced
G16  20 at the Shakespeare Head Press. ^The book drew attention to the work
G16  21 which he had done, and a most interesting bunch of poets were
G16  22 represented. ^Turning the pages now, I find that quite a number of
G16  23 poems still stand up with individuality and power, poems which I
G16  24 should pick again today. ^There was Wilfred Childe's *1Recognition
G16  25 *0and *1The Gothic Rose, *0which I put in another collection many
G16  26 years later, and still admire; a happy conceit of Gerald Crowe, {*1Ad
G16  27 Sanctum Geraldum Pro Nautis Ejus}*0: a short lyric, *1Still-Heart,
G16  28 *0and two longer poems by that little-known poet Frank Pearce Sturm, a
G16  29 friend of Yeats's. ^Their inclusion provoked an interesting
G16  30 correspondence, and Sturm sent me a little ivory Chinese figure which
G16  31 I have today. ^Roy Campbell contributed a delightful monkey poem,
G16  32 *1Bongwi's Theology. ^*0The three Sitwells, Dorothy Sayers, Edgell
G16  33 Rickword, Katharine Tynan, and Fredegond Shove were represented; Susan
G16  34 Miles offered one of her village poems; Morley Roberts appeared in an
G16  35 unfamiliar light; my Oxford poet friends all figured, and there was a
G16  36 short lyric by Vincent Morris. ^In all, fifty-seven poets were
G16  37 represented.
G16  38    |^But the book's main importance for me was two friendships which
G16  39 it brought. ^Among the poets published by Blackwell was Clifford Bax.
G16  40 ^I was deeply impressed by his *1Traveller's Tale, *0and wrote to tell
G16  41 him so. ^The result was an invitation to a meal, and at what was then
G16  42 De Maria's restaurant at the foot of Church Street, Kensington, began
G16  43 yet another friendship of the kind that absence or catastrophe has no
G16  44 power to disturb. ^Clifford's charm and breadth of worldly and
G16  45 other-worldly wisdom delighted and enthralled me. ^Still very much the
G16  46 country bumpkin, for all my Oxford overlay, I admired the grace and
G16  47 assurance which wealth, travel, and experience had given him. ^His
G16  48 voice and smile emphasized the gentleness of his nature, and his
G16  49 Buddhist faith confirmed it; yet there were delightful contradictions.
G16  50 ^On the cricket field, for instance, Clifford flung the mantle of
G16  51 contemplation aside and emerged as a man of unpredictable and decisive
G16  52 action. ^The only thing that was safe to predict about an innings of
G16  53 his was that the figure six would appear on the score sheet; how often
G16  54 depended only upon how long he remained at the wicket. ^Sometimes he
G16  55 was bearded, sometimes clean shaven, but this was his only variation.
G16  56 ^I never saw him ruffled, much less out of temper, and while he had a
G16  57 healthy appetite for gossip and was under no illusions about the
G16  58 characters of the people he met, I cannot imagine him unkind in word
G16  59 or deed.
G16  60    |^Clifford was deeply interested in philosophy and religion, and
G16  61 had an open mind with regard to supernatural phenomena. ^He and his
G16  62 brother Arnold, to whom he presently introduced me, had been very
G16  63 strongly drawn into the Irish Revival in the first years of the
G16  64 century. ^Arnold wrote under the name of Dermot O'Byrne, and both
G16  65 brothers were friends of {0A. E.}; this friendship must have helped
G16  66 to acclimatize Clifford's mind to aspects of experience towards which
G16  67 he was by nature prone, but over which the social side of his life
G16  68 might otherwise have drawn a glittering curtain.
G16  69    |^It was characteristic of Clifford's generosity of spirit that he
G16  70 never made me feel uncultivated. ^I felt so naturally, and blurted out
G16  71 my feeling more than once, but he discounted it, showing me with a
G16  72 very pleasant realism that, if I were as bad as I felt, this, that,
G16  73 and the other person would not be able to endure my company. ^In sum,
G16  74 he was one of the people who helped me with my growing pains, and I
G16  75 shall always be grateful.
G16  76    |^Another was Humbert Wolfe. ^I had met him for the first time when
G16  77 he came to speak to a College society, where he was received with
G16  78 especial honour as a Wadham man. ^He also was represented in the
G16  79 Blackwell anthology, and this brought about a less impersonal meeting.
G16  80 ^Commenting on its ineptitude as a setting for him, I gave him dinner
G16  81 at the Philistines' Club, where his long drooping lock, loose bow, and
G16  82 weary voice roused some astonishment. ^We were a party of four, and
G16  83 with the utmost courtesy he set himself to please us. ^He presently
G16  84 teased me because, when asked my opinion of certain people, I praised
G16  85 their kindness.
G16  86    |^*'You seem to set particular store by this quality, Strong. ^Who
G16  87 has kicked you? ^How did you acquire this abject attitude?**'
G16  88    |^I protested that it was not abject, and he conceded that instead
G16  89 it might be the romantic faith of a provincial. ^He himself was
G16  90 inclined to suspect kindness as a self-interested wish to please. ^He
G16  91 was, as I was later to discover, extraordinarily kind, but hated
G16  92 either to acknowledge or have it acknowledged. ^At any rate, he kept
G16  93 to the end his accusation of romantic faith against me. ^Many years
G16  94 later, he had to introduce Richard Church and me as successive
G16  95 speakers at a dinner. ^Of Richard, he said, ~*'Here now is Richard
G16  96 Church, who has kept all his illusions**'; and, when my turn came,
G16  97 ~*'Here is Leonard Strong, who has no illusions, but many
G16  98 delusions.**'
G16  99    |^Richard Church I met through the American anthology. ^He was at
G16 100 this time a civil servant, much junior to Humbert, who used to mock
G16 101 him affectionately when they ran into each other in Whitehall. ^Under
G16 102 a shy and slightly myopic exterior Richard hid a needle-like
G16 103 observation and a lightning wit. ^At his sharpest, he rivalled
G16 104 Humbert, and that is saying a lot. ^His temperament has always been
G16 105 warm and generous, and, particularly in these early days, it would
G16 106 lead him into enthusiasms which sometimes brought him to the verge of
G16 107 absurdity, where he was saved by his sharp wit. ^All his friends
G16 108 pulled his leg about these enthusiasms, and Richard, sensitive to the
G16 109 affection which prompted them, would beam and blush; but the glint in
G16 110 the eyes behind the glasses would be steely sharp, as he mischievously
G16 111 looked for a chance to hit back. ^Never strong physically, he was in
G16 112 these days working far too hard, with the office all day, and his own
G16 113 writing, and a great deal of reviewing. ^He and I got on well together
G16 114 from the start, but I do not think either suspected how much we were
G16 115 to be together in the future, and how often we would turn one to the
G16 116 other for comfort and advice.
G16 117 *<*=5*>
G16 118    |^My hunger for music, ignorant though I was, led me into several
G16 119 friendships I must otherwise have missed. ^The sturdy John Ellis had
G16 120 taken himself off, and gone to work on the railways at a job which he
G16 121 kept until he died, of a congenital heart complaint, while still in
G16 122 his early forties. ^He helped me more than I can say, and in many
G16 123 ways. ^Above everything I owe him the return to comparative sanity and
G16 124 balance after the disturbances caused by those soire*?2es with
G16 125 Schiller and \0Co. ^All my life I have been lucky in meeting the right
G16 126 person at the time of need; and in no instance was this truer than
G16 127 with John Ellis. ^Apart from this enormous service, he laid the
G16 128 foundations of my musical education, both by his example and by his
G16 129 comments on the gramophone records I would nai"vely play him:
G16 130 unerringly selecting what was good, however unpromising its setting*-
G16 131 the anonymous violin in a trio on an eighteenpenny record, the
G16 132 little-known baritone singing a song by a composer I had never heard
G16 133 of*- and screaming in falsetto derision at performances by artists far
G16 134 better known, or merely vulgar.
G16 135    |^Ellis's work was too sporadic to win the title of composer,
G16 136 though he set a number of poems to music, and sometimes invited me to
G16 137 write new words in place of the verses he had used. ^This I found I
G16 138 could do with little trouble, having sung enough to have a sense of
G16 139 word values and the possible duration of the various vowels.
G16 140    |^The next musician whom I got to know well was a much younger man
G16 141 whom I have already mentioned, Sidney Lewis. ^He had a long, equine
G16 142 head and a jerky manner which was the product of an urgent inner life
G16 143 and of energies too great for his thin asthenic frame. ^Sidney lived
G16 144 in a blaze of activity, mental and psychic. ^His dream life had
G16 145 sometimes a tragic intensity. ^I would not say that he had second
G16 146 sight as Romer Wilson had, but rather that some of his perceptions
G16 147 were dissociated in such a way as to give him uncomfortable, angular
G16 148 glimpses of eternity; glimpses which sometimes comforted but more
G16 149 often threw him into an agitation of all his powers.
G16 150    |^Like many gifted people who have grown up in places where there
G16 151 is hardly anyone for them to rub their wits against, Sidney was a
G16 152 strange mixture of fantasy and practical horse sense. ^His shrewdness
G16 153 was alarming. ^He could drive a perception like a steel nail into the
G16 154 most imposing fac*?6ade or the most complex situation. ^He had a great
G16 155 power of enjoyment, and would go into convulsions of laughter so
G16 156 violent that they could embarrass those who were with him in public
G16 157 places. ^He had beyond a doubt a touch of genius, but of the kind
G16 158 which is not destined to blossom in this world.
G16 159 *<*=6*>
G16 160    |^Sidney had a number of older friends who had immediately
G16 161 discerned his quality and treated him as if he were of their own age.
G16 162 ^One of these was a Hindu who had come to Oxford to study Western
G16 163 philosophy. ^He was of short, stocky, powerful build, with fiercely
G16 164 curling black hair and eyes which immediately apprehended the
G16 165 essential things around him. ^His name was Basanta Kumar Mallik.
G16 166    |^The force of his mind and personality had made him many friends
G16 167 at Oxford, and it is possible that I should have met him through
G16 168 Robert Graves, or a Balliol man of great ability named Harries, if I
G16 169 had not been introduced to him by Sidney. ^Sidney however was the
G16 170 link, and this was important, since it was through Sidney's elder
G16 171 sister Winifred that I later resumed the friendship interrupted by
G16 172 Mallik's return to India and a gap of thirty years.
G16 173    |^Mallik's philosophy was at this stage impenetrable to me, but I
G16 174 could appreciate some of its practical conclusions. ^He was a very
G16 175 lively companion, and among other things a superb maker of curries, a
G16 176 gift which much endeared him to me. ^I liked his curries all the
G16 177 better because they were not too hot: he explained that the very hot
G16 178 kind were more for the taste of retired colonels and Indian civil
G16 179 servants than for the Indian connoisseur. ^Few things pleased him more
G16 180 than to be turned loose by a hostess with instructions to make curry
G16 181 for her and her guests, but the joys of the meal would often be
G16 182 followed by a rueful inventory of the larder, for Mallik would put in
G16 183 everything he could lay hands on, including items which ninety-nine
G16 184 English people out of a hundred would have thought immune.
G16 185 *# 2003
G17   1 **[204 TEXT G17**]
G17   2    |^*0The Varsity Regatta was always held at sea in boats which were
G17   3 borrowed for the occasion, and quite unfamiliar to all the
G17   4 competitors. ^The authorities had not yet been persuaded to award a
G17   5 Half-Blue for sailing as is done now. ^Another member of that early
G17   6 team*- and a subsequent Captain*- was Francis Usborne, now Secretary
G17   7 of the Royal Yachting Association.
G17   8    |^Stewart was always the principal spur. ^I was invited by his
G17   9 parents to stay on the Broads in their beautiful converted wherry
G17  10 *1Sundog*0; she moved from regatta to regatta with a string of racing
G17  11 dinghies and one-designs towing astern, all superbly kept in trim by
G17  12 Cubitt Nudd, one of the best *'paid hands**' in all Norfolk. ^For
G17  13 these holidays I was usually Stewart's crew, but when his new
G17  14 fourteen-foot dinghy *1Clover *0was built for him by Morgan Giles in
G17  15 beautifully selected teak, I wondered if I would be considered good
G17  16 enough to crew him in important races. ^Much later, when I had crewed
G17  17 in less expertly handled dinghies and finally graduated to my very own
G17  18 fourteen-footer, I wondered if I would be good enough to beat Stewart?
G17  19 ^Without this friendly rivalry over the years I should never have been
G17  20 selected to represent Great Britain at the Olympic Games (with Stewart
G17  21 as my spare man) in 1936; I should never have won a Bronze Medal
G17  22 there*- and likely enough I should never have become (quite
G17  23 accidentally as it transpired) the President of the International
G17  24 Yacht Racing Union.
G17  25    |^Most of the races at Ely were sailed in deadly earnest, and it
G17  26 was a good training ground, for in so narrow a river inches counted
G17  27 and fine judgement could be cultivated. ^A well-rounded buoy passed
G17  28 less than a foot away down the boat's side as a matter of standard
G17  29 practice. ^A boat's length was to be gained when *'going about**' by
G17  30 shooting up along the bank before filling away on a new tack.
G17  31    |^On occasion the sailing was more light-hearted. ^There was an
G17  32 afternoon when an unofficial prize had been offered for the helmsman
G17  33 who, sailing single-handed, contrived to capsize his boat first after
G17  34 the starting gun had been fired. ^The Commodore had not been informed
G17  35 of this plan; he walked up the bank with his megaphone, shouting
G17  36 ^*"Let the sheet go, you stupid boy, you'll have the boat over in a
G17  37 moment if you're not careful.**" ^But his warning was of no avail and
G17  38 a few seconds later I won the prize.
G17  39 *<*2CHAPTER 15 *1Of Pinkfeet and Punts and Blue Geese*>
G17  40    |^*2DURING *0our Christmas holiday on the Solway we had heard
G17  41 rumours that very large numbers of geese assembled at the head of the
G17  42 great estuary upon their first arrival from the Arctic in late
G17  43 September. ^Between the River Esk and the River Eden is a vast merse
G17  44 covered only by high spring tides and for a few years this was used as
G17  45 an assembly point for what must have been at times something like
G17  46 thirty per cent of the world's Pinkfooted Geese. ^Nowadays no such
G17  47 concentrations of geese are to be found on Rockliffe Marsh as we saw
G17  48 there in the autumns of 1929 and 1930. ^Great numbers of Pinkfeet
G17  49 still come to the Solway, but not in any concentration until well into
G17  50 October, and their headquarters is now ten miles further to the
G17  51 westward around the Lochar mouth and the sanctuary provided for them
G17  52 on the Kinmount Estate near Annan.
G17  53    |^On 20th September, 1929, I set out from London alone in the
G17  54 family's Austin Seven and arrived at Sark Bridge Farm, Gretna, eleven
G17  55 hours later. ^Next morning I found that many thousands of geese had
G17  56 already arrived at Rockliffe. ^All that day more were coming in. ^This
G17  57 was the first time I had ever seen geese arriving on migration. ^There
G17  58 were little bunches coming in high over the Metal Bridge, heading the
G17  59 westerly wind and planing down on to the marsh*- some in threes and
G17  60 fours, some in groups of a dozen or twenty. ^The little parties were
G17  61 scattered about the sky almost wherever you looked. ^It is a pattern I
G17  62 have seen many times since, but never more impressively than on that
G17  63 first day. ^I know now that the geese were coming from Greenland and
G17  64 Iceland, but in those days Spitzbergen was thought to be the breeding
G17  65 ground of most of the British Pinkfeet. ^But wherever they came from,
G17  66 it was far away in Arctic or Sub-Arctic lands, and it added
G17  67 immeasurably to the mysterious appeal of these wonderful birds.
G17  68    |^Rockliffe Marsh was private shooting, but by crossing the Esk in
G17  69 a boat it was possible to intercept the geese at the marsh edge, or
G17  70 from *'lying-pits**' out on the sand. ^In the week that I was there I
G17  71 shot twelve geese and was vastly pleased with my success. ^More
G17  72 recently I believe Manorial Rights extending to the river channels of
G17  73 the Eden and Esk have been substantiated, but in 1929 this had not
G17  74 been clarified and the sand was widely, if erroneously, held to be
G17  75 free shooting.
G17  76    |^Digging in on the sand is not now regarded as a wise procedure,
G17  77 for if it is extensively practised on a goose roost it seems
G17  78 eventually to drive the geese away. ^This may have been one of the
G17  79 contributary causes of the abandonment by the grey geese of Wells and
G17  80 Holkham, though I do not think it influenced their change of habits on
G17  81 the Solway. ^But in that first autumn on the Solway digging lying pits
G17  82 on the sand seemed only to be a practical if difficult method of goose
G17  83 shooting, and a number of my geese were bagged while shooting from
G17  84 their scanty cover.
G17  85    |^For my last two days in Scotland I moved westward to Wigtown Bay
G17  86 in order to go punting with Major Hulse*- the Expert as we called him.
G17  87 ^I joined him at Creetown and we spent the two days afloat in pursuit
G17  88 of wigeon, which confirmed my earlier conclusion that punting was the
G17  89 best that wildfowling had to offer. ^Our bag was meagre and the
G17  90 occasion was chiefly memorable for my meeting with Adam Birrell and
G17  91 for a stirring return journey in the punt in a gale of wind. ^I had
G17  92 met Adam very briefly at the end of my previous day's punting with
G17  93 Major Hulse, but now for the first time I recognised this was no
G17  94 ordinary fisherman-wildfowler. ^He was a first-class naturalist, with
G17  95 an astonishingly wide (self-administered) education. ^He was
G17  96 delightful company whether on a fowling expedition or bird-watching or
G17  97 fishing, and we remained in fairly regular communication thereafter
G17  98 for a quarter of a century.
G17  99    |^After the two days' punting I set off from Creetown in the Austin
G17 100 Seven at a quarter to eight in the morning and arrived in London at a
G17 101 quarter to eight in the evening, having stopped for half an hour in
G17 102 Carlisle and three-quarters of an hour at Boroughbridge where I had
G17 103 lunch. ^It is an interesting commentary on the Great North Road and
G17 104 motoring conditions in 1929 that I was able to make the 380-mile
G17 105 journey in a seven-horsepower car at an average speed of just over 35
G17 106 miles per hour. ^It is also perhaps worth recording that my ten days
G17 107 in Scotland had cost me almost exactly *+10.
G17 108    |^On the flood-waters of the Bedford Levels we had *1Penelope *0and
G17 109 *1Grey Goose, *0but we still had no sea-going double punt for the
G17 110 Wash, and this must clearly be remedied. ^\0Mr. Mathie, a boat-builder
G17 111 in Cambridge, was commissioned to build one, based mainly on the
G17 112 design and specifications of the Expert's punt. ^She was to be
G17 113 twenty-four foot long, four-foot beam, with a twelve-foot cockpit, and
G17 114 she was to be called *1Kazarka*- *0the Russian name for the
G17 115 Red-breasted Goose.
G17 116    |^*1Kazarka *0was launched just below Magdalene Bridge in Cambridge
G17 117 on 11th December, 1929. ^On the following day I set out with a
G17 118 companion, David Lewis, to sail her to the coast. ^There was a
G17 119 south-westerly wind which was very strong at times and we made good
G17 120 progress until just before Ely, when there was a stretch which came
G17 121 closer to the eye of the wind and the lee boards could not really cope
G17 122 with it. ^But a passing sugar beet tug took us in tow as far as the
G17 123 Ely beet factory. ^Thereafter we sailed without difficulty to Brandon
G17 124 Creek which was to be our staging point for the day. ^There is a
G17 125 fascination in the bareness of the Fenland river banks. ^Trees are few
G17 126 and far between, and the river runs artificially straight or nearly so
G17 127 for many a mile, broken only by an occasional bridge. ^From the punt
G17 128 we had no view into the distance, for the high green banks rose
G17 129 steeply on either side to the skyline at most fifty yards away. ^The
G17 130 flat fenland fields, mostly below the level of the river, were hidden
G17 131 from us; and yet I remember that the passage, the testing of our boat
G17 132 on her maiden voyage, the anticipation of her arrival on the fowling
G17 133 grounds of the Wash, the pleasure of spinning along under the small
G17 134 sail, all added up to a sheer delight which I can clearly recall
G17 135 today*- just thirty years later. ^Christopher Dalgety came to meet us
G17 136 at Brandon Creek, and we took David Lewis to Ely to catch a train
G17 137 (which he missed) and then went on to the Globe Hotel at King's Lynn
G17 138 which was our coastal headquarters.
G17 139    |^Re-reading my shooting diaries in 1959 in the course of writing
G17 140 this book I came upon the entry for the following morning, Friday,
G17 141 13th December, 1929, which is of more interest than I realised at the
G17 142 time. ^There was a moderate west-south-westerly breeze blowing as we
G17 143 walked out along the old drove at Terrington (past a pole evidently
G17 144 set up on the salting long ago as a landmark and known inevitably as
G17 145 the North Pole) and out to the edge of the salting. ^*"I was in
G17 146 position at 6.40,**" says my diary, *"*'streak of dawn**' having been
G17 147 at 6.10. ^As it got light geese began honking all round. ^A lot of
G17 148 mallards had been sitting at the edge of the mud as I came up and now
G17 149 a lot more came over. ^I could have had several shots but the geese
G17 150 were all round. ^At last I saw about eight geese coming straight
G17 151 towards me. ^They sagged away on the wind and passed rather wide. ^I
G17 152 had a shot but without success. ^The sound of the shot put up a big
G17 153 lot of about 200 which had been sitting farther to the east. ^These
G17 154 pitched again about 200-300 yards away. ^I looked at them and thought
G17 155 that one on the left of the flock looked different. ^With the glass I
G17 156 could see at once that it was a white goose. ^His head, neck and
G17 157 breast were pure white and his back was dark brown, darker than the
G17 158 surrounding Pinkfeet. ^From the fact that he was a head taller than
G17 159 the rest (and longer in the leg) and also that his bill was very large
G17 160 and thick, I felt no doubt that he was an albino Greylag. ^In general
G17 161 size he was much larger than the Pinkfeet and was much more on the
G17 162 alert. ^He had his head up the whole time*- once when only three other
G17 163 geese in the whole 200 had their heads up. ^After the flock had walked
G17 164 towards me a little, they sat for a while, and then I think they must
G17 165 have scented me, for away they went, crossing my creek further down
G17 166 and joining some more geese on the mud to the west.**"
G17 167    |^Well, there it is! ^There is the first record of the Blue Goose
G17 168 for Europe. ^The description is perfect. ^We even know that he was the
G17 169 rather less common form in which the white of the head extends on to
G17 170 the breast and belly. ^I may have exaggerated the size a little, and I
G17 171 gave him (and his fellow Pinkfeet) a sense of smell which I do not now
G17 172 believe could have accounted for their departure.
G17 173 *# 2016
G18   1 **[205 TEXT G18**]
G18   2 ^*0Wesley often dined with him, sometimes with his other colleagues.
G18   3 ^The Rector's brother, Sir Justinian, was an occasional guest whom
G18   4 Wesley met at dinner on Christmas Day, 1732. ^Three days later, all
G18   5 the fellows in residence had dinner and supper with the Rector and his
G18   6 brother and played cards. ^A year later when Wesley's father was
G18   7 staying in Oxford over Christmas, Isham invited John Wesley to read
G18   8 prayers and later entertained them both. ^Both Isham and his brother
G18   9 were among the subscribers to the projected work on Job, as were also
G18  10 some of the fellows and former undergraduates. ^At times the Rector
G18  11 was justifiably concerned at Wesley's indiscreet religious zeal, but
G18  12 realized his merits, and on 28th June, 1734, made a donation to the
G18  13 work of the Castle, a gesture by which Wesley was obviously touched.
G18  14    |^Wesley had been recalled to act as tutor to the undergraduates,
G18  15 and it was as a teacher and preceptor that he had returned into
G18  16 residence in November, 1729. ^He was already well-read in the classics
G18  17 and in divinity. ^These, together with logic, were the principal
G18  18 subjects in which he had to guide his pupils. ^Like all his
G18  19 contemporaries, he regarded Aldrich's textbook on logic,
G18  20 {*1Compendium Artis Logicae}, *0with profound reverence; he
G18  21 supplemented his teaching on logic and classics by reading Sanderson
G18  22 and Langbaine. ^Long after he had left Oxford the imprint of the
G18  23 syllogistic reasoning which he had learned and taught remained. ^*'For
G18  24 several years**', he wrote much later, *'I was Moderator in the
G18  25 disputations which were held six times a week at Lincoln College in
G18  26 Oxford. ^I could not help acquiring hereby some degree of expertness
G18  27 in arguing; and especially in discerning and pointing out well-covered
G18  28 and plausible fallacies.**' ^He fulfilled his duty as Moderator by
G18  29 lecturing or presiding over disputations in the College Hall at ten or
G18  30 eleven on week-day mornings.
G18  31    |^At first he seems not to have had a private pupil, though he
G18  32 certainly gave his brother, Charles, and their mutual friend, William
G18  33 Morgan, what could be called tutorials. ^With them he read Milton's
G18  34 poetry, Lucas' popular devotional work, Norris' sermons, lives of
G18  35 Bonnel and \de Renty and the warning tract known as the *1Second
G18  36 Spira. ^*0The character of these books suggests that this reading may
G18  37 have been part of that prescribed for the recently formed Holy Club.
G18  38 ^In June, 1730, he noted proudly that he had his *'first pupil**', in
G18  39 all probability Joseph Green, the Bible clerk whom he had introduced
G18  40 to the Rector on 10th June and whom he took to be matriculated two
G18  41 days later. ^Green's father lived at Shipton, where Wesley often took
G18  42 the service for his friend, the former Lincoln undergraduate, Joseph
G18  43 Goodwin. ^It was probably through Wesley's efforts that Green came to
G18  44 Lincoln. ^He was soon calling on Wesley, who lived in rooms just above
G18  45 him in College, at ten every morning, presumably for tuition.
G18  46    |^On 4th June, 1730, the Rector had allocated eleven men to Wesley,
G18  47 John Westley, Jonathan Black, from Harringworth in Northamptonshire,
G18  48 Thomas Waldegrave, a Lincolnshire boy from Londonthorpe, two
G18  49 northerners, Thomas Hylton from Monkwearmouth and Robert Davison from
G18  50 Durham, John Bartholomew from Dorchester, Dorset, John Sympson, almost
G18  51 a neighbour, from Gainsborough, Edward Browne, a merchant's son from
G18  52 \0St. Asaph, Richard Bainbridge from Leeds, and George Podmore from
G18  53 Edgmond in Shropshire. ^None of these ever achieved great distinction,
G18  54 but Bainbridge was later a fellow of Lincoln, while Thomas Waldegrave
G18  55 was subsequently elected a fellow of Magdalen and was Edward Gibbon's
G18  56 first tutor. ^It is one of the minor ironies of history that in going
G18  57 through the plays of Terence with the precocious young man Waldegrave
G18  58 was probably reproducing the notes which he had once learned from John
G18  59 Wesley; but Gibbon thought the tutorials so unrewarding that he
G18  60 resolved to absent himself from them. ^There were few days when Wesley
G18  61 did not give up some hours, usually either at ten in the mornings or
G18  62 two or five in the afternoons, to his pupils; even on Sundays and holy
G18  63 days he noted in his diaries that he had seen his pupils, presumably
G18  64 to give them religious instruction.
G18  65    |^It is not very clear what the College tutor in the eighteenth
G18  66 century was expected to teach outside the lectures in Hall where he
G18  67 presided over disputations or commented on the Greek Testament.
G18  68 ^Fortunately John Wesley has himself left a list of the books which he
G18  69 read with his pupils. ^In 1730 he instructed them in Virgil's Aeneid,
G18  70 Terence's plays, Horace's poems, Juvenal's Satires, Phaedrus, and
G18  71 Anacreon. ^In English they studied Richard Lucas' *1Enquiry after
G18  72 Happiness, *0Norris' *1Sermons, *0Stephen's *1Letters *0and half of
G18  73 John Ellis' *1Defence of the Thirty-nine Articles. ^*0Next year he
G18  74 read *1Gentleman Instructed *0and Charles Wheatley's *1The Church of
G18  75 England Man's Companion *0with one pupil. ^With another he perused
G18  76 Atterbury's sermons and Edward Welchman's {*1Articuli *=39 Ecclesiae
G18  77 Anglicanae}. ^*0With another he ended Cicero's {*1De Natura Deorum}
G18  78 *0and read his Tusculan Disputations. ^With another he studied
G18  79 Aldrich's *1Logic, *0but to so little effect that when they had
G18  80 finished it they began all over again. ^Finally a fifth pupil read the
G18  81 plays of Terence as well as Aldrich with him. ^He had evidently
G18  82 acquired something of a reputation as a tutor in logic as three young
G18  83 graduates of the College, William Smith, George Bulman, and Frederick
G18  84 Williams were given tuition in the ubiquitous Aldrich.
G18  85    |^He took his pupils' intellectual problems seriously, correcting
G18  86 declamations for Edward Browne on 22nd September, 1730, and for Joseph
G18  87 Leech on the afternoon of 28th February, 1733, and teaching Thomas
G18  88 Greives an hour later that same day; earlier he had spent some time
G18  89 thinking out syllogisms for an exercise in logic. ^On 26th June, 1732,
G18  90 he wrote out a logical problem for Smith. ^In the winter of 1733 he
G18  91 noted wearily that his pupils would not learn Hebrew and on the last
G18  92 day of the year he was angry because they had failed to turn up.
G18  93    |^His relationship with these young men was much more than that of
G18  94 teacher and pupil. ^Hitherto his contacts at Lincoln had been with men
G18  95 of comparatively senior status like William Cleaver, Matthew Horbery,
G18  96 the son of a former vicar of Haxey, and a future fellow of Magdalen
G18  97 and his neighbour, Robert Pindar, who matriculated as long ago as
G18  98 1726. ^Now he was concerned with supervising younger men who had just
G18  99 entered the College, and he certainly set out to take an interest in
G18 100 them far beyond the obligations of a tutorial nature. ^He sat with
G18 101 young Joseph Green at the Bear. ^In August, 1732, after calling on
G18 102 Benjamin Holloway, son of the rector of Middleton Stoney, who was to
G18 103 enter the college in the following November, he accompanied Richard
G18 104 Bainbridge on an expedition to Cottisford and Rousham. ^He said later
G18 105 that he made no attempt to persuade his pupils to become members of
G18 106 the Holy Club, but he had too strong a personality to keep his
G18 107 religious views in the background. ^His diary shows that he regularly
G18 108 invited his pupils to breakfast and prayers, and those who showed any
G18 109 interest in the activities of the Holy Club were subsequently brought
G18 110 under close supervision and spiritual discipline. ^His first book, *1A
G18 111 Collection of Forms of Prayers for Every Day in the Week, *0with
G18 112 preface and questions for self-examination, was written for his pupils
G18 113 and published in 1733.
G18 114    |^It is possible that the Rector was increasingly and explicably
G18 115 unwilling to entrust Wesley with the care of pupils because of his
G18 116 close identification with the Holy Club. ^In August, 1733, Wesley told
G18 117 his mother that he had as many pupils as he required. ^*'If I have no
G18 118 more pupils after these are gone from me, I shall then be glad of a
G18 119 curacy near you; if I have, I shall take it as a signal that I am to
G18 120 remain here.**' ^There were in fact only a small number of new entries
G18 121 at Lincoln every year. ^Wesley seems to have been only on intimate
G18 122 terms with his earlier pupils and either because of lack of time or
G18 123 because the Rector was anxious about the recruitment of impressionable
G18 124 young men his later pupils were few. ^This view is supported by
G18 125 Richard Morgan's unfriendly picture of Wesley in a letter to his
G18 126 father. ^Indeed, he wanted to be transferred to the other tutor of the
G18 127 College, *'reckoned one of the best tutors in the University**', and
G18 128 of whom Lord Lichfield had so high an opinion that he thought to send
G18 129 his eldest son to Lincoln. ^*'He has**', he wrote, *'what few are in
G18 130 college (except one Gentleman Commoner and two servitors who are \0Mr.
G18 131 Wesley's pupils) under his tuition.**' ^If Morgan was correct, then at
G18 132 the beginning of 1734 Wesley had, presumably in addition to Morgan,
G18 133 only three other pupils, probably Westley Hall (who was a gentleman
G18 134 commoner), Matthew Robinson, and either Joseph Green or Joseph Leech,
G18 135 all of whom were servitors. ^We should, however, be careful about
G18 136 accepting Morgan's statement without qualification, and other evidence
G18 137 would suggest that Wesley was at least being consulted on tutorial
G18 138 matters by other members of the College.
G18 139    |^His residence at Lincoln may have attracted a number of
G18 140 undergraduates to the College. ^John Sympson, who was admitted as a
G18 141 servitor in 1728, lived in Gainsborough; so did George and Thomas
G18 142 Hutton, whose father was a local lawyer. ^Joseph Green, from Shipton,
G18 143 probably entered the College as a Bible clerk partly through Wesley's
G18 144 support. ^He certainly played a part in the admission of two of his
G18 145 other prote*?2ge*?2s, Westley Hall and John Whitelamb. ^Westley Hall
G18 146 was admitted as a gentleman commoner on 22nd January, 1731, and John
G18 147 Whitelamb was admitted as a servitor on 10th April, 1731, and, much to
G18 148 Wesley's satisfaction, was later given a scholarship. ^Hall, who came
G18 149 from Salisbury, was related through his mother to John Westley, who
G18 150 was already an undergraduate at Lincoln. ^His mother, who was a
G18 151 daughter of a vicar of Imber, near Warminster, had married a clothier,
G18 152 Francis Hall; his brother, Robert, later Lord Mayor of London, and
G18 153 knighted in 1744, was the father of the Lincoln undergraduate; ^*'My
G18 154 first cousin, John Westley being there ... John Wesley my tutor**', as
G18 155 Hall later commented. ^John Whitelamb, *'poor starveling Johnny**',
G18 156 was the son of humble parents (his father Robert, however, is described
G18 157 in the matriculation book as Robert, gentleman of the parish of
G18 158 Hatfield), who lived at Wroot, the dreary village where Wesley acted
G18 159 as curate; and he had been employed by the elder Wesley as his
G18 160 amanuensis. ^He was an intelligent young man, who entered the College
G18 161 at the unusually late age of twenty-two; Wesley had great hopes of
G18 162 Whitelamb, but as in the case of Westley Hall, they were steadily to
G18 163 evaporate. ^Of the twelve young men who entered the College in 1731,
G18 164 the one who was eventually to repay Wesley's tutorship most was in his
G18 165 first year practically unknown to him; James Hervey, the son of the
G18 166 curate of Collingtree.
G18 167    |^Although Wesley was as far as possible rationing time to serve
G18 168 the more serious pursuits of life, he neither withdrew from social
G18 169 life nor ceased to take part in the normal recreations of Oxford.
G18 170 ^Twice, on 10th March and 19th May, 1730, he went dancing. ^Genuinely
G18 171 fond as he was of music, he seized such opportunities as Oxford then
G18 172 presented, once attending a concert with Charles and William Morgan;
G18 173 and in the summer he himself studied the gavotte from *1Otho,
G18 174 *0*'{Non e si vago e bello}**'. ^He occasionally went on the river;
G18 175 on 28th September, 1730, he gathered walnuts. ^Walking was his normal
G18 176 exercise, with Charles and Morgan, to Binsey, round the Meadows, or in
G18 177 Merton garden, once with Wilder and \0Dr. Grove.
G18 178    |^He was now the proud possessor of a horse. ^This was in effect a
G18 179 first necessity if he was to take services at the villages in the
G18 180 neighbourhood of Oxford.
G18 181 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G18 182 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G18 183    |^*'Yesterday**', he told his mother on 28th February, 1730, *'I
G18 184 had the offer of another curacy to continue a quarter or half a year,
G18 185 which I accepted with all my heart.
G18 186 **[MIDDLE OF QUOTE**]
G18 187 *# 2006
G19   1 **[206 TEXT G19**]
G19   2    |^*0*'All officers,**' growled George from behind a cow, who had no
G19   3 love of the War \0Ag., and proceeded to tell me a story far removed
G19   4 from this present (as most of his stories were) of how in India, where
G19   5 he had been a private in 1916, the cow was brought to the
G19   6 householder's door each morning, and while it was milked consumed the
G19   7 contents of the dustbin.
G19   8    |^Actually this wartime farming of ours on Road Farm was a mixture
G19   9 of ancient and modern. ^I had a modern rib-roller; but there was also
G19  10 one made out of a trunk of a crab-apple tree, one hundred and fifty
G19  11 years old, I should think, I found lying at the back of the
G19  12 cart-lodge. ^And we used that one too, on some tender young beet.
G19  13    |^It was also a mixed, cosmopolitan, ideological farming. ^Land
G19  14 girls, Germans, Italians, succeeded one another in our fields as the
G19  15 war went on. ^I had also a young Quaker, a pacifist who contradicted
G19  16 everything I said, but he meant well.
G19  17    |^And George Goforth plodded on, who had once had all this farm to
G19  18 himself, knowledgeable in the handling of tackle, stoical; getting on
G19  19 best, characteristically, with the least fortunate; the prisoners, the
G19  20 enemy, lost to their own kindred, far from their own homes.
G19  21    |^There was a shortage of implements at first on account of the
G19  22 war. ^Scenes come to mind. ^There was the day when we missed being
G19  23 able to borrow a neighbour's swath-turner by one minute. ^It had just
G19  24 been lent to somebody else. ^It was a day on which hay demanded to be
G19  25 turned. ^So the tractor which had returned without it was switched
G19  26 off.
G19  27    |^Larks sang: we could hear them suddenly, when the tractor
G19  28 stopped, as we bared our arms for hard work. ^Six acres of swaths to
G19  29 be turned before dewfall, and at four o'clock milking would deplete
G19  30 our team. ^But it was the longest day. ^Bumblebees disturbed from the
G19  31 swaths by our rakes zigzagged into the air before us. ^I glanced at
G19  32 the roses in the hedge, at the buds that were more red than pink.
G19  33 ^Someone was saying, ^*'There's one thing, every round gets shorter as
G19  34 we move towards the middle.**'
G19  35    |^Round and round that field we walked all day. ^I came to know
G19  36 that hay intimately, every ingredient of it; clover, rye-grass,
G19  37 cocksfoot, and the occasional pallid corpse of a plant of chicory. ^I
G19  38 was soon in that state belonging to my former unmechanized farming, of
G19  39 mental stupefaction induced by repetitive manual movements. ^The
G19  40 jumping teeth of my rake had a life of their own to my eyes, as they
G19  41 snatched at the swath again and again, rolling it over like a small
G19  42 wave, and the hay whispered like surf.
G19  43    |^There was still plenty of the physical exhaustion of that former
G19  44 farming, owing to the exigencies of the time. ^I walked behind a pair
G19  45 of horses again, ploughing, before I got delivery of a tractor. ^But
G19  46 the plough here in East Suffolk was an iron plough, having wheels. ^It
G19  47 was known as the *'improved two-horse plough**', which reminded me of
G19  48 the name of my old-type of kitchen range at Creams: the *'New
G19  49 Leader**'. ^I doubt if I enjoyed any part of my wartime farming so
G19  50 much as ploughing the stubble with Kitty and Boxer, days whose peace
G19  51 was only broken by the sudden roar of an express train going by in the
G19  52 cutting beside the field, which startled me, not the horses; they had
G19  53 been used to trains since they were foaled here. ^I, too, got to know
G19  54 the trains: I told the time by them.
G19  55    |^I also had contract ploughing done for me by the War \0Ag. ^A
G19  56 young man came with a crawler tractor and multiple-furrow plough. ^He
G19  57 told me that his father was a small farmer, and that on Saturday
G19  58 afternoons, having been ploughing with his crawler tractor all the
G19  59 week, he took a pair of horses and ploughed for his father on his
G19  60 small-holding. ^He enjoyed that: it was his recreation, he said.
G19  61    |^The field which I ploughed so carefully with the horses, I
G19  62 drilled with wheat by tractor. ^It was one of the first jobs my new
G19  63 tractor did. ^And it was a horrible day. ^Fine when we started,
G19  64 drizzle when we had done about two acres, downpour for the rest. ^The
G19  65 tractor floundered, the drill kept gumming up with mud: it took one
G19  66 man all his time to keep the spouts clear. ^We ended soaked to the
G19  67 skin, in a field that was churned to a morass. ^And the wheat*- oh
G19  68 those beautiful straight drill-rows of our 1922 Cherry Tree Farm! ^How
G19  69 unlike them when the corn showed were those of this first field I
G19  70 drilled of my new farm. ^But it turned out to be the best crop of
G19  71 wheat I ever grew.
G19  72    |^I remembered then an old country saying I had heard about wheat:
G19  73 *'sow in the slop, and reap a good crop**'.
G19  74    |^There was also sugar beet, a crop which I had not grown before.
G19  75 ^A gang of prisoners of war came to hoe them. ^They hoed up weeds
G19  76 industriously all morning. ^At midday a pelting shower soaked the
G19  77 ground: the thirty men moved off across the field to their dinner, and
G19  78 as they went, every foot, treading on a hoed-up weed, planted it again
G19  79 in the receiving earth.
G19  80    |
G19  81    |^And the cows. ^There was the blind cow whose name was Christmas,
G19  82 because she was born on Christmas Day. ^She was not discovered to be
G19  83 blind until one day heaps of manure were placed at intervals for
G19  84 spreading on a pasture that the herd crossed, and Christmas tripped
G19  85 over them. ^Ever since then Christmas preferred to walk beside the
G19  86 hedge, making a detour from gate to gate. ^How did she know that she
G19  87 was walking beside the hedge? ^Was it that a hedge has a peculiar
G19  88 quality of scent? ^Or was there a sixth sense which told her that
G19  89 something was there beside her? ^She walked holding her head up and a
G19  90 little sideways, in a listening attitude. ^In former days it might
G19  91 have been thought that Christmas, being born in an august hour, had
G19  92 met with a blinding light. ^But the vet said, ~*'Probably a
G19  93 phosphorous deficiency,**' and one had to accept that.
G19  94    |^On the journey home to milking, along the green lane to the
G19  95 farmstead, Christmas walked last. ^The other cows were purposeful;
G19  96 knowing dairy cake awaited them. ^Let nothing get in their way: they
G19  97 trotted. ^But Christmas dawdled in the lane, last, alone, safe from
G19  98 hustling, and enjoyed a feast of her choice. ^All was safe here; there
G19  99 were no ditches to fall into, but close on either side tall hedges
G19 100 grew with shoots of many flavours. ^There were tips of bramble and
G19 101 brier whose thorns were still tender: a wild rose was licked off its
G19 102 stem by that muscular tongue, which encompassed in the same sweep a
G19 103 dozen crab-apple leaves. ^There was hogweed, ground-ash, sallow. ^She
G19 104 dragged at a spray of hawthorn, which embushed her head while she tore
G19 105 at it.
G19 106    |^Had there been time enough, there could have been nothing
G19 107 pleasanter than to watch Christmas browsing, while one bore gently on
G19 108 her rump in the act of coaxing her forward. ^But the milking waited.
G19 109 ^Yet this pushing and this calling her by name seemed only to sweeten
G19 110 her dalliance. ^She knew that she had nothing to fear from the human
G19 111 presence, by these unhurtful urgings. ^Some movement forward was
G19 112 required of her, and in time she would comply. ^In the meantime it was
G19 113 like conversation to her, while she enjoyed her banquet of leaves in
G19 114 the grassy lane.
G19 115    |^She could not have known that there was any such phenomenon as
G19 116 light in the world. ^Therefore, of course, there was no such thing to
G19 117 her as darkness, only hours of a warmth beating down, and then hours
G19 118 of stillness and a cool moisture. ^The hoot of the owl and the voice
G19 119 of the blackbird perhaps indicated to her what was *'night**' and what
G19 120 was *'day**'. ^Her chief privation was that she could not follow a
G19 121 patch of shade as it moved with the sun. ^To her it was an arbitrary
G19 122 and elusive area of coolness.
G19 123    |^Christmas spent the night in a loose box by herself. ^She used to
G19 124 walk straight to it from the milking shed, and waited before it, to be
G19 125 steered into it. ^Once inside, she stood chewing the cud and gazing
G19 126 (you would think) over the low wall like any other cow. ^Approached
G19 127 from one side, she would turn her head and face you. ^If you put out
G19 128 your hand she would put up her head to meet it, scenting its approach.
G19 129    |^Sometimes she went into the meadow pond to drink, and having
G19 130 drunk forgot that she had not turned round, and walked on into deeper
G19 131 water. ^When it was up to her flank she realized that something was
G19 132 wrong, and turned herself about. ^The other cows did not molest her
G19 133 unless she was in a confined space with them. ^This situation she
G19 134 learned to avoid.
G19 135    |^Christmas was a lady of pedigree and a good milker. ^Her calvings
G19 136 she managed for herself, although, of course, she had never seen her
G19 137 calves. ^On the first occasion there was anxiety and sitting up at
G19 138 night for her. ^But she calved by herself after all, in an interval
G19 139 between the vigils. ^There she stood, her calf lying in the straw
G19 140 behind her. ^She turned to it, lifted her front feet and placed them
G19 141 accurately between its outstretched legs, and lowered her head and
G19 142 licked it dry all over. ^In her world of darkness she never injured
G19 143 any of her calves: she seemed to have an unerring instinct where to
G19 144 tread.
G19 145    |
G19 146    |^Year by year the ploughing and the sowing and the hoeing. ^The
G19 147 two Italian prisoners lived in an opera act of their own, grand or
G19 148 comic according to their mood of the day. ^And the Quaker, who fancied
G19 149 he had an ear for music, hoed at the farthest possible distance from
G19 150 the Italians in the field, because he couldn't stand their
G19 151 caterwauling, he said. ^And George Goforth (whose children were also
G19 152 growing up) resolutely maintaining of every new machine I bought that
G19 153 it would not work, and proceeding to work it, even as Bill Mould many
G19 154 years back used to do. ^The type does not change much.
G19 155    |^And the harvesting, and the Italians building waggon-loads of
G19 156 sheaves, movable stages for their perpetual recitative. ^And the
G19 157 difficult regulations about land girls not to be set to work beside
G19 158 Italians, when all hands were needed round the threshing machine. ^The
G19 159 threshing machine beat out the rhythm of the autumn day. ^Straw bales
G19 160 in a long spasmodic caterpillar were pushed from the baler up a
G19 161 slanted ladder and built like blocks of masonry. ^Similarly there had
G19 162 been hay bales. ^Similarly now there were for us school trunks. ^Three
G19 163 times a year I loaded school trunks on to the car and took them to the
G19 164 station, and three times a year loaded them on the car and brought
G19 165 them home from the station. ^Essentially bales of hay are trunks, in
G19 166 shape and weight, packed trunks. ^In one small field I counted one
G19 167 hundred and ninety-six bales. ^At six o'clock I said to Marjorie,
G19 168 ^*'I've loaded and unloaded more school trunks this afternoon than in
G19 169 ten years of school terms, school trunks without handles.**' ^Bales
G19 170 are obstinate things, ungrippable, liable suddenly to slip one string
G19 171 and then the thing turns into an enormous dissolving accordion in your
G19 172 arms....
G19 173    |^There was the thatching of the new corn stacks, and the Quaker
G19 174 showing up suddenly as a better thatcher than George, and not letting
G19 175 the fact be overlooked. ^Master's tactful handling needed there, in
G19 176 between bouts of getting up steam in the dairy boiler.
G19 177    |^There was the pleasant solitary task in September of taking a
G19 178 second cut for hay. ^The days grew shorter, but given fine weather,
G19 179 another crop could still be gathered.
G19 180 *# 2006
G20   1 **[207 TEXT G20**]
G20   2 ^*0It was in 1862, as King of the Belgians, that he made a confession
G20   3 to the Archduke John:
G20   4 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G20   5 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G20   6    |^The Prince of Prussia has also written to tell me that you regret
G20   7 I have tied myself to Belgium. ^I too sometimes regret that my part in
G20   8 the East was taken from me. ^I fancy that I could have done much good
G20   9 there, and though I know the disadvantages of the situation, it very
G20  10 often gives me a kind of nostalgia. ^How strange my fate has been
G20  11 since we were together in Brighton with the Regent! ^If I had taken
G20  12 command of things in England in 1830, many things would have happened
G20  13 differently, and what was bound to happen would have been more wisely
G20  14 controlled.
G20  15 **[END QUOTE**]
G20  16 **[END INDENTATION**]
G20  17    |^In his old age, for personal and political reasons, Leopold
G20  18 declared that only Greek interests had inspired his refusal of Greece;
G20  19 and this was understandable, for when he *'corrected**' Gervinus, the
G20  20 throne of Greece was again on the market and he was considering it for
G20  21 a Coburg nephew. ^Besides, since William *=4 had lived to 1837, it was
G20  22 a little ridiculous to admit that in 1830 they had quarrelled over his
G20  23 corpse.
G20  24    |
G20  25    |^On May 21st, 1830, Leopold declined the throne of Greece.
G20  26 ^*'Leopold**', snapped \0Mme \de Lieven, *'has played us a pretty
G20  27 trick. ^It is a bad business... ^Who is going to take what Leopold has
G20  28 refused?**' ^Leopold's hesitations and problems and his final
G20  29 rejection had created considerable ill-feeling; and Count Matuszewicz,
G20  30 writing to Stockmar, declared that ~*'Prince Leopold has shown so many
G20  31 \6*1arrie*?3re-pense*?2es, *0so much bad faith, so much irresolution,
G20  32 that I rejoice not to see him entrusted with the government of a
G20  33 country in which he would have betrayed the confidence of the three
G20  34 Courts... ^There is no difficulty which does not alarm him, no
G20  35 obstacle which does not stop him, no gesture which does not prove that
G20  36 he would have brought to Greece disgust, pusillanimity, and the
G20  37 perpetual regret of having abandoned his so-called chances of the
G20  38 eminent position of Regent of England. ^It is this Regency that he
G20  39 will never obtain, above all now that he has crowned his shame like
G20  40 this... ^Such a sovereign would have done damage to royalty.**' ^And
G20  41 this scorn and anger were echoed by the correspondent, quoted in the
G20  42 *1Memoirs of Baron Stockmar, *0who wrote to the Archbishop of Cologne:
G20  43 ^*'What does Your Eminence say to the behaviour of Prince Leopold? ^It
G20  44 is quite in the character of the Marquis Peu-a*?3-Peu, as King George
G20  45 *=4 christened him; instead of conquering difficulties, instead of
G20  46 completing the work he had undertaken, he withdraws like a coward, and
G20  47 calculates the possible chances which the approaching death of King
G20  48 George *=4 may throw in his way. ^A man of this weak character is
G20  49 totally unfit to play a bold part in life.**'
G20  50 *<*413*>
G20  51 *<*2THE COBURG COALITION*>
G20  52    |^*4B*2Y M*0ay 1830 it was sadly evident that George *=4 was dying.
G20  53 ^His private excesses had largely damaged his reputation among his
G20  54 contemporaries, but after all, his excesses had been those of
G20  55 virility, and his virtues, though less blatant, were very many. ^He
G20  56 was the most civilized monarch that England had known since Charles
G20  57 *=2: perhaps, indeed, since Elizabeth. ^He had accepted the dedication
G20  58 of *1Emma, *0he had patronized Hoppner and Lawrence, he had added
G20  59 widely to the royal collections. ^He had inspired Nash to create the
G20  60 classical splendour of Regent's Park. ^He had conjured up the
G20  61 Coleridgean fantasies of Brighton; he had made (with his architect,
G20  62 Wyattville) the alterations to Windsor that had turned it into the
G20  63 epitome of castles; and he had built his own Nonesuch, Carlton House.
G20  64 ^He had been the arbiter of fashion and of taste; and in all he did he
G20  65 had been a superlative figure, larger than life. ^He was a born king,
G20  66 and the Marquis Peu-a*?3-Peu would be a king by training and ambition,
G20  67 not by nature.
G20  68    |^In May 1830 the jackals were impatient for the bulky, pathetic
G20  69 recluse to die at Windsor; and \0Mme \de Lieven, of course, was among
G20  70 the foremost. ^*'The most delicate question**', so she wrote in eager
G20  71 anticipation, *'will be raised by the death of the King. ^It will be
G20  72 necessary to make provision for a regency in the case of the Princess
G20  73 Victoria's minority. ^The Duke of Cumberland is caballing for it, and
G20  74 Prince Leopold desires it. ^Most probably it will be assigned to the
G20  75 Duchess of Kent, the Princess's mother, in which case it will be
G20  76 Leopold who will rule.**' ^And, since the Russian Ambassador's wife
G20  77 was always sharp about Leopold, she continued briskly: ^*'He has given
G20  78 us every reason for dissatisfaction and complaint on account of his
G20  79 conduct in the matter of Greece, and the English Government would be
G20  80 glad to follow our lead and to oppose the Prince's pretensions. ^This
G20  81 is a line, however, which prudence warns us not to take. ^He will be
G20  82 powerful some day, and indeed he is so already by the number of his
G20  83 supporters.**' ^\0Mr Creevey likewise shot a barb which touched the
G20  84 truth: ^*'I suppose \0Mrs Kent thinks her daughter's reign is coming
G20  85 on apace, and that her brother may be of use to her as \6*1versus
G20  86 *0Cumberland...**' ^George *=4 was still clinging to life, William *=4
G20  87 (almost mad with excitement) was still waiting in the wings, but the
G20  88 preparations continued gaily for the next reign but one. ^*'Lord
G20  89 Durham**', added Creevey, *'is now Prime Minister to the Duchess of
G20  90 Kent and Queen Victoria, and they are getting up all their
G20  91 arrangements together in the Isle of Wight for a new reign.**'
G20  92    |^At last, on June 26th, 1830, the reign of George *=4 came to an
G20  93 end, and there began the reign of the simple, genial Grand Admiral*-
G20  94 the most remarkable contrast to his brother that could be imagined.
G20  95 ^England changed her allegiance overnight from a splendid sovereign to
G20  96 an excited, bourgeois little king who could not get over the fact of
G20  97 his accession. ^The gold-and-lacquer days of the Brighton Pavilion
G20  98 were ended. ^*'There are**', wrote Croly, the historian, *'few more
G20  99 regular or temperate men in their habits than the present King. ^He
G20 100 rises early, sometimes at six... ^At dinner he restricts himself
G20 101 generally to one dish of plain boiled or roasted meat, drinking only
G20 102 sherry, and that in moderation*- never exceeding a pint.**' ^*'A
G20 103 quaint King indeed!**' was \0Mme \de Lieven's acid contribution. ^*'A
G20 104 {*1bon enfant}*- *0with a weak head!**'
G20 105    |^William *=4 was sixty-four, he suffered from chronic asthma, and
G20 106 it was quite possible that he might die before May 24th, 1837; if he
G20 107 did, if Queen Victoria (the title sounded well)*- if Queen Victoria
G20 108 came to the throne before her eighteenth birthday, there would have to
G20 109 be a regency. ^There was only one move to be made now on the
G20 110 chess-board, and Leopold of Coburg would be Prince Regent of the
G20 111 United Kingdom: Regent, that is, in everything but name. ^The
G20 112 accession to the regency now became quite as important as Victoria's
G20 113 accession to the throne, and the candidates canvassed for it almost as
G20 114 if they were canvassing in a general election. ^*'Prince Leopold and
G20 115 his sister, the Duchess of Kent, are getting popularity in the
G20 116 provinces,**' snapped Dorothea \de Lieven in September. ^*'He is much
G20 117 interested in the Regency question, and had a long talk with me about
G20 118 it. ^Naturally, he wants it to be given to his sister, but the
G20 119 Ministry wish it to pass to the Queen... ^After the King's death, the
G20 120 Queen, so far as England is concerned, is only a foreigner. ^As for
G20 121 the Duke of Cumberland,**' finished Dorothea, *'he has no illusions
G20 122 and puts forward no claim, clearly seeing that it would be useless.**'
G20 123    |^And for once Dorothea \de Lieven did not exaggerate. ^The Duke of
G20 124 Cumberland knew quite well that he was by far the most unpopular royal
G20 125 brother. ^The others might be more or less eccentric, but he was
G20 126 credited with murder, incest and homosexuality. ^Cartoons (and they
G20 127 were rough and ribald) did not spare him: Cumberland was the villain
G20 128 of the age. ^Besides, if his niece became Queen of England, he would
G20 129 receive a crown of his own, for she could not succeed to the Kingdom
G20 130 of Hanover.
G20 131    |^So Queen Adelaide patiently continued her carpet-work at Windsor,
G20 132 and the Sailor King, understandably disconcerted to find his death
G20 133 discussed before his coronation, continued to rule the country and
G20 134 propose the Duke of Wellington for the Regency. ^\0Mrs Kent (*'the
G20 135 Swiss Governess**', George *=4 had called her), buxom and domineering,
G20 136 with the little Leiningen regency behind her, was *'courted and sought
G20 137 after as much as if she were already Regent**', and Prince Leopold,
G20 138 noted \0Mme \de Lieven, *'takes a gloomy view of all that is going on.
G20 139 ^All the royal princes are opposed to the Duke of Wellington. ^The
G20 140 King is alone in his determination to support him.**'
G20 141    |^The combination of the King and the victor of Waterloo was
G20 142 enough, however, to alarm the most spirited opponents; and the Coburgs
G20 143 needed to keep up a constant campaign. ^*'Prince Leopold and his
G20 144 sister**', wrote the usual observer, late in September, *'are
G20 145 exploring the provinces in pursuit of popularity. ^The prince assumes
G20 146 the air of a presumptive heir. ^The regency question will in all
G20 147 probability be decided in favour of the Duchess of Kent...**' ^And
G20 148 since Dorothea never took her piercing eyes off the Coburg coalition,
G20 149 she reported again on October 25th: ^*'The Duchess of Kent and her
G20 150 brother hold themselves very high, as if the throne is to be theirs
G20 151 tomorrow*- and this is most unpleasant to the King. ^Leopold does not
G20 152 show himself, but works silently underground.**'
G20 153    |^The Regency Act of 1830 settled, finally, that if the Queen were
G20 154 to have a child and the King died before its majority, she should act
G20 155 as its guardian and as regent; but that if she were childless and
G20 156 Victoria ascended the throne at her uncle's death, the Duchess of Kent
G20 157 should be her daughter's guardian and act as regent during her
G20 158 minority. ^Most fortunately, at this moment Fate took a hand with the
G20 159 chess game. ^In September 1830 revolution broke out in Brussels.
G20 160 *<*414*>
G20 161 *<*2LEOPOLD OF THE BELGIANS*>
G20 162    |^*4O*2N J*0uly 29th, revolution had burst out in Paris, Charles
G20 163 *=10 had fled, and Louis-Philippe, the ex-Duc \d'Orle*?2ans, the exile
G20 164 of Twickenham, had accepted the crown *'from the hands of the
G20 165 people**'. ^Events in France had had immediate repercussions on
G20 166 Belgium: the repercussions which Leopold, and indeed every student of
G20 167 history, had expected.
G20 168    |^In 1792 the victory of Jemappes had put Belgium into French
G20 169 hands; and French ideas had been imposed with effect. ^Division into
G20 170 departments, centralization of government, the introduction of the
G20 171 {Code Napole*?2on}, the freedom of the Scheldt, had done much to
G20 172 help the development of Belgium; and freedom of worship and civic
G20 173 equality replaced the old principle of the nobles' supremacy. ^It was
G20 174 not surprising that a considerable French party formed in Belgium; and
G20 175 its influence only weakened when the Continental blockade began to
G20 176 weigh heavily on the country. ^In 1815, when the Congress of Vienna
G20 177 united the Belgians with the Dutch (whom they detested), the memory of
G20 178 France grew strong again; and when William *=1 of Holland attempted to
G20 179 amalgamate his two peoples, Belgium thought only of separating from
G20 180 Holland and rejoining France.
G20 181    |^The effect of the French Revolution in July 1830 was therefore
G20 182 immediate; the July days in Paris were followed by the August days in
G20 183 Brussels. ^On August 24th, at the Brussels Opera House, Auber's
G20 184 *1Masaniello *0was being performed. ^It dealt with the Neapolitan
G20 185 rising against Spain; it was a work of revolution. ^And when the tenor
G20 186 began to sing his famous aria, *'{*1Des armes, des flambeaux}*0!**'
G20 187 the audience swept out, drunk with the message, into the summer night.
G20 188 ^Brussels was pillaged, and the Belgian Revolution had begun.
G20 189    |^The spontaneous movement spread across the Belgian provinces, and
G20 190 it took King William some time to organize forces to crush the
G20 191 rebellion. ^Late in September, the Belgian National Congress voted the
G20 192 separation of Belgium from Holland, and in October it declared Belgium
G20 193 to be an independent state.
G20 194 *# 2012
G21   1 **[208 TEXT G21**]
G21   2 ^*0At any rate I found it quite difficult to shake my feelings free
G21   3 from beliefs which my reason had rejected.
G21   4    |^Fortunately for me my mother was unusually liberal-minded. ^I do
G21   5 not recall her ever attempting to implant any kind of rigid doctrine
G21   6 or fearful religious truth into her children's minds. ^Her aim was
G21   7 that we should not have peculiar views and that we should grow up
G21   8 mildly orthodox, so that at a later age we could discard as much or as
G21   9 little of conventional religion as might suit us.
G21  10    |^I suspect that my father had been a sceptic and certainly my
G21  11 maternal grandfather was a convinced one.
G21  12    |^Agnosticism, as Huxley called it, was becoming respectable, and I
G21  13 welcomed that mental attitude of being free to think for myself.
G21  14    |^It is not very surprising that presently I earned the family
G21  15 nickname of the *'the youngest infallible**', for I knew all the
G21  16 answers though not, as yet, many of the questions. ^These came my way
G21  17 later in life.
G21  18    |^Perhaps because of my secret ambitions I was curious to see what
G21  19 eminent people looked like. ^At Clifton College, I had often seen the
G21  20 immortal {0W. G.} Grace watching his son at the wicket, and I, like
G21  21 other boys, had stared at the vast bearded celebrity, sometimes even
G21  22 having the privilege of seeing him play on the Close and smiting the
G21  23 ball for six. ^A heavenly spectacle!
G21  24    |^At University College, the discoverer of argon, Sir William
G21  25 Ramsay, looked disappointingly ordinary. ^We were often given tickets
G21  26 to soire*?2es of the Royal Geographical Society where we could feast
G21  27 our eyes on great men and hear them talk; Sir William Crookes
G21  28 lecturing on those magical tubes of his which produced X-rays, Stanley
G21  29 on his African explorations, Nansen and his ship the *1Fram, *0George
G21  30 Nathaniel Curzon who had just explored the Pamirs, and others famous
G21  31 then but now forgotten.
G21  32    |^It seemed to me that these celebrities were much like ordinary
G21  33 folk to look at; why shouldn't I become one too?
G21  34    |^During the first half of 1896 my mother was visiting her sisters
G21  35 in New Zealand and I became a boarder in a relative's family in
G21  36 Hampstead. ^It was very uncongenial and I was desperately unhappy
G21  37 there, living in mental solitude without friends of any kind.
G21  38    |^On my mother's return in the summer of that year a much brighter
G21  39 prospect opened. ^She took a house in Cambridge and there I made a
G21  40 fresh start as a non-collegiate student, with a view ultimately of
G21  41 obtaining my medical degree.
G21  42 *<*6CHAPTER *=2*>
G21  43 *<*5Cambridge*>
G21  44    |^*4T*0he Medical Student at Cambridge took the Natural Science
G21  45 Tripos (in Anatomy and Physiology) as the first stage of his training
G21  46 but in those three years my chief interests lay in other directions.
G21  47 ^I worked hard at studying dramatic technique and in seeing plays
G21  48 whenever I could. ^In addition there were theological and
G21  49 philosophical works to be read and then problems to be discussed with
G21  50 anyone who would listen.
G21  51    |^At eighteen it is easy to settle the affairs of this world and to
G21  52 arrange those of the next to one's own satisfaction; but among
G21  53 undergraduates there are so often some whose minds are fixed in error,
G21  54 evidently afflicted by the sin of invincible ignorance, from which one
G21  55 is oneself happily free.
G21  56    |^In those years at Cambridge I was reaching the stage in
G21  57 self-education where questions become more exciting than answers.
G21  58    |^Sermons by eminent divines, preaching on Sundays in Great \0St.
G21  59 Mary's, provided me with abundant specimens of theological conundrums;
G21  60 and it was instructive too, in view of a possible political career, to
G21  61 hear examples of oratory.
G21  62    |^I found Father Maturin the most remarkable and Bishop Gore the
G21  63 most profound. ^I also heard Bishop Temple (the great, not the less),
G21  64 Archdeacon Farrar (of *1Eric or Little by Little*0), Mandel Creighton,
G21  65 Scott Holland, and others who figured largely in the ecclesiastical
G21  66 world of the nineties.
G21  67    |^Yet in spite of them:
G21  68 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G21  69    |~*1There was a Door to which I found no Key:
G21  70    |There was a veil past which I could not see.
G21  71 **[END QUOTE**]
G21  72    |^*0Among undergraduates my greatest friend was a theological
G21  73 student with whom I argued interminably many a long evening; we had
G21  74 nothing whatever in common and we remained intimate friends for fifty
G21  75 years.
G21  76    |^I had reached the age when sexual questions pester the
G21  77 imagination and supply undergraduates with an absorbing topic for
G21  78 discussion.
G21  79    |^Nature demands information.
G21  80    |^How to obtain it?
G21  81    |^One heard vaguely that *'they order this matter better in
G21  82 France**', but aesthetic principles coupled with an element of
G21  83 Puritanical shyness in my case, forbade practical experiments, and
G21  84 happily an alternative source of knowledge was available, namely the
G21  85 kind of literature which was commonly condemned as *'improper**',
G21  86 *'pornographic**' or *'obscene**'.
G21  87    |^I am amazed to recall how mild were the books which, in the
G21  88 nineties, served to provoke a young man's furtive blush; the
G21  89 *1Decameron, {Contes Drolatiques} *0and Zola's novels, in atrocious
G21  90 translations; Oscar Wilde's *1Dorian Grey *0and the like which I
G21  91 suppose would today make schoolgirls yawn. ^Doubtless there are modern
G21  92 equivalents which serve youth equally well as psychological sedatives,
G21  93 satisfying for the time being those unruly impulses which might
G21  94 otherwise interfere with scholarship.
G21  95    |^I must not forget to remind myself that among other subjects at
G21  96 Cambridge I studied Anatomy and Physiology as a preliminary stage to
G21  97 medicine and as an exercise in viewing the naked truth without
G21  98 flinching. ^For the English mind this is curiously distasteful.
G21  99    |^It was the custom among us students to attend Addenbrooke's
G21 100 Hospital to watch operations, as a hardening process. ^I found this
G21 101 had the drawback that as soon as an operation had started I fainted;
G21 102 the power of suggestion*- or the dislike of the naked truth*- was such
G21 103 that eventually I even began to faint as I entered the hospital gates.
G21 104 ^Clearly I should have to abandon all hopes of becoming a doctor. ^Or
G21 105 was there a cure?
G21 106    |^Making one more attempt, which I vowed should be the last, I went
G21 107 early to the torture chamber, sat in the front row from which escape
G21 108 was impossible, and spent the morning fainting and coming round over
G21 109 and over again.
G21 110    |^That effectively cured me; it also taught a useful lesson,
G21 111 applicable to many things in life.
G21 112    |^As a non-collegiate student I found myself meeting a range of
G21 113 other undergraduates much more varied than at most of the colleges.
G21 114 ^There were men of all ages, creeds and races. ^I recall a room full
G21 115 of us, fourteen in number and no two of the same nation, all jabbering
G21 116 English. ^We happened to mention how some English families boast of
G21 117 Norman blood. ^Then a Greek claimed for his family a much longer
G21 118 descent and then among those from the East the *'bidding**' rose by
G21 119 thousands, until an Icelander capped all by claiming direct lineal
G21 120 descent from Odin.
G21 121    |^Evidently Norman blood is mere {6*1vin ordinaire}.
G21 122    |^*0I seized the opportunity afforded by Cambridge of starting to
G21 123 collect books; I still have my eighteenth-century editions of Swift,
G21 124 Pope, *1Hudibras *0and the *1Spectator *0which I bought in 1897 off
G21 125 \0Mr. David's famous stall in the Market Place.
G21 126    |^Whilst at Cambridge I was taught by my mother to appreciate
G21 127 Gothic architecture, a subject she had much studied, and during the
G21 128 vac we visited the glories of Normandy. ^From her too I began to learn
G21 129 something about pictures, especially those of the Old Italian Masters.
G21 130 ^Names like Fra Angelico and Filippo Lippi and Botticelli came to have
G21 131 a friendly significance, filling a gap in my raw sceptical mind. ^I
G21 132 was beginning to realize that it doesn't matter much whether a legend
G21 133 is true so long as it is beautiful.
G21 134    |^At the end of my time at the University I had learnt that a
G21 135 properly trained aesthetic sensibility was a more reliable guide in
G21 136 life than any system of theological dogmas, though I would admit that
G21 137 this might not apply to all people. ^For me, however, aesthetics
G21 138 seemed to be a more civilized mode of guidance than theology.
G21 139    |^In order to develop aesthetic tastes it would be necessary to
G21 140 familiarize oneself with as many forms of art as possible, but how in
G21 141 the world could one do all this if one had to waste so much time
G21 142 learning to become a doctor?
G21 143    |^How much easier it would be to belong to some Puritanical sect
G21 144 that stifles all expressions of beauty, hates arts and is the sole
G21 145 possessor of the key which unlocks the Heavenly Gates! ^How simple
G21 146 just to worship ugliness and call it God!
G21 147    |^But as it was, Science and Art were making rival demands on my
G21 148 time and thoughts; and it seemed that while Art added to the joy of
G21 149 life, Science added only to its comforts.
G21 150    |^I suppose it is common enough to look back later in life and to
G21 151 say what was the most valuable of the gifts one gets from three years
G21 152 at the University. ^In my case certainly, it was a keener appreciation
G21 153 of the beauty of things, ranging from the pictures of \van Eyck which
G21 154 I heard Professor Waldstein expound in lectures in the Fitzwilliam
G21 155 Museum, to the shape of the buildings of the Colleges. ^Make your way
G21 156 along the Backs on a May morning to the Wilderness, penetrate passages
G21 157 and archways, cross bridges and gaze again and again at the Great
G21 158 Court of Trinity: this, believe me, is what education means, real
G21 159 education, for through appreciating the beauty of things you come in
G21 160 time to appreciate the beauty of ideas.
G21 161 *<*6CHAPTER *=3*>
G21 162 *<*5Bart's*>
G21 163    |^*4A*0fter Cambridge, I entered at \0St. Bartholomew's Hospital,
G21 164 London, at the beginning of 1900. ^My mother and I lived in the
G21 165 suburbs and we were so fortunate as to have as a neighbour the late
G21 166 {0J. W.} Allen, lecturer (later Professor) in History at Bedford
G21 167 College for Women.
G21 168    |^He supplied me with what I most required at that phase of
G21 169 development; he became a guide to my reading and an admirable critic
G21 170 of my attempts to write plays; and he had enormous enthusiasm for good
G21 171 literature.
G21 172    |^I recall his lending me, one evening, the poems of {0D. G.}
G21 173 Rossetti.
G21 174    |^I sat up all night until I had read the volume from cover to
G21 175 cover. ^I have not read any of it since!
G21 176    |^I received that night an exhilarating shock to my sensibilities
G21 177 in appreciating the strange beauty words can present when arranged in
G21 178 particular patterns.
G21 179    |^If, with a taste for literature one happened to have grown up
G21 180 about the beginning of this century, one almost certainly would be
G21 181 conscious of that quality called *'style**'. ^For then books were
G21 182 admired chiefly for their *'style**' and writers laboured in pursuit
G21 183 of {6le mot juste}.
G21 184    |^*0As you read those slender greenish volumes of the Pseudonym
G21 185 Library, pausing to discover the peculiar merits of *1Some Emotions
G21 186 and a Moral, *0you felt that however obscure the meaning, the style
G21 187 was superb.
G21 188    |^There was, too, *1The Yellow Book, *0a veritable storehouse of
G21 189 literary style and if one were in doubt what the word implied, there
G21 190 was Walter Pater's essay on *1Style *0to settle the matter.
G21 191    |^It was in fact a kind of literary *'class distinction**', a
G21 192 superior quality which only the select were capable of appreciating.
G21 193 ^It was not the matter presented by the author so much as the manner
G21 194 that counted.
G21 195    |^The reader learnt to be sensitive to the shape of a sentence, to
G21 196 the use of *'master words**' round which an author like Stevenson
G21 197 would build significant paragraphs; and to admire those splashes of
G21 198 colour that were almost purple.
G21 199    |^How gratifying to one's self-esteem to patronize an art so
G21 200 exclusive! ^But alas!*- already in those Edwardian years the hoofs of
G21 201 democracy were trampling over the flower beds. ^A more plebeian mode
G21 202 was in demand and authors proclaimed their views in loud, level tones.
G21 203    |^About that time I experienced another shock at an exhibition of
G21 204 Romney's portraits, many of Lady Hamilton. ^No one, I thought, could
G21 205 ever have really looked as beautiful as that; it must be a trick. ^I
G21 206 sat, watching that magical creature casting a spell over me,
G21 207 extraordinarily exhilarating; but later came the shock of realizing
G21 208 that this kind of knock-out blow might happen to me in real life some
G21 209 day.
G21 210 *# 2022
G22   1 **[209 TEXT G22**]
G22   2 ^*0We had learnt about them in our daily scripture lessons. ^We found
G22   3 Europe a very accommodating continent, with the easily recognized Italy
G22   4 *"boot**", and a pink Russia taking up most of the space, where we
G22   5 were only required to point out \0St. Petersburg and perhaps Moscow.
G22   6 ^Like the Grecian urn and beauty, that was all we knew or needed to
G22   7 know about Russia. ^When it came to nearer home, then prejudice and
G22   8 patriotism had their stubborn way with us. ^All very well for England
G22   9 to spread her patchwork quilt of counties before us. ^We viewed her
G22  10 with unsympathetic eyes. ^But unroll the map of Scotland, and here was
G22  11 Geography itself. ^What could a whole wilderness of maps display that
G22  12 could beat this land of ours? ^Look to the West, and there was pink
G22  13 Argyll, all broken up by long strips of blue sea, and lovely islands
G22  14 with romantic Highland names. ^Over the sea to Skye with Prince
G22  15 Charlie, and to Iona, where the long-ago saint built a shrine and
G22  16 raised a cross. ^Back to the East, and there was Edinburgh.
G22  17    |^And here were we, actually in a house in a street in Edinburgh!
G22  18 ^Gleefully we pointed out the Firth of Forth, in which we had all
G22  19 bathed and paddled at one or other of the little villages on its
G22  20 coast. ^North Berwick, with the Bass Rock and Tantallon Castle, and
G22  21 over in Fife, Aberdour, its woods lovely in Maytime with the blue of
G22  22 wild hyacinths, and Largo, where Robinson Crusoe was born, Elie, with
G22  23 Macduff's cave and the rubies on Ruby Beach, and grey \0St. Andrews,
G22  24 with the links, the ruins, and the castle, and the echoes of the
G22  25 long-ago lullaby:
G22  26 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G22  27    |^Hush \1thee, hush \1thee, do not fret \1thee,
G22  28    |The Black Douglas will not get \1thee.
G22  29 **[END QUOTE**]
G22  30    |^We chattered, we pointed out, and compared notes on beaches and
G22  31 sand-castles and spades and shells, and jelly fish, and Miss Gray
G22  32 joined in and told us stories of Macduff, and Macbeth, and the Black
G22  33 Douglas. ^I had been to the Trossachs, and had seen Ben Lomond,
G22  34 *"Ellen's isle**" and the *"Silver Strand**", so when the poetry
G22  35 lesson was from *1The Lady of the Lake *0the pictures in my mind
G22  36 flashed into unforgettable words. ^Lessons? ^These things were at the
G22  37 heart of us, and Miss Gray was there with us. ^That's the sort of
G22  38 person she was.
G22  39    |^The same with History. ^History was for Miss Gray, and easily for
G22  40 us, a pageant of heroes and splendour, of pity and even tears.
G22  41 ^Scotland was of course our first love. ^Her history blazoned before
G22  42 our eyes the bravery of Wallace, Bruce and his indomitable spider,
G22  43 Bannockburn, Mary Queen of Scots and best of all, Bonnie Prince
G22  44 Charlie, with tartans waving and banners flying....
G22  45    |^*1Little Arthur's England *0brought us good King Alfred and
G22  46 Harold after a page or two of blue-painted Britons with Druids and
G22  47 mistletoe*- and so on to the lion-hearted Richard and his brave
G22  48 Crusaders, and the sad tale, with a pathetic picture, of the little
G22  49 princes in the Tower. ^And, of course, that hero of heroes for all
G22  50 little girls, the glorious and adorable Sir Walter Raleigh, cloak and
G22  51 all. ^We learnt the names of the wives of Henry *=8, we loved Charles
G22  52 *=1 and hated Cromwell, and after being a little bored by Queen Anne
G22  53 and the Georges, we ended up comfortably with our own Queen Victoria,
G22  54 and she, in our childish loyalties, was and would be ever the one and
G22  55 only heroine of the National Anthem.
G22  56    |^*1Little Arthur's England*- *0I have it still. ^I remember how I
G22  57 would open it and read the first words: ^*"You know, my dear little
G22  58 Arthur**" and then turn to the last page and read the last words: ^*"I
G22  59 hope it will help you to understand bigger and better histories bye
G22  60 and bye.**" ^I don't know if it was *"Little Arthur**", but most
G22  61 certainly it was little Miss Gray who helped me to that understanding,
G22  62 awaking in me, sublimely unconscious, interest and energy for tackling
G22  63 these *"bigger and better histories**" in later years.
G22  64    |^One of our lessons was to read aloud.
G22  65    |^I do not know what children read in school these days, but the
G22  66 people who compiled our reading books must have been as deeply
G22  67 concerned about *1what *0we read as about how we read it*- for our
G22  68 books were made up of extracts from great writers, interspersed with
G22  69 poetry from the great poets. ^I remember being charmed and amused by
G22  70 the *1Sir Roger \de Coverley *0papers from the *1Spectator, *0while
G22  71 the translation of Pliny's letters to Tacitus describing the eruption
G22  72 of Vesuvius, and the lava pouring down on Pompeii and Herculaneum,
G22  73 must have made so deep an impression that it was still clear at the
G22  74 back of my mind when, many years later, I saw the smoke of Vesuvius
G22  75 above the Bay of Naples, and stood among the ruins of the cities.
G22  76    |^Of all the valuable things we learnt in those early days in *"the
G22  77 little Schoolroom**" nothing, I think, was more valuable than the
G22  78 poetry, which we not only got by heart, but, stirred by Miss Gray's
G22  79 enthusiasms, also took to heart, laying the foundations of a love of
G22  80 poetry which has ever remained with me. ^Can I ever forget the
G22  81 stimulating joy of standing up and reciting:
G22  82 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G22  83    |~Cannon to right of them, Cannon to left of them,
G22  84    |Volleyed and thundered.
G22  85 **[END QUOTE**]
G22  86    |and all the time seeing in my mind's eye that brave Brigade,
G22  87 galloping, galloping into immortal glory? ^*"Theirs not to reason
G22  88 why!**" ^Neither was it mine*- the splendour and the tragedy were all
G22  89 in all.
G22  90    |^And *"The Schooner Hesperus!**" with the ache in my heart for the
G22  91 skipper's little daughter lying on that forsaken beach,
G22  92 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G22  93    |The salt sea frozen on her breast,
G22  94    |The salt tears in her eye.
G22  95 **[END QUOTE**]
G22  96    |^And the appeal of the incorruptible Casabianca, standing alone
G22  97 amid the flames, preferring death to disobedience! ^Oh, the pity of
G22  98 it! ^I felt it, Miss Gray felt it, we all felt it.
G22  99    |^I think we regarded the *"Queen of the May**" rather in the light
G22 100 of a distinguished stranger, for no Queens of May ever reigned in
G22 101 Scotland, but we liked her, and sympathised with her eager desire to
G22 102 be up and doing*- the lilt of her lines was easy to learn, and she
G22 103 lilted so many touching and interesting things that we could only
G22 104 rejoice when she, having *"thought to pass away before**" went on
G22 105 living and lilting for quite a page or two longer. ^Then for
G22 106 rollicking fun, could anything beat *"John Gilpin and his Spouse**",
G22 107 and that gay picnic at the *"The Bell**" at Edmonton, and the
G22 108 screaming from the balcony when the wigless John went flashing by on
G22 109 his run-away steed?
G22 110    |^And surely there was no resisting the charm of the dashing
G22 111 *"Young Lochinvar**" and his fair Ellen? ^*"One touch to her hand, and
G22 112 one word in her ear**" (and couldn't one just see the glint in his
G22 113 eye!) and in a trice they're off and away, all the wedding guests
G22 114 coming helter-skelter behind them! ^Then ho! for the *"racing and
G22 115 chasing on Cannobie Lee!**" ^How we all laughed! ^How Miss Gray
G22 116 laughed! ^In gentler strain, could anything be sweeter than that dear
G22 117 little brook telling its own story and how it came *"from haunts of
G22 118 coot and hern**", chatter-chattering its way to *"join the brimming
G22 119 river**"? ^I knew quite a lot of chattering brooks myself. ^And I
G22 120 think that even we, young as we were, felt the strain of music linked
G22 121 with infinity in the haunting refrain:
G22 122 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G22 123    |^For men may come and men may go.
G22 124    |^But I go on for ever.
G22 125 **[END QUOTE**]
G22 126    |^Many another poem could I speak of which sang itself into my
G22 127 heart and memory. ^But for me, best of all, the ever delightful
G22 128 blacksmith in his smithy *"under a spreading chestnut tree**".
G22 129    |^Best for me, because I actually knew a blacksmith, just like
G22 130 Longfellow's, minus the chestnut tree, who lived on Tweedside in a
G22 131 jewel of a tiny village called Clovenfords, where I was taken every
G22 132 spring. ^My father and my brothers put up at the Inn, where Hogg the
G22 133 Ettrick Shepherd, and Sir Walter Scott, had put up before them*- but
G22 134 Louis and I and Ann lived in the village blacksmith's cottage, with
G22 135 the smithy next door, and through the wall we could hear the bellows
G22 136 blowing and the horses stamping. ^My blacksmith too, had *"large and
G22 137 sinewy hands**"*- *"swiney**" as one of my own children misread it*-
G22 138 and often did I stand and watch him shoeing a horse, and was allowed
G22 139 to put my small hands on the bellows and help blow the fire. ^So it is
G22 140 of my Clovenfords blacksmith, dark-eyed and black-bearded, in his
G22 141 smithy among the hills, that Longfellow brings back the memory.
G22 142    |^At ten o'clock Miss \de Dreux rang the big brass bell in the
G22 143 hall. ^She did this every hour until two o'clock, when the day-girls
G22 144 went home. ^At the sound of the bell, doors would open and release
G22 145 girls talking and laughing; feet ran to and fro, as we all changed
G22 146 rooms for different classes. ^Each hour, silence changed to noise, and
G22 147 noise again to silence. ^A memory stays with me, of arriving late one
G22 148 morning to find all doors closed against me, like the gates of doom.
G22 149 ^The ticking of the grandfather clock in the corner seemed an echo of
G22 150 my anxiously beating heart. ^I could hear the voice of \0Mr. Robertson
G22 151 in the {*1salle a*?3 manger}, *0and perhaps the German tones of
G22 152 Madame Kunz in the {*1grande salle} *0with the Senior German class.
G22 153 ^Upstairs and down I heard the muffled sound of pianos, hesitating
G22 154 scales, or stumbling sonatas, and the guttural German voices of Miss
G22 155 Wehle and Miss Javrova the music teachers*- all very awe-inspiring for
G22 156 an anxious culprit.
G22 157    |^In the {*1grande salle}, *0from ten to eleven o'clock, \0Mr.
G22 158 Robertson taught writing and arithmetic. ^Seated at one of the long
G22 159 desks, I had my first thrill with real ink and a quill pen. ^Oh, the
G22 160 spluttering of that pen! ^And the messiness of the thin pink
G22 161 {*1papier buvard} *0that soaked up the blots! ^And the pages of
G22 162 alphabetical moral maxims we scratched and blotted in out copy-books!
G22 163    |^For our sums we used slates, and slate-pencils, which would often
G22 164 give out a horrible screech as our small hands slipped on a line or
G22 165 figure, and this would be echoed by a screech of agony from everybody
G22 166 in the room. ^We did a great deal of rubbing out with the \*1torchon,
G22 167 *0helped by a lick from a finger.
G22 168    |^\0Mr. Robertson had a long red beard and whiskers which tickled
G22 169 my neck as he bent over me correcting my sums....
G22 170    |^We had out first French lessons from Miss \de Dreux. ^Hall's
G22 171 *1First French Course, *0all masculines and feminines, troublesome
G22 172 conjugations, and exercises to write at home. ^Before very long we
G22 173 were reading {*1Un Philosophe sous les Toits}*- *0I cannot remember
G22 174 the author, but I know I had a sort of affection for that old
G22 175 philosopher and his meditations under his roofs.
G22 176    |^It was dear Miss Bogen who gave us our first German lessons, only
G22 177 vocabulary, no books. ^She was a sweet, kind creature and we all loved
G22 178 her. ^Later on, when Madame Kunz took us over, German became
G22 179 important, with Weisse's Grammar, Schiller, Goethe's *"Faust**" and
G22 180 Heine's poetry. ^But even in these early days we were growing daily
G22 181 more familiar with speech both in French and German.
G22 182    |^Then of course, there was music. ^There were two piano
G22 183 mistresses, both German, both very plain, both admirable teachers,
G22 184 though severe, both trained at Leipzig Conservatoire, which in those
G22 185 days was considered the last word for training *"in all kinds of
G22 186 \1musick**". ^Miss Javrova, who taught us little ones, had a very long
G22 187 nose. ^Though she was strict, she was kind and appreciative of effort.
G22 188 ^I was a nervously conscientious child, and took my practising
G22 189 seriously. ^*"You must play this ten times over**", Miss Javrova would
G22 190 say, pointing with relentless fingers to a jumble of crotchets and
G22 191 quavers.
G22 192 *# 2003
G23   1 **[210 TEXT G23**]
G23   2 ^*0Again there was a long pause. ^*'We're mates,**' he said at last;
G23   3 that was all, yet I felt there was something more to it.
G23   4    |^I sent for the sergeant of the platoon both men were in and asked
G23   5 him to try to find out discreetly what lay behind this. ^It did not
G23   6 take him long. ^Rifleman A had a secret; he was illiterate, or very
G23   7 nearly so. ^Rifleman B was teaching him to read and write in private.
G23   8 ^It had cost A a great effort to confess his secret to his mate and he
G23   9 could not face confiding in somebody else; they wanted to complete the
G23  10 tuition. ^I took B off the draft and eventually sent them on another
G23  11 one together.
G23  12    |^A disproportionate amount of my time seemed to be taken up with
G23  13 delinquency, military or civil. ^Apart from the daily *'crime sheet**'
G23  14 there were occasional courts martial, appearances in the police courts
G23  15 of neighbouring towns as *'prisoner's friend**', and even, on one
G23  16 occasion, which I shall describe in another connection, a journey to
G23  17 London to give *'evidence of character**' in a case against a
G23  18 rifleman.
G23  19    |^The first time I appeared at a court martial I took infinite
G23  20 pains with my case for the defence. ^I interviewed the prisoner*- a
G23  21 deserter*- in the guardroom several times, sorted out the obvious lies
G23  22 from the more plausible parts of his story and, discovering that the
G23  23 essence of desertion lies in the intention not to return, built up an
G23  24 elaborate argument to show that the man had intended to come back, or
G23  25 at least that he could not be proved to have intended otherwise. ^This
G23  26 last became difficult when it emerged belatedly, via the civilian
G23  27 police, that he had flogged*- that is, sold*- every stitch of his
G23  28 military clothing and every piece of his equipment.
G23  29    |^My case got off to a bad start. ^The President of the Court asked
G23  30 me if I was making a plea in mitigation and seemed rather impatient
G23  31 when I said no, I had a complete defence to offer. ^The Court fidgeted
G23  32 and seemed bored; the Judge Advocate looked, to me at least, half
G23  33 amused and half contemptuous. ^A sense of injustice spurred me on, and
G23  34 there is no doubt that it spurred me too far and too long.
G23  35    |^The sentence was 112 days' detention. ^Leaving the court I met
G23  36 an officer of another company who had been very helpful to me; he had
G23  37 once been the commandant of a military prison. ^He put his hand on my
G23  38 shoulder and said something to the effect that that was quite a speech
G23  39 I had made. It was nice of him to say so, I replied unhappily, but it
G23  40 hadn't had much effect, had it? ^Oh yes, he said. ^A considerable
G23  41 effect. ^*'How?**' I asked, irritably. ^*'Well,**' he said
G23  42 thoughtfully, *'I've seen a lot of those cases, you know, and I would
G23  43 say that without your speech he would probably have got fifty-six
G23  44 days.**'
G23  45    |^If I defended that prisoner too much there was one I defended too
G23  46 little, indeed not at all. ^He was a camp hospital orderly, summoned
G23  47 to a police court about six miles away. ^I was particularly busy on
G23  48 the morning of the case and sent a message to the hospital that the
G23  49 rifleman should report to the Company Office and I would drive him
G23  50 into town. ^My idea was that he could tell me the facts on the way.
G23  51 ^But a message came back that the rifleman had already left. ^I
G23  52 realised I had cut everything rather fine and left at once. ^But by
G23  53 the time I reached the court my man was already in the dock and there
G23  54 was no chance of consulting him. ^I was in time to hear the charge,
G23  55 which was that he had taken a motor bicycle without the owner's
G23  56 permission and ridden it without a licence; also that he had stolen a
G23  57 blanket and a groundsheet. ^He pleaded not guilty.
G23  58    |^The Chief Constable took him through the story to the point where
G23  59 it was established that he had, in fact, taken the articles. ^Why?
G23  60 asked the Chief Constable. ^And why did he plead not guilty?
G23  61    |^The rifleman was a regular soldier with a row of service
G23  62 chevrons. ^He stood like a ramrod in the dock, head slightly raised,
G23  63 looking ahead and upward over the Bench, and he spoke as if delivering
G23  64 a well-rehearsed recitation. ^*'Well, sir,**' he said, *'it was like
G23  65 this, sir. ^There was a dance at the camp that night, sir. ^I wanted
G23  66 to take a girl home, sir.**'
G23  67    |^The Chief Constable asked patiently what that had to do with the
G23  68 charge. ^Why had he taken the articles in question? ^*'Well, sir. ^It
G23  69 was like this, sir. ^There was a dance at the camp that night, sir. ^I
G23  70 wanted to take a girl home, sir.**'
G23  71    |^All right, said the Chief Constable. ^He wanted to take the girl
G23  72 home; that was why he took the bicycle, believing the owner would have
G23  73 lent it if asked. ^But why did he take a blanket and a groundsheet?
G23  74 ^*'Well, sir. ^It was like this, sir...**'
G23  75    |^The whole routine came out again, not an inflection varied. ^The
G23  76 Chief Constable interrupted. ^*'Why,**' he asked wearily, *'did you
G23  77 take a blanket and a groundsheet?**'
G23  78    |^Suddenly the soldier relaxed his rigid posture, looked down at
G23  79 the Chief Constable, and in a totally different voice full of
G23  80 challenging contempt for his interrogator's obtuseness, he said,
G23  81 ^*'\2y'wouldn't like me to tell you, \2wouldya?**'
G23  82    |^All I did in that case was pay the five-pound fine which was
G23  83 quickly imposed and arrange for it to be deducted from his pay.
G23  84    |^When I wasn't being an ineffective lay lawyer I was often an
G23  85 employment agent. ^The company's roll included a number of men who
G23  86 were drawing specialist rates of pay but for whom we had no job in
G23  87 their specialised line. ^When a specialist was wanted anywhere the
G23  88 application came to me. ^One day the Adjutant telephoned that a cook
G23  89 was required urgently at a Stately Home some miles away which had been
G23  90 requisitioned as a high level military headquarters. ^I consulted the
G23  91 Sergeant-Major; we went over our lists of cooks and chose one. ^He was
G23  92 sent for and seemed a very presentable man. ^I gave instructions for
G23  93 him to be driven, with his kit, to his new and cosy-sounding job.
G23  94    |^That evening, passing a bunch of soldiers in a camp road way, I
G23  95 thought I saw the cook, then decided I must be mistaken. ^But the
G23  96 thought persisted and I sent for the Sergeant-Major. ^Oh, no, he said,
G23  97 I must be mistaken. ^He had personally seen the cook off in a truck
G23  98 with all his kit. ^I told him to enquire. ^Half an hour later he
G23  99 reported back. ^I was right. ^Our cook was home again. ^The
G23 100 Sergeant-Major asked him what had happened. ^*'I don't know,**' the
G23 101 man said, looking genuinely puzzled. ^*'I'd only just got there and I
G23 102 was in the kitchen and a sergeant came down and said the General
G23 103 wanted tea. ^He had company up in the drawing room. ^Wanted it right
G23 104 away. ^Well, when I took the pail up...**'
G23 105    |^Nobody had ticked him off. ^He had simply and immediately been
G23 106 ordered back to where he came from. ^He probably established a record
G23 107 for short tenure as a General's cook, but I should like to have been
G23 108 present at the moment in the drawing room when tea was served.
G23 109    |^It was ironic that while I was trying to deal with the problems
G23 110 of the *'employed**' men I had also to cope with a less constant but
G23 111 trying problem of unemployed men. ^The main body of the company was
G23 112 fully engaged in a training programme but there were at times quite
G23 113 large numbers of men who had completed their training and were waiting
G23 114 to be drafted overseas.
G23 115    |^No soldier is more difficult to handle than the idle soldier, and
G23 116 none is quicker to realise when duties or training are designed more
G23 117 to prevent boredom or to keep him out of mischief than to further his
G23 118 proficiency. ^The draftee is restless, impatient, and apt to see no
G23 119 reason why he shouldn't be on embarkation leave until it is time for
G23 120 him to go abroad. ^When, as sometimes happened, a man had had
G23 121 embarkation leave twice and was still hanging about a camp in England,
G23 122 his morale was unpredictable, even from day to day.
G23 123    |^One sternly devised further training programmes and tried to
G23 124 stress their importance, but the scepticism was palpable. ^It was
G23 125 better to be unorthodox*- so long as higher authority didn't find
G23 126 out*- and intersperse their days with what were frankly games. ^When
G23 127 influenza struck down several platoon commanders I was reduced to
G23 128 putting bodies of these men under one \0*2NCO *0and offering a packet
G23 129 of cigarettes to the first man to reach the top of a nearby hill*-
G23 130 stressing, of course, the need for maintaining a high pitch of
G23 131 physical fitness*- or sending them out in pairs in *'initiative
G23 132 tests**', which amused them, gave them some freedom, and at least got
G23 133 them out from under my feet.
G23 134    |^All the trained men had qualified in \0D and \0M (driving and
G23 135 maintenance) and when I was given two buses for use in the company's
G23 136 defensive ro*?5le in the event of invasion I packed off whole groups
G23 137 to practise bus driving. ^I discovered that men who had driven even
G23 138 heavy vehicles for years took some time to get the knack of handling a
G23 139 bus and, though their military careers were unlikely to call for such
G23 140 a skill, this again kept them busy on something a little off the
G23 141 beaten track of routine.
G23 142    |^Nearly all the men were Londoners, and home was only a couple of
G23 143 hours hitch-hiking away; so absenteeism became rife. ^It was coolly
G23 144 calculated. ^They knew that if they had a few days at home and were
G23 145 put in the guardroom when they returned they would be released if the
G23 146 draft movement order came through, so what had they to lose?
G23 147    |^When Christmas came we had a mass of unauthorised departures. ^A
G23 148 pale-faced corporal reported one night that his entire barrack room
G23 149 was deserted. ^He had found a packet of cigarettes on his pillow with
G23 150 a message attached*- *'Happy Christmas, \0Corp**'*- and signed by all
G23 151 the missing men. ^The temptation to take no action, knowing they would
G23 152 all be back as soon as the holiday was over, was great, but one could
G23 153 not take that easy way. ^I had the local police of each man's home
G23 154 district informed, and a sufficient number of them spent their
G23 155 Christmas in civilian cells to serve as a warning to others.
G23 156    |^The various invasion alarms were almost a relief in that they
G23 157 called for action which at least approximated to war, though nothing
G23 158 in fact happened. ^The company's task was to guard the perimeter of an
G23 159 airfield a few miles away. ^When the alarm stand-by was received our
G23 160 curious caravan set off*- two buses, a couple of jeeps, and two
G23 161 dispatch riders.
G23 162    |^We were assigned our ro*?5le only when the first of these alarms
G23 163 was received, so we arrived at the airfield in the dark. ^Two World
G23 164 War *=1 soldiers, now ground defence officers in the \0*2RAF,
G23 165 *0greeted us. ^My first question was as to the extent of the
G23 166 perimeter. ^It was nine miles. ^My training told me that you should
G23 167 never spread men thinly, so I split my force into two small mobile
G23 168 units (each with a bus) and proposed to hold them in a central
G23 169 position while pickets covered the perimeter. ^But the \0*2RAF *0men
G23 170 would have none of this and it was made clear to me that once on their
G23 171 premises I came under their orders. ^So I had the ridiculous task of
G23 172 spreading my men*- about 120 of them*- along a nine-mile line. ^The
G23 173 \0*2RAF *0men supervised my placing of them and apparently approved.
G23 174 ^When dawn came I found that most of them had a field of fire which
G23 175 could have caused them only to shoot up the anti-aircraft gunners on
G23 176 the rising ground around us.
G23 177 *# 2017
G24   1 **[211 TEXT G24**]
G24   2    |^*0By and large, the Citroen was a remarkably good car. ^Like most
G24   3 French machines, it always did what you expected it to do, and you
G24   4 never felt insecure driving it, no matter what the circumstances might
G24   5 be. ^Both the steering and the change mechanism were rather heavy, but
G24   6 one got used to this. ^There were times, too, when I longed for a
G24   7 fourth gear, particularly in hilly Devonshire country, I remember,
G24   8 when I was often caught between ratios and felt quite helpless.
G24   9    |^Characteristic of its country of origin, you always knew that
G24  10 there were only four cylinders working for you under the bonnet, and I
G24  11 should have liked to try the Big 6, which must be a very pleasant
G24  12 handful of a motor car. ^The cornering and the road-holding on the
G24  13 Citroen were astonishingly good, as anyone knows who has driven one,
G24  14 and the manner in which it remained glued to the ground going round
G24  15 corners, no matter what the road surface might be, was most endearing.
G24  16 ^But best of all was the Citroen's gluttony for work. ^It seemed to
G24  17 relish being driven hard, and flat-out driving all day appeared to
G24  18 leave it refreshed and longing for more.
G24  19    |^Sometimes that pleasant Citroen used to be subject to a minor
G24  20 vibration period when cornering fast on lock. ^This was only a slight
G24  21 nuisance, and was caused by the Carden shaft overrunning the engine at
G24  22 certain times and not at others, creating a non-constant velocity. ^I
G24  23 mention this only because the same thing, in a much more extreme form,
G24  24 cropped up at Lagondas when we were testing the prototype 2 1/2-litre
G24  25 Lagonda at Staines immediately after World War *=2.
G24  26    |^For a long time we could not understand why, when travelling
G24  27 slowly in top with practically no throttle, the engine appeared to
G24  28 miss. ^This was all the more curious because when carrying only one
G24  29 passenger under identical circumstances we had no trouble with the
G24  30 engine at all.
G24  31    |^I don't know how long we all wasted on this annoying snag before
G24  32 the answer suddenly occurred to us. ^Of course, we at last reasoned,
G24  33 with the extra weight at the rear, the angle was altered between the
G24  34 bevel-box and the wheels and we might be subjecting the Carden shaft
G24  35 to a non-constant velocity. ^At last our reasoning was right, the
G24  36 vibration occasioned giving an almost identical impression to that
G24  37 caused by a missing engine.
G24  38    |^At that time I believe there was only one foreign firm making
G24  39 constant velocity joints, and as it was quite impossible to get
G24  40 supplies, we *'faked-up**' this vibration period, quite successfully,
G24  41 too. ^I don't know whether Alec Issigonis and his team met this same
G24  42 trouble with the prototype Mini-Minor, but I was interested to see,
G24  43 when the specification of this car was published, that the design
G24  44 included a constant velocity joint. ^It would be interesting to know
G24  45 if any other design teams have met the same trouble, and have been as
G24  46 mystified as we were with the Lagonda.
G24  47    |^I think now that I ought really to have driven more cheap
G24  48 *'bread-and-butter**' cars during my active years as a designer, and
G24  49 indeed it was not even my choice that I drove one model almost daily
G24  50 for several years. ^It came about in this way.
G24  51    |^After I had been *'bought**' by Rolls-Royce and told to hand over
G24  52 to Jack Barclay my own 8-litre car, I found myself in the unusual
G24  53 position of being without personal transport. ^This was the first time
G24  54 since about 1910, when cars were still comparatively rare anyway, that
G24  55 I had not had one. ^It was a curious feeling. ^I had to use buses and
G24  56 Tubes, and I didn't like this much, so I took to walking instead,
G24  57 which was probably better for me, but rather slow. ^At that time I
G24  58 could barely have afforded the down payment on the cheapest on the
G24  59 market, and though I hope I didn't tell anyone my dilemma, Billy
G24  60 Rootes must have divined the reason behind my curious and
G24  61 uncharacteristic new habit of tramping from point to point about
G24  62 London.
G24  63    |^Billy Rootes (now Lord Rootes, of course) had been an active and
G24  64 successful agent for Bentleys, and I knew him quite well by then; well
G24  65 enough, anyway, for him to be able to ask me, without so much as a
G24  66 blush, whether I wouldn't mind doing him a favour. ^*'I'd be very
G24  67 grateful if you'd try this car,**' he told me on the telephone one
G24  68 day. ^*'I want your honest opinion on it.**'
G24  69    |^The car in question was one of the new Hillman Minxes, and for
G24  70 that particular week-end, and for almost every weekend for months
G24  71 afterwards, a Minx or one of their larger cars used to be made
G24  72 available to me. ^This was not only a great convenience, but I could
G24  73 quite honestly tell him that I thought the Minx was a very nice little
G24  74 car.
G24  75    |^I have never forgotten this kindly and thoughtful gesture of
G24  76 Rootes at a time when things were not going so well for me. ^He has
G24  77 not only deserved all the success he has had, but has reached his
G24  78 present distinguished position by honesty and integrity as well as
G24  79 kindness. ^I should doubt if he has any enemies.
G24  80    |^Some months later I was able to purchase a Minx for myself, on
G24  81 the specially favourable terms Rootes offered me, and from then until
G24  82 the beginning of the war I was never without one, although they were
G24  83 really my wife's cars.
G24  84    |^I must say, though, that I was rather doubtful about going to the
G24  85 South of France in a Hillman Minx after always doing the journey
G24  86 previously in somewhat swifter and more robust machines. ^However, I
G24  87 was lucky to have a car at all, and set out with my wife, a
G24  88 considerable weight of luggage and some nervousness. ^But I was soon
G24  89 surprised at how game and robust the Minx was, and how effortlessly
G24  90 one could drive 350 miles in a day in it. ^It was hardly a grand
G24  91 tourer, but the only trouble we had was with tyres, suffering five
G24  92 punctures by the time we reached Le Mans, where I purchased some more
G24  93 suitable ones.
G24  94    |^A Standard 8 scarcely seemed a suitable machine for the long trek
G24  95 to the sun, either; but, like the Minx, it surprised me by its
G24  96 willingness and ability to slog along all day at a reasonable average.
G24  97 ^I had one of these for a short time after the war, and did many
G24  98 thousands of miles in it. ^The road-holding was hardly brilliant, and
G24  99 of course it was never intended to suffer the liberties I took with it
G24 100 on one hurried return from the South of France, but it was quite a
G24 101 good little car.
G24 102    |^The only car I drive regularly now is the nice little Morris
G24 103 Minor, of which more later.
G24 104 *<*42*>
G24 105 *<*5Motor Bicycles and Brooklands*>
G24 106    |^*2THE *0four-wheeled vehicle with its internal combustion engine
G24 107 that we call the motor car has given me much pleasure, as well as pain
G24 108 and disappointment. ^But I am not sure now whether I do not resent the
G24 109 manner in which it has intruded, filling far too much of my life and
G24 110 leaving me with insufficient time to explore so many other fields in
G24 111 which I am interested, like meteorology and wireless telegraphy.
G24 112    |^Perhaps I regret now a little that I made the motor industry my
G24 113 profession, if only because for so long the machines filled my life to
G24 114 the exclusion of almost everything else. ^I sometimes wonder if I
G24 115 should not have stuck to those fine, powerful and friendly things*-
G24 116 locomotives.
G24 117    |^The locomotive started it all for me, and if the railways had
G24 118 provided me with a living to the standards I considered necessary, I
G24 119 should probably have stuck with them. ^But it was a sad parting, and I
G24 120 always missed them through the years of aero-engine and car designing.
G24 121 ^It was, in fact, while I was working on locomotives at Doncaster that
G24 122 I became a motor-bicycling enthusiast; and I certainly got more pure
G24 123 *1fun *0out of the motor bicycle than I ever got from any of my cars,
G24 124 although I willingly accept that sport on two wheels is essentially
G24 125 for the young, and for me it was only a sport, with no commercial
G24 126 purpose behind it.
G24 127    |^I look back now with great affection on those days of
G24 128 motor-bicycle competition in Edwardian times, before I was afflicted
G24 129 by the car *'bug**'. ^All the events run by the Auto Cycle Union and
G24 130 Motor Cycling Club possessed an excellent spirit of friendly,
G24 131 co-operative, uncommercialized competitiveness. ^I do not remember a
G24 132 single hill-climb, sprint, trial or Brooklands race in which this
G24 133 spirit was not present. ^It was not unusual to see competitors helping
G24 134 one another by the roadside, or making last-moment adjustments to one
G24 135 another's machines just before a race.
G24 136    |^I discovered very sharply just how tough competition work was
G24 137 when, without any previous experience, I entered my 3-{0h.p.}
G24 138 Quadrant for the London-Edinburgh Trial. ^This Quadrant, with its
G24 139 surface carburettor, was rather like an unreliable and uncomfortable
G24 140 present-day motorized bicycle to drive. ^Any healthy young man today
G24 141 would gladly take his motorized bicycle from London to Edinburgh; that
G24 142 would be no great achievement, if quite hard work pedalling up some of
G24 143 the steeper hills. ^But we had to do this journey to a tight schedule
G24 144 on roads that in places seemed not to have been touched since they
G24 145 broke up after the Roman occupation. ^It took a day and night to
G24 146 accomplish, and the only food was at the control points; but I was
G24 147 always too late at these to have time to eat and did the trip on
G24 148 apples and chocolate as I went along. ^To my astonishment, I got a
G24 149 gold medal, too!
G24 150    |^I did a lot of these endurance trials after this, enjoying both
G24 151 the spirit behind them and the sense of independent competitiveness
G24 152 out on the open road that they inspired. ^I did them mostly on Rexs
G24 153 and Indians; London to Exeter, London to Land's End and back several
G24 154 times, London to Plymouth and back; and each was a really testing
G24 155 challenge to your endurance and your aptitude, for, of course,
G24 156 breakdowns were frequent.
G24 157    |^Some of the hill-climbs, too, were really devastating, and the
G24 158 competition very close, with a fifth of a second often separating the
G24 159 three or four fastest times. ^Events I remember particularly were
G24 160 those run at Kop Hill near Great Missenden in Buckinghamshire and at
G24 161 Sharpenhoe near Luton, and of course those great runs up Snaefell in
G24 162 the Isle of Man after the Tourist Trophy races. ^As these became more
G24 163 popular their importance became recognized by the factories, and works
G24 164 teams began to appear.
G24 165    |^Naturally these works teams soon dominated the hill-climbs, and I
G24 166 had great sport as an independent trying to beat them. ^With
G24 167 experience I began to get the hang of tuning my 5-{0h.p.} Indian,
G24 168 lightening the pistons and putting up the compression and generally
G24 169 fiddling, until I began to put up faster times than the works riders,
G24 170 which gave me more pleasure than anything. ^In fairness I should add
G24 171 that I got every sort of help from the factory, who were quite happy
G24 172 so long as an Indian won!
G24 173    |^Motor-bicycle racing at Brooklands was a tame business after the
G24 174 {0T.T.} and hill-climbs. ^Brooklands races were usually short
G24 175 sprints or one-hour events, with the results depending less on the
G24 176 riders than the machines. ^There was not much finesse involved in
G24 177 racing on Brooklands, except perhaps in avoiding the worst bits of
G24 178 surface. ^I have never believed that Edge's run on the Napier soon
G24 179 after it was opened was responsible for the poor surface from which
G24 180 Brooklands suffered. ^This was always worse towards the top of the
G24 181 bankings, and I don't think that the builders ever succeeded in
G24 182 satisfactorily blending this top section. ^Even in the earliest days
G24 183 they always seemed to be mending parts of the tracks, and this was not
G24 184 always as well done as it could have been, with the consequence that
G24 185 it never got over this roughness.
G24 186 *# 2008
G25   1 **[212 TEXT G25**]
G25   2 ^*0I know I felt I had to put into few words everything that I had
G25   3 been brought up to believe in throughout my life. ^This seemed an
G25   4 impossible and almost a ridiculous task. ^I wrote very little and very
G25   5 quickly. ^*'I am a lifelong vegetarian**'*- ^*'I believe in the
G25   6 biblical injunction *"\1thou \1shalt not kill**"**'*- ^*'I believe man
G25   7 is a rational being**'*- ^I said I was willing to do any sort of work
G25   8 in the Red Cross or \0St. John Ambulance Brigade, but that I was not
G25   9 willing to serve in the Army, even in the {0*2R.A.M.C.}, *0where I
G25  10 should be under military discipline.
G25  11    |^I shall not describe my feelings as a few weeks later I appeared
G25  12 before the Northampton Tribunal in the Town Hall, except to say that I
G25  13 was very shy and quite inexperienced in words. ^My father went with
G25  14 me. ^I sat on a chair in a gangway opposite The Tribunal members with
G25  15 a large number of the public on either side. ^The proceedings were
G25  16 brief and simple: I was questioned on what I had written in my
G25  17 application form and about the work I was doing; my father supported
G25  18 my views; and the member of The Tribunal who asked me about my pay
G25  19 appeared satisfied that it was 1/6\0d. a day. ^There was no hectoring
G25  20 and no bullying.
G25  21    |^I was given exemption conditional upon my continuing my work. ^I
G25  22 asked no more. ^I was not asking for a logical world.
G25  23    |^But there was the world without as well as the world within. ^For
G25  24 the first time in my life I was living in the country where I could
G25  25 see the beauty of the trees in winter and the slow coming of spring.
G25  26 ^I had seen spring before but never the changes day by day in the
G25  27 countryside: I was moved by the awakening of the elms, the budding of
G25  28 the oaks, and the tracery of the beeches; and I found a communion with
G25  29 Nature greater than that with man, and I saw that man could not
G25  30 disturb Nature's harmony or even separate himself entirely from that
G25  31 harmony.
G25  32    |^On my half-days I explored the countryside on foot or on my
G25  33 bicycle; I visited Castor and Wansford in England; I saw Oundle and
G25  34 the great church at Fotheringhay, and the quiet stone of Stamford
G25  35 beside the magnificence of Burghley. ^I thought of John Clare as I
G25  36 cycled through Helpstone, and from the narrow Fen roads I had distant
G25  37 views of Ely in the setting sun. ^I saw my native countryside as I had
G25  38 never seen it before.
G25  39    |^But if the work of Nature suggested harmony, I saw little harmony
G25  40 in the world of man at war. ^But I lived in the companionship and
G25  41 friendliness of common soldiers in the little hospital community. ^I
G25  42 ate with them, I talked with them and I took them out in their chairs.
G25  43 ^They were Regulars, Reservists, Territorials and Kitchener's Men. ^I
G25  44 learnt the names and badges of the regiments, I heard the different
G25  45 accents, I heard of rivalries and quarrels.
G25  46    |^I saw the wounded men arrive, recover, and get their ticket: they
G25  47 told me what *1John Bull *0said, as if Bottomley were a Biblical
G25  48 prophet; I was in a literary world of Elinor Glyn, Marie Corelli and
G25  49 Victoria Cross; I learnt to distinguish Roman Catholics by the
G25  50 forthrightness and foulness of their language; and I learnt something
G25  51 of the simplicity and the credulity of the common soldier.
G25  52    |^I lived in a world of Army slang*- of char, burgoo and pawnee, of
G25  53 mush and rooti, and of pozzywallahs and squarepushing; and I also met
G25  54 a rich Anglo-Saxon world of words and experiences that had no meaning
G25  55 for me.
G25  56    |^As I wrote letters for some of the illiterate ones, or read
G25  57 letters which they had received, I felt lost in the simple world of
G25  58 sex in which they lived. ^I remember my blushes when a young soldier
G25  59 asked me to read a letter to him; it was from a servant girl,
G25  60 addressed from *'the Precincts, Peterborough**' and started quite
G25  61 simply ^*'I wish I was in bed with you**'. ^I was shown the little
G25  62 cottage across the fields where a local prostitute lived, heard of her
G25  63 technique for keeping her husband away and I knew her likely customers
G25  64 among the troops. ^I was introduced to what I had never really
G25  65 believed existed when the tough-looking Irish Reservist with the
G25  66 smashed elbow, the doorkeeper of a Dublin Hotel, showed me his
G25  67 notebook with the list of prostitutes' names and addresses for his
G25  68 hotel guests.
G25  69    |^The Easter Rebellion in Ireland brought a tense atmosphere, the
G25  70 Irish soldiers became centres of interest with small groups in excited
G25  71 conversation or argument and there was quarrelling among the
G25  72 washers-up over their extra beer. ^A few sat alone in their suffering.
G25  73    |^I heard of life at the Front from men who had been in the
G25  74 Expeditionary Force. ^An old Regular Soldier sat talking to me one
G25  75 day. ^His experiences of war had not shocked him or embittered him,
G25  76 but they had made him see something else in human nature, something
G25  77 that he had not realized existed before. ^He had invented a word to
G25  78 describe some of the things he had seen: it was *1brutalitarianism.
G25  79    |^*0As I lived with the wounded men I found a friendship and a
G25  80 kindness that I had never met before and a sympathy that bridged our
G25  81 differing attitudes to war.
G25  82    |^There is the picture of the Long Gallery as I saw it the first
G25  83 evening in the soft lighting of the oil-lamps and the little lamps on
G25  84 the lockers, with the blue uniforms, the Steinway Grand and the
G25  85 paintings.
G25  86    |^Then there is another picture in the morning light when the wards
G25  87 are tidied for the doctor's round, the nurses are busy, the men are in
G25  88 bed or standing by their lockers, and the talk is of lead-swinging and
G25  89 of tickets. ^The regular visits by \0Dr. Walker and the inspections by
G25  90 Colonel Openshaw or Medical Red Hats from London or Cambridge, or by
G25  91 Harvey Reeves and his staff from Northampton, all mean extra care in
G25  92 sweeping floors and polishing boilers.
G25  93    |^Some of the surgeons never speak to the men but look at the
G25  94 tortured flesh as though it were a bone dug up from the London Clay.
G25  95 ^One morning a red-hatted gentleman calls for a pair of scissors as he
G25  96 examines the front of a soldier's thigh, and without explanation
G25  97 plunges the scissors into the wound, making a great gash in the flesh,
G25  98 and the soldier shrieks and bounds into the air.
G25  99    |^I cannot separate the men from their wounds and suffering. ^The
G25 100 faces of the men, the wounds they bore, the beds they slept in and
G25 101 even names still come back to me.
G25 102    |^There was the garrulous Bracey with the red face, monotonous
G25 103 voice, and stiff knee covered with wounds, who sat on the bed and told
G25 104 his story: he said that every anaesthetic took six months off a man's
G25 105 life; he had already had sixteen, so that meant he had lost eight
G25 106 years*- and there were still more operations to come; yet that was
G25 107 better than being like Cain or Thompson who had each had a leg off, or
G25 108 better still than the little Canadian whom I often carried about in my
G25 109 arms because he had lost both his legs.
G25 110    |^But it was Max the tall Irish Guardsman with his thin waxen face
G25 111 and black hair who distressed me more than any of the others, as he
G25 112 stooped and coughed as he walked about. ^He had a huge wound in his
G25 113 chest which the sisters washed out with long tubes and hissing fluid,
G25 114 and then he coughed and spat as he tried to get his breath. ^When
G25 115 things were bad he sat alone in a corner of the sitting-room, looking
G25 116 beaten and exhausted, a shadow of what he had been. ^He was like a
G25 117 Saint from El Greco. ^Sometimes Max played billiards with the other
G25 118 men, or had a short walk with his friend Mason or with one of the
G25 119 nurses, or a quarrel would flare up and his Irish voice would be heard
G25 120 shouting and swearing round the billiard table. ^When the news of the
G25 121 Irish Rebellion came he sat silent and alone.
G25 122    |^In the end of the Long Gallery was the pale-faced man*- was it
G25 123 the one called Manchester?*- who limped about with something called
G25 124 phlebitis, a word that carried a threat of disaster. ^In the second
G25 125 bed by the window was the Gordon Highlander with the gaping cavity in
G25 126 his calf. ^One summer evening after an operation, something happened,
G25 127 the bed was soaked in blood and the wounded man lay there still and
G25 128 white, whilst the sisters got tourniquets and dressings and I ran to
G25 129 the other side of the golf course for Matron as the sun was setting.
G25 130    |^By the coke-boiler was the old man who looked so cadaverous and
G25 131 infinitely weary, and sometimes shuffled about the ward racked with
G25 132 pain in his stomach. ^When Sister Dean said, ~*'It's easy to see
G25 133 what's wrong with him,**' I was too distressed to confess my
G25 134 ignorance. ^I was in the theatre a little later when \0Dr. Alec
G25 135 operated but could do nothing. ^He found what Sister Dean had
G25 136 expected.
G25 137    |^There was the severe-looking man who went about with the heavy
G25 138 plaster round his neck, looking a little sinister as he stiffly turned
G25 139 his body to talk. ^The machine-gun bullet had entered his neck,
G25 140 smashed up his spine and had come out through his open mouth. ^It
G25 141 could hardly be believed. ^He carried an aura of fear and curiosity
G25 142 because we all wondered what would have happened had his mouth been
G25 143 shut.
G25 144    |^Matron seems to enjoy herself as the men parade for their
G25 145 medicines each day on the landing by the Long Gallery, and for a
G25 146 moment the tired-looking Madonna even smiles, but I often wonder if
G25 147 the medicines do any good as I think of my mother's words to the
G25 148 maidservant, and I was still not quite certain that it had been the
G25 149 outside drain that was meant.
G25 150    |^The wounded men come in and we learn to know them. ^Then a day
G25 151 comes when the doctor or the inspecting surgeon gives them their
G25 152 discharge and they go off to other hospitals or to their Depots. ^The
G25 153 procession goes on and on... Black Watch, Royal Fusiliers, Royal Horse
G25 154 Artillery, Irish Guards, Bedfordshires, Northamptonshires,
G25 155 {0*2K.O.Y.L.I.}, *0Manchesters, Lancashires, Gordon Highlanders....
G25 156 ^It goes on and on.... ^The faces, the wounds, the badges.
G25 157    |^As spring was turning into summer, an incident occurred which
G25 158 momentarily brought the inner and outer world together. ^One Saturday
G25 159 night there was a noisy crowd of men round the billiard table, pockets
G25 160 bulging with flasks after a visit to Peterborough, and there were
G25 161 oaths and swearing and cries of *'pot the red**'. ^I was leaving the
G25 162 Pillared Hall with the trolley when Mac lurched up to me, cue in hand,
G25 163 and shouted, ^*'It's buggers like you who should be in the
G25 164 trenches**'. ^There were cries of *'shut up**' to Mac as he staggered
G25 165 back to the table. ^All was quiet when I returned.
G25 166    |^On Sunday morning when I came down there was a letter for me on
G25 167 the desk in the orderlies' room addressed in very childish writing.
G25 168 ^It was a note from Mac asking forgiveness for what he had said the
G25 169 night before. ^Would I please understand that he had been drunk and
G25 170 had not meant it? ^My eyes filled with tears and the beauty of the
G25 171 trees outside disappeared as I read the uneducated little note from
G25 172 the Irish Guardsman.
G25 173    |^That afternoon Mac and I walked slowly by the lake together,
G25 174 stopping from time to time because of his coughing.
G25 175    |^Soon afterwards Mac went to the Depot at Northampton, and whilst
G25 176 there went to tea with my mother. ^Afterwards he sent her a photograph
G25 177 of a group at the Fe*?5te on June 1st, with \0Mrs. Fitzwilliam,
G25 178 Thompson auctioning a bunch of flowers, an unknown figure in a
G25 179 billycock hat, and \0Mr. Fitzwilliam looking on benevolently.
G25 180 *# 2012
G26   1 **[213 TEXT G26**]
G26   2    |^*0At last coming to terms with life, the rawness of the jungle I
G26   3 mastered reduced the bible to a reassuring proportion in the
G26   4 perspective of my destructive activity; and I was now fit for the
G26   5 cathedral of the stable's calm*- the light splitting through the
G26   6 cracks in the door, the silence, and then the faint scratching that
G26   7 might be a mouse, a rat, or leaves idly swinging, or else imagination.
G26   8    |^After a time I heard the positive sound of my sister approaching,
G26   9 and then she stood in the doorway, looking for me in the shadows, not
G26  10 seeing me but knowing I was there, complaining to the darkness that I
G26  11 might have waited for her. ^But I was too busily engaged on the
G26  12 process of rehabilitation to want her company, and she was a woman*-
G26  13 suspect as such, and further suspect owing to her happy association
G26  14 with holy writ that linked her with my father. ^It was not till the
G26  15 middle of the week that I began to welcome her, caring for her until
G26  16 Saturday night. ^Then, with the sound of the first church bell on
G26  17 Sunday morning, all women were suspect again; and as the hour in the
G26  18 box-pew remorselessly approached*- the hour of avoiding looking at
G26  19 Milly, at the same time trying to reconcile her with my visual world*-
G26  20 I knew it would only lead to the hour of afternoon when the sunlight
G26  21 froze on the tops of the trees, immobilized as I by the bible.
G26  22    |
G26  23    |^Sometimes, instead of to the stable, I went upstairs to my
G26  24 mother's room. ^As I opened the door I was aware of causing an
G26  25 interruption, for my mother had the faculty of gazing beyond people
G26  26 into space inhabited by other and more exciting ones than those who
G26  27 were actually in the room. ^These people, whom I knew by the names
G26  28 under drawings and verses in her autograph books*- people my mother
G26  29 had met in the heaven of foreign hotels*- dwelt with her in her
G26  30 loneliness still, so that the continued pleasure of their company was
G26  31 denied her by my entry; or rather, I felt that if I had not banished
G26  32 them, both they and I had lost something of our corporeality by being
G26  33 in the room together. ^Yet the sense of a romantic past my mother
G26  34 perpetuated in the face of the church peering in through the window,
G26  35 brought back colour which (although it was divorced from any
G26  36 discernible form) was more tangible than the bible I had escaped from.
G26  37    |^My father was disappointed with me, I reasoned, on purely
G26  38 technical grounds when he saw my failure to understand his teachings
G26  39 as a lack of spirituality; whereas my mother found, not so much myself
G26  40 as my lack of years, a source of chagrin. ^For the two years which
G26  41 separated me from my elder brother were an insupportable barrier that
G26  42 gave him greater access to her mind. ^And I believed my brother
G26  43 somehow knew the members of the ski-ing party*- the women in their
G26  44 large hats and veils, the men posed against mountains as immovable as
G26  45 their moustaches*- that, in their {6*1passe-partout} *0mount, broke
G26  46 the faded roses on the wall. ^As I approached my mother I wished the
G26  47 two dividing years could evaporate, and perhaps this afternoon I would
G26  48 get to know the far-off friends who hovered towards her, and whom I
G26  49 was ready to meet half-way. ^But although her recognition of me was
G26  50 moderately welcoming, she was still looking beyond me, and whom-ever
G26  51 she was considering appeared more like the gap between me and my
G26  52 brother than a real personage.
G26  53    |^What a ghastly thing was the length of a life, starting at random
G26  54 and never catching up with another life that also started at random.
G26  55 ^No life ever drew nearer another life, and the gaps between lives
G26  56 remained the same, inflicting, as far as I could see, endless
G26  57 childhood on me. ^There was no escape from age, and as my mother
G26  58 opened a book to show me the pictures in it, I decided to abandon the
G26  59 struggle to grow up.
G26  60    |^The book was always the same book. ^It was called *1Alpine
G26  61 Flowers and Gardens. ^*0My mother so treasured it she would not let me
G26  62 look at it on my own, turning the pages over for me, protected by
G26  63 tissue paper. ^The plates depicted flowers, yet the artist had painted
G26  64 mountains, rocks, and glaciers behind some of them, and in one picture
G26  65 had even added a chamois in the middle distance. ^Although it was
G26  66 interesting to reach the chamois, I found the introduction of this
G26  67 animal rather \6*1outre*?2, *0for after all, the book, as it said on
G26  68 the cover, was on alpine flowers and gardens, which should have surely
G26  69 satisfied the artist. ^When we had passed the chamois, I wanted to
G26  70 tell my mother something of my defeat over the Day of Atonement or the
G26  71 parable of the mustard seed, but she did not pay attention as her
G26  72 whole mind was now focused on the Edelweiss, Gentian, or Christ's
G26  73 Thorn we had come to. ^So I too concentrated in forgetting my troubles
G26  74 in the flowers.
G26  75    |^Or, as a substitute for *1Alpine Flowers and Gardens, *0my mother
G26  76 would open a portfolio of water-colours and become lost in her former
G26  77 life*- the full measure of a past that their contours described for
G26  78 her especially. ^Here again I felt the presence of a veil separating
G26  79 me from them in the same way as from the photograph of the ski-ing
G26  80 party. ^The silver water of a lake caught in the shifting light of an
G26  81 anonymous morning, a chalet perched on a slope smothered in flowers,
G26  82 were fully credible*- but the fact that my mother had actually stood
G26  83 by the lake, had actually climbed up to the chalet, made them entirely
G26  84 hers. ^And the countries her paintings translated into personal
G26  85 property were more remote than those in the atlas*- described once and
G26  86 for all, and equally for everyone.
G26  87    |^On the whole I preferred looking at *1Alpine Flowers and Gardens
G26  88 *0which mollified the remains of the afternoon for me, if not with the
G26  89 theatrical intensity of decapitating the cow-parsley that guarded the
G26  90 entrance to the stable. ^And although we sought different rendezvous*-
G26  91 my mother hankering for the past, and I the future*- there was a
G26  92 voiceless understanding, and also something conspiratorial in our
G26  93 activity. ^For my father treated my mother's horticultural interests
G26  94 with gruff contempt, and thus, as she slowly continued to turn the
G26  95 pages, the book seemed to speak for her, and to gainsay my father and
G26  96 his bible.
G26  97    |^Yet the two books, although they suggested a clear-cut issue
G26  98 between my parents, in reality furthered my bewilderment. ^For why, I
G26  99 asked myself, since my father scoffed at my mother's interest in
G26 100 flowers, did he encourage mine in insects and birds. ^I was sure he
G26 101 had little concern for natural history himself, yet he made a special
G26 102 journey to Douglas to buy me books on the subject, and encouraged me
G26 103 to enter my observations in a notebook. ^I could only conclude he was
G26 104 so mystified I displayed any enthusiasm whatever that he welcomed
G26 105 natural history as a possible path to the salvation he desired for me.
G26 106    |
G26 107    |^The grass in the top field was brittle and brown, silvered by a
G26 108 soft wind that went through it like a comb and made it nod and sway
G26 109 with the very essence of summer. ^It was summer at last, an endless
G26 110 summer of drifting pollen and gleams and flashes in lazy trees that
G26 111 surrounded the field and cast their jangled shadows, drowsy and
G26 112 unnumbered across it. ^A cloud stood in the sky, and there was no
G26 113 reason for it; so it gently left it. ^The field spoke and murmured in
G26 114 its sleep, and the sharp cries of birds were reminders of things to do
G26 115 and things which could be just as well left undone, for the sense of
G26 116 time had stopped.
G26 117    |^My sister and I had given up looking for the corn-crakes whose
G26 118 tantalizing cries, sounding so near and so far, were deceptive as the
G26 119 grass itself and the tremors that turned it to a sea where the fins of
G26 120 fishes darted, hither and thither, confusing the whereabouts of the
G26 121 birds. ^So we sat on the wall at the top of the field, surveying this
G26 122 sea that hid their calls till they became but a part that accompanied
G26 123 the general noise of summer. ^The corn-crake was fabulous and its
G26 124 voice had ceased to issue from the throat of a particular bird,
G26 125 exactly and tersely described in the book of birds, with its name in
G26 126 Roman letters followed by its Latin name in italics. ^Yet, the next
G26 127 morning the voice was still in the field and surely to-day we would
G26 128 see the corn-crakes. ^But we never did, and day after day the birds
G26 129 hid from view, and their voices tantalized.
G26 130    |^Then on a Monday when the *'get ready gong**' had been forgotten
G26 131 and (because it was Monday) my father sat in double gloom, the
G26 132 corn-crakes*- as though at the lifting of a magic wand*- appeared in
G26 133 the garden itself. ^The male, barred with brown and buff (correct as
G26 134 in the book), stood on a stump at the top of the daffodil bank, now
G26 135 sear and yellow with summer. ^The female and a family of chicks pecked
G26 136 in the grass below him, and, as we watched in silence at the window,
G26 137 there was something foreordained in the unexpectedness of their
G26 138 presence.
G26 139    |^The unfortunate meal was over, the plates had been cleared away;
G26 140 and we became happy partners in a terrific conspiracy of silence, with
G26 141 the figure of the boy Samuel doing his best to suppress the ticking of
G26 142 the clock in the shadow at the back of the room. ^My father and mother
G26 143 stood at one side of the open window, and the rest of us at the other,
G26 144 grouped around my grandmother who was needlessly holding her finger to
G26 145 her lips. ^For our silence was natural, and we shared the easy
G26 146 attachment that united the corn-crake family. ^The naturalness had
G26 147 turned us into a picture opposite a picture, and our separate
G26 148 characteristics had ceased to exist, harmonized in a shared interest.
G26 149    |^It seemed to me rather like waiting for the Bishop, but now there
G26 150 was no sense of anxiety, and no sense of searching for spirituality*-
G26 151 for the corn-crakes were beyond criticism. ^How long would this
G26 152 sublime moment last? ^How long could the birds be undisturbed in their
G26 153 task of arresting time? ^To-day was to-day, and yesterday was
G26 154 yesterday. ^Yesterday had ordained to-day. ^I was with my father,
G26 155 walking to \0Mrs. Kissack who lived in the farm beyond the fun-fair.
G26 156 ^She had broken her leg, and when we got to the farm my father went up
G26 157 the steps and I stayed in the road. ^Gorse flared like the headlights
G26 158 of cars on the hills. ^A lark was singing high up, out of sight.
G26 159 ^There was cow-dung on the road, goose-dung in the yard. ^(A flock of
G26 160 geese was a gaggle of geese.) ^Two dogs with their tongues out were
G26 161 lying in the shade of a wall where nettles sprang from the dust. ^A
G26 162 man in a brown waistcoat was working in a brown field. ^Then he
G26 163 stopped working and the lark stopped singing, the world stilled to one
G26 164 piece*- as now. ^Then he spat on his hands and took up his scythe
G26 165 again, all of them busy again*- the man working, the lark singing, the
G26 166 dogs panting. ^On the way back my father had said something about the
G26 167 harvest festival, but I couldn't remember what....
G26 168    |^The male bird lifted his beak from his chest and cocked his head
G26 169 in the air. ^Wind was ruffling the grass, and the corn-crakes (as I
G26 170 knew they would have to) sensed danger, and then scuttled into the
G26 171 field with the clumsy chicks tumbling over themselves as they followed
G26 172 as best they could.
G26 173    |^It was swiftly over. ^The garden, broken up into formal shapes
G26 174 and levels, was ordinary again; and the church spire, coming to life
G26 175 as it jutted through the trees, frowned at the triviality of our
G26 176 preoccupation.
G26 177 *# 2019
G27   1 **[214 TEXT G27**]
G27   2 *<*47*>
G27   3    |^*0What actually developed was so much in the interests of all the
G27   4 three that we may be pretty certain that it was contrived, rather than
G27   5 that it developed naturally out of the situation. ^Catherine having
G27   6 been cast out, Georgina reigned in her stead undisputed queen of the
G27   7 home, the children, and all official social affairs, as though indeed
G27   8 she were the official wife, while Ellen held any emotional sway over
G27   9 Charles himself, in the background. ^So the reputations of all three
G27  10 were safeguarded, and the convenience of all three met to a nicety.
G27  11    |^Georgina was quite clever enough to appreciate the difficulties
G27  12 of Charles, herself and Ellen, and to solve them in the way this
G27  13 clever arrangement smoothed them out for all parties. ^Forster, too,
G27  14 that prudent man of the world and of business, while deploring the
G27  15 situation that had arisen, might discreetly advise on the same lines.
G27  16 ^For the continued success of Dickens as a household saint writing
G27  17 virtuous books, divorce and re-marriage was out of the question;
G27  18 besides, Georgina would not connive at her own deposition, while Ellen
G27  19 might well recoil from becoming stepmother to girls of her own age and
G27  20 a gang of young boys.
G27  21    |^On this question Georgina and Forster may well have thought
G27  22 alike. ^She drummed it into the children, as did Dickens, that *"their
G27  23 father's name was their best asset**",*- which was true enough. ^It
G27  24 was virtually their only asset, and hers too. ^The welfare of the
G27  25 children*- and her own*- was dependent upon that good name. ^And to
G27  26 write his best both Forster and Georgina knew that Dickens needed a
G27  27 quiet mind; freedom from care and worry; an efficiently-functioning
G27  28 household; emotional and aesthetic satisfactions and companionships*-
G27  29 all that poor Catherine, in her miserable inadequacy, had failed in
G27  30 providing.
G27  31    |^When the storm broke, Georgina seems to have felt no qualms over
G27  32 assisting actively in the sacrifice of her sister's happiness, or in
G27  33 consolidating her own usurpation of her sister's husband, home and
G27  34 children. ^In justice to her and in mitigation of her conduct, it
G27  35 should be said that according to Dickens' emphatic testimony, for many
G27  36 years she had striven to keep husband and wife together, in face of
G27  37 \0Mrs. Dickens' expressed desires to leave her husband. ^But a wife's
G27  38 expressed intention to desert her husband when jealous or annoyed is
G27  39 common form, and is seldom taken too seriously, being regarded by most
G27  40 husbands as meaning \0Mrs. Micawber's frequent declaration: ^*"I never
G27  41 will desert \0Mr. Micawber.**"
G27  42    |^There is no reason to disbelieve Dickens' story of Georgina as a
G27  43 mediator in the past; there may have been cogent reasons for her doing
G27  44 her best to prevent a rupture in previous years. ^The failure of her
G27  45 goodwill for her sister may have been a plant of gradual growth. ^For
G27  46 a long time she may have believed, as Dickens did, that the fight (as
G27  47 he unhappily called it) could only go on to the end of one or other of
G27  48 the contestants, being released by death from the marital torments of
G27  49 an irksome yoke. ^It may be that she needed time to consolidate her
G27  50 own position both with Dickens and in the household generally, that
G27  51 until her own place was established as supreme and unassailable she
G27  52 did not want poor Kate to leave. ^It may **[SIC**] that once that was
G27  53 secured she was willing, and even eager to see her go.
G27  54    |^The cuckoo in the nest once firmly settled, and she having
G27  55 ejected the mother-bird, one by one the baby-birds must be pushed out,
G27  56 too. ^That is precisely what happened.
G27  57 *<*48*>
G27  58    |^*0It is true that the eldest boy Charley was of an age to be
G27  59 flying off and building a nest of his own. ^Both he and his father
G27  60 agreed that he should go to the new nest of his mother to take care of
G27  61 her. ^But there is less excuse for hustling out the second boy,
G27  62 Walter, who at the age of sixteen, became a cadet in India, in the
G27  63 service of the East India Company. ^His health could not stand the
G27  64 climate, and he soon died in Calcutta.
G27  65    |^The third son, Frank, after failing in attempts to be a doctor, a
G27  66 farmer, a business-man, a lawyer and a journalist, left the country
G27  67 for the Bengal police. ^The fourth, Alfred, was sent off to Australia.
G27  68 ^The fifth boy, Sydney, left for the Navy and died after entering upon
G27  69 unsatisfactory courses which Georgina said would bring him to certain
G27  70 misery in this world, quite apart from what might be expected to
G27  71 happen to him hereafter*- on which question his affectionate aunt did
G27  72 not commit herself. ^The sixth son, Henry, resisted all attempts to
G27  73 dislodge him, and managed to maintain his position in the nest by
G27  74 winning scholarships at Cambridge and keeping a steady inclination to
G27  75 seek call to the Bar. ^But the youngest boy Edward, known to the
G27  76 family as *"Plorn,**" was also exiled in Australia like Alfred, though
G27  77 there was especial weeping and gnashing of teeth over his emigration.
G27  78    |^Except for Henry, the boys did little good.
G27  79    |^Dickens had openly regretted the births of his later children,
G27  80 saying*- as we have seen*- that they were compliments from their
G27  81 mother that he could well have dispensed with, and even humorously
G27  82 suggesting a special service of intercession at \0St. Paul's Cathedral
G27  83 that he might be considered as having done enough towards the increase
G27  84 of his country's population. ^His allusions to his wife's later
G27  85 pregnancies were only too often in questionable, not to say, downright
G27  86 bad, taste.
G27  87    |^Fond as he was of very young children, the boys, as they became
G27  88 older, were in his eyes decided encumbrances, and we can be pretty
G27  89 certain that Georgina thought so too. ^Their cost and charges, he
G27  90 declared, made his hair stand on end. ^Exile of one after another soon
G27  91 relieved the pressure; and at last Gad's Hill was no longer *"pervaded
G27  92 by boys, every boy having an unaccountable and awful power of
G27  93 producing himself in every part of the house at every moment,
G27  94 apparently in fourteen pairs of creaking boots**", according to the
G27  95 distracted author. ^This, too, in spite of the most stringent home
G27  96 discipline which the father personally enforced.
G27  97    |^Father and Aunty Georgy having proved equal to the boys, the two
G27  98 girls Mamie and Katey were less difficult. ^Mamie was more tractable
G27  99 than her mother had been both to her father and her aunt; she cleaved
G27 100 to them and deserted her mother from the first. ^Kate, as we have
G27 101 seen, had more than a touch of her father's independence of spirit,
G27 102 and had a concealed distrust of her virtuous aunt. ^She felt for her
G27 103 mother and visited her in her affliction, though she was too much awed
G27 104 by her father to protest or fight. ^But uncomfortable under the new
G27 105 \6*1re*?2gime, *0she left home as soon as she could, though it
G27 106 involved making a loveless marriage with a young consumptive
G27 107 bridegroom, her first husband Charles Alston Collins, the brother of
G27 108 Wilkie.
G27 109    |^So triumphed the cuckoo in the nest. ^*1Her *0nest at last!
G27 110    |^Thereafter, for Georgina Hogarth, undisputed mistress of the
G27 111 Dickens \6*1me*?2nage, *0life was tranquil at Gad's Hill. ^Mamie
G27 112 relieved her of much domestic duty, and there was a staff of servants
G27 113 to do what was required. ^Social invitations to Dickens now almost
G27 114 always included Georgina*- Dickens saw to that*- and she went about
G27 115 with him a good deal, and since Mamie was fond of parties, she too,
G27 116 was sometimes included. ^As to social invitations from Dickens, who
G27 117 remained as social and convivial as ever, these were, of course
G27 118 pre-eminently Georgina's administrative affair. ^In such matters, she
G27 119 acquitted herself to perfection always.
G27 120    |^As time went on, the scandal about her gradually died down. ^The
G27 121 decorum of the Gad's Hill household over the years played a great part
G27 122 in killing it. ^But that it was not forgotten is shown by the fact
G27 123 that although Queen Victoria received both Dickens and Mamie at Court,
G27 124 there was never any Court invitation for Georgina.
G27 125 *<*49*>
G27 126    |^*0When Dickens, ageing beyond his years, worn by incessant toils,
G27 127 anxieties and the financial burdens of helping relatives and friends,
G27 128 and in declining health, rushed about the country and even went to
G27 129 America again to give *"readings**" from his books to large and wildly
G27 130 enraptured audiences to the vast enrichment of his banking-account,
G27 131 Georgina stayed at home and received vivid letters recounting his
G27 132 adventures and triumphs. ^Catherine gone, and most of her children
G27 133 also, she was able to live quietly and comfortably while keeping a
G27 134 steadying influence upon the great man who was everything to her in
G27 135 life.
G27 136    |^As the years rolled by, her influence over her brother-in-law
G27 137 strengthened still more, as indeed one might expect, knowing the force
G27 138 of habit. ^His welfare was her sole and constant preoccupation; no
G27 139 wife or mother could have been more solicitous. ^When he was absent
G27 140 from home, every fluctuation in his health was faithfully recounted to
G27 141 her, and Georgina and the children were ever upon his pen as once Kate
G27 142 and the children had been. ^And his *"pair of petticoats**" for public
G27 143 inspection, though there might be another petticoat in the emotional
G27 144 background, were now Georgina and Mamie*- and what could be more
G27 145 outwardly respectable?
G27 146    |^It was they who went to the great farewell dinner held in London
G27 147 when, in 1867, he was invited to visit America for the second time.
G27 148 ^His visit was a tremendous success, and it was they who welcomed him
G27 149 back to Gad's Hill upon his return.
G27 150    |^Georgina was not in the company of Dickens when he met with his
G27 151 first railway accident at Staplehurst, as were Ellen Ternan and her
G27 152 mother. ^But when Dickens was reading in Ireland he had taken Georgina
G27 153 and Mamie on the excursion with him. ^When the return train from
G27 154 Belfast met with an accident, they were all three in it, and flung
G27 155 themselves on the floor of their carriage to avoid injury. ^It was a
G27 156 horrid experience, and must have reminded Georgina of adventure in
G27 157 Italy long, long ago.
G27 158    |^Then as Dickens' health worsened owing to his long-continued
G27 159 exertions and the strain of giving public readings, and it became
G27 160 clear that he might be on the verge of a stroke, his doctors insisted
G27 161 on his giving up these exhausting public appearances. ^Realising his
G27 162 position, as his health obliged him to do, he made his will.
G27 163    |^In this remarkable document, his high opinion of, and his care
G27 164 for, Georgina are clearly revealed. ^He left his *"grateful
G27 165 blessings**" and more money to her than to anyone else, namely *+8,000
G27 166 free of legacy duty, as well as most of his personal jewellery,
G27 167 household trinkets, and private papers. ^She was made an executrix,
G27 168 her partner in carrying out the will being the indispensable Forster.
G27 169 ^His wife Catherine was left only the interest on *+8,000 and could
G27 170 not touch the principal, whereas Georgina's legacy was an absolute
G27 171 one; and instead of grateful blessings, there was implied reproach for
G27 172 the wife. ^As to Ellen Ternan, who as Dickens' supposed mistress might
G27 173 perhaps have been expected to have done better for herself than
G27 174 Georgina, she, though named first in the will, was left merely
G27 175 *+1,000.
G27 176    |^In addition, Georgina was the subject of a whole-hearted
G27 177 panegyric in the will as *"the best and truest friend man ever
G27 178 had**"*- which contrast **[SIC**] sharply with silence about Ellen
G27 179 (which however upon any theory is understandable) and cold complaint
G27 180 as to the past expensiveness of his wife Catherine and their children.
G27 181 ^Further, he left Georgina to the care of his children in
G27 182 pontificatory words as follows:
G27 183 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G27 184    |^*"I solemnly enjoin my dear children always to remember how much
G27 185 they owe to the said Georgina Hogarth, and never to be wanting in a
G27 186 grateful and affectionate attachment to her, for they know well that
G27 187 she has been, through all the stages of their growth and progress
G27 188 their ever useful, self-denying and devoted friend.**"
G27 189 **[END INDENTATION**]
G27 190    |^Tribute could hardly be more emphatic. ^But if the debt to
G27 191 Georgina was so obvious, it would seem desirable to spare Georgina's
G27 192 blushes over her superiority to her sister, the children's mother.
G27 193 ^However, one or two of the children such as Mamie and Harry certainly
G27 194 heeded their father's injunction, but after his death there came a
G27 195 time when even Mamie failed in devotion to her *"Aunt Georgy**".
G27 196 *# 2041
G28   1 **[215 TEXT G28**]
G28   2 ^*0Opera, symphony, all sorts of instrumental and vocal music but not
G28   3 chamber music. ^His reading was considerable in classical and English
G28   4 and French literature. ^He knew Dickens by heart, but ranked *"Vanity
G28   5 Fair**" of Thackeray the greatest English novel of his period. ^He was
G28   6 sceptical of contemporary writing as he was of the latest composition.
G28   7 ^I guessed that in politics he was a conservative*- with freedom to be
G28   8 against the Government whatever its colour or party. ^He loved good
G28   9 food and good wine, and his cigars, but not to excess. ^No alcohol had
G28  10 power over his quick balanced mind. ^I was taken aback when he
G28  11 reflected one day on his career: ^*"Do you know, I sometimes wonder if
G28  12 I haven't wasted myself to some degree by giving myself almost wholly
G28  13 to music. ^For music does not ever encourage abstract thinking or
G28  14 pungency of comment or dialectical agility. ^Perhaps I was really born
G28  15 for the legal profession.**"
G28  16    |^I pointed out that in music he was an absolutist, that he had no
G28  17 patience with music which carried extra-musical significances, and
G28  18 that also he had no patience with conductors, or any other performer,
G28  19 who found an argument, a dialectic or the faintest hint of a
G28  20 metaphysic in music. ^He didn't seek beyond the notes and the forms of
G28  21 music for some inner meaning. ^Often he gave me the impression that he
G28  22 was not so much the *"possessed**" artist in music as the connoisseur,
G28  23 collecting composers as he collected his furniture and plate. ^He
G28  24 fondled music, handled it carefully and dotingly*- unless it was of
G28  25 the sort that protested too much, assaulted fastidiousness of taste
G28  26 and sensitivity. ^*"Mahler? ^Wagner? ^Bruckner?**" he would say,
G28  27 cross-examining me. ^*"They are not civilised. ^Mahler exposes his
G28  28 self-pity; Wagner, though a tremendous genius, gorged music, like a
G28  29 German who overeats. ^And Bruckner was a hobbledehoy who had no style
G28  30 at all. ^All three of them knew nothing about poise or modesty. ^Even
G28  31 Beethoven thumped the tub; the Ninth symphony was composed by a kind
G28  32 of \0Mr. Gladstone of music.**"
G28  33    |^All that doesn't imply that he was at all short of masculinity,
G28  34 red corpuscles. ^He could ride roughshod over his dislikes, people or
G28  35 compositions. ^Given the impulse from the right source, his musical
G28  36 energy*- (his physical energy too!)*- concentrated into artistic and
G28  37 proportionate shapes. ^His interpretation of the *"Requiem Mass**" of
G28  38 Berlioz has seldom been equalled for emotional intensity and
G28  39 sure-minded control of the outlines. ^His temperament and intelligence
G28  40 responded more readily to Latin than to German stimulations, aesthetic
G28  41 or other. ^Sometimes he gave his conscience a holiday. ^At Liverpool
G28  42 an inordinately heavy programme was goading the orchestra to open
G28  43 rebellion, especially as Sir Thomas prolonged the interval. ^The
G28  44 concert was taking place on the eve of the world's greatest
G28  45 steeplechase. ^When Sir Thomas returned to the platform he immediately
G28  46 sensed the temper of his players*- and the next work to tackle was the
G28  47 *"great C major**" symphony of Schubert. ^Sir Thomas extended his
G28  48 arms, the baton militant. ^*"Now, gentlemen,**" he said, *"now for the
G28  49 Grand National.**" ^The performance was magnificent. ^One gust of his
G28  50 humour dispersed all animosities.
G28  51    |
G28  52    |^He was not, as I say, liked or admired by everybody while he was
G28  53 the spruce disdainful \0Mr. Thomas Beecham. ^He was suspected of
G28  54 Dandyism and, in fact, he was the last of the Dandies. ^He kept
G28  55 audiences waiting at his concerts. ^In Manchester, during one of his
G28  56 opera seasons there, he kept the audience waiting half an hour for a
G28  57 performance of Isidore \de Lara's *"Nai"l.**" ^In those years his
G28  58 manners at a symphony concert did not appeal to the taste of the
G28  59 Establishment of British music. ^The music critic of the *"Manchester
G28  60 Guardian**"*- Samuel Langford*- took him to task on account of his
G28  61 acrobatic gestures as he conducted. ^At one concert his baton flew
G28  62 from his hand and nearly impaled the first trombone. ^Moreover, he was
G28  63 suspected of *"amateurism**"*- long before Toscanini actually called
G28  64 him an *"amateur.**" ^A complex character!*- Falstaff, Puck and
G28  65 Malvolio all mixed up, each likely to overwhelm the others. ^Witty,
G28  66 then waggish; supercilious, then genial, kindly, and sometimes cruel;
G28  67 an artist in affectation yet somehow always himself. ^Lancashire in
G28  68 his bones, yet a man of the world. ^Rachmaninoff told a friend that he
G28  69 was unhappy about a forthcoming concert. ^*"The conductor*-
G28  70 so-and-so*- he has no temperament. ^It is always so in England. ^Too
G28  71 many the English \3gentlemens.**" ^*"But,**" his friend pointed out
G28  72 *"last year you said your concert with Sir Thomas Beecham was one of
G28  73 the best and happiest of your life.**" ^*"Ah,**" rejoined
G28  74 Rachmaninoff, *"but Sir Thomas is not one of your English
G28  75 \3gentlemens.**"
G28  76    |^In the prime of his life and career, Sir Thomas was as closely
G28  77 associated with Manchester as with London or anywhere else. ^During
G28  78 the 1914-1918 war he kept the city's music alive by the sparkle,
G28  79 vivacity, and sway of his personality. ^His concerts with the Halle*?2
G28  80 Orchestra and his opera productions in Quay Street elevated the city
G28  81 far above provincial levels. ^Until he dominated the scene
G28  82 Manchester's music was mainly of German extraction, as we have noted
G28  83 already and will probably note again. ^Richter had not served
G28  84 Manchester in a backward-looking way. ^He conducted all the symphonic
G28  85 poems of Richard Strauss in one season at a time when*- *1{6mirabile
G28  86 dictu}!*- *0Strauss was considered as *"modern,**" iconoclast and
G28  87 unmusical as any later Scho"nberg, Webern, or Boulez. ^Stanford went
G28  88 so far as to compose a musical satire of Strauss*- *"An Ode to
G28  89 Discord.**" ^Ernest Newman abjured us to listen to Strauss
G28  90 *"horizontally**" while the battle-section of *"{Ein Heldenleben}**"
G28  91 was played. ^It is nowadays generally forgotten that Strauss came to
G28  92 renown or notoriety in this country exclusively on the strength of his
G28  93 symphonic poems. ^Outside London *"{Der Rosenkavalier},**"
G28  94 *"Salome**" and *"Elektra**" were little known here.
G28  95    |^But Richter's enterprise ended with the *"progressive German
G28  96 composers.**" ^It is true that he was the first conductor to put Elgar
G28  97 on the musical map, the reason being, I fancy, that in Elgar he heard
G28  98 here and there the echo of his own native musical language. ^To a
G28  99 deputation of Manchester's youthful *1{6avant garde}, *0demanding
G28 100 some representation at the Halle*?2 Concerts of modern French music,
G28 101 Richter replied, ^*"{3Zthere iss no mod'n F-french Musik}.**"
G28 102    |^Beecham brought pagan allurements to the Halle*?2,
G28 103 non-*"classical**"*- Scene *=4 of Act *=2 of Delius's *"A Village
G28 104 Romeo and Juliet,**" Stravinsky's *"Firebird**" suite, Borodin's
G28 105 *"Polovtsian Dances,**" all in the same programme. ^Between the two
G28 106 wars he naturally modulated to a conversation indicative of the fact
G28 107 that he was now old enough to put behind him childish things. ^But
G28 108 never would he desert Delius. ^On the *"classical**" side he
G28 109 discovered Haydn for English ears. ^He even proposed introducing to
G28 110 Manchester Stravinsky's *"{Le Sacre du Printemps}**"; but the
G28 111 orchestral parts went astray. ^The Halle*?2 Concerts Committee asked
G28 112 for a substitute piece at short notice. ^Beecham suggested a Beethoven
G28 113 symphony. ^No; already the season's programme had included enough
G28 114 Beethoven. ^They asked Sir Thomas to conduct Mendelssohn's
G28 115 *"Italian**" symphony. ^*"Impossible,**" replied Sir Thomas, *"quite
G28 116 impossible, with only two rehearsals.**" ^*"But,**" argued the
G28 117 committee, *"you were content with two rehearsals for *'{Le
G28 118 Sacre.}**'**" ^*"Quite so,**" said Sir Thomas blandly, *"I could play
G28 119 *'{Le Sacre}**' well enough after two rehearsals. ^For the
G28 120 *'Italian**' symphony five at least is absolutely necessary.**"
G28 121    |
G28 122    |^His creation of the London Philharmonic Orchestra absorbed him
G28 123 and his time in the 1930s; consequently his appearances in Manchester
G28 124 became intermittent. ^After the resignation of Sir Hamilton Harty in
G28 125 1933 as the permanent conductor of the Halle*?2 Concerts, the
G28 126 orchestra declined in its ensemble. ^Another permanent conductor was
G28 127 needed, but the Halle*?2 Society were reluctant to appoint one for
G28 128 fear of losing Sir Thomas's presence altogether. ^And Sir Thomas
G28 129 scared the society by attacking the {0B.B.C.}, forecasting that
G28 130 broadcasting would keep people away from concerts. ^As critic of the
G28 131 *"Manchester Guardian,**" in Manchester in the 1930s, I pointed out
G28 132 week by week the falling away of the orchestra in unity of style. ^But
G28 133 my friendship with Sir Thomas, resumed soon after our argument about
G28 134 his *"cuts**" in *"{Der Rosenkavalier},**" was now apparently
G28 135 unclouded. ^I was vastly surprised and amused to learn from Michael
G28 136 Kennedy's history of the Halle*?2 Concerts that in 1937 Sir Thomas
G28 137 wrote to the society stating *"that he refused to conduct any concert
G28 138 to which \0Mr. Neville Cardus was invited.**" ^*1{6Et tu}, *0Sir
G28 139 Thomas! ^And all the time I imagined my notices were generously kind
G28 140 about him. ^Never did he refer to this letter to the Halle*?2 Society,
G28 141 demanding my excommunication, at any of my subsequent meetings with
G28 142 him, not even during our day by day, night by night expressions of
G28 143 brotherly love in Australia.
G28 144    |^It was round about 1931 that he told me he was about to form a
G28 145 new orchestra in London. ^*"But where,**" I asked, *"where do you hope
G28 146 to find the players?*- the {0B.B.C.} Orchestra has taken the
G28 147 best.**" ^*"Maybe,**" he admitted *"the {0B.B.C.} has indeed
G28 148 attracted the best known instrumentalists of Great Britain. ^But
G28 149 you'll see!**" ^In 1932 the Royal Philharmonic Orchestra played for
G28 150 the first time at the Queen's Hall. ^The performance of the
G28 151 *"{Carnaval Romain}**" overture of Berlioz was staggeringly
G28 152 brilliant. ^A highly finished performance of Mozart's *"Prague**"
G28 153 symphony almost jerked me from my seat when Sir Thomas brought in the
G28 154 D major principal theme, after the introduction, at the same adagio
G28 155 tempo, instead of allegro. ^My notice next day called for some
G28 156 explanation of this curious treatment or maladjustment. ^In his flat
G28 157 in Hallam Street, and while he was still in bed, working on a score,
G28 158 he took away my breath (not for the first or the last time) by
G28 159 assuring me that his tempo for the main theme after the introduction
G28 160 was authentic. ^*"You are probably acquainted only with the published
G28 161 score... but I have seen the original manuscript written by Mozart's
G28 162 own hand...**" ^All the same, the next time he conducted the
G28 163 *"Prague**" symphony the theme in question was allegro all right and
G28 164 unmistakably. ^He was in a word, *1{capable de tout}!
G28 165    |^*0Apart from some piano lessons in boyhood he was self-taught.
G28 166 ^He states the contrary in his biography, *"A Mingled Chime,**" where
G28 167 he writes, ^*"In public accounts of my career has frequently appeared
G28 168 the assertion that I am almost entirely self-taught and, beginning as
G28 169 a rank amateur, have attained a professional status with some
G28 170 difficulty after a long and painful novitiate. ^Nothing could be more
G28 171 remote from the truth. ^It is possible that at the age of twenty I
G28 172 might have failed to answer some of the questions in an examination
G28 173 paper set for boys of sixteen in a musical academy; but probably I
G28 174 should fail with equal success to-day; and I venture to say that a
G28 175 tolerable number of my most gifted colleagues would do no better. ^On
G28 176 the other hand, owing to my travels abroad and wider associations with
G28 177 musicians here and there, my miscellaneous fund of information was
G28 178 much more extensive than that of others of my age.**" ^For Sir Thomas,
G28 179 this is positively nai"ve. ^There was music of sorts in his \0St.
G28 180 Helens home; his father practised music *"as a hobby.**" ^Sir Thomas
G28 181 substantially educated himself, as Elgar did, and Ernest Newman and
G28 182 Delius, perhaps the most cultured and influential figures in our
G28 183 music's history since Purcell.
G28 184    |^He came down from Oxford after only a year or so there because,
G28 185 as he explained to me, *"there was no musical life broad and humane
G28 186 enough. ^As for the rest of my studies at Oxford, they were not
G28 187 attractively conducted. ^And I could discover no mind or intelligence
G28 188 among my fellow undergraduates which didn't indicate permanent
G28 189 adolescence. ^In those days, even to-day in fact, the average
G28 190 University-educated Englishman is a case of arrested development,
G28 191 emotionally, aesthetically and sexually.**"
G28 192    |^His own capacity for deep feeling was not often or obviously
G28 193 hinted at in his studied deportment away from the concert platform or
G28 194 desk at the opera. ^He gave unmistakable proof of it in my company
G28 195 only once, during one of the last evenings I spent with him alone a
G28 196 few months after Lady Betty's sudden death.
G28 197 *# 2011
G29   1 **[216 TEXT G29**]
G29   2 *<*4[*=1]*>
G29   3    |^*0Helen Keller was born in 1880 in Alabama. ^Until she was
G29   4 nineteen months old she enjoyed a perfectly normal infancy. ^At the
G29   5 age of six months she amused people by greeting them with ~*"How
G29   6 \2d'ye**", and delighted her proud parents by shouting ~*"*2TEA, TEA,
G29   7 TEA**". ^*0Her face wore smiles for everyone. ^In her cot she wriggled
G29   8 and squirmed and chuckled when anyone spoke to her, and the sight of
G29   9 birds, flowers, butterflies, or the sun glinting through overhanging
G29  10 trees in the summertime, sent her into shrieks of happiness. ^She
G29  11 loved bright objects and pleasant sounds, including that of her own
G29  12 voice. ^She began to walk at the age of twelve months when she
G29  13 unexpectedly slipped down from her mother's lap after she had been
G29  14 lifted out of the morning tub, and ran to catch patterns of sunlight
G29  15 dancing on the bathroom floor. ^She ran until she lost her balance,
G29  16 staggered and fell; but, to her delight, she tumbled right into the
G29  17 focus of the sunbeam.
G29  18    |^At the age of nineteen months, this adorable, fascinating child
G29  19 had a mysterious illness, which they called acute congestion of the
G29  20 stomach and brain, which left her blind, deaf and dumb. ^Without a
G29  21 moment's warning, her bright world was blotted out and she was plunged
G29  22 into a darkness as black and silent as the grave.
G29  23    |^Only by a great and painful effort of the imagination can we
G29  24 begin to understand the next five years in Helen's life. ^Although she
G29  25 says little about it, that terrible period will never be erased from
G29  26 her memory. ^She remembers the dry, hot painfulness of her eyes when
G29  27 she first lost her sight, the agony and bewilderment of waking and
G29  28 being unable to see, of tossing, half-asleep, in pain and fretfulness;
G29  29 the tenderness of her mother's hand trying to soothe her, but the
G29  30 utter desolation of being unable to hear her mother's voice or see her
G29  31 face, and the terrible frustration of being unable to make her wants
G29  32 known. ^The reader should pause and try to enter into the plight of a
G29  33 child of nineteen months suddenly plunged into such a perplexing and
G29  34 frightening situation.
G29  35    |^During the next five years Helen tried times without number to
G29  36 establish some sort of contact with the outside world but all in vain.
G29  37 ^It was like being thrust into the dark, silent, innermost dungeon of
G29  38 a prison with no hope of visitors and no possibility of escape. ^She
G29  39 tried to free herself from the impenetrable silence and darkness which
G29  40 held her captive, but to no effect. ^Her deep frustration often threw
G29  41 her into tempests of passion which, during those five years recurred
G29  42 more and more frequently, until they were convulsing her daily,
G29  43 sometimes hourly, driving her at times almost beside herself. ^And
G29  44 often after such tempests, she would feel her way around the garden to
G29  45 hide her hot face in the flowers she could not see, or creep into her
G29  46 mother's loving arms and sleep from sheer emotional and physical
G29  47 exhaustion.
G29  48    |^One day when she was six years and nine months old, Helen vaguely
G29  49 felt that something unusual was afoot in her home, as though some
G29  50 special visitor was expected. ^During recent weeks her moods had been
G29  51 nearly all anger and bitterness. ^The wordless cry of her soul for
G29  52 human communication, which she could make no one understand, reduced
G29  53 her to a feeling of utter misery and helplessness. ^Of course she did
G29  54 not understand her own condition, or her fundamental frustrations; she
G29  55 felt only her maddening inability to communicate with her parents,
G29  56 while they, on their side, were broken-hearted that they could find no
G29  57 way of talking to their child, no way of getting a single word into
G29  58 Helen's mind or heart.
G29  59    |^But this day, as Helen stood on the steps at the front entrance
G29  60 to their home, she felt the touch of a new hand, and a stranger
G29  61 embraced her.
G29  62    |^It was Anne Sullivan.
G29  63    |^The tremendous debt which Helen and blind people the world round
G29  64 owe to Anne Sullivan is beyond computation. ^For it was Anne who
G29  65 rescued Helen from her world of darkness and misery, and enabled her
G29  66 to bring deliverance to countless fellow sufferers.
G29  67    |^Anne was born in poverty, and her eyes were infected from birth.
G29  68 ^Her mother died when Anne was eight years old, leaving three children
G29  69 who were placed in the workhouse. ^It was here that Anne spent the
G29  70 next four years of her life, being allowed no social contacts save
G29  71 that of fellow paupers. ^One of them told her that blindness entitled
G29  72 her to go to a special school, but no one was interested in the
G29  73 education of a blind pauper child until Anne literally threw herself
G29  74 at the feet of the chairman of the visiting committee and pleaded ^*"I
G29  75 want to go to school.**" ^The plea was heard. ^At fourteen she was
G29  76 sent to the Perkins Institution for Blind Children in Boston. ^While
G29  77 there she had two surgical operations which partially restored her
G29  78 sight. ^She remained in the Perkins Institution for six years, and was
G29  79 still there when the Director received a letter from Helen's parents
G29  80 describing Helen's condition, and asking if he could supply a teacher
G29  81 for her. ^Anne, twenty years of age, was sent.
G29  82    |^Anne arrived at Helen's home with eyes red through overmuch
G29  83 crying on the journey. ^She did not want the job of teaching a girl
G29  84 who was blind, deaf and dumb. ^But she had no other job, and she was
G29  85 without money; economic necessity compelled her to accept this
G29  86 unwanted post.
G29  87    |^But if Anne was despondent on arrival, she very soon forgot
G29  88 herself in her new work. ^From the moment she embraced Helen on the
G29  89 front porch, she devoted all the energy of her mind and body to the
G29  90 service of her stricken charge. ^In complete self-effacement, sweeping
G29  91 all self-pity aside, she gave herself to Helen, working tirelessly to
G29  92 open lines of communications between the imprisoned child and the
G29  93 world of people and nature about her.
G29  94 *<*4[*=2]*>
G29  95    |^*0It was the day after Anne Sullivan's arrival that Helen learned
G29  96 the finger language for the word *"doll**". ^Anne spelt it into her
G29  97 hand very slowly and deliberately, and got Helen to imitate. ^Helen
G29  98 did not know then that *"doll**" was the name of the gift Anne had
G29  99 brought her the day before from the blind children in the Perkins
G29 100 Institution; she thought she was learning some finger game, and played
G29 101 it repeatedly until she could do it correctly. ^Then she felt her way
G29 102 downstairs to show her mother the game. ^Other simple words were
G29 103 taught her in the same manner during the following days*- such words
G29 104 as pin, hat, cup, sit, stand, walk*- but as yet she had no idea what
G29 105 they meant; no inkling that the finger work which spelt *"pin**" was
G29 106 the name of the object, or that fingering which meant sit or stand had
G29 107 any reference to those actions. ^The power of associating word with
G29 108 object or action had not yet awakened in her.
G29 109    |^A whole month passed in this way before Helen began to associate
G29 110 the letters spelt into her hand with objects. ^The association came at
G29 111 the end of a lesson in which Anne had tried to make Helen understand
G29 112 that the word mug meant the object which she held, and water meant
G29 113 that which the mug contained. ^But Helen simply could not understand,
G29 114 and as Anne persisted, she grew annoyed and gave expression to her
G29 115 annoyance by dashing her mug to the floor, smashing it to pieces. ^She
G29 116 felt the broken fragments with her feet, and experienced a measure of
G29 117 relief in doing so. ^The lesson was adjourned and they went out into
G29 118 the sunshine. ^As they passed the well-house someone was drawing
G29 119 water, and Anne placed Helen's hand into the stream pouring from the
G29 120 spout of the pump, and spelt into her other hand the word water,
G29 121 water, water. ^Anne continued to do this, at first slowly and then
G29 122 rapidly, until it suddenly dawned on Helen's mind that water meant the
G29 123 cool something flowing over her hand.
G29 124    |^*"That living word awakened my soul,**" said Helen many years
G29 125 after, *"gave it light, hope, joy, set it free.**" ^She now knew that
G29 126 things had names, and she wanted to learn them all at once. ^*"As we
G29 127 returned to the house every object which I touched seemed to quiver
G29 128 with life. ^That was because I saw everything with the strange new
G29 129 sight that had come to me.**" ^She learned many new words that same
G29 130 day, including mother, father, sister, teacher. ^She felt that she was
G29 131 at last in contact with the outside world.
G29 132    |^She went to bed that night but was too happy to sleep.
G29 133    |^During the following summer Anne took Helen on exploration walks,
G29 134 discovering plants, flowers, and trees; Helen handling them, learning
G29 135 their names, inhaling their scent, feeling them against her hand and
G29 136 her face. ^Sitting in a field on the warm grass Anne described through
G29 137 their sign language the countless things which Helen could not see.
G29 138    |^With the new freedom of that summer Helen took to tree climbing,
G29 139 and loved it. ^But one day Anne left her sitting aloft in the branches
G29 140 of a cherry tree, while she returned to the house to fetch lunch.
G29 141 ^While Anne was away the weather suddenly changed, breaking into a
G29 142 violent thunderstorm. ^Helen tells how she felt the warmth go out of
G29 143 the atmosphere, by which she knew clouds had come over the sun, how
G29 144 she smelt the strange earth odour that precedes thunderstorms. ^She
G29 145 was alone and she felt afraid. ^A sense of absolute isolation gripped
G29 146 her. ^She felt cut off from friends; severed from the firm earth. ^Her
G29 147 terror increased until she was in a state bordering on hysteria.
G29 148    |^*"There was a moment of sinister stillness, and then a
G29 149 multitudinous stirring of the leaves,**" she says. ^*"A shiver ran
G29 150 through the tree, and the wind sent forth a blast that would have
G29 151 knocked me off had I not clung to the branch with might and main. ^The
G29 152 tree swayed and strained. ^The small twigs snapped and fell about me
G29 153 in showers. ^A wild impulse to jump seized me, but terror held me
G29 154 fast. ^I crouched down in the fork of the tree. ^The branches lashed
G29 155 about me. ^I felt the intermittent jarring that came now and then, as
G29 156 if something heavy had fallen and the shock had travelled up till it
G29 157 reached the limb which I sat on. ^It worked my suspense up to the
G29 158 highest point, and just as I was thinking the tree and I should fall
G29 159 together, my teacher seized my hand and helped me down. ^I clung to
G29 160 her, trembling with joy to feel the earth under my feet once more**".
G29 161    |^For some time after this the thought of climbing a tree alarmed
G29 162 her, and she did not fully overcome her fear until the next spring.
G29 163 ^Then as she was sitting alone one morning in the summer house, she
G29 164 became aware of a beautiful fragrance filling the air. ^She recognised
G29 165 it as the scent of the mimosa tree. ^She knew where that mimosa tree
G29 166 stood*- at the end of the garden near the fence at the turn of the
G29 167 path, and she felt her way to it. ^She found it, *"all quivering in
G29 168 the warm sunshine, its blossom-laden branches almost touching the long
G29 169 grass ...
G29 170    |^*"I made my way through a shower of petals to the great trunk,
G29 171 and for one minute stood irresolute; then, putting my foot in the
G29 172 broad space between the forked branches, I pulled myself up into the
G29 173 tree.... ^I had a delicious sense that I was doing something unusual
G29 174 and wonderful, so I kept on climbing higher and higher, until I
G29 175 reached a little seat which somebody had built there so long ago that
G29 176 it had grown part of the tree itself.
G29 177    |^*"I sat there for a long time, feeling like a fairy on a rosy
G29 178 cloud. ^After that I spent many happy hours in my tree of paradise,
G29 179 thinking fair thoughts and dreaming bright dreams.**"
G29 180 *# 2006
G30   1 **[217 TEXT G30**]
G30   2    |^*0On the day of the funeral I had to be awoken at seven {0a.m.}
G30   3 in order to arrive punctually at the church. ^Several streets in the
G30   4 vicinity had been closed by police. ^They feared a repetition of the
G30   5 extravagant scenes that had occurred when Valentino's embalmed body
G30   6 was laid out in full evening dress for the public to visit. ^Thousands
G30   7 had thronged Broadway. ^Children had been separated from their
G30   8 parents, scores of people bruised and trampled. ^Several police
G30   9 charges were made. ^Plate-glass windows were shattered by the pressure
G30  10 of the crowd. ^Finally the mortuary doors had to be closed.
G30  11    |^Fortunately on the morning of the funeral everything was quiet. I
G30  12 arrived safely at The Little Church Around the Corner.
G30  13    |^Ben Lyon was in charge of the ushers. We had little to do as the
G30  14 church filled so quickly.
G30  15    |^At the last minute Pola Negri arrived dressed from head to toe in
G30  16 black. ^She was followed by two florists carrying an enormous blanket
G30  17 of white violets. ^In purple violets was inscribed the message:
G30  18 ^*'With love from Pola.**'
G30  19    |^This tribute was placed upon the coffin, almost hiding it from
G30  20 view. ^The coffin in question was a prodigious, ornate affair of
G30  21 bronze. ^Outweighing its occupant by some 500 \0lb., it had cost
G30  22 $10,000. ^The spectators were upset by the outsize wreath. ^On all
G30  23 sides audible whispers of protest broke out: ^*'We can't see the
G30  24 casket.**'
G30  25    |^The service was beautiful. ^Augmented by the chorus of the
G30  26 Metropolitan Opera Company, the choir was led by the singing of
G30  27 Benjamino Gigli, then at the height of his power.
G30  28    |^Sobs could be heard over the entire church as the eight bearers
G30  29 carried the casket from the altar. ^As they made their way down the
G30  30 aisle, a young girl sprang from her seat, throwing herself in front of
G30  31 them.
G30  32    |^When they were almost at the door, the interruption was
G30  33 repeated*- this time by a little man, prostrating himself with a cry
G30  34 of ~*'I loved him more than anybody.**'
G30  35    |^A pathetic, jarring tribute to Valentino's extraordinary
G30  36 universal popularity.
G30  37    |^As an usher I was unable to sit with my wife. ^As I was slowly
G30  38 making my way out of the church \0Mr Frank Campbell, owner of the
G30  39 famous Campbell's Funeral Parlour which had handled all the
G30  40 arrangements, sent a message asking me to meet him.
G30  41    |^*'Your wife has expressed a desire to see the Gold Room where
G30  42 Valentino lay in state. ^Would you care to accompany us?**'
G30  43    |^By that time having had my fill of flowers, crowds, mourning, and
G30  44 music, I replied rather tersely that that was the last thing I wanted
G30  45 to do.
G30  46    |^*'If Madam wants me for anything important, I shall be lying in
G30  47 state myself*- at the Racquet Club.**'
G30  48    |^I had just finished my third martini when I was summoned to the
G30  49 telephone by \0Mr Campbell.
G30  50    |^*'There has been a most unfortunate accident... regrettable piece
G30  51 of carelessness on the part of my staff*- **'
G30  52    |^*'What happened?**' I interrupted, anxiously.
G30  53    |^*'On throwing open the doors of the Gold Room for your wife,
G30  54 which automatically turned on the lights, we came upon the naked
G30  55 embalmed body of a man lying on the floor. ^He was awaiting the
G30  56 assistant's return from lunch.**'
G30  57    |^Not altogether surprisingly, my wife had fainted.
G30  58    |^\0Mr Campbell wanted to know what I was going to do about the
G30  59 matter? ^I explained that I was hardly in a position to do anything at
G30  60 all.
G30  61    |^*'My wife, you say, is in the Gold Room. ^I am here at the
G30  62 Racquet Club.**'
G30  63    |^Several miles separated us.
G30  64    |^*'Are you still there, Campbell? ^Tell her that when she is well
G30  65 enough to join me, she'll find me patiently waiting for her at the
G30  66 bar.**'
G30  67    |^Though this was not exactly the last we saw of each other, it was
G30  68 a definite prelude to our parting, when Constance decided to go alone
G30  69 to the coast while I returned to Scotland.
G30  70 *<*112*>
G30  71 *<*2THE EMBASSY CLUB VENTURE*>
G30  72 *<*1Our divorce. ^Embassy Club syndicate. ^Luigi, Ralph, Peto. ^Back
G30  73 to America. ^The Tucker car. ^Queen Mary's Dolls' House. ^My father's
G30  74 retirement.*>
G30  75    |^*6T*0HE episode of our marriage was ending, as it were, by mutual
G30  76 agreement, but the statutory requirements of British divorce in that
G30  77 period demanded adultery. ^The evidence I set about supplying. ^This
G30  78 proved more difficult than anticipated. However, my friend Wilfred
G30  79 Egerton assured me it was really no problem at all, despite the lack
G30  80 of a prospective co-respondent.
G30  81    |^*'I've just the girl for the job,**' he said, *'charming and
G30  82 attractive.**'
G30  83    |^The following Saturday afternoon I hired a Daimler with
G30  84 chauffeur, despatching them to the lady's address. ^From there they
G30  85 were to call for me at the club and we would set off for our
G30  86 transitory liaison. ^The car was on time. ^Nimbly I nipped down the
G30  87 steps of White's, only to stop dead in my tracks at a glimpse of the
G30  88 lady. ^No! ^With her it would be quite impossible!
G30  89    |^Taking a deep breath and summoning my politest manner, I opened
G30  90 the car door, explaining that I was unavoidably detained. ^Would she
G30  91 mind returning in about a quarter of an hour?
G30  92    |^Dashing back into the Club, I searched out Rod Wanamaker, who
G30  93 fortunately was there at the time. ^Explaining that Wilfred had landed
G30  94 me with a woman of whom I could not stand even the sight, I begged Rod
G30  95 to come as well.
G30  96    |^*'I can't bear it alone!**'
G30  97    |^He responded to my cry for help. ^The pair of us spent the night
G30  98 in our sitting-room playing backgammon while the lady languished alone
G30  99 next door. ^For the purpose of evidence I put in a pyjamaed appearance
G30 100 at breakfast, when the waiter took due notice. ^Leaving an adequate
G30 101 sum on the sitting-room mantelpiece plus a railway ticket for her
G30 102 return to London, Rod and I caught the next train back to town.
G30 103    |^Wilfred told me of the lady's subsequent comments over the
G30 104 telephone. ^She asked why she had been sent on the trip at all.
G30 105    |^*'I don't think your friend Mackintosh knows a woman when he sees
G30 106 one. ^Him and his boy-friend, they ought to be locked up!**'
G30 107    |^That being as it were that, it is not necessary here for me to
G30 108 say anything further, except that the divorce went through and my
G30 109 marriage to Constance ended without rancour upon either side. ^Indeed,
G30 110 we have remained very good friends. ^She is still very much alive and
G30 111 married to Walter Giblin, living in New York.
G30 112    |^Probably I was too much of an individualist to make a success as
G30 113 a star's husband. ^Whatever the reasons, which after all concerned
G30 114 only ourselves, it was a romantic experience I shall never regret...
G30 115 ^Being once more footloose and fancy free in London, I began to search
G30 116 round for a fresh interest. ^This was to be the Embassy Club.
G30 117    |^There will never again be a club like it. ^It was a Bond Street
G30 118 annexe to Ascot's Royal Enclosure, as famous in its day as the *'21**'
G30 119 club in New York, {*'Le Jardin de Ma Soeur**'} in Paris, and the
G30 120 Everglade's in Palm Beach.
G30 121    |^In one way or another the Embassy featured in all my old friend
G30 122 Michael Arlen's earlier novels. ^When his famous *1The Green Hat
G30 123 *0appeared, at one single lunchtime at the Embassy there were no less
G30 124 than five ladies in {*1Chapeaux Verts}, *0doubtless anxious to be
G30 125 believed the inspiration of *'Iris Fenwick**'. ^Quite as successful as
G30 126 the book was the play of the same title which opened on September 2nd,
G30 127 1925, starring Tallulah Bankhead.
G30 128    |^Though the Embassy was open for lunch it was usually described as
G30 129 a night-club. ^Unlike its forerunners it was eminently respectable.
G30 130 ^Of course there were ladies whose reputations may have disturbed
G30 131 certain matrons, but the said ladies had an elegance which added
G30 132 lustre to the establishment.
G30 133    |^How did I come to be connected with the Embassy Club?
G30 134    |^One Bob Hornby suggested Wilfred Egerton, myself, and some others
G30 135 taking over the 400 Club in Bond Street. ^It was being run by Arthur
G30 136 Kelly, Charles Chaplin's London agent, who was finding the two
G30 137 assignments over-much for one man.
G30 138    |^Accordingly we formed a syndicate to buy the place, decorating it
G30 139 in conservative style. ^Admission price was low; so was the annual
G30 140 subscription. ^Success became instantaneous.
G30 141    |^We renamed it the Embassy to suggest luxury. ^A great asset was
G30 142 that one went from the street straight into the restaurant with its
G30 143 dance floor, surrounded by comfortable banquette tables. ^The bar
G30 144 downstairs was always crowded.
G30 145    |^The real success of the place was due to the {6*1mai*?5tre
G30 146 d'hotel}, *0Luigi Naintre. ^He had long been in charge of Romano's
G30 147 and the Criterion. ^He came as managing director, our largest
G30 148 shareholder. ^He was far more than just a restaurant manager; he was
G30 149 an ambassador, a man of astonishing ability and tact.
G30 150    |^Another notable feature was the music provided by Ambrose, who
G30 151 was at the height of his fame.
G30 152    |^From the prestige angle the Club was helped by the frequent
G30 153 visits of the Prince of Wales and his brothers, the Dukes of York and
G30 154 Kent. ^It was, I think, the first night-club to be frequented by
G30 155 Royalty.
G30 156    |^We had a subsidiary company called the Embassy Wine and Spirit
G30 157 Company, supplying both the club and the public. ^Luigi's aptitude may
G30 158 best be illustrated by the following anecdote. ^I was dining in the
G30 159 club when Lord Sefton and his son, Hugh, came in and sat at the
G30 160 opposite end of the room. ^Luigi talked to them while taking their
G30 161 order for dinner.
G30 162    |^When he came back to my table he said: ^*'You will be glad to
G30 163 hear that I have just sold *+10,000 worth of champagne to His
G30 164 Lordship.**'
G30 165    |^How indefatigable Luigi was! ^He would leave for home at two in
G30 166 the morning, rise again at five, in order to go to market and choose
G30 167 everything himself. ^Twelve-thirty would find him back at the club,
G30 168 suave, debonair, ready for the busy lunchtime session.
G30 169    |^Embassy shareholders made a hundred per cent annual profit over a
G30 170 period of some five years. ^We only sold out when compelled to do so
G30 171 by Luigi's death. ^This was an occasion of great sorrow for us. ^His
G30 172 was an impressive funeral at \0St Anne's, Soho. ^Thousands from every
G30 173 sphere of life attended, and five Daimlers were required to carry the
G30 174 flowers from the church to the cemetery.
G30 175    |^Our club chef had a particular reputation for the way in which he
G30 176 cooked \*1Gefu"lter *0fish*- a Jewish dish, mixture of chopped
G30 177 whiting, herring, halibut, cod, and mackerel, mixed with egg and
G30 178 breadcrumbs. ^So much did one American, Jefferson Cohn, appreciate
G30 179 this dish that when he was over in Paris he would have \*1Gefu"lter
G30 180 *0fish flown over to him every Saturday!
G30 181    |^Before finishing with the Embassy Club let me say a few words
G30 182 about one of our most eccentric members, Ralph Peto. ^He came in one
G30 183 morning before lunch with a polo boot on one foot and a slipper on the
G30 184 other. ^Had he been unable to make up his sartorial mind or merely
G30 185 forgotten to put on the second boot?
G30 186    |^He talked to a horse-coper in the club bar. ^Ralph Peto owed the
G30 187 man *+5000 already and was abusively demanding an additional *+500.
G30 188 ^His language was not merely explosive, it was obscene. ^Wilfred
G30 189 Egerton rebuked him mildly:
G30 190    |^*'Please, Ralph, don't talk like that. ^I can't bear dirt.**'
G30 191    |^Ralph bowed and apologized, only to come out with an appallingly
G30 192 personal comment that so scared its recipient, a young lady, that she
G30 193 left her cocktail untouched.
G30 194    |^It is recorded also that in some outburst of domestic tension
G30 195 Ralph burned all his mother-in-law's clothes in the middle of
G30 196 Manchester Square garden. ^Another time when an invitation to dinner
G30 197 with the Princess Polignac at her palace in Venice was not
G30 198 forthcoming, he jumped into a gondola. ^While the gondolier was
G30 199 delivering Ralph's letter of indignation, Ralph went to the Princess's
G30 200 kitchen, dismembered the stove with a coal-hammer and threw the dinner
G30 201 into the Grand Canal.
G30 202    |
G30 203    |^The Embassy Club was by no means my sole adventure in property
G30 204 dealings. ^Always they have fascinated me. ^I longed, for instance, to
G30 205 buy the Ritz Hotel.
G30 206 *# 2008
G31   1 **[218 TEXT G31**]
G31   2    |^*0Travellers from abroad and incoming mail set gossip
G31   3 circulating. ^The stories gained in effect from the surrounding
G31   4 secrecy. ^Correspondents wrote home to ask why the lurid reports were
G31   5 not being officially denied and disposed of.
G31   6    |^It was not long before all Mayfair was gossiping. ^In every club
G31   7 there was an indignant member spluttering against the indignity done
G31   8 to the Crown. ^It was an outrage. ^And who was this \0Mrs. Simpson,
G31   9 anyhow?
G31  10    |^On their way back to England the King and she paused in Vienna
G31  11 for some pleasant hours of dancing. ^The reporters were still
G31  12 following. ^The headline told the tale*- ^*'Edward rumbas with
G31  13 Wally**'.
G31  14    |^In Paris \0Mrs. Simpson saw for the first time a few examples of
G31  15 what folks were reading about her back home in the States. ^She was
G31  16 aghast. ^She telephoned *'her alarm**' to London. ^The King was
G31  17 comforting*- he had been through all this publicity himself before; it
G31  18 would wear itself out. ^He pointed reassuringly to the silence of the
G31  19 British press.
G31  20    |^Nevertheless as he sat down to dinner with his mother at
G31  21 Buckingham Palace, he wondered how much Queen Mary was aware of what
G31  22 America was saying. ^She gave no indication that anything out of the
G31  23 ordinary had reached her. ^In tones of polite enquiry she asked about
G31  24 his holiday.
G31  25    |^*'Didn't you find it terribly warm in the Adriatic,**' she
G31  26 innocently enquired.
G31  27    |^She was, of course, fully informed and highly indignant about the
G31  28 publicity her son's association was causing. ^But her reserve remained
G31  29 unbroken and another occasion for a confidential talk between mother
G31  30 and son went by, the opportunity lost.
G31  31    |^The King had missed the Twelfth and the grouse, but he
G31  32 sufficiently conformed with custom to spend the last two weeks of
G31  33 September in the Highlands. ^His house-party was not formed of members
G31  34 such as had been gathered about them by Queen Victoria or King George
G31  35 *=5. ^Statesmen were conspicuously absent*- \0Mrs. Simpson
G31  36 conspicuously present.
G31  37    |^Her arrival was the occasion for growing feeling against the King
G31  38 in circumstances in which he was not at fault. ^It chanced that the
G31  39 day she reached Aberdeen station was also the occasion for the opening
G31  40 of Aberdeen's Royal Infirmary. ^While the King was driving across from
G31  41 Balmoral to meet her, his brother, the Duke of York was performing the
G31  42 opening ceremony at the hospital. ^Earlier in the year the King had
G31  43 decided that because of court mourning he could not perform the
G31  44 ceremony in person and had asked his brother to deputize. ^These facts
G31  45 were not known to the Aberdonians and there was an outcry that His
G31  46 Majesty should have neglected the hospital so that he might be free to
G31  47 meet his guest. ^It was a baseless charge, but it was spread around
G31  48 and gained wide acceptance before the truth caught up with rumour and
G31  49 scotched it. ^By that time harm had been done to King Edward's
G31  50 reputation amongst his Scottish subjects.
G31  51    |^There were happy days amongst the heather and in the evenings the
G31  52 King in his kilt played the laird in his castle. \0Mrs. Simpson was
G31  53 fascinated, enjoying every moment. ^But the King's brothers in their
G31  54 Scottish retreats nearby felt themselves neglected, shut out of his
G31  55 confidence. ^Bertie (Duke of York) in particular, considered himself
G31  56 *'to have lost a friend (in his father) and to be rapidly losing one
G31  57 in his brother**'.
G31  58    |^As September ran out the royal guests departed, leaving Balmoral
G31  59 to the grouse and the deer. ^The King turned south to face the future
G31  60 and its complications. ^He came back to a London that was agog with
G31  61 gossip and concern over the wretched reports from the United States.
G31  62    |^By that date it was \0Mrs. Simpson all the way in every American
G31  63 paper, headlines, story and pictures. ^*'Palace Car at Wally's
G31  64 Disposal**', *'King Chooses Clothes To Match With Wallis**'*- there
G31  65 was no aspect of life untouched. ^Imaginations made good when facts
G31  66 ran out. ^One paper scurrilously described how Edward was neglecting a
G31  67 bereaved mother to dance attendance on Wally. ^Another told how
G31  68 Premier Baldwin sent for the Monarch to lecture him on his carryings
G31  69 on.
G31  70    |^British residents were sorely tried by the daily barrage of the
G31  71 news-hounds. ^It was disconcerting enough to learn that their
G31  72 Sovereign was in love with an American lady already twice married.
G31  73 ^The accompanying scurrilities made the plain fact odious. ^In Canada
G31  74 there was dismay at what was reported across the border. ^In their
G31  75 concern writers discharged their indignation in letters home to King,
G31  76 Prime Minister or Archbishop*- indeed to any person with influence on
G31  77 affairs*- Ministers of the Crown, Bishops, {0M.P.}s, parsons,
G31  78 editors. ^The inevitable effect was to raise opinion against the
G31  79 author of these mischiefs. ^How could he expose himself, his Crown and
G31  80 his Country to ridicule and contempt? ^Of course the worst of the
G31  81 reports were exaggerations and inventions, but, they were a scandal
G31  82 arising from the same source. ^The captain was letting down the side.
G31  83    |^There can be no exaggerating the effect produced. ^Long enough
G31  84 before the crisis broke the king's position had been undermined
G31  85 amongst the pillars of the establishment.
G31  86    |^Much of the scandal had flowed from the *1Nahlin *0cruise and
G31  87 once again one thinks of the prudent man who would have foregone the
G31  88 hours of pleasure afloat to promote his prospects in the future.
G31  89 ^Instead, a prolonged stay in the Highlands, at home amongst the
G31  90 family and *'his \2ain folk**', might have helped him towards
G31  91 realizing his hopes. ^He could have used the time to entertain and
G31  92 captivate members of his Cabinet. ^He related afterwards, almost with
G31  93 self-approbation, that he had of design omitted to invite the
G31  94 succession of Ministers, Bishops, Admirals and Generals who had filled
G31  95 the Balmoral guest list since Queen Victoria's time. ^But a prudent
G31  96 king would have seen the benefit to himself in bringing the softening
G31  97 influence of hospitality to bear upon those forming the pillars of his
G31  98 throne.
G31  99    |^Meanwhile, \0Mrs. Simpson prepared herself for the hearing of her
G31 100 suit for divorce. ^By a device common enough at the time by those
G31 101 seeking to avoid the publicity of a London hearing, it was arranged
G31 102 for the petition to be filed for the Suffolk Assizes. ^To this end the
G31 103 petitioner had to acquire a residential qualification, and so \0Mrs.
G31 104 Simpson moved into a house she had taken by the sea at Felixstowe. ^So
G31 105 effective had been the silence of the British press that the townsfolk
G31 106 remained completely unaware of the presence of a notability in their
G31 107 midst, who across the Atlantic was hailed as the most talked-of woman
G31 108 in the world. ^Felixstowe had scarcely heard of \0Mrs. Simpson and
G31 109 certainly did not recognize her when she passed down the street of a
G31 110 morning to buy her paper. ^When she walked by the sea she *'might as
G31 111 well have been in Tasmania**' for all the notice that was taken. ^A
G31 112 little while was to pass and she would be looking with envy on those
G31 113 tranquil days of her obscurity.
G31 114    |^At last the date was fixed for the court hearing*- October 27.
G31 115 ^It acted as a goad on the various interested persons. ^After weeks of
G31 116 inaction something, at last, must needs be done.
G31 117 *<*59*>
G31 118 *<\0*6MR. BALDWIN CALLS*>
G31 119 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G31 120    |^*2YORK: *1Vex not yourselves, nor strive with your breath,
G31 121    |For all in vain comes counsel to his ear.
G31 122 **[END QUOTE**]
G31 123    |^*4T*2HE *0King's Matter*- how convenient the phrase*- now
G31 124 occupied the attention of the pillars of the establishment. ^Hitherto
G31 125 it had been the King's emotional complication and his own concern.
G31 126 ^With divorce impending there were graver implications.
G31 127    |^The Archbishop of Canterbury contemplated the possibilities and
G31 128 was dismayed. ^Divorce spelled the possibility of marriage, and the
G31 129 wife of a king became a queen. ^Would he, the Primate of all England,
G31 130 be faced with the ultimate harrowing possibility of officiating at the
G31 131 coronation of a sovereign married to a woman with two previous
G31 132 husbands? ^Thus to participate would mean a surrender of the Church's
G31 133 principles on one of the cardinal points of its teaching. ^It was
G31 134 unthinkable, but it seemed it might come to pass. ^What was his duty
G31 135 as Primate? ^He concluded that for the present the wiser course was to
G31 136 take no action. ^But would not the Government intervene?
G31 137    |^Ministers of the Crown began to look with distaste at the
G31 138 contents of their postbags. ^Every delivery added to the letters from
G31 139 correspondents anxious about the King's reputation. ^There was the
G31 140 generally expressed opinion that something ought to be done, something
G31 141 of course by the Government. ^The plaguy divorce suit would add a new
G31 142 urgency to the letters and the need for action.
G31 143    |^Queen Mary viewed the possibilities with her sharp, clear vision
G31 144 unclouded by the concern and anger she felt. ^She had given no
G31 145 expression to her feelings when she met her son*- there was always the
G31 146 chance his affections might cool. ^But divorce*- she grew indignant at
G31 147 the thought of what might be contemplated. ^That a woman with two
G31 148 husbands alive should become the wife and consort of her son the King,
G31 149 was out of the question. ^Action was essential before the divorce case
G31 150 came up for hearing and she urged that the Government should take it.
G31 151 ^Characteristically she placed what she considered to be her
G31 152 obligations to the British Monarchy before her affection for her son.
G31 153    |^So \0Mr. Baldwin took the front of the stage, which he was to
G31 154 share with the King, others, in the background, till the play was
G31 155 done, for, as His Majesty phrased it, they were to settle the matter
G31 156 alone.
G31 157    |^It is the King who serves as ceremonial figure-head for his
G31 158 country. ^It falls to his Prime Minister to speak on behalf of
G31 159 England. ^Not long afterwards another man was to speak for England in
G31 160 another mood in the voice of Winston Churchill giving the lion's roar,
G31 161 voicing the might and power of the British Commonwealth. ^Stanley
G31 162 Baldwin in his wistful musings pictured another England*- a country of
G31 163 hill and valley and meadowlands, the rolling Cotswolds*- and the
G31 164 silver serpentining Severn, of the perfection of England seen from the
G31 165 Malvern heights looking towards the Marches of Wales, an England of
G31 166 quiet country-folk, pipe-smoking farmers, decent townspeople and
G31 167 factories where old men could sit about on barrows. ^These quiet
G31 168 scenes showed him the England that he loved, but for all his wistful
G31 169 brooding Stanley Baldwin, by some curious twist of character, was as
G31 170 shrewd a politician as ever reached Ten Downing Street.
G31 171    |^He drew his strength, perhaps, from his understanding of the
G31 172 English folk of his brooding, not only the yeomen and the squires, but
G31 173 also those sent to Westminster to represent their fellows. ^It was his
G31 174 boast that his worst enemy would not say of him that ~*'I did not know
G31 175 what the reaction of the English people would be to any course of
G31 176 action**'. ^No man was more sensitive than he to the changing moods of
G31 177 the House of Commons. ^Of late he had gone astray over the carve-up of
G31 178 Abyssinia and his health was failing, indeed, he had continued in
G31 179 office only to see the new King established, for he shared the doubts
G31 180 of those who questioned whether Edward would rise above the handicaps
G31 181 of his character and his upbringing.
G31 182    |^For the weeks, whilst the House was up, Baldwin had complied with
G31 183 his doctor's orders, for absolute rest. ^He returned to Number Ten to
G31 184 face the problem of the King's future. ^\0Mrs. Simpson, divorce,
G31 185 marriage*- the sequence seemed to point to one inevitable conclusion
G31 186 and a decree granted in October, he noted would become absolute about
G31 187 the date of the Coronation in May.
G31 188    |^Queen Mary was pressing for intervention*- but what was a Prime
G31 189 Minister empowered to do? ^A king could regulate the marriage of his
G31 190 children but the Statute Book makes no provision for regulating the
G31 191 marriage of a king. ^No one had ever thought of defining the
G31 192 eligibility of women to be queen. ^Nor was there precedent to fall
G31 193 back on, for no Premier had ever faced this problem before.
G31 194    |^He shared Queen Mary's repugnance, but as to thinking the King's
G31 195 marriage out of the question*- there he disagreed. ^All his
G31 196 information pointed to the contrary conclusion.
G31 197 *# 2015
G32   1 **[219 TEXT G32**]
G32   2    |^*0No better way of doing this can be found than through the
G32   3 medium of his autobiography, *1 The Course of My Life, *0written
G32   4 during the last months of his life when he had reached the age of
G32   5 sixty-one and was able to survey, with the peculiar clarity that
G32   6 sometimes comes with age, his early years, the gradual development of
G32   7 his own powers and the varied influences that came to him through the
G32   8 many friends into whose orbits he was attracted.
G32   9    |^The warmth of his nature and his lively interest in his fellow
G32  10 human beings is apparent in all his descriptions of the men and women
G32  11 that he met*- whether in the charmed circles of the literary world of
G32  12 Vienna in the 'eighties, or in the near-Utopian cultural climate of
G32  13 Weimar, where he worked in the Goethe Institute, or in the rough and
G32  14 tumble of journalistic life in Berlin, where he edited the {*1Magazin
G32  15 fu"r Literatur.} ^*0He did not find agreement in opinion a necessary
G32  16 condition for friendship: ^*"I loved the many-sidedness of life**", he
G32  17 said.
G32  18    |^The book was never finished, for his illness and death intervened
G32  19 while he was in the course of writing it. ^But it carries his story to
G32  20 the early years of this century and gives a comprehensive picture of
G32  21 all that led up to his life-work.
G32  22    |^Rudolf Steiner was born at the little village of Kraljevec in
G32  23 Southern Austria on the border between Hungary and Croatia. ^His
G32  24 parents both belonged to the Lower Austrian forest region, north of
G32  25 the Danube, and in the small town of Geras his father had passed his
G32  26 childhood and youth in close association with the seminary of the
G32  27 Premonstratensian Order, where he was instructed by the monks. ^Later
G32  28 he became a gamekeeper to Count Hoyos on his estate at Horn but on his
G32  29 marriage changed this occupation and took the job of telegraphist on
G32  30 the Southern Austrian Railway. ^He remained a countryman at heart and
G32  31 the new work was uncongenial but he was soon promoted to be
G32  32 Station-master of Pottschach in Lower Austria. ^At this little railway
G32  33 station, with the magnificent scenery of the Styrian Alps before him,
G32  34 Rudolf Steiner spent the formative years from two to eight. ^He was
G32  35 much absorbed, as any other small boy would be, in the daily business
G32  36 of the railway. ^His father taught him his letters and his own
G32  37 insatiable curiosity about the world and its ways taught him many
G32  38 other things, such as the complete process of milling which he learnt
G32  39 from constant visits to the local mill. ^But there were many problems
G32  40 that exercised his active mind. ^*"I was filled with questions**", he
G32  41 says, *"and I had to carry these questions about with me unanswered.
G32  42 ^It was thus that I reached my eighth year**".
G32  43    |^During this year the family moved to Neudorff in Hungary, and
G32  44 here they remained until Rudolf Steiner was seventeen. ^The Alps were
G32  45 now visible only in the distance but near at hand were mountains
G32  46 easier to climb and great forests where the peasants gathered wood.
G32  47 ^With his parents, his sister and his brother, Rudolf walked and
G32  48 climbed, bringing back wild fruits for supper. ^But he preferred to
G32  49 walk alone, and to talk to the peasants that he met. ^With them, he
G32  50 took part every year in the vintage and with their children he went to
G32  51 the village school.
G32  52    |^It was through the assistant master at this school that the first
G32  53 great event of his life took place*- an event that, he believed,
G32  54 influenced the whole course of his development and of his future work;
G32  55 it was the discovery, in his teacher's room, of a text book on
G32  56 geometry. ^He was allowed to borrow it and through it he felt the
G32  57 deepest satisfaction he had yet known, for by this science he found
G32  58 justification for his own assumption that the reality of the unseen
G32  59 world is as certain a fact as the reality of the physical world. ^It
G32  60 seemed to him to be a form of knowledge which man appeared to have
G32  61 produced but which had a significance quite independent of man. ^He
G32  62 had found unaided something that gave confirmation of the *"unseen**"
G32  63 world, a world of which he had been aware even before his eighth year
G32  64 and in which he longed to live. ^Had not the seen received light from
G32  65 the unseen he would, he said, have been forced to feel the physical
G32  66 world as if it were a kind of darkness around him.
G32  67    |^Another outstanding event that took place in his tenth year, and
G32  68 that was to bear fruit in later life, was his introduction, through
G32  69 the local priest, to the system of Copernicus. ^Astronomy became as
G32  70 absorbing a study to him as the mechanism of the railway had once
G32  71 been. ^He had now formed an attachment to the priest and also to the
G32  72 Church, where he was a server and a chorister. ^He entered into his
G32  73 duties with sensitive participation, and found in the sonorous beauty
G32  74 of the Latin liturgy *"a vital happiness**". ^It was to him a means of
G32  75 mediation between his two worlds. ^But it was not a soporific, for
G32  76 through the music and in contemplation of the ritual he saw the riddle
G32  77 of existence rising before him in *"powerful and suggestive
G32  78 fashion**". ^He makes the rather sad little comment that in the matter
G32  79 of this early religious experience he was *"a stranger in his father's
G32  80 house**", for his father had temporarily shed his piety and become a
G32  81 *"free-thinker**".
G32  82    |^Rudolf Steiner's home could offer him no cultural background.
G32  83 ^His father, a warm-hearted, quick-tempered, gregarious man felt no
G32  84 need for books and loved nothing better than a political argument with
G32  85 the local worthies under the lime trees on a summer evening, with the
G32  86 mother, a good Hausfrau, sitting beside him with her knitting and the
G32  87 children playing around. ^Rudolf Steiner was indebted to the local
G32  88 doctor for his introduction to German literature. ^Pacing up and down
G32  89 beside the station, the tall, enthusiastic doctor opened up a new
G32  90 world to the eager little boy. ^For the first time he heard of Goethe,
G32  91 with whose conception of nature his own future was to be so closely
G32  92 linked, and of Schiller, from whose letters a few sentences were to
G32  93 wake the train of thought that led him to the perception that man has
G32  94 the possibility of changing his state of consciousness.
G32  95    |^The doctor's literary influence happily continued when the boy
G32  96 was sent to the Realschule in Wiener-Neustadt, a secondary school
G32  97 where prominence was given to science and modern languages. ^This
G32  98 school was chosen because the father had determined that his promising
G32  99 son should become a civil engineer. ^The boy himself was indifferent
G32 100 as to what school he attended provided he could get some satisfactory
G32 101 answers to the vital questions he bore within him on *"life and the
G32 102 world and the soul**". ^Rudolf Steiner devotes a chapter of his book
G32 103 to this period of his school-days and it is evident that his powers of
G32 104 thought were far in advance of those of the average boy, and that the
G32 105 scientific method of approach to the problems of existence*- an
G32 106 approach which later he came to regard as essential for modern man*-
G32 107 was his by natural proclivity.
G32 108    |^When he was barely eleven he read a paper published by his
G32 109 head-master on *"Attraction Considered as an Effect of Motion**".
G32 110 ^Though he understood but little of it, for it began with higher
G32 111 mathematics, he derived sufficient meaning from certain passages to
G32 112 build a bridge between it and what he had learnt from the priest of
G32 113 Neudorff on the creation of the world. ^He then saved his pocket money
G32 114 until he could buy a book by the same author on *1The General Motion
G32 115 of Matter as the Fundamental Cause of All the Phenomena of Nature.
G32 116 ^*0The study of these two works, combined with his studies in
G32 117 mathematics and physics, took him through his third and fourth year
G32 118 and finally brought him to the conclusion that he must go to nature in
G32 119 order to win a standing place in the spiritual world. ^This spiritual
G32 120 world he consciously perceived lying before him. ^Further, he said to
G32 121 himself: ^*"One can take the right attitude towards the experience of
G32 122 the spiritual world by one's own soul only when the process of
G32 123 thinking has reached such a form that it can attain to the reality of
G32 124 being which is in natural phenomena**".
G32 125    |^He then discovered Kant. ^He had never heard of him but saw the
G32 126 *1Critique of Pure Reason *0in a shop window and could not rest until
G32 127 he had bought it, for he longed to know what the human reason could
G32 128 achieve in gaining genuine insight into what he called *"the being of
G32 129 things**". ^*"How does one pass**", he asked himself, *"from simple
G32 130 clear-cut perceptions to concepts in regard to natural phenomena?**"
G32 131 ^Sometimes he would read one page of the *1Critique *0twenty times
G32 132 over in order to arrive at a definite decision as to the relation
G32 133 sustained by human thought to the creative work of nature. ^But he
G32 134 made no advance through Kant. ^The study was by no means valueless,
G32 135 however, for he was already subjecting himself to that severe
G32 136 discipline in thinking that was sustained throughout his life and
G32 137 which he demanded of his pupils. ^He wished so to construct thought
G32 138 within himself that every thought could be objectively surveyed,
G32 139 without any identification with feeling. ^Thus he was no mystic.
G32 140    |^From his earlier emotional reaction to the beauty of the liturgy
G32 141 he now tried to establish within himself a harmony between objective
G32 142 thinking and the dogma and symbolism of religion. ^This attempt, he
G32 143 said, in no way diminished his reverence and devotion. ^His relation
G32 144 to the teachings of religion was determined, he states, *"by the fact
G32 145 that to me the spiritual world counted among the objects of human
G32 146 perception. ^The very reason why these teachings penetrated so deeply
G32 147 into my mind was that in them I realized how the human spirit can find
G32 148 its way consciously into the supersensible**". ^It was a natural
G32 149 result to arrive at the question: *"to what extent is it possible to
G32 150 prove that in human thinking real spirit is the agent?**" ^And,
G32 151 furthermore, to debate from this basis the possible scope of human
G32 152 thinking. ^With these problems uppermost in his mind Rudolf Steiner
G32 153 entered the Technische Hochschule in Vienna, and at once proceeded to
G32 154 buy a large number of books on philosophy. ^He had now decided to
G32 155 become a teacher, and had already done a certain amount of coaching.
G32 156 ^He enrolled for mathematics, natural history and chemistry, and was
G32 157 fortunate in having as his lecturer in physics Edmond Reitlinger, the
G32 158 author of {*1Freie Blicke}. ^*0He could not accept the prevailing
G32 159 mechanical theory of heat nor the wave theory of light, and through
G32 160 them was driven to a study of theories of cognition. ^The Darwinian
G32 161 theory of evolution seemed to him fruitful in so far as the higher
G32 162 organisms derive from the lower, but to reconcile this idea with what
G32 163 he knew of the spiritual world was immeasurably difficult, for he
G32 164 conceived of the *"inner man**" as dipping down from the spiritual
G32 165 world and uniting with the organism in order to perceive and to act in
G32 166 the physical world.
G32 167    |^He had now come to realize, through his own struggles to win
G32 168 concepts in natural science, that the activity of the human ego must
G32 169 be the sole starting point for arriving at true knowledge. ^Previously
G32 170 he had worked from the opposite premise, first observing the phenomena
G32 171 of nature in order to derive from them a concept of the ego. ^Now he
G32 172 saw that he must penetrate nature's process of *"becoming**" from the
G32 173 activity of the ego. ^He was now about nineteen, an age when the sense
G32 174 of the ego begins to assert itself more fully, and from this time
G32 175 onwards he was gradually to expand his understanding of the spiritual
G32 176 and the eternal nature of man's ego and its relation to the evolution
G32 177 of his consciousness.
G32 178 *# 2001
G33   1 **[220 TEXT G33**]
G33   2 ^*0It came as a gift, generously and unexpectedly. ^The sun slanting
G33   3 across the valley lent a liquid softness to the depths below us. ^We
G33   4 might have been looking into an unruffled lake, 2,000 feet of clear
G33   5 water. ^A mile distant, where the valley dropped away, the Esera made
G33   6 an elbow turn to the south, thus giving the valley-head its secrecy.
G33   7 ^As so rarely happens in nature, we looked on a work of art. ^The very
G33   8 perfection was strange; such things do not normally come about. ^We
G33   9 felt for the first time that unreality, that sense of a landscape
G33  10 under spell, which travellers have repeatedly noted in these Pyrenees.
G33  11    |^An alpine valley would have been groomed and put to use,
G33  12 beautiful in a different way: pastures subdivided into toy-like
G33  13 rectangles and rhomboids, tousled mops of hay drying on ash poles,
G33  14 ruminating cattle, brown chalets. ^Here there seemed no sign of life
G33  15 or husbandry, until our muleteer indicated, among the boulders on the
G33  16 opposing mountain-side, the hut to which Don Miguel had secured the
G33  17 key, and drew our attention to a curious brown blotch on the pastures
G33  18 below. ^*"Mares,**" he said.
G33  19    |^We descended knee-deep through feathery grasses. ^They parted
G33  20 easily and we walked, scattering myriads of grass seeds, as through
G33  21 green foam. ^There were Turk's head lilies and patches of iris,
G33  22 islands of brilliant blue set capriciously in the green sea. ^Quail,
G33  23 unusual at such altitude, flushed at our feet but their straight
G33  24 brusque flight, as always, lacked determination and they collapsed
G33  25 into the grass fifty yards away. ^We were silent. ^One talks in a hut
G33  26 or by a fire in the open, but not much when walking or climbing: one
G33  27 is either too preoccupied, or too happy. ^Going down to the Val
G33  28 \d'Esera we were happy.
G33  29    |^Approaching the valley bottom we remarked that the hundreds of
G33  30 horses pasturing there did not stray. ^The brown blotch they made
G33  31 extended no more than a quarter-mile, as though they were confined
G33  32 within this area by a mysterious social tie. ^They varied from cream
G33  33 to black and these colours were seen against sward, the curve of each
G33  34 back outlined against the green. ^They were not mere quadrupeds, for
G33  35 they had the presence of the animals that obsessed Piero \di Cosimo.
G33  36 ^Though sharing with the valley the permanence of art*- and here again
G33  37 was strangeness*- they seemed to wheel in continual movement about an
G33  38 invisible centre. ^This was the more surprising for when one looked
G33  39 closely, narrowing vision to ten square yards, one detected only a
G33  40 shaken mane, a lifted hoof, an occasional arbitrary turn. ^Our route
G33  41 brought us to the fringes of the herd and, as we threaded our way
G33  42 among them, I was glad that they disregarded us. ^They had grown
G33  43 larger, as landowners do on their own estates, and we seemed to reach
G33  44 only their withers. ^They were the aborigines of the valley, the
G33  45 proper owners, and intruding on their gathering we were lucky not to
G33  46 be challenged in an unknown language. ^We trod delicately among the
G33  47 cropping beasts, who so generously ignored us. ^They had, we found, a
G33  48 herdsman; that he, in his rags and with domed mud-hovel, could perform
G33  49 some useful office for these noble creatures seemed improbable. ^Here
G33  50 at the headwaters of the Esera to be human was a disadvantage. ^Less
G33  51 confident than his herd, the man jumped to his feet and held a great
G33  52 staff like a barrier towards us. ^We spoke from a distance and he was
G33  53 still watching uncertainly (though of the herd not a head was lifted)
G33  54 as we moved from the soft nap of the valley to the boulder-strewn
G33  55 slopes of the Aneto. ^In half an hour we had reached the hut.
G33  56    |^There is pleasure in an untenanted hut; in disposing one's gear
G33  57 methodically; in finding employment for hook, table, and bench,
G33  58 perhaps long unused; in starting a fire and creating warmth. ^The
G33  59 process offers the satisfaction of moving into a new house, but is
G33  60 accomplished in an hour. ^It is a satisfaction rarely to be enjoyed in
G33  61 the Spanish Pyrenees. ^We little realised that we slept that night in
G33  62 comfort such as existed nowhere else in Aragon at 7,000 feet. ^In an
G33  63 area which knew little of climbing history, of guides, guide-books, or
G33  64 huts, the Aneto and the Rencluse Hut were exceptional. ^As the highest
G33  65 point of the Pyrenees, the Aneto had been attempted in the eighteenth
G33  66 century. ^It had been climbed in 1842 and, though lying well in
G33  67 Spanish territory, had for decades been a popular ascent. ^The logical
G33  68 approach was from Luchon; the frontier was crossed, and the Esera
G33  69 gained, by a dramatic notch in the watershed, the Port \de Benasque, a
G33  70 passage between rock walls at some 8,000 feet. ^Before the first hut
G33  71 was built, people made their bivouac and lit their fires in a
G33  72 cave-like shelter, *'\la Rencluse.**' ^Later a cabin was built nearby,
G33  73 where the amiable and rugged Madame Sayo, whose reputation has long
G33  74 outlived her, ministered to mountaineers. ^Time passed. ^With the
G33  75 Civil War the frontier was closed and those who found their way into
G33  76 the region did not come to climb. ^When the authorities regained
G33  77 control of the area, after 1945, the Rencluse was in ashes. ^It had
G33  78 been rebuilt by Jose*?2 Abadias, whom we were later to meet, patriarch
G33  79 and innkeeper at Benasque, six hours down the Esera valley. ^Thus we
G33  80 slept under a roof.
G33  81    |^We woke to storm and wind, but even these can be acceptable in a
G33  82 quiet hut, if days are not too precious. ^There is a frayed rope-end
G33  83 to re-bind and crumpled flowers to identify. ^Beside the stove we
G33  84 pored over maps; we talked of other mountains and augured hopefully
G33  85 from other storms on other occasions; we dozed over our books; we
G33  86 slept. ^Intermittently we questioned the barometer and from the window
G33  87 looked at the struggle above, watched the battle sway as the peaks
G33  88 threw off the assaulting cloud or went down fighting, blotted out.
G33  89 ^When it cleared towards evening, our spirits lifted like the vapour.
G33  90 ^We stepped out buoyantly to find the air deliciously clear, rinsed by
G33  91 the departed rain and wind. ^Jumping like children from boulder to
G33  92 boulder, we raced along the mountainside. ^Above us the peaks, hidden
G33  93 all day, had returned firm and confident to their stations. ^The
G33  94 valley glistened, no longer obscured by veils of driving rain. ^The
G33  95 mares in their formal circle were grazing unconcerned as ever, and the
G33  96 herdsman was fishing on the bank of the stream. ^Beside him an
G33  97 enormous white Pyrenean sheep-dog sat on its haunches.
G33  98    |^That evening we would not have been elsewhere at any price.
G33  99 ^Though the weather was perhaps a little too warm, the stars were out.
G33 100 ^Tomorrow we should climb the Aneto. ^In itself the climb was nothing,
G33 101 {un nada} as someone had airily remarked in the cafe*?2 at Le*?2s.
G33 102 ^But here in Aragon there were no reassuring tracks, no guide-books or
G33 103 maps as the modern climber knows them. ^Imagination was free to play
G33 104 on our 11,000-foot mountain. ^We were back in the nineteenth century
G33 105 and this constituted the very point of our expedition. ^Having set the
G33 106 alarm clock for three-thirty, we should have crawled early into our
G33 107 sleeping bags, but already the morning was with us in anticipation,
G33 108 making sleep difficult. ^We poured more wine and sat talking at the
G33 109 trestle table, while the stove purred. ^Naturally we talked of the
G33 110 Aneto, the inelegant but convincing massif that couched above us in
G33 111 the dark. ^Draped with glaciers it stretched three miles from the Pic
G33 112 \d'Alba to the Pic \des Tempe*?5tes, and its backbone dropped nowhere
G33 113 below 10,000 feet. ^The crux of the climb was the Pont \de Mahomet,
G33 114 the airy granite ridge that led to the summit. ^Presumably the name
G33 115 was derived from the rope known to Muslim theology which stretches
G33 116 over hell and which the righteous alone can cross to attain Paradise.
G33 117 ^The name is no stranger than that of the adjoining Maldetta, the
G33 118 Accursed Mountain. ^*'Accursed**' they say because Christ wandering in
G33 119 this wilderness, and meeting with fierce herdsmen and fiercer dogs,
G33 120 turned the latter to stone. ^Christ, Mahomet, such are the names that
G33 121 shepherds here have long invoked.
G33 122    |^To talk of the Aneto was also to talk of the two friends to whom,
G33 123 in a sense, the massif and much of the Pyrenees rightfully belong. ^We
G33 124 envisaged them, clad in Norfolk jackets, perhaps wearing the
G33 125 new-fangled balaclava helmets, on the skyline or straddling the Pont
G33 126 \de Mahomet. ^By the wheezing stove in the Rencluse it was a duty to
G33 127 remember them, for no mountain chain has been so lovingly pioneered as
G33 128 were the central Pyrenees by Packe and Russell. ^They discovered most
G33 129 of the region nearly a century ago. ^Having no maps, with no guide but
G33 130 observation and a compass, year after year they navigated like sailors
G33 131 among the unknown reefs and glaciers. ^Their first ascents are
G33 132 numberless; it was *1their *0country. ^Perhaps for this reason, their
G33 133 expeditions were not assaults. ^They did not conquer peaks to possess
G33 134 and leave them, as do mountain philanderers. ^Their climbs were not a
G33 135 battle and a parting: they cherished their mountains and returned.
G33 136 ^Packe climbed the Aneto six times; Russell, who made at least five
G33 137 ascents, once spent a night on the summit and at dawn noted the snow
G33 138 blood-red where the first sun struck, but deep blue in the shadows.
G33 139    |^Though friends, they were different, representing two approaches
G33 140 to the mountains on which mountaineering has much depended, the
G33 141 scientific and the romantic. ^Charles Packe was geologist, botanist,
G33 142 cartographer, and scholar (climbing with Horace in his pocket). ^He
G33 143 was also the squire of Stretton Hall, the Leicestershire gentleman who
G33 144 found the Pyrenees more exciting than the hunting field. ^Much of this
G33 145 was concealed by a brusque manner, for though a modest man he was not
G33 146 an easy one. ^He began his systematic exploration of the chain in
G33 147 1859. ^When a companion was killed on the Pic \de Sauvegarde in the
G33 148 same year, while no doubt perturbed, he was clearly not deflected.
G33 149 ^Noting Jurassic limestone, greensand, names of rare flowers,
G33 150 barometric pressures and making in the uncharted country expedition on
G33 151 expedition, he accumulated knowledge. ^It found expression in his
G33 152 first guide-book to the central Pyrenees and the first map of the
G33 153 Maladetta area. ^At this remove the methodical explorer allows a
G33 154 single welcome glimpse of the eccentric squire: on solitary
G33 155 expeditions he roped with Ossou"e and Azor, his great Pyrenean
G33 156 sheep-dogs. ^Thus a hundred years ago, but surely in misplaced
G33 157 confidence, he crossed a frozen tarn, and perhaps negotiated the
G33 158 icefields of the Aneto.
G33 159    |^*'{Mon ami} Packe,**' the phrase recurs throughout the writings
G33 160 of Count Henri Patrick Marie Russell-Killough. ^The latter's was an
G33 161 affectionate and generous character. ^Born in France, and heir to a
G33 162 papal title, Russell was an Irish catholic. ^These facts were less
G33 163 important to him than the works of Chateaubriand, Lamartine, and
G33 164 Byron, and the mountains which he always saw in some part through
G33 165 their eyes. ^His life was a late but heroic expression of the romantic
G33 166 era. ^From that era both his literary style*- for he had weird but
G33 167 considerable talent as a writer*- and his attitudes derived much of
G33 168 their bravura. ^Charm, passion, eccentricity, created his legend;
G33 169 there have been many less well founded. ^As a young man he wrote
G33 170 verse, played the fiddle, and would dance all night (*"{effre*?2ne*?2
G33 171 valseur}**" they said) before starting on a thirty-mile walk at dawn.
G33 172 ^His romantic daemon sent him briefly and disastrously to sea, and led
G33 173 him in his early twenties happily across Siberia, to Australia, to New
G33 174 Zealand (where he was lost for three days in the Alps alone and
G33 175 without food), to the Americas, and even to within sight of Everest.
G33 176 ^On his return in 1863, at the age of twenty-nine, he first climbed
G33 177 the Aneto and met Packe. ^The rest of his life was, quite simply,
G33 178 devoted to the Pyrenees.
G33 179    |^The range brought him something like European fame. ^He made at
G33 180 least sixteen first ascents, and it is in character that many of them
G33 181 should have been solitary.
G33 182 *# 2013
G34   1 **[221 TEXT G34**]
G34   2 *<*0*=3*>
G34   3 *<*1Technique and Culture: Three Cambridge Portraits*>
G34   4 *<*0\0S. GORLEY PUTT*>
G34   5 *<*=1*>
G34   6    |^IN the opening paragraphs of his already famous Rede Lecture for
G34   7 1959, *1The Two Cultures and the Scientific Revolution *0(Cambridge
G34   8 University Press), Sir Charles Snow discloses some of the personal
G34   9 accidents that led him to move, at an impressionable age, between
G34  10 those two cultures the separation of which forms the main theme of his
G34  11 essay. ^*'By training,**' he says, *'I was a scientist: by vocation I
G34  12 was a writer.**' ^He continues: ^*'There have been plenty of days when
G34  13 I have spent the working hours with scientists and then gone off at
G34  14 night with some literary colleagues.**' ^It so happened that while
G34  15 Snow was thus employed I was an undergraduate at his college
G34  16 (Christ's), spending my own working hours in and around the English
G34  17 Tripos and some of my happiest evenings in Snow's rooms. ^I may even
G34  18 have been, though his junior in years and status, one of these
G34  19 *'literary colleagues**' to whom he refers.
G34  20    |^I notice that I have dropped at once into the old habit of
G34  21 calling my friend *'Snow**' rather than *'Charles**'. His old friends
G34  22 call him Snow: only his new friends call him Charles. ^I wonder why?
G34  23 ^I think it must be because he seemed to us in those days to be less a
G34  24 man than a conglomeration of qualities. ^We went to him for
G34  25 judgements, and watched our own opinions first drawn out and then
G34  26 appraised. ^*'I think you are *1probably *0right**', he may nowadays
G34  27 say with immense and even hearty graciousness; but when he delivered a
G34  28 Cambridge judgment he would say, firmly and quietly, ^*'There is no
G34  29 doubt**'. ^This serene abstraction caused us, personally devoted as we
G34  30 were, to think of him nevertheless as a little other than human.
G34  31 ^(However fond one might have been of \0Dr. Johnson, one would not
G34  32 have called him *'Sam**'.) ^But now that {0C. P.} Snow has impinged
G34  33 on the public scene at many points*- now that he is at once novelist,
G34  34 knight, critic, administrator, business man, lecturer, husband,
G34  35 father, seer*- he has embodied his manifold abstractions and has
G34  36 become a baptized human being called *'Charles**'. A pity. To those of
G34  37 us who first knew him at Christ's, the word sounds strangely formal.
G34  38    |^For many undergraduates of my own generation, Snow figured as the
G34  39 great emancipator. ^Emancipator from what, it is difficult to say.
G34  40 ^From shyness, I think. ^His work was mainly, in those days, in
G34  41 molecules; his talk, without the slightest trace of donnish
G34  42 moderation, sprayed over life, love, politics, Proust... ^All his
G34  43 friends were Snows, all his geese were Swanns. ^Let a member of the
G34  44 circle open his mouth in song, and he would be a Caruso; let another
G34  45 string a short story together, and we were bidden to see in him
G34  46 another Proust. ^It was all, at times, like a Verdurin party. ^And
G34  47 although most of the Snow circle have indeed come to occupy places of
G34  48 considerable eminence, some of them still show traces of his early
G34  49 boisterousness*- as when one \6*1habitue*?2 *0splendidly announced, in
G34  50 the midst of wartime privations: ^*'My landlady has four thousands
G34  51 hens.**' ^(The landlady's name was Rothschild.) ^Others have merely
G34  52 retained an undergraduate tendency to refer to public personages by
G34  53 their Christian names*- as though in reaction to their habit of
G34  54 calling their private friend by his surname. ^Yet all these minor
G34  55 quirks are far less important than the fact that their young talents
G34  56 had been encouraged to flower, at exactly the appropriate time, in the
G34  57 sun of Snow's approval.
G34  58    |^The very carelessness of Snow's approach was salutary to us, in
G34  59 those days. ^It mattered less, to our personal growth, that Snow spoke
G34  60 rudely of *1The Book of Kells, *0than that he should have scattered
G34  61 his own books and papers all over the floor, should talk away into the
G34  62 night while playing like a kitten with a ping-pong ball, or even that
G34  63 he should show an Olympian ineptitude for the simple business of
G34  64 keeping his coal fire alight. ^There was nothing prim about him or
G34  65 about his friends, and it was important for a somewhat priggish
G34  66 undergraduate to learn, at that stage of his development, that
G34  67 neatness is not a major virtue.
G34  68    |^It is not difficult for his friends to detect in the present-day
G34  69 Sir Charles, the Rede Lecturer, those same qualities which in {0C.
G34  70 P.} Snow the scientific research-worker might seem to have indicated
G34  71 a fixed temperamental opposition to the very kind of prestige he now
G34  72 enjoys. ^For *'moral vanity**' has always been, and still is, his
G34  73 favourite Aunt Sally at which to shy coconuts. ^He has never pretended
G34  74 that self-interest was a higher manifestation of moral philosophy, nor
G34  75 has he ever held it a virtue to *'do a man down**', as he says, *'in
G34  76 his own best interests**'. ^Even his enjoyment of fame, to those who
G34  77 know him well, remains one of his modest and disarming
G34  78 characteristics.
G34  79    |^Snow was much given to headstrong gnomic pronouncements such as:
G34  80 ^*'In many Irish houses, several kinds of bread are eaten.**' ^Torn
G34  81 from their context, they were even more impressive than the set-piece
G34  82 Johnsonian broadsides*- as, of Oxford Group house-parties, the
G34  83 comment: ^*'It seems to me a pity that frankness about one's private
G34  84 life has come to mean the public confession of things that never
G34  85 happened.**' ^Now, this kind of thing invites parody; but it has
G34  86 preserved among older fiends a certain cosmic cosiness. ^Yet if,
G34  87 because of his broad generalizations and his imperviousness to tinsel
G34  88 compliments, we used to think him unworldly, we were at once
G34  89 overestimating and underestimating him. ^For he has shown*- and it is
G34  90 why the Rede Lecture has such an authoritative ring*- a fine grasp of
G34  91 the realities of power. ^It is one reason, too, why in his novels the
G34  92 pictures of closed societies, clubs or departments are so horribly
G34  93 accurate. ^In his Cambridge days, he used to display a corresponding
G34  94 indifference to the outward appearance of power. ^In recent years, to
G34  95 be sure, like many others who have specialized in the study of the
G34  96 power behind the throne, Snow has come to feel that it might be rather
G34  97 fun to sit upon it too. ^Thus, while engaged upon the cycle of novels
G34  98 on which he pedals towards the {0G.O.M.}-ship of English fiction,
G34  99 Snow has had the energy to sponsor a complementary critical movement.
G34 100 ^And as that sensible steam-roller of sensible criticism got under
G34 101 way, it may have seemed to some people in the literary world that Snow
G34 102 was intolerant. ^That is not quite true. ^There are, it is true, two
G34 103 things he cannot tolerate: one is pretentiousness and the other is
G34 104 intolerance. ^He can still lodge a humble protest as well as deliver a
G34 105 critical ukase, and the phrase ~*'It's a bit much!**' is ever on his
G34 106 lips. ^I have heard him say, ruefully, ^*'I shall never be as good as
G34 107 Dostoievski**'. ^His similes were even less self-indulgent during the
G34 108 war when he lived for a time in Pimlico attended by a troglodyte
G34 109 couple named Moon: he would amble, in his Teddy-bear totter, to the
G34 110 head of the basement stairs and call out, always with modest
G34 111 incredulity, ~*'Oh, \0Mr. Moo-oon; oh, \0Mr. Moo-oon!**' and return
G34 112 with woeful countenance to face his guests: ^*'I feel more and more
G34 113 like a nigger minstrel.**'
G34 114 *<*=2*>
G34 115    |^The relevance of these rather impudent personal asides will
G34 116 appear, I trust, when one or two of my friend's recent dicta are
G34 117 examined against the background of my own knowledge of and admiration
G34 118 for his personality. ^It would have been pointless*- and, indeed,
G34 119 uncivil*- to make use of that knowledge without passing on to my
G34 120 audience at least a thumb-nail caricature of the man.
G34 121    |^You might suppose, when I introduce my second Cambridge figure of
G34 122 the 1930's, \0Dr. {0F. R.} Leavis, that my aim is to add to the list
G34 123 of examples in the Rede Lecture of mutual incomprehensibility between
G34 124 modern arts and modern science. ^Far from it. ^My aim is to suggest
G34 125 that the kinds of attitude to life represented by these very different
G34 126 teachers may be complementary, mutually comprehensible, and together
G34 127 have an influence making for both breadth and depth of thought and
G34 128 sensibility. ^As an undergraduate, I myself was such a prig that I had
G34 129 to learn to respect both Snow and Leavis before I could learn from
G34 130 them both how to set decent bounds to my own unfashionable tendency to
G34 131 respect. ^If Leavis needed to teach me a healthy disrespect for a good
G34 132 number of poems in the *1Oxford Book of English Verse *0before he
G34 133 could demonstrate just why the *1other *0poems in it were worth
G34 134 reading, so Snow's impetuous scoffing at certain political and
G34 135 literary windbags would be clearing a space in my mind for Tolstoi.
G34 136    |^From the few tales I have been telling out of school it should be
G34 137 evident that an evening of talk in Snow's room at Christ's College
G34 138 provided a very healthy complement to the English Tripos. ^There we
G34 139 were able to learn, without being told in so many words, that it can
G34 140 be dangerous to become too exclusively sensitive to purely verbal
G34 141 discriminations. ^A literary sensibility can be accepted as an
G34 142 important faculty in life, but it is safe to admit this only in
G34 143 accordance with one's readiness to agree that it is not the only
G34 144 equipment for life*- or, for that matter, for literature. ^At the same
G34 145 time I was learning at Cambridge, most notably from \0Dr. Leavis, how
G34 146 much a particular kind of trained sensibility can enrich the quality
G34 147 of one's response.
G34 148    |^It is certainly necessary to pick words very carefully *1here,
G34 149 *0for it would be impertinent (and incorrect) to suggest that Leavis
G34 150 and Snow were not each at home in the other's territory. ^But the
G34 151 young undergraduate who sees too much of one type of mentor and
G34 152 nothing whatever of the other may easily become too impatient a
G34 153 disciple to keep steady a sense of balance such as the master himself
G34 154 has learned to hold. ^*'What is the use of a wide outlook if the
G34 155 quality of vision is poor?**' ^*'What on earth are you going to *1do
G34 156 *0with all your sensibility?**' ^The masters themselves are safe
G34 157 enough. ^Leavis knew precisely why discrimination was important, and
G34 158 we, his pupils, respected him because we saw, so to say, that in the
G34 159 veins of his sensibility flowed blood, not ink. ^Snow's mental
G34 160 generosity was equally apparent, but we could accept it as the
G34 161 application to wide issues of a personality of quality*- it was not
G34 162 just splashy enthusiasm.
G34 163    |^The masters, then, are safe. ^What of their pupils? ^It is all
G34 164 very well to scoff at {0H. G.} Wells because much of his writing
G34 165 betrays a perky mediocrity, if you yourself have a vision of life not
G34 166 indeed identical with his but somewhat comparable in scope. ^It is all
G34 167 very well to swallow {0H. G.} Wells more or less whole in tribute to
G34 168 his breadth of outlook, if you yourself can detect shoddy thinking and
G34 169 shoddy expression. ^But with no such correctives, the submission of
G34 170 undergraduate minds exclusively to one or other of these enthusiasms
G34 171 can provide unlovely results. ^Which is the sadder sight: a puny
G34 172 intellect dismissing Edmund Spenser on the grounds that he isn't John
G34 173 Donne (a thing Leavis himself would never do), or another puny
G34 174 intellect confidently predicting the next move of the Kremlin*- a
G34 175 thing Snow himself would never do?
G34 176    |^After the war, Snow left Cambridge and the academic life. ^He has
G34 177 been expressing himself in many powerful ways*- via the review
G34 178 columns, via his own steady output of novels, via his literary
G34 179 partnership with his wife Pamela Hansford Johnson, via the Civil
G34 180 Service Commission and the English Electric Company, via television
G34 181 and a dozen other channels. ^Yet, oddly enough, although Snow has
G34 182 expressed decided views and has presumably collected his own share of
G34 183 literary antagonists, it is nevertheless the more retired figure of
G34 184 \0Dr. Leavis that has drawn the arrows of outraged opposition. ^This
G34 185 is largely because he has acquired a quite undeserved label as a
G34 186 detractor.
G34 187 *# 2006
G35   1 **[222 TEXT G35**]
G35   2 *<*6(N) CHARLES GREGORY FAIRFAX, 9TH AND LAST VISCOUNT FAIRFAX OF
G35   3 EMLY. (?-1772)*>
G35   4    |^*0The last Lord Fairfax was almost certainly educated at
G35   5 Lambspring. ^His life was full of domestic anxieties and tragedies.
G35   6 ^As a young man, before 1719, he had been living in poverty abroad,
G35   7 vainly trying to get employment. ^The period from 1720 to 1722, of
G35   8 succession to the estate, was marred by the sudden death of his first
G35   9 wife and his father's troubles. ^1722 to 1736 was perhaps the happiest
G35  10 part of his life. ^His second marriage, to all appearances, originally
G35  11 a {6*1mariage de convenance}, *0turned out well and happily. ^He
G35  12 desperately wanted male heirs and now he had three sons and three
G35  13 daughters living. ^The family's fortunes seemed assured and he took to
G35  14 rebuilding Gilling Castle. ^But all this collapsed like a house of
G35  15 cards between 1736 and 1741. ^Two smallpox epidemics carried off his
G35  16 sons, his wife also died and financial troubles returned in a far more
G35  17 menacing form. ^From 1742 to 1760 he was occupied in trying to save
G35  18 the estates and to marry off his two surviving daughters*- one of whom
G35  19 died in 1753. ^The last twelve years of his life were financially more
G35  20 easy, but he was now burdened with the care of his neurasthenic
G35  21 daughter Anne, his sole heiress, with his own poor health, and with
G35  22 the certainty that the family would come to an end and the estate and
G35  23 his daughter become, at his death, the prey of a host of impecunious
G35  24 and quarrelsome poor relations.
G35  25    |^Up to the later 1750's he lived most of the year in London. ^At
G35  26 first he moved restlessly from lodging-house to lodging-house. ^Then
G35  27 he settled as a paying guest in the houses of his Bredall and Pigott
G35  28 relations. ^Finally, when his sister Alethea Pigott had left London
G35  29 for Brussels he leased a house in Kensington from *'Gerard Anne
G35  30 Edwards \0Esq.**' ^To furnish the house, furniture was shipped from
G35  31 Gilling by Hull. ^Gilling servants were sent down in a batch by
G35  32 coach*- including even a boy, who was put to school in London at
G35  33 Fairfax's expense. ^In the spring and summer the family went north to
G35  34 Gilling. ^Occasionally they took the waters at Harrogate or
G35  35 Knaresborough. ^But Fairfax, perhaps because of its unpleasant early
G35  36 associations for him, avoided Bath. ^When his ailing wife and daughter
G35  37 Elizabeth went there in 1740, they went alone.
G35  38    |^The Fairfaxes had frequented York for centuries. ^In the middle
G35  39 ages and the sixteenth century they had a regular town house*-
G35  40 probably on the Ouse Bridge. ^In the seventeenth century the Denton
G35  41 family had a large town house in Micklegate, but the Gilling family
G35  42 had sold all its York property and relied on lodgings or leased
G35  43 houses. ^In the 1750's Fairfax leased a house in Petergate. ^After
G35  44 1760 he devoted himself to the care of Anne, built her a fine new
G35  45 house in Castlegate and ceased to winter in London.
G35  46    |^He was always a townee. ^The traditional way of life of the
G35  47 Yorkshire Catholic gentry was defended strongly by Francis Cholmeley
G35  48 in 1722 and maintained even more strongly by Stephen Tempest of
G35  49 Broughton in his printed letter to his son of 1720. ^For them a
G35  50 landowner must strike a happy mean between a country and a town life,
G35  51 with the balance inclining heavily towards the former. ^He must avoid
G35  52 becoming a mere rustic, a farmer of his own lands. ^There is every
G35  53 reason why he should have a home farm, but otherwise he should live by
G35  54 rents. ^On the other hand he should not haunt London and its expenses.
G35  55 ^A house in York for the winter season and an occasional visit to town
G35  56 are quite enough. ^But this sober idea can never have satisfied the
G35  57 wealthier Catholic gentry. ^There were always Catholic rustics, like
G35  58 Edward Haggerston of Ellingham, with his vilely spelt and illiterate
G35  59 letters and his constant preoccupation with farm and hunt topics. ^But
G35  60 even they had often been educated abroad. ^Education at Douai,
G35  61 Dieulouard, Lambspring or \0St. Omer in itself might rarely implant
G35  62 intellectual ambitions. ^But the wealthier Catholics had always
G35  63 rounded off school with a Grand Tour, and now *'finishing schools**'
G35  64 were appearing*- at \0St. Edmund's, Paris, and in the academies in
G35  65 France and Northern Italy. ^There young men acquired liberal tastes in
G35  66 art and architecture, natural philosophy and mechanics, literature and
G35  67 politics. ^They returned to England with little desire to immerse
G35  68 themselves totally in estate management. ^There were degrees of
G35  69 absorption in the polite arts. ^Thus Cuthbert Constable seems to have
G35  70 lived at home. ^But he was passionately interested in the rebuilding
G35  71 of his house and especially in the problems of mechanics involved, for
G35  72 instance, in laying on a piped water supply. ^Then there was Sir
G35  73 Marmaduke Constable of Everingham, who became so absorbed in the life
G35  74 of polite society abroad that a visit abroad for his health's sake was
G35  75 prolonged into half a lifetime's voluntary exile abroad in France and
G35  76 Italy. ^Yet, by post, he still controlled in minute detail his estate
G35  77 and kept abreast of local gossip fortnightly. ^Then a further extreme
G35  78 was Sir Edward Gascoigne of Parlington who lived for years in a house
G35  79 alongside the convent at Cambray with his wife and family, devoting
G35  80 himself to reading*- physics, chemistry, mechanics, philosophy,
G35  81 political theory*- leaving the oversight of the Parlington and Saxton
G35  82 estates to his agent and Lord Irwin.
G35  83    |^Lord Fairfax was of this generation and type*- with some
G35  84 differences. ^The lists of books he bought, though moderately long,
G35  85 reveal little of the intense intellectual curiosity of Sir Edward
G35  86 Gascoigne, his brother-in-law. ^Fairfax was interested in current
G35  87 affairs, politics and history, though it is likely that the five huge
G35  88 volumes of Chambers' Encyclopaedia of the Arts and Sciences which his
G35  89 chaplain, \0Fr. Anselm Bolton later brought away from Gilling had
G35  90 belonged to his patron. ^Fairfax could write and read French easily
G35  91 and bought a small number of current French works of literature,
G35  92 mostly memoirs, but including Rousseau. ^He never showed any desire to
G35  93 revisit the Continent. ^It is likely that his second wife visited
G35  94 Paris once, but, if she did so, he did not accompany her. ^Nor did he
G35  95 go to France with his daughter Anne in 1768.
G35  96    |^He was passionately interested in building, in interior
G35  97 decoration, furniture and landscape gardening. ^But there is no
G35  98 evidence that he was the master-mind in the design of his building
G35  99 projects. ^Again, he was not entirely without interest in estate and
G35 100 agricultural matters. ^He took Edward Pigott to a village feast and
G35 101 spoke to the farmers of grain prices. ^He dined with Sterne to discuss
G35 102 turnpike matters. ^He was a patron of Hambleton and York races. ^But
G35 103 the family papers of his time seem to be empty of references to
G35 104 hunting and shooting and agricultural improvement. ^The latter meant
G35 105 to him merely the raising of rents.
G35 106    |^In London Fairfax moved mainly in Catholic circles. ^His closest
G35 107 friends were a Catholic merchant, Thomas Mannock, \0Mr. Metcalfe, a
G35 108 Catholic surgeon in Bromley Street, and the Bellasis family. ^He rode
G35 109 out to Whitton to visit the Pigotts and dined with the Petres, and
G35 110 Stapyltons, Dormers, Barnewells and Dillons, Lady Westmoreland, Sir
G35 111 Edward Smythe, the Hornyholds. ^His non-Catholic acquaintances in town
G35 112 do not seem to have been very numerous. ^All were relations of
G35 113 Yorkshire neighbours. ^The accounts of Lady Fairfax's visit to Bath
G35 114 show that she also moved in Catholic circles*- \0Mr. Errington, Doctor
G35 115 Bostock, Doctor Jerningham, \0Mr. Odonory, Lord Molyneux, Bishop York,
G35 116 the Misses Langdale, \0Mrs. Pitt (a Bellasis, the Earl of Chatham's
G35 117 Catholic aunt). ^Her protestant friends were few*- the Mildmays and
G35 118 \0Mrs. Worsley.
G35 119    |^Life in York brought them into contact with all Yorkshire society
G35 120 at race meetings, town houses and the Assembly Rooms (to the building
G35 121 of which Fairfax was a generous subscriber). ^The Fairfaxes of Denton
G35 122 had sold up in England by the 1750's and departed to Virginia, but
G35 123 Fairfax family solidarity still meant something. ^American Fairfaxes
G35 124 still visited Lord Fairfax in York and the Fairfaxes of Steeton (now
G35 125 of Newton Kyme) occasionally wrote or left cards. ^From York or
G35 126 Gilling the family made rounds of visits. ^The more extensive rounds
G35 127 covered the Vavasours at Hazelwood, Lord Irwin at Temple Newsam, the
G35 128 Lawsons at Brough. ^Immediately round Gilling there was a thick
G35 129 concentration of Catholic neighbours and relations, the Bellasises at
G35 130 Newbrough, the Widdringtons at Nunnington, the Cholmeleys at Brandsby,
G35 131 and, to the early 1750's, the Crathornes of Ness. ^Around them lay
G35 132 Protestant neighbours, the Duncombes at Helmsley, \0Mrs. Thompson at
G35 133 Oswaldkirk Hall, the Carlisles at Castle Howard, where one dined on
G35 134 occasion. ^Visitors to Gilling were much less frequent than in the two
G35 135 previous centuries and came usually for several weeks at a time*- Lady
G35 136 Fairfax's Weld cousins from Lulworth, Sir Edward Gascoigne and his
G35 137 family from France, the Langdales from Houghton, Thomas Clifton of
G35 138 Lytham come to court Miss Fairfax, shoals of poor nephews and nieces,
G35 139 and the Catholic family lawyer from London, \0Mr. Wilmot, who faced
G35 140 the coaches up the North Road with such trepidation that he much
G35 141 preferred not to come unless the business were very urgent.
G35 142    |^Lord Fairfax took a keen outsider's interest in politics. ^He
G35 143 took five or six newspapers, bought the current Debates of the Commons
G35 144 and all the latest political squibs and pamphlets. ^A typical bill
G35 145 from Ward & Chandler, newsagents, for 1743 runs*-
G35 146 **[LIST**]
G35 147    |^During the Seven Years War Fairfax bought large cloth-backed maps
G35 148 of all the principal theatres of war. ^His own political views can
G35 149 only be guessed. ^In 1745 the family had a strong Jacobite reputation
G35 150 in the county. ^In September 1745 Fairfax was bound in *+100 to appear
G35 151 before the North Riding Justices at Hovingham to take the oath of
G35 152 allegiance. ^He appeared and refused the oath. ^On September 15th the
G35 153 Archbishop of York, Herring, wrote to the Secretary of State, Lord
G35 154 Hardwicke*-
G35 155 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G35 156    |^*'Lord Falconbridge dined with me yesterday... ^He offered a sort
G35 157 of security for the honour and innocence of his relation and
G35 158 neighbour, Lord Fairfax of Gilling and intimated to lodge a deposition
G35 159 with me. ^I told him that was a matter of some nicety but whatever I
G35 160 saw in favour of Lord Fairfax, notwithstanding my good opinion of him,
G35 161 must rest upon his authority.**'
G35 162 **[END INDENTATION**]
G35 163    |^In the last week of September rumours suddenly spread in York
G35 164 that Fairfax was about to rise in arms. ^The Rector of Gilling,
G35 165 Nicholas Gouge wrote to Lord Irwin, the Lord Lieutenant, on October
G35 166 1st*-
G35 167 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G35 168    |^*'Yesterday Lord Fairfax sent down his coachman (who is a
G35 169 Protestant) to me with compliments, and to acquaint me that one of our
G35 170 Town (his Lordship's tenant too, a most bigotted Papist) had given out
G35 171 that there was a private room within Gilling Castle where 40 men might
G35 172 be \1conceal'd and nobody \1cou'd find them out and his Lordship
G35 173 \1desir'd the person might be brought before me and \1punish'd as the
G35 174 Law directs: and further his Lordship \1desir'd that I would send the
G35 175 Constable... to search his castle whether there was any such room or
G35 176 not... (the searchers went there and) saw the place at the end of the
G35 177 Ale Cellar... not two yards square... ^The Lord's Coachman assured me
G35 178 that of late there had been no company excepting \0Mr. Cholmondly and
G35 179 his wife.**'
G35 180 **[END INDENTATION**]
G35 181    |^The Rector concluded that the alarmist had spread the tale to
G35 182 gain credit for himself. ^He confined himself to telling *'the two
G35 183 best Protestants**' in the man's family that the matter had been
G35 184 reported to the authorities, and he himself published a refutation of
G35 185 the rumour in the York papers.
G35 186    |^But another search party had been to Gilling, from York.
G35 187 ^Archbishop Herring wrote to Irwin on October 2nd*-
G35 188 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G35 189    |^*'I believe \0Mr. Frankland and myself took the thing too high,
G35 190 but the recorder was frightened and the fright caught the city. ^Lord
G35 191 Fairfax found out the reason of the alarm, and, I am assured, was
G35 192 pleased with the opportunity of justifying himself. ^He treated \0Mr.
G35 193 Dunbar (who went with the search warrant) at dinner and drank King
G35 194 George's health.**'
G35 195 **[END INDENTATION**]
G35 196    |^To Hardwicke Herring wrote that he was now convinced that Fairfax
G35 197 was the King's friend.
G35 198 *# 2010
G36   1 **[223 TEXT G36**]
G36   2 ^*0The reader is now in possession of all the facts needed to
G36   3 determine what has happened to the aliens, and I hope not to be
G36   4 pointing out the obvious if I explain that the clue is in the apparent
G36   5 speeding-up of their television broadcasts. ^They don't speed them up,
G36   6 which means, for instance, that when they walk around their space-ship
G36   7 they can change direction in something of the order of
G36   8 one-ten-thousandth of a second while moving at 30,000 miles an hour.
G36   9 ^No humanoid frame could stand that, unless its mass were very tiny.
G36  10 ^The aliens, then, are on the airfield all right, but their space-ship
G36  11 is sinking into a muddy heelprint or whatever. ^Apart from the effects
G36  12 of awe and amazement produced by the description of the pulpy monsters
G36  13 and so on, what we have here is a strong puzzle interest that is
G36  14 widespread in science fiction as a minor aspect and not uncommonly
G36  15 central, as in this case. ^I have already mentioned the biological
G36  16 puzzle*- problems of determining an alien life-cycle and the like*- as
G36  17 an important sub-category; another involves the question of finding
G36  18 the weak point in some apparently invulnerable monster or hostile
G36  19 alien or badly behaved human artifact of the robot sort. ^The
G36  20 solutions to these may be progressively revealed rather than shown as
G36  21 deduceable, but they need not be, and ~*"Pictures Don't Lie**" is not
G36  22 an isolated example of the approach that offers what are valid clues,
G36  23 even if they are only seen as such in retrospect. ^Although interests
G36  24 of this kind can hardly be classed among the most lofty, it seems
G36  25 legitimate to call them as literary as any other. ^Certainly science
G36  26 fiction appears to be on the point of taking over some of the
G36  27 functions of the traditional detective story, currently I believe in
G36  28 grave disrepair, though with a large audience, in England at any rate,
G36  29 nurturing itself on reprints and the more problem-posing kind of
G36  30 thriller. ^I cannot believe that the Anglican parson and the Oxford
G36  31 classics don, those alleged archetypes of the Agatha Christie fan,
G36  32 would bring themselves to look through the files of *1Astounding
G36  33 Science Fiction *0in search of a story like Isaac Asimov's *"Little
G36  34 Lost Robot,**" but they would be the losers by their reluctance, for
G36  35 the science-fiction deduction problem, while to some tastes inferior
G36  36 to the detective story in its weaker connections with the world we
G36  37 know, is superior to that tiny motive-means-opportunity system in its
G36  38 range of both problems set and kinds of answer proposed.
G36  39    |^To take the commercial aspect: some partial merger between the
G36  40 publics of the two modes does seem eventually possible, as Anthony
G36  41 Boucher, the most level-headed of science-fiction commentators,
G36  42 foresaw some years ago. ^I have already mentioned the tendency of the
G36  43 more full-time writers to have a foot in both camps: Boucher himself
G36  44 doubles as the whodunit reviewer of the New York *1Times, *0and
G36  45 although I cannot personally confirm his assertion that
G36  46 science-fiction elements have recently become perceptible in some
G36  47 detective stories, the opposite process is clearly under way. ^A
G36  48 recent story by Poul Anderson, *"The Martian Crown Jewels,**" gives us
G36  49 a brilliantly clever and inventive synthesis of the two media, with a
G36  50 Martian detective called Syaloch who affects a \*1tirstokr *0cap, a
G36  51 locked-space-ship problem, and a completely fair presentation of clues
G36  52 ingeniously disguised as technological patter. ^Even the most hardened
G36  53 Baker Street Irregular would be captivated by the story*- if he ever
G36  54 learnt of its existence. ^Elsewhere, science fiction has been combined
G36  55 with what we are accustomed to distinguish as thriller or mystery
G36  56 ingredients rather than specifically deductive ones. ^All of these
G36  57 make some appearance in Chad Oliver's novel *1Shadows in the Sun.
G36  58 ^*0The problem here is why a small town in Texas consists entirely of
G36  59 recently arrived inhabitants and why these are all too average to be
G36  60 believable. ^This is soon explained*- the hero boards a flying saucer
G36  61 on page 27*- but the first three chapters are stuffed with 'tec tricks
G36  62 of presentation and style, from verbless sentences and sinister
G36  63 single-sentence paragraphs ~(*"He was afraid to go out**" or ~*"He
G36  64 *1had *0to know**") to the image of the hero, who is an anthropologist
G36  65 but tough*- the ordinary science-fiction hero needs no such apology
G36  66 for his learning. ^This chap
G36  67 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G36  68 was a big man, standing a shade under six feet and pushing two hundred
G36  69 pounds. ^His brown eyes were shrewd and steady. ^He was dressed in the
G36  70 local uniform*- khaki shirt and trousers, capped with a warped,
G36  71 wide-brimmed hat at one end and cowboy boots at the other. ^His
G36  72 {0Ph.D.} didn't show, and he didn't look like the kind of a man who
G36  73 had often been frightened,
G36  74 **[END QUOTE**]
G36  75 and as you might expect he soon takes up with Cynthia, who although
G36  76 fresh off the flying saucer makes good Martinis and is cool and slim
G36  77 and sets the hero's stomach feeling tight. ^These are recognisable as
G36  78 importations into science fiction, which avoids that particular kind
G36  79 of cheap-jack stuff and indeed deserves a small round of applause for
G36  80 not trying to expand its audience by concessions to salacity. ^A less
G36  81 inane (and more recent) example of attempted hybridisation is Richard
G36  82 Matheson's *1A Stir of Echoes, *0described on the wrapper simply as
G36  83 *"a novel of menace**" but in fact fusing science-fiction and 'tec
G36  84 elements with some show of wholeheartedness to produce a murder
G36  85 mystery with telepathic clues. ^The ability of a literary mode to
G36  86 expand into others is often taken as a sign of vitality, and it is
G36  87 true that between them fantasy and science fiction have gobbled up
G36  88 most of what was left of the horror story without much injury, but I
G36  89 cannot feel that the injection of these thriller ingredients is likely
G36  90 to lead to much beyond blurring and dilution. ^It is not by capturing
G36  91 more territory that science fiction will improve itself, but by
G36  92 consolidating what it already has.
G36  93    |^Such internal reconstruction would do well to start with an
G36  94 attempt to bring sexual matters into better focus. ^Going easy on the
G36  95 puritanism would be a commendable resolve, and so would a decision to
G36  96 drop sex altogether where it is not essential rather than to decorate
G36  97 a planetary survey or alien invasion with a perfunctory love interest
G36  98 presented in terms borrowed from the tough school or the novelette.
G36  99 ^What will certainly not do is any notion of turning out a
G36 100 science-fiction love story. ^In the as yet unlikely event of this
G36 101 being well done, the science fiction part would be blotted out,
G36 102 reduced to irritating background noise*- a dozen Venusian swamp-lilies
G36 103 being delivered to the heroine's apartment, and so forth. ^A recent
G36 104 effort, perhaps harmless in intention but unspeakable in execution,
G36 105 has been made to introduce a women's angle into the field, whereby we
G36 106 are introduced to a gallant little lady pretending to hate her man so
G36 107 that he can push off to Mars without pining for her, and an equally
G36 108 gallant little wife and mother uncomplainingly keeping up the
G36 109 production of tasty and nourishing meals while the hydrogen missiles
G36 110 are landing in the back garden. ^We can hope for more imaginative
G36 111 treatments than that, but the role of sex in science fiction as a
G36 112 whole seems bound to remain secondary. ^In the idea type of story it
G36 113 can have almost no place; in the social utopia, it exceeds its warrant
G36 114 if it is much more than illustrative or diversifying, although one
G36 115 would not want to be decisive at what is still an early stage of the
G36 116 medium's development. ^To view with aplomb the prospect of continuing
G36 117 limitation of sex interest in science fiction is not the same thing as
G36 118 to accept a damaging poverty in it, for we are dealing with a genre,
G36 119 not a literature, and it is unnecessary to chide the *1Aeneid, *0for
G36 120 instance, on the grounds of its taciturnity about daily life in
G36 121 Augustan Rome. ^But I quite agree that almost nothing in contemporary
G36 122 science fiction is more calculated to affront the tiro, nor to raise
G36 123 more serious doubts of the medium's ability to come of age, than the
G36 124 horrid lyricism or posturing off-handedness which seem to be the
G36 125 regular procedures for handling these questions.
G36 126    |^Similar doubts attend consideration of another, and I suppose,
G36 127 related, weakness in the medium as at present conducted: lack of
G36 128 humour and, far more than this, bad attempted humour. ^There is
G36 129 undoubtedly a kind of priggish pomposity which can afflict even the
G36 130 better writers, enough at times to subvert the moral tendency of what
G36 131 they are saying, and I connect this with the parochial circuit of
G36 132 mutual congratulation, leading in some cases to delusions of grandeur,
G36 133 in which most of them are involved; this is a consequence, I feel, of
G36 134 the history and general circumstances of science fiction itself. ^As
G36 135 regards simple absence of humour, I like to think I'm as fond of a
G36 136 good laugh as the next man, but I can stand doing without for long
G36 137 periods when reading, having been trained in the Oxford English
G36 138 school, and many of the best science-fiction stories, *"The Xi
G36 139 Effect,**" for example, distil a kind of horror hard to conceive of as
G36 140 harmonising plausibly with anything comic. ^Some editors in the field,
G36 141 however, seem to have picked up from their reading the notion that
G36 142 humour is a sign of maturity, and compete with one another to fill
G36 143 their pages with stories whose very titles are enough to chill the
G36 144 blood: *"The Cerebrative Psittacoid,**" for instance, or *"The Gnurrs
G36 145 Come from the Voodvork Out.**" ^There is even a whole mass of writing
G36 146 consecrated to the defeats inflicted on learned but hidebound
G36 147 scientists by a generic Midwestern \2Paw and \2Maw of great natural
G36 148 wisdom (alleged) and hideous whimsicality (actual). ^The British are
G36 149 not guiltless here either: a story called *"When Grandfather Flew to
G36 150 the Moon**" married the concepts of space travel with traditional*-
G36 151 that is, false and folksy*- Welsh humour, introducing characters
G36 152 called Llewellyn Time Machine and Auntie Spaceship-Repairs Jones.
G36 153 ^This outstanding case of unwanted originality won a prize in the
G36 154 London *1Observer*0's science-fiction contest, which seems to have
G36 155 been judged by non-addicts; it has been reprinted, with squeals of
G36 156 editorial delight, in a leading American anthology.
G36 157    |^However, the picture as a whole is not as grave as this. ^Humour
G36 158 as a main interest will sometimes work in this medium, provided that
G36 159 the comic notion is a valid science-fiction notion as well. ^One such
G36 160 example is William Tenn's satire on mediocrity, *"Null-P**"; others
G36 161 are to be found in the work of Sheckley, Pohl, and Fredric Brown.
G36 162 ^Beside his contributions to the comic-inferno division in stories
G36 163 like *"A Ticket to Tranai,**" Sheckley has devised a sub-form of his
G36 164 own, the comic problem. ^In *"The Lifeboat Mutiny,**" two men strive
G36 165 to outwit the mechanical intelligence which controls the boat; it was
G36 166 programmed to meet the needs of an extinct, warlike, reptilian race
G36 167 and is of a verbose, officious disposition. ^Finally the men sham dead
G36 168 and the lifeboat ejects them into the sea, having read the alien
G36 169 burial service over them. ^The comedy here arises from the
G36 170 characterisation of the non-human protagonist as it lectures the men
G36 171 on their patriotic duty, offers them food that looks like clay but
G36 172 smells like machine oil, and when they refuse it, threatens them with
G36 173 brain surgery. ^The solution to the problem, however, does not
G36 174 approach the theorematical neatness and cogency of that propounded in
G36 175 *"One Man's Poison.**" ^Here, two other but similar men are starving
G36 176 to death in a vast, isolated alien warehouse filled with various
G36 177 outlandish goods, including food, poisonous substances, and a thing
G36 178 called the Super Custom Transport, complete with fuel. ^The food turns
G36 179 out to be poison and so does the poison, whereupon the men settle down
G36 180 to dine off the Super Custom Transport, which proves to be an animal,
G36 181 and its fuel, which is water. ^Better than almost any other, this
G36 182 example of the science fiction of pure idea acts as a test case, in
G36 183 that those learned in the medium will at once salute its ingenuity and
G36 184 elegance, while those whose study is but little will complain of not
G36 185 being illuminated, of being offered an unworthy escape from the
G36 186 universe of man and fact, of being presented with a pseudo-question
G36 187 instead of a question.
G36 188 *# 2033
G37   1 **[224 TEXT G37**]
G37   2    |^*0Conversely, there were other poets who from the very outset
G37   3 hated and denounced the war, and yet got out of it something which was
G37   4 both less and more than hatred. ^However fiercely they might condemn
G37   5 it, it exerted a sinister hold over them. ^A striking case of this is
G37   6 the Russian Futurist, Viktor Khlebnikov, who fought as a private
G37   7 soldier on the eastern front from early in the war until the
G37   8 dissolution of the Russian armies. ^A leading figure in the
G37   9 {6*1avant-garde} *0of poetry, he experimented with words and images
G37  10 in the hope of making his poetry tougher and harsher, and war provided
G37  11 him with many opportunities for effects which suited his peculiar
G37  12 tastes. ^It appealed to him by its elemental disorder, its reduction
G37  13 of life to its lowest terms, its chaotic brutality which made him
G37  14 believe that the earth had returned to the sway of savage, primeval
G37  15 gods. ^His packed, forceful lines and his bold improvisations in
G37  16 vocabulary reflected his isolation from other men and his
G37  17 imperviousness to the common claims of humanity. ^His revolutionary
G37  18 ardour was perfectly sincere and set him in principle against the war,
G37  19 but in practice he displayed his feelings largely in his love of
G37  20 rasping shocks and grim surprises. ^His imagination was set to work by
G37  21 such themes as a dead man lying in a pond, soldiers caught in battle
G37  22 as in a mouse-trap, the merciless torment of rain and snow and wind,
G37  23 the flame and smoke of bombardments, the burning of villages and the
G37  24 wreck of forests. ^In these he feels at home, because he sees in them
G37  25 a reversion to a distant, disordered past for which his anarchic
G37  26 temperament craves. ^He creates his own mythology for the battlefield
G37  27 and likes to see in its routine survivals from pagan rites. ^So in
G37  28 *'\11Trizna**' (*'Death-feast**'), he presents in the cremation of
G37  29 dead soldiers an ancient death-feast, in which modern military drill
G37  30 is part of the ceremony. ^As soldiers stand in silence and watch the
G37  31 pyre set alight, the smoke which rises from it recalls the flow of
G37  32 great rivers, the Don and the Irtish, and symbolizes the overpowering
G37  33 domination of nature when artificial restraints are removed. ^In
G37  34 Khlebnikov's love of horrors there is a streak of perversity, but it
G37  35 is none the less in character in a man who looked forward to the
G37  36 collapse of his world. ^For him also war transforms what he sees, and
G37  37 gives to it a fierce enchantment.
G37  38    |^From his knowledge of war as it really is the poet may start
G37  39 again towards a wider vision of it and try to see it in a fuller
G37  40 perspective without reverting to the old abstractions and falsities.
G37  41 ^It is impossible to present its illimitable chaos, but what counts is
G37  42 the poet's selection from it of what really strikes or stirs him.
G37  43 ^This is what Georg Trakl, who died on the eastern front in December
G37  44 1914, does in *'{Im Osten}**' (*'On the Eastern Front**'). ^He
G37  45 applies to the whole shapeless panorama of battle his gift for images
G37  46 which form a centre for a host of associations and must be taken at
G37  47 their full value as each appears:
G37  48 **[POEM**]
G37  49    |^Here the individual elements are taken from fact and give a true
G37  50 picture of war, but they gain a special significance because they also
G37  51 point to something beyond themselves, of which they are both examples
G37  52 and symbols. ^Trakl shows that the soldier-poet is fully capable of
G37  53 seeing beyond his immediate situation with an insight denied to those
G37  54 who have no experience of actual battle.
G37  55    |^Though Trakl looks upon war from the anguished solitude of a
G37  56 prophet, he draws no conclusions and makes no forecasts. ^Yet it was
G37  57 not impossible for a fighting man to let his vision pierce beyond the
G37  58 actual carnage and to divine with an apocalyptic clairvoyance its
G37  59 meaning in the scheme of things. ^This was what Isaac Rosenberg did.
G37  60 ^In the British army he had little in common with his fellow poets.
G37  61 ^They were officers; he was a private soldier. ^They cherished a trust
G37  62 in a privileged and happy England which had only to survive the war
G37  63 and return to its old ways; he, brought up in poverty and frustration
G37  64 and conscious of his alien origin, shared none of their romantic
G37  65 dreams. ^For him the war was indeed a cosmic event, which he believed
G37  66 to be needed to purge the injustices of society and to bring back
G37  67 sanity to men. ^As such he welcomed it when it came, and as such he
G37  68 continued to believe in it when others had lost their nerve on finding
G37  69 that their vaulting hopes were false. ^He was convinced that the war
G37  70 was an inevitable part of an historical process, in which England,
G37  71 driven by a desire for self-destruction, by an *'incestuous worm**'
G37  72 eating into its vitals, was passing to the doom of Babylon and Rome.
G37  73 ^He had something in common with the Russian revolutionaries, but he
G37  74 differed from Mayakovsky in believing that the war was necessary to
G37  75 attain what he desired, and from Khlebnikov in taking no pleasure,
G37  76 however grim or perverse, in it. ^He did not deceive himself about its
G37  77 actual cost, and hardly any poet has written with so unshrinking a
G37  78 candour about the actual appearance of battle. ^As a human being
G37  79 Rosenberg was racked by the agony and the waste which he saw, but he
G37  80 steeled himself to endure it, because he believed that only through
G37  81 such an ordeal could the injustices and falsities of his world be
G37  82 discredited and destroyed. ^In his view England was paying a price for
G37  83 her cruelties, and, though the price was indeed heavy, it must none
G37  84 the less be paid. ^For this cause Rosenberg was ready to sacrifice
G37  85 himself, and he fulfilled his pledge when he was killed in April 1918.
G37  86 ^He spoke very much from his own point of view, but what he said is an
G37  87 enlightening corrective both to those who saw nothing in the carnage
G37  88 and to those who saw nothing beyond it.
G37  89    |^A second matter on which there is a wide divergence between the
G37  90 non-combatant and the combatant views of war is in their treatment of
G37  91 death. ^Those who are not in constant contact with it cannot but be
G37  92 deeply affected by it, and not only express their grief freely but see
G37  93 in death much more than its immediate presence. ^Death in battle has
G37  94 long had its own glory, and it is understandable that Rupert Brook,
G37  95 who died before he had seen any fighting except at Antwerp, should
G37  96 proclaim:
G37  97 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G37  98 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G37  99    |^Blow out, you bugles, over the rich Dead.
G37 100 **[END QUOTE**]
G37 101 **[END INDENTATION**]
G37 102    |^But this was not how the average soldier treated it. ^So far as
G37 103 the prospect of his own death was concerned, he usually observed a
G37 104 private fatalism, which made speculation superfluous, and in the
G37 105 deaths of others, however deeply he might feel a personal loss, he
G37 106 knew that it was useless to lament or do anything but hide his
G37 107 feelings in a situation where death came all the time and hardly
G37 108 called for special remark. ^This of course did not deceive anyone, and
G37 109 was not intended to do so; it was the dignity of silence in the face
G37 110 of something on which there was nothing to say. ^The soldier has to
G37 111 adjust his mind to death. ^He does so by treating it as nothing
G37 112 unusual, and in his topsy-turvy world he is not wrong. ^This note of
G37 113 superficial detachment is what Guillaume Apollinaire catches in
G37 114 *'\Exercice**':
G37 115 **[POEM**]
G37 116    |^With solicitous understatement Apollinaire tells of the deaths of
G37 117 four men behind the lines as if it were nothing unusual, and so indeed
G37 118 it was. ^But behind this quiet exterior there is a real compassion at
G37 119 the impartial cruelty of death which suddenly breaks into the
G37 120 soldiers' routine and destroys them, when in their talk about the past
G37 121 they pay no attention to the future, which suddenly falls upon them.
G37 122 ^Apollinaire's art speaks for a whole order of human beings of whom he
G37 123 is the representative, and presents these casual deaths in the spirit
G37 124 in which any soldier would, in his inarticulate way, feel about them.
G37 125    |^The paradox of death in war is that despite its presence life
G37 126 must go on without interruption and that even the most gruesome relics
G37 127 must not be allowed to break into the living soldier's hold upon
G37 128 himself, which is at all times precarious but none the less the centre
G37 129 of his sanity and his ability to act. ^The contrast between what he
G37 130 feels or does and the surroundings in which he does it is one of war's
G37 131 most violent discords, and in it we can see how the human spirit
G37 132 adapts itself to the most horrifying circumstances simply because it
G37 133 must exert itself and endure. ^Something of this kind is in the mind
G37 134 of the Italian poet Giuseppe Ungaretti in *'\Veglia**' (*'Watch**'):
G37 135 **[POEM**]
G37 136    |^In the struggle to maintain his individuality Ungaretti has to
G37 137 resist any invasion of it by distress at the dead body. ^He is fully
G37 138 aware of it, and his words are not in the least lacking in humanity.
G37 139 ^He marks the horror of death in the snarl on the dead man's face and
G37 140 is painfully conscious of the way in which the dead hands push towards
G37 141 him, but he struggles against the horror, exerts a complete command
G37 142 over himself*- and writes love-letters. ^It is his escape from the
G37 143 hideous unreality of war into the reality of his affections, and it
G37 144 gains greatly in seriousness from the chilling circumstances in which
G37 145 it all takes place.
G37 146    |^A third matter on which the fighting soldier has his own ideas is
G37 147 the enemy. ^At home enemies may be denounced as inhuman barbarians,
G37 148 ready to destroy the hearths and shrines of lands more civilized than
G37 149 their own. ^Therefore patriots, safely ensconced in the rear,
G37 150 fulminate against them, but the average soldier soon sees that in this
G37 151 there is little truth. ^Living in his own isolated world of the
G37 152 trenches, he feels that the enemy are closer to him than many of his
G37 153 own countrymen, and especially than the invisible commanders who from
G37 154 a remote security order multitudes to a senseless death. ^On no point
G37 155 is there a sharper contrast between home and front, and in England we
G37 156 may mark the extremes, on one side by Kipling's
G37 157 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G37 158 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G37 159    |~It was not part of their blood.
G37 160    |~It came to them very late
G37 161    |With long arrears to make good,
G37 162    |When the English began to hate,
G37 163 **[END QUOTE**]
G37 164 **[END INDENTATION**]
G37 165    |and on the other side by Siegfried Sassoon's
G37 166 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G37 167 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G37 168    |~O German mother dreaming by the fire,
G37 169    |While you are knitting socks to send your son
G37 170    |His face is trodden deeper in the mud.
G37 171 **[END QUOTE**]
G37 172 **[END INDENTATION**]
G37 173    |^In Germany no less pungent a contrast can be found between one
G37 174 end of the scale with Littauer's *'Hymn of Hate**' and another with
G37 175 ordinary soldiers, who felt, almost despite themselves, the curious
G37 176 brotherhood into which battle draws its antagonists. ^So in
G37 177 *'\Bru"der**' (*'Brothers**'), Heinrich Lersch comes close to what
G37 178 many men felt as he tells of a dead man hanging on the barbed wire in
G37 179 front of his trench. ^He feels that this man is his brother, and at
G37 180 night he thinks that he hears him crying. ^He crawls out to bring him
G37 181 in and bury him, and then he sees that he is a stranger. ^He draws his
G37 182 conclusion:
G37 183 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G37 184 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G37 185    |^{Es irrten meine Augen. ^Mein Herz, du irrst dich nicht: Es hat
G37 186 ein jeder Toter des Bruders Angesicht.}
G37 187    |^\2'Twas my eyes were mistaken. ^You, heart, were not misled;
G37 188 There's the look of a brother on every man that's dead.)
G37 189 **[END QUOTE**]
G37 190 **[END INDENTATION**]
G37 191    |^In France we find similar contrasts. ^At one extreme we may put
G37 192 Claudel's *'{Derrie*?3re eux}**', which in righteous anger denounces
G37 193 the Germans for shedding innocent blood and foretells their defeat and
G37 194 punishment by the implacable justice which they have aroused against
G37 195 them. ^It has its own proud fury when Claudel elaborates how in the
G37 196 end the Germans will be undone by the very forces which they have
G37 197 themselves set in action:
G37 198 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G37 199    |~{Retranche-toi, peuple assie*?2ge*?2! e*?2tends tes impassables
G37 200 re*?2seaux de fil
G37 201    |de fer!
G37 202    |~Fossoyeurs de vos propres battaillons, sans rela*?5che faites
G37 203 votre fosse
G37 204    |dans la terre!}
G37 205 **[END QUOTE**]
G37 206 but it moves in too exalted and too personal an atmosphere to speak
G37 207 for the common soldier.
G37 208 *# 2027
G38   1 **[225 TEXT G38**]
G38   2 ^*0He may chance to cut a poor figure in the eyes of posterity, for a
G38   3 work which was mere commercial trash to the \*1conoscenti *0of one
G38   4 generation might possibly become a classic to those of another. ^If,
G38   5 on the other hand, he is guided by a contempt for the readers of such
G38   6 books, then he is making a crude and unacknowledged use of my system.
G38   7 ^It would be safer to admit what he was doing and do it better; make
G38   8 sure that his contempt had in it no admixture of merely social
G38   9 snobbery or intellectual priggery. ^My proposed system works in the
G38  10 open. ^If we cannot observe the reading habits of those who buy the
G38  11 Westerns, or don't think it worth while to try, we say nothing about
G38  12 the books. ^If we can, there is usually not much difficulty in
G38  13 assigning those habits either to the unliterary or the literary class.
G38  14 ^If we find that a book is usually read in one way, still more if we
G38  15 never find that it is read in the other, we have a {6prima facie}
G38  16 case for thinking it bad. ^If on the other hand we found even one
G38  17 reader to whom the cheap little book with its double columns and the
G38  18 lurid daub on its cover had been a lifelong delight, who had read and
G38  19 reread it, who would notice, and object, if a single word were
G38  20 changed, then, however little we could see in it ourselves and however
G38  21 it was despised by our friends and colleagues, we should not dare to
G38  22 put it beyond the pale.
G38  23    |^How risky the current method can be, I have some reason to know.
G38  24 ^Science-fiction is a literary province I used to visit fairly often;
G38  25 if I now visit it seldom, that is not because my taste has improved
G38  26 but because the province has changed, being now covered with new
G38  27 building estates, in a style I don't care for. ^But in the good old
G38  28 days I noticed that whenever critics said anything about it, they
G38  29 betrayed great ignorance. ^They talked as if it were a homogeneous
G38  30 genre. ^But it is not, in the literary sense, a genre at all. ^There
G38  31 is nothing common to all who write it except the use of a particular
G38  32 *'machine**'. ^Some of the writers are of the family of Jules Verne
G38  33 and are primarily interested in technology. ^Some use the machine
G38  34 simply for literary fantasy and produce what is essentially
G38  35 \*1Ma"rchen *0or myth. ^A great many use it for satire; nearly all the
G38  36 most pungent American criticism of the American way of life takes this
G38  37 form, and would at once be denounced as un-American if it ventured
G38  38 into any other. ^And finally, there is the great mass of hacks who
G38  39 merely *'cashed in**' on the boom in science-fiction and used remote
G38  40 planets or even galaxies as the backcloth for spy-stories or
G38  41 love-stories which might as well or better have been located in
G38  42 Whitechapel or the Bronx. ^And as the stories differ in kind, so of
G38  43 course do their readers. ^You can, if you wish, class all
G38  44 science-fiction together; but it is about as perceptive as classing
G38  45 the works of Ballantyne, Conrad and {0W. W.} Jacobs together as
G38  46 *'the sea-story**' and then criticising *1that.
G38  47    |^*0But it is when we come to the second distinction, that made
G38  48 among the sheep or within the pale, that my system would differ most
G38  49 sharply from the established one. ^For the established system, the
G38  50 difference between distinctions within the pale and that primary
G38  51 distinction which draws the pale itself, can only be one of degree.
G38  52 ^Milton is bad and Patience Strong is worse; Dickens (most of him) is
G38  53 bad and Edgar Wallace is worse. ^My taste is bad because I like Scott
G38  54 and Stevenson; the taste of those who like {0E. R.} Burroughs is
G38  55 worse. ^But the system I propose would draw a distinction not of
G38  56 degree but of kind between readings. ^All the words*- *'taste**',
G38  57 *'liking**', *'enjoyment**'*- bear different meanings as applied to
G38  58 the unliterary and to me. ^There is no evidence that anyone has ever
G38  59 reacted to Edgar Wallace as I react to Stevenson. ^In that way, the
G38  60 judgement that someone is unliterary is like the judgement ~*'This man
G38  61 is not in love**', whereas the judgement that my taste is bad is more
G38  62 like ~*'This man is in love, but with a frightful woman**'. ^And just
G38  63 as the mere fact that a man of sense and breeding loves a woman we
G38  64 dislike properly and inevitably makes us consider her again and look
G38  65 for, and sometimes find, something in her we had not noticed before,
G38  66 so, in my system, the very fact that people, or even any one person,
G38  67 can well and truly read, and love for a lifetime, a book we had
G38  68 thought bad, will raise the suspicion that it cannot really be as bad
G38  69 as we thought. ^Sometimes, to be sure, our friend's mistress remains
G38  70 in our eyes so plain, stupid and disagreeable that we can attribute
G38  71 his love only to the irrational and mysterious behaviour of hormones;
G38  72 similarly, the book he likes may continue to seem so bad that we have
G38  73 to attribute his liking to some early association or other
G38  74 psychological accident. ^But we must, and should, remain uncertain.
G38  75 ^Always, there may be something in it that we can't see. ^The {6prima
G38  76 facie} probability that anything which has ever been truly read and
G38  77 obstinately loved by any reader has some virtue in it is overwhelming.
G38  78 ^To condemn such a book is therefore, on my system, a very serious
G38  79 matter. ^Our condemnation is never quite final. ^The question could
G38  80 always without absurdity be re-opened.
G38  81    |^And here, I suggest, the proposed system is the more realistic.
G38  82 ^For, whatever we say, we are all aware in a cool hour that the
G38  83 distinctions within the pale are far more precarious than the location
G38  84 of the pale itself, and that nothing whatever is gained by disguising
G38  85 the fact. ^When whistling to keep our spirits up, we may say that we
G38  86 are as certain of Tennyson's inferiority to Wordsworth as of Edgar
G38  87 Wallace's to Balzac. ^When heated with controversy you may say that my
G38  88 taste in liking Milton is merely a milder instance of the same sort of
G38  89 badness we attribute to the taste that likes the comics. ^We can say
G38  90 these things but no sane man quite fully believes them. ^The
G38  91 distinctions we draw between better and worse within the pale are not
G38  92 at all like that between *'trash**' and *'real**' literature. ^They
G38  93 all depend on precarious and reversible judgements. ^The proposed
G38  94 system frankly acknowledges this. ^It admits from the outset that
G38  95 there can be no question of totally and finally *'debunking**' or
G38  96 *'exposing**' any author who has for some time been well inside the
G38  97 pale. ^We start from the assumption that whatever has been found good
G38  98 by those who really and truly read probably is good. ^All probability
G38  99 is against those who attack. ^And all they can hope to do is to
G38 100 persuade people that it is less good than they think; freely
G38 101 confessing that even this assessment may presently be set aside.
G38 102    |^Thus one result of my system would be to silence the type of
G38 103 critic for whom all the great names in English literature*- except for
G38 104 the half dozen protected by the momentary critical
G38 105 *'establishment**'*- are as so many lamp-posts for a dog. ^And this I
G38 106 consider a good thing. ^These dethronements are a great waste of
G38 107 energy. ^Their acrimony produces heat at the expense of light. ^They
G38 108 do not improve anyone's capacity for good reading. ^The real way of
G38 109 mending a man's taste is not to denigrate his present favourites but
G38 110 to teach him how to enjoy something better.
G38 111    |^Such are the advantages I think we might hope **[SIC**] from
G38 112 basing our criticism of books on our criticism of reading. ^But we
G38 113 have so far pictured the system working ideally and ignored the snags.
G38 114 ^In practice we shall have to be content with something less.
G38 115    |^The most obvious objection to judging books by the way they are
G38 116 read is the fact that the same book may be read in different ways. ^We
G38 117 all know that certain passages in good fiction and good poetry are
G38 118 used by some readers, chiefly schoolboys, as pornography; and now that
G38 119 Lawrence is coming out in paperbacks, the pictures on their covers and
G38 120 the company they keep on the station bookstalls show very clearly what
G38 121 sort of sales, and therefore what sort of reading, the booksellers
G38 122 anticipate. ^We must, therefore, say that what damns a book is not the
G38 123 existence of bad readings but the absence of good ones. ^Ideally, we
G38 124 should like to define a good book as one which *'permits, invites, or
G38 125 compels**' good reading. ^But we shall have to make do with *'permits
G38 126 and invites**'. ^There may indeed be books which compel a good reading
G38 127 in the sense that no one who reads in the wrong way would be likely to
G38 128 get through more than a few of their pages. ^If you took up *1Samson
G38 129 Agonistes, Rasselas, *0or *1Urn Burial *0to pass the time, or for
G38 130 excitement, or as an aid to egoistic castle-building you would soon
G38 131 put it down. ^But books which thus resist bad reading are not
G38 132 necessarily better than books which do not. ^It is, logically, an
G38 133 accident that some beauties can, and others cannot, be abused. ^As for
G38 134 *'invites**', invitation admits of degrees. ^*'Permits**' is therefore
G38 135 our sheet-anchor. ^The ideally bad book is the one of which a good
G38 136 reading is impossible. ^The words in which it exists will not bear
G38 137 close attention, and what they communicate offers you nothing unless
G38 138 you are prepared either for mere thrills or for flattering daydreams.
G38 139 ^But *'invitation**' comes into our conception of a good book. ^It is
G38 140 not enough that attentive and obedient reading should be barely
G38 141 possible if we try hard enough. ^The author must not leave us to do
G38 142 all the work. ^He must show, and pretty quickly, that his writing
G38 143 deserves, because it rewards, alert and disciplined reading.
G38 144    |^It will also be objected that to take our stand upon readings
G38 145 rather than books is to turn from the known to the unknowable. ^The
G38 146 books, after all, are obtainable and we can inspect them for
G38 147 ourselves; what can we really know about other people's ways of
G38 148 reading? ^But this objection is not so formidable as it sounds.
G38 149    |^The judgement of readings, as I have already said, is twofold.
G38 150 ^First, we put some readers outside the pale as unliterary; then we
G38 151 distinguish better and worse tastes within the pale. ^When we are
G38 152 doing the first, the readers themselves will give us no conscious
G38 153 assistance. ^They do not talk about reading and would be inarticulate
G38 154 if they tried to. ^But in their case external observation is perfectly
G38 155 easy. ^Where reading plays a very small part in the total life and
G38 156 every book is tossed aside like an old newspaper the moment it has
G38 157 been used, unliterary reading can be diagnosed with certainty. ^Where
G38 158 there is passionate and constant love of a book and rereading, then,
G38 159 however bad we think the book and however immature or uneducated we
G38 160 think the reader, it cannot. ^(By rereading I mean, of course,
G38 161 rereading for choice. ^A lonely child in a house where there are few
G38 162 books or a ship's officer on a long voyage may be driven to reread
G38 163 anything {*1faute de mieux}.*0)
G38 164    |^When we are making the second distinction*- approving or
G38 165 censuring the tastes of those who are obviously literary*- the test by
G38 166 external observation fails us. ^But to compensate for that, we are now
G38 167 dealing with articulate people. ^They will talk, and even write, about
G38 168 their favourite books. ^They will sometimes explicitly tell us, and
G38 169 more often unintentionally reveal, the sort of pleasure they take in
G38 170 them and the sort of reading it implies. ^We can thus often judge, not
G38 171 with certainty but with great probability, who has received Lawrence
G38 172 on his literary merits and who is primarily attracted by the \*1imago
G38 173 *0of Rebel or Poor Boy Makes Good; who loves Dante as a poet and who
G38 174 loves him as a Thomist; who seeks in an author the enlargement of his
G38 175 mental being and who seeks only the enlargement of his self-esteem.
G38 176 *# 2043
G39   1 **[226 TEXT G39**]
G39   2    |^*0They were married on March 4th, 1880, at \0St. Matthias,
G39   3 Dublin, and the bride wore a simple travelling dress of grey. ^It was
G39   4 in every way more suitable, considering the bridegroom's age, and the
G39   5 fact that she was still in mourning for her brother. ^But she
G39   6 regretted it afterwards. ^*'The conventional dress of a widow has been
G39   7 mine, but never the dress of a bride.**'
G39   8    |^His letter to Layard from Paris, a few days later, gives the
G39   9 picture of a happy, teasing relationship between them. ^*'I am hardly
G39  10 recovered as yet from the surprise which my marriage has caused me.
G39  11 ^My wife, who was quite a student, is now plunged among \*1chiffons
G39  12 *0and \*1modistes, *0and I am bound to admit that she bears the
G39  13 infliction with a resignation which is rather alarming and ominous,
G39  14 excusing her new-fangled interest in dress on the grounds of pleasing
G39  15 me.**' ^Evidently Cinderella got her finery after all.
G39  16    |^Her welcome from the Layards was as warm as his had always been,
G39  17 and for Enid Layard, her ideal of a hostess and great lady, she felt a
G39  18 hero-worship which developed into the closest intimacy she ever had
G39  19 with another woman. ^To Lady Layard's literary antecedents I will
G39  20 return.
G39  21    |^They were only just in time to see Sir Henry in his ambassadorial
G39  22 glory, for his diplomatic career was coming to an abrupt end. ^A
G39  23 confidential despatch, in which he gave his frank opinion of the
G39  24 Sultan's incompetence and personal cowardice, was published by the
G39  25 Foreign Office, whether through carelessness or treachery is not
G39  26 known. ^Queen Victoria, a strong supporter of monarchical
G39  27 trade-unionism, was scarcely less furious than the Sultan, and Sir
G39  28 Henry was not only recalled, but lost his hope of a peerage, in which
G39  29 matter, one is told, Sir William had been acting as intermediary.
G39  30 ^However, the Layards were childless and comfortably off, and had some
G39  31 years previously bought themselves a beautiful palazzo on the Grand
G39  32 Canal in Venice, so that retirement was no great hardship to them.
G39  33 ^The Gregorys would visit them there every spring.
G39  34    |^To neither friend did retirement mean inactivity. ^They continued
G39  35 their work for the National Gallery and their personal
G39  36 picture-collecting, and Sir William continued to gratify what he calls
G39  37 his insatiable appetite for travelling. ^Three times during his
G39  38 marriage he returned as a visitor to his beloved Ceylon, on the second
G39  39 occasion taking Augusta with him, and giving her a winter in India
G39  40 first. ^Other winters were spent in Egypt; spring in Spain or Italy,
G39  41 and then on to the Layards. ^He had, of course, no intention of
G39  42 burying himself at Coole; it was a country house for a few weeks of
G39  43 shooting in the late summer and early autumn. ^Nor did he take any
G39  44 notice of Dublin, a place of provincial dowdiness to a man of the
G39  45 world like himself, except to give a picture or two to its National
G39  46 Gallery*- nothing in comparison with what he did for London's. ^The
G39  47 tall house in \0St. George's Place, London, was the nearest thing he
G39  48 had to a settled home.
G39  49    |^For the Cinderella of Roxborough, it was liberation indeed. ^It
G39  50 was fulfilment not only as a woman, but as an intelligence. ^Now at
G39  51 last she had someone to talk to; in fact she had the best company in
G39  52 London to talk to, in the Jane Austen sense of *'the company of
G39  53 clever, well-informed people who have plenty of conversation.**' ^It
G39  54 was frequently the best company in the social sense too; Sir William
G39  55 numbered at least two duchesses among his intimates. ^*'Freed by my
G39  56 own happy marriage from many family traditions**'*- so she describes
G39  57 her escape from the Persse conservatism and prejudice. ^Sir William
G39  58 may not appear much of a revolutionary from our standpoint, but from
G39  59 theirs he was almost as much a rebel and traitor to his class as she
G39  60 was to seem to the next Ascendancy generation. ^Moreover, he was a
G39  61 great gentleman, with a nation-wide reputation and the grand manner,
G39  62 and if he chose to be a rebel, nobody dared say him nay.
G39  63    |^In May of 1881, their son William Robert was born in London, to
G39  64 be the pride of his father's old age, and to his mother the dearest
G39  65 thing on earth.
G39  66 *<3*>
G39  67    |^As far as the Galway remove went, only seven miles separated her
G39  68 from Roxborough, but from the first, she says, *'there seemed to be a
G39  69 strangeness and romance about Coole.**' ^And it is not surprising, for
G39  70 the two houses and their demesnes were different worlds. ^Roxborough
G39  71 was open and windy, bustling and busy, a working estate; Coole was a
G39  72 pleasure-house, a Sleeping Beauty palace in a thick forest. ^For by
G39  73 his plantations the East India chairman, homesick perhaps for Asia,
G39  74 had created an artificial jungle, quite against the grain of that
G39  75 limestone country. ^His descendants had inherited his passion for
G39  76 tree-planting. ^Sir William had turned the nut-wood north of the house
G39  77 into a pinetum, putting, as he cheerfully admits, a great deal of
G39  78 money into the nurserymen's pockets, since many of the rare species of
G39  79 conifer introduced would not take to the limestone, and died. ^But
G39  80 enough remained to create a handsome sub-Alpine gloom.
G39  81    |^The drive was two miles long, and the last mile was first an
G39  82 arching avenue of ilex, then a twisting forest track. ^The house
G39  83 itself disappointed many (including, years later, Robert Gregory's
G39  84 artist bride) by its architectural poverty. ^It was an oblong white
G39  85 Georgian building with a plain little porch, the counterpart of
G39  86 hundreds in Ireland. ^The principal living-rooms, library and
G39  87 drawing-room, looked the other way, west towards the lake, through
G39  88 undistinguished but serviceable bays. ^All the house's distinction lay
G39  89 within.
G39  90    |^Four cultivated generations had filled it with books, pictures,
G39  91 statuary, records and mementoes of wide travel, all bearing the
G39  92 imprint of personal taste and personal achievement. ^It was the house
G39  93 of people who had never been afraid to use their brains.
G39  94    |^As at Roxborough, there were rats; indeed, till Robert Gregory
G39  95 married, and his wife persuaded him to pull down the creeper which
G39  96 covered the outer walls, there were rats to a positively embarrassing
G39  97 degree. ^A visitor of the creeper epoch recalls a rat in her bedroom
G39  98 while she was undressing, a rat inside the mattress when she got into
G39  99 bed, and unmistakeable signs that a rat had been before her when she
G39 100 got down to breakfast next morning; after which she walked the three
G39 101 miles into Gort, and sent herself a telegram, summoning herself home.
G39 102    |^Ten minutes' walk along the edge of the paddock at the back of
G39 103 the house brought one out*- with a sense of relief if one were of a
G39 104 claustrophobic tendency*- on to the edge of a long meandering lake,
G39 105 made even longer in winter by floods, since its waters, like those of
G39 106 the Roxborough river, only reached the sea by an underground channel,
G39 107 which was liable to get blocked. ^And round the lake lay more vast
G39 108 woods; somewhere in their depths was a perched boulder which when
G39 109 struck emitted musical notes, and could be caused to ring like a chime
G39 110 of church bells. ^It was all very eerie, and not surprisingly, was a
G39 111 favourite haunt of the Sidhe, those strange Beings, in appearance just
G39 112 like ordinary people until They vanished or filled your pockets with
G39 113 derisory gold, whom it is inadequate and misleading to describe by our
G39 114 English word of Fairies. ^To the difficulty of finding your way about
G39 115 the woods was added Their propensity for leading you astray, and
G39 116 unwary visitors could be lost for hours, or even a whole night. ^In
G39 117 later years Their most notable victim was to be Bernard Shaw.
G39 118    |^Even in County Galway, the seven miles' removal meant a more
G39 119 intellectual society. ^Sir William's chief friend in the district was
G39 120 Count \de Basterot, a French traveller and litte*?2rateur who had
G39 121 inherited an estate on the Burren coast from the Irish side of his
G39 122 family, self-exiled to France in the time of James *=2. ^The Count
G39 123 came to Duras for the summer and autumn, much as the Gregorys came to
G39 124 Coole. ^While the next-door neighbour, at Tullira Castle, was an
G39 125 old-maidish young man named Edward Martyn, heir and hope of one of the
G39 126 rare Catholic landed families. ^He had literary ambitions which Sir
G39 127 William had encouraged, and was in all directions talented, musically
G39 128 and artistically too. ^Unfortunately, he was mother-dominated to an
G39 129 extent which made it impossible for him to manage his life or get the
G39 130 full value from his talents. ^To please his mother, he had Gothicised
G39 131 his house at a cost of *+20,000, though besought by Sir William not
G39 132 to. ^He would do anything to please her but marry, and he lived like a
G39 133 hermit in one of the towers, nourishing a hatred for the rest of
G39 134 womankind. ^His position as a wealthy and cultivated Catholic later
G39 135 gave him great importance in the Irish Renascence; he became a link
G39 136 between the different sides of the movement; people got to know each
G39 137 other through him, thereafter leaving him behind.
G39 138    |^Three years after Lady Gregory's marriage, \0Dr (later Monsignor)
G39 139 Jerome Fahy was appointed Vicar-General of Gort, the market town
G39 140 nearest to Coole, and this brought into their circle another
G39 141 intelligent man whom as Augusta Persse she would never have been
G39 142 allowed to know. ^Sir William, it has been noted, was a friend to the
G39 143 Roman Catholic religion, though perhaps not for what Catholics would
G39 144 consider the right reasons. ^He had always been on good terms with the
G39 145 Bishop and clergy of the Kilmacduagh diocese, and their support had
G39 146 materially assisted his election as member for Galway. ^And the new
G39 147 Vicar-General was no ordinary parish priest, but a historian and a man
G39 148 of exceptionally enquiring mind.
G39 149    |^On the lonely moorland of Kilmacduagh, about three miles
G39 150 south-west of Gort, he found one of the most considerable groups of
G39 151 ancient ecclesiastical ruins in Ireland: an abbey church, a monastery,
G39 152 a cathedral, and a well-preserved Round Tower leaning two feet from
G39 153 the perpendicular. ^The history of these monuments had been nearly
G39 154 forgotten, but he made it his business to *'disinter the buried
G39 155 treasure**', as he puts it in the preface to his *1History and
G39 156 Antiquities of the Diocese of Kilmacduagh, *0published in 1893. ^He is
G39 157 writing, of course, from the standpoint of his faith, but much of what
G39 158 he *'disinterred**' was folklore, and he was collecting it in the
G39 159 field, a decade before Lady Gregory and Yeats.
G39 160    |^Nor did he limit himself to legends of \0St Colman, but as we
G39 161 have seen, brought his story up to date with accounts of the reigning
G39 162 Ascendancy families; dealing out censure vigorously, but giving credit
G39 163 to those who had discharged their responsibilities fairly,
G39 164 particularly to the Gregorys and the Verekers, the two families who
G39 165 had made Gort such a well-liking **[SIC**] and prosperous little town.
G39 166 *<4*>
G39 167    |^The winter spent by the Gregorys in Egypt was an important one
G39 168 for Augusta, for it was then that, as she puts it, she *'made her
G39 169 education in politics**'. ^The leaders of the English colony in Cairo
G39 170 were the Sussex poet and landowner Wilfred Scawen Blunt, and his wife
G39 171 Lady Anne, granddaughter of Byron. ^Blunt was a great taker-up of
G39 172 causes. ^He was already disquieted by British administration in India,
G39 173 and a few years later, in the Land League troubles, he was to claim
G39 174 the honour of being the first Englishman to go to gaol for Ireland's
G39 175 sake. ^He served a sentence in Galway Gaol for inciting Lord
G39 176 Clanricarde's tenants to resist eviction, and while this was no doubt
G39 177 awkward for Sir William Gregory, who was a friend of Lord
G39 178 Clanricarde's, it gave him in Lady Gregory's eyes the status of a
G39 179 hero.
G39 180    |^All her life she was fascinated by stories of prisons and
G39 181 prisoners, as indeed anyone with *'rebelly**' leanings well may be.
G39 182 ^From Blunt she learnt what it felt like to be inside the grim gaol at
G39 183 which she had so often stared in awe when her elders came to Galway,
G39 184 and which was to form the background to her two most famous short
G39 185 plays.
G39 186 *# 2003
G40   1 **[227 TEXT G40**]
G40   2 *<*6MALAY LITERATURE*>
G40   3 *<*4By *6SIR RICHARD WINSTEDT*>
G40   4    |^F*2OR *0more than a 1,000 years Malaya's little courts and ports
G40   5 were under the influence of Hindu and Buddhist India, which in fact
G40   6 had created them. ^First Pallavas from the Coromandel coast imported a
G40   7 mixture of the religions of Brahma, Shiva and Visnu and Buddhism; and
G40   8 Sanskrit inscriptions of the 4th century of the Xtian era show that in
G40   9 Kedah, Hinayana and Mahayana Buddhism flourished side by side. ^From
G40  10 the 6th to the 13th centuries, Northern Malaya was part of a Buddhist
G40  11 empire, Sri Vijaya, that ruled the Malacca straits from Kedah and the
G40  12 Sunda straits from Palembang in south Sumatra. ^And though the
G40  13 conversion to Islam 600 years ago destroyed the Hindu alphabets and
G40  14 any palm-leaf literature, there remain four times as many Sanskrit
G40  15 loanwords even in Malay village verse as there are Arabic. ^The
G40  16 Indians were too few in the land to introduce Prakrit or any Dravidian
G40  17 tongue as the language of conversation, but the court Brahmins brought
G40  18 religion and learning and furnished the primitive Malay with his first
G40  19 abstract terms, terms still used by the Muslim Malay to denote
G40  20 *1religion, fasting, heaven, sin, life, language, time, name, prince,
G40  21 property, thing, a fine, work *0and so on. ^It is this background that
G40  22 gave the Malay stories from the Jataka tales, Bidpai's fables and the
G40  23 Katha Sarit Sagara or Ocean of story, carried down the centuries
G40  24 {*1per ora virum}, *0until they were written down and published in
G40  25 modern times. ^Most of these stories are known throughout South East
G40  26 Asia and there is Buddhist influence in folktales. ^But the two chief
G40  27 literary relics of the Hindu period are Malay versions of the Ramayana
G40  28 and Mahabharata. ^The former, the Hikayat Sri Rama, is derived from
G40  29 the oral tradition of the Javanese shadow-play and contains details
G40  30 from the east, west and south-west of India. ^Some of the episodes are
G40  31 not found in India before the 12th century. ^The Malay version in the
G40  32 Perso-Arabic script would appear to date from the first half of the
G40  33 15th century, when children in the streets of Malacca knew the story,
G40  34 and Islamic romance had not yet ousted the Hindu epics. ^The Malay
G40  35 versions of sections of the Mahabharata are derived from Javanese
G40  36 versions of the 14th century and again may probably have been
G40  37 translated in 15th century Malacca with its large Javanese quarter.
G40  38    |^By 1634 Malays were instructed by a famous theologian writer in
G40  39 Malay that the Ramayana might be condemned to the rubbish heap
G40  40 provided the name of Allah did not occur in the manuscript. ^In the
G40  41 Bodleian manuscript which goes back to the 16th century or earlier, it
G40  42 is Nabi Adam who gives Ravana his kingdoms and {*1Allah taala} *0has
G40  43 been substituted for the Hindu Trinity ({*1dewata mulia raya}).
G40  44    |^*0One other strong pre-Muslim element in Malay literature was a
G40  45 cycle of some forty tales enacted in the shadow-plays of Java, Bali,
G40  46 Malaya, Siam and Cambodia, whose hero is a Javanese prince Sri Panji
G40  47 and heroine Chandra Kirana, Moon-beam. ^Some are preserved in Kelantan
G40  48 thanks to the shadow-plays. ^One Kelantan tale is typical. ^The god
G40  49 Indra sentences a heavenly nymph guilty of an illicit love affair to
G40  50 become a mortal and be murdered by a Javanese queen before she can
G40  51 return to heaven. ^She descends and becomes incarnate in the wife of a
G40  52 Javanese headman. ^A prince hunting sees her and weds her, though he
G40  53 is betrothed to a princess. ^His mother mad with rage stabs the girl
G40  54 in her sleep, whereupon she returns a nymph in heaven. ^As always
G40  55 there is horse-play by the prince's followers who are deified
G40  56 ancestors turned by Hinduism into clowns. ^The Panji cycle influences
G40  57 the *"Malay Annals**" and inspired the only original Malay romance
G40  58 before modern times, the story of Hang Tuah or the Lucky Captain whose
G40  59 exploits are a mixture of myth and history found in Indian and
G40  60 Javanese literature of this type and include an apochryphal trip to
G40  61 Istanbul.
G40  62    |^Virginia Woolf's analysis of Sidney's Arcadia fits exactly not
G40  63 only the Panji tales but a number of Malay romances that are a jumble
G40  64 of Hindu folklore and mythology, Panji episodes, allusions to the
G40  65 heroes of the Shahnameh, incidents from the Alexander legend,
G40  66 references to Baghdad, Medinah, Egypt and Byzantium and even
G40  67 expositions of Sufi mysticism. ^*"Sidney**" writes Virginia Woolf,
G40  68 *"had no notion when he set out where he was going. ^Telling stories,
G40  69 he thought, was enough*- one could follow another interminably. ^But
G40  70 where there is no end in view, there is no sense of direction to draw
G40  71 us on. ^Nor, since it is part of his scheme to keep his characters
G40  72 simply bad and simply good without distinction, can he gain variety
G40  73 from the complexity of character. ^To supply change and movement he
G40  74 must have recourse to mystification. ^These changes of dress, these
G40  75 disguises of princes as peasants, of men as women, serve instead of
G40  76 psychological subtilty to relieve the stagnancy of people collected
G40  77 together with nothing to talk about. ^But when the charm of that
G40  78 childish device falls flat there is no breath to fill the sails. ^Who
G40  79 is talking and to whom and about what, we no longer feel sure.**"
G40  80 ^Some of the Malay romances, which apart from any Javanese additions,
G40  81 all come from India, appear to have been translated in the 15th
G40  82 century, others in the 16th and 17th. ^One, the Indraputra was
G40  83 condemned to the rubbish heap in 1634 along with the Ramayana. ^The
G40  84 two last romances of this type were translated early in the 19th
G40  85 century. ^The modern Malay views them with the eye of Virginia Woolf
G40  86 and today they are of interest only to the folklorist and the
G40  87 linguist.
G40  88    |^The first missionaries of Islam had to provide romances to take
G40  89 the place of the Ramayana and Mahabharata and the popular Panji tales.
G40  90 ^So the pseudo-Callisthenes story of Alexander the Great as a warrior
G40  91 missionary of the faith of Abraham, the precursor of Mohamed, was
G40  92 presented to the Malays in a translation almost with the advent of
G40  93 Islam. ^There is a Megat Iskandar in 14th century Pasai and soon after
G40  94 1400 the first Muslim ruler of Malacca changed his Hindu title of
G40  95 Parameswara for Sultan Iskandar Shah. ^Several Malay manuscripts name
G40  96 as the author of the Arabic version Al-Suri, who cites as his
G40  97 authority Abdullah \ibn Al-Mustafa translator of the Pahlavi version
G40  98 of the Kalila \wa Dimna. ^From its early date and the fact that it is
G40  99 a compilation from Persian as well as Arabic sources, the Malay
G40 100 Hikayat Iskandar may be derived from a Perso-Arabic source in India.
G40 101 ^It seems probable that Malacca's first ruler, who died in 1424 knew
G40 102 the Hikayat. ^The 15th century author of the *"Malay Annals**" borrows
G40 103 anecdotes from it and also mentions the Hikayat Amir Hamza and Hikayat
G40 104 Hanafiah, the former a direct translation from the Persian and the
G40 105 latter having Shi'ah colouring and quoting a Persian verse. ^Another
G40 106 Malay work of Persian origin is the story of Joseph and Zulaikha,
G40 107 namely Potiphar's wife. ^An excellent Malay work is the Hikayat Bayan
G40 108 Budiman, or story of the Wise Parrot, a cycle of tales in a frame
G40 109 story, where every night the parrot dissuades his mistress from going
G40 110 to meet a lover by diverting her with tales. ^Ultimately this cycle of
G40 111 stories comes from the Sanskrit but the Malay version claims to be
G40 112 from the Persian Tutinameh. ^Three times in the text the work is
G40 113 ascribed to one Kadli Hassan and twice a date, {0A.D.} 1371 is
G40 114 given. ^Its excellent style suggests that it was done into Malay in
G40 115 15th century Malacca and the *"Malay Annals**" tell us how the
G40 116 daughter of a Malaccan Laksamana, or Admiral was named Sabariah
G40 117 *"Patience**" almost certainly after a celebrated character in the
G40 118 story of the Wise Parrot.
G40 119    |^Another cycle of tales, called the Story of Bakhtiar was also
G40 120 translated from the Persian. ^The original Persian work was written in
G40 121 {0A.D.} 1203 and later done into Arabic. ^From the Persian recension
G40 122 are derived two Malay versions of the Hikayat Bakhtiar and from the
G40 123 Arabic comes the Malay Hikayat Ghulam.
G40 124    |^The fact that Malays could borrow so much from the Persian and
G40 125 yet remain orthodox Sunnites of the school of Shafi'i is explained
G40 126 from the Turkish and Mongol rulers of Persia between 1000 and 1500
G40 127 being also Sunnites. ^And during that period the Persian influence on
G40 128 Malay literature must have come not only from India but from Persians
G40 129 themselves. ^In 1336 Ibn Batuta records the presence of several
G40 130 Persians all Shafi'ites at the Pasai court. ^A tomb in that little
G40 131 Sumatran state bears an inscription from Sa'di and half a century
G40 132 later there were theologians living in Pasai who had come from
G40 133 Transoxana and Khorassan.
G40 134    |^The Malay version of the 1,000 Questions, the fullest version
G40 135 extant of the book from which Europe got to know the Arab account of
G40 136 Islam, is derived from two old Persian recensions and contains many
G40 137 references to places round the Caspian sea. ^It has no Shi'ah
G40 138 colouring.
G40 139    |^When Persians became Shi'ahs, Sayids from Mecca and the Hadramant
G40 140 gradually took their place in the Malay world, and we get a large
G40 141 number of theological works translated from orthodox Arabic originals.
G40 142 ^But Persian influence lingered. ^And there are four stories about the
G40 143 Prophet with a Shi'ah tinge, namely the tale of the Nur Muhammad or
G40 144 mystical light of the Prophet, the Splitting of the Moon, the
G40 145 Prophet's shaving and his death. ^One manuscript of 1688 calls the
G40 146 first an abridgement of a Persian Rauzat {al-ahbab} or Paradise of
G40 147 Lovers.
G40 148    |^After the capture of Malacca by the Portuguese in 1511 the
G40 149 mastery of the Malay world passed to Acheh, which was frequented by
G40 150 missionaries from Mecca, Yemen, Egypt and Syria whose names we know
G40 151 and who found pupils eager to study Islamic mysticism. ^Works of pure
G40 152 literature fell more and more out of fashion as Arab influence
G40 153 supplanted Persian. ^But still Persian influence lingered. ^The
G40 154 earliest Malay version of the Panchatantra or Bidpai's fables was
G40 155 known to the Dutch historian Valentyn in 1726 and from its poor Malay
G40 156 and Sumatran style it must have been translated at Acheh. ^It came
G40 157 through some Indian original from the 12th century Persian recension
G40 158 of Nasr Allah as amended in the 15th century by the author of the
G40 159 Anwar-i Suhaili or Lights of Canopus.
G40 160    |^There is an ethical treatise *"The Crown of Kings**" compiled at
G40 161 Bokhara and done into Malay in 1603 and therefore almost certainly at
G40 162 Acheh. ^The verses in this miscellany are all in the form of Persian
G40 163 prosody. ^Among Persian works cited in it are the Siyar \ul Muluk
G40 164 compiled by the famous Vizier Nizam \ul Muluk, a verse out of the
G40 165 Secrets of Attar, the romances of Mahmud and Ayaz and Shirin, and
G40 166 Yusuf and Zulaikha. ^The introduction acknowledges indebtedness to the
G40 167 author of the Anwar \i Suhaili.
G40 168    |^With the coming of Arabs from the Hadramant and with Malays
G40 169 studying in Mecca and later in Cairo, Indo-Persian belles-lettres gave
G40 170 way to theology, even the Arabian Nights not being translated until
G40 171 the 19th century and then from the English. ^But Malay theology is too
G40 172 vast a subject to handle here.
G40 173    |^The example of Thucydides, Gibbon and Macaulay before us, we may
G40 174 risk the contempt of so many of its modern practitioners and count
G40 175 history a branch of literature. ^Certainly it is the most original and
G40 176 best prosework of the Malays. ^And just as artistry has kept alive the
G40 177 work of the three great historians I have mentioned when countless
G40 178 others are forgotten or consulted only by specialists, so artistry
G40 179 puts the Malay 15th century *"Annals**" above all other Malay
G40 180 histories.
G40 181    |^It was not the earliest Malay history. ^The earliest is a History
G40 182 of the Rulers of Pasai (a small extinct Sumatran state) written after
G40 183 there had been time for Arabic loan-words to be adopted into the Malay
G40 184 language and containing one Arabic loan-word not met elsewhere in
G40 185 Malay \*1asfa *'*0reef, gold reef.**' ^Islam reached northern Sumatra
G40 186 late in the 13th century and Pasai's first Muslim ruler died in 1297.
G40 187 *# 2003
G41   1 **[228 TEXT G41**]
G41   2 *<*4Introduction*>
G41   3 *<*5Anthony Powell*>
G41   4    |^*4I*2N *0introducing Jocelyn Brooke's investigation of Proust and
G41   5 Joyce, I shall not pick out the plums of the essay by naming the many
G41   6 points which I enjoyed in it. ^These can be read in their proper
G41   7 place. ^There are, however, aspects of Brooke's approach to which
G41   8 attention should be drawn. ^In the first place, he is (like myself) a
G41   9 warm admirer of both great writers. ^His criticism is that of love,
G41  10 not hate. ^This makes it far more valuable. ^In the second place, he
G41  11 writes in a manner that is completely informal. ^The views are
G41  12 expressed just as if we were talking with him over the dinner table.
G41  13 ^To write literary criticism in this way is not as easy as it looks.
G41  14 ^To discuss writers in this easy, conversational style, dealing with
G41  15 important topics at one moment, trivial at another, is a delightful
G41  16 gift, and often gets to the core of a book in a way that more formal
G41  17 articles never manage to attain.
G41  18    |^I agree with almost everything Jocelyn Brooke says, except that I
G41  19 think I should myself place a wider gulf between the two writers,
G41  20 Proust seeming to me to possess greatly superior powers. ^The
G41  21 essential gift of a novelist is that he should be interested in
G41  22 people. ^Proust comes through this test with flying colours; Joyce
G41  23 gets held up with his own special preoccupations. ^If Joyce does not
G41  24 know about anything*- and vast areas of human experience are
G41  25 completely alien to him*- he usually sneers at it. ^We may tire of
G41  26 Proust's determination that in the end every character he writes about
G41  27 should be homosexual or of his obsession with jealousy. ^In spite of
G41  28 these King Charles's heads, one continues to feel that everything and
G41  29 everybody fascinated him*- perhaps at times too much.
G41  30    |^Gissing used to ask ~*'Has he starved?**' when a novelist was
G41  31 named, implying starvation to be a {6*1sine qua non} *0of effective
G41  32 writing. ^Joyce did, of course, starve; Proust did not, except when
G41  33 the waiters at the Ritz were inattentive. ^Indeed, Proust is a good
G41  34 example to prove the futility of Gissing's question. ^I myself should
G41  35 prefer to ask: ^*'Does he put over what he sets out to say?**' ^Here,
G41  36 both Proust and Joyce must be admitted to be successful. ^How is this
G41  37 done? ^Brooke maintains*- and I cannot disagree*- that Proust was a
G41  38 *'bad**' novelist when it came to narrative, that Joyce had a dull
G41  39 mind. ^In both cases Brooke's arguments and instances are undeniable.
G41  40 ^At the same time no one can exactly say how certain things are *'put
G41  41 over**' in a novel. ^There exists the mystery of art. ^If the works of
G41  42 Joyce and Proust were pruned of their obvious faults, would they
G41  43 remain of equal stature?
G41  44    |^Brooke observes that both writers were regarded thirty years ago
G41  45 as immensely daring in their treatment of sex, as well as in their
G41  46 innovations of style. ^There can be no doubt at all that their fame
G41  47 owes something to this sexual emancipation of language. ^Indeed, one
G41  48 might paraphrase Nietzsche by saying that a good novel in those days
G41  49 justified some obscenity, but that good obscenity often justified a
G41  50 very bad novel in the eyes of the highbrows. ^It is interesting to
G41  51 consider how a novelist like Galsworthy would now be regarded, had
G41  52 some sudden illness or accident produced a psychological change in
G41  53 him, resulting in his treatment of subjects then regarded as
G41  54 forbidden. ^Supposing in *1The Forsyte Saga *0instead of Irene leaving
G41  55 Soames for Bosiney, Soames had left Irene on account of that same
G41  56 young architect? ^What would have been the verdict of those who now
G41  57 deplore, and no doubt rightly deplore, Galsworthy's lack of psychology
G41  58 and his cardboard characters? ^Would he have been hailed as a novelist
G41  59 who saw beneath the surface of things? ^It is an interesting question.
G41  60    |^However, there we enter a world of vast speculation. ^I shall say
G41  61 no more than to recommend Jocelyn Brooke's trial of Proust and Joyce
G41  62 on the serious charge of chronic literary imperfection.
G41  63 *<*6PROUST *4and *6JOYCE*>
G41  64 *<*0The case for the Prosecution*>
G41  65 *<*4*=1. Combray and Rathmines*>
G41  66    |^P*2ROUST *0and Joyce: their names, even today, tend to be
G41  67 bracketed together, and thirty-odd years ago the conjunction was
G41  68 commoner still, chiefly I suppose because*- for the generation which
G41  69 grew up in the twenties*- they were without question the dominant
G41  70 literary figures of that period. ^To a later age, however, the
G41  71 association may seem surprising, for surely no two writers could, on
G41  72 the face of it, have been more dissimilar, either as artists or as
G41  73 human beings. ^If *1Ulysses *0has little in common with {*1A la
G41  74 Recherche du Temps Perdu}, *0still less has the lower middle-class
G41  75 Dubliner, brought up in poverty and squalor, with the rich French
G41  76 \6*1rentier, *0the \6*1prote*?2ge*?2 *0of the Faubourg Saint Germain.
G41  77 ^So wholly disparate do they seem, indeed, that it comes as something
G41  78 of a shock to remember that, on at least one occasion, the two men did
G41  79 actually meet in the flesh, though the encounter seems to have been
G41  80 anything but a success.
G41  81    |^Yet for all their dissimilarity, Proust and Joyce have a good
G41  82 deal more in common than one might suppose, and the tendency to
G41  83 bracket their names together is less unjustified than appears at first
G41  84 sight. ^Both, in the first place, were revolutionary writers, in the
G41  85 sense that their work revealed new aspects of the human mind and of
G41  86 man in relation to society. ^Both, too, were technical innovators,
G41  87 though in the case of Proust his innovations were mainly in the sphere
G41  88 of narrative and construction (for all his stylistic complexity, he
G41  89 remained basically faithful to the traditions of French prose),
G41  90 whereas Joyce, after a series of incredibly ingenious and daring
G41  91 experiments, was compelled at last to invent a brand-new language of
G41  92 his own.
G41  93    |^Both Proust and Joyce, moreover, attempted to portray in their
G41  94 works the totality of human experience: to write, in fact, a kind of
G41  95 {*1Come*?2die Humaine}; *0though *1Ulysses, *0I suppose, is the
G41  96 Human Comedy seen through the wrong end of a telescope*- or, as Aldous
G41  97 Huxley's typewriter once brilliantly expressed it, the *"Human
G41  98 \5Vomedy**". ^In both, however, this ambition was partially frustrated
G41  99 by a shared egocentricity, a neurotic self-absorption hitherto
G41 100 unparalleled among great writers. ^For Joyce as much as for Proust, it
G41 101 was the *"I**", the \*1moi, *0with which he was ultimately concerned:
G41 102 both were autobiographers for whom the objective world about them was
G41 103 largely subordinated to their own specialized and highly subjective
G41 104 mental attitudes. ^For both of them this intense self-absorption was
G41 105 to result, finally, in a kind of partial insanity, aggravated in the
G41 106 one case by chronic asthma, in the other by near-blindness and
G41 107 alcoholism. ^With Proust, this insanity took the form of a maniacal
G41 108 obsession with sexual jealousy; with Joyce (the purer artist of the
G41 109 two), his reason foundered in a morass of over-elaborated verbal
G41 110 techniques and private jokes.
G41 111    |^Both, finally, were obsessed to an inordinate degree with the
G41 112 past. ^With Proust, {*1le temps perdu} *0is the eponymous hero of
G41 113 his novel; and as a human being, though remaining intellectually
G41 114 alert, he virtually lost contact*- save on a relatively superficial
G41 115 level*- with the outside world after the age of thirty-three. ^In
G41 116 Joyce's case the retreat from present reality was earlier and even
G41 117 more uncompromising: after the 16th of June, 1904 (when he was
G41 118 twenty-two), his whole attention as an artist became concentrated,
G41 119 exclusively and obsessively, upon the world of Dublin in the nineties
G41 120 and the early nineteen-hundreds, with special reference to the naive
G41 121 and limited preoccupations of his own boyhood and adolescence.
G41 122    |^It would hardly, in fact, be going too far to say that the
G41 123 similarities between Proust and Joyce, considered as psychological
G41 124 types, outweigh their differences. ^Yet I think that the habitual
G41 125 bracketing of their names had, a generation ago*- and perhaps has
G41 126 still*- a more cogent and less respectable explanation: namely, that
G41 127 both writers had acquired a reputation for obscenity and
G41 128 *"immorality.**"
G41 129    |^To young people today this must seem scarcely credible, but it is
G41 130 easy to forget how profoundly the climate of moral opinion has changed
G41 131 during the last thirty years. ^In the case of Proust the charge of
G41 132 *"obscenity**" must seem particularly surprising, for {*1La
G41 133 Recherche} *0is seldom obscene in the crude sense of the term; yet
G41 134 the fact remains that Proust was the first important novelist to deal
G41 135 extensively and in detail with the then forbidden subject of
G41 136 homosexuality, and in 1922, even in France, the publication of
G41 137 {*1Sodome et Gomorrhe} *0was attended by something of a scandal. ^(In
G41 138 England, Scott Moncrieffs' translation was delayed until 1929, when it
G41 139 appeared in a limited edition, issued not by Chatto and Windus, who
G41 140 had published the earlier volumes, but by the more courageous American
G41 141 firm of Alfred Knopf.)
G41 142    |^Joyce is another matter: it can scarcely be denied that
G41 143 *1Ulysses*- *0judged even by the far laxer standards of today*- is
G41 144 defiantly and in every possible sense obscene. ^Personally, if I were
G41 145 Home Secretary, I would impose no restrictions whatsoever in such
G41 146 matters, but if rules are going to be imposed at all, then *1Ulysses
G41 147 *0must surely top the list in any {*1Index Expurgatorius}, *0and the
G41 148 fact that it is now obtainable in this country (and has been for a
G41 149 quarter of a century) makes nonsense of the existing regulations.
G41 150 ^That its obscenity is aesthetically justified may be perfectly true,
G41 151 though I think this a doubtful point; but obscene it undoubtedly is,
G41 152 within the meaning of any act which attempts to define so equivocal a
G41 153 term. ^On the other hand, Joyce is the least pornographic of writers:
G41 154 nobody, I should imagine, has ever been thrown into transports of
G41 155 sexual excitement by the *"obscene**" passages in *1Ulysses, *0though
G41 156 one can never, of course, be sure, for almost any book, however
G41 157 harmless by intention, is capable of provoking an erotic thrill in
G41 158 somebody. ^(I know people who find *1Bulldog Drummond *0far more
G41 159 exciting in this respect than *1Lady Chatterley's Lover*0; and did not
G41 160 Lawrence himself profess to find *1Jane Eyre *0revoltingly
G41 161 *"pornographic**"?)
G41 162    |^If Joyce, in revising *1Ulysses, *0could have been persuaded to
G41 163 omit the more flagrant obscenities (most of which, after all, are
G41 164 incidental to the book, and do not form an integral part of it), we
G41 165 should have been left with an experimental novel of great interest,
G41 166 which would doubtless have created a considerable stir in
G41 167 \6*1avant-garde *0circles at the time. ^But would Joyce's reputation,
G41 168 in such circumstances, have survived his lifetime*- and survived (one
G41 169 might add) the publication of *1Finnegans Wake*0? ^Would *1Ulysses
G41 170 *0and *1Finnegan *0have provided*- as in fact is the case*- a
G41 171 perpetual and profitable stamping-ground for the writers of {0Ph.D.}
G41 172 theses? ^It is possible; but I, myself, rather doubt it.
G41 173    |^Similarly, if Proust's treatment of sex had been as orthodox as
G41 174 that of, say, Galsworthy, {*1A la Recherche du Temps Perdu} *0would
G41 175 still remain a great novel; for that matter, when one compares *1Swann
G41 176 *0and the {*1Jeunes Filles}*- *0in which the theme of homosexuality
G41 177 remains latent*- with the shoddiness of the later volumes, one is
G41 178 inclined to wonder whether it might not, in fact, have been even
G41 179 greater. ^True, it is hard to imagine {*1A la Recherche} *0without
G41 180 Charlus; yet it is at least arguable that, if Proust had made Charlus
G41 181 a womanizer, and Albertine a perfectly normal heterosexual girl, the
G41 182 novel would have been, \6*1qua *0novel, neither better nor worse than
G41 183 it is. ^But would it, one wonders, have created quite so much stir as,
G41 184 in effect, it did?
G41 185    |^Once again, I have my doubts. ^Both writers*- no doubt lacking
G41 186 this adventitious appeal*- would have enjoyed a certain \*1re*?2clame
G41 187 *0in literary circles, but neither, I feel, would have attained to the
G41 188 celebrity which each, in fact, achieved during his lifetime, and which
G41 189 survives to this day.
G41 190    |^The twenties were a period of sexual emancipation, Havelock Ellis
G41 191 and Freud had not done their work for nothing, and it went without
G41 192 saying that enlightened persons should fly, from the highest motives,
G41 193 to the defence of any serious writer who treated the subject of sex
G41 194 with greater freedom than his predecessors.
G41 195 *# 2007
G42   1 **[229 TEXT G42**]
G42   2 ^*0They are not disparaged because they contain little that is unusual
G42   3 in harmony or design, for Handel's best work is fully evident when the
G42   4 general style of a movement looks conventional to the score-reading
G42   5 eye. ^The few movements in \0Op. 3 which strike us as uniquely
G42   6 Handelian are not those in the grand manner but the best dances. ^We
G42   7 are glad to have \0Op. 3 for the charming movements rather than those
G42   8 which the first audiences probably found impressive. ^Particularly
G42   9 attractive are the sarabande which forms the middle movement of \0No.
G42  10 1 (the only movement with flute), the gavotte and variations (not so
G42  11 labelled) at the end of \0No. 2, and the minuets of \0No. 4.
G42  12    |^The manuscripts of these works are lost, but not that of a fine C
G42  13 major concerto called by Arnold *'\6Concertante**'. ^It bears the date
G42  14 25th January 1736 and was known as *'The Concerto in *1Alexander's
G42  15 Feast*0**' after the first occasion when London heard it. ^It was the
G42  16 first item in Walsh's fourth collection of *1Select Harmony, *0which
G42  17 is thought to have been issued in 1741. ^The ripieno includes two
G42  18 oboes but the concertino is the Corellian string trio. ^Walsh also
G42  19 published two other Handel concertos which need not detain us here.
G42  20 ^The student can find them all, as well as those of \0Op. 3, in a
G42  21 handy volume of Lea Pocket Scores (New York).
G42  22    |^Before doing homage to the most wonderful of all {6concerti
G42  23 grossi} we may take as a point of departure Chrysander's remark that
G42  24 the \0Op. 3 concertos show *'a bewildering variety of form**'. ^If
G42  25 *'design**' and *'form**' are regarded as synonymous, then any work
G42  26 that is not epigonic should bewilder us, and Handel's \0Op. 6 should
G42  27 serve a feast of bewilderment. ^Because words will no more describe
G42  28 the form than the expression of music, for the form *1is *0the music,
G42  29 we measure the parts of a musical design instead of learning a piece
G42  30 by heart in order to judge its form. ^One artist does not excel
G42  31 another because he has used a more complex design, but because his
G42  32 form is more organic, which means that the ideas and their growth are
G42  33 of the right quality and quantity for the expression. ^When equally
G42  34 sensitive and intelligent judges of music have different opinions
G42  35 concerning the quality of ideas and the forms into which they grow,
G42  36 their argument often settles upon design*- how many themes are used,
G42  37 how many are germs for motivic growth, where and how contrast is made,
G42  38 where and how it is avoided, whether the themes are curved or angular,
G42  39 rightly or wrongly lacking in colour*- and behind the description is
G42  40 the implication that one design is superior to another, a fugue with
G42  41 stretto superior or inferior to one that is as effective through
G42  42 well-timed entries between non-derived episodes. ^Thus too often we
G42  43 think of form as a relation of A to B, of a movement being fine if C,
G42  44 instead of D, follows B at a certain point; sometimes this
G42  45 pseudo-explanation may in fact support truth, but we grasp the symbols
G42  46 of the truth instead of the truth itself.
G42  47    |^Beethoven had neither the education nor the natural ability to
G42  48 use words explicitly. ^On his deathbed, having no further need to
G42  49 regret his limitation or to cure it, he pointed to the Arnold volumes
G42  50 of Handel which had just arrived and said ^*'There is the truth**'.
G42  51 ^On a previous occasion Beethoven had said of Handel: ^*'He was the
G42  52 greatest composer who ever lived. ^I would uncover my head, and kneel
G42  53 before his tomb.**' ^Among Beethoven's eccentricities we cannot number
G42  54 that of seeking to impress company by aesthetic and musical
G42  55 judgements. ^Men with the greatest insight into music use one life in
G42  56 its pursuit and lack another in which to command words in a way that
G42  57 effectively communicates their musical judgement. ^Beethoven's words
G42  58 are often incoherent, but when we grasp their purport we find them
G42  59 true. ^*'Ah, my dear Ries, he was the master of us all in this
G42  60 art**'*- Beethoven was speaking of Mozart and the art of the piano
G42  61 concerto. ^He did not flatter. ^Mozart was and still is the master in
G42  62 that particular art. ^Beethoven did not say that Handel was the
G42  63 greatest \*1Ku"nstler *0but the greatest \*1Komponist *0that had
G42  64 lived, and he would have been right if the only existing proofs of the
G42  65 fact were the \0Op. 6 concertos.
G42  66    |^In each of these superb works the four, five or six movements
G42  67 seem like facets of one personality; so we have twelve essays of an
G42  68 integrity comparable with that of the best classical symphonies.
G42  69 ^These concertos embrace most of the musical expression that belonged
G42  70 to the concert room of their time and much that belonged to the
G42  71 theatre, and they exclude only the morbid, bizarre, extremely tragic,
G42  72 directly programmatic and religious*- in short what was then reserved
G42  73 to illustrate words or drama and to dignify worship. ^This
G42  74 marvellously comprehensive expression would not make us willing to
G42  75 doff and kneel with Beethoven unless it were conveyed in sublime
G42  76 examples of almost perfect form, none bewildering unless we try to
G42  77 explain it by the vocabulary of what should be called design. ^*'The
G42  78 opening movement is a French overture fertilized in its slow
G42  79 introduction by the Handelian sarabande-like sacred aria, and in its
G42  80 fugato movement by the Italian sonata-allegro.**' ^This tells no
G42  81 intelligent musician anything about Handel's success or failure to
G42  82 achieve form, yet a sympathetic listener who does not know the design
G42  83 of a French overture may perceive Handel's achievement. ^The empty
G42  84 grandiosity of certain items in *1Joshua *0or *1Judas Maccabeus
G42  85 *0fulfils designs which, according to text books called *'Applied
G42  86 Forms**' and *'Applied Strict Counterpoint**', ensure safety for any
G42  87 composer who can invent or borrow ideas to suit the designs. ^The
G42  88 opposite of *'applied**' is *'organic**', and because they are all
G42  89 organic the Twelve {6Concerti Grossi} are one of the greatest feats
G42  90 of musical composition.
G42  91    |^It has been well said that some of Handel's best movements defy
G42  92 analysis because they are improvisatory*- a word which can be
G42  93 pejorative. ^We are not intended to listen more than once to an
G42  94 improvisation. ^It satisfies us if we are pleased with the music as it
G42  95 passes, and if it is congruous. ^Improvisation, however, is the first
G42  96 stage in written composition, and if mechanical reproduction of an
G42  97 improvisation forces us to listen a second and a third time we are
G42  98 like the composer who scrutinizes his first draft and decides what
G42  99 should be pruned and what extended. ^Sometimes we are dissatisfied not
G42 100 with the unchecked fancy of the improviser but with our recognition of
G42 101 pre-fabrications, *'applied forms**', modulations and developments
G42 102 introduced exactly as in other extemporizations. ^To extemporize from
G42 103 a preconceived design or upon ideas given by an auditor is splendid
G42 104 exercise, but at best only portions of the exercise can be significant
G42 105 artistic expression*- in short, form. ^When, however, a whole written
G42 106 piece seems to have grown by impulse, and when both the ideas and
G42 107 their growth are of superb quality, we can hardly praise it more
G42 108 highly than to say that it sounds spontaneous throughout, and still
G42 109 sounds so when we hear it for the hundredth time.
G42 110    |^Comparatively late in his career Handel impressed shrewd judges
G42 111 by his organ extemporizations, and though it is unthinkable that the
G42 112 ideas and developments had the breadth of those in his published work,
G42 113 Handel had more ability and experience than most musicians to
G42 114 extemporize whole sections which, at one hearing, seemed organic
G42 115 within a well-proportioned whole. ^How often in composing the Twelve
G42 116 {6Concerti Grossi} he proceeded by deliberation and how often the
G42 117 music welled forth without his conscious control we shall never know,
G42 118 and that is one tribute to their greatness. ^They are said to have
G42 119 been written in a few weeks of 1739, yet they contain no sign of
G42 120 careless or hasty work. ^The borrowing of one opening from Cleopatra's
G42 121 {*1Piangero*?3 la sorte mia} *0and another from Semele's *1Myself I
G42 122 shall adore *0does not negate the last assertion. ^Most of the
G42 123 movements are an exception to the general criticism that few of the
G42 124 greatest works of music are well composed throughout.
G42 125 ^Conscientiousness cannot make them so; otherwise the form of Brahms's
G42 126 long movements would be as wonderful as those of Handel's or
G42 127 Beethoven's. ^Fortunately we do not measure greatness entirely by
G42 128 achievement of form, but we rank the imperfect fulfilment of a noble
G42 129 ambition above the perfect management of trivialities and musical
G42 130 platitudes. ^Not a single movement in Handel's \0Op. 6 is pedestrian;
G42 131 no concerto fails to suggest verve and joy in the process of
G42 132 composition.
G42 133    |^Even if the \0Op. 6 concertos lacked their distinguishing breadth
G42 134 of conception and their splendid musical ideas they would still differ
G42 135 from Corelli's for two main reasons: (a) some of them are dramatic in
G42 136 the strict sense of the term*- they are the work of a theatre
G42 137 composer; (b) a great number of them come from the German-French
G42 138 suite. ^It has been admitted that Geminiani, who was almost entirely
G42 139 Corellian, occasionally achieved Handel's breadth of musical thought;
G42 140 but he did this only when composing contrapuntally or by the Corellian
G42 141 continuation technique without motive development. ^Handel achieves a
G42 142 huge breadth of musical thought when composing almost mechanistically
G42 143 in the least weighty of styles. ^(\0Ex. 83.)
G42 144    |^This quotation illustrates a second point, as would almost any
G42 145 extract of similar length from \0Op. 6. ^Into the light figuration of
G42 146 the violins erupts a contrasting idea by the bass instruments. ^It may
G42 147 have been introduced to give a touch of humour or purely for the sake
G42 148 of the interruption*- to prevent the development from being too simple
G42 149 and mechanical; yet it is surely not accidental that, when the whole
G42 150 flight reaches its conclusion in four bars of plain ripieno harmony,
G42 151 the paragraph is clinched by the solid rhythm of this interruption.
G42 152 ^Whether Handel planned it as he began the movement or whether it
G42 153 occurred to him as when **[SIC**] improvising, this way of integrating
G42 154 the movement was exactly right in this place, and sensible people may
G42 155 call it a symphonic way.
G42 156    |^The last phrase seems discourteous, but it seems justified while
G42 157 critics spoil enthusiasm by asking us to value old music if its
G42 158 methods anticipate later ones. ^Thus we are told that some passages by
G42 159 Bach are almost atonal, and that they prefigure Scho"nberg.
G42 160 ^Misinterpreted by ears and minds which inherit the work of both
G42 161 composers, passages by Bach wherein *'horizontal**' thinking
G42 162 temporarily dominates the *'vertical**' thinking of continuo harmony
G42 163 remind us of atonal polyphony. ^We are delighted by the unusual
G42 164 ascendance and stimulus of discord, the pleasure of which would have
G42 165 been lost to Bach (and would seem incongruous to us) unless it brought
G42 166 with it the pleasure of restored tonal bearings and ultimate concord.
G42 167 ^The mere fact that we call it discord shows that there is little in
G42 168 common between Bach and Scho"nberg except recourse to the devices of
G42 169 counterpoint. ^Similarly we should be careful not to pretend that
G42 170 Handel's movements are Beethovenian because they are often dramatic,
G42 171 often include passages of motivic development and often show energy
G42 172 and urgency that is rarely found before Beethoven.
G42 173    |^*'Handel points to Beethoven**' is a meaningless comment. ^Tubal
G42 174 Cain points to Sibelius. ^It is also accidental that Beethoven the
G42 175 man, beneath the eccentricities which may have been caused by
G42 176 misfortune, had some of the known characteristics of Handel, and that
G42 177 like Handel he was in no way a wild or revolutionary artist. ^His
G42 178 music and Handel's changed gradually from early acceptance of
G42 179 inherited designs and styles. ^Without alteration they could not serve
G42 180 their expanding ideas, and when we set their first forms beside their
G42 181 last we observe a much larger change than between the first and last
G42 182 work of most revolutionary composers. ^The important parallel between
G42 183 Handel and Beethoven lies in their recognition of *1comparable, *0not
G42 184 similar means of maintaining movements on a large scale, especially
G42 185 when their materials suggested energy and urgency. ^These qualities in
G42 186 Beethoven would
G42 187 **[ILLUSTRATION**]
G42 188 not have their peculiar effect if Beethoven had not been primarily a
G42 189 musical architect with an innate sense of symmetry and poise.
G42 190 *# 2014
G43   1 **[230 TEXT G43**]
G43   2 *<*6AT WORK IN OPERA: 1*>
G43   3 *<*4The Producer*>
G43   4 *<*2DENNIS ARUNDELL*>
G43   5    |*0^It is quite a common belief among non-technical enthusiasts
G43   6 that a theatrical producer is solely concerned with the movements of
G43   7 the actors (together with some share in the lighting, when a
G43   8 *'lighting expert**' is not employed). ^This may have been true to
G43   9 some extent of the 18th-century stage-manager and is still often
G43  10 partly true of the director for films or television, who has with him
G43  11 a producer (which in this field denotes a managerial, not an artistic
G43  12 functionary) to supervise, check and organize the heads of the various
G43  13 departments and all the artists who contribute to the whole. ^But it
G43  14 is certainly not true of the play-producer, who is probably even more
G43  15 closely consulted on other matters by his organizing management than
G43  16 his film or television counterpart; nor is it true of the
G43  17 opera-producer. ^Indeed opera managements (to judge from those
G43  18 countries where I have worked or of which I have had close
G43  19 information) seem more inclined than ordinary theatre managements to
G43  20 choose conductor, producer, designer, and so on, and then, having
G43  21 given them the responsibility and authority, not to interfere or
G43  22 supervise themselves.
G43  23    |^I do not say that managerial interference is always to be
G43  24 welcomed. ^(After all, *'interference**' is a misleading word:
G43  25 *'practical interest**' is a different matter.) ^But it is remarkable
G43  26 that notable theatrical re*?2gimes have all been inspired by the
G43  27 personality and personal supervision of a manager (think of {0C. B.}
G43  28 Cochran and musical shows, Diaghilev and ballet, Mahler and opera,
G43  29 Hugh Beaumont of {0H. M.} Tennent \0Ltd in the present London
G43  30 theatre). ^None of these managers*- with the exception of Mahler*-
G43  31 took any active part in a production, but they were always at hand to
G43  32 check on every detail and to solve any problems that might arise from
G43  33 the various conflicting elements that had to be united to achieve a
G43  34 satisfying artistic result.
G43  35    |^In opera there are more conflicting elements than in any other
G43  36 form of theatre entertainment*- orchestral performance, vocal
G43  37 performance (ranging from naturalistic speech-song to what are
G43  38 practically concert performances of non-dramatic arias), straight
G43  39 acting, *'melodrama**' (in the technical sense) with atmospheric
G43  40 music, ballet (at least in the sense of movement to, or in harmony
G43  41 with, music) and mime, quite apart from scene-design, scene-building,
G43  42 scene-shifting, costume-designing and costume-making, lighting,
G43  43 furniture and properties. ^This means that all responsible should be
G43  44 experts*- the conductor, the orchestral players, the singers, the
G43  45 designers, the painters, the scene-builders, the wardrobe-master, the
G43  46 electrician, the property-master*- and all should be ready with their
G43  47 expert advice to contribute to the whole. ^Now most experts are
G43  48 willing collaborators, but the danger with all experts is that they
G43  49 are often not content to give of their best but insist on valuing
G43  50 their own contribution higher than that of other experts: think of the
G43  51 brilliant designer Inigo Jones and Ben Jonson's not unreasonable
G43  52 attack on his conceit. ^That is where the Mahler or Diaghilev is
G43  53 invaluable. ^Cochran, who checked every bit of material used in his
G43  54 shows (like Bernard Delfont now), was always there to appeal to, and
G43  55 was always watching from the background ready to step tactfully in to
G43  56 prevent trouble. ^He used to say: *'^Have whatever rows you like
G43  57 inside the theatre over the job, so long as you can go and have a
G43  58 drink together afterwards.**' ^(Nowadays, alas, the tendency is for
G43  59 any professional criticism to be taken as a personal affront.)
G43  60    |^Now that entertainment has become an industry, and opera
G43  61 managements (probably quite rightly) tend to concentrate on
G43  62 organization rather than personal contact, the job of welding together
G43  63 the various elements has become the duty of the producer. ^Of course
G43  64 he is still responsible for the movements on the stage (which includes
G43  65 arranging that the conductor can catch the eye of the singer at
G43  66 necessary moments and that awkward positions are avoided for singers
G43  67 during tricky vocal passages), but he also has to see that excellent
G43  68 scene-designs are practical both for the stage and for the action,
G43  69 that the lighting gives prominence to a character without either
G43  70 falsifying the general effect or dazzling the singer's eyes
G43  71 unnecessarily, and that striking touches of production do not distract
G43  72 from a leading character or action. ^Moreover, he is responsible for
G43  73 checking the construction and painting of the scenery and the choice
G43  74 of materials, and the cutting and making of the costumes.
G43  75    |^The opera producer is called in by the management at an early
G43  76 stage of planning. ^He is consulted on the choice of the designer and
G43  77 choreographer and on the casting of at any rate the minor roles.
G43  78 ^Usually a management confronts him with an already decided casting of
G43  79 the main roles (though I have known a producer refuse a commission
G43  80 because of the employment of what he thought an unsuitable principal
G43  81 singer). ^About changes of cast, when a production has once been taken
G43  82 into the repertory, he is not consulted. ^In the budgeting of an opera
G43  83 the producer has no say: he may be asked whether he would permit some
G43  84 alteration in his planned staging for economy's sake, but I have
G43  85 myself never known of a case where a producer's ideas have been flatly
G43  86 turned down for financial reasons.
G43  87    |^When practical work has begun, a producer has above all to be
G43  88 able to give all the collaborating experts their heads when desirable,
G43  89 and to check them gently but firmly*- that is, tactfully*- when
G43  90 necessary. ^It is rather like driving a team of fine, high-mettled
G43  91 horses: it is they who do the work, but, unless they are a team used
G43  92 to working together, they may have to be guided. ^How often does an
G43  93 excellent conductor wish to take a passage of music at an
G43  94 *'effective**' pace that is unsuitable in the circumstances? ^The
G43  95 co-operative conductor, like Beecham, will always listen and be
G43  96 prepared to modify, as he did when he paced his study to get the right
G43  97 tempo for the Guard's march in *1The Bohemian Girl*- *0after I had
G43  98 objected (as producer) that, at his original pace, the quaver was too
G43  99 quick and the crotchet too slow for human steps without being comic.
G43 100 ^(Beecham also let me have an extra stage rehearsal in place of a
G43 101 scheduled orchestral rehearsal on the grounds that it does not matter
G43 102 how good the music is if the stage is wrong.) ^But I have known a good
G43 103 conductor insist on what was arguably a *'correctly**' fast pace when
G43 104 the singer was incapable of singing at that pace.
G43 105    |^How often, again, does a designer create a beautiful set that is
G43 106 unpractical? ^One distinguished architect's stage setting was a flat
G43 107 picture background with extended frames for the sides which from
G43 108 anywhere but centre auditorium merely looked flatly dull on one side
G43 109 and non-existent on the other. ^One excellent artist objected to a
G43 110 window in a room although Cherubino had to jump out of it, and another
G43 111 designed brilliant perspective scenery which gained a round of
G43 112 applause at curtain-rise but meant that the performers had to duck
G43 113 under a steeply angled lintel to come through a door. ^I have known a
G43 114 clever designer in another medium hope to use a film method of
G43 115 lighting on a stage, and I have seen another so ingenious with moving
G43 116 scenery that its repetition became a bore, especially as each new
G43 117 result was similar. ^I learned in Milan that on one occasion
G43 118 fashionable modern artists without stage experience designed sets that
G43 119 could not be changed with ease.
G43 120    |^A historical example of non-co-operation can be seen by comparing
G43 121 the scene when Tosca places the candles by the dead Scarpia in the
G43 122 original vocal score and in the usual vocal score. ^In the original
G43 123 she does not get and place the candles until the long orchestral
G43 124 passage ends on a soft, religious, tender note: the later and more
G43 125 usual version makes her speak her comment on the dead power of Scarpia
G43 126 in the sinister middle of the passage. ^Surely this means that in the
G43 127 original production she had too far to go for the candles in the short
G43 128 time allotted her, so Puccini transferred the line to the middle of
G43 129 the music, thereby giving her longer time to fetch the candles. ^The
G43 130 original version, however (which I am sure is more in key with
G43 131 Puccini's intention with regard to Tosca's truly religious character),
G43 132 is perfectly possible if the designer gives a reasonable position for
G43 133 the candles, sufficiently near where the body is to lie. ^This I have
G43 134 proved in my current Sadler's Wells production.
G43 135    |^Again in *1Tosca *0there arises the problem of where Tosca is to
G43 136 stand when the firing squad is assembling to shoot Cavaradossi. ^She
G43 137 has to comment on him standing there, and later, when the soldiers
G43 138 march away, has to tell him not to move yet*- neither of which remarks
G43 139 should be so obtrusive that the soldiers might notice them, but both
G43 140 of which should be clearly heard by the audience. ^The first time I
G43 141 produced *1Tosca *0I had her stand on a platform above and beyond the
G43 142 soldiers*- ludicrous on second thoughts, but accepted by myself and
G43 143 others too tolerant of bad operatic tradition. ^But now at Sadler's
G43 144 Wells I place her right down stage in one corner by the footlights,
G43 145 apparently out of earshot of the soldiers but easily audible to the
G43 146 audience. ^Yet she is sufficiently unobtrusive because she is more in
G43 147 shadow than the soldiers and Cavaradossi, who should be*- and cannot
G43 148 help being*- the focus of attention. ^This was only possible by
G43 149 careful preliminary consultation with Paul Mayo, the designer, both as
G43 150 regards structure and proposed lighting.
G43 151    |^Ideally an opera producer should know stage technique, music both
G43 152 vocal and orchestral, lighting, style of period, and the design and
G43 153 making of costume and scenery, and should be able to weld all together
G43 154 so that the whole is good without any detail being over-obtrusive.
G43 155 ^Apart from the experts he has to deal with, he also*- I am afraid*-
G43 156 has often to coax inexperienced artists to give better than their
G43 157 best. ^Many soloists are nowadays chosen because of their superb (or
G43 158 more often young and promising) voices, irrespective of their
G43 159 experience of appearing in public or even walking a stage. ^One fine
G43 160 vocalist I was asked to produce as Carmen, though she had only sung as
G43 161 a solo recitalist on the concert platform, proved my dubious opinion
G43 162 of her possibilities when, in the rehearsal of the Card Scene, she
G43 163 declared herself unable to get her note while Frasquita and Mercedes
G43 164 were singing.
G43 165    |^Another brilliant young new singer engaged by one opera house,
G43 166 when asked by a friend if she was having any stage coaching before her
G43 167 first appearance on any stage, replied: *'^There is no need: I am
G43 168 singing.**' ^(In every other profession and trade, apprenticeship is
G43 169 either essential or regarded as the soundest step towards success.
G43 170 ^Only opera-singers seem more and more able to dispense with it and to
G43 171 rely on their God-given natural voice which is, after all, but part of
G43 172 the equipment necessary for fine opera performances.) ^Nor must we
G43 173 forget the great singer who insists on being centre-stage or who
G43 174 shouts a top note even in spite of the composer's wishes, or who
G43 175 *'always crosses left on this line**' as one guest-artist
G43 176 Mephistopheles insisted to me until I told him that he would get his
G43 177 teeth kicked in by the dancers on that spot.
G43 178    |^But while it is the opera-producer's job to co-ordinate the work
G43 179 of other experts (whether willing collaborators or superior
G43 180 dictators), many producers also tend to be obtrusive themselves and to
G43 181 show how clever they are with this bit of business or background
G43 182 movement that is distracting. ^Although I try to avoid this, I have
G43 183 unintentionally been guilty of this myself. ^Other producers are
G43 184 careless about style of period (I recently saw Almaviva in the first
G43 185 act of {*1Il Barbiere di Siviglia} *0with neither cloak nor hat),
G43 186 and some from the straight theatre seem to have insufficient knowledge
G43 187 of musical problems. ^One insisted on a singer lying full-length on
G43 188 the ground while singing a top note*- though with the singer's
G43 189 approval it can be tried effectively, as I tried it once, only to
G43 190 discard it.
G43 191 *# 2029
G44   1 **[231 TEXT G44**]
G44   2 ^*0Corneille's alexandrines, in point of fact, may be found to follow
G44   3 the original text surprisingly closely, and {*1Le Festin de Pierre}
G44   4 *0contrived to hold the stage successfully in competition with all but
G44   5 the most popular of Molie*?3re's plays until 1730 or thereabouts. ^It
G44   6 reached the climax of its career in the year 1727, with the not
G44   7 inconsiderable total of 11 performances; soon after this triumph,
G44   8 however, the average number of performances per year dropped sharply
G44   9 from about 7 to about 3, and after 1780 it disappeared almost
G44  10 completely from the repertoire. ^It was not until 1813 that the *'lost
G44  11 scenes**' of the *'Amsterdam edition**' were rediscovered and
G44  12 published by the grammarian, {0M.-J.} Simonnin; not until 1841 that
G44  13 the original {*1Dom Juan} *0was restored to the stage at the
G44  14 Ode*?2on; and even then, not until some six years later that the
G44  15 Corneille version was finally ousted from the {Come*?2die
G44  16 Franc*?6aise}.
G44  17    |^The date 1841, therefore, is usually taken to mark the critical
G44  18 turning-point in the fortunes of Molie*?3re's play. ^It would be
G44  19 inaccurate, however, to think of this renewal of interest as an
G44  20 unheralded and quasi-accidental effect, produced entirely by the
G44  21 rediscovery of the missing portions of the original text. ^The very
G44  22 fact that some 28 years were fated to elapse between the
G44  23 *'discovery**' and the first performance of the restored original
G44  24 suggests that the process of rehabilitation involved a slow and
G44  25 gradual development. ^If the history of the play throughout the latter
G44  26 part of the eighteenth century is monotonously uneventful, the same is
G44  27 by no means true of the first half of the nineteenth century. ^The
G44  28 restoration of {*1Dom Juan} *0was preceded by a revival of interest
G44  29 in {*1Le Festin de Pierre}, *0and both plays, in fact, benefited
G44  30 significantly from the fascination which their common hero was
G44  31 destined to exercise upon the romantic imagination. ^In this
G44  32 connection, the influence of Byron's *1Don Juan *0throughout the
G44  33 eighteen-twenties is obviously of capital importance; but even before
G44  34 this period*- in fact, as early as 1805*- we can trace the beginnings
G44  35 of a new attitude, and a new receptiveness on the part of both critics
G44  36 and public. ^Indeed, the year 1805 probably deserves rather more
G44  37 attention than most historians of the play have been prepared to grant
G44  38 it, since not only does it mark the first really striking revival
G44  39 which had been enjoyed on the stage by the Corneille version since
G44  40 1730, but the first serious renewal of interest in the original text,
G44  41 and at the same time, the first sign of indirect influence on the
G44  42 fortunes of Molie*?3re's masterpiece through the creation of a later
G44  43 work on the same theme: in this instance, Mozart's {*1Don Giovanni}.
G44  44    |^*0If Molie*?3re's heroic seducer was unfortunate in the manner of
G44  45 his reception by the Parisian audience, his operatic counterpart was
G44  46 scarcely less so; and the trials and tribulations of {*1Don
G44  47 Giovanni} *0at the {Grand Ope*?2ra} furnish an admirable
G44  48 illustration of the obdurate tenacity of French musical conventions,
G44  49 which, in the post-revolutionary period, were certainly as rigid as
G44  50 those of the {Come*?2die Franc*?6aise}, and even more fettering to
G44  51 would-be dramatists of the new generation. ^In this brief study,
G44  52 however, what interests us is not the direct significance of these
G44  53 musical conventions in themselves, but their indirect influence upon
G44  54 the fate of Molie*?3re's {*1Dom Juan}.
G44  55    |^*0The musical public of Paris in 1800 was unable to digest German
G44  56 opera in any form; any opera written in Germany had of necessity to be
G44  57 *'arranged**' in the French, or, slightly later, in the Italian
G44  58 tradition, if it was to succeed at all; and it was in fact the
G44  59 eventual discovery that both {*1Le Nozze di Figaro} *0and {*1Don
G44  60 Giovanni}, *0despite their having been written by a German composer,
G44  61 were fundamentally *1Italian *0operas, and so might be thankfully
G44  62 handed over to the {6*1opera buffa}, *0that finally established
G44  63 Mozart's operatic reputation in France. ^The one traceable attempt to
G44  64 produce a Mozart opera ({*1Die Entfu"hrung}) *0in the German
G44  65 tradition was so disastrous and lamentable a failure that not an echo
G44  66 of it remains throughout the century. ^{*1Die Entfu"hrung} *0was
G44  67 produced at the {The*?2a*?5tre de la Cite*?2} by a visiting German
G44  68 company, the \*1Mozart-Theater, *0on 25 {brumaire An *=10}. ^It was
G44  69 repeated on 27 and 28 \brumaire, and never given again. ^The fiasco
G44  70 was anything but unexpected: ^*'{Les bouffons allemands se sont
G44  71 arrange*?2s, sans doute, pour n'avoir que des Allemands pour
G44  72 auditeurs}**', remarked one critic, knowing perfectly well (as indeed
G44  73 did all his \6*1confre*?3res*0) that what mattered in opera was, of
G44  74 course, the words, the de*?2cor and the ballets*- anything, in fact,
G44  75 but the music:
G44  76 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G44  77 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G44  78    |^{Nos Franc*?6ais ne sont pas assez fous de musique pour aller
G44  79 chercher, aux de*?2pens de tous les autres agre*?2mens, un degre*?2 de
G44  80 plus de fermete*?2 et de pre*?2cision dans l'exe*?2cution de ces
G44  81 sifflemens allemands...}
G44  82 **[END QUOTE**]
G44  83 **[END INDENTATION**]
G44  84    |^A rigorous treatment at the hands of qualified French adaptors
G44  85 was, therefore, the first essential: action, dialogue, vocal and
G44  86 orchestral parts*- everything had to be *'arranged**' to meet the
G44  87 conventional requirements. ^The first Mozartian opera to be subjected
G44  88 to this curious treatment was {*1Le Nozze}, *0which appeared,
G44  89 *'arranged**' by Notaris, at the {Acade*?2mie de Musique} on 20
G44  90 March 1793, and ran dispiritedly for five performances. ^Notaris,
G44  91 obviously, had not *'arranged**' enough, and too much Mozart had,
G44  92 reprehensibly, been allowed to subsist; consequently, the next effort
G44  93 set about remedying the fault. ^On 20 August 1801, {*1Die
G44  94 Zauberflo"te} *0appeared at the {The*?2a*?5tre de la Re*?2publique
G44  95 et des Arts} in an unrecognizable version entitled {*1Les
G44  96 Myste*?3res d'Isis}, *0music by Lachnith, libretto by *'{le citoyen
G44  97 Morel, ci-devant Chedeville}**', and achieved a considerable success.
G44  98 ^In 1805, this version was transferred to the {Acade*?2mie
G44  99 Impe*?2riale de Musique}, where it was revived again in 1812, 1816,
G44 100 1823 and 1826. ^To the honour of French music, it should perhaps be
G44 101 added that, within a few years, these two *'{fripons musicaux}**',
G44 102 Lachnith (*'{le rapetisseur des grands hommes}**') and Morel
G44 103 (*'{ouvrier en marqueterie}**') had become synonymous with all that
G44 104 was most reactionary and abysmal in the French musical tradition.
G44 105 ^{*1Les Myste*?3res d'Isis}, *0in fact, achieved its popularity by
G44 106 discarding the original music almost entirely, and by incorporating
G44 107 into the score*- amongst other things*- a substantial portion of a
G44 108 Haydn symphony:
G44 109 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G44 110 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G44 111    |^{On a change*?2 le sentiment de la musique de la *1Flu*?5te
G44 112 enchante*?2e, *0on en a ralenti les mouvemens pour approprier les airs
G44 113 au *1style se*?2rieux. ^*0Les paroles sont pitoyables... l'arrangeur a
G44 114 coupe*?2, taille*?2, sabre*?2 les plus beaux morceaux de cet ope*?2ra,
G44 115 qu'il trouvait sans doute trop long. ^Comment, avec tant de richesses,
G44 116 n'a-t-on fait qu'une mise*?2rable compilation?}
G44 117 **[END QUOTE**]
G44 118 **[END INDENTATION**]
G44 119    |^Such was the situation when, on 17 September 1805, the
G44 120 {Acade*?2mie Impe*?2riale de Musique} decided to experiment with
G44 121 {*1Don Giovanni}. ^*0Obviously, the {Grand Ope*?2ra} could no more
G44 122 accept that masterpiece as written by Mozart and Da Ponte than the
G44 123 {The*?2a*?5tre Franc*?6ais} could countenance {*1Dom Juan}
G44 124 *0without the *'\adoucissements**' introduced by Corneille. ^In this
G44 125 instance, the task of making the necessary arrangements was entrusted
G44 126 to one Christian Kalkbrenner, chorus-master at the {Grand Ope*?2ra}.
G44 127 ^The outcome of his labours, together with those of his collaborators
G44 128 on the libretto, \0Mons. Thuring, *'{ge*?2ne*?2ral de brigade}**',
G44 129 and \0Mons. \0D. Baillot, *'{sous-bibliothe*?3caire de la
G44 130 Bibliothe*?3que Impe*?2riale de Versailles}**', was a {*1Drame
G44 131 Lyrique en Trois Actes}, *0which once again not merely altered
G44 132 Mozart's music completely beyond recognition, but somehow made room
G44 133 within the score for several arias of \0M. Kalkbrenner's own ingenious
G44 134 composition, together with the usual lengthy passages of incidental
G44 135 music to accommodate those full-scale interludes of ballet and mime
G44 136 which the Parisian operatic audiences demanded as their right. ^Gardel
G44 137 provided some excellent choreography; but the real {6*1pie*?3ce de
G44 138 re*?2sistance} *0was the de*?2cor, with Mount Vesuvius in full
G44 139 eruption at the back of the stage, and streams of lava pouring down
G44 140 towards the auditorium. ^The few reputable music-critics who knew and
G44 141 respected their Mozart protested as loudly as they knew how, but all
G44 142 to no avail; and for many years, Kalkbrenner's {*1Don Juan} *0was
G44 143 linked with Lachnith's {*1Myste*?3res d'Isis}, *0and remained a
G44 144 by-word, a glaring symbol of the depths to which French operatic taste
G44 145 could descend. ^*'{Les airs de basse-taille sont donne*?2s aux
G44 146 femmes, change*?2s de ton, raccourcis, allonge*?2s, d'un air on fait
G44 147 un trio; enfin ce n'est plus que le simulacre de la musique de
G44 148 Mozart...}**' wrote Fe*?2tis some two years later, and as late as
G44 149 1823, Castil-Blaze could still recall the incident with the acutest
G44 150 indignation.
G44 151    |^However, the reputable music-critics were not asked their
G44 152 opinion. ^Public taste in music was guided exclusively by men of
G44 153 letters, and, during the whole Napoleonic era, the major dramatic
G44 154 critics were wont to look upon opera as their exclusive prerogative.
G44 155 ^Above all, it was Julien-Louis Geoffroy, the feared and influential
G44 156 oracle of the {*1Journal des De*?2bats}, *0who could make or mar a
G44 157 composer's reputation with a single article, although*- as he
G44 158 thankfully admitted*- music was an art which he understood no more
G44 159 than morris-dancing.
G44 160    |^The story of the resplendent \6*1premie*?3re, *0the gradual
G44 161 disintegration and eventual catastrophic \6*1de*?2ba*?5cle *0of this
G44 162 first French production of {*1Don Giovanni} *0can be followed in
G44 163 detail through the reviews in the contemporary press. ^What appears
G44 164 evident from the various comments which have survived is that
G44 165 Kalkbrenner's manipulations of the score had put all the critics
G44 166 except Geoffroy in a quandary. ^Geoffroy's position was simple and
G44 167 unassailable. ^He was suspicious of Mozart's reputation (he despised
G44 168 Germans, anyway) and heartily disliked whatever music of his he
G44 169 happened to have heard. ^*'{Cet Allemand}**', he pronounced, *'{n'a
G44 170 rien fait dans le genre de l'ope*?2ra-comique}**' which could ever
G44 171 rival Gre*?2try, while his so-called *'serious**' operas were pitiful
G44 172 compared with *'{les excellentes compositions de Gluck et de
G44 173 Piccini}**'. ^To honour his professional obligations, however, he
G44 174 attended the \6*1premie*?3re *0of {*1Don Giovanni}. ^*0He found the
G44 175 overture detestable (*'{pourquoi coudre une symphonie a*?3 un
G44 176 ope*?2ra?}**'), compared the music of Act *=2 bitterly and
G44 177 unfavourably with Duni's {*1Peintre amoureux de son Mode*?3le} *0and
G44 178 with Paisiello's {*1Re*?3 Teodoro}, *0elevated Kalkbrenner's
G44 179 intercalated aria, *'{*1O Nuit, sois favorable...}**' *0above
G44 180 anything written by the original composer, protested loudly that, even
G44 181 though the words were in French, the music was so insistent and
G44 182 ill-disciplined that he could not hear them, and concluded dolefully:
G44 183 ^*'{Il y a trop de musique dans *1Don Juan; *0c'est un festin ou*?3
G44 184 l'extre*?5me abondance rassasie promptement... ^Les Allemands ont
G44 185 ga*?5te*?2 notre Molie*?3re}**'.
G44 186    |^Less committed critics, however, were faced with two unpleasant
G44 187 alternatives. ^Here was undoubtedly a bad opera; yet this opera was
G44 188 supposedly by Mozart, and Mozart enjoyed *'{une re*?2putation
G44 189 colossale}**' among the musical e*?2lite. ^Either, therefore, they
G44 190 had to condemn it, and thus denounce themselves musically as ignorant
G44 191 philistines; or else obey the fashion and applaud what they knew
G44 192 instinctively to be poor material, without having the necessary
G44 193 knowledge (in the early stages, at any rate) to trace the evil to its
G44 194 source*- not Mozart at all, but Kalkbrenner. ^Thus, when it became
G44 195 apparent, after two or three performances, that Gardel and the
G44 196 lava-streams were not going to be enough, unaided, to keep this
G44 197 extravagant (and expensive) venture afloat for long, there was
G44 198 ill-disguised relief all round. ^*'{Succe*?3s incomplet}**',
G44 199 announced the {*1Journal de Paris}, *0while Geoffroy moralised
G44 200 contentedly: ^*'{Si cet essai pouvait nous gue*?2rir de notre
G44 201 admiration exclusive pour les e*?2trangers, il auroit produit un effet
G44 202 tre*?3s-heureux}**'. ^Quarrels and dissensions ensued among the cast,
G44 203 most of whom hurriedly and shamefacedly handed over their parts to
G44 204 understudies on various pretexts, and on November 10th, {*1Don
G44 205 Giovanni} *0was quietly removed from the repertoire, and {*1Les
G44 206 Myste*?3res d'Isis} *0substituted. ^There was, admittedly, an attempt
G44 207 to bring it back for an occasional Sunday performance shortly before
G44 208 Christmas, but by March 1806, little remained of this ambitious and
G44 209 unfortunate venture save a certain amount of smoke in the upper
G44 210 regions of the stage: ^*'{Ve*?2suve va beaucoup mieux, il ne donne
G44 211 pas tant de fume*?2e; il n'y a que les acteurs qui vont de plus en
G44 212 plus mal}**'.
G44 213    |^*'{Les Allemands ont ga*?5te*?2 notre Molie*?3re}**'. ^This is
G44 214 the key-note of criticism in relation to {*1Don Giovanni}. ^*0On the
G44 215 other hand, to say so was one thing, but to prove it was a rather more
G44 216 hazardous business. ^In fact, it could only be done by putting on
G44 217 simultaneously a production of {*1Le Festin de Pierre}, *0and by
G44 218 letting the audience make its own comparison.
G44 219 *# 2022
G45   1 **[232 TEXT G45**]
G45   2 *<*4Art by Slabs*>
G45   3 *<Pieter Brueghel the Elder: Hay-Making. *0Introduced by Jaromir Sip.
G45   4 (Spring Books, 21\0s.)*>
G45   5 *<*4Artists' Prints in Colour. *0Introduced by Hans Platte. (Barrie
G45   6 and Rockliff, 6 \0gns.)*>
G45   7 *<*4Indian Art in America. *0By Frederick \0J. Dockstader. (Studio
G45   8 Books, 8 \0gns.)*>
G45   9 *<*4The American Muse. *0By Henri Dorra. (Thames and Hudson, 3 \0gns.)*>
G45  10 *<*4The Visual Experience. *0By Bates Lowry. (Prentice-Hall, 3 \0gns.)*>
G45  11 *<*4Picasso's Picassos. *0By David Douglas Duncan. (Macmillan, 7
G45  12 \0gns.)*>
G45  13    |^*2IS IT *0quite so odd that nearly the best of this particular
G45  14 pride of art books*- or shiny slabs of art*- is the cheapest, the
G45  15 least shiny, the least pretentious, on the worst paper? ^I do not see
G45  16 that a publisher could better the directness of the book on Brueghel's
G45  17 *1Hay-Making. ^*0A great objective painting is reproduced in colour:
G45  18 then on a large scale two dozen sections of the painting are also
G45  19 reproduced (in colour), and fitted to a brief account of Brueghel
G45  20 addressed not to anxious culture-vultures all wanting their cut from
G45  21 the fashionable but still queer wonders of art, but to adult
G45  22 appreciators who already accept art as one accepts philosophy or
G45  23 macaroni.
G45  24 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G45  25 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G45  26    |^The example of Italy taught Brueghel to be sparing in expression,
G45  27 to be concise and limit himself to essentials, due proportions and
G45  28 things true to nature. ^He reduced human figures and everything else
G45  29 to basic geometrical forms and made them serve his intentions. ^Every
G45  30 close-up of scenes from Brueghel's *1Hay-Making *0adds to our
G45  31 conviction that the basis of his use of abstraction was profound
G45  32 understanding of nature, of the surface of the earth, its vegetation,
G45  33 the animal world, men, and finally even of the objects fashioned by
G45  34 human hands.
G45  35 **[END INDENTATION**]
G45  36 **[END QUOTE**]
G45  37    |^Good. ^The enlarged details or close-ups left this reviewer more
G45  38 astonished than ever and more delighted than ever by the quantity of
G45  39 *1world *0absorbed by Brueghel, and the quality of absorption and then
G45  40 of its ordering and rendering.
G45  41    |^*1Artists' Prints in Colour, *0from Germany, introduced and
G45  42 edited by \0Dr. Hans Platte of the Kunsthalle at Hamburg, is classy to
G45  43 a degree. ^Again it is not a packaged slab, but a well-designed,
G45  44 well-printed, well-introduced selection of sixty colour prints by
G45  45 sixty artists, all made since the war. ^The first is by Matisse.
G45  46 ^Others are by Moore, Jean Bazaine, Gustave Singier, Lynn Chadwick,
G45  47 Nicolas \de Stae"l. ^The introduction is in part a sophisticated
G45  48 comment on the abstract art of this century, from Kandinsky until now,
G45  49 one of the best I have read. ^*'The important thing is to be quite
G45  50 clear that the work of art can never come into being without some
G45  51 connection with the environment... ^The question of the visible object
G45  52 then loses its significance, since our world does not find its
G45  53 fulfilment in the realm of the visible.**' ^In part the introduction
G45  54 comments on the shift in prints from black and white to colour, from
G45  55 the graphic towards painting, and the way in which this shift is
G45  56 related to our epoch's appetite for colour (including colour printing
G45  57 by machine).
G45  58    |^These two books and the next ones show some unhappy differences
G45  59 between publishers' Europe and publishers' America*- at any rate in
G45  60 the popularisation of the arts. ^*1Indian Art in America *0slides at
G45  61 once into the class of the shiny art slab. ^This may seem unfair: it
G45  62 does inform, it does have a grown-up purpose, it does illustrate many
G45  63 superb objects (seventy colour plates), such as the painted shield
G45  64 covers of the Crow Indians. ^But it begins to buttonhole and brainwash
G45  65 with prefabricated superlatives. ^Its standards are shaky (thin
G45  66 Rackham-like confections by modern Indian watercolourists,
G45  67 self-condemned in the splendid traditional company around them, are
G45  68 just as highly praised). ^Also it is an atrocious piece of colour-book
G45  69 composing, text against plate, or plate against text.
G45  70    |^Art books often recall that distinction Berenson made (to a late
G45  71 director of the Victoria and Albert Museum), that museum officials
G45  72 were either pimps or eunuchs. ^The eunuch art-book often, at any rate,
G45  73 retains the dignity of art: it leaves the peruser to judge on the
G45  74 evidence. ^The pimping art-book has art to sell, insinuatingly, and
G45  75 for a purpose, like *1The American Muse, *0which has in fact a
G45  76 tradition to sell, and one which doesn't exist, in painting (how could
G45  77 it ever have formed in a *"new**" country?). ^This brainwasher and
G45  78 blinder depends on serving up the same tiresome primitives, the same
G45  79 tiresome bits of sub-European \6*1kitsch *0by the Peales, the
G45  80 Bierstadts, the Coles, the Washington Allstons, suitably followed in
G45  81 this century by the celluloid rubbish of Marin, O'Keefe, Dove and many
G45  82 others down (I should say myself with a firm defiance*- though the
G45  83 substance has changed from celluloid) to Jackson Pollock. ^Those who
G45  84 are curious about the stuff and the attitude (which Americans would do
G45  85 better to forget) will find a chilling eyeful in this *1American Muse,
G45  86 *0allied to literary excerpts*- Cotton Mather to Gertrude Stein*- all
G45  87 transferred from an exhibition in that rather brown or liquorice
G45  88 public gallery, the Corcoran in Washington. ^It is another ugly piece
G45  89 of ungraceful typography and book-making.
G45  90    |^The German editor of the elegant book on colour prints remarked
G45  91 that in the end (I should say at the beginning as well) the spectator
G45  92 has to stand entirely alone in front of the picture. ^But not if \0Dr.
G45  93 Bates Lowry gets him. ^If he does, the spectator will stand or sag in
G45  94 front of the picture with *1The Visual Experience: An Introduction to
G45  95 Art *0pressing down on his mind as if that mind were a particularly
G45  96 soft and soggy galantine. ^This is another conditioner: ^Come and
G45  97 learn about Art, \0Mr., \0Mrs. or Miss Home-Study. ^I will teach you
G45  98 to reconcile Kurt Schwitters and Cotman, Sassetta and our Pollock, in
G45  99 234 plates and 260 pages of long abstract words about recession and
G45 100 planes and unity. ^*'In judging the quality of a work of art**'*-
G45 101 attention, please*- *'on the basis of the type of experience that it
G45 102 offers us, we leave the relatively objective area of judgment that we
G45 103 have defined as artistic ability and enter the more subjective area in
G45 104 which we evaluate the significance of the artist's intuition.**' ^At
G45 105 which the statue*- as in Daumier's cartoon*- prodigiously yawns, and
G45 106 then adds a raspberry as well.
G45 107    |^An American wrap of this same nature entirely surrounds the
G45 108 largest slipperiest slab of *1Picasso's Picassos. ^*0Without its
G45 109 rhetoric or gloss, here you have a colour album of those paintings by
G45 110 Picasso, from 1895 to 1960, which he keeps for himself. ^They have
G45 111 been photographed by an American author-journalist-photographer, who
G45 112 talks of *'the Maestro,**' and treats Picasso in his text like a
G45 113 super-goose who lays golden eggs, starting off his gossip-text by
G45 114 saying (and if this doesn't justify him, what does?) that *'no painter
G45 115 of this century's Midas-touched art world has seen more of his colours
G45 116 and canvas change to gold.**' ^A colour-photo as frontispiece depicts
G45 117 the Maestro attitudinising in a Spanish cloak and a Scottish tweed
G45 118 hat, by candlelight, and makes him look like a new Watts, {0*2OM},
G45 119 *0or like God taking the part of Gladstone in a charade.
G45 120    |^However, this frontispiece can be torn out, and with ingenuity
G45 121 all of the journalistic slobbering over the paintings and personality
G45 122 which journalists used to ridicule, can be cut away with a pair of
G45 123 scissors*- when there will be left for enjoyment in the normal
G45 124 unpompous calm of the arts, 202 plates, various and bizarre, in which
G45 125 Picasso's liberated shapes and excitingly applied and inventively
G45 126 combined colours play some of their very sunniest compositions.
G45 127    |^*2GEOFFREY GRIGSON
G45 128 *<*4Interlacery*>
G45 129 *<China. *0By William Watson. (Thames and Hudson, 30\0s.)*>
G45 130 *<*4The Seljuks. *0By Tamara Talbot Rice. (Thames and Hudson 30\0s.)*>
G45 131 *<*4The Vikings. *0By Holger Arbman. (Thames and Hudson, 30\0s.)*>
G45 132    |^*2A VERY *0mixed batch, one would think, this latest trio from
G45 133 the admirable *'Ancient Peoples and Places**' series edited by \0Dr.
G45 134 Glyn Daniel. ^A glance through the plates*- around seventy per
G45 135 volume*- discloses odd family resemblances. ^Cousin to the Chinese
G45 136 dragon seems the Viking sea-serpent. ^Half-Chinese, again, look the
G45 137 Uighur faces staring from Seljuk reliefs. ^And everywhere lurk animals
G45 138 in company with lengths of geometrical interlacery which might well
G45 139 have crawled down from the Steppes. ^To run through the books in their
G45 140 chronological sequence is to get a sharper perspective.
G45 141    |^\0Mr. Watson, in his detailed archaeological survey of *1China
G45 142 Before the Han Dynasty, *0follows the progress of \*1sinanthropus
G45 143 *0through the stone-age centuries to the sudden flowering of an
G45 144 unsurpassed bronze age under the Shang and the Chou. ^Whence came this
G45 145 finesse in casting alloys, and iron, too, long before iron was forged
G45 146 or wrought by the same people? ^What connection is there between the
G45 147 spiral-painted urns of Kansu and the similar pieces from Turkestan and
G45 148 the Caucasus? ^Archaeology cannot yet answer a number of outstanding
G45 149 conundrums in this field. ^But it offers no support for older theories
G45 150 that the early Chinese derived their ideas from as far west as the
G45 151 Near East, or that they were essentially pacific and thereafter
G45 152 static. ^As their weapons and vessels attest, they were addicted to
G45 153 bloodthirsty sacrificial rites and were constantly armed to the teeth.
G45 154 ^When they cribbed a socketed axe from Tomsk or a spearhead from
G45 155 Minusinsk, they improved it. ^Of the Tartar bow they made a spring-gun
G45 156 with a bronze trigger, to fire blunt-nosed bolts. ^But their exchanges
G45 157 with the North-West, *'the region of horse-raising and fraternisation
G45 158 of Chinese and nomad,**' must often have been fruitful.
G45 159    |^Among the nomads who harried the Shang were the Turkish-speaking
G45 160 tribes whose later descendants, the Ghuzz, by the eighth century
G45 161 {0AD} controlled all Central Asia. ^Through Transoxiana their Seljuk
G45 162 branch advanced from Samarkand and Bokhara upon Syria, Iraq and
G45 163 Persia. ^In her history of *1The Seljuks of Asia Minor, \0*0Mrs.
G45 164 Tamara Talbot Rice considers the achievements of the Islamised group
G45 165 which settled in Rum, the Byzantine Anatolia. ^Again our old views
G45 166 need reorienting. ^*'That the Seljuks brought nothing but chaos and
G45 167 destruction to Asia Minor is not borne out by the facts.**' ^Indeed,
G45 168 under the Sultanate, claims \0Mrs. Rice, *'the Seljuks set out to
G45 169 provide their country with a sound economy and elaborate social
G45 170 services.**' ^In this *'veritable welfare state**' the arts
G45 171 flourished. ^Her plates show the splendours of Seljukid architecture.
G45 172 ^She also devotes several pages to Rumi and Sufism; but the reader
G45 173 will search her index in vain for the name of the great Persian
G45 174 Jelal-\al-Din, which appears here disguised in contemporary Turkish
G45 175 orthography as *'the Mawla Celaleddin.**'
G45 176    |^In an earlier volume in this series, \0Mrs. Rice, who is Russian
G45 177 by birth, took as subject the Scythians. ^Despite chronological
G45 178 difficulties, it is they who have been suggested as the link between
G45 179 the arts of Central Asia and the Steppes, and so ultimately with
G45 180 certain traits in the Scandinavian and Celtic cultures. ^In his
G45 181 geographical history of the Vikings, Professor Arbman shows how the
G45 182 Rus, or the Swedes of Muscovy, traded in Black Sea ports and sent
G45 183 caravans into Baghdad. ^The more familiar ventures of the Vikings in
G45 184 Britain and Ireland, as well as their more controversial incursions
G45 185 into the New World, are here made vivid. ^The introduction by \0Mr.
G45 186 Alan Binns, who translated the Swedish original, is invaluable. ^Once
G45 187 more we are urged to modify our traditional view of these pirates,
G45 188 whose prowess as artists, whatever one thinks of the sagas, remains
G45 189 far from negligible. ^The interlacery of the Jellinge pattern can have
G45 190 no direct connection with interlacery remote from it by thousands of
G45 191 years, thousands of miles. ^Horse-raisers think in terms of plaits and
G45 192 straps as seafarers dream of ropes, hawsers and knots. ^These restless
G45 193 rangers of the abstract wastes revivified the people they raided and
G45 194 once settled, brought a new twist to the old strands of culture, craft
G45 195 and art.
G45 196    |^*2HUGH GORDON PORTEUS
G45 197    |
G45 198    |^*0Alan \0R. Taylor's *1Prelude to Israel, *0now published in this
G45 199 country by Darton, Longman and Todd at 18\0s., was reviewed in the
G45 200 *1Spectator *0in its original American edition on June 24, 1960.
G45 201 *<*4Records*>
G45 202 *<Values of the Studio*>
G45 203 *<By DAVID CAIRNS*>
G45 204    |^*2IT *0is right that recording companies should attempt to make
G45 205 their recordings of opera as dramatic as possible, and natural that
G45 206 promoters should vaunt the realism that is achieved.
G45 207 *# 2007
G46   1 **[233 TEXT G46**]
G46   2 *<*6GEORGE ANNE BELLAMY*>
G46   3 *<*1By *0The \0Rev. *2BROCARD SEWELL, *0{0O.Carm.}*>
G46   4    |^*6G*2EORGE ANNE BELLAMY, *0once a leading figure on the London
G46   5 stage and in the fashionable society of her time, is today hardly
G46   6 known except to students of theatrical history. ^Her life was on the
G46   7 whole unfortunate, and her end sad; yet she was a fascinating
G46   8 personality and a fine actress, while her life-story is highly
G46   9 romantic. ^It is not easy to see why her memory should have faded,
G46  10 especially as she wrote a most readable autobiography which went
G46  11 quickly through several editions.
G46  12    |^Recently, however, she has found a sympathetic biographer in \0Mr
G46  13 Cyril Hughes Hartmann, whose delightful book *1Enchanting Bellamy
G46  14 *0(Heinemann, 1956) puts her story within the reach of all and sorts
G46  15 out a good many of the puzzles which face the reader of her own
G46  16 narrative, now a very rare book, *1An Apology for the Life of George
G46  17 Anne Bellamy, late of Covent Garden Theatre, Written by Herself
G46  18 *0(London, 1785).
G46  19    |^She was a sincere Catholic, notwithstanding the chronic disorder
G46  20 of her matrimonial affairs, for which she was not altogether
G46  21 responsible. ^For the Catholic reader part of the interest and
G46  22 fascination of her *1Apology *0lies in the glimpses that she gives us
G46  23 of Catholic life and personalities in eighteenth-century London. ^\0Mr
G46  24 Hartmann, himself not a Catholic, and writing for the general reader,
G46  25 has included in his own narrative only a selection of the episodes of
G46  26 Catholic interest. ^Since Miss Bellamy's *1Apology *0is now so
G46  27 difficult a book to obtain it seems worth while to attempt a short
G46  28 survey of her life that will do justice to her adherence to the faith
G46  29 in which she was brought up.
G46  30    |^George Anne Bellamy was born at Finglas, near Dublin, on 23 April
G46  31 1728. ^The name which her mother wished to give her, Georgiane, was,
G46  32 through some blunder, entered in the baptismal register as George
G46  33 Anne. ^Her mother, a \0Mrs Bellamy, was a Quakeress from near
G46  34 Maidstone who had taken to the stage and entered on a liaison with
G46  35 James O'Hara, Baron Kilmaine and second Lord Tyrawley (1690-1773),
G46  36 Field Marshal and diplomat, Ambassador in Portugal and later in
G46  37 Russia.
G46  38    |^Lord Tyrawley was considered *'singularly licentious even for the
G46  39 courts of Russia and Portugal**'; he acquired three wives and fourteen
G46  40 children during his Portuguese embassy alone. ^But he was a very able
G46  41 man, possessed of considerable charm and some claim to polite
G46  42 cultivation: qualities which George Anne would seem to have inherited
G46  43 from him.
G46  44    |^Lord Tyrawley was not a Catholic; but for some reason he had
G46  45 George Anne brought up in the old religion, and she was sent to school
G46  46 with the Ursulines at Boulogne. ^Her time there passed happily, and in
G46  47 her *1Apology *0she always speaks with affection of the nuns.
G46  48    |^Her mother was acquainted with many of the leading actors and
G46  49 actresses of the day. ^When George Anne was eleven or twelve years old
G46  50 she and her mother were invited to attend some amateur theatricals
G46  51 held in a barn at \0Mrs Woffington's Thames-side residence at
G46  52 Teddington. ^This was in 1744, and the performance was got up in
G46  53 honour of Margaret Woffington's daughter Mary, aged sixteen, also just
G46  54 home from her convent-school on the continent. ^The play was Ambrose
G46  55 Phillips' *1The Distressed Mother. ^*0Garrick himself played Orestes,
G46  56 with Mary (Polly) Woffington as Hermione and George Anne Bellamy as
G46  57 Andromache. ^*'Though I was inferior in beauty to my fair rival,**'
G46  58 she tells us, *'and without the advantages of dress, yet the laurel
G46  59 was bestowed upon me.**'
G46  60    |^She was seen at once to have unusual talent, and Garrick
G46  61 encouraged her to take up a career on the stage. ^She was to have a
G46  62 number of misunderstandings and disagreements with Garrick, who was
G46  63 not always an easy man to deal with; but she admits in her *1memoirs
G46  64 *0that her break with Garrick in 1753, largely out of pique on her
G46  65 part, was the mistake of her life.
G46  66    |^Some time in the year 1744, after the amateur theatricals at
G46  67 Teddington, George Anne was taken on by John Rich, the patentee and
G46  68 manager of Covent Garden Theatre, and made her de*?2but as Monimia in
G46  69 Otway's tragedy *1The Orphan. ^*0The leading man, James Quin, objected
G46  70 to the introduction of this inexperienced child-actor in a principal
G46  71 part, and Rich had a good deal of trouble with him and the rest of the
G46  72 company as a result. ^Her appearance on the first night was very
G46  73 nearly a fiasco, until, as she tells us, in the fourth act
G46  74 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G46  75 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G46  76    |to the astonishment of the audience, the surprise of the
G46  77 performers, and the exultation of the manager, I felt myself suddenly
G46  78 inspired. ^I blazed out at once with meridian splendour... ^\0Mr Quin
G46  79 was so *1fascinated *0at this unexpected intervention that he waited
G46  80 behind the scenes till the conclusion of the act; when lifting me up
G46  81 from the ground in a transport he exclaimed aloud, ^*'\1Thou \1art a
G46  82 divine creature, and the true spirit is in \1thee.**'
G46  83 **[END QUOTE**]
G46  84 **[END INDENTATION**]
G46  85    |^At this time George Anne had two suitors: Lord Byron, *'a
G46  86 nobleman who had little to boast of but a title and an agreeable
G46  87 face**', and a \0Mr Montgomery (who subsequently became, through a
G46  88 change of name, Sir George Metham). ^There seems to have been a
G46  89 half-hearted and unsuccessful attempt by Lord Byron to abduct her, as
G46  90 a result of which she became seriously unwell. ^When she had recovered
G46  91 she went down to Essex to stay with some relatives; but the visit did
G46  92 not pass off too happily. ^On her way back to London she stopped for
G46  93 dinner at an inn in the town of Ingatestone:
G46  94 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G46  95 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G46  96    |^During dinner [the landlady] informed me that Lord Petre had a
G46  97 noble house and estate adjoining to that town; adding that his
G46  98 Lordship's family was one of the worthiest in the world, *1although
G46  99 they were Roman Catholics. ^*0I could not help smiling at this
G46 100 reservation; which she observing, begged my pardon; saying, ^*'I fear,
G46 101 Madam, you are one.**' ^As I spoke, the starting tear glistened in my
G46 102 eye, at the recollection of my remissness in the duties of the
G46 103 religion I professed. ^I however smothered the upbraidings of my mind,
G46 104 and enquired who lived at the farmhouse which was so pleasantly
G46 105 situated at some distance from the town. ^She informed me that it
G46 106 belonged to a rich farmer, but they were *1\1Papishes. ^*0I then
G46 107 desired she would instruct me in the distinction between Roman
G46 108 Catholics and \1Papishes, as she termed them. ^*'Lord, miss,**'
G46 109 answered she, *'sure you know the difference between a Hind and a
G46 110 Lord?**'
G46 111 **[END QUOTE**]
G46 112 **[END INDENTATION**]
G46 113    |^In 1745 Bellamy rather unwisely deserted Rich and Quin and
G46 114 accepted an offer from Tom Sheridan to play at the Smock Alley Theatre
G46 115 in Dublin. ^Arrived in the Irish capital she went at once to call on
G46 116 Miss O'Hara, Lord Tyrawley's unmarried sister, who welcomed her warmly
G46 117 and introduced her into Dublin's fashionable society. ^In Dublin she
G46 118 played Cleopatra in Dryden's *1All for Love, *0against Barry's Antony
G46 119 and Sheridan's Ventidius, appearing also in Rowe's *1The Fair Penitent
G46 120 *0and in *1The \1Provok'd Husband *0by Vanbrugh and Cibber, in which
G46 121 Lord and Lady Townley were played by Garrick and George Anne. ^She
G46 122 also had a great success as Portia in *1The Merchant of Venice.
G46 123 ^*0While in Dublin she befriended a \0Mrs Gunning and her family, who
G46 124 were involved in the deepest distress and were about to be turned out
G46 125 of their house. ^Two of the children were later the celebrated
G46 126 eighteenth-century beauties, the Gunning sisters, who became
G46 127 respectively Countess of Coventry and Duchess of Hamilton.
G46 128    |^From even before their arrival in Ireland George Anne's mother
G46 129 had been trying to induce her to marry an Irish linen-draper called
G46 130 Crump, a worthy but slightly ridiculous man with little to commend him
G46 131 to her except his money. ^Her mother's insistence on this match, at
G46 132 the urging of Lord Tyrawley who wanted to get his daughter off his
G46 133 hands, seems to have been singularly stupid, and she was certainly a
G46 134 good deal to blame for all the unhappiness that was to follow from
G46 135 George Anne's refusal to consider so unattractive a suitor. ^Although
G46 136 a Quaker, her mother was far too flighty and worldly to make the kind
G46 137 of friend and adviser her brilliant daughter needed; and Lord Tyrawley
G46 138 was an equally unsatisfactory parent. ^He certainly treated his
G46 139 illegitimate children kindly, and even generously. ^They were admitted
G46 140 to his own family circle as though by right, which says much for the
G46 141 patience and large-heartedness of Lady Tyrawley, who was a thoroughly
G46 142 good-natured soul. ^But his care for them was fitful and spasmodic,
G46 143 largely because of his frequent absences abroad; and he was
G46 144 ill-equipped to give them anything in the way of moral or religious
G46 145 guidance. ^To the misfortune of her birth and her lack of a proper
G46 146 home must be attributed in large part the misfortunes of George Anne's
G46 147 life.
G46 148    |^Back in London George Anne became the principal tragic actress in
G46 149 Quin's company, appearing as Belvidera in Otway's *1Venice
G46 150 \1Preserv'd, *0Statira in Lee's *1The Rival Queens, *0and other parts.
G46 151 ^In comedy she was less successful: \0Mrs Ward had given way to her in
G46 152 tragedy, but Peg Woffington was not to be supplanted as principal
G46 153 interpreter of comedy. ^Still, George Anne made creditable appearances
G46 154 as Harriet in Etherege's *1The Man of Mode: or Sir Fopling Flutter,
G46 155 *0Lady Froth in Congreve's *1The Double-Dealer, *0and as Lady Fanciful
G46 156 in Vanbrugh's *1The \1Provok'd Wife.
G46 157    |^*0In 1749 George Metham was renewing his attentions to Miss
G46 158 Bellamy. ^In the Lent of that year they were both attending the
G46 159 Wednesday and Friday evening devotions at the Bavarian Embassy chapel,
G46 160 one of the few places of worship available to the Catholics of London
G46 161 since diplomatic privilege secured for it immunity from the penal laws
G46 162 then in force. ^Originally attached to the Portuguese Embassy the
G46 163 chapel, adjacent to Golden Square, is said to have been built soon
G46 164 after the Restoration of 1660. ^Subsequently rebuilt and enlarged at
G46 165 different periods it is now the Church of Our Lady of the Assumption
G46 166 and \0St Gregory, Warwick Street, \0W.1.
G46 167    |^When the Portuguese Ambassador removed to South Street, Mayfair,
G46 168 in 1736, the Bavarian Embassy took over the house and chapel in Golden
G46 169 Square. ^\0Mrs Bellamy (most actresses in the eighteenth century, once
G46 170 over a certain age, were usually known as \0Mrs whether married or
G46 171 not) became closely acquainted with the Bavarian Ambassador, Count
G46 172 Franz \von Haslang, a nobleman of fine character who was to prove one
G46 173 of her most faithful friends in all the distresses of her life. ^In
G46 174 1780 the chapel was wrecked in the Gordon Riots. ^It is usually
G46 175 assumed that the chapel was totally destroyed, but Bellamy's evidence
G46 176 seems to show that this was not so. ^It appears more likely that the
G46 177 furniture and appointments were destroyed and the fabric badly
G46 178 damaged, but that the chapel was still able to be used for occasional
G46 179 services, such as that held for the Count's funeral in 1783, until it
G46 180 was rebuilt about the year 1787. ^If this is so, and there seems to be
G46 181 no real reason for doubting it, then surely Warwick Street church can
G46 182 claim the longest continuity of worship of any Catholic church in
G46 183 England, apart from certain chapels belonging to noble houses or to
G46 184 religious communities? ^Such, at any rate, is \0Mr Hartmann's opinion.
G46 185    |^Among the clergy at Warwick Street when \0Mrs Bellamy knew it was
G46 186 the Reverend John Darcy, who was there from 1748 to 1758 and who
G46 187 appears to have been her confessor and spiritual director, as well as
G46 188 her trusted friend. ^She mentions also the well-known \0Dr James
G46 189 Archer, who had begun life as potboy at the Ship Tavern, near the
G46 190 Sardinian chapel in Lincoln's Inn Fields, and whose sermons went
G46 191 through several editions and were appreciated by Catholics and
G46 192 Protestants alike. ^She also knew well the celebrated Franciscan
G46 193 Arthur O'Leary, founder of the mission of \0St Patrick's, Soho Square.
G46 194    |^To return to the year 1749: before long George Anne Bellamy
G46 195 considered herself as virtually engaged to George Metham; but
G46 196 unfortunately Lord Tyrawley intervened and expressed great displeasure
G46 197 at her rejection of \0Mr Crump, whom he was still insistent on her
G46 198 marrying.
G46 199 *# 2012
G47   1 **[234 TEXT G47**]
G47   2 *<*6THE CASE FOR ART EDUCATION*>
G47   3 *<*4by {0*6H. S.} BROUDY*>
G47   4    |^*2IT *0irks the art teacher to have art regarded as a luxury item
G47   5 on the school's bill of fare. ^For one thing no one likes to think of
G47   6 his life's work as easily dispensable, and experience has shown that
G47   7 when school money is scarce art is among the first activities to be
G47   8 dispensed with. ^Nevertheless, fine and highly cherished objects are
G47   9 regarded as luxuries, and one may question whether the attempt to
G47  10 convince the public that art and music are as useful as arithmetic and
G47  11 science would be wise strategy even if the claim could be justified.
G47  12    |^The claim has dubious validity. ^That artistic activity produces
G47  13 important results is true. ^Individual enjoyment is one such result
G47  14 and social control or discipline is another. ^But the sort of art that
G47  15 does this for most people most of the time is not the kind that has to
G47  16 be studied in school. ^The popular arts via the mass media furnish
G47  17 massive doses of enjoyment to the masses of people and likewise shape
G47  18 their feelings with respect to what in our culture is to be cherished,
G47  19 admired, loved and hated.
G47  20    |^We learn how to feel about love, death, success, war and peace in
G47  21 the movies, popular fiction, the top 20 tunes in the jukebox, the
G47  22 advertising layouts in our magazines and newspapers. ^These arts
G47  23 present in perceptual form images or models that objectify and exhibit
G47  24 the current fashion in what is desirable and repulsive.
G47  25    |^The popular arts of a people, whether they set out to do so or
G47  26 not, celebrate the values of that people. ^When these values are put
G47  27 into song and story they evoke feelings that become stylised and serve
G47  28 to educate the young and the old alike. ^Advertisers use art media to
G47  29 make the public yearn for their products; governments can, if they put
G47  30 their minds to it shape the feelings of their people with respect to
G47  31 leaders and their policies.
G47  32    |^But to reiterate, this use of art demands no formal training on
G47  33 the part of the young. ^Living in the group they will be controlled by
G47  34 the arts forms of that group. ^The teaching of art in the schools
G47  35 makes sense only if there is an art to which ordinary daily experience
G47  36 does not give the pupil access; if access to it will give him
G47  37 something not to be found in ordinary transactions with popular art,
G47  38 and if this requires formal training.
G47  39    |^Is there an art to which ordinary routines of life do not give
G47  40 the pupil adequate access? ^In one sense the answer is no, because
G47  41 anyone, if he tries hard enough, can visit museums and libraries;
G47  42 listen to concerts and recordings. ^We are justly proud of the
G47  43 accessibility of all types of art objects and the techniques of the
G47  44 mass media deserve much of the credit for it.
G47  45    |^In another sense, however, certain realms of art are effectively
G47  46 closed off from many people. ^When considerable facility or
G47  47 acquaintance with the methods of making or viewing an art object are
G47  48 required for appreciation, ignorance is as effective a bar as a wall.
G47  49 ^Poor readers cannot do much with Proust's novels and a lack of
G47  50 familiarity with Greek mythology makes for a frustrating experience
G47  51 with Milton's Paradise Lost.
G47  52    |^That is one reason for the irritation of the untutored viewer
G47  53 {6*1vis a vis} *0abstract painting. ^He looks for what is not there
G47  54 and he does not know what to do with what is there. ^This irritation
G47  55 is sometimes relieved by suggesting that the painting be viewed as a
G47  56 piece of wall paper or floor covering. ^Hard as this is on the soul of
G47  57 the artist, it does, however, halt the viewer's frantic search for
G47  58 familiar themes and objects.
G47  59    |^Serious art, by and large, does make demands that popular art
G47  60 does not: sensitive discrimination, awareness of form, some
G47  61 familiarity with technique, and, above all, an active and concentrated
G47  62 attention. ^In so far as this is the case, serious art is not easily
G47  63 accessible to the untutored.
G47  64    |^Because facility with serious art requires skill and knowledge
G47  65 not acquired incidentally, it makes sense for the school to offer a
G47  66 programme of art education. ^But because such training entails effort
G47  67 that the child may be reluctant to exert, to require it of everyone
G47  68 calls for a promise to the child and to society. ^To the child must be
G47  69 promised enjoyment and satisfaction above and beyond those afforded by
G47  70 the popular arts; to society must be promised a strengthening of the
G47  71 people's commitment to its ideals and aspirations, and what may be
G47  72 even more important, a constant examination and evaluation of them.
G47  73    |^There are two lines of argument that we can follow to justify
G47  74 these promises. ^One is that in the experience of the race, epoch
G47  75 after epoch has produced men who testify to the power and value of
G47  76 serious art. ^Why one cannot predict that some of our children and
G47  77 perhaps all of them will experience the same sort of reaction after
G47  78 similar training is hard to understand, yet so convinced are educators
G47  79 that aesthetic experience is no more than a capricious and individual
G47  80 matter of taste that they find this sort of evidence unconvincing.
G47  81    |^The other line of argument consists in putting forward a theory
G47  82 that tries to show how art in general and serious art in particular
G47  83 functions in man's attempt to achieve the good life.
G47  84    |^From the days of Plato to our own times many have tried to
G47  85 interpret what art does. ^For Plato himself, art by embodying harmony
G47  86 and order in delightfully sensuous forms induced harmony and order
G47  87 into the individual soul. ^So potent did he believe art to be that he
G47  88 insisted on having the stories and poems taught to the young censored.
G47  89 ^He was afraid lest certain types of music make boys effeminate. ^Nor
G47  90 did he believe that stories depicting gods and heroes in immoral
G47  91 escapades would do much for character education.
G47  92    |^Susanne \0K. Langer speaks of art as shaping our inner life. ^Art
G47  93 introduces order into the chaotic realm of our emotions by holding up
G47  94 before us images of shaped feelings.
G47  95    |^Freud and Sir Herbert Read, among others, see art as stemming
G47  96 from man's struggle with his submerged animal impulses to love and
G47  97 destruction. ^Art on this view somehow plumbs the nether region of the
G47  98 unconscious and performs for us the rite of ennobling our unconscious
G47  99 transactions with our primordial lusts. ^The artist, so to speak, is
G47 100 our substitute for neurosis.
G47 101    |^Gyorgy Kepes notes that we respond to the images of the artist
G47 102 because their forms and harmonies touch us at various levels of our
G47 103 being: sensational, rational, and emotional.
G47 104    |^As the industrial revolution swept into high gear William Morris
G47 105 warned that the rhythmic joy of work had been destroyed. ^Repeatedly
G47 106 we have been told that everyday life in our times no longer provides
G47 107 us with the models of wholeness and harmony that were once vouchsafed
G47 108 to the peasant in his natural setting. ^Art is more and more relied
G47 109 upon to restore the wholeness of human experience.
G47 110    |^Summing it up, the theoretical justification for education in
G47 111 serious art lies in the claim that it trains the feeling side of life
G47 112 just as other studies train the intellectual side and still others
G47 113 perfect bodily skills, and that it does so in a way that goes beyond
G47 114 the educative effects of popular art.
G47 115    |^Two problems seem to emerge if we take this line of persuasion
G47 116 with school boards and parents. ^First, whether even with respect to
G47 117 serious art the school need do more than provide an environment in
G47 118 which the child's natural expressive impulses are allowed to manifest
G47 119 themselves in paint, clay, \0etc., with a maximum of freedom and a
G47 120 minimum of technical requirements. ^If this is the case, then it need
G47 121 not require much more than time in the programme, a wide variety of
G47 122 materials, and an encouraging teacher. ^The upsurge of Sunday painting
G47 123 indicates that perhaps not even this much is a prerequisite for adult
G47 124 artistic activity.
G47 125    |^Casting doubt on this approach is the well-nigh universal
G47 126 testimony of artists and connoisseurs in all fields that their
G47 127 achievements do not come naturally. ^On the contrary, they complain
G47 128 with almost tedious uniformity about the hard work their artistic
G47 129 endeavours entail. ^Serious art on the producing or the appreciating
G47 130 side is not for the lazy, nor presumably for the untrained. ^If,
G47 131 however, there is nothing systematic to teach, no special way of
G47 132 teaching it, and no effort required in learning it, the fuss about the
G47 133 art programme is much ado about nothing.
G47 134    |^The second point is that a programme of art education which
G47 135 proposes to train pupils for the appreciation of serious art is not
G47 136 innocuous; it can be dangerous.
G47 137    |^Serious art presents us with models of feeling that are neither
G47 138 so familiar nor so safe as those presented by the popular arts.
G47 139 ^Popular art gives aesthetic form to the values that most of the
G47 140 people are enjoying or would like to enjoy in a manner approved by the
G47 141 social order. ^Just as there are standard ways of feeling about love,
G47 142 war, marriage, death, home, \0etc. ^In the popular song, picture,
G47 143 photograph, movie, and story the average man recognises his everyday
G47 144 problems and the standard solutions.
G47 145    |^Serious art, on the other hand, tries to disclose modes of
G47 146 feelings that in our ordinary life we rarely experience, and would
G47 147 probably prefer not to experience at all. ^Most of us do not want to
G47 148 engage in heroic episodes of love, war, or politics, but in every
G47 149 epoch a few works of art depict mankind in such heroic and convincing
G47 150 roles that we see in them our species at its best. ^These works become
G47 151 certified as *"great**" works of art, but not always by their
G47 152 contemporary publics.
G47 153    |^Contemporary art, when serious, criticises the values of its
G47 154 culture. ^Sometimes this criticism is in the form of a protest; at
G47 155 others, it simply experiments freely with emotions and their
G47 156 expression in unusual forms.
G47 157    |^Serious art, whether in its classical or contemporaneous form,
G47 158 whether freely experimental or definitely idealistic, confronts the
G47 159 child with models of experience and feeling that are not typical of
G47 160 the life going on around him. ^The images it offers the child are not
G47 161 mirrors of life but projections of what life *1might *0feel like. ^All
G47 162 of these images are distortions. ^Some are interesting and important;
G47 163 some border on the insane, and a few disclose visions of feeling that
G47 164 haul mankind up another rung on the ladder of civilisation.
G47 165    |^All of which means that when the school takes serious art
G47 166 seriously it cannot expose the immature pupil to anything and
G47 167 everything, and this in turn presupposes a high order of aesthetic
G47 168 sophistication and competence on the part of all teachers who have a
G47 169 part in the programme.
G47 170    |^So conceived and defended a case can be made out for art
G47 171 education as an integral part of general education. ^That school
G47 172 boards and other appropriating agencies will be convinced is not so
G47 173 certain. ^They represent the tension between the conventional and the
G47 174 experimental that is never absent from a changing society. ^The
G47 175 artistic experience is intermittent and celebrative; it gives meaning
G47 176 and glow to life but it neither creates life nor sustains it. ^The
G47 177 school must pay attention to all aspects of living*- economic,
G47 178 intellectual, moral, and social*- and if it must make a choice between
G47 179 preserving and sustaining life, on one hand, and making it glow, on
G47 180 the other, there is no question as to what it will have to choose.
G47 181 ^But we no longer face such a hard choice. ^If we did, we would not be
G47 182 discussing art education at all.
G47 183 *<*6FROM MYTH TO FAIRY-TALE AND FOLK LORE*>
G47 184 *<*4by {0*6J. M.} GRANT*>
G47 185 **[ILLUSTRATION**]
G47 186    |^*1As far as it is possible for me to do so I have acknowledged my
G47 187 indebtedness to particular authors for particular information. ^Where
G47 188 I may inadvertently have omitted to do so I hope that the authors
G47 189 concerned will accept my general acknowledgment of the interest I have
G47 190 sustained in their writings and for the help I have gained from them
G47 191 in the fascinating study of mythology, fairy tale, and folk-lore.
G47 192 *# 2027
G48   1 **[235 TEXT G48**]
G48   2 *<*6MYFANWY PIPER*>
G48   3 *<*5on art*>
G48   4    |^*0*"Henri Rousseau's art was born and formed on Sundays. ^Free
G48   5 from work he could, with a cheerful heart, compose images while
G48   6 listening to the songs of the Faubourg.**" ^The little book by the
G48   7 Frenchman Roch Grey from which these simple words are taken was
G48   8 published in the early twenties: my copy was published and, I suspect,
G48   9 translated in Rome. ^Written in a mixture of intellectual
G48  10 sententiousness and poetic sentimentalism peculiar to some French
G48  11 writing about art, it is more often than not reduced to fantasy by the
G48  12 literal translation*- *"product of the tendencies of nature working
G48  13 outside every heritage on the part of some paradisical superfluity
G48  14 treating of universal harmony, Henri lived a life without malice.**"
G48  15 ^And yet, its earnest appreciation of his spirit, mingled with the
G48  16 absurdity of its phrases, especially those used to describe a visit to
G48  17 the deceased painter's studio, is an inextricable part of my knowledge
G48  18 of the Douanier. ^Even today I cannot believe that *"ugly, silent dogs
G48  19 played in the middle of the street...**" is not the title of one of
G48  20 his pictures: and when, describing the climax of his hostile reception
G48  21 in the Rue Perrel, \0M. Grey says, *"another person was visibly
G48  22 preparing to take part in the fray; striped like a mattress he
G48  23 cried...**" ^I visualize in the dusty summer street another version of
G48  24 *1The Footballers. ^*0It is obviously a book to be enjoyed at
G48  25 intervals. ^It came out this time because I had heard casually that
G48  26 there was to be an exhibition of Rousseau's pictures in Paris, at the
G48  27 Gallerie Charpentier in March and because I had recently seen the two
G48  28 fine ones in the Hay Whitney collection. ^One of them, *1The Happy
G48  29 Quartet, *0looks back in an odd way to Blake, not so much because of a
G48  30 nai"ve belief in felicity as because Rousseau obviously derived
G48  31 inspiration for the poses and for the cherubic child from looking, as
G48  32 Blake did, at engravings of old masters.
G48  33    |^Thinking about Rousseau leads one to ask why nai"ve painting has
G48  34 such a hold upon our imagination today. ^In the painting of a
G48  35 sophisticated artist there is always a discrepancy, a margin of
G48  36 unattainable perfection, of rapture, between the intention and the
G48  37 result. ^Although it is true to say that the greater the artist the
G48  38 smaller that discrepancy*- indeed, it often seems non-existent to the
G48  39 spectator*- it is also true that the greater the painter, the greater,
G48  40 inevitably, the discrepancy, because of the soaring quality of his
G48  41 vision. ^But no one today knows what kind of vision, or belief, or
G48  42 intention even, lies in that region beyond the bounds of execution.
G48  43 ^When artists painted for the church, or when they painted man the
G48  44 perfectible being, the nature of the paradise they had lost, but could
G48  45 through grace regain, was imaginable; at least its spiritual values
G48  46 were known. ^Now they are not. ^For the true nai"ve painter, on the
G48  47 other hand, there is no margin between his intention and his result:
G48  48 he paints to the exact limit of his vision. ^It is exactly in his
G48  49 humble capacity to be satisfied with this that his nai"vete*?2 or lack
G48  50 of sophistication lies. ^It is exactly in this that his appeal lies.
G48  51    |^Rousseau once wrote to the mayor of his home town Laval, offering
G48  52 to sell {*1La Bohe*?2mienne Endormie}. ^*0He sent a description of
G48  53 the picture: ^*"A wandering negress, playing her mandolin, with her
G48  54 jar beside her (a vase containing water), sleeps deeply, worn out by
G48  55 fatigue. ^A lion wanders by, detects her and does not devour her.
G48  56 ^There's an effect of moonlight, very poetic. ^The scene takes place
G48  57 in a completely arid desert. ^The gypsy is dressed in oriental
G48  58 fashion.**" ^The simple exactitude of his words matches the clarity
G48  59 and finality of the picture. ^The confidence and satisfaction of the
G48  60 painter shines out, as it does in these words from a biographical note
G48  61 that he wrote upon himself: ^*"He perfected himself more and more in
G48  62 the original manner which he has adopted and he is in the process of
G48  63 becoming one of the best realist painters.**" ^This absence of anxiety
G48  64 in a person who is simple enough for it not to be a fault is a source
G48  65 of repose and strength. ^Picasso, Braque, Max Jacob, Appollinaire and
G48  66 many others in his lifetime were entertained by his absurdities, took
G48  67 advantage of his susceptibility to hoaxes, loved his good temper and
G48  68 dogged persistence in his work*- and accepted his paintings as manna.
G48  69 ^The blessing of an unassailable, because unquestioned, calm.
G48  70 *<*6MYFANWY PIPER*>
G48  71 *<*5on art*>
G48  72    |^*0Things that are over are not always done with too, according to
G48  73 timetable. ^Pictures and personalities that ought to be tidied away
G48  74 after their airing occupy one's mind with images and questions and
G48  75 memories. ^Toulouse-Lautrec is a particular sticker. ^Partly because
G48  76 he can never finally be pinned down. ^Confronted with the variety and
G48  77 the vitality of the subjects, the daring and the ingenuity of the
G48  78 colour, the boldness and the total take-it-or-leave-it quality of the
G48  79 compositions for the first time {6*1en masse} *0at the Museum at
G48  80 Albi some years ago, I felt as if he was an artist I had never seen
G48  81 before. ^Reading Henri Perruchot's thorough and imaginative biography
G48  82 (out last year) I feel, in spite of the picture books and the Moulin
G48  83 Rouge film and the legends and the lithographs, that here is a man
G48  84 that I have never known before. ^And then the memory of Albi, rosy but
G48  85 fierce, dominating a countryside that can have changed very little
G48  86 since medieval times and of that extraordinary collection of pictures
G48  87 by a son of one of its most medieval minded families, took on a
G48  88 marvellous new sharpness. ^It was good to be able to see many of the
G48  89 works again at the Tate Gallery last month.
G48  90    |^The most persistent question raised by \0M. Perruchot's book is
G48  91 how far the artist Lautrec was the product of his crippled state.
G48  92 ^There is only one record of a meeting between him and that other
G48  93 classic example of the invalid whose disability turned him into an
G48  94 artist, Marcel Proust. ^Someone at a restaurant described how
G48  95 Lautrec's father, Count Alphonse, had watched an unknown woman
G48  96 admiring a ring in a shop window, had marched into the shop, bought it
G48  97 for 5,000 francs (*+800 today) and handed it to her with a flourish.
G48  98 ^*"And they accuse me of extravagance,**" said Lautrec. ^A young man,
G48  99 who was Proust, said that such gestures were not stupid, they even had
G48 100 a certain usefulness for they asserted caste. ^Whereupon Lautrec
G48 101 muttered something about middle-class stupidity, which was always
G48 102 prepared to *"admire an absurd gesture or a sunset.**" ^Proust and
G48 103 Lautrec belonged to different worlds and it was precisely the
G48 104 difference in their worlds that made Proust what he was. ^He was the
G48 105 woman outside the window, able by the intensity of his desire and his
G48 106 curiosity to possess the ring. ^To Count Alphonse it was a jewel worth
G48 107 5,000 francs, to Proust it was the history of the Crusades, the Jockey
G48 108 Club, eccentricity of the nobility, himself watching it, even
G48 109 Lautrec's cutting comment, all epitomized in one little glittering
G48 110 symbol. ^And something he could not possess except by being outside
G48 111 it. ^For him the practice of observing and writing was not a
G48 112 substitute for life and truth, it was the only life and truth he could
G48 113 know. ^If he had not been ill he would have had to invent illness so
G48 114 as to keep himself outside the window.
G48 115    |^Not so Toulouse-Lautrec: he was a man of action, a French
G48 116 aristocrat with a taste, developed in his family to the extent of
G48 117 mania, for hunting, shooting, riding, falconry, racing. ^He loved it,
G48 118 and had he been strong he would have embraced that life naturally and
G48 119 violently. ^He would have drawn, as the rest of his family did, for
G48 120 relaxation. ^The Counts of Toulouse-Lautrec Monfa had another
G48 121 characteristic: absolute unselfconscious belief in themselves and,
G48 122 therefore, a complete detachment. ^The energy that in so many people
G48 123 is used up in doubt and insecurity was free in them to do exactly what
G48 124 they wanted, how they wanted. ^This energy, coupled with an inherited
G48 125 talent, the accident of Lautrec's deformity and weakness left him free
G48 126 to use for art. ^But that does not explain why he was moved to tears
G48 127 by a word of praise from De*?2gas.
G48 128 *<*6MYFANWY PIPER*>
G48 129 *<*5on art*>
G48 130 *<*6THE ARTIST IN ROME*>
G48 131    |^*2INTELLECTUAL *0clarity and the pure, forward-looking passions
G48 132 aroused by it are always being betrayed by memory. ^Nowhere does this
G48 133 show itself more clearly than in art. ^And nowhere more than in Italy
G48 134 were artists more vociferous in their fierce desire to cut themselves
G48 135 off from the past, to get rid of it: not merely to tease it with
G48 136 incongruities like the moustache on the Mona Lisa, but to destroy it
G48 137 and to reject it and so to free themselves from the insinuations of
G48 138 memory and of association. ^Marinetti's Futurist Manifesto was more
G48 139 than an anarchist lark, it was a serious bid by the artists for
G48 140 freedom, a serious proposal to blow up the sun-warmed golden prison of
G48 141 walls and towers that threatened to be a barrier between them and
G48 142 living, and to escape forever its benign warders: painted angels,
G48 143 prophets, heroes, philosophers and Holy ones. ^This pious act of
G48 144 rejection, though like a bloodless sacrifice it destroyed nothing,
G48 145 did, by magic and belief set them free to participate in all the
G48 146 modern movements of Europe, and later of America. ^The most consistent
G48 147 centre of this freedom has always been Milan where a group of artists
G48 148 has continued expanding and experimenting, looking to an imagined
G48 149 future, which, faster and faster has become a material present,
G48 150 leaving less and less than one foot on the ground, soaring into space,
G48 151 moving or static, enveloping or enveloped, carved up, pierced,
G48 152 martyred in four dimensions like modern art everywhere.
G48 153    |^Rome has no such violent centre of activity. ^As a capital city
G48 154 it offers what capital cities do: a temporary collection of Picassos,
G48 155 the Henry Moore show that is travelling Europe, an exhibition of
G48 156 French 18th and 19th century landscapes, luring one with its poster of
G48 157 Corot's urn and view from the Pincio to abandon once and for all our
G48 158 fragmentary age and to dwell in that arch of pellucid golden light
G48 159 where a column is not a symbol of destruction, but of eternity. ^Then,
G48 160 in the small commercial galleries, a desultory collection, out of the
G48 161 tourist season, of Roman and other Italian artists fighting their
G48 162 battle against what is expected of them or giving themselves up to an
G48 163 illusory affair with some faded beauty-spot, and coming out of it
G48 164 rather worse than such ill-advised lovers elsewhere.
G48 165    |^What is instructive is to see the three aspects of modern art*-
G48 166 realist, abstract, and that curious cabalistic art of symbolism and
G48 167 fantasy mixed that has no tidy name*- in a new setting and a new
G48 168 light. ^Certain things become very clear. ^The realism of Guttuso and
G48 169 his followers, who have found their way out of the past by a different
G48 170 route from the inheritors of futurism, bears much more directly on the
G48 171 collective habits, needs and passions of the Italian people than the
G48 172 *1idea *0of realistic painting produced by artists in other countries
G48 173 ever could. ^In England, for instance, the dustpan, the baby or the
G48 174 workman portrayed have a tendency to get confused with *1The Solitary
G48 175 Reaper *0or *1The Idiot Boy: *0they are isolated for notice, a poetic
G48 176 conception. ^But to watch those black Sunday suits converging into a
G48 177 tight passionate black shadow on the warm cobbled square while the
G48 178 high vertical lines of the buildings slice down into them, to see a
G48 179 bar shaken by its frenzied customers or an old woman on the steps of a
G48 180 church, taking upon herself, in her overwhelming exhaustion, the
G48 181 motherhood of the whole working world, is to realise how Italy is
G48 182 possessed by those swarming people and to see what it is that an
G48 183 artist of Guttuso's convictions must express.
G48 184    |^Then there is a collection of *"abstract-concrete**" work: the
G48 185 fashionable all black canvas: or a Fontana slit into slithers of
G48 186 darkness like a medieval castle.
G48 187 *# 2023
G49   1 **[236 TEXT G49**]
G49   2 *<*5Discoveries*>
G49   3 *<*4The Other Side of the Curtain*>
G49   4 **[EDITORIAL**]
G49   5    |^T*2HE *0train pulled into the platform at Leningrad at 22.31.
G49   6 ^The Autumn leaves on the Finnish landscape on the journey from
G49   7 Helsinki had been a memorable sight. ^Now, here in the dark of a
G49   8 Russian night, the cold nip of approaching winter smacked the face.
G49   9    |^On the platform, waiting for me, were three men. ^I immediately
G49  10 recognised the tough face with the friendly smile. ^It was Vladimir
G49  11 Vengherov, one of the Lenfilm directors, whose acquaintance I had
G49  12 first made as we splashed together in the Adriatic during the Venice
G49  13 festival a few months previously.
G49  14    |^With him was a slight, fair-haired man (looking, I thought,
G49  15 typically North Country). ^He was introduced to me as Alexei Gorin, a
G49  16 scriptwriter for scientific films, the local representative of the
G49  17 Soviet Film-Makers' Association*- my hosts together with the editorial
G49  18 board of *1Cinema Arts *0magazine*- and a man with a surprising
G49  19 knowledge of England as a result of a short visit during an
G49  20 international congress of technical and scientific film-makers in
G49  21 London a couple of years ago.
G49  22    |^The third was a slender, dark haired youngster in an American-cut
G49  23 pin stripe suit. ^He introduced himself as Vadim, Vadim Sazonov,
G49  24 languages student at the Moscow University, who was to be my
G49  25 interpreter during the next two weeks.
G49  26    |^We drove in a comfortable, American-style taxi to the Europe
G49  27 hotel and there, in an office-cum-bedroom (nothing could have been
G49  28 more suitably arranged for my purpose) we sat far into the early hours
G49  29 discussing what I wanted to see and who I wanted to meet in Leningrad.
G49  30 *<*4Morning Cinemas*>
G49  31    |^*0I said I wanted to see many Soviet films under typical cinema
G49  32 conditions. ^And I was a little shaken to be told I could start next
G49  33 morning (or rather, *1that *0morning) at nine, when the cinemas opened
G49  34 for the benefit of workers on night shift.
G49  35    |^So *1that *0morning, Vadim, Gorin and myself set out on foot to
G49  36 discover a typical Soviet cinema. ^I would have found it difficult to
G49  37 find any cinema. ^All of them looked from the outside like a
G49  38 Manchester Methodist church; but on closer inspection one could see a
G49  39 small poster in a solo display frame announcing the programme details
G49  40 and the times of performance. ^And a few cinemas added to the display
G49  41 with one or two stills; but this was an exception.
G49  42    |^The first cinema was typically Soviet... but the programme was
G49  43 *1Great Expectations *0(a back-handed compliment to British Cinema
G49  44 because during our trek we found three other theatres showing the same
G49  45 *"great British picture**". ^I couldn't help thinking it was not all
G49  46 that great.) ^By the time we had found the cinema showing a new Soviet
G49  47 film, *1Man's Blood is Thicker than Water, *0the programme had already
G49  48 begun; and in a nearby cinema the programme would not start until
G49  49 eleven.
G49  50    |^There was one alternative. ^Sightseeing. ^We walked down the main
G49  51 shopping street (not unlike a South London high street on a Monday
G49  52 morning), and plunged into a metro station which took my breath away
G49  53 with its chandeliered opulence; like some grand palace in
G49  54 pre-revolution France it was the last thing one would expect to find
G49  55 in post-revolution Russia. ^The platform was clean enough for a
G49  56 picnic. ^Gorin said such luxury had a beneficial effect on the working
G49  57 man on his way to, and from, the factory. ^If a Billingsgate porter
G49  58 found this at Monument, he'd probably get on his knees and pray!
G49  59    |^The sun burst through the blue-grey clouds above the river and
G49  60 splashed on the golden spire of the Peter-Paul fortress, the most
G49  61 ancient symbol of this most ancient of Russian cities. ^For a moment
G49  62 it was a reminder of former glories of \0St. Petersburg. ^Then past a
G49  63 naval training school, using the very ship from which a gun was fired
G49  64 to signal the start of the Revolution, past the Committee headquarters
G49  65 seen in so many Eisenstein and other *'classics**' (*1Potemkin,
G49  66 Strike, October*0) and then into a taxi for the Institute of Arts.
G49  67    |^At the Institute I was received by the secretary, Nina Volman and
G49  68 by the head of the film branch, Nicholas Yemov. ^With them were a
G49  69 number of students and a distinguished critic, \0Dr. Dobin, who is
G49  70 shortly to publish a book on the poetry and prose of Cinema.
G49  71 *<*4Promote Study*>
G49  72    |^*0\0Mr. Yemov explained that the Institute has only been
G49  73 functioning for two years. ^Its aims are to promote the serious study
G49  74 of Cinema in and around the Leningrad area and it does not duplicate
G49  75 the work of the larger Institute and archives in Moscow. ^At present
G49  76 the Institute is completing a book dealing with the work of the
G49  77 younger school of Soviet directors. ^Such men as Kozintsev, who made
G49  78 the wonderful version of *1Don Quixote *0and who is now planning to
G49  79 film *1Hamlet *0in colour and wide screen at the Lenfilm studios early
G49  80 in 1961.
G49  81    |^I was interested to learn what British films have most impressed
G49  82 the members of the Institute. ^They are familiar with *1Richard *=3,
G49  83 Oliver Twist, The Horse's Mouth, Woman in a Dressing Gown, Geordie,
G49  84 Genevieve, Room at the Top... *0and, of course, *1Great Expectations.
G49  85    |^*0We debated the advantages and disadvantages of filming famous
G49  86 classics and works originally intended for the theatre. ^The Russians,
G49  87 I found, have an obsession for this, even though they have found that
G49  88 when they film a novel it reduces rather than promotes the sale of the
G49  89 book, which, I explained, is opposite to our experiences in the West.
G49  90 ^And they seemed to accept my point that it is more important for the
G49  91 Cinema that artists should concentrate on original work than
G49  92 transpositions, no matter how well they are engineered.
G49  93    |^I was anxious to find out what the Russians themselves regard as
G49  94 the most significant trends in Soviet film-making of recent years.
G49  95 ^\0Dr. Dobin summarised their views like this:
G49  96    |^*"We agree with you when you say that films like *1Ballad of a
G49  97 Soldier, Destiny of a Man *0and *1Don Quixote *0have been important
G49  98 new styles in Soviet film-making. ^We are living now through an
G49  99 interesting period in the history of our Cinema. ^The whole pattern of
G49 100 film-making is being changed. ^You see, the men who made the classics
G49 101 of Soviet Cinema are no longer living*- Eisenstein, Pudovkin,
G49 102 Dovzhenko. ^Their tradition is carried on by directors like Kozintsev,
G49 103 Romm and Heifetz.
G49 104    |^*"But it is the young men who are profoundly changing all our old
G49 105 ideas. ^The pattern began to emerge when Chukhrai made *1The Forty
G49 106 First, *0and it was consolidated in his more recent film, *1Ballad of
G49 107 a Soldier. ^*0Although he has made only two films, he almost shows
G49 108 himself more talented than the old gang. ^It is a very significant
G49 109 fact.
G49 110    |^*"Sergei Bondarchuk, although he is not a young man is young
G49 111 among the ranks of directors, and his first film, *1Destiny of a Man,
G49 112 *0was recognised as an important contribution to Cinema in every
G49 113 country where it was shown. ^Another film of significance has been
G49 114 *1Serezha, *0made by Danelya and Talankin (which won a major award at
G49 115 the Karlovy Vary festival).
G49 116    |^*"These films usher a new trend. ^Our film producers are creating
G49 117 a new style that appeals to their audience without having to resort to
G49 118 the ingredients of Western *'box-office**', such as strip-tease. ^They
G49 119 are searching for something good in the soul of Soviet man.
G49 120    |^*"The new film-makers portray what they see without trying to
G49 121 improve people or embellish reality. ^This is important to realise.
G49 122 ^The main concern of these film-makers is to show the truth of life,
G49 123 even if it means showing the darker sides of life. ^Some time ago*- in
G49 124 the 'forties and 'fifties*- there was a period of Soviet film-making
G49 125 when the films were like posters, divorced from people and from
G49 126 reality.
G49 127 **[END QUOTE**]
G49 128 *<*4Falls Among Thieves*>
G49 129    |^*0*"Western audiences may find of particular interest a film by
G49 130 Heifetz, *1The Case of Roumantsyev. ^*0It is the story of an honest
G49 131 young man who, in all innocence falls among thieves. ^He is arrested
G49 132 by the Police and prosecuted for his part in crimes that he did not
G49 133 commit. ^All the circumstantial evidence is against him. ^The
G49 134 prosecutor is not concerned with him as an individual and is himself
G49 135 quite convinced of his guilt. ^But in the end a friend is able to
G49 136 prove the man's innocence to the satisfaction of the court officials.
G49 137    |^*"Many of our films now focus attention on the problems of
G49 138 individuals. ^*1Ballad of a Soldier *0was a simple story of a pure
G49 139 young boy and a pretty girl falling in love. ^It was something with
G49 140 which audiences liked to identify themselves. ^Another film about
G49 141 soldiers was called simply, *1Soldiers. ^*0It is the work of Ivanov
G49 142 and, instead of concentrating on the battle, the political
G49 143 consequences, it is a study of the every day life, the detail of how a
G49 144 soldier lives; and the duty, the responsibility, forms the background.
G49 145    |^*"So you see, our young directors are coming closer and closer to
G49 146 the realities of life.**"
G49 147    |^The members of the Institute then took me to their small
G49 148 projection theatre to see a musical film made in Leningrad in 1941 by
G49 149 Alexander Ivanovski, *1Anton Ivanovich is Angry, *0which stars a
G49 150 distinguished Soviet actor (who lives in the city), Pavel Kadochnikov.
G49 151 ^It proved to be a Hollywood-style story, but instead of pop music the
G49 152 conflict between an old professor who doted over his opera-singing
G49 153 daughter and a young impressario **[SIC**] was based on a natural
G49 154 conflict between the highbrows and the lowbrows in classical music.
G49 155 ^Characterisation was ingenious enough, but I couldn't help feeling
G49 156 the director was ill served by his scenarist.
G49 157    |^Back at the Europe hotel we dined on caviar and baked sturgeon
G49 158 (and if you think the Russians wallow in luxury you're wrong, it's as
G49 159 common in Leningrad as fish and chips). ^And during our conversation I
G49 160 began to realise that Vadim had a rather lop-sided view of British
G49 161 history. ^I realised some of the snags inherent in communication with
G49 162 the East during an interval at the concert that evening by the
G49 163 Leningrad symphony (Haydn, Barber and Shostakovitch performed as well
G49 164 as you would hear anywhere in the world, perhaps better). ^I asked
G49 165 Vadim if he regretted the fact that he was not allowed to travel to
G49 166 countries in the West when and as he wanted to do so: and he reminded
G49 167 me of Nina, the little Russian visitor to London who found herself at
G49 168 Bow Street. ^*"No,**" he said, *"it is not that we are not allowed to
G49 169 visit the West, it is that we are protected from this kind of thing
G49 170 being done to us.**"
G49 171    |^The next day, on time, an Intourist car left us at a building
G49 172 reminiscent of the Albert Hall. ^This was the Velika cinema. ^We were
G49 173 to see a children's matinee of *1The Green Coach, *0a production of
G49 174 the Odessa studios, directed by Gennardy Gabay. ^There were hundreds
G49 175 of children, mostly boys in their grey military-style school hats,
G49 176 clambering to buy ice cream beneath a white statue of a large man with
G49 177 a dove in his left hand and a slogan behind: ^*'The World Wants
G49 178 Peace.**'
G49 179    |^As we waited for the film to begin a stout lady with a jovial
G49 180 face, who I understood to be the manageress, said the building was no
G49 181 longer to be a cinema but would shortly become a theatre. ^I asked if
G49 182 this was because television was causing fewer people to go to the
G49 183 cinema and she replied no, it was because in Leningrad they had
G49 184 already fulfilled their cinema attendance target so there was no need
G49 185 for the building any longer to function as a cinema. ^I wanted to ask
G49 186 for a fuller explanation of this cryptic statement, but we were
G49 187 suddenly plunged into darkness and the film began.
G49 188 *<*4Boy Sherlock*>
G49 189    |^*0It was an adventure yarn about the Revolution, with Red
G49 190 Russians fighting White Russians, and gangs of criminals (also
G49 191 Russians) in between. ^A small boy plays Sherlock Holmes. ^The gangs
G49 192 of horse-stealers and illicit vodka distillers are brought to justice
G49 193 and the Red Russians make life better for everyone.
G49 194 *# 2005
G50   1 **[237 TEXT G50**]
G50   2 *<*5The Scores of *"{La Fille Mal Garde*?2e}**"*>
G50   3 *<*2*=2*- HEROLD'S SCORE*>
G50   4 *<JOHN LANCHBERY *0and *2IVOR GUEST*>
G50   5    |^*6T*2HE *0score for the 1828 revival of {*1La Fille mal
G50   6 Garde*?2e} *0at the Paris \Ope*?2ra was described on the playbills
G50   7 for the first performance (see \0Fig. 1) as being *"newly arranged by
G50   8 \0M. Herold**". ^Presumably, when the question arose of producing this
G50   9 long-popular ballet at the \Ope*?2ra, the original music, which still
G50  10 accompanied performances of it at the Porte-Saint-Martin and other
G50  11 theatres, was considered too light. ^The chorus-master, Ferdinand
G50  12 Herold (1791-1833), who had already composed the music for three
G50  13 ballets, was accordingly given the task of refurbishing the score.
G50  14 ^Since the ballet was no doubt too well-known for the original music
G50  15 to be discarded altogether, several of the best numbers were retained,
G50  16 but Herold wrote a considerable amount of new music and inserted
G50  17 several numbers borrowed from familiar sources.
G50  18    |^Borrowings of this kind were common in ballet composition at this
G50  19 time. ^The ballet composer regarded his task as part of his day's work
G50  20 rather than as a serious artistic creation, and this practice greatly
G50  21 lightened his burden. ^It was also considered that the interpolation
G50  22 of a melody which the public would associate with the line of a song
G50  23 appropriate to the action it accompanied was an aid to understanding
G50  24 the situation.
G50  25    |^Our knowledge of Herold's music for {*1La Fille mal Garde*?2e}
G50  26 *0is based on the full score preserved in the Library of the Paris
G50  27 \Ope*?2ra, which was used by John Lanchbery as the principal source in
G50  28 arranging the music played today for the Royal Ballet. ^This score is
G50  29 too clean to be the score used by the conductor, and it was probably
G50  30 the fair-copy prepared by one of the \Ope*?2ra's copyists from
G50  31 Herold's original draft and perhaps used as the master for copying the
G50  32 orchestral parts. ^It bears the inscription: ^{*1La Fille mal
G50  33 Garde*?2e / Ballet en 2 actes / de Dauberval / mis en scene par \0Mr
G50  34 Aumer, musique / nouvellement arrange*?2e par \0Mr Herold /
G50  35 represente*?2 sur le the*?2a*?5tre de l'acade*?2mie / Royale de
G50  36 musique le lundi 8 de*?2cembre / 1828.} ^*0Why the score bears this
G50  37 date, which is that of the seventh performance, instead of the date of
G50  38 the first performance, November 17th, 1828 is a mystery. ^Did Herold
G50  39 only have part of his score completed by November 17th, the complete
G50  40 revised score not being ready until December 8th?
G50  41    |^As is to be expected, the score is written for a typical
G50  42 orchestra of the period. ^The music is mostly scored for two flutes,
G50  43 the second usually playing piccolo, two oboes, two clarinets, two
G50  44 bassoons, two pairs of horns, and strings. ^For the number *"{Pas de
G50  45 \0Mr Albert}**" in Act *=1 (\0No. 17), however, the orchestra is
G50  46 augmented by harp, trumpets, trombones, drums and percussion
G50  47 (triangle, bass drum and cymbals), while the Finales to Act *=2
G50  48 (\0Nos. 36 and 36a) and an occasional number here and there have parts
G50  49 written for trumpets, trombones and drums. ^Further, there are various
G50  50 places in the score where trombones and/or drums have been added in
G50  51 another hand in a stave at the bottom of the page.
G50  52    |^Judging from the orchestration, which is markedly inferior to
G50  53 that of Herold's operas, his score of {*1La Fille mal Garde*?2e}
G50  54 *0was hurriedly composed, and this perhaps lends support to the
G50  55 conjecture made earlier that it may not have been quite finished in
G50  56 time for the first performance. ^In it the strings play throughout,
G50  57 resting for only ten out of the thousands of bars in this hour and a
G50  58 half of music. ^Many of the numbers display great economy of effort by
G50  59 doubling some instruments with others, a common practice of that
G50  60 period. ^This method of scoring, of course, made it possible to
G50  61 orchestrate a number in a fraction of the time that would be needed in
G50  62 ballet-composing today, although it is still very much in use in the
G50  63 field of commercial arrangement.
G50  64    |^An example of this is to be found on page 381 of the full score
G50  65 (see \0Fig. 2). ^Reading from the top, the first two staves are the
G50  66 horns; then follow two staves for the oboes, which double the violins;
G50  67 the next two staves are the bassoons, which double the cellos; then
G50  68 come the first and second violins, the violas which also double the
G50  69 cellos, the cellos, and finally the double basses which again double
G50  70 the cellos. ^Thus, in eleven separate staves, there are only five
G50  71 different voices.
G50  72    |^Herold made no attempt to produce a modernized version of the
G50  73 score in the way that Hertel was to do in 1864. ^He retained a
G50  74 considerable amount of folky music in the Bordeaux score, to which he
G50  75 added numbers of his own composition with an essentially French
G50  76 melodic content, and several borrowings which one must allow are
G50  77 excellently suited for their purpose. ^In fact, from the point of view
G50  78 of orchestration, the borrowed numbers, in which the orchestration has
G50  79 been left unchanged, are among the most effective parts of the score.
G50  80 ^Herold fulfilled his task in a much more self-effacing and effective
G50  81 way than Hertel. ^Herold's numbers are generally longer and more
G50  82 developed than the equivalent numbers of the Bordeaux score, but his
G50  83 score has less continuity than the original, in which one number
G50  84 occasionally runs into the next without pause. ^Herold gave the music
G50  85 greater characterization, wisely retaining note for note one or two of
G50  86 the more pointed numbers in the Bordeaux score: an outstanding example
G50  87 of this is the spinning number in Act *=2, retained by Herold, but
G50  88 discarded by Hertel in favour of a much less suitable number of his
G50  89 own composition. ^This greater characterization which Herold injected
G50  90 into the score was marked by a much more heightened dramatic content
G50  91 in the music. ^In Herold's score there is a stronger predilection for
G50  92 6/8 than in the Bordeaux score, where the preference is for fast 2/4.
G50  93    |^As was the case with the Bordeaux version, there is a frustrating
G50  94 lack of *"landmarks**" in the Herold score. ^Our only aids in fitting
G50  95 the music to the scenario are the division of the score into the two
G50  96 acts and a few written indications: *"{lever du rideau}**" in Act
G50  97 *=1, Scene *=1; *"{Pas des Moissonneurs}**", *"{Pas de \0Mr
G50  98 Albert}**", *"{Apre*?3s le divertissement}**" and *"\Orage**" as
G50  99 titles to four numbers in Act *=1, Scene *=2; and *"Finale**" as the
G50 100 only title indication in the whole of Act *=2. ^Again, as with the
G50 101 Bordeaux score, it is much easier to wed the music to the action in
G50 102 Act *=2 than either scene of Act *=1, the second scene of which is
G50 103 particularly difficult because of two weaknesses inherent in the score
G50 104 as a whole: a lack of any kind of thematic continuity, and the absence
G50 105 of obvious mime scenes.
G50 106    |^It would have been difficult to write an overture which better
G50 107 set the scene than the number which Herold borrowed (\0No. 1). ^This
G50 108 was the overture from Giovanni Paolo Martini's comic opera {*1Le
G50 109 Droit du Seigneur}, *0in which it serves to describe a French
G50 110 countryside scene at dawn. ^This was the very atmosphere needed for
G50 111 the opening of {*1La Fille mal Garde*?2e}, *0and Herold therefore
G50 112 inserted it down to the last note of scoring, with its bird calls
G50 113 imitated on the woodwind, and the slow legato melody played by the
G50 114 first violins against a monotonous Alberti type of accompaniment from
G50 115 the second violins.
G50 116    |^The curtain having risen during \0No. 1, there follows (\0No. 2)
G50 117 another borrowing for Lise's entrance: the opening chorus from
G50 118 Rossini's {*1Il Barbiere di Siviglia} (*"{6*0Piano,
G50 119 pianissimo}**") chosen no doubt to illustrate an entrance on tip-toe
G50 120 so that Lise's mother will not be awakened. ^The orchestration has not
G50 121 been touched, and no attempt has been made to supply the chorus parts
G50 122 of the original, which are of no musical content any way. ^At one
G50 123 point, however, where sufficient music has been supplied for the
G50 124 purpose, there is an abrupt termination, followed by a three-bar link
G50 125 of the most primitive kind to give some kind of continuity.
G50 126    |^\0Nos. 3 and 4 have their equivalent in Bordeaux \0No. 3. ^The
G50 127 former is a very long \6*1allegretto *0number in 6/8, intended
G50 128 undoubtedly to accompany Colas's entrance with the harvesters. ^So far
G50 129 the music has been growing progressively louder: \0No. 2 brought in
G50 130 two trumpets, and \0No. 4*- a short, loud, dramatic and fast-moving
G50 131 number, presumably for Simone's entrance*- introduces three trombones,
G50 132 and is scored throughout with every instrument playing except drums,
G50 133 and marked \6*1fortissimo.
G50 134    |^\0*0No. 5, to which Colas discovers Lise's ribbon, is identical
G50 135 with Bordeaux \0No. 4, but transposed down a tone to make it fit.
G50 136    |^For \0No. 6, which closely approximates Bordeaux \0No. 5, Herold
G50 137 has composed a new tune which follows the original to the extent of
G50 138 having not only the same time signature but even the same note values.
G50 139 ^By present-day standards, this is rather feeble music for the scene
G50 140 which it probably accompanies, Simone telling Colas to be off.
G50 141    |^Herold also wrote a new number (\0No. 7) for the entrance of the
G50 142 villagers, with the same time signature and speed as Bordeaux \0No. 6.
G50 143 ^After a marking *"{plus vite}**", there is a sudden silent bar,
G50 144 followed by four soft chords and a loud chord played in a slow tempo,
G50 145 serving as a link to \0No. 8, which is exactly the same as Bordeaux
G50 146 \0No. 7 with a few bars of tasteful coda added at the end. ^This
G50 147 latter number is scored for strings alone, trumpets and trombones
G50 148 having been silent since \0No. 4.
G50 149    |^Not surprisingly, \0No. 9, the *"playing at horses**" number,
G50 150 used most probably for the lovers' meeting, is precisely the same as
G50 151 Bordeaux \0No. 8, even to the extent of reproducing a bowing
G50 152 indication*- a great rarity in the Herold score. ^At the end of this
G50 153 number there is a pencilled sign
G50 154 **[ILLUSTRATION**]
G50 155 which is still used today by some continental conductors to indicate
G50 156 the imminent entrance of drums.
G50 157    |^Drums do indeed appear in the first bar of \0No. 10, a jolly 6/8
G50 158 tune which in its context must be a continuation of the love scene.
G50 159 ^It is of considerable length, and its lilt suggests a flirtation with
G50 160 coy and playful exchanges. ^Its counterpart in the Bordeaux score was
G50 161 cut considerably. ^At the end, however, there is no distant echo of
G50 162 the melody heralding the approach of the village girls, as in the
G50 163 original, but instead, the following number (\0No. 11), which follows
G50 164 straight on without a break, opens with a sudden \6*1sforzando
G50 165 *0chord. ^This is a surprisingly effective piece of orchestration: a
G50 166 chord of the diminished seventh with three trombones high up and close
G50 167 together and two oboes and two clarinets in their low reedy register,
G50 168 while all the strings play \6*1tremolo. ^*0This number, written for
G50 169 Colas's flight, begins in a bustling manner and then eases off in a
G50 170 relaxation of the tension.
G50 171    |^\0No. 12, a folky number in 6/8 written in simple
G50 172 four-part harmony, with flutes strengthening the tune, accompanies the
G50 173 entrance of the village girls who urge Lise to accompany them to the
G50 174 harvest. ^Simone then appears to prevent Lise's departure to \0No. 13,
G50 175 in which her anger is depicted by a striking piece of dramatic scoring
G50 176 for strings only, in which much play is made of unison, fast-moving
G50 177 phrases in the minor, syncopation, quick scales, crushed notes, and a
G50 178 strong dotted rhythm.
G50 179    |^The final number of the first scene, \0No. 14, introduces Thomas
G50 180 and his half-witted son Alain, whom Simone plans to marry to her
G50 181 daughter. ^A loud, majestic, march-like theme is undoubtedly the
G50 182 accompaniment for the entrance of father and son. ^Then follows an
G50 183 effective passage of soft \6*1staccato *0minor chords on strings and
G50 184 clarinets only, which is probably the theme for the stumbling Alain.
G50 185 ^A return to the major, with a joyous, animated 6/8 theme, and with
G50 186 Alain's theme repeated, ends the scene with the proposed marriage
G50 187 arranged and the departure of everyone to the harvest.
G50 188    |^The absence of a clear break in the score at this point is
G50 189 undoubtedly explained by the next number (\0No. 15) being intended to
G50 190 accompany a {*1changement a*?3 vue} *0to the harvest scene.
G50 191 *# 2015
G51   1 **[238 TEXT G51**]
G51   2 ^*0Nor are there any linguistic barriers to this pastime; the same
G51   3 bird is called \*1perdix *0in French, and one writer stated that it
G51   4 was thus called because it regularly \*1perdit*- *0*'loses**' its
G51   5 brood. ^Even the great are not exempt; Swift is said to have analysed
G51   6 *1apothecary *0as from *'a pot he carries.**' ^But who shall blame
G51   7 them overmuch when we discover that a verb such as *1atone, *0with its
G51   8 noun *1atonement*- *0so obviously Latinate in appearance*- is in fact
G51   9 a compound of *1at *0and *1one.
G51  10    |^*0Children are particularly and naturally prone to this kind of
G51  11 etymologising. ^Continually coming across strange words, they strive
G51  12 to make sense of them in terms of the vocabulary they already possess.
G51  13 ^There was the child who thought that Wilhelmina was so called because
G51  14 she was mean. ^A little boy, whose room overlooked a cemetery, was
G51  15 overheard imitating part of the service with his teddy-bear*- *'in the
G51  16 name of the Father, the Son, and in the hole 'e goes.**' ^There was a
G51  17 little girl, wise perhaps beyond her years, who interpreted the wedded
G51  18 state as *'wholly a matter o' money.**' ^It is a sobering thought
G51  19 that, although different in degree, some of the etymologies which even
G51  20 our great dictionaries give may be popular etymologies; for when
G51  21 information about early forms and meanings of words is scarce, we
G51  22 cannot always be sure that our etymologies are valid. ^We still do not
G51  23 know the origin of the word *1curmudgeon. ^*0An early nineteenth
G51  24 century dictionary-maker's surmise that it is from French {*1coeur
G51  25 me*?2chant}, *0*'wicked heart,**' is rightly suspect.
G51  26    |^For the most part, this pastime has no permanent effect on the
G51  27 language, but occasionally, so strong is the desire to make familiar
G51  28 that which is strange, that a word is changed*- either in whole or in
G51  29 part*- in accordance with the fancied etymology, and the changed form
G51  30 is henceforth accepted. ^It is a change of this kind which is often
G51  31 specifically intended by the use of the term *'folk etymology.**' ^A
G51  32 good example is a plant, proverbial for its bitter taste, namely
G51  33 *1wormwood. ^*0Its Latin name is {*1artemesia absinthium}, *0hence
G51  34 the name *1absinthe, *0borrowed from French, for a liqueur distilled
G51  35 from wine and wormwood. ^Few of us would immediately connect this
G51  36 Latin word with another, also taken by us from French, namely
G51  37 *1vermouth, *0the aperitif consisting of white wine flavoured with
G51  38 wormwood and other aromatic herbs. ^Both *1wormwood *0and *1vermouth
G51  39 *0are from the same root, a Germanic word. ^The French borrowed
G51  40 theirs, with but little adaptation, from the Old High German word
G51  41 \*1wermuth, *0a close relative of which became Old English \*1wermod.
G51  42 ^*0During the Middle Ages the latter was altered, the first part to
G51  43 *1worm *0and the second to *1wood. ^*0It matters little to the
G51  44 unlettered that neither worms nor wood appear to have anything to do
G51  45 with the plant. ^The main object, assimilation to that which is
G51  46 familiar, has been achieved.
G51  47    |^Popular etymology shows, in fact, the operation of a widespread
G51  48 and powerful linguistic process, analogy. ^We learn, recollect, and
G51  49 become adept at using language by analogy, that is by recalling
G51  50 likenesses of meaning, grammatical context, form or sound. ^We know
G51  51 that *1cool, coolness, *0and even *1cold, *0are related to each other.
G51  52 ^It is not surprising, therefore, that our ancestors, knowing that
G51  53 \*1oecern *0(modern *1acorn*0) referred to the fruit of the \*1ac
G51  54 *0*'oaktree,**' should assume a connection between the two and believe
G51  55 that -*1cern *0should be changed to -*1corn. ^*0In fact, the word
G51  56 \*1oecern *0is related to \*1oecer *0*'a field**' (modern *1acre,
G51  57 *0which has, however, become specialised in meaning), and originally
G51  58 referred to the produce of the fields in general. ^It is not the
G51  59 observation of likenesses which is at fault in popular etymology, it
G51  60 is the fact that conclusions about the relationships of words, drawn
G51  61 from comparisons, happen to be erroneous.
G51  62    |^It is not, however, necessary for a whole word to be transformed
G51  63 in order to satisfy the popular etymologist. ^The amateurs, the
G51  64 unsophisticated, have been less exacting in this respect than learned
G51  65 dilettantes. ^It is often sufficient for the former that one part of a
G51  66 strange word should be given a comfortingly familiar form, {0e.g.}
G51  67 -*1room *0in *1mushroom, *0from French \*1mousseron, *0or -*1fish *0in
G51  68 *1crayfish, *0from French \*1crevice *0(like *1vermouth, *0a borrowing
G51  69 from Old High German, from \*1crebig, *0related to our *1crab*0). ^It
G51  70 is not even necessary that the altered word should be obviously
G51  71 meaningful in English, provided that it fits a familiar pattern; for
G51  72 example, *1admiral*0*- by analogy with the many Latin loanwords in
G51  73 English beginning with *1ad*0*- has been altered from Arabic \*1amiral
G51  74 *0(via French), which in turn is from \*1amir, *0*'prince, lord,**'
G51  75 more familiar to us in the form *1Emir. ^*0Similarly an ending has
G51  76 been transformed in *1syllable, *0from French \*1syllabe *0(ultimately
G51  77 from Greek), by analogy with the many Latin loanwords ending in
G51  78 -*1able.
G51  79    |^*0At this point it may be asked what dictates that one word
G51  80 should be altered and another passed over? ^It is not enough to say
G51  81 *'unfamiliarity**' and leave it at that; familiarity and unfamiliarity
G51  82 are relative terms. ^Many of the constituent elements of our
G51  83 vocabulary are terms which we use every day. ^They are intimately
G51  84 bound up with ordinary existence; we accept them automatically,
G51  85 without enquiry. ^We rarely ask ourselves why a house is so called*-
G51  86 or a boy or a tree or a bird. ^As our education and experience grow we
G51  87 accept other words, most of which we fit into a linguistic pattern
G51  88 which we accept as belonging to our language. ^We go even further and
G51  89 come to regard the patterns which our own language has assumed as
G51  90 somehow normal, and consequently view words entering from a foreign
G51  91 language with grave suspicion. ^The importance of folk etymology in
G51  92 the development of the language stems largely from the influence it
G51  93 exercises on foreign words when they are first introduced.
G51  94    |^It is not surprising that a great many of these changes appear to
G51  95 have taken place between the fourteenth and seventeenth centuries, a
G51  96 period which saw the assimilation of the spate of French loanwords,
G51  97 the floodtide of Latin loanwords and the beginning of a flow of words
G51  98 from the more exotic languages of the world, either directly into
G51  99 English or via other European countries, which had trading and
G51 100 colonial interests in many parts of the world. ^English has no
G51 101 monopoly of folk or popular etymology, but the phenomenon appears to
G51 102 have been particularly widespread in our language. ^Our insularity may
G51 103 account for it in part, but there is another possible explanation.
G51 104 ^Our ancestors, like the Germans to-day, had a predilection for
G51 105 compound words; although many of these disappeared in the course of
G51 106 time, the expectation that the elements of a polysyllabic word could
G51 107 and should be capable of resolution into meaningful elements may have
G51 108 survived.
G51 109    |^Men of learning have also made free with words, particularly
G51 110 those of Latin origin. ^*1Abominable *0was from Latin \*1abominabilis,
G51 111 *0*'deserving imprecation,**' which was a compound of \*1ab *0and
G51 112 \*1omen *0and referred to the deprecation of an unfavourable omen.
G51 113 ^From the time of Wycliffe up to the seventeenth century, however, it
G51 114 was spelt \1*1abhominable, *0as if from {*1ab homine}, *0*'away from
G51 115 man,**' {0i.e.} *'inhuman.**' ^Modern scholarship has caused
G51 116 restitution to be made here, but not in the case of *1arbour, *0a word
G51 117 which goes back through Old French to Latin \*1herbarium, *0*'a green
G51 118 retreat.**' ^In Middle English it was spelt \*1herber, *0with the *1h
G51 119 *0probably already lost in pronunciation in French. ^By a regular
G51 120 sound change in Middle English, -*1er *0came to be pronounced -*1ar.
G51 121 ^*0The way was now open for an erroneous association of the word with
G51 122 Latin \*1arbor, *0*'a tree.**' ^The spelling was first affected, but
G51 123 latterly the meaning also. ^It is now a shady retreat with climbing
G51 124 plants on a framework of wood*- the two ideas have been amalgamated.
G51 125    |^The mass of the people, unlettered and knowing no language but
G51 126 their own, were also busy in their way, wrestling with the outlandish
G51 127 forms of foreign words, quite oblivious of the fact that the meanings
G51 128 of most foreign words could not possibly be made to yield satisfactory
G51 129 sense on the basis of English roots. ^But it was generally sufficient
G51 130 that a word be given English dress, even if this was not appropriate.
G51 131 ^An apposite example is the word *1farthingale, *0denoting the
G51 132 framework of hoops used for extending women's skirts. ^Here is a word
G51 133 which has been subjected twice to the alterations of popular
G51 134 etymologists, both in French and in English. ^The kernel of the word
G51 135 is Latin \*1viridis, *0*'green,**' which is to be found in Spanish
G51 136 \*1verdugo, *0a young, pliable green twig; a framework of such twigs
G51 137 was called a \*1verdugado. ^*0Borrowed by the French, it became
G51 138 \*1verdugale. ^*0It was suggested that it was a safeguard of virtue,
G51 139 as it was impossible to approach the lady except at arm's length. ^The
G51 140 French form would become \*1fartugale *0in Middle English as a result
G51 141 of the change of -*1er *0to -*1ar *0referred to above. ^But no-one
G51 142 knows what ingenious associations led to the first element being
G51 143 transformed to *1farthing. ^*0Many words are thus changed so as to
G51 144 convey a meaning which, however inappropriate, sounds familiarly upon
G51 145 the ear. ^*1Jerked *0beef, flesh dried in the sun, is a corruption of
G51 146 Peruvian \*1charqui; compound, *0meaning *'enclosure,**' is from
G51 147 Malayan \*1kampung; Charterhouse *0from French \*1Chartreuse, *0a
G51 148 Carthusian monastery; \*1kichshaws *0from French {*1quelques
G51 149 choses}; battledore, *0a beetle used for beating washing, is probably
G51 150 from Spanish \*1batidor, *0*'a beater.**' ^*1Ember *0days have nothing
G51 151 to do with the ashes of repentance; the word is from Old English
G51 152 \*1ymbren, *0a compound word formed from \*1ymb, *0*'about, around,**'
G51 153 and \*1ryne, *0*'a recurring period.**' ^In a fifteenth century homily
G51 154 folk etymology can already be seen at work on this word.
G51 155    |^Standard English is far from having a monopoly of this linguistic
G51 156 phenomenon, which is to be found also in the dialects. ^A Hampshire
G51 157 farmer had fowls of different breeds, including Dorkings; he
G51 158 discriminated ingeniously between the *'dark \2'uns**' and the *'white
G51 159 \2'uns.**' ^The bird name *1fieldfare *0may go back to an Old English
G51 160 form \*1feldfare, *0deduced from an early twelfth century form
G51 161 \*1feldware; *0but the first element may originally have been
G51 162 \*1fealu, *0denoting the yellowish colour of its back, an element
G51 163 changed in early Middle English to \*1felde. ^*0But in Cumberland,
G51 164 folk etymology certainly seems to have taken place in its dialect
G51 165 name, \2*1fell-faw, *0which is interpreted as *'mountain gypsy.**'
G51 166 ^More than irony is involved in the colloquial description of a place
G51 167 which many of us have, a *1glory-hole. ^*0The first element of the
G51 168 word is probably related to Scottish \2*1glaury, *0*'muddy, untidy.**'
G51 169 ^In Scotland and Northern England a three-legged stool was sometimes
G51 170 known as a \2*1creepie, *0a corruption of French \*1tripied, *0*'three
G51 171 feet.**' ^This interchange between the sound groups [\5tr] and [\5kr]
G51 172 is not uncommon; \0cf. English *1crane, *0Danish \*1trane, *0and
G51 173 English *1huckleberry *0and *1hurtleberry.
G51 174    |^Hackberry *0is a corruption of \2*1hag-/ \2heg- berry,
G51 175 {0*0i.e.} hedge berry, a Northern name for the bird-cherry,
G51 176 {*1prunus radus}. ^*0An ingenious rationalisation of \2*1hegberry
G51 177 *0emanated from Cumberland children who explained, *'we \2caw them
G51 178 \2hegberries because they \2heg ({0i.e.} set on edge) our teeth.**'
G51 179 ^There is the Lancashire corruption \2*1barley-men *0(also \2*1birley-
G51 180 *0and \2*1burley-*0) from \*1byrlawmen, *0the petty officers of the
G51 181 manorial courts in medieval times; a \*1byrlaw, *0cognate with our
G51 182 *1bye-law, *0was made by a local court. ^Terms for marbles such as
G51 183 \2*1all-plaister, \2yallow-plaister, \2alablaster *0and {2*1alley
G51 184 blaster} *0are corruptions of *1alabaster. ^*0An interesting
G51 185 expression for a lean-faced person is \2*1chittyfaced, *0a corruption
G51 186 of Old French \*1Chichevache *0(literally *'starving cow**'), a
G51 187 medieval monster fabled to devour only patient wives; being therefore
G51 188 in a chronic state of starvation, it was made a by-word for leanness.
G51 189 ^It is referred to in the closing stanzas of Chaucer's *1Clerk's Tale
G51 190 *0of patient Griselda. ^It appears later to have been confused with
G51 191 \2*1chit, \2chitty, *0*'a young child,**' a dialect form of *1kitty,
G51 192 *0and to have taken on the meaning *'baby-faced.**' ^Popular
G51 193 etymology, therefore, can result in change of meaning as well as in
G51 194 change of form, as was also the case with *1arbour. ^*0A delightful
G51 195 adaptation of a Latin word occurs in the Lancashire
G51 196 \2*1goose-on-ten-toes, *0a goose claimed by husbandmen on the 16th
G51 197 Sunday after Trinity, when the collect ended: *'{ac bonis operibus
G51 198 jugiter praestet esse *1intentos.}**'
G51 199 *# 2032
G52   1 **[239 TEXT G52**]
G52   2 ^*0In many areas, particularly in India and Burma, the basic problems
G52   3 to be solved before development can begin is that **[SIC**] of land
G52   4 reform, involving the break-up of feudal ownership and the
G52   5 establishment of co-operatives. ^Only by these means can there be any
G52   6 hope of getting communities on the move.
G52   7    |^We can do no better than turn back to India again to illustrate
G52   8 these points. ^It is perhaps natural that I should gather together the
G52   9 threads of the discussion by talking of this massive nation of over
G52  10 400 million people. ^Its size and geographical position set it at the
G52  11 centre of world politics. ^By the allegiance of its rulers to
G52  12 socialism it provides a test case for Conservative principles. ^Above
G52  13 all, it provides a perfect cross-section of all the stages of
G52  14 development and their accompanying problems upon which we have touched
G52  15 in this essay. ^Some areas and sectors are already far advanced and
G52  16 are overripe for private domestic and foreign investment. ^Other
G52  17 areas, mostly agricultural, remain in virtual stagnation, still
G52  18 awaiting the application of knowledge and resources, and the reforms
G52  19 and organisation which we have described. ^Across the whole economy
G52  20 there is a lack of roads, drainage, education and health services, and
G52  21 in the towns, even of telephones. ^The Indian planners have been
G52  22 criticised for the rigidity of their plans and the emphasis which has
G52  23 been given to Government investment in urban and already
G52  24 industrialised sectors. ^They have been blamed for neglect of the
G52  25 rural sector and for the resulting permanent food shortages and
G52  26 inflation of food prices which this imbalance between agriculture and
G52  27 industry creates. ^Whatever the truth in these accusations, as
G52  28 Conservatives we would like to see the Indian Government pursue three
G52  29 lines of development policy with far greater vigour than at present.
G52  30 ^First, encroachment into the private sector should be replaced by
G52  31 withdrawal and more overt encouragement to private domestic and
G52  32 overseas enterprise. ^Secondly, the application of finance and
G52  33 supervision to smallholders' agriculture, preceded where necessary by
G52  34 land reforms, should be tackled with greater dynamism, and, thirdly,
G52  35 these two policies should be combined with greater diligence in
G52  36 carrying out the basic services and providing the facilities (which
G52  37 will certainly require considerable Government expenditure) which we
G52  38 regard as being rightly within the sphere of government. ^That we can
G52  39 hope to see such policies pursued in India is doubtful. ^But it is
G52  40 possible that we can have, over a period of time, some marginal
G52  41 influence on the pattern of progress. ^To withhold aid is not the way
G52  42 to exert this influence. ^On the contrary, more aid, better
G52  43 administered, offers the best hope of success.
G52  44    |^Aid is essentially a part of foreign policy. ^But it should be
G52  45 seen as a contracting and not a permanent element of foreign policy,
G52  46 for its aim should be to return predominantly to the sphere of private
G52  47 initiative both the processes of economic development which it is
G52  48 trying to assist and the processes of capital investment for which it
G52  49 stands as a partial substitute. ^This must be the general objective.
G52  50 ^To deny it makes the dispensation of all aid purposeless and
G52  51 wasteful.
G52  52    |^While development gathers momentum we shall have to condone a
G52  53 variety of deviations from the principles which we support and would
G52  54 see established. ^But if, amidst the many changes and expedients, we
G52  55 can both provide aid and bring to bear some influence in line with our
G52  56 general aim, then we stand a good chance of seeing thriving economies
G52  57 growing up in the underdeveloped world, based on free enterprise and a
G52  58 fine sense of friendship and unity with the already industrialised
G52  59 countries. ^If not, then we run the risk of divorcing the poor half of
G52  60 the world from the rich and of creating opportunities for all the
G52  61 subversion, disruption and tyranny which that state of affairs can
G52  62 bring.
G52  63 *<*2JAMES LEMKIN*>
G52  64 *<*4Commonwealth approaches*>
G52  65 *<9*>
G52  66 *<*1Conservatism in a post-imperial age*>
G52  67    |^*0In the second half of the twentieth century, amidst revolution
G52  68 and turmoil, the British Commonwealth survives. ^Its continued
G52  69 existence is of itself proof positive to Conservatives that the
G52  70 institution works. ^But is there too much complacency about this? ^Is
G52  71 interracial partnership, which is the hub of Commonwealth development,
G52  72 possible today? ^The evidence of Africa in 1960 is that numbers matter
G52  73 more than the quality of things. ^But the needs of Africa in 1970 show
G52  74 that European, Asian and African must cooperate to sustain an
G52  75 expanding economy, based on a representative system of government.
G52  76    |^That the needs of 1970 are desirable political ends will be
G52  77 denied by few British politicians. ^The hub of the argument*- and this
G52  78 affects the Commonwealth, and not merely British Africa*- is that
G52  79 Conservative principle will result in methods being applied that would
G52  80 differ substantially from those of the Liberals who would maximise
G52  81 freedom at the expense of order, and greatly from those of the Labour
G52  82 Party which would prefer rapid, perhaps revolutionary, social change
G52  83 to organic growth.
G52  84    |^Conservatives, however, do not in their approach to the
G52  85 Commonwealth, start with a clean plate. ^Their record is very much of
G52  86 the species of the curate's egg. ^Some economic neglect, some
G52  87 administrative tyranny has been shameful. ^But in other places, the
G52  88 broad progress under a Conservative government has been startling, not
G52  89 merely to indigenous Commonwealth peoples fed on the idea of Tory
G52  90 bogeymen, but to Conservatives who found a good deal of practical
G52  91 sense planted amongst those who have cooperated with them in Asia and
G52  92 Africa. ^Conservatives today are cast in a liberalising mantle,
G52  93 however much some of them may wish the garment to be thrown off.
G52  94    |^In their approach to the Commonwealth, Conservatives bring three
G52  95 political principles to bear. ^First they see the Commonwealth as a
G52  96 whole. ^This needs a good deal of Tory self-reconciliation as the
G52  97 reciprocity of material interests of Commonwealth countries declines.
G52  98 ^Secondly, they accept that effective power which has passed cannot be
G52  99 successfully recalled. ^This leads Tories sometimes to credit non-, or
G52 100 not wholly, self-governing European communities with greater authority
G52 101 than in fact such groups have. ^Thirdly, Conservatives accept the
G52 102 value of an objective law free from administrative meddling*- the rule
G52 103 of Law. ^Now given these three working Conservative approaches a keen
G52 104 supporter of the Government may well meet himself coming the other
G52 105 way. ^He believes in the Statute of Westminster as a symbol of equal
G52 106 power. ^But he also knows that racial discrimination will destroy the
G52 107 unity of the Commonwealth. ^The translation of one nation abroad, as
G52 108 has been spoken of by \0Mr Iain Macleod, is meaningless unless a stand
G52 109 is made on racial discrimination (in whichever direction it operates).
G52 110    |^The Conservative speaks up for impartial law but what of Hola?
G52 111 ^And because he starts from this standpoint few speeches made in the
G52 112 House of Commons during the previous Secretaryship of the Colonies
G52 113 were in fact more effective than \0Mr Enoch Powell on Hola to an
G52 114 unvigilant House of Commons at half past one in the morning. ^To stand
G52 115 for the rule of law enables the colonial regime in its closing days to
G52 116 help purge itself of its paternalist past. ^But when a newly
G52 117 independent regime rejects the common law and substitutes rule by
G52 118 executive, do some Conservatives wonder whether these political
G52 119 principles are the playthings of academics rather than the medicine of
G52 120 good government?
G52 121    |^Conservatives in government are of course being carried forward
G52 122 by the \6*1e*?2lan *0of the nationalism of others and this overshadows
G52 123 their concern for order which at best means a balanced advance,
G52 124 putting emphasis on economic as well as political development. ^But to
G52 125 define balance is to defy politics. ^Sometimes bread is more important
G52 126 than votes, sometimes both are necessary. ^In some territories votes
G52 127 can be given, but bread cannot be provided. ^The Conservative properly
G52 128 brings an undogmatic approach to these problems. ^In being pragmatic
G52 129 about his priorities he will rightly emphasise on the one hand, for
G52 130 example, the political advance of Somalia, while arguing on the other
G52 131 that a more complex set of constitutional checks and balances is
G52 132 required in Northern Rhodesia. ^The jibe of \0Mr Mboya in attacking
G52 133 the Lancaster House Conference that what Somalia required were
G52 134 settlers was double-edged. ^Settlers might have retarded Somalia's
G52 135 political progress, but they would have given it a much better
G52 136 standard of living.
G52 137    |^No Conservative in looking at the Commonwealth will underestimate
G52 138 Britain's interests in preserving the Commonwealth as an institution.
G52 139 ^To say this is not to suggest that Commonwealth relations are merely
G52 140 an extension of foreign policy. ^Britain must analyse her interests
G52 141 hard before she can determine in what way her contribution to the
G52 142 Commonwealth may be effective and acceptable. ^The Commonwealth today
G52 143 is largely a new institution. ^Sharpeville, the passing of
G52 144 responsibility to the new coloured territories, the tremendous drive
G52 145 to give economic aid to under-developed countries, the willingness of
G52 146 Great Britain to prefer Commonwealth under-developed countries to
G52 147 foreign under-developed countries as a priority for aid, and the need
G52 148 of new Commonwealth countries for administrative and technical
G52 149 assistance*- all these have shifted the balance of subjects for
G52 150 discussion amongst Commonwealth Prime Ministers from defence of the
G52 151 free world and from inter-Commonwealth trade*- as were the principal
G52 152 subjects before the Second World War*- to this new gamut of subjects
G52 153 bound up as they are with a new psychological relationship between
G52 154 Britain and the new members of the Commonwealth.
G52 155    |^Now Britain's interests in the Commonwealth are four-fold.
G52 156 ^First, in a world of large units, Britain is striving to maintain an
G52 157 existing large institution, being enlarged as each year goes by,
G52 158 without committing it strategically to Russia or America. ^Britain has
G52 159 a double role to play in this respect. ^Some of the members of the
G52 160 Commonwealth*- Canada, Great Britain, Australia and New Zealand*- are
G52 161 bound up in defence pacts with the United States, which are devised as
G52 162 a protection against the Sino-Soviet block. ^Britain nevertheless can
G52 163 maintain, through the Commonwealth, peculiarly friendly relations with
G52 164 countries that would not wish to be aligned in such a struggle.
G52 165 ^Britain's second interest is to harness the power, both the political
G52 166 power and the administrative skill, that lies in the Commonwealth to
G52 167 the task of healing divisions in parts of the world*- first, of
G52 168 course, putting the house of the Commonwealth in order, and secondly
G52 169 in assisting to maintain peace in countries adjacent to Commonwealth
G52 170 countries. ^Thirdly, Britain's interest, although it may in truth be
G52 171 said now to be a declining interest relative to Europe, is to expand
G52 172 the trade of the sterling Commonwealth. ^It is a declining interest
G52 173 because it must be recognised that the purchasing power of the
G52 174 under-developed countries in the Commonwealth will rise slowly
G52 175 compared with that of Europe. ^These areas, which are areas of primary
G52 176 producing, will not show the most dramatic changes in consumption
G52 177 during the next decade or so. ^For the dramatic expansion of its
G52 178 trade, Britain will do better out of trade of manufactured made-up
G52 179 goods with Europe and with some of the big countries of South East
G52 180 Asia before it will see any great improvement in its trade with the
G52 181 Commonwealth sterling area. ^But Britain's last interest is to assist
G52 182 the countries of the Commonwealth to modernise rapidly by speeding
G52 183 technical progress through an acceptable educational system.
G52 184    |^These are not selfish aims, although they will rebound to the
G52 185 benefit of the people of Britain in two ways. ^First, we shall have
G52 186 friends in the world, at a time when negotiations of international
G52 187 problems are resolved by larger and larger groups of nations. ^Friends
G52 188 are necessary for the safe conduct of our affairs abroad. ^Secondly,
G52 189 through the medium of the English language, through the influence of
G52 190 our teachers and administrators, Britain's word can still be of value
G52 191 in some parts of the world.
G52 192    |^It would be arrogant to think only of Britain's role in the
G52 193 Commonwealth. ^For some time the idea of the mother country has been
G52 194 dwindling as the coloured races came to power in the new territories,
G52 195 and the idea of London as being the centre of activities has shifted
G52 196 from the American continent to Asia, and now, for the time being, to
G52 197 Africa.
G52 198 *# 2001
G53   1 **[240 TEXT G53**]
G53   2 ^*0He has undoubtedly helped to fortify its already substantial
G53   3 reputation for fairness and efficiency.
G53   4    |^The position can, however, best be assessed by my readers for
G53   5 themselves through my giving them some instances of the Danish
G53   6 Ombudsman's activities in the sphere of his individual grievance work.
G53   7    |^In its summer issue of 1959 the journal *"Public Law**" published
G53   8 an article by Miss {0I. M.} Pedersen, a Danish civil servant, in
G53   9 which a detailed analysis of this aspect of the Ombudsman's work is
G53  10 attempted. ^The picture which this article gives is so clear and
G53  11 convincing that I am inserting it as an Appendix. ^I shall confine
G53  12 myself here to describing one or two outstanding cases.
G53  13    |^One of these was a complaint addressed to the Ombudsman by a
G53  14 bookseller, who held that he had been penalized by publicity given by
G53  15 the police to a charge brought against him for defrauding his
G53  16 creditors. ^On investigation, it proved that his wife from whom he was
G53  17 separated had been summoned to give evidence against him and that she
G53  18 had been sent copies of the summons, which revealed the nature of the
G53  19 alleged offence, to relations who thereupon stopped giving him
G53  20 financial assistance. **[SIC**] ^The Ombudsman recommended that in
G53  21 future summonses to witnesses should not show the nature of the
G53  22 offence about to be tried and this recommendation has been embodied in
G53  23 law. **[SIC**]
G53  24    |^In the course of another inquiry the Ombudsman revealed that the
G53  25 Danish Ministry of Agriculture had been acting {6*1ultra vires} *0in
G53  26 a certain matter for some twenty years. ^His activities have likewise
G53  27 embraced such varying subjects as the right of certified mental
G53  28 patients to have their consent asked before a leucotomy **[SIC**] is
G53  29 performed on them and a complaint against the Copenhagen police for
G53  30 alleged aggressive action over a car licensing offence. ^Equally,
G53  31 various other matters, such as the calculation of damages in cases of
G53  32 disablement, have been found to be beyond his practical competence.
G53  33    |^There is no doubt that much of the success of the institution of
G53  34 Ombudsman has derived from the skill and high reputation of Professor
G53  35 Hurwitz, Denmark's first Ombudsman. ^In a country where academic
G53  36 qualifications are highly valued, his distinction as a professor of
G53  37 criminal science has stood him in good stead. ^In Britain, where high
G53  38 academic appointments are not normally regarded as proof of
G53  39 administrative or judicial wisdom, and where even the existence of
G53  40 criminal science is a matter of dispute, Professor Hurwitz' success
G53  41 might have been less outstanding. ^Here we should look to a judge or a
G53  42 retired and senior Treasury official, or to Parliament, to provide
G53  43 such services if they are required. ^What matters is that Denmark
G53  44 appears to have found a way of satisfying what is {6*1prima facie}
G53  45 *0a legitimate public demand for protection against administrative
G53  46 abuse without either paralysing administration or diminishing the
G53  47 dignity and independence of the judicature. ^This, to say the least,
G53  48 is a constitutional example worthy of scrutiny in the context of other
G53  49 political and social circumstances which, however, include the
G53  50 tendency towards ever-increasing administration noted by the advocates
G53  51 of the Ombudsman in post-war Denmark.
G53  52    |^Already, however, words have been used in this exposition which
G53  53 demand much closer analysis. ^The respective spheres of justice and
G53  54 administration, the precise difference between judicial and executive
G53  55 acts, the relationship of the legislature to these other two branches
G53  56 of government, and in particular the implications of the doctrine of
G53  57 Parliamentary sovereignty cherished in Britain, are all matters which
G53  58 must be examined more thoroughly before the relevance of the Danish
G53  59 institution of the Ombudsman for this country's affairs can begin to
G53  60 be judged.
G53  61 *<*6CHAPTER TWO*>
G53  62 *<*2LEGALITY OR JUSTICE*>
G53  63    |^*4I*2T IS OFTEN *0said that in England at the beginning of the
G53  64 seventeenth century there were three competitors to sovereignty, King,
G53  65 Parliament and the judges. ^After a while, the judges withdrew from
G53  66 the contest and King and Parliament were left to fight it out between
G53  67 themselves. ^The withdrawal of the judges was a crucial event, for it
G53  68 imparted to the British system of government what has ever since
G53  69 remained, at any rate in form, its dominant characteristic, the
G53  70 institution of Parliamentary sovereignty. ^The doctrine that
G53  71 Parliament is legally entitled to do whatever it chooses, that it is
G53  72 the final authority before which all others must bow, now has general
G53  73 acceptance here. ^It is not so elsewhere. ^Other countries, in
G53  74 particular the United States of America, have sought to guarantee
G53  75 liberty by laying down a fundamental law and entrusting its
G53  76 guardianship to a Supreme Court. ^They have sought still further to
G53  77 guarantee this system of law by a strict separation and balance of
G53  78 powers between the executive and the legislature. ^In Britain, on the
G53  79 other hand, it has been assumed that the welfare of society demands
G53  80 the unquestioning and habitual acceptance of the supremacy of
G53  81 Parliament, a Parliament which cannot limit its own competence and
G53  82 cannot bind its successors.
G53  83    |^No doubt it was in the seventeenth century that the decisive
G53  84 steps in this direction were taken, but it would be a mistake to read
G53  85 into the constitutional debates of those days the modern conception of
G53  86 Parliamentary sovereignty which grew out of them. ^The truth is that
G53  87 all three participants in the constitutional conflicts of Stuart times
G53  88 in some degree accepted the notion of fundamental law and were largely
G53  89 ignorant of the notion of sovereignty as it was later formulated.
G53  90 ^King, judges and Parliament, in debating such matters as who had the
G53  91 right to impose taxes, all appealed to an ill-defined system of
G53  92 customs and principles which they assumed to constitute the immemorial
G53  93 law of the land. ^The notion that Government existed to safeguard and
G53  94 interpret this law was common to all of them.
G53  95    |^There was indeed no clear distinction between legislation and
G53  96 adjudication. ^Officially, Parliament, though it is normally regarded
G53  97 as the legislator today, is still designated as a *"High Court**".
G53  98 ^Its procedure still bears many of the marks of its origin as a place
G53  99 where private grievances are aired and remedied. ^The very word
G53 100 *"enact**" strictly means *"interpret**", and the notion of law making
G53 101 as a creative process is something very novel indeed.
G53 102    |^Down to the nineteenth century, the idea of the House of Commons
G53 103 as an institution existing mainly for the defence and adjustment of
G53 104 private rights was dominant. ^The great part of the business of the
G53 105 eighteenth-century House of Commons concerned private and indeed
G53 106 intimate affairs. ^If a man wanted to enclose a piece of common land
G53 107 he could do so only by virtue of a private Act of Parliament; if a man
G53 108 wanted a divorce he could get it only by means of such an Act.
G53 109    |^The procedure for Private Bills still had an important place in
G53 110 the business of Parliament down to the beginning of this century.
G53 111 ^Much of what is now done by administrative act used to be
G53 112 accomplished in this way. ^For instance, compulsory acquisition of
G53 113 land for such purposes as the building of railways in the last century
G53 114 was brought about by private Acts of Parliament. ^A Bill would be
G53 115 prepared by a Member and, when it came up for Parliamentary
G53 116 consideration, interested parties would send their lawyers to the Bar
G53 117 of the House to plead their cause. ^No branch of the Bar was more
G53 118 profitable or a quicker highroad to success until quite recent times
G53 119 than this Parliamentary work. ^The most characteristic defence of the
G53 120 complicated and irrational franchise on which the Commons was elected
G53 121 before 1832 was that, for all its irregularities, it produced an
G53 122 assembly well fitted to discharge the essential business of Parliament
G53 123 as it was then conceived, the guaranteeing of private rights. ^It was
G53 124 an assembly, the argument ran, where a man might plead his grievance
G53 125 in the knowledge that it would be listened to by representatives of
G53 126 every considerable interest in the land, and in the hope that the
G53 127 conclusion which would emerge would represent something like the
G53 128 national view of commonsense in the matter.
G53 129    |^From 1832 onwards, however, this character has been radically
G53 130 changed. ^The procedure for Private Bills is virtually extinct, though
G53 131 there are some instances of its use, as in the recent case of the Esso
G53 132 Petroleum Bill, when a private company sought powers of compulsory
G53 133 purchase. ^It may now be safely said, with certain qualifications
G53 134 regarding Question Time and Adjournment Debates, that the primary
G53 135 business of the Commons has ceased to be the rectification of private
G53 136 grievances and has become the enactment of public legislation. ^Large
G53 137 and highly disciplined Parties emerged with organised followings in
G53 138 the country, so that it is only on a minority of issues that the House
G53 139 of Commons can formulate an independent view. ^Indeed, the best
G53 140 contemporary exponents of the constitution, like Sir Ivor Jennings,
G53 141 have no hesitation in holding that the real business of Parliament is
G53 142 to sustain government in office. ^Public interest has largely shifted
G53 143 away from Westminster to the Party conferences and the private
G53 144 conclaves of Parliamentary Parties, each of which is supported by a
G53 145 highly developed bureaucracy. ^It is at these places, after all, that
G53 146 things really happen, that general plans of future legislation are
G53 147 formulated, subsequently to be embodied in election programmes. ^A
G53 148 victorious Party at an election tends to assume, often with little
G53 149 justification, that it has been authorised to carry out in detail the
G53 150 measures listed in its programme, measures conceived by Party
G53 151 bureaucrats, born at Party conferences and designed less to reflect
G53 152 the will of Members of Parliament or even that of the country at large
G53 153 than to appease the Party zealots.
G53 154    |^These changes in the functioning of Parliament have of course
G53 155 been accompanied by similar changes in constitutional theory. ^The
G53 156 constitution is no longer conceived as a system of private rights and
G53 157 legislation is now regarded as a dynamic, not an interpretative,
G53 158 process. ^The legislator's task is conceived as being that of
G53 159 formulating general laws for the good of society rather than that of
G53 160 adjusting private interests. ^Inevitably, of course, highly organised
G53 161 interests within society have a great and, some would say, a growing
G53 162 influence on law, but, even in the case of the trade unions with their
G53 163 substantial representation in the Commons, it is an influence which is
G53 164 commonly exercised outside Parliament. ^The delicate balances between
G53 165 different religious denominations embodied in the Butler Education
G53 166 Act, for instance, were the result of prolonged diplomacy exercised by
G53 167 the Minister before the Bill was prepared. ^Almost all Acts of
G53 168 Parliament today are preceded by negotiations of this kind, but the
G53 169 theory of the legislative process takes no account of these pressures.
G53 170 ^The doctrine is that a Parliament representing the general will
G53 171 formulates general rules for society at large. ^The generality of the
G53 172 rules is indeed inevitable as a result of the complexity of the
G53 173 matters with which contemporary legislation deals and the numbers of
G53 174 those affected by it, but it is also increasingly assumed to be a
G53 175 necessary consequence of the rule of law. ^If the legislator addresses
G53 176 himself with particularity to the interests of this or that man or
G53 177 group his perception of the social good, it is believed, will perforce
G53 178 be corrupted. ^Obviously, however, nothing could be further removed
G53 179 from the tradition of Parliamentary government which had been handed
G53 180 down to our early Victorian ancestors than the principle of the
G53 181 necessary generality of the process of lawmaking.
G53 182    |^Now, in whatever way government may be theoretically conceived,
G53 183 it is in practice a matter of the adjustment of a multiplicity of
G53 184 private interests. ^If the function of an Act of Parliament is to
G53 185 establish general principles and rules, the details must be filled in
G53 186 by someone, and it is to the civil service that the task of filling in
G53 187 these gaps has fallen in modern times. ^Over the last half-century
G53 188 Parliament has perforce delegated to Ministers and to subordinate
G53 189 organs of the executive the task of devising the measures needed to
G53 190 achieve the objects of its legislation, and the measures thus devised,
G53 191 although they have lacked the direct consent of Parliament, have been
G53 192 endowed with all the force of statutes. ^Some of these decrees have
G53 193 themselves been very general in character, and the machinery for
G53 194 reviewing them in Parliament has often been highly inadequate.
G53 195 *# 2020
G54   1 **[241 TEXT G54**]
G54   2    |^*0The market for this type of piece, bubbling with Mediterranean
G54   3 {6*1joie de vivre}, *0and redolent of bougainvillaea and \6*1pizza,
G54   4 *0remains pretty constant. ^In many countries, even the daily papers
G54   5 devote columns to this kind of thing, and still come back for more.
G54   6 ^The Germans in particular will take an indefinite wordage about the
G54   7 land where the lemon blooms.
G54   8    |^German correspondents can survey their public on \0St. Peter's
G54   9 Square every Easter. ^They stand in pouring rain amid the puddles,
G54  10 dressed in thin cambric blouses and astonishingly short shorts.
G54  11 ^Between their chattering teeth they emit little cries of
G54  12 *1\Wunderscho"n! *0and *1\Fantastisch! *0as they empty the water out
G54  13 of their camera shutters.
G54  14    |^The journalistic dog-days from May to September are a cruel
G54  15 problem for the *1\professionisti, *0who are expected to offer their
G54  16 employers something more substantial than the latest old-world customs
G54  17 thought up by the Italian National Tourist Board. Not for them the
G54  18 fragrant piece about wine running from fountains at some village
G54  19 *1\festa.
G54  20    |^*0But certain hardy perennials have been evolved to meet this
G54  21 recurring crisis, though it is regarded as bad form to use most of
G54  22 them before July. ^Safest, perhaps, is the one that comes in from Pisa
G54  23 about 30th June each year: ^LEANING TOWER TOTTERING! ^JAPANESE EXPERT
G54  24 INJECTS PLASTIC INTO FOUNDATIONS.
G54  25    |^This story, in its numerous variants, is usually good for at
G54  26 least ten lines on an inside page. ^It can be followed with another
G54  27 ten lines the following day, about the *1\6de*?2menti *0issued by the
G54  28 Mayor of Pisa.
G54  29    |^A little later, Venice comes in with a similarly useful item:
G54  30 ^PALACES SINK INTO GRAND CANAL: ^BRIDGE OF SIGHS SUBSIDING. ^Even if
G54  31 it should be decided to let this standby lie fallow for a season,
G54  32 there is always a handy substitute about a strike of gondoliers. ^Bits
G54  33 about gondoliers are always printed.
G54  34    |^There has been some jealousy about these stories in recent years,
G54  35 and Florence has retorted strongly with the White Ant Peril. ^This has
G54  36 the advantage that it can be applied to almost any well-known
G54  37 building: ^TERMITES UNDERMINE PITTI PALACE is perhaps the favourite
G54  38 version.
G54  39    |^Floods in the Po Valley and eruptions of Etna and Vesuvius are
G54  40 usually well received, but snowfalls in the Alps are the safest
G54  41 weather-stories any date after 15th May. ^They can be telephoned or
G54  42 cabled with special confidence if they involve blocking of well-known
G54  43 passes, particularly the \0St. Bernard. ^In the latter case, mention
G54  44 should also be made of the Hospice and its dogs. ^It is customary to
G54  45 state that all the latter are about to be destroyed, because (a) they
G54  46 have gone raving mad and attacked travellers in distress, or (b) are
G54  47 so enfeebled by inbreeding that they can hardly stand up.
G54  48    |^Should snow occur anywhere within a hundred miles of Rome, it can
G54  49 be reported that packs of famished wolves have been driven down from
G54  50 the Abruzzi and have decimated flocks of sheep within sight of the
G54  51 Colosseum. ^But this item is rarely printed much before Christmas.
G54  52    |^However, an inspired variant of the Bitter Weather story recently
G54  53 almost reached the heights of the Love-mad Major. It ran in several
G54  54 papers simultaneously.
G54  55    |^A postman named Giancarlo Peppino Dante Tagliabue had been
G54  56 delivering letters for thirty years in a rural district near Aquila,
G54  57 it seemed, and was proud of never having missed a day. ^Heavy
G54  58 snowfalls had covered the rugged district with a deep, thick mantle,
G54  59 interspersed with occasional drifts. ^Giancarlo strapped on his skis
G54  60 nevertheless, and set off on his round.
G54  61    |^At seven-thirty in the morning he was seen by a shepherd, gamely
G54  62 negotiating a particularly tricky section of the mountain road to San
G54  63 Doloroso. ^At about ten o'clock, linesmen working on a power cable
G54  64 four kilometres from Monte Callifugo thought they heard howls and a
G54  65 deep-throated baying. ^At four, when it was already growing dark, a
G54  66 patrol of *1\carabinieri *0found Tagliabue's official cap halfway down
G54  67 a snow-covered hillside. ^On the road above, half-buried in drifts,
G54  68 were scattered twenty or thirty letters, five copies of the
G54  69 {*1Corriere dell' Aquila} *0and an official receipt-book for
G54  70 registered mail. ^*1Of Giancarlo nothing was left....
G54  71    |^*0Several papers ran banner headlines: ^DEVOTED POSTMAN EATEN BY
G54  72 WOLVES. ^A left-wing organ recalled that only the previous year
G54  73 Tagliabue had received a scroll from the Postal Workers' Union. ^Two
G54  74 agencies circulated smudgy photographs of his unattractive wife and
G54  75 seven children. ^The {*1Voce di Trastevere} *0opened a nation-wide
G54  76 subscription fund. ^It was not until several weeks later that
G54  77 Tagliabue was detained by the Foggia police for simulating an offence.
G54  78    |^He had been sweating up that snow-covered hillside, he explained,
G54  79 reflecting that he would not be pensioned for another fifteen years.
G54  80 ^He thought of his nagging wife and appalling brats, and it was just
G54  81 too much for him. ^He threw down his letters and his hat into the snow
G54  82 and took the first train to Foggia. ^He had been living there ever
G54  83 since with a waitress from a local *1\trattoria. ^*0The only wolf he
G54  84 had ever seen, he said, was in a travelling zoo.
G54  85    |
G54  86    |^However, I should not like to convey the impression that no
G54  87 authentic news is transmitted from Italy. ^Many Rome reports are based
G54  88 on the most solid facts*- as witness the affair of the twenty-six
G54  89 Yemeni concubines.
G54  90    |^The Alban Hills south-east of Rome have been celebrated since
G54  91 pre-classical days for the beauty of their countryside, and the
G54  92 picturesque town of Frascati has been successively the headquarters of
G54  93 Etruscan kings, Saracen pirates, Renaissance princes and German
G54  94 field-marshals. ^But it is rare for buildings there to fly large red
G54  95 flags emblazoned with scimitars and five-pointed stars.
G54  96    |^When a rash of these exotic banners broke out in Frascati one
G54  97 recent June, residents at first suspected another foreign occupation.
G54  98 ^They were quickly reassured; the flags were in honour of sixty-five
G54  99 year-old Imam Ahmed, King of the Yemen and self-proclaimed Suzerain of
G54 100 Aden, who had arrived to undergo treatment at a local clinic.
G54 101    |^The Royal Yemeni Embassy had originally rented merely an entire
G54 102 hotel for the monarch and his suite, but at the last moment it was
G54 103 learnt that the Imam himself would have to remain in the clinic for
G54 104 medical attention. ^The second floor of the hospital was therefore
G54 105 cleared of other patients, and additional flags were hung from the
G54 106 windows. ^The arrival of the royal caravan from Ciampino Airport
G54 107 created a certain stir. ^Some twenty Cadillacs disgorging nearly a
G54 108 hundred persons gave the impression that a successful fancy-dress
G54 109 party must be in progress.
G54 110    |^After the Imam himself had been helped to his apartments, a
G54 111 succession of wizened brown tribesmen, about five feet tall and clad
G54 112 in bizarre mauve and orange suitings, emerged from the vehicles.
G54 113 ^Lastly thirty-seven muffled figures, swathed in veils and wrappings
G54 114 and attended by men with scimitars and muskets, scuttled from the
G54 115 hindmost cars and vanished into the hotel. ^The two principal members
G54 116 of the suite were brothers of the Imam. ^Two young sons of the Ruler
G54 117 and numerous nephews made up the male section of the family party.
G54 118    |^The female side was more extensive. ^It was headed by three of
G54 119 the Imam's wives, twenty-six representative concubines, and eight
G54 120 women slaves. ^In addition, there were the Imam's aides-de-camp,
G54 121 senior officers of his personal escort, an adequate bodyguard armed
G54 122 with scimitars, daggers and an assortment of firearms, a number of
G54 123 eunuchs and male slaves, and four European doctors who practised at
G54 124 the Yemeni court. ^Three of these were described as Italians, and the
G54 125 fourth as Franco-Rumanian.
G54 126    |^There was marked reluctance on the part of the ruler's attendants
G54 127 to establish contact with the outside world, possibly because they
G54 128 were anxious to retain the use of their extremities. ^Apart from
G54 129 syphilis, the most noteworthy form of indisposition in the Yemen is
G54 130 lack of hands or feet, of which it is customary to deprive those who
G54 131 fall under official displeasure.
G54 132    |^The complaints from which the Imam himself was suffering were
G54 133 difficult to establish, despite a guarded statement that he was a
G54 134 martyr to arthritis. ^Apart from his own physicians and the staff of
G54 135 the clinic, the Ruler was visited by a continual stream of eminent
G54 136 Rome specialists, including Professor Gozzano, Dean of the Faculty of
G54 137 Neurology and Psychiatry, and Professor Bietti, a distinguished eye
G54 138 consultant.
G54 139    |^The Imam's section of the clinic was heavily curtained, and those
G54 140 who caught a glimpse of the corridor beyond could report only the
G54 141 presence of two sentries armed to the teeth and carrying drawn swords,
G54 142 a number of parcels wrapped in newspaper, and a heavy odour of mutton
G54 143 fat.
G54 144    |^On the night of his arrival, the Imam had slept on the floor of
G54 145 his room on a pile of fifty pillows. At the clinic, a procession of
G54 146 porters removed all beds from the royal apartments, and mattresses
G54 147 were distributed on the floors.
G54 148    |^The wives, concubines and slaves quickly introduced a shift
G54 149 system to enable them to satisfy the Imam's every want. ^Some of them,
G54 150 possibly the ruler's favourites, seemed to put in a good deal of
G54 151 overtime.
G54 152    |^At the hotel, the management was wringing its hands; its catering
G54 153 system had been gravely disorganized, and the rows of white-jacketed
G54 154 waiters were forbidden to approach either the harem ladies or the
G54 155 eight female slaves. ^The three wives and five senior concubines took
G54 156 their meals in their rooms, but the other twenty-one, heavily
G54 157 disguised with hoods and yashmaks, ate in a corner of the restaurant,
G54 158 which had also been hung with curtains for the purpose. ^The barefoot
G54 159 slave-girls shuffled back and forth with the dishes.
G54 160    |^By this time, the Italian Press was sitting up and taking notice.
G54 161 ^Relatively little interest attached to the health of the Imam, but
G54 162 photographers from the illustrated weeklies were wild about the
G54 163 concubines. ^Every tree in Frascati seemed to contain an active little
G54 164 man from Catania or Palermo, armed with an eighteen-inch telescopic
G54 165 lens.
G54 166    |^Meanwhile, there was near-mutiny in the respective kitchens of
G54 167 the hotel and the clinic, where local experts had been hovering
G54 168 lovingly over {*1Fettucine Tuscolo, Saltimbocca alla Romana}, *0and
G54 169 {*1Cassata alla Siciliana}. ^*0True, these delicacies were duly
G54 170 consumed by the distinguished guests, or at any rate they were not
G54 171 returned to the kitchens. ^But there was a distinct suggestion that
G54 172 the ruler's court was being underfed.
G54 173    |^The little men in mauve and orange suits, tailored no doubt in
G54 174 the emporia of Steamer Point, flitted in and out with
G54 175 newspaper-packets of strange vegetables, larger parcels stained with
G54 176 blood and apparently containing lumps of goat, and earthenware
G54 177 cooking-pots. ^Other ingredients were carried through the austere hall
G54 178 of the clinic in large baskets, and at the end of a corridor two Negro
G54 179 slaves were found constructing a spit over a bonfire of dry twigs.
G54 180    |^It was, I believe, at about this stage that some of the
G54 181 photographers fell foul of the bodyguard, while insinuating themselves
G54 182 into favourable positions for a series of exclusive shots of harem
G54 183 life. ^The photographers apparently came off worst in the encounters,
G54 184 and retired complaining of blows with the flats of swords and damage
G54 185 to their cameras. ^They left at once for police headquarters, to bring
G54 186 charges of assault.
G54 187    |^Meanwhile, odd rumours were coming in from the Imam's capital at
G54 188 Taiz. ^No sooner had the ailing monarch departed for Italy, it was
G54 189 learnt, than would-be modernizers had begun to loosen the bonds of
G54 190 theocratic absolutism. ^The name of Crown Prince Mohammed \al-Badr was
G54 191 bandied about, though it was far from clear whether he was an active
G54 192 modernizer or not.
G54 193    |^The word *'reform**' in the Yemen is more or less equated with
G54 194 *'revolution**'. ^Messengers were moving unobtrusively over the
G54 195 jet-black mountain ranges, bearing confidential tidings from sheikhdom
G54 196 to sheikhdom. ^According to exultant enemies of the ruler, he was
G54 197 unlikely ever to set foot in his kingdom again.
G54 198    |^They had, however, reckoned insufficiently with the therapeutic
G54 199 qualities of a stay in Frascati. ^One day, after a short but bracing
G54 200 trip to the seaside west of Rome, the ruler pronounced himself
G54 201 fighting fit.
G54 202    |^Leaving behind trusted agents to contest the naturally
G54 203 considerable bills and fight any possible lawsuits, the Imam drove to
G54 204 Rome airport. ^Embarking his wives, slaves, viziers, eunuchs,
G54 205 aides-de-camp and concubines in a couple of airliners, he descended
G54 206 like a thunderbolt on Arabia Felix.
G54 207 *# 2020
G55   1 **[242 TEXT G55**]
G55   2 ^*0He might receive another lecture at midnight, a third one at 2
G55   3 {0a.m.} and even a fourth later. ^If, in class, a man objected to
G55   4 some statement he considered serious enough to justify this action,
G55   5 the entire class was made to stand until he abandoned his objection.
G55   6 ^Next day he had to apologize both to the class and to the instructor,
G55   7 and for four or five days afterwards to repeat his self-criticism.
G55   8 ^The class, ordered to criticize him, obeyed: then he had to criticize
G55   9 his classmates. ^This was one of the principal methods of deliberately
G55  10 causing chaos in a group's relations.
G55  11    |^\0Dr Edgar \0H. Schein's article *'The Chinese Indoctrination
G55  12 Process for Prisoners of War**' gives a generalized picture of what
G55  13 happened to the average soldier from capture to repatriation. ^Cruelty
G55  14 deliberately imposed on civilians was on the whole far less severe in
G55  15 the case of soldiers. ^In camp, prisoners were segregated by race,
G55  16 nationality and rank. ^No formal organization was permitted: some
G55  17 squad-leaders were appointed without consideration of rank, a method
G55  18 of *'getting at**' the individual. ^Young or inept prisoners were put
G55  19 in charge of the squads, to remind everyone that former bases of
G55  20 organization had been destroyed. ^All friendships, emotional bonds and
G55  21 group activities were persistently undermined: all forms of religious
G55  22 expression prohibited. ^Chaplains or others who tried to organize or
G55  23 conduct religious services were ruthlessly persecuted. ^There is no
G55  24 evidence that the Chinese used drugs or hypnotic methods, or offered
G55  25 sexual objects to elicit information, confessions or collaboration.
G55  26 ^Some cases of severe physical torture were reported, but their
G55  27 incidence is difficult to estimate. ^Schein's conclusion is judicious:
G55  28    |*'those who are attempting to understand *"brainwashing**" must
G55  29 look at the facts objectively, and not be carried away by hysteria
G55  30 when another country with a different ideology and with different
G55  31 ultimate ends succeeds in eliciting from a small group of Americans
G55  32 behaviour that is not consonant with the democratic ideology.**'
G55  33    |^In November 1956, the American Group for the Advancement of
G55  34 Psychiatry met *'to clarify the differences between Orwell's fantastic
G55  35 account and the real processes actually used in authentic cases**'.
G55  36 ^\0Dr Lifton said: ^*'Brain-washing for our purpose no longer means
G55  37 anything specific, particularly in view of the manner in which it has
G55  38 been used in this country.**' ^Among all the people he interviewed in
G55  39 Korea and Hong Kong no one who had been through the experience ever
G55  40 used the term, unless he had first heard it from a Western source.
G55  41 ^But the process of \*1szuhsiang-kai-tsao, *0translated as
G55  42 *'ideological remoulding**', *'ideological reform**' or *'thought
G55  43 reform**', is very much a reality.
G55  44    |^There were three stages of *'thought reform**':
G55  45    |^(1) *1The *'Great Togetherness**'. ^*0The individual soldier was
G55  46 helped to identify himself with a group. ^To his astonishment the
G55  47 newcomer was often welcomed warmly, with proffered handshakes and
G55  48 cigarettes. ^The aim was to give the impression of a climate of
G55  49 {6*1esprit de corps} *0and optimism. ^To *'mobilize**' his thought,
G55  50 lectures, followed by discussions, were given.
G55  51    |^(Since the lectures lasted from two to six hours, a non-Chinese
G55  52 university teacher, accustomed to a fifty minutes' limit, may wonder
G55  53 how much the average listener absorbed. ^Sheer fatigue might increase
G55  54 suggestibility.) ^There was, in the Chinese manner, much repetition.
G55  55 ^Only about 5 per cent of the American army captives had received any
G55  56 college education, one aim of which is the formation and examination
G55  57 of concepts. ^At this stage, the prisoner was led to suppose that
G55  58 coercive manipulations of his thinking were morally uplifting and
G55  59 mentally harmonizing experiences.
G55  60    |^(2) *1The Closing-in of the Milieu *0(particularly the mental
G55  61 milieu). ^In (1) the prisoner's intellectual processes have been
G55  62 worked upon; now comes the turn of the emotions. ^The object of study
G55  63 is now the learner, not the Communist doctrine. ^He is made
G55  64 increasingly aware that his chief activities must be criticism*- of
G55  65 others and of himself*- and *'confessions**':
G55  66    |^*'Not only his ideas, but his underlying motivations, are
G55  67 carefully scrutinized. ^Failure to achieve the *"correct**"
G55  68 *"materialistic**" viewpoint, *"proletarian standpoint**" and
G55  69 *"dialectical methodology**" is pointed out, and the causes for this
G55  70 deficiency carefully analysed.**'
G55  71    |^In time, students are infected by the compulsion to confess,
G55  72 *'vie to outdo each other in the frankness, completeness and luridness
G55  73 of their individual confessions**'.
G55  74    |^An advisory \6*1cadre *0helps the emotionally-disturbed student,
G55  75 by talking over his *'thought problems**'. ^The diagnosis of bodily
G55  76 troubles is apt to be *'reform-oriented**' and *'psychosomatically
G55  77 sophisticated**'; ^*'You will feel better when you have solved your
G55  78 problems and completed your reform.**' ^And most students would need
G55  79 relief from inner tension and conflict.
G55  80    |^(3) *'*1Submission and Rebirth**'. ^*0Group discussion produces a
G55  81 thought-summary or final confession. ^It is to be a life-history,
G55  82 including a detailed analysis of the personal effects of thought
G55  83 reform, and of the confessor's class origin. ^Nearly always the father
G55  84 is denounced, both as a symbol of the exploiting classes and as an
G55  85 individual.
G55  86    |^With the fair-mindedness of a good psychiatrist, Lifton comments
G55  87 that in our own milieu-manipulations we should do well to retain a
G55  88 certain degree of humility and to keep in mind the dangers of imposing
G55  89 our own values and prejudices too forcibly.
G55  90    |^In Britain and America, assertions are still made that the
G55  91 psychiatrist's aim is the patient's social adjustment; even sometimes
G55  92 that non-adjusters can be shown up, by tests, to be neurotic, or
G55  93 worse. ^A report by the Rockefeller Brothers' Fund (*1News Chronicle,
G55  94 June 25, 1958*0) arraigns *'the public lassitude that has accepted
G55  95 without question an educational system dedicated mainly to turning out
G55  96 good little conformist Americans who, as Stringfellow Barr puts it,
G55  97 even when they have graduated from college (famous institutions) are
G55  98 unfamiliar with the ideas that are the stock-in-trade of Western
G55  99 culture**'. ^The report warns of *'the dangers of an age of
G55 100 conformity**' and calls for the development of more creative
G55 101 individuals.
G55 102    |^We have seen that an important aim of working on the prisoner's
G55 103 mind is to stir up guilt and shame, which help him to prepare a formal
G55 104 confession. ^Guilt-anxiety, says Lifton, consists of feelings of evil
G55 105 and sinfulness with expectation of punishment: of shame-anxiety,
G55 106 feelings of humiliation and failure to live up to the standards of
G55 107 one's peers or of one's internalized ego-ideal, with the expectation
G55 108 of abandonment.
G55 109    |^He suggests that we too might profitably examine some of our own
G55 110 concepts of guilt and shame. ^Examples come readily to mind.
G55 111 ^Diminution in the extent of clothing worn by both sexes in sports
G55 112 reduces the shame which fifty years ago would have been *'normal**'.
G55 113 ^Since Hiroshima and the Nuremberg trials, *'war-guilt**', which about
G55 114 1922 weighed down many Germans too young to have fought in World War
G55 115 *=1, has now become the subject of cynical jokes.
G55 116    |^In this connection Lifton discusses the relation between language
G55 117 theory and behaviour. ^Terms used in *'thought reform**' are morally
G55 118 charged*- either very good or very bad*- and take on a mystic quality.
G55 119    |^To psychologists attracted by the concept of *'patterns of
G55 120 culture**' the above account of thought reform is impressive because
G55 121 it shows that in all social orders its elements are present in varying
G55 122 degrees.
G55 123    |^At the conference, Professor Edgar \0H. Schein spoke on
G55 124 *'Patterns of Reactions to Severe Chronic Stress in American Army
G55 125 Prisoners of War of the Chinese**'. ^He selected observations throwing
G55 126 light on collaboration with the enemy. ^Typical experiences of an
G55 127 American army prisoner of war were:
G55 128    |^*'The first phase, lasting one to six months, was capture, an
G55 129 exhausting march to North Korea, and severe privation in inadequately
G55 130 equipped temporary camps. ^The second was imprisonment for two or more
G55 131 years in a permanent camp. ^Here, instead of the physical pressures in
G55 132 the first phase, chronic *"persuasion**" was applied to make the
G55 133 soldiers collaborate and to exchange existing group loyalties for new
G55 134 ones.
G55 135    |^*'The men reacted with the feeling that for these experiences of
G55 136 capture they had been inadequately prepared, both physically and
G55 137 mentally. ^They were not clearly aware of the kind of enemy up against
G55 138 them or, indeed, what they were fighting for. ^Expecting death,
G55 139 torture or non-patriation, they were taken completely by surprise and
G55 140 felt that inadequate leadership of the {0UN} command was to blame.
G55 141 ^Understandably, therefore, a prisoner was inclined to listen without
G55 142 much scepticism to the Communist *"explanation**" that, since the
G55 143 {0UN} was an aggressor, having entered the war illegally, all
G55 144 {0UN} military personnel were in fact criminals and could be
G55 145 summarily shot. ^The Chinese, however, considered the prisoner to be a
G55 146 student, capable of learning the *"truth**". ^Yet if he did not
G55 147 co-operate he could just be reverted to war-criminal status and shot.
G55 148 ^So a chronic cycle of fear-relief-new-fear was set in motion.
G55 149    |^*'The one-two week marches caused increasing apathy, facilitating
G55 150 systematical destruction of the prisoner's formal and informal
G55 151 group-structure. ^Knowing that his own ranks contained spies and
G55 152 actual or potential informers, a man might eventually feel that he
G55 153 could trust nobody.**'
G55 154    |^\0Dr Schein considers that very few actual conversions to
G55 155 Communism occurred, but that success in producing collaboration was
G55 156 greater. ^Some collaborators perhaps believed*- subsequent affirmation
G55 157 of this belief may have been rationalization*- that they were
G55 158 infiltrating the Chinese ranks and obtaining information which, if
G55 159 they were released, would be useful to the {0US} Army.
G55 160    |^It is interesting and valuable to compare with the above accounts
G55 161 of army prisoners-of-war, a report by Professor Louis West on
G55 162 prisoners from the {0US} Air Force. ^These were even less prepared
G55 163 for captivity, and their literal descent from the heavens into enemy
G55 164 hands must have given unusual possibilities of shock and astonishment.
G55 165 ^Often they were injured before capture. ^The Chinese considered these
G55 166 as a distinct group, to be handled in ways differing from those
G55 167 regarded as suitable for soldiers; {0e.g.} after February 21, 1952,
G55 168 responsibility for germ warfare was placed on airmen.
G55 169    |^It is important to note that of the Air Force *'returnees**', 53
G55 170 per cent had received some college education, compared with 5 per cent
G55 171 of army captives. ^As with the latter, the techniques employed
G55 172 produced *'debility, despondency and dread**'. ^But many airmen tried
G55 173 to incorporate in their *'confessions**' implausible material: details
G55 174 of weapons, speeds, altitudes, \0etc, which the interrogator, whose
G55 175 ignorance of technicalities they had estimated, would not detect but
G55 176 which, to any informed person, would appear palpably false.
G55 177    |^Many people are inclined to speak of all *'public relations**' as
G55 178 ballyhoo or propaganda, perhaps overlooking the early meaning of the
G55 179 latter word; even the significance, in England, of the second initial
G55 180 in *'{0S.P.G.}**'. ^They are invited to consider the facts that when
G55 181 a prisoner's *'confession**', or even his letter home, contained
G55 182 *'Commies**', it was *'suggested**' that *'Chinese People's
G55 183 Volunteers**' should be substituted, and the only address to which any
G55 184 prisoner's relatives could send letters was *'{0c/o} the Chinese
G55 185 People's Committee for World Peace**'.
G55 186    |^\0Dr Lawrence \0E. Hinkle, in this symposium, suggests on the
G55 187 basis of extensive study that these conclusions can be accepted:
G55 188 ^*'The methods of the Russian and satellite State-Police are derived
G55 189 from age-old police methods, many of which were known to the Czarist
G55 190 Okhrana, and to its sister organizations in other countries.
G55 191 ^Communist techniques, when their background is studied, remain police
G55 192 methods. ^They are not dependent on drugs, hypnotism, or any other
G55 193 special procedure designed by scientists. ^No scientist took part in
G55 194 their design, nor do scientists participate in their operation. ^The
G55 195 goal of the {0KGB}*- the present designation for the Russian State
G55 196 police*- is a satisfactory protocol on which a so-called *"trial**"
G55 197 may be based. ^The Chinese have an additional goal; the production of
G55 198 long-lasting changes in the prisoner's basic attitudes and
G55 199 behaviour.**'
G55 200    |^How could a prisoner-of-war resist such pressures? ^Hinkle offers
G55 201 the following hints. ^Since an important factor of indoctrination is
G55 202 the pupil's belief that his captor's control is omnipotent, he should
G55 203 try to maintain a secret private sense of psychological superiority.
G55 204 ^Inside his group, he should develop communication methods excluding
G55 205 the captors and demonstrating their fallibility, {0e.g.} by using
G55 206 code words which appear complimentary*- only to the guards; by
G55 207 teaching them Western games*- with absurd twists of the rules and
G55 208 methods of play, and by inventing petty annoyances to guards forbidden
G55 209 to inflict physical punishment. ^(It seems fair comment that for
G55 210 complete success this assumes high intelligence in the prisoner and
G55 211 obliging dimness in the guard.)
G55 212 *# 2012
G56   1 **[243 TEXT G56**]
G56   2    |^*0While he was expounding on this subject he explains how the
G56   3 first idea of the Celestial Bed came into his mind. ^When he was in
G56   4 Philadelphia he *'speedily insulated a common bedstead and filled it
G56   5 with copious streams of electrical fire conveyed by metal rods
G56   6 enclosed in glass tubes through the partition, from the adjacent room
G56   7 where the great globes were wrought... ^I recommended the trial of
G56   8 this, then whimsical bed, to several of my medical, philosophical and
G56   9 gay friends...**' ^Later he states that after he had put them at ease
G56  10 by means of a few drinks he went so far as to ask them for their
G56  11 opinion of the bed. ^Delightedly he states that *'they talked not as
G56  12 other men might have done of the critical moment*- no, they talked
G56  13 comparatively of the critical hour.**'
G56  14    |^Graham's audience obviously wanted information on aphrodisiacs.
G56  15 ^He was dead against the popular Spanish Fly preparations.
G56  16 ^Cantharides poisoning obviously occurred in the 18th as well as in
G56  17 the 20th century. ^Graham's advice on the subject was to the point if
G56  18 rather crude. ^Modern psychiatrists, including \0Dr Kinsey, talk of
G56  19 voyeurism. ^This term merely means that sexual stimulation can occur
G56  20 quite frequently as a result of visual stimulation. ^Graham recounts
G56  21 the tale of how a hairdresser, who found himself impotent was suddenly
G56  22 filled with sexual desire while he was dressing a particularly lovely
G56  23 woman's hair. ^Imprudently, he downed tools and ran home to make his
G56  24 wife happy. ^Such was the power of voyeurism in this case. ^Another
G56  25 Graham anecdote on this subject is about an old debauched woman who
G56  26 still desired masculine attention but who could not arouse a lover's
G56  27 interest. ^Her cure, he says, was to take a lovely young woman to bed
G56  28 with her. ^If her lover's ardour flagged the presence of his
G56  29 mistress's companion was sufficient to restore the {6*1status quo}.
G56  30 ^*0This is about as far as Graham goes with regard to obscenity. ^A
G56  31 great many of his contemporaries would have left him standing.
G56  32    |^For the most part the lectures were good sound stuff. ^For
G56  33 instance, he was keen on washing the body frequently. ^This was not a
G56  34 particularly popular habit in the 18th century. ^Graham states, rather
G56  35 poetically, that it is necessary to *'tune body and mind for the most
G56  36 cordial and perfect enjoyment of prolific love.**' ^To do this he said
G56  37 it was necessary that the lovers should possess *'the sweetest,
G56  38 freshest, and most personal cleanliness from the top of the head, to
G56  39 the end of the most distant toe*- at all times and under every
G56  40 circumstance.**' ^Graham was also very much against double beds. ^He
G56  41 stated that there was *'nothing more unnatural, nothing more indecent,
G56  42 than man and wife continually pigging together in one and the same
G56  43 bed... and to sleep and snore and steam and do everything else
G56  44 indelicate together 365 times every year!**' ^Sleeping in double beds
G56  45 was, according to Graham, a state of *'matrimonial whoredom.**'
G56  46    |^He was also a great advocate of fresh air, which must have been
G56  47 pretty startling at the time. ^Sea voyages, an active and useful life,
G56  48 taking exercise daily in free open air, were all recommended as
G56  49 adjuncts to good health. ^His attitude towards alcohol was dogmatic.
G56  50 ^Particularly he refers to *'that poisonous composition of sloes,
G56  51 tartar, logwood, watery cider and brandy which is called port wine.**'
G56  52 ^Graham realised, nearly two hundred years ago, that alcohol
G56  53 diminished physical, and more important to his audience, perhaps,
G56  54 sexual performance.
G56  55    |^Some of Graham's ideas seemed to sow the seeds of Victorianism as
G56  56 far as sex was concerned. ^Masturbation and fornication he abhorred.
G56  57 ^*'I must speak plainly, gentlemen, every act of self-pollution, every
G56  58 repetition of natural venery, with even the loveliest of the sex, to
G56  59 which appalled and exhausted nature is whipped and spurred by lust...
G56  60 is an earthquake, a blast, a deadly paralytic stroke to all the
G56  61 faculties of both soul and body. ^Blasting beauty, chilling,
G56  62 contracting and enfeebling the body, mind and the memory!**' ^And yet
G56  63 in other ways he was right up-to-date. ^Writing on the encouragement
G56  64 of matrimony he advocated that the first step would be to *'suppress
G56  65 all public prostitution,**' as it *'destroys the vigour of the genital
G56  66 parts, necessity tempting them to too frequent acts of venery.**'
G56  67 ^Some 180 years later, an Act of Parliament finally drove the majority
G56  68 of prostitutes off the streets of Britain.
G56  69    |^Another of Graham's ideas for encouraging matrimony was to *'give
G56  70 certain rewards to the lower and middling class of people, and tax
G56  71 those proportionate to their circumstances who did not marry.**' ^He
G56  72 also advised that parents should *'receive a small premium on the
G56  73 birth of every child.**' ^He thus foresaw modern income tax laws and
G56  74 the National Insurance and the Social Security system operating in
G56  75 this country. ^He advocated the control of certain hereditary diseases
G56  76 by practical eugenics. ^*'Persons of certain descriptions, whose
G56  77 constitutions are infected with inherent diseases, ought not to
G56  78 marry... they ought to be tied back to old women... that are past
G56  79 child-bearing.**' ^Public opinion in this country has never really
G56  80 supported ideas along these lines, but 28 States in America have laws
G56  81 that permit or direct sterilisation for various causes. ^Since these
G56  82 laws have been enforced, over 27,000 people have been sterilised in
G56  83 the United States.
G56  84    |^The year 1783 was the turning point in Graham's career. ^Until
G56  85 that time everything he touched had gone right. ^But now it was
G56  86 obvious that the Pall Mall establishment was losing money. ^Graham
G56  87 attempted to increase his profits by lowering prices, always a
G56  88 dangerous practice, especially for a Quack. ^Eventually creditors
G56  89 pressed and the Temple was closed, its treasures, electrical machines
G56  90 and even the Celestial Bed being sold up to pay bad debts. ^Graham
G56  91 returned to his native land and was soon in trouble with the
G56  92 magistrates of Edinburgh for giving a lecture *'deemed improper for
G56  93 public discussions.**' ^Apparently Scottish public opinion was not as
G56  94 broadminded as its English counterpart for Graham repeatedly fell foul
G56  95 of the law and was even imprisoned in the Tollbooth for *'his late
G56  96 injurious publications in this City.**'
G56  97    |^During the years 1784 and 1785, Graham may have had some ideas of
G56  98 becoming a regular physician for he attended lectures in Chemistry,
G56  99 Anatomy, the practice and theory of Medicine and {Materia Medica} at
G56 100 Edinburgh University. ^He never qualified, however. ^A little later he
G56 101 showed signs that his former eccentricities were leading him along a
G56 102 path that was to end in insanity. ^In 1788 he was sent off from
G56 103 Whitehaven to Edinburgh, *'in the custody of two constables as this
G56 104 unfortunate man had, for some days past, discovered such marks of
G56 105 insanity as made it advisable to remove him.**'
G56 106    |^Graham had for some years been devoting more of his time to an
G56 107 obsessional type of religious activity. ^His pamphlets and tracts at
G56 108 this time demonstrate characteristics suggestive of schizophrenia, and
G56 109 it has been put forward that Graham became a drug addict. ^In view of
G56 110 the strong ideas that he held with reference to drugs, and there is
G56 111 good evidence in his writing that he practised what he preached to his
G56 112 dying day, this would seem to be unlikely. ^Whatever the precise
G56 113 diagnosis, it is evident that Graham suffered from some form of mental
G56 114 derangement which steadily and progressively dominated him. ^And yet
G56 115 he had relatively lucid intervals.
G56 116    |^During his more sensible periods James was up to all his old
G56 117 tricks again. ^Before he had left London, after the Temple of Health
G56 118 closed, he introduced a new craze in an exhibition in Panton Street,
G56 119 Haymarket. ^Henry Angelo's description of this is worth while quoting
G56 120 in full. ^*'I was present at one of his evening lectures on the
G56 121 benefits arising from earth-bathing (as Graham called it), and in
G56 122 addition to a crowded audience of men, many ladies were there to
G56 123 listen to his delicate lectures. ^In the centre of the room was a pile
G56 124 of earth in the middle of which was a pit where a stool was placed: we
G56 125 waited for some time when much impatience was manifested, and after
G56 126 repeated calls of ~*"Doctor, Doctor!**" he actually made his
G56 127 appearance *"{en chemise}.**" ^After making his bow he seated
G56 128 himself on the stool. ^Then two men with shovels began to place the
G56 129 mould in the cavity: as it approached to the pit of his stomach he
G56 130 kept lifting up his shirt and at last took it entirely off, the earth
G56 131 being up to his chin and the doctor being left in {puris
G56 132 naturalibus}. ^He then began his lecture, expatiating on the
G56 133 excellent qualities of the earth bath, how invigorating it was, \0etc.
G56 134 ^Quite enough to call up the chaste blushes of the modest ladies.
G56 135 ^Whether it was the men felt for the chastity of the female audience,
G56 136 or that they had had quite enough of this imposing information, which
G56 137 lasted above an hour, either the hearers got tired or some wished to
G56 138 make themselves merry at the Doctor's expense and there was a cry of
G56 139 ~*"Doctor, a song!**" ^The Doctor nodded assent and after a few
G56 140 preparatory Hems, he sang or rather repeated,
G56 141    |The fair married dames who so often deplore,
G56 142    |That a lover once lost is a lover no more.**'
G56 143    |^He gave various similar exhibitions about the country until 1790.
G56 144 ^During the last few years of his life there is ample evidence that
G56 145 Graham's mind was obsessed with religious mania and that he was
G56 146 becoming, eventually, a victim of his own tomfoolery. ^In his last
G56 147 pamphlet he signed an affidavit dated 3rd April, 1793, *'that from the
G56 148 last day of December, 1792 to the 15th day of January, 1793 he neither
G56 149 ate, drank, nor took anything but cold water, sustaining life by
G56 150 wearing cut up turves against his naked body, and rubbing his limbs
G56 151 with his own nervous ethereal balsam.**' ^The latter was one of his
G56 152 famous quack medicines originally dispensed at the Temple of Health.
G56 153 ^This was a feeble attempt to get back into the public eye. ^His
G56 154 health failed rapidly and he died at his house opposite the Archer's
G56 155 Hall in Edinburgh on 26th June, 1794 from a sudden haemorrhage.
G56 156    |^Getting such a flamboyant character as Graham into perspective is
G56 157 not easy. ^That he was an out and out Quack is of course fairly
G56 158 established. ^But he had qualities that distinguished him from the
G56 159 majority of his brethren.
G56 160    |^First of all he had great personal courage. ^There is the
G56 161 evidence that he went as far afield as America to make his fortune in
G56 162 times when travel was a hazardous adventure. ^He also had the courage
G56 163 to gamble everything he had on what must have been a hunch when he
G56 164 established his Temples of Health. ^Graham also had a first-class
G56 165 brain. ^He could judge people and handle them adroitly. ^In London
G56 166 anyway his judgement seldom failed him. ^Scottish public opinion,
G56 167 incredibly enough he misjudged badly. ^Probably he had become too
G56 168 anglicised by 1783 to be sound in his assessment of the minds of his
G56 169 countrymen. ^Originality and foresight were well developed in Graham's
G56 170 personality and his ideas and teaching on hygienic and social problems
G56 171 were years ahead of his Age.
G56 172    |^The opinion of orthodox medical practitioners on Quacks is always
G56 173 interesting. ^Apparently Graham, although dubbed a charlatan by most
G56 174 of the doctors, was much sought after for cures by members of the
G56 175 profession itself. ^One example is the case of \0Dr Glen. ^This
G56 176 Edinburgh character was a man not noted for his generosity. ^One of
G56 177 his few actions of public spirit was to present a bell for the local
G56 178 orphanage. ^(His fame was said thus to be sounded throughout the
G56 179 City.) ^\0Dr Glen was rather at a loss to know what to give \0Dr
G56 180 Graham in the way of a professional fee after he had cured him of an
G56 181 eye complaint. ^Some members of the Edinburgh Faculty suggested asking
G56 182 the *'good doctor**' to dine at a fashionable tavern and presenting
G56 183 him with a purse containing 30 guineas. ^\0Dr Glen was privately
G56 184 assured that Graham would decline the gift. ^To his chagrin Graham at
G56 185 once accepted it *'with a very low bow and graciously thanked him
G56 186 kindly.**'
G56 187 *# 2014
G57   1 **[244 TEXT G57**]
G57   2 *<*2THE REVEREND \0D. SHERWIN BAILEY, {0*0Ph.D.}*>
G57   3 *<*4Public Morality and the Criminal Law*>
G57   4    |^*6W*2HEN THE WOLFENDEN *0(Homosexual Offences and Prostitution)
G57   5 Report appeared in 1957, interest was focussed mainly upon its
G57   6 proposals for revision of the law, and especially that relating to
G57   7 certain forms of criminal homosexualism. ^In subsequent discussion,
G57   8 Parliamentary debate, and legislation (the Street Offences Act, 1958),
G57   9 legal reform of one kind or another has continued to be the dominant
G57  10 issue. ^Recently, however, attention has been directed to a question
G57  11 of greater ultimate importance, namely, the juridical principle stated
G57  12 in Chapter *=2 of the Report, and emphasized from time to time in the
G57  13 chapters which followed. ^Some of the implications of this principle
G57  14 are considered in a valuable essay contributed to the Church of
G57  15 England Moral Welfare Council's current series of pamphlets, a review
G57  16 of which affords an occasion to survey the course of the discussion to
G57  17 date.
G57  18    |^Expressed in the simplest terms, the *"Wolfenden principle**"
G57  19 asserts that for legal purposes crime cannot be equated with sin*-
G57  20 that moral and legal wrongdoing are not necessarily one and the same,
G57  21 and that consequently there is a realm of private morality in which
G57  22 the operative sanctions are ethical, and the determinant of right
G57  23 behaviour is personal responsibility and not fear of criminal
G57  24 penalties*- a realm, therefore, into which it is not the law's
G57  25 business to intrude. ^It was inevitable that such a principle should
G57  26 arouse criticism. ^It has been objected that the implied distinction
G57  27 between crime and sin is superficial, that private morality cannot be
G57  28 isolated from public, that the delimitation of a realm of private
G57  29 morality exempt from the sanctions of the criminal law deprives the
G57  30 law of its preceptive function and its power of moral restraint*- and
G57  31 so on. ^Such criticism showed the need for a thorough examination of
G57  32 the principle itself, and of the relation which it implied between law
G57  33 and morality. ^Is there any connection between sin and crime; and
G57  34 should the criminal law attempt to define or enforce morality, and
G57  35 punish immorality? ^These were some of the questions which Sir Patrick
G57  36 (now Lord Justice) Devlin set out to consider in his Maccabaean
G57  37 Lecture delivered in March 1959.
G57  38    |^Lord Devlin recognized that the criminal law cannot now justify
G57  39 itself simply by reference to a moral law; since the State leaves
G57  40 religion to the private judgement and does not enforce any particular,
G57  41 or indeed any, belief, it has forfeited its right to enforce a
G57  42 morality founded on religious doctrine. ^What then must provide the
G57  43 basis for the criminal law? ^In order to answer this question, three
G57  44 others must be asked: ^Has society the right to pass moral judgements?
G57  45 ^If it has, may it enforce its judgements by law? ^And if so, may the
G57  46 law be invoked in all cases, or may exceptions be made*- and on what
G57  47 grounds? ^Lord Devlin replies on the following lines:
G57  48    |^Society has a right to pass moral judgements because the very
G57  49 notion of society implies a community of ideas and, therefore, a
G57  50 common morality founded upon general agreement as to what is good and
G57  51 what is evil; and the individual must submit to the bondage of this
G57  52 common morality as part of the price which he must pay for the society
G57  53 which he needs. ^It follows that society has the right also to
G57  54 legislate against anything that constitutes a breach of the common
G57  55 morality and, therefore, a threat to the common good. ^To this right
G57  56 no theoretical limit can be set; the attempt of the Wolfenden
G57  57 Committee to set such a limit by introducing the qualifying idea of
G57  58 exploitation of human weakness as a special circumstance warranting
G57  59 the intervention of the law, is vitiated by the simple fact that all
G57  60 wrong-doing involves exploitation of some kind. ^None the less,
G57  61 flexibility is necessary in practice. ^Morality embraces both public
G57  62 and private interests, and they must be reconciled in such a way as to
G57  63 permit the maximum individual freedom consistent with the integrity of
G57  64 society; but the limit of toleration is reached when a *"real feeling
G57  65 of reprobation**" is aroused. ^Society's standard of moral judgement
G57  66 is that of the *"reasonable man**"*- *"the man on the Clapham
G57  67 omnibus,**" and when anything excites him to emotions of
G57  68 *"intolerance, indignation, and disgust,**" it is an indication of the
G57  69 presence of immorality demanding the intervention of the law. ^It is
G57  70 true, of course, that the limits of tolerance shift; but the law
G57  71 reacts slowly to such changes, and the tendency is to avoid any
G57  72 alterations or concessions which might convey an impression of
G57  73 weakened moral judgement.
G57  74    |^Thus the right of the law to enforce morality is explained and
G57  75 defended. ^Finally, the claim is advanced that there is a definite and
G57  76 proper relation between crime and sin. ^Morality is necessary to
G57  77 society, but it must be taught (which is the office of religion) as
G57  78 well as enforced (which is the office of law); religion, therefore
G57  79 (which in a Western context means the Christian religion) is the
G57  80 ultimate basis of the public morality expressed in the standards of
G57  81 conduct approved by the *"reasonable man,**" even though the law
G57  82 cannot enforce that morality on doctrinal grounds, but only on grounds
G57  83 of general acceptance by society.
G57  84    |^Lord Devlin's argument, in effect, amounts to a repudiation of
G57  85 the liberal principal **[SIC**] that the only justification for
G57  86 coercion of the individual by the community is to prevent harm to
G57  87 others*- for this is the principle implicit in the postulation by the
G57  88 Wolfenden Committee of a realm of private morality into which it is
G57  89 not the law's business to intrude. ^In a broadcast criticism of *1The
G57  90 Enforcement of Morals, *0the Professor of Jurisprudence in the
G57  91 University of Oxford observes that the novel feature of Lord Devlin's
G57  92 lecture is his view of the nature of morality*- that while earlier
G57  93 opponents of the liberal view have rejected it on the ground that
G57  94 morality is in fact self-evident, being based on divine commands or
G57  95 the rational conclusions of human reason, he founds it rather upon
G57  96 something primarily subjective: the feeling of the *"man on the
G57  97 Clapham omnibus.**" ^The latter is the type of that legal fiction, the
G57  98 *"reasonable man**"*- and *"reasonable,**" as Lord Devlin points out,
G57  99 does not mean *"rational.**" ^The attitude of this *"reasonable man**"
G57 100 may be nothing but a bundle of emotional prejudices; but if the
G57 101 majority in a society shares his feelings, a common morality is
G57 102 established, and according to Lord Devlin's theory, may be enforced by
G57 103 law.
G57 104    |^Professor Hart subjects this view to a searching scrutiny. ^Its
G57 105 fatal weakness, of course, lies in the fact that if a general attitude
G57 106 of intolerance, indignation, and disgust may in some instances be
G57 107 well-founded, in others it may equally be due to prejudice,
G57 108 superstition, ignorance, or misunderstanding. ^It would be disastrous
G57 109 if the law had no firmer basis than the emotions of the majority*- if
G57 110 dispassionate reason, knowledge, and common-sense were not also
G57 111 allowed a voice in its determination. ^Yet this is precisely what has
G57 112 happened in the realm of private morality which is concerned with
G57 113 sexual relation. **[SIC**] ^Homosexual practices between men in
G57 114 private are deemed to be criminal (but not lesbianism, fornication, or
G57 115 adultery) simply because such practices arouse in the *"reasonable
G57 116 man**" feelings of reprobation so strong as to demand expression in
G57 117 repressive statutes. ^It is not difficult to explain why the emotions
G57 118 of the *"reasonable man**" are excited by the thought of homosexualism
G57 119 and not by the thought of fornication or adultery; but to explain such
G57 120 emotions does not make them right or rational. ^Lord Devlin's
G57 121 conception of public morality could be invoked to defend our
G57 122 persecution of witches in the past, or the various forms of racial
G57 123 discrimination with which we are only too familiar to-day.
G57 124    |^Before legal effect is given to the judgements of a public
G57 125 morality based on feeling, it is necessary to ask whether behaviour
G57 126 which is emotionally offensive to the majority (or which the majority
G57 127 can be induced to regard as emotionally offensive) is harmful, either
G57 128 in itself or in its repercussion upon the general moral code. ^In
G57 129 Professor Hart's view, Lord Devlin does not satisfactorily consider
G57 130 and answer this question. ^He recognizes that a morality based upon
G57 131 the consensus of a majority, even if that consensus is one mainly of
G57 132 feeling, is essentially a democratic notion, and that democracy means
G57 133 the running of risks which are inseparable from majority rule. ^But he
G57 134 insists that loyalty to democratic principles does not require us to
G57 135 maximize these risks, *"yet this is what we shall do if we mount the
G57 136 man in the street on top of the Clapham omnibus and tell him that if
G57 137 only he feels sick enough about what other people do in private to
G57 138 demand its suppression by law, no theoretical criticism can be made of
G57 139 his demand**". ^And in this connection it is well to remember the
G57 140 adventitious and irrelevant means by which such sickness can be
G57 141 induced*- the propaganda and pressures of many dubious kinds which can
G57 142 build up artificial emotions of reprobation to the point where they
G57 143 have to find expression, and may do so through the law.
G57 144    |^On the other hand, it is good and necessary that society should
G57 145 be able to give authoritative expression to its genuine and
G57 146 well-founded moral judgements. ^This is most appropriately done, in
G57 147 Lord Devlin's view, by means of legal sanctions*- a method which
G57 148 Professor Hart clearly repudiates, though he suggests no alternative;
G57 149 in fact, this is a matter with which he is not directly concerned.
G57 150 ^For consideration of such an alternative, we must turn to the essay
G57 151 by \0Mr. Quentin Edwards to which reference has already been made.
G57 152    |^More precisely than the other two authors he distinguishes
G57 153 between moral codes and criminal codes, and between sin, crime, and
G57 154 immorality. ^As to the first division, moral codes are mainly
G57 155 hortative and must be flexible enough to bring under condemnation even
G57 156 those offences, the culpability of which can only be measured
G57 157 subjectively; while criminal codes are almost entirely prohibitive,
G57 158 and must be rigid enough to define offences so exactly as to reduce to
G57 159 a minimum the degree of discretion vested in the magistracy. ^As to
G57 160 the second: sin is commonly defined as the contravention of God's will
G57 161 by thought, word, deed, or the omission to do what is enjoined, and
G57 162 must not be confused with crime (behaviour which is declared to be
G57 163 punishable by the law) or with immorality (behaviour which is below,
G57 164 or contrary to, the standards of current public morality); nor must
G57 165 crime and immorality be treated as necessarily synonymous, for not all
G57 166 declensions from public moral standards are regarded as meriting
G57 167 criminal penalties.
G57 168    |^From these distinctions it is apparent that there is a group of
G57 169 wrongs or offences which are sinful or immoral (or both) but not
G57 170 criminal, and are also public in the sense that they may involve
G57 171 others than the agent, and are capable of disturbing the harmony of
G57 172 society. ^Into this intermediate category come offences such as
G57 173 slander, and also acts of venereal wrongdoing. ^Although they are not
G57 174 criminal, they are for all that unlawful, either in the strict sense
G57 175 of lacking the express approval or protection of the law, or in the
G57 176 broad sense that they are contrary to the accepted standards of good
G57 177 morals or the implications of the common law. ^This conception of the
G57 178 *"unlawful,**" as \0Mr. Edwards admits, is necessarily somewhat
G57 179 imprecise, especially in the sexual realm, where *"the law's sexual
G57 180 morality is the highest common moral factor of the mass of the
G57 181 people**"*- a definition which does not seem to differ greatly in
G57 182 substance from Lord Devlin's idea of public morality, and is open to
G57 183 the criticisms made by Professor Hart. ^None the less it has practical
G57 184 value because, among other things, it would enable the law to register
G57 185 and declare in the least objectionable way the current moral
G57 186 judgements of society.
G57 187    |^At present, such judgements can only be expressed through the
G57 188 sanctions of the criminal law; whether or not they are so expressed
G57 189 depends, as we have seen, upon the emotional attitude of the community
G57 190 to the behaviour upon which its verdict is being passed.
G57 191 *# 2015
G58   1 **[245 TEXT G58**]
G58   2 ^*0Further he has been given a spacious environment in which to
G58   3 develop these intellectual powers, and the atmosphere of discovery and
G58   4 inquiry with which he has been surrounded has been intended to
G58   5 stimulate his curiosity and capacity for independent judgement.
G58   6    |^Given then, these two types of institution*- the broadly general
G58   7 non-vocational university and the specialist vocational college*- as
G58   8 the existing pattern of higher education, how do we see it in the
G58   9 future? ^If the experience of the Robbins Committee resembles that of
G58  10 the Crowther Committee, it is pretty certain to find*- at least, I
G58  11 shall be surprised if it does not find*- that there is far greater
G58  12 scope and far greater need for higher education than we are at present
G58  13 providing in this country. ^If, as I suspect, there are many missing
G58  14 it for one reason or another who ought in their own, and in the public
G58  15 interest, to be having full-time education after the age of 18; and if
G58  16 we are determined, as we ought to be, that they shall have a more
G58  17 adequate opportunity, we *1could *0add the extra numbers to the
G58  18 universities and to the specialist colleges in a proportion similar to
G58  19 that already existing between them. ^By another choice, we could alter
G58  20 the existing balance and send a disproportionate number of the
G58  21 increase into either the universities or into the specialist colleges.
G58  22 ^Thirdly, we could invent new types of institution and find a suitable
G58  23 method of determining how the total of young people qualified for
G58  24 higher education should distribute themselves in the most appropriate
G58  25 way between the different types of institution.
G58  26    |^I am inclined to suspect that any attempt to determine {6*1a
G58  27 priori} *0the proper proportions of young people who should go to
G58  28 different types of institution would be of very doubtful value. ^It is,
G58  29 of course, true that the number of places*- especially science
G58  30 places*- in a university or a college is, in the short run, fixed by
G58  31 physical conditions. ^But it is also true that, in the long run, the
G58  32 numerical relationship between the young people in different kinds of
G58  33 institution will be determined by the choices of the young people
G58  34 themselves and by what their parents and their school-masters think
G58  35 they will get out of one kind of place rather than another.
G58  36 ^Prediction about how these choices will be made is, at best, a mere
G58  37 guess. ^We do not know how much the attraction of students towards
G58  38 universities is the result of their monopoly of the degree-giving
G58  39 power. ^Suppose, for example, that other types of institution than
G58  40 universities were given permission to award degrees, how would this
G58  41 affect the candidates' choices? ^It is impossible to say and only
G58  42 experience could decide.
G58  43    |^The moral, which it seems to me we ought to draw from these
G58  44 considerations, is that we should make as clear to ourselves as
G58  45 possible what the ro*?5le of the different types of institution is:
G58  46 what each offers: what does each conceive its task to be; if we do
G58  47 this, then the choice of the young and the advice of their parents and
G58  48 their schools, will be as well-informed as it can be, and those who
G58  49 seek to take the university road, or the other possible roads, will be
G58  50 self-chosen on the best information that is open to them.
G58  51    |^My subject is the universities; and so I come to the question of
G58  52 what the university does or should do for the young. ^I want to spend
G58  53 a little time in seeking some answers to this question.
G58  54    |^Of course, first of all, the university prepares them for their
G58  55 job in life*- but not, as I have already said, by giving them a
G58  56 know-how which is restricted to any particular type of occupation. ^It
G58  57 does not nowadays prepare them only for the learned professions as it
G58  58 tended to do as recently as even fifty years ago. ^The function of the
G58  59 university is to bring the young people entrusted to it to the height
G58  60 of their intellectual powers by setting them to do a very exacting
G58  61 academic task. ^I emphasize the word *'academic**' because the
G58  62 practice of our universities has been based upon the assumption that
G58  63 young men destined for one of a great variety of tasks in life*- in
G58  64 public life, in the schools, in law or in the Church, in the public
G58  65 services, in industry and commerce*- will be better prepared if for
G58  66 three or four formative and very important years of their lives they
G58  67 undertake at the university courses of study in common with those who
G58  68 are going to be scholars. ^There can be no doubt that this tradition
G58  69 has left its mark indelibly upon the social, political, educational
G58  70 and industrial fabric of this country. ^It has given the universities
G58  71 public responsibility and prevented them from being what are called
G58  72 *'ivory towers**'. ^Thus, the effect upon them has been profound;
G58  73 they, in their turn, have deeply affected, through those whom they
G58  74 have taught, the course of public life and of our affairs in general.
G58  75 ^The Member of Parliament who has read his history at the university
G58  76 in friendly rivalry with the future historian, inevitably reflects in
G58  77 his parliamentary behaviour the academic experience through which he
G58  78 has passed. ^The fact that \0Mr. Gladstone could have been a professor
G58  79 was profoundly important both for the university which missed his
G58  80 services and for the party and public life which gained them.
G58  81    |^The second thing which the university does is to give to its
G58  82 students a special experience in which they gain an abiding insight
G58  83 into a university's perspective. ^Judged by the standards of ordinary
G58  84 daily life, university life is, in some senses, an odd one and
G58  85 university people seem, perhaps, to the layman outside, rather odd
G58  86 people. ^I need not try to explain at length why this should be so; I
G58  87 will just say this: on the one hand, normal daily life is largely
G58  88 concerned with the problems of the present or those of the quite near
G58  89 future, with the hopes and anxieties of day-to-day existence; on the
G58  90 other hand, the universities live in a world with a quite different
G58  91 time-scale, and the problems which exercise the academic mind belong
G58  92 to that world. ^For instance, they are interested in the past*- not
G58  93 only of yesterday but of fifty, a hundred, even millions of years ago.
G58  94 ^They are interested, too, in the future, but they are as likely to be
G58  95 interested in the problems of many centuries ahead as in those of only
G58  96 fifty years from now. ^They are interested less in the day-to-day
G58  97 behaviour of men or things than in the laws that govern that behaviour
G58  98 or explain it. ^They are concerned less with the appearance of things
G58  99 than with the underlying nature of which that appearance is a
G58 100 reflection. ^I have perhaps said enough to indicate why the practical
G58 101 workaday man thinks that university people, are, as he would put it,
G58 102 *'out of this world**'. ^Of course, they are. ^Rightly regarded, the
G58 103 academic is indispensable to civilization only so long as he remains
G58 104 academic in the sense I have described. ^For his part, he is entirely
G58 105 right to be indifferent to the charge of belonging to a world of his
G58 106 own, in which the practical man of affairs would be ill-at-ease.
G58 107    |^One hopes, therefore, for the young man or woman who is to spend
G58 108 three or four years at the university that they will take something of
G58 109 this spirit out into the world with them. ^Some, indeed, will be
G58 110 captured by the spirit of the place and will be at home with academic
G58 111 values and wish to spend their lives cultivating them. ^Among these
G58 112 will be found the professors and university teachers of the next
G58 113 generation. ^Others will fall under its influence only for a time and
G58 114 will then return to the world outside; but not, one hopes, to be ever
G58 115 quite the same again. ^For we, in the universities, hope that they
G58 116 will see the problems of here-and-now*- whether they are the problems
G58 117 of personal conduct, of public affairs, of art and literature, of
G58 118 science and its applications*- illuminated by the studies of their
G58 119 university years. ^In other words, what the student needs from the
G58 120 university is not just a little (or even just a great deal) more
G58 121 competence in the subjects he has studied at school; not just to have
G58 122 a few rough edges knocked off his mind; not just to learn more
G58 123 elaborate intellectual skills; not what, in the modern idiom, is
G58 124 called *'know-how**'. ^He is going to be a member for three or four
G58 125 years of a society which has its own characteristic way of life. ^From
G58 126 it, he can learn much that will enrich both his personal life and the
G58 127 service which he can give to his own day and generation. ^Of course,
G58 128 the student must leave the university a master of the field he has
G58 129 chosen for his own, whether it be chemistry or history, Oriental
G58 130 languages, or engineering science; but in helping him to find that
G58 131 mastery the university must also help him to catch a glimpse and to
G58 132 acquire a taste for the *'other worldliness**' of which I have spoken.
G58 133    |^The third thing the university does for its young people is to
G58 134 give them their education and the experience of which I have talked,
G58 135 in a special kind of environment. ^It is, of course, a protected and,
G58 136 in some ways, an artifical kind of environment. ^But it is not, for
G58 137 that reason, without great power to impress itself upon their minds
G58 138 and to retain its impression upon them for the rest of their lives.
G58 139 ^The society to which I myself belonged in my own College at Oxford
G58 140 was, as I well recall, of this latter sort. ^From the day of our entry
G58 141 we were taught by the ethos of the place, rather than by any formal
G58 142 instruction, to feel that its strength lay in the diversity of
G58 143 experience which its members brought to the common stock. ^When we
G58 144 were joined by a new kind of undergraduate of a different nationality,
G58 145 race or colour from a part of the world which had never supplied a
G58 146 member before we felt that it was a stronger and better place. ^The
G58 147 first time that an extra-mural scholar arrived, fresh from his job as
G58 148 a 'bus driver in Bristol, we were prone to believe that the College
G58 149 had, in some way, been strengthened. ^When a German Rhodes scholar
G58 150 first returned to the College after the First World War we felt that
G58 151 it was a better place. ^We were taught in other words, that the ideal
G58 152 society was one in which every single member made his own unique
G58 153 contribution to the diversity of gifts which we disposed of in common.
G58 154 ^And, by implication, we learnt that uniformity and the repetition of
G58 155 identical experiences were a weakness and something to be avoided. ^We
G58 156 were, of course, free to accept or reject this philosophy which
G58 157 underlay our common life; but looking back on it I feel that the young
G58 158 men of the '30s, the successors of my generation, were, in fact,
G58 159 prepared in the most positive possible way to know their mind when the
G58 160 challenge of the dictatorships fell across Europe. ^For this part of
G58 161 our education there was no formal, overt teaching. ^What we learned
G58 162 cut across the boundaries of social groups, of religions, of
G58 163 nationality and of race; it was a lesson equally on offer to arts men
G58 164 and scientists; it was among the most effective teaching that I have
G58 165 ever known.
G58 166    |^Another thing that a university should try to do for its
G58 167 undergraduates is to help them to become their own masters. ^As my
G58 168 experience of universities has widened, I have become more than ever
G58 169 convinced of the importance of this function.
G58 170    |^The university years, though primarily for the training of the
G58 171 intellect, have never been thought to be without their importance in
G58 172 the training of character. ^Indeed, in some quarters it has been made
G58 173 a subject of reproach that our universities have laid too great an
G58 174 emphasis on the training of character.
G58 175 *# 2012
G59   1 **[246 TEXT G59**]
G59   2 ^*0(It is curious to recall that it is not very long since the main
G59   3 complaint of the critics of the Monarchy was that it exercised too
G59   4 much hidden authority: this was certainly the complaint made, until
G59   5 recently, of George *=5's behaviour during the constitutional crisis
G59   6 of 1931.) ^The fact is that the evidence available to us makes it
G59   7 clear that the Sovereign still exercises considerable power, even if
G59   8 this power commonly takes the form only of personal influence, is an
G59   9 expression only of the constitutional right to be consulted, to
G59  10 advise, and to warn.
G59  11    |^There are several examples of the exercise of this personal
G59  12 influence in Sir Harold Nicolson's *1Life of King George *=5, *0and
G59  13 the little evidence available to us about the use of his position of
G59  14 influence by King George *=6 suggests that tradition and habit*- to
G59  15 say nothing of hereditary streaks of character*- combine strongly to
G59  16 ensure that the right to advise and to warn is not something which
G59  17 either the Sovereign or his Ministers take lightly. ^If anything, the
G59  18 present reign is likely to see a steady increase in the influence of
G59  19 the Sovereign. ^\0Mr. Muggeridge bashfully claims that he has no
G59  20 knowledge of the present members of the Royal Family. ^But I am sure
G59  21 that he does know that the present Queen is reputed to be a very
G59  22 strong-willed young woman, able and ready to make her views known and
G59  23 heeded, that she has, at worst, a strong streak of Hanoverian
G59  24 pig-headedness, and, at best, an unusual strength of character and
G59  25 clarity of purpose. ^This is of no little importance: even Lytton
G59  26 Strachey was, in the end, no match for the character of Queen
G59  27 Victoria, and this may well be the reason why \0Mr. Muggeridge chooses
G59  28 to ignore the known character of her great-great-granddaughter.
G59  29    |^Of no less importance is the fact that the present Queen is
G59  30 likely to reign for a very long time: longer, perhaps, even than Queen
G59  31 Victoria. ^The length of Queen Victoria's reign, her accumulated
G59  32 experience, her growing personal ascendancy over Ministers who
G59  33 naturally stood in awe of so formidable an historical figure, her
G59  34 ascendancy even over the heads of foreign powers, even when they were
G59  35 not her own children or grandchildren: all these were an important
G59  36 reason for the exceptional influence which she came to exercise.
G59  37 ^There seems every possibility that the present Queen will
G59  38 increasingly come to occupy something of the same position. ^However
G59  39 much the facts of power may change, the influence of an experienced
G59  40 and knowing old woman, who had been at the head of her State for fifty
G59  41 years while heads of the {0*2U.S.A.} *0or the {0*2U.S.S.R.} *0or
G59  42 even the Chinese Republic had come and gone, could not count for
G59  43 nothing*- even in the world which \0Mr. Muggeridge sometimes fearfully
G59  44 imagines will exist in 2002.
G59  45    |^How do we expect this exceptional position of influence, which
G59  46 confers real personal power, to be used? ^Much, and the answer, again,
G59  47 is best given in personal terms, as George *=5 interpreted his duties
G59  48 and, so far as we know, George *=6 also. ^George *=5 had a strict and
G59  49 unerring understanding of the important conventions of the
G59  50 constitution: this proved to be of untold value during the crisis of
G59  51 January, 1924, when he resisted the most powerful pressures which were
G59  52 put on him to keep the Labour Party out of office. ^To his instinctive
G59  53 behaviour on that occasion we can, in part, attribute the development
G59  54 of the Labour Party within the Parliamentary system instead of outside
G59  55 it, at a time when Left-wing movements throughout Europe became
G59  56 e*?2migre*?2 groups within their own countries.
G59  57    |^Holding the ring*- for this is what such conduct is*- is not
G59  58 confined to strict constitutional questions. ^In Sir Harold Nicolson's
G59  59 biography, there are many examples of George *=5's anxiety that the
G59  60 dominant party or even interest should not, *1so far as it was within
G59  61 his power to influence decisions, *0ride roughshod over the rights of
G59  62 any of his people. ^Twice during the General Strike, for example, he
G59  63 spontaneously and effectively intervened to prevent the more extreme
G59  64 elements in the Conservative Government from unjustly or cruelly
G59  65 treating the strikers. ^Interventions of this kind cannot be ignored,
G59  66 and neither can their importance. ^It is no small thing, in an age of
G59  67 strong party government, to have excesses of party spirit rebuked by
G59  68 one to whom Ministers are constitutionally bound to listen; and that
G59  69 they do listen is apparent from all that we know of the Labour
G59  70 Governments of 1945-51, and the little that we know of the history of
G59  71 the Conservative Governments which have held office since then.
G59  72    |^It is apt to make people uncomfortable to-day to talk of duty,
G59  73 especially of duty in high places. ^But no one can read the
G59  74 biographies of George *=5 and George *=6, which are not sycophantic,
G59  75 without realising that it was a simple, almost nai"ve, conception of
G59  76 their duty to their subjects, all their subjects, for it affected even
G59  77 George *=5's attitude to the Indian question, which inspired most of
G59  78 their actions, and certainly their actions at all critical moments. ^I
G59  79 state this as a cold fact, which no one who is not blinded by
G59  80 preconception can fail to recognise in the available evidence. ^It is
G59  81 equally apparent, from the available evidence that the very simplicity
G59  82 of this conception of duty has normally had, and cannot fail normally
G59  83 to have, a softening and civilising influence on those engaged in the
G59  84 embittering struggle for power. ^There are ideas and conceptions, as
G59  85 Professor Butterfield has reminded us, which are none the less real
G59  86 merely because it is only thinking which has made them so.
G59  87    |
G59  88    |^*2MARC BLOCH'S ACCOUNT *0of the collapse of France in 1940 is,
G59  89 for the comparisons it affords, not irrelevant to the point I am
G59  90 trying to make. ^He there accuses the rulers and seducers of the
G59  91 French people before 1940 of showing *"complete ignorance of the high
G59  92 nobility which lies unexpressed in the hearts of a people which, like
G59  93 ours, has behind it a long history of political action.**" ^It is not
G59  94 a sentimental, but a precise point which he makes: it is the length of
G59  95 a people's political tradition to which he draws our attention, and
G59  96 the failure of the inherent nobility of the French political tradition
G59  97 to find worthy expression before and during 1940. ^A similar nobility,
G59  98 inherent in the British political tradition, did find expression in
G59  99 1940. ^It is a foolhardy man, surely, who believes that the contrast
G59 100 had nothing to do with the expression of the tradition through, not
G59 101 only the Monarchy as an institution, but also the personal characters
G59 102 and examples set by George *=5 and George *=6.
G59 103    |^The ingraining of this tradition in the British Royal Family*-
G59 104 and I cannot see how it could more surely be accomplished than by the
G59 105 passing on of a tradition within a family*- seems to me of real value
G59 106 to the country. ^It is for this reason that most of the sentimental
G59 107 talk about the education of a modern Sovereign is so alarmingly
G59 108 irrelevant. ^Day by day, week by week, year by year, the Queen is
G59 109 invited, by her self-appointed advisers, to send her eldest child to a
G59 110 State school, to *"bring him up like other children**": advice which
G59 111 may be relevant to the education of a citizen, but not to the
G59 112 education of a constitutional Sovereign. ^There seems to be little
G59 113 doubt that the inculcation of the habits of mind and behaviour of a
G59 114 constitutional Sovereign has been successfully achieved in the cases
G59 115 of George *=5, George *=6, and the present Queen. ^I see no reason why
G59 116 we should be prepared to barter the prospect of a first-class
G59 117 Sovereign for the certainty of yet another second-class citizen. ^It
G59 118 seems a mean exchange.
G59 119    |
G59 120    |^*2IT IS CURIOUS *0that \0Mr. Muggeridge, who is rightly anxious
G59 121 that people should adapt themselves to the realities of their changed
G59 122 positions, does not understand the role of the Monarchy in helping to
G59 123 make the uncomfortable facts of life acceptable. ^It is easy to laugh
G59 124 at the sight of the Labour Ministers of 1924, attired, a little
G59 125 ridiculously, in Court dress. ^But, except to a few irreconcilables of
G59 126 the Left, the pomp and the display were a small price to pay for the
G59 127 visible evidence that the Sovereign, the known repository of the
G59 128 nation's political experience, had accepted the Labour Party as his
G59 129 advisers, and had accepted them in the same manner and with the same
G59 130 marks of respect, given and received, as the representatives of either
G59 131 of the two established, middle-class, parties.
G59 132    |^Nor do I understand how \0Mr. Muggeridge, and those who argue
G59 133 like him, can deny the value of the Monarchy in making even more
G59 134 difficult changes, not only popularly acceptable, but acceptable even
G59 135 to those most likely not to be reconciled to them. ^The transference
G59 136 of power in British territories since 1945 has been made considerably
G59 137 easier by the presence and actions, even by the courtesy, of the two
G59 138 reigning monarchs. ^Again, one may smile at the speed with which \0Mr.
G59 139 Nehru or even Archbishop Makarios is transformed from being one of Her
G59 140 Majesty's guests-in-prison into one of Her Majesty's guests at
G59 141 Buckingham Palace. ^But he seems to me someone ill-qualified to
G59 142 observe or comment on public affairs who denies the importance of such
G59 143 things. ^Those pictures of *"The Queen and her Ministers,**" which are
G59 144 reproduced on the back page of *1The Times *0at every Commonwealth
G59 145 conference, are worth contemplating. ^One may, like \0Mr. Muggeridge,
G59 146 sometimes wryly observe that the number of Prime Ministers seems to
G59 147 increase in direct proportion as the number of territories directly
G59 148 subject to Her Majesty declines. ^But in the end, one must, if one is
G59 149 not jaundiced, admit that they are a notable tribute to the capacity
G59 150 of the British for accepting inevitable change. ^The acceptance of
G59 151 reality in Algeria might have been considerably easier for the
G59 152 \*1colons *0and the Army, if there had been the symbol of an accepted
G59 153 Sovereign to emphasise the continuity which exists in all established
G59 154 societies in spite of actual change. ^It becomes less necessary to cry
G59 155 {*1Algerie Franc*?6aise}, *0or something like it, when the fiction
G59 156 of the headship of the Commonwealth makes visible the abiding
G59 157 connections which unite one society to another.
G59 158    |
G59 159    |^*2THE SYMBOLIC MEANING *0of the Monarchy is the most important
G59 160 and at the same time the most difficult and confusing of all its many
G59 161 aspects. ^What does the Monarchy mean to those who cherish it? ^This
G59 162 question must be answered with more than a little care for other
G59 163 people's needs and feelings. ^It may well be that the Monarchy is less
G59 164 necessary to the articulate than the inarticulate, to \0Mr. Muggeridge
G59 165 than \0Mrs. Mop. ^But I am not so sure of this. ^As I have said, \0Mr.
G59 166 Muggeridge seems to me to betray just as foolish an obsession with the
G59 167 Monarchy as the most bedazzled reader of *1Woman *0and *1Woman's Own.
G59 168 ^*0The value of the Monarchy to me, personally, seems to me to be of
G59 169 much the same order as its value to those less inclined to examine
G59 170 their own attitudes and their own motives. ^*"We smile at the *1Court
G59 171 Circular; *0but remember how many people read the *1Court Circular!**"
G59 172 *0says Bagehot in one of his more offensively, intellectually arrogant
G59 173 sentences. ^*"Its use is not in what it says, but in those to whom it
G59 174 speaks.**" ^I do not deny that the Monarchy speaks directly and
G59 175 intelligibly to me.
G59 176    |^If we are to believe \0Mr. Muggeridge, the Monarchy symbolises
G59 177 obsequiousness; sycophancy; snobbishness; class-consciousness; social
G59 178 mountaineering; dreamland; earthly pretensions; and circuses. ^It is
G59 179 obvious that all of these are commingled in the popular conception of
G59 180 the Monarchy, but I find this neither surprising nor, in itself,
G59 181 alarming. ^Obsequiousness, sycophancy, snobbishness, and the like,
G59 182 seem to me, unhappily, to be inevitable components of all human
G59 183 societies*- I am not sure they are not their lubrication; an oily
G59 184 mixture, I agree*- and I object to them only when they corrupt or
G59 185 seriously interfere with the legitimate exercise of real power.
G59 186 *# 2005
G60   1 **[247 TEXT G60**]
G60   2 *<*4Social Philosophy in Britain and America*>
G60   3 *<*0By *2DOROTHY EMMET*>
G60   4    |^*0I should like to start this talk by asking what is meant by
G60   5 *"Social Philosophy**"? ^An unkind critic looking at the programmes of
G60   6 the Social Philosophy Section might suggest it seems to mean any topic
G60   7 of interest bearing on contemporary society; while in a recent talk to
G60   8 this Section the term was used to mean something like a coherent body
G60   9 of thought about society related to a definite social programme. ^I am
G60  10 prepared to defend the eclectic character of the Section's programme
G60  11 against an exclusively monolithic view of what social philosophy must
G60  12 be; though I think that these various topics of social interest need
G60  13 to be treated not just descriptively, but in ways which produce
G60  14 criticism and reflection of a reasonably general kind if we are to
G60  15 call them a form of social philosophy.
G60  16    |^The view that we need a social philosophy related to a social
G60  17 purpose was developed by contrasting our *"\6malaise**" and lack of
G60  18 direction in this country with the conviction and sense of direction
G60  19 seen in Communist countries. ^But I am not at all sure that the answer
G60  20 is that we should produce something else of the same kind in
G60  21 democratic terms. ^My difficulty about the notion of *"social
G60  22 purpose**" is that if we think of this in the singular and
G60  23 particularize, it would mean that the whole national effort would have
G60  24 to be directed to a gigantic programme. ^This may be possible in
G60  25 wartime, and it may be possible when a collective economy is being
G60  26 built up as in the Communist countries, but does it not suggest a
G60  27 great deal more regimenting and pressure than we believe right in
G60  28 democratic countries? ^On the other hand, if we do not use the term to
G60  29 mean a single specific programme, the notion of social purpose turns
G60  30 into something we put vaguely in phrases such as *"achieving social
G60  31 justice**", or *"persons in community**", or, even more vaguely,
G60  32 *"living the good life**". ^I do not want to say that these notions
G60  33 are just vacuous, but I do not think they can be cashed in terms of a
G60  34 single programme, nor that we are all likely to agree on the phrase we
G60  35 should use, nor that we should all be thinking about it most of the
G60  36 time. ^If we are asked what the policy of this country should be
G60  37 directed towards, we could say, {0e.g.}, to the maintenance of world
G60  38 peace; to working towards a multi-racial Commonwealth; to educational
G60  39 expansion at various levels; to maintaining the social services; and
G60  40 presumably to maintaining the level of production to pay for all this.
G60  41 ^In this way, we may hope to maintain a tolerable way of living
G60  42 together, so that people can pursue a number of purposes they
G60  43 themselves think worth while in their own work and private lives. ^But
G60  44 does this add up to a *"social philosophy**" in the comprehensive
G60  45 sense geared to a single Social Purpose? ^And if not, is this a sign
G60  46 that we are growing up, or is it due to the difficulty of seeing
G60  47 general ideas relevant to this pragmatic stage of our development?
G60  48    |^I turn now to America, where I think the notion of social
G60  49 philosophy is more congenial, perhaps because the Americans may be a
G60  50 more ideological nation than we are. ^Edward Shils and Daniel Bell
G60  51 both write about the *"End of Ideology**", but not very convincingly.
G60  52 ^What they really mean is the end of the appeal of communist ideas to
G60  53 the intellectuals.
G60  54    |^I believe that we can still see pervasive influences of certain
G60  55 kinds of ideology in American thinking. ^First of all there is the
G60  56 liberal individualism of the Founding Fathers. ^I found it genuinely
G60  57 moving to stand inside the Lincoln Monument in Washington and read the
G60  58 passages from the Gettysburg address on the wall, ^*"Fourscore and
G60  59 seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new
G60  60 nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all
G60  61 men are created equal**". ^Of course one can be cynical about it, and
G60  62 instance discrimination against all sorts of people. ^But nevertheless
G60  63 it is there to disturb consciences, and it is an ideology which found
G60  64 its way into the Constitution, and so can give a backing of legitimacy
G60  65 to people struggling against certain kinds of discrimination, for
G60  66 instance in the struggle over integration in the Southern States. ^I
G60  67 was interested to find recently, in teaching an undergraduate course
G60  68 in political theory in an American university, how much Locke seemed
G60  69 to them to talk obvious sense. ^I doubt whether this would be true of
G60  70 our students here. ^But these American undergraduates talked easily
G60  71 about natural rights, and produced Lockean notions of checks and
G60  72 balances and aversion to strong government as self-evidently sensible.
G60  73 ^I think this political ideology produces a real problem for thinking
G60  74 realistically about their contemporary political philosophy. ^For it
G60  75 does not deal adequately with the very great power of the President,
G60  76 especially in foreign relations, and with all the trends making for
G60  77 strong government at the centre. ^In spite of the official political
G60  78 philosophy of *"checks and balances**" we also hear demands for *"a
G60  79 strong lead**" from the President, and this demand is all the more
G60  80 apparent when the Administration is not giving it, as was thought to
G60  81 be the case with the recent Eisenhower Administration. ^So there seems
G60  82 to be a need to re-think the official political philosophy in terms of
G60  83 the realities of power and the demands for strong government.
G60  84    |^A second dominant ideology is the Dewey philosophy of
G60  85 experimental problem-solving. ^This assumed a union of intelligence
G60  86 and goodwill, so that democratic social ends could be taken for
G60  87 granted and attention concentrated on means of achieving them. ^This
G60  88 was an explicit pragmatic democratic philosophy of an older
G60  89 generation, but now it is taking the form of a positivist political
G60  90 science which holds that ends cannot be rationally discussed, while
G60  91 scientific ingenuity can be devoted to working out efficient means of
G60  92 getting whatever it is that you happen to want. ^This is the
G60  93 ideological background of a good deal of their political sociology.
G60  94 ^The muck-raking investigations of an older generation have been
G60  95 replaced by studies of the dynamics of pressure groups. ^There are
G60  96 also writings about politics as *"a science of power**", taking for
G60  97 granted that people want power and trying to show how they
G60  98 *"manipulate**" beliefs and symbols in order to get it. ^\0C. Wright
G60  99 Mills writes best sellers partly in this vein, but also with a note of
G60 100 passionate idealism running through them. ^I find it difficult to see
G60 101 just how the idealism and the tough power politics note are brought
G60 102 together in his thinking. ^Reinhold Niebuhr continues his well-known
G60 103 attack on complacencies over problems of power, and on the
G60 104 simplifications both of cynicism and idealism. ^He seems to me to be
G60 105 gaining in stature all the time and to have become a political analyst
G60 106 of practical importance.
G60 107    |^Turning from political to social criticism, there is the
G60 108 extensive literature on *"pressures to conformity**", of which Whyte's
G60 109 *1Organization Man *0and Reisman's *1Lonely Crowd *0are the best-known
G60 110 examples. ^These illustrate how quickly a trend of criticism can catch
G60 111 on. ^People, at any rate those represented by the more intellectual
G60 112 weeklies and by conversation in Eastern cities, are getting highly
G60 113 sophisticated about this notion of conformity, and they crack jokes
G60 114 about *"peer groups**". ^But I do not think that we know the answer to
G60 115 the problem underneath this literature, namely, the distinction
G60 116 between the kinds of pressures that are necessary and right if people
G60 117 are to learn to live together and get trained to do things well, and
G60 118 the kinds of pressures which make people conventional and afraid of
G60 119 adventuring. ^The notion that one can live without need for any kind
G60 120 of conformity is shown up even by the Beats, who set out to be
G60 121 non-conformist, and then find themselves becoming a fashion, pursued
G60 122 by social success, and even get opportunities to read their poetry at
G60 123 $300 a time. ^And of course they also establish their own particular
G60 124 conventions of unconventionality.
G60 125    |^These seem to me to be some of the trends in what one might call
G60 126 social philosophy in a rather vague sense in contemporary America.
G60 127 ^How does the new Kennedy Administration look against this background?
G60 128 ^It may well catch a national mood which is prepared for tough-minded
G60 129 energy along with idealism. ^I heard Professor {0J. K.} Galbraith
G60 130 address a campaign meeting of students of Columbia University, in
G60 131 which he said that the important distinction of outlook as he saw it
G60 132 nowadays was not so much between liberals and conservatives as between
G60 133 *"the complacent and the concerned**". ^People who call themselves
G60 134 liberals or conservatives could be found on both sides. ^He then gave
G60 135 a masterly satire of the last Administration as examples of the
G60 136 *"complacent**", and he looked forward to Kennedy and those associated
G60 137 with him as people who would be *"concerned**" in the sense of deeply
G60 138 and compassionately aware that there are problems, international,
G60 139 social and domestic, which need to be met. ^Perhaps this does not add
G60 140 up to a social philosophy. ^But I could not help being impressed in
G60 141 America by the energy and interest in social ideas. ^The appeal of a
G60 142 person like Galbraith himself is symptomatic. ^A book like his *1The
G60 143 Affluent Society, *0for all the criticisms that economists and others
G60 144 can make of it, is perhaps more influential than anything of the kind
G60 145 which is being written here.
G60 146    |^Do we want intelligently-written books on particular social
G60 147 trends, rather than a monolithic social philosophy? ^If we like to
G60 148 call recognizing the need for intelligence and goodwill in achieving
G60 149 tolerable ways of living together a social philosophy, well and good.
G60 150 ^But this needs to go beyond generalities to particular studies of
G60 151 particular social trends, presented in a readable form. ^The energy,
G60 152 concern and intelligence to do this kind of thing are more in evidence
G60 153 in America than over here. ^This does not mean that these fires are
G60 154 not burning over here, but they are damped down. ^The test whether
G60 155 damped fires are really alight is to see whether they can burn up when
G60 156 poked. ^But I doubt whether we want them to be burning out in a
G60 157 continual conflagration of propaganda for social ideologies.
G60 158 *<*4Peaks of Medical History*>
G60 159 *<*0By *2LORD COHEN OF BIRKENHEAD*>
G60 160    |^*0The history of medicine runs parallel to the history of Man.
G60 161 ^It takes its roots in pre-history when man, coping with hostile
G60 162 forces, felt a primal sympathy for his fellow man and sought to
G60 163 relieve his suffering. ^Since then the practice of medicine has
G60 164 reflected the philosophy of its time though earlier ideas have often
G60 165 tended to persist despite their scientific disproof. ^Though we tend
G60 166 to associate great discoveries in medicine with one man, as I indeed
G60 167 shall often do in this lecture, we must not accept blindly Carlyle's
G60 168 dictum that *"history is biography**" but recognise that many have
G60 169 added bricks to the building before it presents **[SIC**] as a
G60 170 completed edifice.
G60 171    |^The earliest records of medicine date back over 6,000 years.
G60 172 ^They stem from the valley of the Nile where may yet be seen the royal
G60 173 tomb of Zoser designed by a physician of his reign, Imhotep, who was
G60 174 later deified and associated with the famous temple of Edfu.
G60 175 ^Contemporaneously, or possibly a little later, there developed a
G60 176 great Sumerian civilisation but our records of this are incomplete.
G60 177 ^Yet there are recorded, in the famous code Hammurabi (1948-1905
G60 178 {0B.C.}), Babylonian laws relating to medical practice.
G60 179    |^It is however from the Egyptian papyri, especially of Edwin Smith
G60 180 and Ebers found at Thebes and dating from about the sixteenth century
G60 181 {0B.C.} that we find the first records of the practice of medicine.
G60 182 ^These papyri show that the Egyptians shared with the most primitive
G60 183 medical folklore the concept of *1animism \0*0viz. that disease is
G60 184 caused by the evil influence of enemy, demon, god or even animal and
G60 185 that this evil spirit might be warded off by amulets, propitiated by
G60 186 sacrifice, and expelled by incantations.
G60 187 *# 2001
G61   1 **[248 TEXT G61**]
G61   2 ^*0Oxford and Cambridge have the best teaching system in the world*-
G61   3 in some colleges. ^Oxford and Cambridge are so incompetent in teaching
G61   4 that in spite of intense competition for entry nearly half the
G61   5 students leave with *=3rd class degrees and worse. ^The standard of an
G61   6 Oxford *=3rd only an Oxford examiner like myself could credit: there
G61   7 are some colleges which seem to specialize in producing them.
G61   8    |^Or to take the matter which most affects the schools. ^Oxford and
G61   9 Cambridge by their competitive system of entry set standards to the
G61  10 schools which distinguish English education from all other systems
G61  11 except the French: only in France and England is it necessary for
G61  12 success to be in hard competitive training from the age of 8 or 9 and
G61  13 to be a mature and polished intellectual at 16. ^*'Treat them mean and
G61  14 keep them keen.**' ^Or (as a Bishop wrote in 1889) *'the English do
G61  15 everything by way of racing**'. ^The results for the successful are
G61  16 almost miraculous. ^*'The war horse \1saith among the trumpets Ha, ha;
G61  17 and he \1smelleth the battle afar off, the thunder of the captains and
G61  18 the shouting.**' ^It is really very pleasant indeed to be an examinee
G61  19 if you are a good one, and it is just as pleasant to coach good
G61  20 examinees. ^But how much harm is done to bad examinees? ^How far have
G61  21 A level, S level, now the new U level (or whatever it is to be called)
G61  22 been affected by Oxbridge scholarship examinations, and by the need to
G61  23 give the rest something to do while the competitors are groomed? ^So
G61  24 often in the provinces one has to face the problem of rescuing a boy,
G61  25 basically very able, who did well at O level, quite well at A level
G61  26 after two years in the sixth, went back for a third year as a
G61  27 potential competitor, and in fact did worse. ^There could be all sorts
G61  28 of reasons for this: the effect is that he arrives in a university
G61  29 stale and defeated, and it is often impossible ever to recover the boy
G61  30 as he existed at 15.
G61  31    |^There is another contrast. ^In England it is only Oxford and
G61  32 Cambridge which set standards of prestige for universities. ^Men come
G61  33 and go easily between Cabinets, Embassies, Chairmanships of Boards and
G61  34 the Oxford and Cambridge colleges. ^The Colleges are *'inside**';
G61  35 their lawns, their mahogany, their herbaceous borders (not*- alas*-
G61  36 any longer their buildings) are the real thing. ^We envy, but aspire;
G61  37 the existence of these things in Oxbridge is the sole basis of our
G61  38 dream that they might exist in Manchester, Coventry, or Colchester.
G61  39 ^The English intellectual till the 19th century lived in Grub Street
G61  40 or in Nonconformist rigour; from this Oxbridge rescued him in the days
G61  41 of its great reforms. ^No wonder his dream is to be \*1commensalis
G61  42 *0and \*1socius *0in a great foundation, a freeholder in the
G61  43 inheritance of scholarship. ^His wife may not of course agree; the
G61  44 cold collations of North Oxford on the evenings of College feasts have
G61  45 their place in the folklore. ^There are in Oxbridge as many *'outs**'
G61  46 as *'ins**'; the democracy of the Fellows is a little like the
G61  47 democracy of the Athenians, among their womenfolk, their metics, and
G61  48 their slaves. ^The Whigs still rule; democratic principles, a practice
G61  49 of oligarchy and conservatism. ^Who would not choose to be a Whig?
G61  50    |^One ought not to propose remedies except for admitted evils; and
G61  51 I find it hard to say that the popularity of Oxford and Cambridge is
G61  52 an evil. ^It is not exactly an evil, it is just a *'thing**', an
G61  53 element in the extremely odd flavour of English society. ^Clearly
G61  54 English society is changing: {*1ducunt volentem fata, nolentem
G61  55 trahunt}*- *0things are moving, we had better move gracefully, rather
G61  56 than perforce. ^A few points about the future (very few) are clear in
G61  57 the clouded statistical ball. ^The proportion of Oxbridge students in
G61  58 the whole system (apart from London, about one in two in 1938/9, one
G61  59 in three in 1956) is dropping sharply. ^This drop is marked even in
G61  60 the traditional Arts subjects; but in these (so far as one can make
G61  61 out from the {0U.G.C.} statistics, which one would call amateurish
G61  62 but that they conceal some things which it is convenient to conceal)
G61  63 the 1958/9 figures for Arts graduates were Oxbridge 2,740, London
G61  64 1,377, the rest 3,436. ^In other subjects the relative decline is
G61  65 precipitate; in ten years' time the Oxbridge mathematicians,
G61  66 scientists, and engineers (though doubtless of high quality) will not
G61  67 be much more significant numerically than the Oxbridge medical schools
G61  68 are now. ^To put the same facts in another way; the more boys and
G61  69 girls reach university entrance standard the smaller the proportion of
G61  70 them who can enter Oxbridge. ^This is ineluctable; Oxbridge could
G61  71 expand proportionately only at the cost of self-destruction.
G61  72    |^This is the situation to which we must adjust ourselves. ^The
G61  73 mechanics of a clearing house are probably essential to tide us over
G61  74 the transition. ^But the transition can only be achieved by a
G61  75 modification of the *'image**', the simplified picture which governs
G61  76 action. ^We need image builders who will take the Oxbridge myth and
G61  77 weave it into a pattern with other English myths. ^There are plenty of
G61  78 myths to hand; the myth of London, the great city, the myth of the
G61  79 North, which by its hardness made the modern world, the myths of the
G61  80 Cathedral towns, the leftish myths of Sandy Lindsay and John Fulton,
G61  81 Keele and Brighton. ^Of course, if we were {0I.C.I.} or the steel
G61  82 industry we could have our myths built for us by a good firm of public
G61  83 relations men, at so much per cubic foot of cloudcapped tower. ^We are
G61  84 not thus endowed; can we get on with the job ourselves?
G61  85    |^Two points about this, in conclusion. ^First, we have to face a
G61  86 quick transition in a matter where the natural pace of change is slow.
G61  87 ^It is not easy for universities to explain directly to young people
G61  88 in schools what they have to offer (though of course we should try).
G61  89 ^The natural mentors are parents and teachers, on the whole those
G61  90 between 45 and 55, who learnt what they know about post-school
G61  91 education in a world very different from that of the 1970's and
G61  92 1980's, which is quite close to our students. ^Parents perhaps fall
G61  93 into three sections; those who were glad to finish formal education at
G61  94 14 or earlier, those who obtained a professional qualification *'the
G61  95 hard way**' under the traditional English system, and those who
G61  96 remember their own University*- and for most this would be Oxford,
G61  97 Cambridge or a London Medical School. ^The teachers in public schools
G61  98 and grammar schools will have a strong bias to Arts and pure science,
G61  99 a bias towards Oxbridge, which diminishes as one goes down the long
G61 100 ladder of social status, which is not necessarily a ladder of ability
G61 101 or even of success.
G61 102    |^It is to these *'customers**', the advisors of students, the
G61 103 creators of ambition, that we have to sell a new picture of the
G61 104 system, as it will be, a system in which Oxbridge will have a special
G61 105 but not predominant place.
G61 106    |^My last point is that to me, as a professor in a civic
G61 107 university, interested in the growth and government of cities, with a
G61 108 young family growing up in a city, the civic situation seems a
G61 109 peculiarly advantageous one. ^There is of course a place for York,
G61 110 Canterbury and the rest: but the English picture of a university
G61 111 system can only be changed quickly by the universities with which the
G61 112 English live. ^Leeds University, Manchester University, Liverpool
G61 113 University and others are part of the re-building of cities; new
G61 114 cities and new universities are being created together, and must in
G61 115 the process learn to live together. ^There has never been any doubt
G61 116 about this in Scotland; there is some cause for uneasiness about the
G61 117 state of Scottish universities, but not on the grounds discussed here.
G61 118 ^Scottish people know about the Scottish universities; they are
G61 119 familiar things, they fit easily into Scottish society, as English
G61 120 universities do not. ^A large responsibility rests on the civic
G61 121 universities for creating this ease of relationship which has existed
G61 122 in England hitherto only for the charmed circle of hereditary Oxbridge
G61 123 men.
G61 124 *<*=2b. *2A PYRAMID OF PRESTIGE*>
G61 125 *<{0A. H.} HALSEY*>
G61 126 *<*1Senior Lecturer in Sociology, University of Birmingham*>
G61 127    |^*2SIR CHARLES MORRIS *0is a splendid utopian. ^He believes that
G61 128 universities exist primarily for educational purposes and are attended
G61 129 by students for primarily educational motives. ^He finds weaknesses in
G61 130 Oxford and Cambridge as educational organizations and deduces the
G61 131 possibility of a relatively increasing future popularity for what he
G61 132 calls *'the modern universities**'. ^My own more melancholy assessment
G61 133 of the prospect for Redbrick is based on a view of universities more
G61 134 as antechambers to the economy than as centres of higher learning.
G61 135 ^The key to popularity lies in the Appointments Board, not in the
G61 136 tutor's study. ^My fear is that the outcome of expansion in the
G61 137 sixties and seventies will be an academic hierarchy more securely
G61 138 supported by scholastic selection, more firmly maintained by
G61 139 occupational connections and more clearly recognized by public and
G61 140 participants than ever before. ^In an English context the evolution of
G61 141 education as a meritocratic selection and training ground for the
G61 142 ranks of the expanding army of professional, scientific and technical
G61 143 manpower seems peculiarly likely to result in a graded system of
G61 144 schools and colleges which reflects the power and prestige pyramid of
G61 145 the wider society.
G61 146    |^This is not necessarily to deny Sir Charles' thesis that the
G61 147 Redbrick universities stand for a pedagogical philosophy which derives
G61 148 teaching from scholarship and which is fundamentally different from
G61 149 the Balliol faith that scholarship will accompany well-organized
G61 150 undergraduate teaching. ^Many will agree that the excellence of the
G61 151 tutorial system is not proven. ^The English have a penchant for living
G61 152 on untested myths which they call the lessons of experience. ^We
G61 153 simply do not know what are the best methods of educating different
G61 154 kinds of student for different branches of learning. ^It may be that
G61 155 the short weekly duet of essay and criticism is inappropriate as well
G61 156 as uneconomical in modern circumstances: perhaps it is more conducive
G61 157 to producing the amateur gentleman than the professional scholar. ^It
G61 158 may be that the irritated American description of public school and
G61 159 Oxford graduates as *'not the chosen people but the frozen people**',
G61 160 is at bottom a criticism of the *'finishing school**' theory of higher
G61 161 learning. ^It may even be that as a distinguishing mark of Oxford and
G61 162 Cambridge, the tutorial system is no longer valid. ^Enquiry might show
G61 163 that the student of physics at Manchester or Cambridge is more similar
G61 164 in his education, style of life and outlook than either is to a man
G61 165 reading classics on the same Cambridge staircase. ^It may very well be
G61 166 too that a {0B.Com.} undergraduate in Birmingham is better taught
G61 167 *1tutorially *0than a Cambridge college scholar who is sent out to an
G61 168 ageing, impoverished tutor clinging to a squalid gentility by
G61 169 supervising economics for 30 hours a week.
G61 170    |^The point is, however, that all this has nothing to do with the
G61 171 popularity of Oxford and Cambridge. ^In the minds of schoolmasters,
G61 172 parents and sixth-formers, the image of Liverpool and Leicester by
G61 173 comparison with that of New College or Newnham is such that ancient
G61 174 and modern do not begin to compete. ^Sir Charles is right to use the
G61 175 complimentary label *'modern**' to describe Redbrick. ^He knows that
G61 176 the old provincial universities have been nationalized*- that, for
G61 177 example, whereas in 1908 the proportion of his students at Leeds who
G61 178 were drawn from within thirty miles was 78 per cent, it was, by 1955,
G61 179 reduced to 40 per cent. ^But the distinction between ancient and
G61 180 modern applies for most Englishmen only to hymn books. ^Places of
G61 181 higher learning other than Oxford and Cambridge are *'provincial**'*-
G61 182 a word conveying, in England as in France, the sense of inferiority,
G61 183 outsideness and rejection of those who belong to but are not accepted
G61 184 by the metropolitan culture. ^*'She may not get in to Oxford or
G61 185 Cambridge.
G61 186 **[MIDDLE OF QUOTE**]
G61 187 *# 2007
G62   1 **[249 TEXT G62**]
G62   2 *<*6A TOUR OF RUSSIAN FARMS*>
G62   3 *<*4Sir Geoffrey Haworth*>
G62   4    |^M*2ANY *0years ago I had heard that the Russians were breeding a
G62   5 very large cow which was giving a great deal of milk and also being
G62   6 used for beef. ^A Swedish friend led me to believe that this cow might
G62   7 be found at Karavayevo, some 200 miles north-east of Moscow. ^This
G62   8 farm turned out to be outside the scope of Intourist, but largely
G62   9 through the good offices of {0*2SCR} *0we were able to arrange a
G62  10 visit last June.
G62  11    |^Kostroma, the nearest town, can only be reached by rail, and the
G62  12 only train leaves Moscow at the rather inconvenient hour of 1.20
G62  13 {0a.m.} ^As soon as we arrived any doubts about our welcome were
G62  14 quickly dispelled. ^We were met by a large delegation, and after my
G62  15 wife had been presented with three bouquets we proceeded to our hotel.
G62  16 ^Here we were given an enormous breakfast (we had already unwisely had
G62  17 one on the train), and after many toasts we set out for the farm.
G62  18    |^After examining some more-than-life-size busts of farm workers
G62  19 who had distinguished themselves (several of whom were in our party),
G62  20 we went to see some of the Kostroma cows. ^I can say at once that they
G62  21 fully came up to our expectations. ^We asked if one or two could come
G62  22 out of the cowshed to be photographed, and later we found ourselves
G62  23 seated behind a table covered with a red velvet cloth while a full
G62  24 parade of bulls and cows was led past us by white-coated attendants of
G62  25 both sexes.
G62  26    |^About 50 years ago some Swiss cows were imported into the
G62  27 district and crossed with the native Yaroslav. ^In 1920 some of the
G62  28 best hybrids were brought to Karavayevo. ^A process of selection for
G62  29 milking and butter-fat qualities was continued for 20 years, and
G62  30 finally in 1944 the Kostroma breed was officially recognised and
G62  31 registered.
G62  32    |^In 1951 the herd average was 14,093\0lb. and in 1953 over 160
G62  33 cows gave 14,200\0lb. or over. ^The highest individual yield comes
G62  34 from a cow called Grosa. ^In her fifth lactation she gave 36,304\0lb.
G62  35 of milk at 3.7 per cent butter fat (1,343\0lb. fat). ^Another
G62  36 outstanding record came from Poslushnitza 2nd*- 35,776\0lb. at 3.92
G62  37 per cent (1,402\0lb. fat). ^Although both herd and individual yields
G62  38 have now been surpassed by Friesian cows in this country, it would be
G62  39 hard to find so many cows of uniform excellence anywhere else. ^Their
G62  40 weight is from 1,200 to 1,600 pounds and they have good beef
G62  41 qualities.
G62  42    |^We were accompanied round the farm by a very charming man called
G62  43 Steiman. ^Now in his 70s, he was responsible for selecting much of the
G62  44 foundation stock for the herd. ^He also started the *'cold house**'
G62  45 method of calf rearing, which is still in use. ^Calves are taken from
G62  46 their dams at birth and kept in an unheated house where the
G62  47 temperature from December to March is usually below freezing point.
G62  48 ^It is claimed that at these temperatures bacteria are rendered
G62  49 harmless and that hardy, healthy calves are produced. ^Scours and
G62  50 pneumonia are unknown. ^In the summer young calves are housed in large
G62  51 airy kennels in the fields, where they are fed on milk, hay and
G62  52 concentrates.
G62  53    |^After a look at the older young stock, which live outside with an
G62  54 open shelter all the year round, we were taken to the office building
G62  55 and given another gigantic meal, accompanied by vodka, cognac and
G62  56 wine. ^Farm hospitality on a colossal scale became quite an important
G62  57 item in our lives on the whole tour. ^(We were assured that such meals
G62  58 were not the everyday farm practice!) ^It was essential to know that
G62  59 the vast spread of cold meats, salads, fish, eggs and cheese on the
G62  60 table was but an appetiser, and that soup, perhaps two hot dishes and
G62  61 sweet were to follow.
G62  62    |^It was also wise to decide on vodka or cognac at the beginning of
G62  63 the meal and to stick to one for the innumerable toasts that were
G62  64 drunk throughout. ^We usually started with *'{11Mir i druzhba}**'
G62  65 (Peace and friendship) and later, for variety, passed on to such
G62  66 things as *'Better silage**' or *'Higher butter fat**'. ^Nearly always
G62  67 at one point in the proceedings came the question: ^*'And now tell us
G62  68 what you think of our farm.**' ^There followed complete silence, with
G62  69 all eyes and ears on me. ^I was able to give sincere praise for many
G62  70 things we saw, and luckily the criticisms I made were usually met with
G62  71 nodding of heads and murmurs of ~*'Yes, we know.**'
G62  72    |^Perhaps I should say here that, in addition to Karavayevo, we
G62  73 visited state and collective farms in Krasnodar, Piatigorsk and the
G62  74 Sigulda district of Latvia. ^The first thing that strikes one is the
G62  75 large scale of everything*- acreages from 7,854 at Karavayevo, which
G62  76 is mainly a stock farm, to 40,000 at Krasnodar, which is mainly
G62  77 arable. ^At the latter the growing of wheat, barley, maize and sugar
G62  78 beet is highly mechanised. ^Gone are the days when Cossacks galloped
G62  79 across the grassy steppe on superb horses. ^Instead, we drove in jeeps
G62  80 round fields of 490 acres bordered with shelter belts of fruit trees.
G62  81 ^The average yield of wheat is 29\0cwt. per acre.
G62  82    |^All the farms we visited sold cream and butter and fed the skim
G62  83 to pigs. ^Their aim, therefore, was to breed and feed for high butter
G62  84 fat. ^Every farm aimed at being self-contained: they had their own
G62  85 machine stations, vets, zootechnicians (we should perhaps say
G62  86 livestock specialists), crop specialists and accountants; and often
G62  87 their own schools, hospitals, savings banks and cinemas. ^A very
G62  88 important development is the building of research stations on the
G62  89 farms instead of in neighbouring towns. ^We saw blocks of flats for
G62  90 farm workers and many more under construction, but we also went into
G62  91 two-roomed wooden houses of a very primitive nature, where cooking in
G62  92 summer was done in a home-made mud stove in the garden.
G62  93    |^Both collective and state farm directors seem agreed that the
G62  94 pattern of the future is for even larger-scale organisation, with the
G62  95 housing of workers in large villages or even towns. ^Already some
G62  96 collective farms have abandoned the annual shareout in favour of a
G62  97 guaranteed monthly cash wage. ^State farms emphasise that their
G62  98 well-being depends on the year's results. ^The state will keep them
G62  99 going however badly they do, but on their annual results depends the
G62 100 amount of money they may spend on amenities such as *'Palaces of
G62 101 Culture**', cinemas, sending workers free to the Black Sea resorts,
G62 102 and so on. ^Thus each type of farm tries to adopt the better points of
G62 103 the others' systems, and already there is a growing similarity between
G62 104 them.
G62 105    |^It is not easy to make comparisons between the farming systems of
G62 106 Russia and this country. ^We both have the same sort of technical
G62 107 problems to deal with and I did not find any new solutions on the
G62 108 farms we visited. ^Moreover, their use of manpower per beast or per
G62 109 acre is very high. ^What is impressive is the enthusiasm and
G62 110 thoroughness with which they carry out their systems: grooming of
G62 111 cows, attention to their feet, feeding of calves, detailed keeping of
G62 112 farm records. ^But I should like to end by saying that what impressed
G62 113 us most was the warmth of our welcome.
G62 114    |^As far as we could learn, we were, in every case, the first
G62 115 English people to visit the farm. ^The director, with half a dozen
G62 116 experts, was always willing to give up a whole day to show us round
G62 117 and entertain us. ^Each member of the staff had a formidable array of
G62 118 facts and figures at his or her finger-tips. ^I am afraid my inability
G62 119 to produce similar figures for this country or even for my own farm
G62 120 must have created a bad impression.
G62 121    |^I do wish there could be more exchange visits between the farmers
G62 122 of our two countries. ^We are far too ignorant of each other's lives.
G62 123 *<*5Surveys and Reviews*>
G62 124 *<*6RECENT BOOKS ON TOLSTOY IN ENGLISH*>
G62 125 *<{0*4J. S.} Spink*>
G62 126    |^I*2T MUST *0be admitted that none of the books on Tolstoy, in
G62 127 English, which have appeared in the last decade is worthy of his
G62 128 greatness. ^Most of them belong to a literary \6*1genre *0which is
G62 129 peculiarly Anglo-Saxon, namely the intimate life-story told for its
G62 130 own sake, and cannot but tend, by their very nature, to belittle the
G62 131 object of their attentions, in essence the same as those lavished by
G62 132 the Sunday press on its victims. ^Biography becomes trivial when its
G62 133 sole object is to introduce us, like prying tourists, into the
G62 134 intimacy of the great. ^One could call such intimate life-stories
G62 135 *'stately homes literature**'. ^Their authors do not seek, as did
G62 136 Sainte-Beuve, the master of biographical criticism, to present a
G62 137 full-length psychological portrait of a man. ^They do not study the
G62 138 genesis and development of works of art. ^They are not critical
G62 139 studies at all. ^Nor is there anything of the epic, the tragedy or the
G62 140 comedy in their technique; they resemble the popular novel.
G62 141    |^Lady Cynthia Asquith's *1Married to Tolstoy *0(Hutchinson, 1960)
G62 142 is very \0U in tone, and sometimes the \0U language is that used in
G62 143 the women's magazines: ^*'Fortunately the Czar, who was giving another
G62 144 audience, was unable to receive Sonya for a quarter of an hour, so it
G62 145 may be hoped that before she was summoned she had time to readjust her
G62 146 stay-laces and recover her breath**' (\0p. 149). ^However, the book,
G62 147 which is drawn from the obvious sources, is not pretentious and can be
G62 148 accepted on its own terms. ^It begins with the words ~*'Marriage to a
G62 149 genius can seldom be easy**' and may be read with a certain amount of
G62 150 pleasure on that level. ^\0M. Hofmann and \0A. Pierre's *1By Deeds of
G62 151 Truth: the Life of Leo Tolstoy *0(Hanison, 1959) is similar. ^It is a
G62 152 translation of a book published in French in 1934 and its reissue in
G62 153 English (printed in the {0*2USA}, *0bound in London) was doubtless
G62 154 motivated commercially by the 50th anniversary of Tolstoy's death,
G62 155 though it must be noted that the story of Tolstoy's love affairs,
G62 156 courtship and marriage has been told every few years in books
G62 157 published in English, with apparently no other aim that the retailing
G62 158 of private lives to the public. ^Tikhon Polner's *1Tolstoy and his
G62 159 Wife *0(Jonathan Cape, 1946), first published in French in 1928,
G62 160 belongs to this category. ^One of the strangest items in the
G62 161 collection is the preface to the English translation of Tolstoy's
G62 162 daughter's *1My Father *0(Harpers, New York, 1953). ^The Russian
G62 163 original was published by a semi-official {0US} agency in 1953. ^It
G62 164 is a rehash of *1The Tragedy of Tolstoy *0(1933), written in Moscow
G62 165 but published in the States, after its author's arrival there. ^The
G62 166 preface to the English translation of *1My Father *0is written in a
G62 167 recriminatory style evidently intended to do its bit in the cold war:
G62 168 ^*'I could not spare all the time I wanted and had to work mainly
G62 169 during my so-called free days.**' ^This tone is absent from Alexandra
G62 170 Tolstoy's own Russian preface, which betrays, on the contrary, a real
G62 171 modesty, a disposition of mind which, alas, does not save her from the
G62 172 expression of class sentiments none the less repellent for being
G62 173 nai"ve: ^*'Though sometimes the house-servants were severely flogged
G62 174 in the stables, many of them became part of the family to the extent
G62 175 of forgetting they were serfs.**' ^This serves as background painting,
G62 176 the only kind of historical perspective attempted by writers of
G62 177 intimate biographies, and dating, as a literary technique, from the
G62 178 time of Walter Scott's historical novels.
G62 179    |^There is a similar avoidance of historical perspective in
G62 180 Professor {0E. J.} Simmons's *1Leo Tolstoy *0(1946), reprinted as a
G62 181 Vintage paper-back (New York, 1960), and this book, for all its wealth
G62 182 of factual information, is therefore merely another version of *'the
G62 183 Tolstoy story**'.
G62 184    |^There is this to be said for \0T. Redpath's short study entitled
G62 185 *1Tolstoy *0(Bowes and Bowes, 1960): that its author does not seek to
G62 186 reduce Tolstoy's doctrines to the level of *'views**', to be explained
G62 187 away by psychological biography.
G62 188 *# 2007
G63   1 **[250 TEXT G63**]
G63   2 ^*0Where this is not possible one has to rely heavily on a stock of
G63   3 past experience plus inferences based thereon, and if there is any
G63   4 carelessness in the marshalling and handling of such material it
G63   5 inevitably shows up in the judgment made about what one is doing.
G63   6 ^Once again we find ourselves discussing the situation in terms of
G63   7 contemplative or speculative knowledge, and it appears that so-called
G63   8 practical knowledge is so successfully hidden behind contemplative
G63   9 knowledge that it cannot even poke its head out to claim its own
G63  10 separate existence.
G63  11    |^Of course there remains the capacity itself*- the *'know-how**'*-
G63  12 and, as I have already suggested, one may call this practical
G63  13 knowledge if one likes, but it would be extremely misleading to call
G63  14 this a case of knowledge without observation. ^This is most definitely
G63  15 not a case where I know without observation what others can only know
G63  16 by observation (or by being informed); having the knack of doing
G63  17 something does not put me in a position to make, without observation,
G63  18 true statements which others can only make with observation. ^*1Simply
G63  19 *0knowing *1how *0to write ~*'I am a fool**' on the blackboard, for
G63  20 instance, cannot ever put me in a position to say that I am writing
G63  21 ~*'I am a fool**' on the blackboard (\6*1pace *0Miss Anscombe,
G63  22 *1Intention, \0*0pp. 81-2). ^If the line of argument pursued hitherto
G63  23 is correct then it is clear that when I do state that I am writing
G63  24 something on the blackboard my statement will stand or fall with the
G63  25 relevant observational evidence.
G63  26 *<*=3*>
G63  27    |^So far I have been much concerned to rebut the strong suggestion
G63  28 that what might be described as the carrying out of an intention could
G63  29 be known without observation, but now I want to return to a weaker
G63  30 suggestion which was shelved at an earlier stage. ^This is the
G63  31 suggestion that what we know without observation are our intentions.
G63  32 ^One might perhaps concede that neither the driver in my example, nor
G63  33 the man writing on the blackboard in Miss Anscombe's, could know
G63  34 without observation that their respective intentions were actually
G63  35 being carried out, but one might also claim that in both cases the
G63  36 persons concerned would know what they *1intended *0to do and would
G63  37 know this without observation and quite independently of what actually
G63  38 happened. ^It might be held that to know that we intend a certain
G63  39 action is one thing but to know that we have carried it out quite
G63  40 another.
G63  41    |^Miss Anscombe is loth to let intention and action drift apart in
G63  42 her discussion, and it is certainly true that traditional discussions
G63  43 have given the concepts a false independence. ^It indeed needs to be
G63  44 emphasized that actions in the primary sense of the word are
G63  45 necessarily intentional. ^Making a telephone call, for instance, would
G63  46 not be an action under that description unless the performance were
G63  47 intentional, and this means that there is no such act as telephoning
G63  48 which can be conceptually isolated from the intention of telephoning.
G63  49 ^There are of course some descriptions under which something we do can
G63  50 be unintentional, but their use is derivative. ^For example, there
G63  51 would be no such thing as unintentional offence unless we had the
G63  52 concept of intended offence in the first place. ^We should also be
G63  53 wary of the traditional tendency to regard intentions as causal
G63  54 starting points of action, or as being themselves mysterious mental
G63  55 actions. ^Action and intention are certainly not distinct in this
G63  56 sense and it is well to bear in mind the fact that the conceptual
G63  57 inter-relation between them is intimate, but I think we can, without
G63  58 betraying that fact, consider as an independent question whether, and
G63  59 how, we know our own intentions. ^Even though descriptions of actions
G63  60 are normally such that the actions under those descriptions must be
G63  61 intentional, those same descriptions can also be used to refer to
G63  62 performances which are not actions except in a secondary sense. ^This
G63  63 use of such descriptions is more or less the same as the use we make
G63  64 of them when we humanize natural phenomena in our language. ^There is
G63  65 no reason why we should not describe the performance of a clever
G63  66 monkey in the appropriate circumstances as *'telephoning**' even
G63  67 though we do not regard the performance as constituting an intentional
G63  68 action. ^This would be *'telephoning**' in a secondary sense of the
G63  69 word*- *'telephoning**' in inverted commas if we like; we should then
G63  70 be using the word to refer to what was merely the performatory
G63  71 skeleton as it were of the fully-fledged action. ^Now it seems to me
G63  72 that intention is clearly distinguishable from mere performance of
G63  73 this kind, and that there can be cases of the one which are not cases
G63  74 of the other. ^Furthermore it seems to me that we can only speak of an
G63  75 intentional action under a description like *'telephoning**' for
G63  76 instance in a case where we have *1both *0intention *1and
G63  77 *0performance. ^The bulk of my discussion so far could be regarded as
G63  78 an attempt to stress the importance of performance in action, but now
G63  79 I want to consider intention. ^I have argued that knowledge of
G63  80 performance, and hence of action, involves observation and inference;
G63  81 now I want to consider if observation and inference are necessary for
G63  82 us to know that we intend something.
G63  83    |^Consider the difference between saying ~*'I don't know**' in
G63  84 answer to the question, ~*'Do you, on an average, take longer steps
G63  85 left foot forward than right foot forward?**', and the same answer
G63  86 given to the question ~*'Do you intend to come on this cruise next
G63  87 month?**' ^There is a correct *'yes**' or *'no**' answer to the first
G63  88 question whether you know that answer or not, but it is otherwise in
G63  89 the second case. ^In the first case the fact is there waiting to be
G63  90 discovered as it were, but there is no intention of which one is
G63  91 ignorant in the second case. ^There would be something very odd about
G63  92 saying, ~*'Perhaps I do indeed intend... but I don't *1know *0if I
G63  93 do**', or saying ~*'He certainly intends, but doesn't know it.**' ^It
G63  94 seems that if you do intend, then you *1must *0know that you intend,
G63  95 or if you definitely do not intend then you *1must *0know that you
G63  96 don't. ^This may seem to carry the implication that the knowledge in
G63  97 question is acquired without observation. ^The fact, if it be a fact,
G63  98 that I take longer steps left foot forward would not have any bearing
G63  99 on the care with which I might investigate the matter; I might make my
G63 100 measurements carelessly and get the wrong answer. ^But where I intend
G63 101 something it seems to be guaranteed that I could not get a wrong
G63 102 answer, so it seems as though we must know our own intentions
G63 103 independently of observation. ^Where a fact, about the length of our
G63 104 strides for example, is only known by observation, others may know the
G63 105 fact before we do and may be in a position to correct our knowledge
G63 106 claims, but this does not seem to be the case with regard to the fact
G63 107 of intention. ^The point appears to come out very clearly in those
G63 108 cases where we make a decision. ^Here, it seems, I know as soon as I
G63 109 decide on an action that I intend to carry it out, but others could
G63 110 only know this by asking me or watching my subsequent behaviour very
G63 111 carefully; our sources of information seem clearly different and the
G63 112 difference would seem to be that theirs is derived from my report, or
G63 113 from observation, whereas mine is not. ^So we have on our hands a very
G63 114 puzzling statement of fact indeed*- a statement which one person (the
G63 115 one who intends) can know to be true without observation but which
G63 116 another (others generally) can only know by observation or from my
G63 117 report.
G63 118    |^At this point one may begin to doubt if to state one's intention
G63 119 is to state a fact of any kind, and there certainly are cases where
G63 120 expressions of intention should be regarded as performatives rather
G63 121 than statements of fact. ^Suppose the organiser of a cruise asks me if
G63 122 I intend to come and explains that he must know now since there are
G63 123 others who would like my place if I don't go. ^To answer ~*"Yes**" in
G63 124 such a situation would be to give my word*- to undertake to be one of
G63 125 the party. ^But if I am sincere in my undertaking then it will also be
G63 126 a *1fact *0that I intend to go unless, or until, I give up the
G63 127 intention. ^Suppose another member of the party hears of a sudden
G63 128 change in my circumstances and asks me ^*"Is it true that you still
G63 129 intend to come?**" ^Then in giving an affirmative answer I should be
G63 130 reassuring him on a question of fact. ^The interesting point now is
G63 131 that I seem to know what I intend without asking anyone or conducting
G63 132 an observational research, whereas my friend can never be as sure
G63 133 about it as I am without asking me. ^To dismiss the matter at this
G63 134 stage with the peremptory conclusion that this is the sort of concept
G63 135 intention is would simply be to abandon our philosophical post, so I
G63 136 must sketch in, albeit very briefly, an account in terms of which
G63 137 there is some hope of seeing how the concept of knowledge, applies in
G63 138 cases of intention.
G63 139    |^Intention, I would suggest to begin with, is a term which is
G63 140 applicable when a certain roughly specifiable complex of conditions
G63 141 hold. ^The concept of intention is in some ways like that of being in
G63 142 debt, for instance. ^One is not describing a person as doing anything
G63 143 when one says that he intends, or that he owes, something; we say
G63 144 these things when a number of conditions hold, none of which are
G63 145 themselves described in the respective statements. ^I owe you if I
G63 146 have bought (on my own behalf) something from you not having paid, or
G63 147 finished paying for it, and if the debt has not been otherwise
G63 148 abrogated. ^The conditions under which one may be said to intend
G63 149 something are not as simple as this, and no doubt the concepts of
G63 150 owing and intending are very different in many other respects. ^Both
G63 151 are similar in that to know that one is in debt is to know that such
G63 152 conditions as I have just mentioned hold, while to know that one
G63 153 intends something is also to know that certain specifiable conditions
G63 154 hold in the case of the intending person.
G63 155    |^There are two main conditions that must hold if we are to ascribe
G63 156 intention to a person. ^In the first place he must want something. ^I
G63 157 am using the word *'want**' here in a very wide sense, the breadth of
G63 158 which is indicated by the following selection of instances: ~*'I want
G63 159 cake,*- to get on,*- to win,*- to be fair,*- to be straightforward,*-
G63 160 to be honourable,*- to do my duty,*- to lead a good life,*- to do
G63 161 God's will,*- to get my revenge,*- to hurt so-and-so**', to give but a
G63 162 sample. ^Controlled desires, wishes, or hopes are not enough, neither
G63 163 is the type of want that is relevant here to be defined in terms of
G63 164 what brings satisfaction. ^It must be a want such that if a person
G63 165 does want something in the required sense he will, provided one
G63 166 further condition be fulfilled, try to get it. ^The further, second
G63 167 condition is that he should believe that there is a way of getting
G63 168 what he wants and should have some opinions about what to do in order
G63 169 to succeed. ^Thus, there are two types of explanatory answers that one
G63 170 may give to the question: Do you intend? ^One may, on the one hand,
G63 171 say something like ~*'I want to, but I doubt if I can**', in which
G63 172 case it is clear that the first of our conditions holds whereas there
G63 173 is uncertainty about the second. ^On the other hand, one sometimes
G63 174 says ^*'I could go, but I don't really want to.**' ^Here one is sure
G63 175 of the means but lacks the want.
G63 176 *# 2007
G64   1 **[251 TEXT G64**]
G64   2 *<*4The gathering {0C. P.} Snowstorm*>
G64   3 *<*1by John Wren-Lewis*>
G64   4 **[EDITORIAL**]
G64   5    |^*2THE FOLLOWING STORY *0is popular in educational circles: ^In a
G64   6 university when a lecturer enters and says ~*'Good morning**' no-one
G64   7 looks up from his newspaper. ^In a College of Advanced Technology when
G64   8 a lecturer enters and says ~*'Good morning**', everyone writes it
G64   9 down.
G64  10    |^A few years ago I heard this story told to illustrate the
G64  11 difference *1within *0a university between the undergraduates reading
G64  12 humanities and those reading science. ^There has been a subtle shift
G64  13 in the frontier of educational snobbery. ^Science, as such, was once
G64  14 considered the preserve of dull, unsophisticated people; but the
G64  15 scientists staged a successful protest against this. ^Men like \0Dr
G64  16 Bronowski and Sir Charles Snow showed they could perfectly well
G64  17 compete with the literary men on their own ground.
G64  18    |^One Oxford scientist, the late Sir Francis Simon, went so far as
G64  19 to say that if a scientist was as ignorant of history as most
G64  20 humanities men today are of science, he would have to believe that
G64  21 Napoleon preceded Julius Caesar. ^Since then we have heard little
G64  22 about uncultured scientists in the Universities. ^It is admitted that
G64  23 the search for scientific truth may be a genuine aspect of culture,
G64  24 and the current fashion is to praise scientists for their
G64  25 broadmindedness rather than call them illiterate. ^Today it is the
G64  26 technologist who is the object of humorous deprecation.
G64  27    |^This shows that we have not really begun to solve the problem of
G64  28 *'the two cultures**'.
G64  29    |^For the technologist, the applied scientist whose aim is to find
G64  30 *'know how**' for making things or working things, is actually more in
G64  31 tune with the spirit of science as we use the term today than the
G64  32 *'dedicated seeker after truth**' who works on *'pure research**'. ^I
G64  33 do not mean there is anything wrong with pure research: I mean science
G64  34 works because it has abandoned the classical idea that seeking truth
G64  35 means grasping theoretical principles *'underlying**' experience.
G64  36    |^The point was very well made a few years ago in the {0*2BBC}
G64  37 *0Reith Lectures by the American scientist Robert Oppenheimer. ^A
G64  38 scientist who discovers some new physical effect, he said, is often
G64  39 far more concerned with how he can use it to measure other things than
G64  40 he is with understanding the effect itself. ^In other words, modern
G64  41 science finds *'truth**', not in theories as such, but *1in the act of
G64  42 testing theories against experience. ^*0This is the essence of the
G64  43 experimental method.
G64  44    |^The common idea of science is still that it uses experiment to
G64  45 prove theories, but this has been shown long ago by the philosophers
G64  46 to be a logical impossibility. ^There is always the chance that some
G64  47 result may turn up tomorrow which *1dis*0proves the same theory*-
G64  48 *1and modern science is built on the acceptance of this fact. ^*0The
G64  49 whole reason why modern science is inherently progressive, where
G64  50 classical natural philosophy was not, is that the scientific
G64  51 revolution abandoned treating theory as *'truth**' and regarded it
G64  52 merely as a tentative formula for *1doing *0things*- with the
G64  53 implication (utterly alien from classical culture) that it is by
G64  54 handling the world that we live and know. ^This is of immense
G64  55 importance for the whole problem of scientific education.
G64  56    |^Educators continually bewail the fact that science students have
G64  57 to absorb so much that they have no time left over to gain any insight
G64  58 at all into other subjects. ^It is often suggested that industry is
G64  59 demanding the creation of a race of technical robots, who have to know
G64  60 so much in a specialised field that they are forced to drop learning
G64  61 anything else from sixteen or earlier. ^This is a gross libel on
G64  62 technology, however: the real reason for the overcrowding of science
G64  63 curricula lies elsewhere.
G64  64    |^The narrow man, the man who knows little outside his own field of
G64  65 science and nothing at all outside science itself, is virtually
G64  66 useless in industry*- not just because he finds it hard to communicate
G64  67 with or manage other people (which is important enough) but also
G64  68 because he is a bad technologist.
G64  69    |^To give an example from my own recent experience: a recent
G64  70 British invention in the field of scientific instruments was made
G64  71 because a scientist interested in crystallography was also a
G64  72 yachtsman, and saw an analogy which no one had seen before between the
G64  73 crystal-measuring instrument and the sailor's sextant. ^Again, a
G64  74 technique for identifying chemicals was neglected for decades until a
G64  75 chemist who was also a lawyer got down to presenting it to the
G64  76 chemical world as if he were presenting a brief.
G64  77    |^This sort of thing is happening all the time in applied sciences,
G64  78 and on the negative side, inventions are held up time and again
G64  79 because scientists are *1not *0sufficiently *'men of the world**'*-
G64  80 silicones and penicillin are examples. ^The scientists whom industry
G64  81 needs are not people ground down into a narrow specialism: they are
G64  82 people trained in certain basic methods, who apart from this have as
G64  83 broad an outlook and as much flexibility of mind as possible.
G64  84    |^The main reason why scientists are *1not *0being trained like
G64  85 this, in my view, is that the British educational system is still
G64  86 geared to the classical idea of truth. ^It has been said, rather
G64  87 unkindly, that a teacher of classics is like the curator of a
G64  88 provincial museum*- his only job is to rearrange the exhibits. ^No
G64  89 doubt this is a libel, but the classical outlook in education
G64  90 certainly assumes that learning means the mastery of an intellectual
G64  91 system.
G64  92    |^In other words, because our educational system is still dominated
G64  93 by the classical outlook, for all its acceptance of the sciences, it
G64  94 is not adapted to the teaching of inherently progressive subjects.
G64  95 ^Hence curricula inevitably become overcrowded. ^Our error is not in
G64  96 training scientists who are unaware of the classical outlook: it is in
G64  97 training them in all sorts of assumptions which are still
G64  98 unconsciously derived from it.
G64  99    |^What we need, to produce scientists who are also human, is
G64 100 something far more fundamental than a Departmental Committee on
G64 101 Syllabus Revision on which schoolmasters and industrialists as well as
G64 102 university dons are represented (although that would be a practical
G64 103 first step which is already long overdue). ^We need a radical
G64 104 revolution in our whole outlook.
G64 105    |^We need to recognise that what happened to our civilisation in
G64 106 the scientific revolution was something which has implications far
G64 107 beyond the realm of technics. ^Scientists themselves often do not
G64 108 understand this, because their training has so often been dominated by
G64 109 *'classical**' assumptions. ^Hence when they try to make bridges
G64 110 across the gulf between the two cultures by starting from *1their
G64 111 *0side by writing histories of scientific thought, they often lose
G64 112 their readers in masses of anecdotes without giving any real feel of
G64 113 science at all.
G64 114    |^It is a common characteristic of historians of science, for
G64 115 example, that they never treat Galileo's ecclesiastical detractors as
G64 116 anything more than frightened obscurantists whereas in truth it was
G64 117 perfectly reasonable to refuse to look through his telescope if you
G64 118 assumed*- *1as mankind has almost universally done until the
G64 119 scientific revolution*- *0that experience is probably unreliable.
G64 120 ^Galileo was actually making a choice of interest with very practical
G64 121 consequences, as Brecht's play brought out, and our whole civilisation
G64 122 is the heir to that choice.
G64 123    |^Understanding science means understanding that choice*-
G64 124 understanding that once it has been decided to manipulate the world
G64 125 instead of just contemplating it, your basic concepts are bound to be
G64 126 *'matter**' and *'energy**', since your concern is with *'stuff**' and
G64 127 *'pushing stuff about**'*- yet there is no ultimate distinction
G64 128 between the two, so that matter and energy must prove ultimately
G64 129 interconvertible. ^At the same time there will be two primary
G64 130 practical results of science*- the discovery of how materials produce
G64 131 their effects on us and how energy can be stored and controlled.
G64 132    |^An approach to understanding science along these lines would put
G64 133 applied science in its proper perspective and it might even go some
G64 134 way towards providing a simplified basis for teaching science to
G64 135 scientists themselves. ^But the most important point to be grasped is
G64 136 that the revolution in interest which Galileo made is one which can
G64 137 and should spread to the whole of culture, and until it does our
G64 138 civilisation will remain schizoid.
G64 139    |^Defenders of classical culture are apt to argue that science and
G64 140 technology, which are concerned with means, ought properly always to
G64 141 be subordinate to the arts, the humanities and religion, which are
G64 142 concerned with ends. ^But this misses the most vital thing about the
G64 143 issue between the two cultures. ^So long as the artistic and
G64 144 humanitarian aspects of our culture are dominated by the classical
G64 145 outlook, with its radical distrust of experience, they are bound to
G64 146 seem static and powerless in comparison with science and technology,
G64 147 which derive their authority from reference to experience, or
G64 148 enhancement of it.
G64 149    |^So it is useless trying to humanise scientific education merely
G64 150 by grafting on a few *'arts**' or *'humanities**' to school or
G64 151 university science curricula, for the atmospheres of *'the two
G64 152 cultures**' are even less easily mixed than oil and water. ^We need a
G64 153 revolution in outlook in the arts and humanities themselves. ^This is
G64 154 the real point, I believe, that people like Snow are getting at when
G64 155 they ask for scientists to have more part in Government.
G64 156    |^This is not only a matter of the Government being able to
G64 157 appreciate technical issues: it is much more fundamentally a matter of
G64 158 attitude of mind. ^Those who have absorbed the atmosphere of
G64 159 scientific culture find those outside it alarming because they appear
G64 160 to be willing to attach more validity to their fundamental myths than
G64 161 to evidence. ^What the new men want*- and will have, sooner or later*-
G64 162 is a public system which bases authority always on declared evidence
G64 163 that the good of persons is demonstrably being served.
G64 164 *<*4The World and the Church*>
G64 165 *<*1by Phyllis Graham*>
G64 166 *<*4Learning to be a parent*>
G64 167    |^*2CONSIDERING *0the publicity given to the problem of juvenile
G64 168 delinquency, it is astonishing that so little has been done to remedy
G64 169 its chief cause*- the bad home. ^One would have thought that common
G64 170 sense, let alone Christianity, would have shown it was impossible to
G64 171 teach a mother to care properly for her children by removing them from
G64 172 her and sending her to prison; but this is still the most usual way of
G64 173 dealing with women accused of persistent neglect.
G64 174    |^Even on economic grounds this method of treatment stands
G64 175 condemned. ^The average cost of keeping a mother in prison is *+7 a
G64 176 week, and of a child in a Local Authority Home *+7 10\0*1s.
G64 177 ^*0Contrast this with the fees of *+4 for the mother and *+2 10\0*1s
G64 178 *0for each child charged at \0St Mary's Mothercraft Training Centre,
G64 179 Dundee. ^Thus a family of a mother and four children will cost the
G64 180 country *+37 a week when separated, and only *+14 if kept together at
G64 181 \0St Mary's.
G64 182    |^But there is more to it than this. ^Efforts have been made by the
G64 183 Royal Scottish Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children to
G64 184 secure training in mothercraft in Greenock Prison. ^This may sound
G64 185 excellent in theory but to those who have intimate experience of the
G64 186 type of mother usually brought before the court on a charge of child
G64 187 neglect it is mockery. ^A survey of cases admitted to English training
G64 188 homes showed that 27 per cent were feeble-minded or worse. ^These
G64 189 mothers cannot be taught in a vacuum. ^Only by the most patient
G64 190 showing from hour to hour how to meet the needs of their own children
G64 191 can they be expected to learn anything.
G64 192    |^Sheriff Christie of Dundee wrote in 1957:
G64 193 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G64 194    |^*'It is, I think, the universal experience that mothers who
G64 195 neglect their children do so, in the main, not through wickedness but
G64 196 through incapacity and inefficiency. ^The foundation of \0St Mary's
G64 197 opened a new chapter in dealing with these unfortunate families; it
G64 198 has brought new hope to many for whom adversity has been too much and
G64 199 it has taken the whole problem out of the province of the criminal law
G64 200 where no satisfactory solution was possible.**'
G64 201 **[END INDENTATION**]
G64 202 *# 2002
G65   1 **[252 TEXT G65**]
G65   2 *<*4Social services*>
G65   3    |^*0Progress in the social services in recent years is reflected in
G65   4 the demand for increased expenditure; advance in this field will be
G65   5 even more marked than under the Second Plan. ^It is hoped that
G65   6 compulsory primary education will cover all children in the 6 to 11
G65   7 group.
G65   8    |^The number of registered doctors is expected to grow from 84,000
G65   9 at the end of the Second Plan to 103,000 at the end of the Third;
G65  10 hospital beds will increase from 160,000 to 190,000; hospitals and
G65  11 dispensaries from 12,600 to 14,600; primary health centres from 2,800
G65  12 to 5,000; and family planning clinics from 1,800 to 2,000.
G65  13    |^The Third Plan envisages a substantial expansion in the programme
G65  14 of building houses for the low-income groups and industrial workers,
G65  15 slum clearance and acquisition of land for building purposes. ^There
G65  16 is also an extensive programme of local development works to enable
G65  17 rural areas to provide themselves with certain *1minimum *0amenities,
G65  18 such as an adequate supply of drinking water, roads linking *1each
G65  19 *0village to the nearest main road or railway station and the
G65  20 provision of a village school building which could serve as a
G65  21 community centre and library.
G65  22 *<*4Financing the plan*>
G65  23    |^*0The Third Plan envisages a total investment of \0Rs.10,200
G65  24 crores, of which \0Rs.6,200 crores will be in the public sector and
G65  25 \0Rs.4,000 crores in the private sector. ^Including the current outlay
G65  26 of \0Rs.1,050 crores, the total outlay in the public sector will thus
G65  27 be of the tune of \0Rs.7,250 crores. ^The State is basically concerned
G65  28 with covering basic capital investments and also current expenditure,
G65  29 such as salaries, subsidies, \0etc. ^Yet, the private sector still
G65  30 contributes about 90 per cent of India's total national income.
G65  31    |^The Third Plan looks for an increase of about 51 per cent in
G65  32 total investments, of about 70 per cent and 58 per cent respectively
G65  33 in public investment and current expenditure and about 29 per cent in
G65  34 private investment. ^The following table gives some indication of
G65  35 percentage allocation of investments:
G65  36 **[TABLE**]
G65  37 *<*4External resources*>
G65  38    |^*0It is in the field of external resources that the greatest
G65  39 difficulty arises in estimating the budget of the Third Plan.
G65  40 ^Considering foreign trade trends, the Draft Outline estimated that
G65  41 the total export earnings over the Third Plan period would be
G65  42 \0Rs.3,450 crores*- an average of \0Rs.690 crores per year, as
G65  43 compared to \0Rs.576 crores in 1958-59 and \0Rs.645 crores in 1959-60.
G65  44 ^The balance left for financing imports would be \0Rs.3,070 crores.
G65  45 ^As against this, imports of raw materials, intermediate products,
G65  46 food-grains, capital goods \0etc. would amount to \0Rs.3,570 crores.
G65  47 ^Thus, there would be a deficit of \0Rs.500 crores, which is about
G65  48 equal to the repayments on loans falling due in the plan period. ^The
G65  49 gap in India's external resources would, therefore, be particularly
G65  50 large in the initial years of the Plan because of heavy repayments
G65  51 falling due in these years. ^This gap is expected to narrow in
G65  52 subsequent years as output from large-scale projects now in hand
G65  53 become available. ^In addition machinery, equipment and other capital
G65  54 goods to be imported as the foreign exchange component of the Third
G65  55 Plan will be in the order of \0Rs.1,900 crores. ^Further essential
G65  56 imports of components and semi-manufactures will amount to about
G65  57 \0Rs.200 crores. ^The total requirements of external assistance for
G65  58 the Third Plan would thus amount to \0Rs.2,600 crores.
G65  59 *<*4Foreign aid*>
G65  60    |^*0The following foreign assistance was already promised or
G65  61 under-written before the launching of the Third Plan:
G65  62 **[TABLE**]
G65  63    |^Ever since the Draft Outline was published, the Indian Government
G65  64 had been conducting negotiations with the *"Aid to India Consortium**"
G65  65 (World Bank, {0*2U.S.A.}, {0U.K.}, *0Canada, France, Japan and
G65  66 West Germany) for assistance; an agreement was announced in Washington
G65  67 at the beginning of June, 1961, by which the Consortium undertook to
G65  68 furnish a maximum of \0Rs.1,060 crores to cover the first two years of
G65  69 the Third Plan, that is almost half of the total foreign exchange
G65  70 requirements for the Plan.
G65  71    |^With her national income and indigenous resources still in the
G65  72 under-developed stage, India's foreign exchange difficulties and
G65  73 consequent dependence on foreign aid are bound to continue for some
G65  74 time. ^However, given timely assistance, she faces the future with
G65  75 confidence. ^As the Draft Outline of the Third Plan declared:
G65  76    |^*"The balance of payments difficulties the country is facing are
G65  77 not a temporary or fortuitous phenomenon. ^They are part and parcel of
G65  78 the process of development. ^For a period, the excess import
G65  79 requirements have to be met from external assistance. ^But it is
G65  80 important to aim at a progressive reduction in the imbalance, so as to
G65  81 eliminate it within a foreseeable period. ^Reliance on special foreign
G65  82 aid programmes has to be steadily reduced and after a period of years
G65  83 dispensed with**".
G65  84 *<*6THE SOCIAL IMPLICATIONS OF PLANNING*>
G65  85    |^*0In the last analysis, planning is not an end in itself: it is a
G65  86 means to an end. ^A brief review has already been made of the progress
G65  87 expected under the Third Plan in education, which is the first
G65  88 essential of any social progress. ^Another important aspect of social
G65  89 advance is improvement in housing and sanitation, especially in the
G65  90 rural areas.
G65  91    |^The Third Plan provides for an outlay of \0Rs.25 crores for
G65  92 social welfare. ^A prominent role is played by the Central and State
G65  93 Social Welfare Boards. ^The Central Board itself has assisted more
G65  94 than 4,500 voluntary social welfare organizations during the last
G65  95 seven years.
G65  96    |^Some of the priorities recommended under the Third Plan include:
G65  97 (1) Intensified measures for the prevention and treatment of juvenile
G65  98 delinquency; (**=2) Moral and social hygiene programmes under the
G65  99 Suppression of Immoral Traffic Act; (**=3) Aftercare Services; (**=4)
G65 100 Prevention of beggary and vagrancy; (**=5) Prison welfare services and
G65 101 (**=6) Welfare of physically and mentally handicapped persons.
G65 102    |^Prohibition forms an important item on the programme of the State
G65 103 Governments; several of them took intensive measures during the Second
G65 104 Plan to restrict drinking in public places and to extend *"dry**"
G65 105 areas; these measures may be further intensified under the Third Plan.
G65 106    |^The rehabilitation of refugees from West Pakistan has now been
G65 107 more or less completed. ^However, rehabilitation of refugees from East
G65 108 Pakistan still remains to be accomplished. ^The Third Plan provides
G65 109 for programmes for this purpose; including the provision of housing,
G65 110 development of industries, education, training and other schemes.
G65 111 ^Work continues on the Dandakaranya Area Project, which is intended to
G65 112 rehabilitate displaced persons from East Pakistan and the local tribal
G65 113 population.
G65 114 *<*4The Community Development Movement*>
G65 115    |^*0No account of the social and economic achievement of planning
G65 116 in India would be complete without a mention of the Community
G65 117 Development Movement and the National Extension Service.
G65 118    |^Starting in 1948-49 as a project for the development of a group
G65 119 (*'block**') of villages in the Nilokheri area of the Punjab,
G65 120 primarily for the resettlement of refugees from West Pakistan, the
G65 121 Community Development Movement was firmly entrenched in the rural life
G65 122 by the end of 1951. ^On 22nd October (Mahatma Gandhi's Birthday),
G65 123 1952, the Movement was officially launched as a national undertaking
G65 124 in 55 selected projects, each covering 300 villages*- about 500 square
G65 125 miles and a population of about 200,000. ^By the beginning of 1959,
G65 126 the programme covered 2,548 blocks, that is, 339,518 villages (out of
G65 127 a total of 558,000 villages in India), with a population of 173
G65 128 million, that is nearly two-thirds of the rural population of India.
G65 129 ^As has already been mentioned, by October, 1963, the whole of the
G65 130 country will be covered by Community Projects.
G65 131    |^Under the First Plan, there was a provision of \0Rs.52.4 crores
G65 132 for expenditure on Community Projects; the amount allocated under the
G65 133 Second Plan was \0Rs.200 crores and under the Third Plan \0Rs.400
G65 134 crores.
G65 135    |^The Community Development Programme is defined as a *"programme
G65 136 of aided self-help, to be planned and implemented by the villagers
G65 137 themselves, the state offering technical guidance and financial
G65 138 assistance**". ^Its primary objective is to develop self-reliance in
G65 139 the individual and initiative in the village community.
G65 140    |^Agriculture naturally receives highest priority in the Community
G65 141 Development programme, as it is still the mainstay of 70 per cent of
G65 142 the rural population. ^Among other notable activities undertaken in
G65 143 the programme are the provision of means of communications,
G65 144 improvement in health and sanitation, better housing, mass education,
G65 145 especially the adult literacy campaign, women's and children's welfare
G65 146 and the development of cottage and small-scale industries.
G65 147    |^However, an even more important aspect of this unique movement is
G65 148 the speeding up of the process of *1democratic decentralization; *0in
G65 149 1959 the Government decided to delegate, by progressive stages,
G65 150 responsibility for using power and resources for planning and
G65 151 execution of development projects to the people's elected
G65 152 representatives. ^Village self-rule has thus become the accepted
G65 153 principle of democracy in India.
G65 154    |^A {0U.N.} Technical Mission which visited India recently has
G65 155 declared that it is *"the most significant experiment in economic
G65 156 development and social improvement in Asia at the present time**".
G65 157 *<*6ACHIEVEMENTS AND PROSPECTS*>
G65 158    |^*0India is still not self-sufficient in several respects such as
G65 159 food or the production of heavy machinery. ^Poverty, unemployment and
G65 160 illiteracy have yet to be mastered completely; and the common man
G65 161 cannot, in general, feel relaxed under the umbrella of the welfare
G65 162 state.
G65 163    |^Nevertheless what is surprising is not that planning has achieved
G65 164 so little in its first ten years, but that it has achieved so much in
G65 165 so short a time in a country which inherited problems created by
G65 166 centuries of foreign rule.
G65 167    |^Before the war, India was almost completely dependent on foreign
G65 168 countries for the most elementary articles of consumption*- from
G65 169 needles to locomotives, and from tooth paste to heavy chemicals.
G65 170 ^Today, the Indian people have attained virtual self-sufficiency in
G65 171 most articles of daily consumption.
G65 172    |^A start has been made with health schemes and sickness insurance
G65 173 in different occupations; for instance, every civil servant is
G65 174 entitled to state-aided medical care; the Railways have their own
G65 175 medical scheme, so have the Banks and large undertakings in the
G65 176 private sector.
G65 177    |^It must always be realized that 80 per cent of the Indian people
G65 178 still live in villages and 70 per cent of the Indian population still
G65 179 depend on agriculture and rural industries for their living. ^By 1965,
G65 180 the proportion of the population dependent on agriculture will go down
G65 181 to 60 per cent and urbanization will increase accordingly; so that, in
G65 182 the long run, a balance ought to be established between the agrarian
G65 183 and industrial labour force.
G65 184    |^In the meantime, the peasant derives many benefits from the
G65 185 management of the economy*- he is to a certain degree cushioned
G65 186 against the natural calamities which made life so difficult in the
G65 187 past. ^Above all, he is being given the means of improving his social
G65 188 and economic lot. ^The peasant can get credit from the local
G65 189 co-operative society and most important of all, if he needs assistance
G65 190 for the purchase or training for the use of implements, seeds,
G65 191 fertilizers, \0etc., the Community Development organization can be
G65 192 relied upon to help him. ^Above all, he has become increasingly
G65 193 conscious that his future depends not on his moneylender or landlord
G65 194 or even the administrative officer, but on himself and a democratic
G65 195 system which extends from his village to New Delhi.
G65 196 *<*6BRITAIN'S ROLE*>
G65 197    |^*0Of course, the centuries of British rule have been blamed for
G65 198 many of the shortcomings of the Indian economy in this day and age.
G65 199 ^No doubt, much of this criticism is well founded. ^Nevertheless it
G65 200 should always be remembered that the British created the framework
G65 201 within which the development of a democratic India has become
G65 202 possible. ^The legacy of the Indian Civil Service forms much of the
G65 203 foundation of the relative efficiency of the Indian machinery of
G65 204 government without which no plans could be implemented. ^The respect
G65 205 for law and the existence of an independent judiciary are safeguards
G65 206 which make certain that in India centralized planning and political
G65 207 liberty go hand in hand.
G65 208    |^Today British money continues to play an important part in the
G65 209 Indian economy. ^There has been a relative decrease in the proportion
G65 210 of private British investment; this was partly because investors from
G65 211 other countries, especially the {0U.S.A.} and Western Germany are
G65 212 coming into the Indian field on an increasing scale. ^The *1net *0flow
G65 213 of capital from the {0U.S.A.} amounted to \0Rs.22 crores in 1959,
G65 214 that is three-fifths of the total net inflow of \0Rs.38 crores during
G65 215 that year.
G65 216 *# 2026
G66   1 **[253 TEXT G66**]
G66   2 *<*4Prague 1961*>
G66   3 *<*2WILLIAM \0W. SIMPSON*>
G66   4 **[EDITORIAL**]
G66   5    |^*4P*2RAGUE IS STILL *0one of the loveliest cities of Europe, and
G66   6 one of the few still unspoiled by the ravages of modern warfare. ^But
G66   7 it is also*- or so it seemed to me*- a very sad city; a city whose
G66   8 scars are those of a *"cold**" rather than a *"hot**" war. ^I was very
G66   9 much aware of this as I stood, a few weeks ago, in the *"Ring,**" the
G66  10 Market Place of the Old City.
G66  11    |^The temptation to find *"sermons in stones**" was almost
G66  12 irresistible. ^There, in the centre of the *"Ring,**" stands a
G66  13 magnificent statue of Jan Hus, the Bohemian reformer and martyr who,
G66  14 in 1406, went to the stake rather than renounce what the Council of
G66  15 Constance had judged to be his heresies. ^On his left is the Tyn
G66  16 Church, austerely Gothic, and a symbol of the Hussite reform movement
G66  17 of which it was the spiritual centre in the fifteenth century. ^On the
G66  18 other side of the *"Ring,**" stands one of the many Baroque Churches,
G66  19 which in Prague bear witness to the Catholic revival of the
G66  20 seventeenth century.
G66  21    |^But that is not all. ^Linking the *"Ring**" with the south bank
G66  22 of the Ultava river is a splendid modern thoroughfare cut towards the
G66  23 end of the nineteenth century through the heart of what was formerly
G66  24 the Prague Ghetto. ^And at the far end, high on the north bank of the
G66  25 river, stands a colossal figure of Joseph Stalin, forever looking down
G66  26 towards the Market Place where the figure of Jan Hus forever turns its
G66  27 back towards this twentieth-century exponent of an ideology which
G66  28 denies the very foundations of Judaism and of Christianity, Protestant
G66  29 and Catholic alike!
G66  30    |^Not much of the Ghetto remains. ^Most of its buildings were
G66  31 pulled down a generation ago by town planners. ^It remained for the
G66  32 Nazis to destroy its inhabitants. ^On the walls of one of its five
G66  33 surviving Synagogues, the Pinhas, the visitor may read the names of
G66  34 70,000 men, women and children whose end was part of Hitler's attempt
G66  35 to implement the *"final solution of the Jewish problem.**" ^Of a
G66  36 community which in 1933 numbered some 357,000 there remain today only
G66  37 18,000, and of these many are almost completely assimilated. ^A few
G66  38 only of an older generation strive to keep alive the traditions of the
G66  39 fathers. ^They have become virtually the custodians of a museum;
G66  40 paradoxically, one of the finest Jewish museums in the world.
G66  41    |^For here, in Prague, the Nazis collected together ritual objects
G66  42 of all kinds from Jewish homes and Synagogues throughout Central and
G66  43 Eastern Europe. ^*"The monthly war-time return-sheets**" wrote Hana
G66  44 Volavkova in a article on the State Jewish Museum published in a
G66  45 volume of Prague Jewish Studies, *"show how the stores grew, and the
G66  46 museum spaces filled up: 2,000 Torah curtains, 4,000 Torah mantles,
G66  47 6,000 Silver Crowns, Shields and pointers, 40,000 archivalia from
G66  48 provincial towns. ^The bare figures will show the numeric growth of
G66  49 the collections, these foundation stones for the later systematic
G66  50 work, whose initial stages were quite modest.**" ^Already by the end
G66  51 of 1954 the inventory contained 120,000 numbers.
G66  52    |^But I had come to Prague, not merely to visit the representatives
G66  53 of the Jewish community, by whom I was most warmly received, but to
G66  54 attend, as an observer in a purely private and unofficial capacity,
G66  55 the First All-Christian Peace Assembly. ^The outcome of three years of
G66  56 preparatory work in which the initiative had been taken by the
G66  57 Protestant and Orthodox Churches of Eastern and South-eastern Europe,
G66  58 this Assembly brought together more than 600 Christians from all parts
G66  59 of the world and from almost every section of the Christian family,
G66  60 save one: the Roman Catholic.
G66  61 *<*4Threat of self-extermination*>
G66  62    |^*0*"The Assembly is being held,**" to quote one of the
G66  63 preliminary papers, at a time when *"mankind is being threatened with
G66  64 self-extermination, since war in the atomic age no longer presents a
G66  65 responsible and sensible possibility for solving international
G66  66 problems.**" ^Its main purpose was to consider *"what is the
G66  67 particular contribution of Christians in this situation, and on what
G66  68 is this contribution founded? ^How are we both to hear and to
G66  69 communicate God's word in this situation?**"
G66  70    |^These were, and are, very pertinent questions*- far beyond the
G66  71 scope of so large a gathering to answer in so short a time. ^For the
G66  72 600 members of the Assembly spent only five days together: two in
G66  73 plenary session, two in group discussion, and a fifth in greeting and
G66  74 taking leave of each other. ^When to the limitations imposed by this
G66  75 manifest shortage of time are added the problems arising from
G66  76 diversities of language and the need at times for a double and even a
G66  77 triple process of interpretation, it will be readily appreciated that
G66  78 the Assembly was more in the nature of a demonstration than a
G66  79 conference from which it would be reasonable to expect definitive
G66  80 results.
G66  81    |^But a demonstration of what? ^Certainly not of any claim to a
G66  82 superficial unity based on the ignoring or minimising of important,
G66  83 and at times fundamental differences between members of the various
G66  84 Churches and traditions represented in the Assembly. ^There was no
G66  85 intention, declared Professor Hromadka, Dean of the Comenius
G66  86 Theological Faculty in Prague, in his opening address to the
G66  87 Conference, *"to level the organisational differences, the diversity
G66  88 and riches of the heritage and legacy possessed by the individual
G66  89 Churches and their members... ^On the contrary, it is here, among us,
G66  90 that our multiformity assumes a deeper meaning... ^We cannot labour
G66  91 for a new atmosphere in the world, in international relations, unless
G66  92 we form here among ourselves an internal partnership of trust and
G66  93 willingness to learn from one another.**"
G66  94 *<*4Criticism of Vatican*>
G66  95    |^*0The principle was clear*- and unexceptionable. ^Its
G66  96 application, however, was far from easy. ^It very soon became evident,
G66  97 for example, that those coming from countries on the other side of
G66  98 *"the Curtain**" were determined that whatever else the Assembly might
G66  99 say or do, it should condemn *"colonialism**" and *"the Roman Catholic
G66 100 Church.**" ^Already foreshadowed by Professor Hromadka in his opening
G66 101 address, this was strongly reinforced by Archbishop Nikodem, the
G66 102 leader of the Russian Orthodox delegation, who in his opening address
G66 103 declared that *"the Roman curia, hypnotised by the prospect of the
G66 104 absolute power of the Papacy, has by its wordly **[SIC**] interest and
G66 105 connections become rooted in an old mode of life, has irreally
G66 106 **[SIC**] (*1\6sic! *0the quotation is from the translation
G66 107 distributed at the Conference) tied itself up with imperialist designs
G66 108 and is still vulgar and often hostile to the moral and social demands
G66 109 of the masses who are fighting for the ideals of freedom, equality and
G66 110 brotherhood.**"
G66 111    |^Not surprisingly, this kind of scathing and one-sided attack
G66 112 produced a strong resistance on the part of many of the *"Western**"
G66 113 representatives: a resistance which there is reason to believe was not
G66 114 altogether without effect, for although the *"Message**" of the
G66 115 Assembly contained certain critical references to the Vatican they
G66 116 were set in a context of declared intention *"to pray that God may
G66 117 hold us and our Roman Catholic brethren firmly in His love and may
G66 118 guide us all to the recognition of His will and to the obedience to
G66 119 His command of love and peace.**"
G66 120    |^For the rest, however, there was a wide area of shared concern
G66 121 and substantial agreement on such issues as the banning of nuclear
G66 122 tests, the abolition of nuclear weapons, the dangers of the *"cold
G66 123 war,**" and the need *"to fix our eyes on the co-existence and
G66 124 constructive co-operation of nations and groups of nations which are
G66 125 living in different economic, political and cultural systems and
G66 126 traditions.**" ^*"Mutual condemnation,**" declared the Assembly,
G66 127 *"should give place to a friendly co-operation.**"
G66 128 *<*4Personal contacts*>
G66 129    |^*0But the value of such an Assembly lies not merely in its formal
G66 130 pronouncements, important though the Message of this Assembly was in
G66 131 indicating a wider range of agreement on a larger number of issues
G66 132 than many might have thought possible, but rather in the personal
G66 133 meeting between people from so many and such widely differing
G66 134 situations. ^Those meetings took place in discussion groups, where, in
G66 135 spite of the tendency of representatives of certain Churches to read
G66 136 prepared statements, the beginnings of a real dialogue were
G66 137 noticeable. ^They took place also over meal tables, in the coaches
G66 138 which transported members to and from the Conference Hall, and in many
G66 139 other informal ways. ^There was a great deal of ignorance to be
G66 140 dispelled: I vividly remember a meal-time conversation with the Pastor
G66 141 of an Eastern European Church who told what a great surprise it had
G66 142 been to him to discover that Churches in one of the Western European
G66 143 countries had any interest or played any active part in relation to
G66 144 the social problems of the community. ^There were suspicions also to
G66 145 be overcome: the mutual suspicion that each was motivated by political
G66 146 rather than religious considerations.
G66 147    |^If there are Christians in the West who assume all too readily
G66 148 that their fellow Christians in the East have *"sold the pass**" in
G66 149 coming to terms with *"communism,**" there are many in the East who
G66 150 suspect that their brethren in the West are knowingly or unknowingly
G66 151 largely under the control of *"imperialist capitalism.**" ^It would be
G66 152 foolish to pretend that these suspicions are altogether without
G66 153 foundation on either side. ^Under whatever political or economic
G66 154 system they are living at the present time, Christians both East and
G66 155 West of *"the Curtain**" face the same basic problem of deciding how
G66 156 far they can, in conscience, travel with the State.
G66 157    |^This, of course, is no new problem. ^Nor is it a specifically
G66 158 Christian one. ^It is as old as the Maccabean resistance to Antiochus
G66 159 Epiphanes*- and older. ^Moreover, in the world of today it is a
G66 160 problem confronting Jews no less than Christians. ^And if the
G66 161 difficulties at present seem greater in the East, where the apostles
G66 162 of the Marxist-Leninist form of dialectical materialism openly attack
G66 163 what they regard as religious or superstitious survivals, the
G66 164 situation is hardly less serious in the West where more practical
G66 165 forms of materialism are in danger of undermining the very foundations
G66 166 of the Judeo-Christian way of life.
G66 167    |^It is, I believe, the fact that Christians (and Jews) on both
G66 168 sides of *"the Curtain**" face similar if not identical problems that
G66 169 gives special importance to this *"First All-Christian Peace
G66 170 Assembly,**" and to all that went to its making and that will, it is
G66 171 hoped, flow from it. ^That there are dangers and difficulties to be
G66 172 encountered is inevitable. ^But I came away from Prague deeply
G66 173 convinced of the value of the experience and firmly persuaded that
G66 174 Christians in the West must take this Eastern initiative much more
G66 175 seriously, and at the same time prepare themselves more effectively
G66 176 both to take advantage of the opportunities it affords and to guard
G66 177 against any dangers to which it might give rise.
G66 178 *<*4*"Better than being at school!**"*>
G66 179 *<*1An account of a recent educational project and its results*>
G66 180    |^*4I*2N HIS BOOK *0*"Race, Prejudice and Education,**" \0Dr. Cyril
G66 181 Bibby throws some doubt on the popular view that young children are
G66 182 free from prejudice, and adds that *"this attractive picture of
G66 183 childhood innocence scarcely corresponds with the facts. ^From the
G66 184 very earliest days infants are imbibing the implicit assumptions of
G66 185 the society in which they live.**" ^It is just because of this
G66 186 liability on the part of young people to pick up the prejudices of
G66 187 their environment that the Council of Christians and Jews has always
G66 188 regarded the broadening of their minds and sympathies through contacts
G66 189 with different religious, racial and cultural groups as an essential
G66 190 part of its educational programme.
G66 191    |^Here is a description of a most valuable piece of work on these
G66 192 lines carried out by the Leeds Branch of the Council as part of their
G66 193 programme and some of the reactions to which it gave rise. ^On
G66 194 Wednesday, July 12th, forty boys and girls from a local Primary
G66 195 school, accompanied by two teachers, were shown over a Synagogue by
G66 196 one of the Branch's secretaries. ^He gave them half-an-hour's talk on
G66 197 the Synagogue, its symbols and ceremonial, and there followed a period
G66 198 for questions and answers.
G66 199 *# 2014
G67   1 **[254 TEXT G67**]
G67   2 *<*6DEMON OF THE CONCRETE*>
G67   3 *<*2A NOTE ON MAX WEBER AND CONTEMPORARY SOCIOLOGY BY *6NORMAN BIRBAUM*>
G67   4    |^*2MAX WEBER, *0born in 1864 and died in 1920, is generally
G67   5 regarded as the greatest of modern sociologists. ^This received
G67   6 opinion is piously affirmed, even by those whose command of the
G67   7 original texts and their sources in intellectual and social history is
G67   8 limited. ^But Weber's work has exerted little influence on the social
G67   9 sciences in this country. ^(The situation in the {0USA} is
G67  10 different.) ^Piety, apparently, has served as a substitute for
G67  11 comprehension. ^There is little point in re-animating those
G67  12 hobgobblins **[SIC**] so familiar to all right-thinking left-wing social
G67  13 scientists: the lamentable (if recent) isolation of the British from
G67  14 Continental thought, the philistine complacency of those for whom
G67  15 complex ideas constitute the moral equivalent of greasy cooking, the
G67  16 nervous patrol mounted on academic boundaries by minds of pop-gun
G67  17 calibre. ^The reasons for the deficiency are far more profound. ^They
G67  18 affect men of honesty, talent, and vision no less than that minority
G67  19 of pedants whose chief activity is the celebration of their own
G67  20 short-sightedness as a new form of omniscience.
G67  21    |^Max Weber's life work may be understood as a desperate encounter
G67  22 with Marxism, a system of values and explanation from which Weber
G67  23 dissented*- and which he treated with the utmost seriousness and
G67  24 respect. ^In opposition to the Marxist theory of ideology, Weber
G67  25 insisted on the independent role of ideas in history. ^Contradicting
G67  26 the Marxist notion of social classes, he held that status groupings
G67  27 were often more important. ^Challenging the Marxist view of the state,
G67  28 he developed an original conception of bureaucracy. ^He studied the
G67  29 inter-relationship of society and religion in the Protestant west,
G67  30 India, China, and Ancient Judaism; and brought a vast historical
G67  31 perspective to the analysis of the crisis of capitalist society.
G67  32 ^Master of a thousand historical particulars, he used his immense
G67  33 learning to seek generalisation. ^Endowed with a profound capacity for
G67  34 abstraction, he never used abstraction to annihilate the uniqueness of
G67  35 any specific historical situation. ^He moved with bewildering rapidity
G67  36 from methodological prescription, through the analysis of the language
G67  37 of the social sciences, into specific empirical studies, towards
G67  38 sociological generalisation, and*- finally*- transcended this to
G67  39 construct a philosophy of history. ^Upon his death, a contemporary
G67  40 said: *"^With Max Weber, our sciences reached their highest peak*- and
G67  41 promptly fell from it.**" ^Weber attempted, indeed, a synthesis of the
G67  42 abstract and the concrete by juxtaposing the one and the other.
G67  43 ^Trapped within the antitheses of a science resolutely positivistic,
G67  44 he sought to break out by showing the evaluative bias intrinsic to any
G67  45 approach to fact, and by insisting upon the inadequacy of any
G67  46 metaphysics when it confronted the irreducible data of history: power,
G67  47 conflict and anguish.
G67  48    |^It is now, perhaps, somewhat clearer why Weber is so difficult of
G67  49 assimilation to British social thought. ^His life work is not alone
G67  50 the product of genius, but of genius in a particular historical
G67  51 crisis: he united methodological scruple, and spiritual self-awareness
G67  52 with a pessimistic conviction of the political impotence of social
G67  53 science. ^The dilemmas of a self-consciously *"academic**" science, of
G67  54 political liberalism, of modern Protestantism afflicted him in their
G67  55 German form. ^His work gave them a more universal expression. ^Nothing
G67  56 like this coalescence of crises has occurred here*- yet. ^We still
G67  57 await an end to *"empiricism**". ^It can come only when (as happened
G67  58 to Weber and his contemporaries) the usual categories of analysis
G67  59 dissolve because the institutions to which they refer disintegrate.
G67  60 ^But we may understand Weber's work as a supreme instance of an
G67  61 intellectual effort to master a reality that seemed to defy practical
G67  62 human alteration.
G67  63    |^The understanding of Max Weber is not easy for someone raised in
G67  64 the English-speaking countries. ^His style is tortuous, and some of
G67  65 his most important works were until recently not available in
G67  66 translation. ^The secondary literature in English has tended to
G67  67 emphasize his methodological writings, and has at times treated these
G67  68 out of context. ^With the publication of Reinhard Bendix's admirable
G67  69 book on Weber's general sociology, however, we do have a reliable and
G67  70 ample guide to the full scope of his thought. ^Professor Bendix has
G67  71 grasped what is essential in Weber's work, the internal reasons for
G67  72 its alternation between abstraction and concrete description. ^Given
G67  73 the depth, complexity, and sheer scope of Weber's writings, Professor
G67  74 Bendix can only be congratulated upon a remarkable feat of compression
G67  75 and synthesis. ^He has brought to the surface, further, much that is
G67  76 latent in the texts and he is everywhere, faithful to them. ^We might
G67  77 have hoped for a more systematic account of the relationship between
G67  78 the work and its political setting, but not everything can be done in
G67  79 one book. ^(Meanwhile, a young German scholar, Wolfgang Mommsen of
G67  80 Tuebingen, has given us just such an account in his {*1Max Weber und
G67  81 die Deutsche Politik} *01890-1920; a translation is much to be
G67  82 desired.)
G67  83 *<*4Theory \0vs. Research*>
G67  84    |^*0The appearance of the Bendix volume, however, gives rise to
G67  85 some melancholy reflections on the present state of British sociology.
G67  86 ^I don't refer to the plight of the subject in terms of university
G67  87 politics, to its difficulties of recruitment and expansion. ^I do
G67  88 refer to the curious intellectual atmosphere many of its practitioners
G67  89 breathe, to their penchant for universalising minor differences of
G67  90 emphasis and to their equally prominent aptitude for ignoring major
G67  91 ones. ^Theory has been opposed to research, comparative and historical
G67  92 studies have been set against investigations of contemporary British
G67  93 social structure, pure science has been invoked against the applied
G67  94 sort. ^No formulation is too crude, no argument too tiresome, when
G67  95 these embattled knights arm themselves with cliches for their (paper)
G67  96 Armageddon. ^It would appear, to the mere outsider interested in
G67  97 knowledge of society, to be pointless*- but an insider can tell him
G67  98 that it has a point, namely, it is all prophylactic*- it prevents a
G67  99 rigorous and sustained criticism of the protagonists' assumptions.
G67 100 ^The contending approaches I've just cited (I could add some more,
G67 101 extending to scholastic disputes about which techniques ought to be
G67 102 applied in*- entirely hypothetical*- investigations) of course contend
G67 103 mainly in the minds of the disputants. ^What makes so many of these
G67 104 debates so sterile is that the participants either cannot or will not
G67 105 see that they occupy vantage points of a very restricted sort; they
G67 106 seem to think that, like so many intellectual collossues, **[SIC**]
G67 107 they straddle the globe. ^The more one looks at this, the more one
G67 108 feels that the thing which British sociologists need is to consider
G67 109 the implications of Weber's work for their own.
G67 110 *<*4One Historical Actuality*>
G67 111    |^*0They might begin by noting that Weber was fascinated by what we
G67 112 may term the demon of the concrete. ^In every event, he saw the point
G67 113 at which many historical possibilities were transformed into one
G67 114 historical actuality*- which in turn led to new possibilities. ^Every
G67 115 event, further, was susceptible of interpretation in a variety of
G67 116 theoretical contexts. ^The interpretation chosen by the sociologists,
G67 117 then, depends upon his prior assumptions as much as upon the unique
G67 118 properties of the event. ^But only those unique properties were
G67 119 capable of altering theoretical assumptions, by suggesting new ones.
G67 120 ^Put in this way, Weber's procedure sounds too much like the crude
G67 121 scientism advocated by many who see in the social sciences only a
G67 122 substitute for the (alleged) straight-forwardness of the natural
G67 123 sciences: hypothesis, deduction, induction, new hypothesis and so on
G67 124 {6*1ad infinitum}. ^*0That is not what Weber meant.
G67 125    |^In the first place, he held that interpretation depended upon
G67 126 understanding*- a seizure of the essentially human components of
G67 127 evaluation and motivation in social action. ^(In this sense, Weber at
G67 128 times came close to the Marxist analysis of *1practise. **[SIC**])
G67 129 ^*0More importantly, perhaps, Weber held that the manifold meaning
G67 130 attached to the event by the social scientist could alter his
G67 131 definition of the concrete event itself. ^Weber saw sociology and the
G67 132 social sciences in general as dialectically related to reality*- even
G67 133 if he did not use the term, and even if the substance of his own
G67 134 sociology represented a challenge to historical materialism. ^And, in
G67 135 the last resort, Weber's efforts were directed to mastering concrete
G67 136 reality in all its fullness*- a fullness which was demonic because of
G67 137 the human situation itself.
G67 138 *<*4Exhausting Reality*>
G67 139    |^*0The placid and complacent way in which the ordinary British
G67 140 social investigator supposes that what he sees exhausts reality, is a
G67 141 striking commentary on his own deficiencies of imagination. ^The
G67 142 deficiency is no less painful because it happens to be common amongst
G67 143 a group of sociologists whose own social ideals are, on the whole,
G67 144 admirable. ^The new book by Young and Wilmott, written not for
G67 145 purposes of market research, but with a genuinely ameliorative bias,
G67 146 is a case in point. ^The book is, to begin with, curiously
G67 147 non-critical. ^It takes at face value, or very nearly so, the
G67 148 statements of the informants. ^By doing so (by capitulating to one
G67 149 face of the concrete, in other words) it tacitly conveys the
G67 150 impression, not alone that the subjects interviewed lack depth*- but
G67 151 that their reactions, such as they are, exhaust the range of human
G67 152 possibilities in this society. ^This may be so*- but then it ought to
G67 153 be stated as a judgement about this society, positive or negative.
G67 154 ^There is, further, an irreducible sentimentalism about the book*- as
G67 155 if the authors suffered from guilt at possessing different values,
G67 156 different experiences, different horizons from both their middle-class
G67 157 and working-class subjects. ^Yet that difference of perspective
G67 158 between authors and subjects is of course the pre-condition of their
G67 159 work, the point of departure for such social criticism as the book
G67 160 contains. ^In refusing to deal, explicitly, with the problem of their
G67 161 own perspectives the authors do lose their chance to criticise that of
G67 162 their subjects. ^For instance, they equate middle-class
G67 163 *"friendliness**" in the suburb to *"friendliness**" amongst the
G67 164 working-class, whereas their own data make it clear that we have to
G67 165 deal with two radically distinct psychological phenomena. ^As for their
G67 166 conclusion, that an informant's banalities about home and fireside
G67 167 represented no dangerous dissatisfaction with the social structure, it
G67 168 is difficult to see in it anything but an effort to give a restricted
G67 169 view of one aspect of contemporary Britain some long-term
G67 170 significance. ^Not having worried explicitly about the significance of
G67 171 their findings, they do seem to accept highly conventional notions
G67 172 about it. ^(When writing casually about the many householders who,
G67 173 partly as a refuge from the monotony of their own work, did a good
G67 174 deal of artisan work about the home they missed a serious opening for
G67 175 probing deeply into some of the hidden relationships and deprivations
G67 176 that affect us.)
G67 177    |^For saying something like this some years ago about *1Family and
G67 178 Kinship in East London, *0I was relegated to outer darkness as a
G67 179 critic of the Institute of Community Studies. ^I hope these remarks
G67 180 will not be taken as evidence of rejection of their enterprise, nor
G67 181 indeed of any lack of sympathy for a group of colleagues who are doing
G67 182 useful and challenging work. ^It does suggest that, like Max Weber,
G67 183 they might begin to use their heads.
G67 184 *<*4notebook*>
G67 185 *<*6THE NEW FRONTIER*>
G67 186 *<*5by Stuart Hall*>
G67 187    |^*2THERE IS *0now considerable discontent brewing about education.
G67 188 ^It arises from many different quarters*- among teachers and
G67 189 administrators (\0Cf. the recent controversy in *1The Observer
G67 190 *0between \0Mr. Amis and his colleagues and \0Dr. Petersen), academic
G67 191 authorities (\0Cf. the reports of several recent conferences), parents
G67 192 (\0Cf. the recent \0PEP pamphlet, *1Parents' Views On Education,
G67 193 *03\0s. 6\0d.) and students (see *1Oxford Opinions *0below). ^Only the
G67 194 Labour Party remains sweetly oblivious.
G67 195    |^The common thread which link **[SIC**] these different aspects is
G67 196 the continuing existence of a two-tiered, two-class structure. ^Luck,
G67 197 sweat, scholarships and grants may all provide ladders or
G67 198 switch-points, by means of which young men and women may, at some
G67 199 point in their education, shift from one stream to another. ^But these
G67 200 ameliorative measures cannot disguise the central fact that, in
G67 201 secondary as in further education, there is a *"high-road**" and a
G67 202 *"back-door**"; and the standards which apply or the resources which
G67 203 are set aside differ, depending upon which stream you are in, as
G67 204 sharply as they do in, say, our provision in old age.
G67 205 *# 2006
G68   1 **[255 TEXT G68**]
G68   2 *<*5Kenya's Frustrated Election*>
G68   3    |^*2THE *0Lancaster House Conference on Kenya, held in January and
G68   4 February 1960, opened the way to an African Government. ^Although
G68   5 there was no provision for a Chief Minister in the new Constitution,
G68   6 it did concede an effective African majority in the Legislative
G68   7 Council by the establishment of the first open seats on a wide common
G68   8 roll franchise: there were to be thirty-three of them, against twenty
G68   9 seats reserved for the minorities, Europeans, Asians, and Arabs.
G68  10 ^Besides this, Africans would form for the first time the largest
G68  11 unofficial group in the Council of Ministers. ^Rumour had it then in
G68  12 Nairobi that Africans were being granted independence; from then on
G68  13 *1\Uhuru *0(Swahili: freedom) became the slogan of African politics.
G68  14 ^Later, 1 March 1961, the day subsequently fixed for the announcement
G68  15 of the poll in the forthcoming elections, was regarded by many as the
G68  16 day on which this would come. ^In consequence, the twelve months
G68  17 following the Lancaster House Conference was a period of excitement
G68  18 mounting into the election campaign of early 1961 and culminating in
G68  19 the elections which took place between 20 and 27 February. ^For the
G68  20 European settler community, on the other hand, Lancaster House was the
G68  21 final shattering of the dream of the *'white colony**' to which they
G68  22 had been encouraged to come from the beginning of the century by
G68  23 successive British Governments and Governors of Kenya. ^To them the
G68  24 Conference was a betrayal of hopes, as also of their constructive work
G68  25 in Kenya. ^Thus one settler cast thirty pieces of silver before the
G68  26 European leader Michael Blundell on his return from the Conference,
G68  27 though this provoked Africans to cry: ^*'\0Mr Blundell, we will vote
G68  28 for you, if necessary.**'
G68  29    |^Could Africans now exploit their success? ^For this, as many saw,
G68  30 unity was essential. ^In May 1960 the Kenya African National Union
G68  31 (\0KANU) was established, proclaiming by its title both descent from
G68  32 the proscribed Kenya African Union which Kenyatta had led, and also
G68  33 comparison with the Tanganyika African National Union; it set out to
G68  34 be the monolithic structure seen as essential in the fight for
G68  35 independence, from India to Ghana. ^Curiously, in Kenya, where there
G68  36 was the struggle not only against colonial rule but also against
G68  37 settler domination, this unity soon dissolved.
G68  38    |^There were three main reasons for this. ^The new party was soon
G68  39 regarded as the construction of two tribes, the Kikuyu and the Luo,
G68  40 the largest and most densely populated of the agricultural tribes.
G68  41 ^Cain's actions aroused the fears of Abel: the tribes of pastoralist
G68  42 tradition drew together to defend themselves, forming first the Masai
G68  43 United Front and the Kalenjin Political Alliance. ^Then these two
G68  44 bodies came together with associations of some of the smaller
G68  45 agricultural tribes to form the Kenya African Democratic Union
G68  46 (\0KADU). ^The third word of its title indicated a rejection of the
G68  47 monolithic structure of the nationalist party and an assertion that
G68  48 this would be a party considering and accommodating diverse interests.
G68  49 ^Inherent in the party's formation was, too, a dislike of many of its
G68  50 leaders for Tom Mboya, the Kenya African leader best known*- apart
G68  51 from Kenyatta*- in Britain and America. ^However, the financial
G68  52 support he had raised there for scholarships to send students to
G68  53 America and for his trade union activities had roused fears and
G68  54 jealousies among other leaders. ^These found expression at the end of
G68  55 the Lancaster House Conference: Ngala and Muliro, later the two
G68  56 leading figures in \0KADU, expressed in a press conference their
G68  57 disapproval of the way in which Mboya had been accepted by the British
G68  58 press and television as the leader of the African delegation when he
G68  59 was only its secretary. ^After the return to Kenya, a deliberate
G68  60 attempt was made by some of the African leaders to shut Mboya
G68  61 completely out of the formation of new parties.
G68  62    |^Whilst this African political activity went on, the minorities
G68  63 were considering their position. ^Sir Ferdinand Cavendish-Bentinck
G68  64 resigned as Speaker of the Legislative Council to defend, as he said,
G68  65 the interests of those whom he had encouraged over the years to settle
G68  66 in Kenya in reliance on the promises of successive British
G68  67 Governments. ^He formed the *'Kenya Coalition**', a *'movement**', as
G68  68 he called it, to appeal first to the Europeans but then to the
G68  69 *'minorities**' generally. ^Unfortunately for this, Sir Ferdinand, the
G68  70 leader of European opinion in the 'thirties and 'forties, was regarded
G68  71 by the Asians as an old opponent. ^He and the Coalition made no appeal
G68  72 to them or to the smaller African tribes, who preferred to form their
G68  73 own Union, \0KADU, and to work in the new framework of African
G68  74 politics.
G68  75    |^They were ready to contest the new open seats, in the formation
G68  76 of which they had certainly been favoured. ^The new constituencies
G68  77 were drawn up by a Kenya Government Working Party composed of the
G68  78 Chief Secretary and the Attorney-General. ^Although the pastoralists
G68  79 formed only 10 per cent of the population, six of the thirty-three
G68  80 seats were allotted to their areas, and fifteen to the 60 per cent of
G68  81 the population represented by *'{0KANU}-tribes**' (Kikuyu, Embu,
G68  82 Meru, Luo, Kamba, and Kisii). ^The disproportion is most starkly seen
G68  83 in the allocation of two seats to the Masai and four to the Kikuyu,
G68  84 with populations respectively of 60,288 and 1,026,341 (1948 census,
G68  85 the latest available); was this the traditional administrator's
G68  86 favouring of the noble Masai and another punishment of the rebellious
G68  87 Kikuyu? ^If the latter, it may be observed that the Luo, with 757,043
G68  88 (1948), received only three seats, one more than the Masai. ^Yet when
G68  89 the Working Party Report was debated in the Legislative Council the
G68  90 African elected members made little comment. ^Indeed the Chief
G68  91 Secretary, in introducing the Report, placed them on the defensive by
G68  92 saying that if more seats were claimed in any one area they would have
G68  93 to be taken away from another. ^Tribal jealousies prevented any
G68  94 effective reply.
G68  95    |^As 1960 went on, the events of the Congo increased profoundly the
G68  96 fears among the minorities of Kenya for their future under an
G68  97 independent African Government. ^The flight of capital, at the rate of
G68  98 *+1 million a month since the Lancaster House Conference, continued so
G68  99 steadily that in September \0KANU leaders*- the president, Gichuru,
G68 100 and secretary, Mboya*- sought to reassure foreign investors by
G68 101 moderate statements in Britain and elsewhere in Europe. ^Even there
G68 102 they remained firm on one point: Kenyatta, regarded by Kenya Africans
G68 103 as the father of their nationalism, must be released. ^To Europeans,
G68 104 Government officials and settlers alike, Kenyatta was, as the Governor
G68 105 described him, *'a leader to darkness and death**'. ^Here there was no
G68 106 basis for a meeting between the Governor and \0KANU, a situation which
G68 107 became worse in the pressures of the election campaign. ^The original
G68 108 moderation of \0KANU's election manifesto, particularly with regard to
G68 109 land, was overthrown under the pressure of a more extreme nationalist
G68 110 opinion. ^Gichuru was reported as saying to a \0KANU meeting in
G68 111 November: ^*'After \*1Uhuru *0Europeans and Asians will kneel to
G68 112 us.**' ^Moderation may be possible for Kenya leaders in Britain but
G68 113 not in Kenya; this was now no less true of Africans than it had been
G68 114 of Europeans in the past.
G68 115    |^Effective leadership in \0KANU was passing to the more extreme
G68 116 Oginga Odinga, the Luo who, since 1958, had taken the lead in the
G68 117 acceptance of Kenyatta and in the demand for his release. ^Odinga
G68 118 became even less popular with the administration when in
G68 119 August-September 1960 he went off on a visit behind the Iron Curtain,
G68 120 returning with favourable impressions of Chinese methods. ^Whether he
G68 121 had become a Communist rather than a Luo tribal nationalist is
G68 122 debatable, but certainly he had much money which made him a formidable
G68 123 figure in the coming election campaign, though he told the Legislative
G68 124 Council he had received this from friends in Britain. ^His return
G68 125 imported the politics of the cold war into \0KANU, for Odinga and
G68 126 Mboya were soon being attacked as stooges of, respectively,
G68 127 Sino-Soviet and American imperialism. ^It was not long before the
G68 128 leaders' quarrels reached down to infect and divide the branches of
G68 129 \0KANU across the country. ^The party resembled in no respect the
G68 130 monolithic organization it had set out to be.
G68 131    |^These quarrels, the apparent link of Odinga with Communism, and
G68 132 the naturally outspoken remarks of an election campaign served in no
G68 133 way to allay European fears. ^Indeed they made more difficult the task
G68 134 of Michael Blundell's New Kenya Party, which sought to persuade the
G68 135 Europeans that it was possible to work with Africans, that there was a
G68 136 future for them in co-operation in an independent Kenya. ^The party
G68 137 had originated in the Legislative Council in 1959 as the New Kenya
G68 138 Group, with a multi-racial membership. ^Now, faced with the need to
G68 139 appeal to their own communities, the Group's Asian and African members
G68 140 had refused to stand under such a multi-racial banner. ^The Europeans
G68 141 of the Group found themselves left alone to appeal to their own
G68 142 electorate under the name of the New Kenya Party. ^At Lancaster House
G68 143 the Europeans had insisted that they would not have the system of
G68 144 common roll elections adopted in Tanganyika, but that candidates
G68 145 should first show some basis of support in their own community by a
G68 146 primary election. ^The Working Party fixed 25 per cent of the votes as
G68 147 the qualifying figure to be obtained before proceeding to the common
G68 148 roll. ^The Europeans clearly showed what they thought of the
G68 149 possibilities of racial co-operation: three of the {0N.K.P.}'s
G68 150 candidates failed to obtain the necessary 25 per cent, whilst their
G68 151 leader only scraped through with 26.7 per cent. ^Blundell's image had
G68 152 been successfully projected by the Coalition as that of *'A man of
G68 153 many voices... a politician**', whom it was not possible to trust. ^On
G68 154 the announcement of the primary results Sir Ferdinand
G68 155 Cavendish-Bentinck could justifiably claim an outstanding triumph, but
G68 156 this was only the first stage of the election. ^The principle of
G68 157 Kenya's new Constitution established at Lancaster House was the common
G68 158 roll, so it would be the mass African vote that would prove decisive.
G68 159 ^Would Sir Ferdinand's be a Pyrrhic victory?
G68 160    |^Any doubts appeared to be set at rest when leaders of both \0KANU
G68 161 and \0KADU refused to meet him when he invited them for discussions
G68 162 saying they should respect European wishes to build confidence.
G68 163 ^Instead, his approaches were rejected with contumely,
G68 164 Cavendish-Bentinck being called for his pains *'a European
G68 165 tribalist**'. ^Then began the most interesting stage of the election
G68 166 as the two European leaders, Blundell and Cavendish-Bentinck, competed
G68 167 for African votes. ^Both the African parties proclaimed support for
G68 168 Blundell, and \0KANU's president, Gichuru, spoke on his behalf. ^Yet
G68 169 the division in \0KANU became evident here too. ^Odinga announced that
G68 170 \0KANU's Governing Council had not been consulted and that he would
G68 171 support Cavendish-Bentinck, saying: ^*'At least with Sir Ferdinand
G68 172 Cavendish-Bentinck we know where we stand. ^\0Mr Blundell gets his
G68 173 support from the Colonial Office... ^Better the enemy you know than
G68 174 the one you do not.**' ^In the end the intervention of Odinga's
G68 175 supporters had little effect; Blundell was returned with overwhelming
G68 176 African support. ^Back went with him into the Legislative Council, on
G68 177 the support of the African vote, all his surviving candidates from the
G68 178 primary stage, except one who appears to have been so discouraged by
G68 179 only narrowly scraping by (with 28.01 per cent) that he had ceased to
G68 180 campaign. ^The European feeling against Blundell was such that he
G68 181 almost went into hiding for some days after the election, not daring
G68 182 to visit leading European clubs; in one of them a leading supporter
G68 183 was then assaulted, as he himself had been during the campaign.
G68 184    |^In the open seats there were few real surprises. ^The pattern of
G68 185 Kenya African politics was that of *'one-party tribes**'. ^Since
G68 186 individual tribes were committed to either \0KANU or \0KADU, all that
G68 187 remained of any real interest was whether the official party
G68 188 candidates or the *'party-independents**' would win. ^As these latter
G68 189 were allowed by their respective parties to join their parliamentary
G68 190 groups after the election, the relationship of party to seats which
G68 191 had been forecast was almost exactly fulfilled: 19 \0KANU, 11 \0KADU,
G68 192 and 3 Independents.
G68 193 *# 2011
G69   1 **[256 TEXT G69**]
G69   2 *<*6THE NEW DIVINITY*>
G69   3 *<*4Sir Julian Huxley*>
G69   4 **[EDITORIAL**]
G69   5    |^*'*0WHY ARE these strange souls born everywhere today, with
G69   6 hearts that Christianity cannot satisfy?**', asked {0W. B.} Yeats.
G69   7 ^It is certainly a fact that Christianity does not, and I would add
G69   8 cannot, satisfy an increasing number of people throughout the West;
G69   9 and it does not and cannot do so because it is a particular brand of
G69  10 religion which is no longer related or relevant to the facts of
G69  11 existence as revealed by the march of events and the growth of
G69  12 knowledge.
G69  13    |^But first of all we must ask what we mean by a religion. ^A
G69  14 religion is an organ of man in society which helps him to cope with
G69  15 the problems of nature and his destiny*- his place and role in the
G69  16 universe. ^It always involves the sense of sacredness or mystery and
G69  17 of participation in a continuing enterprise; it is always concerned
G69  18 with the problem of good and evil and with what transcends the
G69  19 individual self and the immediate and present facts of every day. ^It
G69  20 always has some framework of beliefs, some code of ethics, and some
G69  21 system of expression*- what are usually called a theology, a morality,
G69  22 and a ritual. ^When we look closely we find that the beliefs largely
G69  23 determine both the nature of the moral code and the form of the
G69  24 ritual.
G69  25    |^The theological framework on which Christianity is supported
G69  26 includes as its centre the basic belief of all theistic religions*-
G69  27 belief in the supernatural and in the existence of a god or gods,
G69  28 supernatural beings endowed with properties of knowing, feeling and
G69  29 willing akin to those of a human personality. ^In Christian theology,
G69  30 God is a being who created the world and man at a definite date in the
G69  31 past (until recently specified as 4004 {0B.C.}) and in essentially
G69  32 the same form they have today; a ruler capable of producing miracles
G69  33 and of influencing natural events, including events in human minds,
G69  34 and conversely of being influenced by man's prayers and responding to
G69  35 them.
G69  36    |^Christianity believes in a last judgment by God at a definite but
G69  37 unspecified future date. It believes in an eternal life after death in
G69  38 a supernatural realm, and makes salvation through belief its central
G69  39 aim. ^It believes in the fall of man and original sin, that its code
G69  40 of morals has been commanded by God, and that all mankind is descended
G69  41 from a single couple. ^It asserts a partial polytheism in the doctrine
G69  42 of the Trinity, and gives full rein to what the students of
G69  43 comparative religion call polydaimonism by its belief in angels,
G69  44 saints and the Virgin, and their power to grant human prayers.
G69  45 ^Officially it still believes in hell and in the Devil and other evil
G69  46 supernatural beings, though these beliefs are rapidly fading.
G69  47    |^It is based on a belief in divine revelation and in the
G69  48 historical reality of supernatural events such as the incarnation and
G69  49 resurrection of Jesus as the son of the first person of the Trinity.
G69  50 ^It claims or assumes that all other religions are false and that only
G69  51 Christianity (or only one brand of Christianity) is true. ^It assumes
G69  52 that the earth occupies a central position in the divine scheme of
G69  53 things and that, though God is believed to be omnipotent, omniscient
G69  54 and omnibenevolent, he has a special concern with man's salvation.
G69  55    |^This system of beliefs is quite unacceptable in the world of
G69  56 today. ^It is contradicted, as a whole and in detail, by our extended
G69  57 knowledge of the cosmos, of the solar system, of our own planet, of
G69  58 our own species, and of our individual selves.
G69  59    |^Christianity is dogmatic, dualistic and essentially geocentric.
G69  60 It is based on a vision of reality which sees the universe as static,
G69  61 short-lived, small, and ruled by a supernatural personal being. ^The
G69  62 vision we now possess, thanks to the patient and imaginative labours
G69  63 of thousands of physicists, chemists, biologists, psychologists,
G69  64 anthropologists, archaeologists, historians and humanists, is
G69  65 incommensurable with it. ^In the light of this new vision, our picture
G69  66 of reality becomes unitary, temporally and spatially of almost
G69  67 inconceivable vastness, dynamic, and constantly transforming itself
G69  68 through the operation of its own inherent properties. ^It is also
G69  69 scientific, in the sense of being based on established knowledge, and
G69  70 accordingly non-dogmatic, basically self-correcting, and itself
G69  71 evolving. ^Its keynote, the central concept to which all its details
G69  72 are related, is evolution.
G69  73    |^Let me try to outline this new vision as briefly as possible. ^On
G69  74 the basis of our present understanding, all reality is in a perfectly
G69  75 valid sense one universal process of evolution. ^The single process
G69  76 occurs in three phases*- first, the inorganic or cosmic, operating by
G69  77 physical and to a limited extent chemical interaction, and leading to
G69  78 the production of such organizations of matter as nebulae, stars, and
G69  79 solar systems; in our galaxy this phase has been going on for at least
G69  80 six billion years. ^In the rare places where matter has become
G69  81 self-reproducing, the inorganic has been succeeded by the organic or
G69  82 biological phase; this operates primarily by the ordering agency we
G69  83 call natural selection, and leads to the production of increasingly
G69  84 varied and increasingly higher organizations of matter, such as
G69  85 flowers, insects, cuttlefish, and vertebrates, and to the emergence of
G69  86 mind and increasingly higher organizations of awareness. ^On our
G69  87 planet this has been operating for rather under three billion years.
G69  88    |^Finally, in what must be the extremely rare places (we only know
G69  89 for certain of one) where, to put it epigrammatically, mind has become
G69  90 self-reproducing through man's capacity to transmit experience and its
G69  91 products cumulatively, we have the human or psychosocial phase. ^This
G69  92 operates by the self-perpetuating but self-varying and (within limits)
G69  93 self-correcting process of cumulative learning and cumulative
G69  94 transmission, and leads to the evolution of increasingly varied and
G69  95 increasingly higher psychosocial products, such as religions,
G69  96 scientific concepts, labour-saving machinery, legal systems, and works
G69  97 of art.
G69  98    |^Our pre-human ancestors arrived at the threshold of the critical
G69  99 step to this phase around a million years ago; but they became fully
G69 100 human, and psychosocial evolution began to work really effectively,
G69 101 only within the last few tens of millennia. ^During that short span of
G69 102 evolutionary time, man has not changed genetically in any significant
G69 103 way, and his evolution has been predominantly cultural, manifested in
G69 104 the evolution of his social systems, his ideas, and his technological
G69 105 and artistic creations.
G69 106    |^The new vision enlarges our future as much as our past. ^Advance
G69 107 in biological evolution took place through a succession of so-called
G69 108 dominant types*- in the last four hundred million years from jawless,
G69 109 limbless vertebrates to fish, then through amphibians to reptiles,
G69 110 from reptiles to mammals, and finally to man. ^Each new dominant type
G69 111 is in some important way biologically more efficient than the last, so
G69 112 that when it breaks through to evolutionary success it multiplies and
G69 113 spreads at the expense of its predecessors.
G69 114    |^Man is the latest dominant type to arise in the evolution of this
G69 115 earth. ^There is no possibility of his dominant position in evolution
G69 116 being challenged by any existing type of creature, whether rat or ape
G69 117 or insect. ^All that could happen to man (if he does not blow himself
G69 118 up with nuclear bombs or convert himself into a cancer of his planet
G69 119 by over-multiplication) is that he could transform himself as a whole
G69 120 species into something new. ^He has nearly three billion years of
G69 121 evolution behind him, from his first pre-cellular beginnings: barring
G69 122 accidents, he has at least as much time before him to pursue his
G69 123 evolutionary course.
G69 124    |^Yeats implied, or indeed affirmed, that if the Christian God were
G69 125 rejected, a Savage God would take his place. ^This certainly could
G69 126 happen, but it need not happen, and we can be pretty sure that in the
G69 127 long run it will not happen.
G69 128    |^The new framework of ideas on which any new dominant religion
G69 129 will be based is at once evolutionary and humanist. ^For evolutionary
G69 130 humanism, gods are creations of man, not {6vice versa}. ^Gods begin
G69 131 as hypotheses serving to account for certain phenomena of outer nature
G69 132 and inner experience: they develop into more unified theories, which
G69 133 purport to explain the phenomena and make them comprehensible; and
G69 134 they end up by being hypostasized as supernatural personal beings
G69 135 capable of influencing the phenomena. ^As theology develops, the range
G69 136 of phenomena accounted for by the god-hypothesis is extended to cover
G69 137 the entire universe, and the gods become merged in God.
G69 138    |^However, with the development of human science and learning, this
G69 139 universal or absolute God becomes removed further and further back
G69 140 from phenomena and any control of them. ^As interpreted by the more
G69 141 desperately *'liberal**' brands of Christianity today, he appears to
G69 142 the humanist as little more than the smile of a cosmic Cheshire cat,
G69 143 but one which is irreversibly disappearing.
G69 144    |^But though I believe that gods and God in any meaningful
G69 145 non-Pickwickian sense are destined to disappear, the stuff of divinity
G69 146 out of which they have grown and developed remains and will provide
G69 147 much of the raw material from which any new religions will be
G69 148 fashioned. ^This religious raw material consists in those aspects of
G69 149 nature and elements in experience which are usually described as
G69 150 divine. ^The term *1divine *0did not originally imply the existence of
G69 151 gods: on the contrary, gods were constructed to interpret man's
G69 152 experiences of this quality in phenomena.
G69 153    |^Some events and some phenomena of outer nature transcend ordinary
G69 154 explanation and ordinary experience. ^They inspire awe and seem
G69 155 mysterious, explicable only in terms of something beyond or above
G69 156 ordinary nature*- *'super-natural**' power, a *'super-human**' element
G69 157 at work in the universe.
G69 158    |^Such magical, mysterious, awe-inspiring, divinity-suggesting
G69 159 facts have included wholly outer phenomena like volcanic eruptions,
G69 160 thunder, and hurricanes; biological phenomena such as sex and
G69 161 reproduction, birth, disease and death; and also phenomena of man's
G69 162 inner life such as intoxication, possession, speaking with tongues,
G69 163 inspiration, insanity, and mystic vision.
G69 164    |^With the growth of knowledge most of these phenomena have ceased
G69 165 to be mysterious so far as rational or scientific inexplicability is
G69 166 concerned. ^But there remains the fundamental mystery of existence,
G69 167 and in particular the existence of mind. ^Our knowledge of physics and
G69 168 chemistry, physiology and neurology does not account for the basic
G69 169 fact of subjective experience, though it helps us to understand its
G69 170 workings. ^The stark fact of mind sticks in the throat of pure
G69 171 rationalism and reductionist materialism.
G69 172    |^However, it remains true that many phenomena are charged with a
G69 173 magic quality of transcendent and even compulsive power, and introduce
G69 174 us to a realm beyond ordinary experience. ^Such events and such
G69 175 experiences merit a special designation. ^For want of a better, I use
G69 176 the term *1divine, *0though this quality of divinity is not truly
G69 177 supernatural but *1transnatural*- *0it grows out of ordinary nature,*****
G69 178 but transcends it. ^The divine is what man finds worthy of adoration,
G69 179 that which compels his worship: and during history it evolves like
G69 180 everything else.
G69 181    |^Much of every religion is aimed at the discovery and safeguarding
G69 182 of divinity, and seeks contact and communion with what is regarded as
G69 183 divine. ^A humanist-based religion must re-define divinity, strip the
G69 184 divine of the theistic qualities which man has anthropomorphically
G69 185 projected into it, search for its habitations in every aspect of
G69 186 existence, elicit it, and establish fruitful contact with its
G69 187 manifestations. ^Divinity is the chief raw material out of which gods
G69 188 have been fashioned. ^Today we must melt down the gods and refashion
G69 189 the material into new and effective agencies, enabling man to exist
G69 190 freely and fully on the spiritual level as well as on the material
G69 191 level.
G69 192    |^The character of all religions depends primarily on the pattern
G69 193 of its supporting framework of ideas, its theology in an extended
G69 194 sense; and this in its turn depends on the extent and organization of
G69 195 human knowledge at the time. ^I feel sure that the world will see the
G69 196 birth of a new religion based on what I have called evolutionary
G69 197 humanism. ^Just how it will develop and flower no one knows*- but some
G69 198 of its underlying beliefs are beginning to emerge, and in any case it
G69 199 is clear that a humanism of this sort can provide powerful religious,
G69 200 moral and practical motivation for life.
G69 201 *# 2011
G70   1 **[257 TEXT G70**]
G70   2 *<*4Free Fiction?*- Why Not Free Films?*>
G70   3 **[EDITORIAL**]
G70   4    |^A*2RE *0books out of date? ^Is reading an old-fashioned hobby,
G70   5 like archery; or a Tory vice, like golf? ^Some of our great national
G70   6 newspapers seem to think so: but the figures are against them. ^My
G70   7 favourite Sundays record that on a previous day 600,000 people
G70   8 attended the Football League matches in England and Wales. ^On a fine
G70   9 Saturday in January (with Cup Ties) I made it 800,000. ^But on every
G70  10 working day in the week 1 million, or more, citizens borrow books from
G70  11 a public library. ^The total figure*- for the year, for the United
G70  12 Kingdom*- is about 400 million*- 7 1/2 million every week.
G70  13    |^Bar *"radio,**" the book may still be the most popular pleasure:
G70  14 and the public library, though a tiny buyer, is much the biggest
G70  15 book-provider in terms of readership. ^In its inception*- and for a
G70  16 long time later*- it was a great institution. ^Today, I fear, it is
G70  17 merely a large institution. ^It has, like one of those frogs, puffed
G70  18 itself out in the wrong places, and has assumed a shape which is both
G70  19 unnatural and inefficient. ^It is now under fire from three points:
G70  20 (1) its customers, the readers; (2) its servants, the librarians; and
G70  21 (3) its suppliers, the book-producers, authors and publishers.
G70  22    |^The complaint of its customers*- and of conscientious head
G70  23 librarians*- is that the public library does not buy enough books.
G70  24 ^The sum expended on the purchase of books is about one quarter of the
G70  25 libraries' total expenditure. ^In 1959 the Roberts committee laid
G70  26 down, as a rough *"test of efficiency,**" an expenditure of at least
G70  27 2\0s. per head of the population served. ^(The Library Association
G70  28 wanted to make it 3\0s.) ^Some of the best libraries are well ahead of
G70  29 the 2\0s. mark: but in 1960, out of 559 public libraries in the United
G70  30 Kingdom only 137 hit the two-shillings target. ^The total shortage, I
G70  31 reckon, was about *+600,000. ^The librarians complain that they have
G70  32 to squeeze, almost by prayer, any addition to their *"book fund**" out
G70  33 of the reluctant councillors.
G70  34    |^The complaint of its staff is that the public library does not
G70  35 pay librarians enough. ^Far back in 1927 the Kenyon committee
G70  36 recommended that *"the trained librarian should be paid not less than
G70  37 the trained teacher, and the one profession should not be less
G70  38 attractive than the other.**" ^The Roberts committee, in 1959, said:
G70  39 ^*"There was a short period between 1946 and 1955 when this parity was
G70  40 in sight, but recent improvements in teachers' salaries have put them
G70  41 ahead again.**" ^(And now, I see, the teachers are asking for more.)
G70  42 ^The chief librarian of \0St Pancras (a go-ahead library) writes in
G70  43 his 1958-59 report about *"the difficulty of recruiting, and more
G70  44 particularly of retaining, suitable junior staff... ^We have lost
G70  45 several junior assistants to the teaching profession in recent
G70  46 years.**" ^I do not know exactly what the librarians want, but there
G70  47 are 14,000 of them; and a rise of the order of *+100 all round would
G70  48 mean *+1,400,000 a year.
G70  49    |^The complaint of authors and publishers is that the public
G70  50 library is not paying the book-producers enough. ^I shall not argue
G70  51 the authors' and publishers' case here: but we believe that our
G70  52 demands are just, and are sure that, in one way or another, they will,
G70  53 in the end, prevail. ^They will cost between *+1 million and
G70  54 *+1,500,000 a year*- a very modest addition to *"the paltry five
G70  55 million now spent upon books**" (\0Mr \0W. Hanley Snape, lecturer in
G70  56 librarianship at Liverpool).
G70  57    |
G70  58    |^*6N*2OW, *0if a public institution, created by Parliament, is
G70  59 failing to satisfy its customers, its servants, and its suppliers: and
G70  60 if its paymasters are not sufficiently interested to pay for
G70  61 efficiency, Parliament should sit up and take notice. ^Failing real
G70  62 reform, the public library, of which so many are traditionally proud,
G70  63 will remain in fact an inefficient, unjust and, here and there,
G70  64 discreditable institution, precariously existing on the reluctant
G70  65 doles of local authorities and the abused good will of librarians and
G70  66 book-producers.
G70  67    |^Reform, in fact, is, rather feebly, on the wing. ^The Roberts
G70  68 committee recommended this and that; the Minister of Education has
G70  69 talked about a Bill; and now he has appointed two working parties to
G70  70 study some *"technical implications of the Roberts report.**" ^But
G70  71 that report was vague about the librarians and did not mention the
G70  72 book-producers at all.
G70  73    |^All this, then, is merely fiddling. ^The statesman, at this
G70  74 point, should see the public library as a whole and consider the three
G70  75 demands I have set out together. ^They all mean money*- perhaps *+4
G70  76 million a year in all. ^But who is going to provide the money? ^The
G70  77 Government won't*- I have heard the Minister say so. ^(Why literature
G70  78 should not rank with the fine arts for some assistance I do not know*-
G70  79 but there it is.) ^At the moment the only possible source is the
G70  80 rates. ^Well, *+4 million may be a mere flea-bite on the vast body of
G70  81 the ratepayer, who suffers about *+500 million a year already. ^But
G70  82 there are new flea-bites everywhere (the police, for example), and
G70  83 every flea-bite hurts. ^Moreover, there are millions of ratepayers who
G70  84 do not use the public library at all, never borrow a book.
G70  85    |^If the ratepayer wants to have a properly conducted public
G70  86 library, he must accept the responsibility. ^But he can easily be
G70  87 relieved. ^There is an enormous untapped source of income, other than
G70  88 the rates, which only Parliament can make available. ^Section 11 of
G70  89 the Public Libraries Act 1892 said that *"no charge shall be made (1)
G70  90 for admission to a public library or (2) in the case of a lending
G70  91 library, for the use thereof by the inhabitants...**"
G70  92    |^I would not interfere with (1)*- with free admissions. ^What is
G70  93 done and enjoyed on the premises*- the proper functions of a library*-
G70  94 should remain perfectly free. ^But the vast modern book distribution*-
G70  95 the 400 million loans {6per annum}*- never imagined by the founders,
G70  96 or Parliament*- should now be made revenue-producing. ^I*- and my
G70  97 committee of authors and publishers*- would give each local authority
G70  98 the option of *"charging the borrower.**" ^High-minded authorities
G70  99 could stick to the rates, if they liked; all could excuse old age
G70 100 pensioners, or whom they wished.
G70 101    |^The average borrower takes out 30 books a year*- but in the
G70 102 Metropolitan boroughs the average is 40 (\0St Pancras 45, and Finsbury
G70 103 55). ^Twopence a book (on 400 million *"lending issues**") would
G70 104 gross, in theory, *+3,300,000 a year. ^Threepence a book (some of the
G70 105 little tobacconist-libraries charge 4\0d.) would yield *+5 million.
G70 106 ^Deduct 10 per cent for possible diminution of readers, \0etc., and we
G70 107 have *+4,500,000*- *+1,500,000 each for (a) purchase of books and
G70 108 general library purposes; (b) increase of staff and salaries; (c) the
G70 109 book-producers.
G70 110    |^Pennies-in-the-slot would be one way to collect. ^But I should
G70 111 prefer a charge of 5\0s. (or 7\0s. 6\0d.) on the *"ticket**" issued to
G70 112 the registered reader at the beginning of the year. ^After paying this
G70 113 modest entrance fee he would be as free as he was before*- and could
G70 114 borrow 30, 50, 60 books a year without putting his hand in his pocket
G70 115 again. ^Five shillings, I believe, is the average weekly investment in
G70 116 the pools.
G70 117    |^Well, why not? ^Because, at present, the scotfree library is a
G70 118 sacred cow to which most Members of Parliament, without much thought,
G70 119 bow down. ^But it is out of date and illogical. ^It was designed, a
G70 120 hundred years ago, for the education of *"labourer and artisan.**" ^It
G70 121 has become a free book-shop for all and sundry. ^At \0St Pancras 66
G70 122 per cent of the issues are fiction; at Shoreditch 68 per cent; at
G70 123 Stepney 69 per cent; at Stoke Newington 70 per cent; at Hackney 76 per
G70 124 cent. ^Well, some *"fiction**" can educate, especially mine: but so
G70 125 can some films. ^Why not free films?
G70 126    |^The sacred cow has been betrayed already. ^The Roberts report
G70 127 recommends that charges should be permitted for *"admission to
G70 128 meetings and other functions,**" for *"retention**" of books, and for
G70 129 *"notifications.**" ^The Holborn library in 1958-59 charged
G70 130 *"reservation fees**" of 4\0d. to 22,301 readers. ^The Westminster
G70 131 library netted *+8,991 from *"library receipts**" (fines, catalogues,
G70 132 \0etc.). ^You have to pay for municipal concerts and plays. ^Why
G70 133 should borrowed novels*- or any other books*- be free?
G70 134    |^Anyone who objects *"on principle**" to charging the borrower
G70 135 must stop complaining about a charge on the rates. ^For, one way or
G70 136 another, these reforms must come; and there is no good reason why
G70 137 authors and librarians should be butchered to make a public library.
G70 138 ^Here, at least, is a practical, constructive line of thought; and no
G70 139 minister, librarian or councillor has offered any other.
G70 140 *<*6LATIN AMERICAN FUTURE*>
G70 141 *<*6REVOLUTION OF RISING EXPECTATIONS*>
G70 142    |^B*2UFFON, *0two centuries ago, put forward the theory of the
G70 143 *"immaturity**" of the New World. ^This theory he based on the absence
G70 144 there of the greater mammals and on the fact that, as he believed
G70 145 himself to have ascertained, animals transplanted from Europe or
G70 146 common to both sides of the Atlantic *"without exception**" showed in
G70 147 America a falling-off from European standards. ^Whatever its
G70 148 scientific validity, Buffon's theory coincides closely enough with the
G70 149 view of Latin American human affairs generally held in this country
G70 150 and in the United States. ^Anglo-Saxons do not doubt that the twenty
G70 151 Latin American republics are immature; and they are ever ready to
G70 152 detect fallings-off from the best European political and economic
G70 153 standards.
G70 154    |^It may be that this attitude owes less to Buffon than to
G70 155 persistent underestimation, not to say misrepresentation, of the
G70 156 American empires of Spain and Portugal. ^Yet, after all, the English
G70 157 may find it worth while to remember that Columbus set out on his first
G70 158 voyage when they were barely through with the Wars of the Roses.
G70 159 ^Corte*?2s was busy subduing the Aztecs a year before the Field of the
G70 160 Cloth of Gold. ^Considerable churches, with services fully supported
G70 161 by choir and organ, were to be found in Spanish America (and they
G70 162 stand today) many years before the sailing of the *1Mayflower, *0for
G70 163 before the end of the 16th century there were 200,000 Spaniards (to
G70 164 say nothing of the many Portuguese) established in the New World.
G70 165    |^Yet, much more than the chance that the Spaniards arrived first,
G70 166 the fact that they had come with different motives and a different
G70 167 concept of settlement was to have results that are still working
G70 168 themselves out in the Latin America of today. ^Spain, if not Portugal
G70 169 in Brazil, certainly did not conquer and occupy America from
G70 170 California to Cape Horn in a fit of absence of mind. ^Once the
G70 171 Spaniards had digested the fact of Columbus's original miscalculation,
G70 172 they set about the subjugation and occupation of their new territories
G70 173 with care and method. ^In contrast with the later Anglo-Saxon settlers
G70 174 farther north, the \6*1conquistadores *0were animated both by a desire
G70 175 for wealth and a zeal for the propagation of their faith; and their
G70 176 empire-building was on something of the pattern set by the Romans.
G70 177 ^Each expedition usually set out only after it had been officially
G70 178 sanctioned. ^Each new colony was founded with due deliberation and
G70 179 ceremony, and was eventually incorporated in a system of kingdoms, all
G70 180 of equal status in their relation to the Spanish crown.
G70 181    |^It followed that Spain should seek to govern America as Spain
G70 182 itself was governed. ^Yet, being bereft equally of any religious or
G70 183 intellectual tolerance, of the spirit of compromise, and of any
G70 184 conception of government as the art of teaching men to govern
G70 185 themselves, Spain was not in a position to transplant these qualities
G70 186 to the New World. ^In the economic sphere no less than in the
G70 187 political, the Spaniards regarded their American lands as part of
G70 188 Spain itself. ^They utilised and spread through Europe the precious
G70 189 metals and other products of the Americas, just as if these derived
G70 190 from Castile or Andalusia. ^Similarly, they insisted that their
G70 191 American possessions, no less than the Spanish home provinces, should
G70 192 supply their needs from or through Spanish sources. ^Here, in these
G70 193 parallel political and economic attitudes, lay the reasons why Spain
G70 194 strove to preserve the frontiers of Spanish America inviolate from
G70 195 foreign penetration as if they were Spain's own.
G70 196 *# 2025
G71   1 **[258 TEXT G71**]
G71   2 *<*6THE ULTIMATE CHOICE*>
G71   3 *<*2ARNOLD TOYNBEE*>
G71   4    |^*0*'To dwell together in unity**' has not been coming easy to the
G71   5 human race. ^We may agree that this is *'good and pleasant**' for
G71   6 *'brethren**', but few human communities, so far, have been prepared
G71   7 to take all other human beings to their bosoms as their brothers.
G71   8 ^They have usually found some excuse for treating the majority of
G71   9 their fellow-men as *'lesser breeds without the law**'. ^If one stigma
G71  10 wears off, we invent another. ^When our neighbour ceases to be an
G71  11 infidel, we still stigmatise him as a foreigner, and, if he ceases to
G71  12 be a foreigner, we still ostracise him as a Negro or an albino. ^This
G71  13 widespread passion for being a *'chosen people**' evidently has deep
G71  14 psychological roots. ^We human beings have gone on indulging in it at
G71  15 the price of bringing endless disasters on ourselves. ^We have gone on
G71  16 till we have now been overtaken by the Atomic Age.
G71  17    |^In this age the price of disunity is evidently going to be
G71  18 prohibitive. ^This has been recognized quickly and widely, so today we
G71  19 have a stronger motive than we have ever had before for trying to get
G71  20 rid of our self-inflicted divisions. ^Our choice now lies between
G71  21 co-existence and non-existence. ^The removal of the main present
G71  22 hindrances to co-existence has therefore become the most urgent item
G71  23 on mankind's agenda. ^Three outstanding present hindrances are
G71  24 ideologies, nationalism, and race-feeling. ^We have to get rid of them
G71  25 all, and we have not left ourselves much time for that. ^This raises a
G71  26 practical question of priorities. ^Which of these three evils is going
G71  27 to be the most difficult to eradicate? ^Whichever it is, we ought to
G71  28 concentrate our efforts on combating this one first.
G71  29    |^One answer to this question about priorities was implied in the
G71  30 foundation of the Institute of Race Relations. ^This answer was made
G71  31 explicit in a paper addressed to Chatham House in 1950 by one of the
G71  32 moving spirits in the launching of the Institute, \0Mr. Harry Hodson.
G71  33 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G71  34    |^*'There are two problems in world politics today which transcend
G71  35 all others,**' \0Mr. Hodson said in this context. ^*'They are the
G71  36 struggle between Communism and Liberal Democracy and the problem of
G71  37 race relations. ^Of the two, I am prepared to argue that the problem
G71  38 of race relations is the more important, since, for one thing, it
G71  39 would remain with us in its full complexity even if Communism were to
G71  40 settle down to peaceful neighbourliness with Democracy in a world
G71  41 partitioned between them.**'
G71  42 **[END INDENTATION**]
G71  43    |^\0Mr. Hodson is surely right in holding that ideological
G71  44 differences can be overcome more easily than racial differences can.
G71  45 ^An ideology can be put into cold storage. ^The more awkward and
G71  46 obnoxious of its tenets can be reduced to dead letters. ^More than
G71  47 that, there is the possibility of conversion from one ideology to
G71  48 another. ^In the past, this process of conversion has sometimes gone
G71  49 with a run. ^Racial differences, too, can be overcome by conversion,
G71  50 but the process in this field is a physical, not an intellectual, one.
G71  51 ^The other name for it is intermarriage.
G71  52    |^Happily for mankind's prospects, intermarriage between
G71  53 geographically intermingled populations of different physique has been
G71  54 normal hitherto, whereas racial segregation has been exceptional. ^In
G71  55 our present-day world, the normal way of overcoming race-differences
G71  56 is exemplified in two large and important constituents of the human
G71  57 race: the Muslim community and the Spanish and Portuguese-speaking
G71  58 Roman Catholic community. ^In Mexico and Brazil today, most people
G71  59 have at least three different racial strains in their physique: the
G71  60 European, the pre-Columbian American, and the African; but domestic
G71  61 injustices and dissensions in these and other Latin American countries
G71  62 do not, on the whole, run on racial lines. ^Latin Americans are not
G71  63 race-conscious, and Muslims are not either. ^Visit, for instance, the
G71  64 American University of Beirut and watch the students on the campus
G71  65 there. ^You will observe a great variety of race, but no tendency
G71  66 towards antipathy or segregation on account of this.
G71  67    |^In fact, race-feeling seems to be an exceptional failing. ^In the
G71  68 present-day world it is virtually confined to three minorities: the
G71  69 Teutonic-speaking peoples, the high-caste Hindus, and the Jews. ^In
G71  70 the Atomic Age the prejudice for which these three minorities stand
G71  71 has no future. ^*'The wave of the future**'*- supposing that the human
G71  72 race is going to allow itself a future*- is the comparative freedom
G71  73 from race-prejudice that is exhibited by the Latin Americans and the
G71  74 Muslims.
G71  75    |^The third of mankind's present three apples of discord is one
G71  76 that is not mentioned by \0Mr. Hodson in the passage that I have
G71  77 quoted from a paper of his. ^It is nationalism; and perhaps the only
G71  78 good thing that nationalism has to be said for it is that, as some
G71  79 offset to the havoc that it works, it does at least cut across the
G71  80 alternative division of mankind into conflicting races. ^Nationalism
G71  81 in its present-day form originated among the West European peoples.
G71  82 ^Unhappily it has now infected most of the rest of the world, but it
G71  83 is still rampant in its birth-place, and this has had at least one
G71  84 fortunate result. ^It has saved the majority of the human race from
G71  85 falling under the lasting domination of the minority that has an
G71  86 unusually small amount of pigment in its skin. ^If this bleached
G71  87 minority had chosen to gang up together, it might have been able to
G71  88 dominate the majority for quite a long time, on the strength of the
G71  89 temporary lead that it has gained in technological progress. ^But the
G71  90 bleached race has halved or quartered its potential strength by
G71  91 expending this on domestic national rivalries, and this makes it
G71  92 unlikely that the present division of the world between two
G71  93 ideological camps will ever be matched by a world-wide racial division
G71  94 between the bleached and the tanned.
G71  95    |^Try to imagine a race-war between Russia and America lined up
G71  96 together on one side and India and Pakistan lined up together on the
G71  97 other. ^This imaginary alignment of forces seems most unlikely ever to
G71  98 become actual. ^It is true that one can imagine Russia and America
G71  99 getting together against China. ^They did get together against Japan
G71 100 during the Second World War, and China is likely to become more
G71 101 formidable than Japan ever has been or ever could be. ^If China were
G71 102 to acquire the bomb, it seems safe to prophesy that Russia and America
G71 103 would become allies again within the next five years. ^In that
G71 104 situation, a series of half-a-dozen leading articles in the press of
G71 105 either country could effectively change the climate of their
G71 106 ideological relations with each other. ^But, if this did happen, it
G71 107 would be just another instance of the familiar working of the age-old
G71 108 balance of power. ^The coincidence of a power-politics line-up with a
G71 109 race-difference would be accidental. ^And, as a matter of fact, the
G71 110 two opposing alliances would not pan out neatly on racial lines.
G71 111 ^Russia's present East European satellites would be in China's camp,
G71 112 while the South-East Asian peoples would be in Russia's and America's.
G71 113    |^It looks, then, as if the evil of racialism can be localised,
G71 114 thanks to the counteracting effects of the evil of nationalism.
G71 115 ^Probably we need not fear that there will be a world-war raged on
G71 116 racial lines. ^Yet, even if we succeed in localising the evil of
G71 117 race-feeling, it will still be so much tinder ready to flare into
G71 118 flame at the touch of the first spark. ^And, besides being dangerous,
G71 119 race-feeling is odious in itself. ^It is therefore not enough just to
G71 120 localise it. ^We have also to try to eradicate it wherever we find it.
G71 121 ^This will be easier in some continents than in others.
G71 122    |^The segregation of Jews from Gentiles will, it may be hoped, be
G71 123 broken down rather rapidly by intermarriage all over the world except,
G71 124 perhaps, in Israel. ^We may look forward to seeing the Jewish diaspora
G71 125 transform itself from a closed racial community into an open religious
G71 126 community. ^If this were to happen, Judaism would at last have
G71 127 achieved its manifest destiny of becoming one of the world-wide
G71 128 religions. ^Again, we may hope to see the end of the segregation of
G71 129 citizens of different colours in the United States and of citizens of
G71 130 different castes in India. ^In both India and the United States the
G71 131 segregationists seem now to be fighting a losing battle. ^The harder
G71 132 of the two battles is, of course, the one in India, since here the
G71 133 institution of caste has the momentum of three thousand years of
G71 134 history behind it. ^But in India, as in the United States, it looks
G71 135 now as if the victory of integration were in sight. ^If and when
G71 136 racialism has been overcome in these two sub-continents, it will have
G71 137 been more or less confined to Palestine and to those parts of Africa
G71 138 where, as in Palestine, there is an immigrant minority from Europe.
G71 139    |^Here we touch the hard core of the race problem. ^Racial
G71 140 minorities that have been dominant have to reconcile themselves to
G71 141 accepting equality with the majority of their fellow-citizens. ^And
G71 142 emancipated racial majorities that have recently been denied their
G71 143 human rights have to reconcile themselves, on their side, to accepting
G71 144 equality with their former overlords without abusing the power of
G71 145 numbers under a democratic re*?2gime. ^These requirements call for
G71 146 almost superhuman self-restraint and magnanimity on both sides, and
G71 147 that will be hard to achieve if the physical segregation of the two
G71 148 races continues.
G71 149    |^The position of being a precariously dominant minority seems to
G71 150 be almost too difficult for human nature to cope with. ^This is
G71 151 illustrated by the present temper of the French \*1colons *0in
G71 152 Algeria. ^In North America the French have had a better record than
G71 153 the English and the Dutch in their dealings with the pre-Columbian
G71 154 natives of the continent. ^Yet in Africa today they are behaving no
G71 155 better than their English and Dutch opposite numbers. ^If the
G71 156 situation in Africa is to be saved, the geographically intermingled
G71 157 races there will have to follow the example of Latin America and the
G71 158 Islamic World. ^In those two regions, intermarriage has brought with
G71 159 it a happy solution of racial problems. ^*'{Bella gerant alii, tu,
G71 160 felix Austria, nube}.**' ^This famous line can be made to point a
G71 161 moral for the present-day European colonist in Africa by making a
G71 162 small change of words at the end. ^*'{Tu felix nube colone}.**' ^For
G71 163 the European colonist in Africa, intermarriage offers a happy way out,
G71 164 and perhaps the only happy way that can be found for him. ^If he
G71 165 replies that he cannot bear the prospect, it can be answered that he
G71 166 is being asked to do no more than has been done already, long ago, by
G71 167 his fellow-European colonist in Latin America. ^He can also be asked
G71 168 to face the alternative. ^*'Intermarry or get out**' is probably the
G71 169 ultimate choice that destiny is offering to the European minorities in
G71 170 Africa in our day.
G71 171 *<*6COMMENT ON CORFIELD*>
G71 172 *<{0*2F. B.} WELBOURN*>
G71 173 **[BEGIN INDENTATION**]
G71 174 **[BEGIN QUOTE**]
G71 175    |^*0*'We have no proof it was Sammy**', Robin pointed out.
G71 176    |^*'We have no proof of anything. ^In fact truth itself seems to be
G71 177 an exotic.**'
G71 178 **[END QUOTE**]
G71 179 **[END INDENTATION**]
G71 180    |^*- Elspeth Huxley, *1The Flame Trees of Thika.*0
G71 181 *<*=1: *2IMPARTIALITY*>
G71 182    |^\0*0Mr. Corfield has a distinguished record in the Sudan
G71 183 Political Service; and from September 1954 until 1956 he was a member
G71 184 of the Secretariat of the War Council of the Council of Ministers in
G71 185 Kenya*- the body which, more than any other, was concerned with
G71 186 direction of the offensive against Mau Mau. ^It is as well to ask from
G71 187 the start whether, in a situation which aroused*- and still arouses*-
G71 188 such high emotions on both sides, it was wise to appoint, for the
G71 189 purposes of *'an historical survey**', one who was so intimately
G71 190 involved in the opposite camp. ^He criticises government and Europeans
G71 191 in general; but he manages to imply that, if they made mistakes,
G71 192 *'Kenyatta and his associates**' were deliberately bad. ^At certain
G71 193 points his documentary sources are demonstrably wrong, not only in
G71 194 detail but in interpretation, and the reader who spots these faults is
G71 195 bound to ask how many others he has not spotted.
G71 196 *# 2010
G72   1 **[259 TEXT G72**]
G72   2 *<*2THE WHITE PAPER X-RAYED*>
G72   3 *<*5The Future of Technical Education*>
G72   4    |^*"*0These will represent one of the biggest reforms in technical
G72   5 education that we have ever made**". ^Thus Sir David Eccles speaking
G72   6 in the House on November 7th, 1960. ^Unless you belonged to the
G72   7 cynical who thought that reforms in technical education could not have
G72   8 been very great and so could easily be surpassed you were doubtless
G72   9 looking forward to some radical advance. ^If so a reading of the White
G72  10 Paper *"Better Opportunities in Technical Education**" (\0Cmnd. 1254)
G72  11 and *"Technical Education in Scotland: The Pattern for the Future**"
G72  12 (\0Cmnd. 1245) will come as a severe disappointment.
G72  13    |^As there is considerable common ground references below will be
G72  14 in general to \0Cmnd. 1254; where there are differences in the
G72  15 Scottish proposals they are dealt with later.
G72  16    |^*"Better Opportunities in Technical Education**" is a serious but
G72  17 modest set of proposals to reorganise and rationalise the existing
G72  18 system of technical courses. ^Three reasons, all valid, are presented
G72  19 for the proposals; the present system has not kept pace with changes
G72  20 taking place in industry and particularly with the need for
G72  21 technicians; there is often a gap between school and further
G72  22 education; there is too much *"wastage**" on existing courses,
G72  23 {0i.e.} too many students are failing to pass the examinations at
G72  24 the end of the courses.
G72  25    |^The White Paper stresses the need for continuing general
G72  26 education after leaving school, a need which is widely recognised.
G72  27 ^Boys and girls *"should be encouraged**" to stay on until they are 16
G72  28 to complete a five year secondary course but it is suggested that it
G72  29 would be more suitable in some cases to spend the fifth year in a
G72  30 technical college. ^At whatever age a student leaves school *"he
G72  31 should go direct into a technical college course**" and not on to an
G72  32 evening course alone. ^This proposal is long overdue. ^But having
G72  33 argued its validity the White Paper goes on to point out that those
G72  34 who cannot get day release must not be deprived of the opportunity of
G72  35 taking evening courses. ^So we are back where we were.
G72  36 *<*4Day Release for Operatives*>
G72  37    |^*0The proposals cover three grades; operatives, craftsmen and
G72  38 technicians. ^Operatives are the greatest proportion of young people
G72  39 at work. ^Only 34 per \0cent. of boys and 7 per \0cent. of girls
G72  40 leaving school enter apprenticeships or learnerships in skilled
G72  41 operations and they are the overwhelming majority of those receiving
G72  42 day release at present. ^And yet there is need for technical training
G72  43 for those in semi-skilled jobs and there are many who, in the words of
G72  44 the White Paper, *"would be better fitted for industrial life if they
G72  45 were able to take suitable courses of a more general character,**"
G72  46 for, as the Industrial Training Council pointed out recently, with
G72  47 increasing mobility of labour, work-people *"will require a mental
G72  48 flexibility which can only be developed by further education after the
G72  49 end of full-time schooling.**" ^But when we arrive at the proposals
G72  50 for action we read that *"the government are sure that local education
G72  51 authorities and technical colleges will co-operate with both sides of
G72  52 industry in meeting the need for suitable courses for all levels of
G72  53 operatives on a rapidly increasing scale.**" ^Judging by the numbers
G72  54 on such courses at present and the rate of development very few people
G72  55 outside the Government will be sure that there will be provision on a
G72  56 rapidly increasing scale without compulsory day release.
G72  57 *<*4Craftsmen and Technicians Needed*>
G72  58    |^*0Craft courses are being continuously modified and new ones
G72  59 developed: the White Paper rightly points out the need for the
G72  60 broadening of these courses. ^Some of the City and Guilds of London
G72  61 Institute courses have already taken steps in this direction but the
G72  62 major problem is that of time. ^The White Paper accepts the proposal
G72  63 of the Crowther Committee that the length of course should be extended
G72  64 from the 220 hours now common (280 where a student attends one evening
G72  65 a week) to 330 hours, the length of the *"County College year**" laid
G72  66 down in the Education Act 1944. ^A similar suggestion is made for
G72  67 courses for technicians.
G72  68    |^Since the White Paper on Technical Education in 1956 there have
G72  69 been growing complaints of the shortage of technicians. ^Various
G72  70 estimates of need have been made and it is generally held that about
G72  71 six technicians are needed to each technologist, although it varies
G72  72 from industry to industry. ^At present there are only two courses
G72  73 designed specifically for technicians*- for electrical and
G72  74 telecommunication technicians. ^Most are trained in craft courses
G72  75 which end at technician level or take a special course after a craft
G72  76 course ({0e.g.} in building and printing) or take a National
G72  77 Certificate Course. ^The White Paper recognises the need for more
G72  78 courses designed for technicians. ^The Crowther Committee recommended
G72  79 that the technician's part-time courses should be replaced by sandwich
G72  80 courses and the White Paper says the government would welcome
G72  81 widespread experiments of this nature.
G72  82    |^The National Certificate Courses at Ordinary and Higher levels
G72  83 have provided the training for many technicians and an avenue to full
G72  84 professional status for many students. ^It is in these courses that
G72  85 the high rate of failures has attracted most attention. ^The White
G72  86 Paper proposes that the Ordinary National Certificate course, at
G72  87 present a three year course, should become a two year course {0i.e.}
G72  88 the length required now of students who are exempt from the first year
G72  89 because they have the appropriate passes at Ordinary level in the
G72  90 General Certificate of Education. ^Entry will be confined to those who
G72  91 have four appropriate passes at O level in {0G.C.E.} or who have
G72  92 completed a new general course which is to be started and who show a
G72  93 good prospect of obtaining an Ordinary National Certificate. ^Those who
G72  94 show exceptional academic promise after completing a three year craft
G72  95 course will also be admitted.
G72  96    |^The new general courses (which do not apply in Scotland) are
G72  97 intended to cater for school leavers of 15 and 16 who show promise of
G72  98 being able to become technicians. ^They will last one or two years and
G72  99 will be based on part-time day release or block release. ^They are
G72 100 intended to provide an opportunity to decide whether a student is
G72 101 better fitted for a technician's course or an {0O.N.C.} ^The
G72 102 examinations will be externally administered but devised and
G72 103 controlled by teachers. ^Their success again will of course depend on
G72 104 the willingness of employers to grant day release.
G72 105    |^The crying need in National Certificate courses is for more time.
G72 106 ^It is suggested that 240 hours is necessary to cover the technical
G72 107 subjects (including maths and science) and that 90 hours should be
G72 108 devoted to general subjects (including English and {0P.T.}) ^If the
G72 109 lengthening of courses is not to lengthen the college year and worsen
G72 110 the conditions of teachers it means extending day release to at least
G72 111 1 1/2 days. ^But this is most unlikely to happen on a voluntary basis.
G72 112 ^It will also demand a big increase in staff. ^This problem has
G72 113 received scant attention from the Ministry. ^It is unlikely that
G72 114 sufficient teachers will be found for even these limited proposals
G72 115 unless there is a substantial improvement in salaries and conditions
G72 116 of service.
G72 117 *<*4Scottish Proposals*>
G72 118    |^*0The Scottish White Paper runs along similar lines but there are
G72 119 some modifications arising from the differences in the educational set
G72 120 up. ^Although the number of students getting day release has risen in
G72 121 Scotland from 28,118 in 1955-56 to 35,609 in 1959-60 the White Paper
G72 122 says that it falls far short of requirements. ^Day release for those
G72 123 under 18 is almost stationary and in any case covers only 10 per
G72 124 \0cent. of those in insured employment.
G72 125    |^At the technologist level the Government look forward to an
G72 126 increase in the range of Associateships and other advanced courses in
G72 127 the central institutions and have asked them to review their entry
G72 128 requirements with a view to decreasing wastage. ^A minimum period of
G72 129 2,000 hours in the 3 year course for the Higher National Diploma will
G72 130 be prescribed to enable a broadening of the courses. ^For the Ordinary
G72 131 National Diploma, a full-time two year course, the entry requirement
G72 132 will be four passes at the Ordinary grade of the Scottish Certificate
G72 133 of Education. ^For the Ordinary National Certificate definite entrance
G72 134 requirements will be made: normally 3 passes at the ordinary grade in
G72 135 appropriate subjects, but there is a possibility of entry for those
G72 136 who have completed the intermediate stage of a City and Guilds course.
G72 137 ^There will be no general course of the kind envisaged for England and
G72 138 Wales, but those who have not got the necessary requirements will have
G72 139 an opportunity to get them in part-time day or evening classes in
G72 140 further education centres. ^It is also proposed to set up a Working
G72 141 Party to consider means of improving the links between schools and
G72 142 further education, especially for junior secondary pupils. ^Education
G72 143 authorities will be encouraged to provide full-time courses for
G72 144 first-year apprentices.
G72 145 *<*4What it All Amounts to*>
G72 146    |^*0The sting is, as often, in the tail. ^In \0Para 64 of \0Cmnd.
G72 147 1254 cost is touched on and it is pointed out that no figures of
G72 148 additional cost can be given. ^If the total number of students is not
G72 149 affected it will be only the cost of staffing for the extra time in
G72 150 courses and this *"relatively to the total expenditure on technical
G72 151 education should be small.**" ^The cost will be greater if *"as the
G72 152 Government hope**" the White Paper leads to an increase in the number
G72 153 of students.
G72 154    |^The brave words of a revolution affecting half a million students
G72 155 boil down to a rationalisation of courses covering existing numbers of
G72 156 students. ^In themselves they will not increase the number of students
G72 157 at all. ^This is the answer of the Minister of Education to the
G72 158 Crowther proposals to raise the school leaving age to 16 and to
G72 159 introduce compulsory part-time day release from 15-18. ^What is in the
G72 160 White Paper is useful: what is left out is vital. ^The chairman of the
G72 161 British Association for Commercial and Industrial Education is quoted
G72 162 in *1The Observer *0(8.1.61) as saying: ^*"This White Paper is merely
G72 163 an administrative caper. ^By rationalisation it produces better value
G72 164 for money, but it avoids the peril of a new idea and the cost of major
G72 165 reform. ^Nothing can be achieved without compulsory day release.**"
G72 166 ^That accurately sums up the value and the deficiency of the two White
G72 167 Papers.
G72 168 *<*7POLISHING UP FURNITURE*>
G72 169    |^*0Furniture wears its rue with a difference. ^For one thing,
G72 170 unlike the motor industry, it has not had an opportunity for six years
G72 171 to prove its productive potential. ^For another, its whole manpower is
G72 172 less than the vehicle sector gains or loses as the economic cycle
G72 173 turns. ^It is, in organisation, nearer to the pre-automated era than
G72 174 most of the other consumer durable industries, though it has also
G72 175 among its producing units the most up-to-date exemplars of flow
G72 176 production, allied with styling, in the United Kingdom today. ^It
G72 177 always will have the two crafts*- one the craftsman using tools and
G72 178 the other the craftsman using mass production and flow methods. ^But
G72 179 there is a steady falling out of smaller manufacturers; a thousand
G72 180 have gone out of business in the last ten years. ^Less than 2,000 now
G72 181 remain. ^Ten years ago firms with an annual turnover of *+1/2 \0m.
G72 182 each accounted for only a quarter of the output. ^Now the proportion
G72 183 is two-fifths.
G72 184    |^This development has had two effects. ^It has increased the
G72 185 productivity of the workers in the highly mechanised units, indeed set
G72 186 up two standards of productivity. ^The medium sized firms are squeezed
G72 187 between the two methods. ^And it has increased the status and
G72 188 bargaining power of the larger units.
G72 189    |^For furniture has suffered from the twin facts that (**=1) the
G72 190 distribution firms acquired greater power as against the manufacturers
G72 191 by mergers and expansion and channelled sales into {0H.P.}; they
G72 192 could knock smaller shops because they could get higher discounts and
G72 193 afford to carry stocks; (**=2) it has been the victim of the large
G72 194 timber supply units. ^The rising surplus that was made from higher
G72 195 productivity was either passed on to the retailer or snatched by the
G72 196 material suppliers.
G72 197 *# 2017
G73   1 **[260 TEXT G73**]
G73   2 *<*4How to Transfer Authority*>
G73   3 *<*6SIR IVOR JENNINGS *4discusses problems of newly formed nations*>
G73   4    |^N*2EARLY *0twenty years ago, when {0D. S.} Senanayake asked me
G73   5 to prepare a Draft Constitution for consideration by the Ceylonese
G73   6 Ministers, I asked him what sort of Constitution he wanted. ^He
G73   7 replied that he was not very concerned with the details, because what
G73   8 he wanted was a transfer of power from British to Ceylonese Ministers.
G73   9 ^I have heard that sort of remark several times since. ^As \0Dr.
G73  10 Hastings Banda said not long ago, it is a question of *1power.
G73  11    |^*0I think this attitude is short-sighted. ^First, nobody can
G73  12 transfer power, except in a purely legal sense. ^What is transferred
G73  13 is legal authority, and legal authority does not necessarily confer
G73  14 power. ^If you have legal authority to knock a man down, you still
G73  15 have to knock him down; and he may prefer to knock you down.
G73  16 ^Similarly, if a group of nationalists have legal authority to govern,
G73  17 it does not follow that they have the power or capacity to govern.
G73  18    |^We have a classic example in the Congo. ^The Belgian King and
G73  19 Parliament transferred legal authority to the President and Parliament
G73  20 of the Congo; but within a few weeks there was such anarchy that the
G73  21 United Nations had to step in. ^The machinery of government is
G73  22 complicated and sensitive because it is composed of people, and
G73  23 because it requires the collaboration of people. ^A host of public
G73  24 servants, civil and military, have to obey orders; even then,
G73  25 government will not be efficient unless the people as a whole accept
G73  26 leadership loyally and enthusiastically.
G73  27    |^That is why the transfer of legal authority from British to Asian
G73  28 or African hands has been done as slowly and as cautiously as
G73  29 political conditions make possible. ^Long before the example of the
G73  30 Congo, we learned in India in 1947 that it is possible to move too
G73  31 quickly; and in India there was no question of the public services
G73  32 breaking down because of the failure to obey orders. ^It was due to
G73  33 the fact that ordinary people felt a sense of insecurity under the new
G73  34 Government. ^In Africa the danger is even greater. ^Few African
G73  35 leaders have the vast political experience which Nehru and Jinnah had
G73  36 in 1947. ^India had been integrated under British rule for nearly 200
G73  37 years, whereas in Africa political entities are still very young.
G73  38 ^India had a much larger educated class than Africa has. ^The Indian
G73  39 public services were by 1947 almost wholly composed of Indians.
G73  40    |^Nationalists are nearly always impatient, and they often think
G73  41 that the British Government is being deliberately slow and evasive.
G73  42 ^But what the Colonial Office really tries to do is to glide so gently
G73  43 from colonial rule to independence that the machinery of government
G73  44 will go on ticking over as if no fundamental change had taken place.
G73  45 ^Some of the Nigerian leaders came to London in 1953 with the slogan
G73  46 *'independence in 1956**'. ^The British Government refused to fix a
G73  47 date. ^There was a gradual transfer of authority, first in the
G73  48 Regions, then in the Federation; and Nigeria became independent,
G73  49 without fuss or bother, on October 1, 1960.
G73  50    |^My second criticism of \0Mr. Senanayake's formula about powers is
G73  51 even more important. ^He overlooked the fact that Ceylon had to be
G73  52 governed not only in the first few years after independence but for
G73  53 all time; and this raises several questions.
G73  54    |^There was no doubt that, for at least as long as anybody could
G73  55 foresee, Ceylon would have a revenue sufficient to maintain an
G73  56 efficient government. ^That revenue came from the export of tea,
G73  57 rubber, and coconuts, and there was no reason to suppose that these
G73  58 industries would disappear. ^Its economy would have to be diversified
G73  59 as its population grew, and capital would be needed to maintain the
G73  60 income from the three plantation crops. ^Even so, it began with the
G73  61 advantage of flourishing industries. ^There are places in Africa of
G73  62 which this cannot be said. ^I doubt if anybody would have suggested
G73  63 independence for Sierra Leone if diamonds had not been discovered,
G73  64 because diamonds and iron ore make up 70 per \0cent. of its exports.
G73  65 ^I suppose that Northern Rhodesia could keep going so long as its
G73  66 mining industry was efficiently run. ^But nobody has yet discovered
G73  67 sufficient natural resources in Nyasaland to enable it to stand on its
G73  68 own feet. ^There are resources, but they cannot in present conditions
G73  69 be exploited, because they are too far from their markets. ^I know
G73  70 that some politicians think that they can get subsidies from
G73  71 elsewhere. ^But subsidies which are given out of pure generosity are
G73  72 rare: they are normally given to secure political advantages; and
G73  73 whether the motive is generous or political there is always a risk of
G73  74 their being withdrawn.
G73  75    |^What is more, the economic problem raises the political problem.
G73  76 ^To exploit natural resources, even with well-established industries
G73  77 like the tea plantations of Ceylon, a constant supply of new capital
G73  78 is required. ^In fact, the coconut industry in Ceylon is going
G73  79 downhill because the trees are growing old and not enough are being
G73  80 replaced with young trees. ^If there is the slightest fear of
G73  81 political instability the owners, whether local or otherwise, will go
G73  82 on taking as much out of the industry as they can and putting into it
G73  83 as little as they can. ^In short, political instability leads to
G73  84 economic instability. ^We have seen that in South Africa, which has
G73  85 ample natural resources. ^After Sharpeville, in 1960, investors
G73  86 thought that there was a risk of political instability, with the
G73  87 result that there was a large-scale selling of gold shares in London.
G73  88 ^They were bought in South Africa, but this involved a large flow of
G73  89 capital out of South Africa which will have serious effects on the
G73  90 economy of the country.
G73  91    |^Nevertheless, the economic problem is part only of the political
G73  92 problem. ^There is the danger of the fragmentation of parties, so that
G73  93 no party may be able to govern. ^There is the danger of intrigue or
G73  94 corruption among the politicians. ^Above all, there is the danger that
G73  95 sectional differences may become acute and that politicians will
G73  96 deliberately play on them in order to win votes. ^These difficulties
G73  97 can be foreseen and they ought to be guarded against. ^My main
G73  98 criticism of \0Mr. Senanayake's remark is that the constitutional
G73  99 provisions which foresee and guard against these difficulties are
G73 100 fundamentally important. ^Actually, I did not take his remark too
G73 101 seriously; it seemed to put responsibility on me for suggesting what
G73 102 the difficulties might be and how they might be met. ^For the next
G73 103 three months we spent a good deal of time on those problems and
G73 104 eventually produced a Draft Constitution which was approved, with some
G73 105 modifications, by the Ceylonese Ministers and the British Government.
G73 106 ^It has not been a complete success; and if I knew then as much about
G73 107 the problems of Ceylon as I do now some of the provisions would have
G73 108 been different. ^That is a common experience; but a good deal of
G73 109 knowledge has been accumulated over the past twenty years. ^What I am
G73 110 sure about is that all the problems which can reasonably be foreseen
G73 111 ought to be solved*- in so far as they ever can be solved*- before the
G73 112 transfer of authority takes place. ^In other words, a detailed and
G73 113 permanent Constitution ought to be carefully worked out beforehand.
G73 114    |^Each territory has its own problems, but experience does suggest
G73 115 some generalizations. ^So far, the most successful of the
G73 116 comparatively new members of the Commonwealth has been India. ^It had
G73 117 several advantages which most other countries do not possess: but one
G73 118 of them ought to be specially mentioned. ^The Indian National Congress
G73 119 was a large and well-organized party even in 1947. ^It was not just an
G73 120 assembly of politicians hoping for jobs. ^It had its roots deep in the
G73 121 villages. ^Its strength has carried India through since 1947. ^It may
G73 122 break up within the next decade; but there is a reasonable chance that
G73 123 it will have put democratic government on a firm footing for all time.
G73 124 ^It has had an experienced and broad-minded leader in \0Mr. Nehru. ^He
G73 125 has been able to keep down sectional loyalties while at the same time
G73 126 recognizing cultural differences. ^He has not sought to integrate the
G73 127 different communities: in the conditions of India that would be
G73 128 impossible. ^He has not even tried to produce a partnership, which is
G73 129 the word generally used in Africa. ^He has sought, with considerable
G73 130 success, to enable every person, without distinction of race, caste,
G73 131 or creed, to take as large a part in the process of government as his
G73 132 abilities and his interests allowed. ^I will not say that the
G73 133 government of India has been a model; but certainly it is the best
G73 134 example so far provided. ^It is the example to be followed in Africa,
G73 135 and in fact it gives us something of a recipe.
G73 136    |^First, we must have a Constitution which gives full protection to
G73 137 the various interests in the country, however diverse they may be, so
G73 138 as to ensure that they can play a full part in the life of the
G73 139 country. ^Secondly, we must have broad-minded and patriotic leaders
G73 140 who remember that, though they are mortal, the nation is immortal.
G73 141 ^They have to establish such precedents and to create such conditions
G73 142 that their work can go on long after they are dead. ^Indeed, they have
G73 143 to remember that their successors may have entirely different views on
G73 144 many of the problems that arise. ^In constitutional terms they have to
G73 145 ask themselves whether the machinery of government will work just as
G73 146 well when their political opponents are in office as it does now,
G73 147 while they are in office. ^Thirdly, we must have a good educational
G73 148 system which gives the young men and women a sense of mission, so that
G73 149 they will spurn the pettinesses of political rivalry and keep in view
G73 150 the larger patriotism.
G73 151    |^It can be done, but it needs goodwill and hard work. ^Nationalist
G73 152 politics, like every other kind of politics, works itself into
G73 153 slogans, whose repetition pleases those who use them, but which
G73 154 gradually become empty of meaning. ^\0Mr. Senanayake's formula
G73 155 *'transfer of power**' had become a slogan, though in fact he did work
G73 156 hard to get a united people behind him on a scheme which was a
G73 157 reasonable compromise of competing interests. ^The transfer of
G73 158 authority in 1948 was smooth and peaceful and the Constitution worked
G73 159 well until he died in 1952 and for a few years afterwards.*-
G73 160 ^*1General Overseas Service
G73 161 *<*4Patterns of Government in the New Africa*>
G73 162 *<Is a Party System Possible in Africa?*>
G73 163 *<*6SIR IVOR JENNINGS *4considers some constitutional problems*>
G73 164    |^E*2VERY *0country in the Commonwealth has adopted, at least at
G73 165 the beginning, the principle of responsible government with adult
G73 166 franchise. ^Provided that the transition from British rule has been
G73 167 well prepared there is a good chance of stable government for the
G73 168 first eight or ten years. ^Experience not only in Asia but also, in
G73 169 the early years, in Canada and Australia, has shown that there may be
G73 170 difficulties. ^Politicians find it easy to agree when the main object
G73 171 is self-government or independence. ^They find it less easy when
G73 172 independence has been attained.
G73 173    |^The disagreement may be about policies and it may be about
G73 174 personalities; often it is about both. ^There are plenty of
G73 175 disagreements in United Kingdom governments; but the United Kingdom
G73 176 system differs from that in a newly independent country because the
G73 177 strength of the government rests on the support of a huge party
G73 178 organization. ^It is virtually impossible to break away and form a new
G73 179 party unless there is a major split right down through the party, and
G73 180 that can happen only over an issue of fundamental importance. ^On any
G73 181 smaller issue, a dissenting Minister has either to acquiesce and carry
G73 182 on as Minister, or step outside the Cabinet and remain in the party as
G73 183 a candid but friendly critic of the administration.
G73 184    |^In a newly independent country this sort of party organization in
G73 185 depth, bound together by ancient loyalties, can hardly exist.
G73 186 *# 2009
G74   1 **[261 TEXT G74**]
G74   2 *<*2MILITARY POWER IN POLITICS*>
G74   3    |^THE *0man who chooses in these days to speak on this subject need
G74   4 take no special pains to time his remarks so that they are topical;
G74   5 the matter is one which current affairs bring almost continuously to
G74   6 our notice. ^In particular, two of the most prominent political
G74   7 problems of our time invite us to consider this subject. ^First, there
G74   8 is the problem of defence policy and that of foreign policy from which
G74   9 it is inseparable. ^One does not have to be a pacifist or a
G74  10 unilateralist to feel some anxiety concerning the fateful decisions
G74  11 which have to be taken by our governments. ^And one question is
G74  12 persistent: in Washington, in Moscow, in London and above all perhaps
G74  13 in {0*2N.A.T.O.} {0H.Q.}, *0how great is the impact of military
G74  14 advice in the formulation of policy? ^In the bleakest moments of
G74  15 gloom, many people are fearful, convinced that political leaders are
G74  16 swayed by the formidable demands of belligerent generals for newer,
G74  17 bigger, more deadly weapons, and that they are swayed because the
G74  18 scientific and technological advances in weapons have made it
G74  19 impossible for lay politicians to resist or even begin to argue
G74  20 against such demands. ^Caught in a pincer movement between their own
G74  21 fears and the incomprehensible and therefore unanswerable claims of
G74  22 the military technologists, the political leaders send defence budgets
G74  23 soaring. ^We know that we pay a terrible price here and now, but we
G74  24 are left wondering if this will save us from a far more terrible price
G74  25 later. ^The second problem is that of the spread of military regimes
G74  26 of one kind or another*- the astonishing succession of military
G74  27 take-over bids which we have witnessed in recent times. ^This is not
G74  28 simply undue military influence in the policy discussions of civil
G74  29 governments but the complete replacement of political leaders by
G74  30 military men in the very seats of supreme power.
G74  31    |^Although these two problems seem perfectly and entirely modern, I
G74  32 want to suggest that we should try to see them as two facets of the
G74  33 one fundamental problem of civil-military relations, and further that
G74  34 we should recognise this problem as not wholly new. ^*'True political
G74  35 sagacity**', as Burke remarked, *'manifests itself in distinguishing
G74  36 that complaint which only characterizes the general infirmity of human
G74  37 nature from those which are symptoms of the particular distemperature
G74  38 of our own air and season**'. ^In this matter of military power in
G74  39 politics there are large elements of both kinds. ^It may be useful to
G74  40 approach the two problems indirectly*- through a consideration of the
G74  41 problem.
G74  42    |^The growing frequency and apparent success of the military
G74  43 {6*1coup d'e*?2tat} *0may no longer surprise us and we may have
G74  44 grown accustomed to asking only*- where is it this time? which
G74  45 service? what rank of officer? and have they taken over the radio
G74  46 station? ^*1The Times *0greeted recent Vietnam events in a tone of
G74  47 weary disapproval: ^*'Once again a paratroop officer has struck before
G74  48 dawn and set off the familiar sequence of a South East Asian {6*1coup
G74  49 d'e*?2tat}.**' ^*0If there is what the same paper has called a
G74  50 *'British obsession about soldiers in politics**', then many parts of
G74  51 the world have been giving us plenty to be obsessed about. ^In the
G74  52 same week that saw the \0S. Vietnam \6*1coup *0there occurred the
G74  53 purge of colonels in Turkey and the amazingly provocative and
G74  54 subversive statements by at least two retired Generals of the French
G74  55 Army dissociating themselves from the supposed policy of President \de
G74  56 Gaulle. ^Before that but still within the autumn season \0Col. Mobuto
G74  57 in the Congo emerged, not in charge of affairs but at least in
G74  58 possession of a central area of that country's strange and unhappy
G74  59 political stage. ^Before that again, last summer, the established
G74  60 government of Turkey found itself under arrest and its own army
G74  61 leaders sitting in the place of supreme control. ^In the space of
G74  62 little more than eight years soldiers have taken political power in as
G74  63 many countries: Neguib and then Nasser in Egypt, Kassim in Iraq, Ayub
G74  64 in Pakistan, Abboud in Sudan, \de Gaulle in France and the gentlemanly
G74  65 interlude of General Ne Win in Burma*- cases from Asia, Africa,
G74  66 Europe. ^Political epidemiologists may still be justified in regarding
G74  67 \0S. America and the Middle East as peculiarly vulnerable areas*-
G74  68 especially if Sudan, Pakistan, Algeria and (some would add) Spain are
G74  69 counted as extensions of the Middle East*- but evidently no region has
G74  70 a monopoly of this trend. ^The men on horseback have been riding hard
G74  71 and people of liberal outlook do feel some concern. ^This is so even
G74  72 when certain acts of military regimes*- such as a ruthless drive
G74  73 against black-marketeers*- secure our approval. ^But how is this
G74  74 general feature of modern politics to be explained? ^How far is one
G74  75 justified in referring to it as the spread of a disease? ^Is there a
G74  76 case for concern, or is concern indeed no more than a sign of
G74  77 unreasonable obsession?
G74  78    |^Before glancing at what historical experience may have to tell
G74  79 us, one or two general considerations may be suggested. ^What is the
G74  80 character of the military profession? ^It must of course be admitted
G74  81 at once that not all societies have been marked by the existence of
G74  82 any such separate profession. ^In simple societies, there is not a
G74  83 great deal of specialization or division of labour. ^Today's warrior
G74  84 is tomorrow's cultivator and the time for wars is when the harvest has
G74  85 been got in. ^Anthropologists tell us that this is the case with many
G74  86 tribal societies. ^It was the case with most of the fairly developed
G74  87 feudal polities of Medieval Europe. ^Even the leaders of armed forces
G74  88 in battle are in such societies men who assume this role only as one
G74  89 among many. ^Military leadership is not clearly distinguished from
G74  90 social and political leadership. ^However, in most large and developed
G74  91 states*- and even in some of the relatively small states of the
G74  92 ancient world*- the forms of power, civil and military, do come to be
G74  93 separate.
G74  94    |^When this happens the type (or types) of military man emerges.
G74  95 ^His features were described already by the first of all political
G74  96 philosophers. ^Compared with other men, said Plato, the military man
G74  97 is *'more self-willed and rather less well-read**', *'ready to listen
G74  98 but quite incapable of expressing himself**'; *'he will be harsh to
G74  99 his slaves... polite to his equals and will obey his superiors
G74 100 readily**'; *'he will be ambitious to hold office himself**'. ^And in
G74 101 a military regime there will be, thought Plato, great respect for
G74 102 authority but *'a fear of admitting intelligent people to office**', a
G74 103 preference for *'simple and hearty types who prefer war to peace**'.
G74 104    |^The sketch may be a caricature but the image of the military man
G74 105 has changed remarkably little in over 2,000 years. ^\De Tocqueville
G74 106 writing a mere 120 years ago understood well the political importance
G74 107 of this question. ^*'Whatever taste democratic nations may have for
G74 108 peace they must hold themselves in readiness to repel aggression, or,
G74 109 in other words they must have an army... ^Their armies always exercise
G74 110 a powerful influence... ^It is therefore of singular importance to
G74 111 inquire what are the natural propensities of the men of whom these
G74 112 armies are composed**'. ^He distinguished types of military men and
G74 113 contrasted the professional military man of a democracy with that of
G74 114 an aristocracy. ^In an aristocracy*- and the description is true of
G74 115 most of Europe in the eighteenth century*- the social top layer
G74 116 becomes the military top layer, the ranks of the army reflect the
G74 117 ranks of society. ^On the whole men accept their places. ^The officer
G74 118 in particular has little ambition because military rank is but an
G74 119 appendage to his social status. ^Moreover, the military profession is
G74 120 held in high esteem. ^All this alters when egalitarian and democratic
G74 121 ideas come with social change. ^The best part of the nation shuns the
G74 122 military profession because it is no longer honoured, and it is not
G74 123 honoured because the best part of the nation has ceased to follow it.
G74 124 ^Increasingly isolated from civil society the professional army
G74 125 *'eventually forms a small nation by itself, where the mind is less
G74 126 enlarged and habits are more rude than in the nation at large**'. ^The
G74 127 officers do not get military rank from social status but rather owe
G74 128 what social status they may have to their military rank. ^Ambition and
G74 129 competition for promotion thus become intense and out of all
G74 130 proportion to the peacetime opportunities. ^The army is ready to be
G74 131 restless, dissatisfied. ^And against whom will it vent its anger if
G74 132 not on the politicians?
G74 133    |^Is this one more unfair caricature? ^The memoirs and biographies
G74 134 of military men perhaps suggest that there is at least enough truth in
G74 135 the picture to enable us to understand why civil-military relations*-
G74 136 which necessarily arise whenever the roles are distinct*- have seldom
G74 137 been easy. ^The military profession finds it has to operate in close
G74 138 proximity to and as an instrument of last resort for civil authority;
G74 139 yet the training and disposition of its leaders make them as far
G74 140 removed as possible in spirit and mood from the politician or
G74 141 statesman. ^A military operation is conducted on the basis of orders
G74 142 expressed in simple and direct language; political operations are
G74 143 usually effected through understandings which are ill-defined in
G74 144 nature. ^These differences belong to the character of the jobs and are
G74 145 underlined through training and experience. ^The political man has to
G74 146 move tentatively towards a goal which cannot from its very nature be
G74 147 defined with precision in advance. ^Means and ends are hopelessly
G74 148 mixed. ^It is not simply a matter of choosing means *1x *0to a given
G74 149 goal *1y*0; it is also that the goal is the outcome of pursuing a
G74 150 given means. ^The politician's work is to secure social co-operation
G74 151 through compromise: where this will take him he cannot fully know
G74 152 except by starting and feeling his way through the variety of
G74 153 interests and opinions. ^Only in the most general terms has he an
G74 154 objective already defined. ^And excessive precision will only make
G74 155 movement difficult. ^The soldier works differently. ^He must be given
G74 156 his objective in the clearest possible fashion; he will then state his
G74 157 requirements and dispose his forces in such a way as to gain the
G74 158 object. ^In military arrangements flexibility is a necessary evil and
G74 159 ambiguity may easily cost lives; in politics flexibility is the first
G74 160 rule and ambiguity an essential instrument.
G74 161    |^Put thus shortly, such considerations may nevertheless make us
G74 162 willing to regard military incursions into politics as {6*1prima
G74 163 facie} *0matters for concern and the use of the medical term disease
G74 164 as {6*1prima facie} *0fitting. ^The skills and ways of thought
G74 165 required for the transaction of polity business are so different from
G74 166 those needed for military operations that any transfer of one to the
G74 167 other is normally to be regarded as inappropriate, unhealthy for the
G74 168 body politic. ^(It is necessary to stress *'normally**' because it
G74 169 must be conceded that in some situations military rule may be
G74 170 advantageous. ^But these are situations of bodies politic already in
G74 171 bad shape.)
G74 172    |^Yet, however inappropriate and unhealthy may be the entry of
G74 173 military men into politics, a little reflection may well prompt us to
G74 174 ask not why it happens when it does but why it does not happen more
G74 175 often. ^They are after all in control of the awful weapons of last
G74 176 resort; why are they not regularly tempted to use them to achieve
G74 177 supreme power in the state? ^To say that they usually recognize that
G74 178 this is a job they cannot do or that the people usually would not
G74 179 stand for it is not enough*- for how in turn are such attitudes
G74 180 brought about? ^Briefly, the answer is two-fold: political vigilance
G74 181 and military professionalism. ^It is the imperfectly professional army
G74 182 and the careless statesmen or power vacuum which constitute the
G74 183 ingredients of military intervention.
G74 184    |^But the successful containment of military power within its
G74 185 proper sphere has never been achieved without difficulty. ^Even the
G74 186 fortunate British should know this. ^Consider how much of our
G74 187 constitutional history has turned on the issue of the standing army.
G74 188 *# 2004
G75   1 **[262 TEXT G75**]
G75   2 *<*4Thoughts on the 50-Megaton Bomb*>
G75   3 *<*6BERTRAND RUSSELL*>
G75   4    |^*0All friends of peace have been profoundly shocked and
G75   5 discouraged by the Soviet government's resumption of tests culminating
G75   6 in the explosion of the 50-megaton bomb. ^\0Mr Krushchev maintains
G75   7 that all this is done with a view to preserving peace. ^This, of
G75   8 course, is nonsense. ^But it is much to be feared that the West will
G75   9 react by very similar nonsense. ^On 22 October, four members of the
G75  10 Committee of 100, of whom I was one, delivered a statement signed by
G75  11 the \0Rev. Michael Scott and myself at the Soviet embassy protesting
G75  12 against the explosion of the most powerful nuclear weapon yet tested.
G75  13 ^Somewhat to my surprise, I received a long answer to this statement
G75  14 from \0Mr Krushchev, very similar to the letter from him to certain
G75  15 Labour {0MP}s which was published on 31 October.
G75  16    |^The statement to me contains the usual mixture of the truth and
G75  17 falsehood which we have learnt to expect from statesmen of either
G75  18 side. ^Its criticisms of the West are, to a considerable extent,
G75  19 justified. ^Its defence of the Soviet government is almost entirely
G75  20 unjustified.
G75  21    |^\0Mr Krushchev deplores, I think rightly, the West's tardiness in
G75  22 agreeing to negotiations about Berlin. ^He omits to mention that the
G75  23 Russian proposals for solving the Berlin question would involve so
G75  24 great a gain to the Russian side that the West could not be expected
G75  25 to agree. ^He omits, also, to emphasise that, from the first, the
G75  26 Russian proposals have been backed by military threats. ^He points
G75  27 out, I think truly, that in a nuclear war Britain would suffer more
G75  28 than either America or Russia, but he is wrong in thinking that this
G75  29 sort of argument promotes pacifism in Britain. ^He says: ^*'We are
G75  30 carrying out experimental blasts and improving our weapons so that
G75  31 mankind may never experience the horrors of nuclear war.**' ^Exactly
G75  32 the same sort of thing is being said in America.
G75  33    |^It is scarcely possible to believe that such sentiments are
G75  34 sincere on either side. ^Each side proceeds on the assumption that
G75  35 itself loves peace, but the other side consists of warmongers. ^Each
G75  36 side proceeds on the assumption that itself possesses infinite
G75  37 courage, but that the other side consists of poltroons who can be
G75  38 frightened by bluster. ^Each side's bluster, in fact, produces bluster
G75  39 on the other side, and brings war nearer. ^If \0Mr Krushchev really
G75  40 believes that the explosion of his 50-megaton bomb is going to cause a
G75  41 love of peace in the West, he must possess a far smaller knowledge of
G75  42 human nature than it is easy to suppose credible. ^All those of us in
G75  43 the West who are working to prevent a nuclear war are reduced almost
G75  44 to despair by the recent atrocious actions of the Soviet government,
G75  45 while, on the contrary, those in the West who desire a nuclear war are
G75  46 encouraged by every crime and folly of which the Soviet government is
G75  47 guilty.
G75  48    |^\0Mr Krushchev says: ^*'The source of international tension and
G75  49 the arms race is the policy of the western powers.**' ^This is only
G75  50 half the truth. ^If the matters in dispute between East and West are
G75  51 to be settled without war, they must be settled by negotiation, and in
G75  52 the present temper of both sides negotiation cannot be successful if
G75  53 conducted by the threat of war. ^When \0Mr Krushchev professes that he
G75  54 wishes to avoid *'the horrors of nuclear war**', he is only half
G75  55 sincere. ^There is something else that he wishes much more, namely the
G75  56 avoidance of the tiniest concession on the part of the Soviet
G75  57 government. ^There is some reason to fear that a correlative feeling
G75  58 exists in the West. ^It cannot, therefore, be said honestly by either
G75  59 side that it considers nuclear war the worst possible disaster.
G75  60    |^The last paragraph of \0Mr Krushchev's letter advocates general
G75  61 and complete disarmament. ^The United States Information Service has
G75  62 issued a pamphlet called *1Freedom from War *0with a foreword by
G75  63 President Kennedy. ^The proposals contained in this pamphlet are
G75  64 admirable. ^So are \0Mr Krushchev's proposals for general and complete
G75  65 disarmament. ^Since both sides advocate the same thing, it might be
G75  66 thought that it would be brought about, but no one supposes that it
G75  67 will be, because no one supposes that either side sincerely desires
G75  68 it. ^Certainly the explosion of 50-megaton bombs is not the way to
G75  69 bring it about.
G75  70    |^There is a simple test which I should suggest to the statesmen of
G75  71 both East and West: ^*'When you feel inclined to make a pronouncement,
G75  72 ask yourself whether it differs in any way from a pronouncement by the
G75  73 other side. ^You are in the habit of saying that the pronouncements of
G75  74 the other side tend to promote war and, if they seem not to, that is
G75  75 only because they are insincere and hypocritical. ^If your
G75  76 pronouncements and theirs are indistinguishable, can you wonder that
G75  77 they do not find yours convincing?**'
G75  78    |^If war is to be avoided, both sides will have to cease from
G75  79 finding fault with each other, even when the fault-finding is
G75  80 justified, and will have to abandon the language of threats. ^We shall
G75  81 not be driven to mend our ways by Soviet threats. ^Nor will Russia be
G75  82 driven to mend her ways by threats from our side. ^Threat and
G75  83 counter-threat is not the way to peace. ^At one time \0Mr Krushchev
G75  84 seemed to be aware of this. ^He has forgotten it, and all friends of
G75  85 Man must be saddened by his decision to march along the road of folly.
G75  86    |^But I have been speaking of what we in the West regard as \0Mr
G75  87 Krushchev's mistakes. ^We are much less aware of the mistakes made on
G75  88 our own side, though it would be easy to make a formidable list
G75  89 weighing in the total not much less than 50 megatons. ^The United
G75  90 States Air Force Association recently published a statement of its
G75  91 policy which is the most terrifying document I have ever read. ^It
G75  92 leads up to a noble peroration: ^*'Soviet aims are both evil and
G75  93 implacable. ^The people [{0i.e.} the American people] are willing to
G75  94 work towards, and fight for if necessary, the elimination of Communism
G75  95 from the world scene. ^Let the issue be joined.**' ^This gives the
G75  96 tone of the whole ferocious document, which amounts to a sentence of
G75  97 death on the human race. ^It presents the aims of the enormous
G75  98 economic power of the armament industry and the warlike ardour of
G75  99 generals and admirals*- the aims, in short, of the armament lobby, one
G75 100 of the most powerful of the lobbies that largely determine the actions
G75 101 of Congress.
G75 102    |^The greatest danger that we must face now, in this time of very
G75 103 imminent disaster, is that we should give in to these warmongers of
G75 104 the West as the Russians have shown by their recent actions they have
G75 105 succumbed to the warmongers of the East. ^We must continue to oppose
G75 106 both, to remember that both are guilty of leading us to our present
G75 107 dangerous pass, that both now seem to have the bit in their teeth. ^We
G75 108 must continue to urge the West*- since we can influence only the
G75 109 West*- to insist upon negotiation with determination to arrive at a
G75 110 peaceful issue, to refuse to answer provocative acts with provocative
G75 111 acts, to refuse, in fact, to go to war.
G75 112 *<*4Assumptions of American Defence*>
G75 113 *<*6KINGSLEY MARTIN*>
G75 114    |^*0In this article I want to assess, as far as I can, after talks
G75 115 in the White House, the Pentagon and the State Department, the
G75 116 assumptions that lie behind American defence policy. ^On the surface
G75 117 at least, the present regime differs from its predecessor in not
G75 118 thinking about *'containing Communism**' or *'rolling back**' or
G75 119 *'fighting a crusade**', but in tough, realistic terms about the power
G75 120 struggle between the Soviet Union and the {0US}. ^Whether this makes
G75 121 much real difference in policy I am not sure. ^It may be no more than
G75 122 a change in presentation. ^But it means that ideology comes into
G75 123 conversation only as an element of defence. ^The argument is no longer
G75 124 about a world divided into angels and devils, with *'unmoral**'
G75 125 neutrals dithering on the edge of hell.
G75 126    |^Another difference is that in the Kennedy era the generals do not
G75 127 talk about policy in public. ^There is still to be a fight about this
G75 128 which may be important before long, but for the moment military chiefs
G75 129 protest only in private. ^The very impressive Secretary of Defence,
G75 130 \0Mr McNamara, has everything very firmly under control, and the
G75 131 Pentagon concentrates on making military sense of the troika of
G75 132 France, Germany and Britain which the {0US} is now attempting to
G75 133 drive in harness.
G75 134    |^The first assumption was stated in precise military terms the
G75 135 other day by \0Mr Gilpatric, the Deputy Secretary of Defence, whose
G75 136 speech, the press was informed, was *'cleared at the highest level**',
G75 137 {0i.e.} vetted by the President. ^The {0US} is stated to be much
G75 138 superior today to the {0USSR} in both nuclear power and the means of
G75 139 delivery. ^In \0Mr Gilpatric's words, Americans *'have a second strike
G75 140 capability as extensive as what the Soviets can deliver by striking
G75 141 first. Therefore we are confident that the Soviets will not provoke a
G75 142 major nuclear conflict.**'
G75 143    |^The second assumption is that a private enterprise shelter policy
G75 144 supported by the administration can so limit the number of civilian
G75 145 deaths in a nuclear war that America would be able to rebuild a
G75 146 civilised and democratic society after it.
G75 147    |^The third assumption is that by building up conventional forces,
G75 148 America can minimise the danger that a nuclear war might begin by
G75 149 accident or misunderstanding or from Soviet failure to realise
G75 150 America's determination to use her nuclear weapons.
G75 151    |^The fourth assumption is that West Germany must at all cost be
G75 152 kept as a permanent ally. ^It is essential to have her agreement about
G75 153 the Berlin settlement, her alliance in a war and her participation in
G75 154 that integrated organisation of the West, which is thought the best
G75 155 hope for western civilisation whether there is a war or not.
G75 156    |^Let me consider these assumptions in order. ^\0Mr Gilpatric
G75 157 states that America will be able to maintain progressively larger arms
G75 158 expenditure until Russia is *'eventually forced to participate with us
G75 159 in a step-by-step programme to guarantee the peace which so many
G75 160 nations earnestly desire**'. ^The present defence budget has reached
G75 161 the colossal figure of $47,000 million. ^Gilpatric did not mention
G75 162 the possibility that one of the motives for Russia's inexcusable and
G75 163 horrifying series of tests is that she intends to continue poisoning
G75 164 the atmosphere until America is forced to accept Russia's programme
G75 165 for *'complete and general disarmament**'. ^Whether his estimate of
G75 166 Russia's inferior striking power is correct, I cannot of course say;
G75 167 one hopes that it is better based than the appreciation that led to
G75 168 the Cuban invasion. ^According to American intelligence reports the
G75 169 number of Soviet intercontinental missiles is not large. ^The
G75 170 Russians, we are told, mainly rely on those of intermediate range, so
G75 171 that America's huge and elaborate system of bomber planes, plus her
G75 172 growing fleet of Polaris submarines, would bring Russia down before
G75 173 she could destroy America's nuclear bases. ^It is a matter of doubt
G75 174 whether this alleged inferiority of striking power or the conflicts
G75 175 within the Communist world, so vividly displayed in the Moscow
G75 176 Communist conference, is responsible for Krushchev's postponement of a
G75 177 date for making a treaty with East Germany.
G75 178    |^Shelter policy is a matter of acute controversy here. ^The
G75 179 administration does not suggest that shelters can prevent huge
G75 180 casualties from blast and fire, though it flatly contradicts the
G75 181 estimate of some experts who hold that the inevitable fires following
G75 182 a nuclear explosion would destroy all life above and below ground for
G75 183 many times the distance of the blast. ^As to the inevitable struggle
G75 184 to crowd the shelters if missiles fall, the only solution appears to
G75 185 be that everyone should have a shelter*- which is clearly impossible
G75 186 even if the government stops the supply of bogus shelters, now
G75 187 commercially advertised, and insists on the production of cheap and
G75 188 adequate shelters against nuclear rain.
G75 189 *# 2000
G76   1 **[263 TEXT G76**]
G76   2 *<*6THE LOOKER-ON*>
G76   3    |^*2THE *0new American President takes office during January, so
G76   4 the awkward interval during which United States policy tends to mark
G76   5 time for want of leadership is already nearly over. ^It can sometimes
G76   6 be a very awkward interval indeed, especially when the change of
G76   7 President also means a change of the ruling party. ^When a Democratic
G76   8 President last succeeded a Republican in 1933, it was during the same
G76   9 interim period that Hitler came to power in Germany and the Japanese
G76  10 delegation withdrew from the League of Nations. ^In those days, to
G76  11 make matters worse, the interim was nearly five months*- a relic of
G76  12 the early times of the Republic when a newly elected President had to
G76  13 be given time to ride on horseback to his farm and put his affairs in
G76  14 order, before riding back to Washington.
G76  15    |^The inevitable pause in policy-making is no doubt one of the
G76  16 reasons why a change of President is so often said to mark the end of
G76  17 an era, or the beginning of a new one. ^Coincidence also sometimes
G76  18 contributes to the same idea. ^Just as Roosevelt's assumption of
G76  19 office coincided, within a few weeks, with the triumph of Nazism in
G76  20 Germany and the disruption of the League of Nations by Japan, so
G76  21 Eisenhower's election eight years ago was very closely succeeded by
G76  22 the death of Stalin and the signature of an armistice in Korea. ^The
G76  23 portents facing the new President are still not clear, but such as
G76  24 they are, it is in the United States' own policy rather than in the
G76  25 rest of the world that the changes are likely to come, if at all.
G76  26    |^Senator Kennedy has not been a man for dramatic or extreme
G76  27 commitments. ^The same was true of Vice-President Nixon, and Kennedy
G76  28 was even called *'a Democratic Nixon.**' ^This non-committal attitude
G76  29 in his past career had been held against him during the election
G76  30 campaign, but it will certainly be an asset now that he has become
G76  31 President; for the Democratic Party even more than the Republican is a
G76  32 coalition of many diverse and even conflicting interests, some of
G76  33 which would have to be sacrificed by any President. ^Apart from the
G76  34 contention that American prestige has suffered abroad in the last few
G76  35 years, the President-elect has refrained from attacking the policies
G76  36 of his predecessor, so that the implication is that the change, if
G76  37 any, in foreign policy will consist rather of a freshness of approach
G76  38 than a revision of objectives.
G76  39    |^Senator Kennedy's statements about nuclear disarmament during the
G76  40 campaign are a case in point. ^He insisted that the Western Powers
G76  41 must not despair of reaching an agreement with the Soviet Government
G76  42 on the manufacture and testing of nuclear weapons, but must make one
G76  43 more determined attempt to break through the obstacles, though without
G76  44 abandoning the *'position of strength**' which has been built up. ^It
G76  45 is almost inconceivable that any new President could have taken any
G76  46 other line. ^On the other hand, Kennedy went a good deal further in
G76  47 his undertakings about what is probably, for Americans, the most
G76  48 difficult and controversial of all matters of foreign policy, the
G76  49 relation with Communist China. ^While insisting that there should be
G76  50 no change affecting Formosa, he was explicitly in favour of a
G76  51 withdrawal of the Nationalist Chinese forces from the offshore
G76  52 islands, Quemoy and Matsu. ^It will be an extraordinarily painful step
G76  53 to negotiate. ^It seems likely also to be a step leading in the
G76  54 direction of recognising the Communist Chinese Government and trying
G76  55 to give its representative a seat at the United Nations, though
G76  56 perhaps without depriving Chiang Kai-shek's representative of a seat
G76  57 on behalf of Formosa.
G76  58    |^Probably only a newly elected Democratic President could take so
G76  59 far-reaching a step, and it would be better to take it sooner rather
G76  60 than later (like President Roosevelt's decision to recognise the
G76  61 Soviet Government in 1933). ^If so, then the new presidency might
G76  62 indeed mark the beginning of a new era, for it is certain that a
G76  63 comprehensive settlement of great-power relations and general
G76  64 disarmament will only be possible, if at all, when the Chinese
G76  65 Communists are included within the circle of settlement, by whatever
G76  66 means that is achieved. ^It is interesting to see how the new
G76  67 President's thoughts have shifted on this subject. ^In January 1949 he
G76  68 spoke of *'the disaster that has befallen China and the United
G76  69 States,**' and urged the government to *'assume the responsibility of
G76  70 preventing the onrushing tide of Communism from engulfing all of
G76  71 Asia.**' ^Within the last year, he has spoken privately of indicating
G76  72 *'our willingness to talk with them [the Red Chinese] when they desire
G76  73 to do so, and to set forth conditions of recognition which seem
G76  74 responsible to a watching world.**'
G76  75    |^Both quotations are taken from the recent biographical work by an
G76  76 American professor, James MacGregor Burns, which was published in the
G76  77 {0U.S.A.} in anticipation of \0Mr Kennedy's election. ^The author
G76  78 has worked with the new President, along with many other intellectuals
G76  79 of the same generation, and he respects and admires him, but safely
G76  80 *'this side idolatry.**' ^The book is largely intended to dispel
G76  81 common illusions about the new President*- for instance, that he is
G76  82 unduly influenced by his father, who was one of the least successful
G76  83 American Ambassadors ever sent to this country, or by the Roman
G76  84 Catholic Church. ^Professor Burns makes the point that Kennedy's
G76  85 education was almost entirely secular and that he was never made to
G76  86 feel a second-class citizen in his boyhood, as can apparently still
G76  87 happen to American Catholics, especially those of Irish descent. ^But
G76  88 he does not hide the fact that the new President has in the past been
G76  89 sometimes ambiguous or evasive on matters in which religion could
G76  90 affect his judgment, such as civil rights or the condemnation of
G76  91 Senator McCarthy. ^Clearly he has still to reach his full stature; but
G76  92 lesser men have made great Presidents before.
G76  93    |^One of the first problems confronting the new President in the
G76  94 field of foreign affairs will be that of the United States' future
G76  95 relation with Cuba. ^Whatever steps he may take, whether in the
G76  96 direction of reconciliation or of intensified hostility, will have a
G76  97 far-reaching significance beyond their immediate context, because
G76  98 Fidel Castro has by this time become a kind of symbol of independence
G76  99 and social change in Latin America, much as President Nasser became a
G76 100 few years ago in the Middle East. ^The parallel is reinforced by a
G76 101 further coincidence: one of the most important international interests
G76 102 guarded, or threatened, by the rising dictator's territory is a canal.
G76 103 ^And one of the chief purposes of the American base at Guantanamo Bay
G76 104 in Cuba is to cover the approaches to the Panama Canal, just as one of
G76 105 the chief purposes of the British base in the Suez Canal Zone until
G76 106 1954 was to guard our Middle Eastern artery.
G76 107    |^The American people are now learning the hard way how difficult
G76 108 it is to act in accordance with cool and rational principles when a
G76 109 supposedly vital national interest is threatened by a dictator with a
G76 110 highly charged weight of public emotion driving him forward. ^The
G76 111 experience is all the more alarming for the Americans because the
G76 112 threat is so near home. ^Hitherto the American hemisphere, though
G76 113 liable to constant revolutions, has been immune from ideological
G76 114 movements showing close affinities with Communism. ^The only similar
G76 115 threats in recent years have been those of \0Dr Jagan's government in
G76 116 British Guiana in 1953 and President Arbenz's government in Guatemala
G76 117 in 1954; and both were fairly easily disposed of, nor did (nor perhaps
G76 118 could) the Soviet Government lift a finger to succour them. ^With
G76 119 Fidel Castro in Cuba it could conceivably be different.
G76 120    |^Unfortunately the Cuban situation was allowed to become a
G76 121 contentious issue in the {0U.S.} presidential election. ^Senator
G76 122 Kennedy accused Vice-President Nixon of having *'presided over the
G76 123 communisation of Cuba.**' ^He pledged himself to strengthen and
G76 124 support the democratic anti-Castro forces inside and outside Cuba.
G76 125 ^Those outside Cuba include, of course, substantial numbers of vocal
G76 126 would-be counter-revolutionaries on American soil, alleged to be
G76 127 organising forces to invade Cuba from Florida. ^Senator Kennedy no
G76 128 doubt meant only moral support, but as American citizens have already
G76 129 been caught and executed in Cuba for rebellious activities, and as a
G76 130 contingent of {0U.S.} marines was recently added temporarily to the
G76 131 strength of the garrison at Guantanamo Bay, his words could easily be
G76 132 misinterpreted and misused.
G76 133    |^Vice-President Nixon, on the other hand, spoke of Cuba as having
G76 134 been put *'in quarantine**' by the measures of economic blockade taken
G76 135 against Castro's government after they had seized most of the American
G76 136 assets in the country. ^The principal reprisal taken by the
G76 137 {0U.S.A.} was to cut the importation of Cuban sugar on the technical
G76 138 ground of Cuban discrimination against American goods. ^Given that
G76 139 over sixty per cent of cultivated land in the island is devoted to
G76 140 sugar, that the {0U.S.A.} is by far the largest importer of Cuban
G76 141 sugar, and that two-thirds of all Cuba's exports go to the
G76 142 {0U.S.A.}, the severity of the reprisal is obvious. ^The presumption
G76 143 that it is politically motivated was corroborated by Vice-President
G76 144 Nixon's further statement during the campaign, comparing the action
G76 145 taken against Cuba with the process which unseated Arbenz in Guatemala
G76 146 in 1954. ^But the Latin Americans will not have forgotten that that
G76 147 process included an armed invasion from Nicaragua, with {0U.S.}
G76 148 blessing if without {0U.S.} troops.
G76 149    |^In the ugly situation that has developed, it was inevitable that
G76 150 Castro should have looked to the Soviet bloc for support. ^Patriotic
G76 151 Americans would argue that the order of events was the other way
G76 152 round: the *'quarantine**' was imposed because he had already showed
G76 153 Communist tendencies. ^In any case, it does not seem that Castro
G76 154 received much practical comfort from the {0U.S.S.R.} or China.
G76 155 ^Crude oil came in Russian tankers to supply the Cuban refineries, but
G76 156 apparently only in token quantities. ^Soviet technicians came to
G76 157 replace American and British, but not in great numbers. ^And although
G76 158 \0Mr Khrushchev ostentatiously wooed and embraced Castro at the
G76 159 {0U.N.} General Assembly, and ebulliently promised to supply rockets
G76 160 for the protection of Cuba against American aggression, he later
G76 161 explained that: *"I want that declaration to be, in effect,
G76 162 symbolic.**"
G76 163    |^No doubt neither of the great powers is willing to let Cuba
G76 164 become a *1{6casus belli}. ^*0But the present tension can hardly
G76 165 just go on indefinitely. ^The basic questions for the new American
G76 166 administration are two: need the quarrel with Cuba ever have happened,
G76 167 and, can it be put into reverse? ^The first question can be broken
G76 168 down into two further questions: do Cuban and American interests
G76 169 necessarily conflict, and is Castro really a Communist? ^To the first
G76 170 the answer is clearly, No. ^With Cuba normally receiving
G76 171 three-quarters of its imports from the {0U.S.A.} and sending
G76 172 two-thirds of its exports to the {0U.S.A.}, their interests are
G76 173 reciprocal. ^That Castro is really a Communist can also be denied in
G76 174 the sense of an obedient satellite of Moscow. ^Many well-informed
G76 175 Americans welcomed his rising against President Batista, and consider
G76 176 that he only turned towards Moscow when he was rebuffed during his
G76 177 visit to the {0U.S.A.} in 1959, perhaps chiefly because the American
G76 178 companies with investments in Cuba disliked his proposals for land
G76 179 reform.
G76 180    |^It may already be impossible for American policy to take a new
G76 181 direction in dealing with Cuba, but the advent of a new administration
G76 182 certainly provides a new opportunity. ^Senator Kennedy campaigned in
G76 183 support of a sympathetic policy towards under-developed countries. ^He
G76 184 now has the chance to recognise (if he can eat his own words) that
G76 185 charity begins at home, or at least on one's own doorstep. ^The only
G76 186 alternatives seem to be the use of force (even if not American forces)
G76 187 or a state of chaos in Cuba from which an even worse dictatorship
G76 188 might emerge.
G76 189    |^When General \de Gaulle came back to power two and a half years
G76 190 ago, there was a general wave of optimism about his chances of
G76 191 bringing the tragic problem of Algeria to a settlement. ^Algeria was
G76 192 in the forefront of every Frenchman's mind at that time, because it
G76 193 was a crisis in Algiers that brought about the appeal to \de Gaulle to
G76 194 return.
G76 195 *# 2027
G77   1 **[264 TEXT G77**]
G77   2 *<*4The Uses of Pornography*>
G77   3    |^*0Pornography*- if for the moment we stick to the etymological
G77   4 implication of writing*- is an aspect of literacy. ^To the best of my
G77   5 knowledge, there is no record of a society which has used literacy for
G77   6 profane and imaginative purposes and which has not produced books
G77   7 dealing with sexual topics; of these books some have been considered
G77   8 unsuitable for general reading, their circulation has been more or
G77   9 less clandestine, and where laws have been concerned with private
G77  10 morals, have been interdicted by the law. ^As far as I know, there is
G77  11 no surviving pornography from Mesopotamia, Pharaonic Egypt or Crete;
G77  12 but there is so little written matter surviving from these
G77  13 civilizations which is not concerned with religion, law or business
G77  14 transactions that no argument can be based on these omissions.
G77  15 ^Further, we know nothing about the literatures of the high
G77  16 pre-Columbian civilizations of Central and South America; Peru had a
G77  17 copious industry of pots decorated with realistic portrayals of
G77  18 perverse and complex sexual activities. ^But all the literate
G77  19 societies of Europe and Asia from the time of the ancient Greeks have
G77  20 had pornography as one aspect of their literature. ^In very many cases
G77  21 the texts have not survived; but references to them occur in more
G77  22 seemly authors, usually in a context of reprobation.
G77  23    |^Since pornography is an aspect of literacy, it is confined to the
G77  24 higher civilizations; it is not a human universal, found in societies
G77  25 of every stage of development, as is obscenity. ^All recorded
G77  26 societies, however simple their technology and unelaborated their
G77  27 social organization, have rules of seemliness; certain actions must
G77  28 only be performed, certain words only be uttered, in defined contexts;
G77  29 if the actions be performed, or the words uttered, in unsuitable
G77  30 contexts or before unsuitable audiences, then the rules of seemliness
G77  31 have been broken, and these infractions are obscenities. ^In the
G77  32 etymological meaning of the word actions have been performed, or words
G77  33 spoken, on the stage which should only have been performed or spoken
G77  34 off the stage (that is in a suitable context); and this metaphor is
G77  35 valid for all definitions of obscenity in all societies, if any
G77  36 situation where two or three are gathered together in one place is
G77  37 considered to have some of the components of a theatrical scene.
G77  38    |^Obscenity is a human universal, and I do not think that one can
G77  39 imagine a society without rules of seemliness and obscenity.
G77  40 ^Furthermore the responses to obscenity witnessed or recounted seem to
G77  41 vary very little from society to society. ^When witnessed, there is
G77  42 shocked silence and embarrassment on the part of the audience,
G77  43 confusion and shame on the part of the perpetrator, either openly
G77  44 manifested by such physical responses as blushing or giggling, or
G77  45 masked by bluster and defiance. ^When however obscenities are
G77  46 recounted in a suitable group, typically a one-sex group more or less
G77  47 of an age, the topic is enthralling and the climax of an anecdote is
G77  48 greeted with a peculiar, and easily recognizable, type of laughter.
G77  49 ^In different societies, laughter has a varying number of forms and
G77  50 functions; and until one knows quite a lot about a society one cannot
G77  51 interpret the significance that laughter has within it. ^But laughter
G77  52 at obscene jokes has (it would appear) the same sound the world over.
G77  53 ^You may know nothing at all about a society; but you cannot fail to
G77  54 recognize this specific type of hilarity.
G77  55    |^Obscenity impinges on pornography because in many societies
G77  56 (including of course our own) some aspects or actions of sexuality are
G77  57 regarded as obscene. ^This is however not universal; societies with
G77  58 phallic or fertility cults may place sexuality very literally on the
G77  59 stage, as part of a sacred mime. ^Nor do I know of any society in
G77  60 which obscenity is exclusively sexual. ^Defecation, by one or both
G77  61 sexes, is frequently treated as obscene; at least in the Trobriands
G77  62 (according to Malinowski) the public eating of solid food is an
G77  63 obscenity. ^Other societies surround death, either natural or violent
G77  64 or both, with the aura and circumspection of obscenity; and in many
G77  65 societies the use of personal names, either in public or before
G77  66 specified kinfolk, has all the horror of an obscene utterance.
G77  67    |^In societies with elevated ideas of the sacred, obscenity and
G77  68 blasphemy shade off into one another. ^The misuse of sacred words, the
G77  69 abuse of sacred figures, have all the overtones and responses
G77  70 customary to obscenity, except that blasphemy is much more rarely a
G77  71 subject for hilarity. ^In swearing and abuse both the obscene and the
G77  72 blasphemous vocabularies are frequently combined as forms of
G77  73 aggression against God and man; this is typically horrifying to the
G77  74 believer, amusing to the sceptic.
G77  75    |^These digressions have seemed necessary because, despite the
G77  76 title of the Obscene Publications Bill, the connections between
G77  77 obscenity and pornography are both tenuous and intermittent. ^In Latin
G77  78 literature such writers as Juvenal and Martial used the complete
G77  79 obscene vocabulary without apparently being considered pornographic;
G77  80 we do not know what vocabulary Elephantis and her colleagues employed,
G77  81 but for her contemporaries it was the subject matter, not the
G77  82 language, which made her books reprehensible. ^Conversely, to the best
G77  83 of my recollection, *1The Memoirs of Fanny Hill *0(one of the few
G77  84 masterpieces of English pornography) does not use a single obscene
G77  85 term. ^When obscene words are used in pornography, it is customarily
G77  86 due to the poverty of the writer's vocabulary; occasionally, as in
G77  87 some of the Victorian works, it is to enhance the law-breaking,
G77  88 blasphemous aspects of the actions or conversations described. ^But
G77  89 pornography is in no way dependent on obscene language; and, as it is
G77  90 customarily defined, it does not deal with more than a small portion
G77  91 of the subjects and situations considered obscene by the society at
G77  92 the time it was written.
G77  93 *<**=2*>
G77  94    |^Pornography is defined by its subject matter and its attitude
G77  95 thereto. ^The subject matter is sexual activity of any overt kind,
G77  96 which is depicted as inherently desirable and exciting. ^In its
G77  97 original meaning*- writings of or about prostitutes*- pornography
G77  98 consisted either in manuals of sexual technique (*1The Ananga-Ranga,
G77  99 {I Ragionamenti} *0of Aretino) or in the extolling of the charms and
G77 100 skills of identified prostitutes (*1The Ladies' Directory *0and its
G77 101 very numerous predecessors); but in its most usual form it is a
G77 102 fiction, in prose or verse, narrative or dialogue, mainly or entirely
G77 103 concerned with the sexual activities of the imagined characters. ^As
G77 104 far as my knowledge goes, Asian pornography, from Arabia to China and
G77 105 Japan, has sexual interludes embedded in narratives of which they only
G77 106 form a small section. ^The Chinese, and those who were influenced by
G77 107 Chinese culture and ideas, apparently considered all fiction
G77 108 reprehensible, frivolous, and subject to censorship. ^A writer
G77 109 engaging in a work of fiction was already going beyond the bounds of
G77 110 seemliness; once this step was taken, there were, it would seem, no
G77 111 conventions limiting the situations which could be depicted; and as a
G77 112 consequence you have a masterpiece like *1{Chin P'ing Mei} *0(The
G77 113 Golden Lotus) with numerous sections which, in 1939, Colonel Egerton
G77 114 had to veil in the decent obscurity of dog-latin, and which, by
G77 115 themselves, would certainly be considered pornographic in any literate
G77 116 society. ^They however become valid as literature because they serve
G77 117 to illumine the characters who are also described in a great number of
G77 118 other situations.
G77 119    |^With very few exceptions European pornography does not have any
G77 120 characters. ^The drama and novel are respected literary forms in which
G77 121 characters can be portrayed in nearly all situations except the
G77 122 overtly sexual; all that was left for pornography was genital
G77 123 activity. ^And even that has become more and more circumscribed. ^The
G77 124 manuals of sexual technique, as far as heterosexual coitus is
G77 125 concerned, have been taken away from the pornographers by high-minded
G77 126 writers of books on marriage guidance; the existence of sexual
G77 127 perversions, whose naming fifty years ago would have made a book
G77 128 suspect, is now common currency, thanks to the diffusion of various
G77 129 diluted versions of psycho-analysis; pornography is left with little
G77 130 but the description of the activities of various sets of genitals. ^As
G77 131 such it apparently commands a steady sale.
G77 132    |^The graphic equivalent of pornographic writing*- the depiction of
G77 133 single figures ready for sexual activity or of pairs or groups of
G77 134 figures engaged in sexual activity*- has likewise been an aspect of
G77 135 the painting, drawing or sculpture of every society in which these
G77 136 arts have been developed for aesthetic pleasure; in Hinduism they have
G77 137 on occasion been incorporated into sacred architecture. ^When
G77 138 mechanical means of reproducing works of art have been developed*-
G77 139 woodcuts, engravings, etchings, pottery moulds*- they have reproduced
G77 140 these works as well as the more conventional. ^Such pornographic art
G77 141 ranges all the way from masterpieces produced by the greatest artists
G77 142 of the period (for example, many Japanese woodcuts) to the most
G77 143 summary and feeble daubs. ^Except for the medium, they do not seem to
G77 144 be different in intention or effect to the literature; and I shall not
G77 145 further refer to them separately in this essay.
G77 146    |^During the last century mechanical means of reproducing pictures
G77 147 and sounds*- photographs, films, gramophone records and the like*-
G77 148 have also been put to pornographic ends, *'\5feelthy**' pictures,
G77 149 *'blue**' films and so on. ^Some of those few I have had occasion to
G77 150 see have struck me as unintentionally fairly comic; but their
G77 151 intention is serious enough. ^They are not able to achieve the
G77 152 idealization*- perfect beauty, health, vigour*- which is so general a
G77 153 feature of pornographic art and literature. ^Otherwise, they do not
G77 154 seem to me different in intention or effect from pornography in other
G77 155 media; and I have not heard of any which have non-pornographic merits.
G77 156 ^These too, it would appear, command a ready sale, probably today from
G77 157 a bigger public than the literature.
G77 158    |^The greatest amount of pornography in all media is produced by
G77 159 hacks with no pretension to aesthetic skill or competence. ^Some
G77 160 however has been produced by writers and painters of repute; and it is
G77 161 likely that, in such cases, the greater amount has been destroyed
G77 162 either immediately or after very limited circulation among friends.
G77 163 ^Some however has survived. ^There have also been a few European
G77 164 artists and painters whose main talent or output has been
G77 165 pornographic: Giulio Romano, Fuseli, Rowlandson among painters,
G77 166 Andre*?2a \de Nerciat, John Cleland, Pierre Louys among writers. ^When
G77 167 pornography is produced by writers or artists of talent it is usually
G77 168 dubbed *'erotica**'; but I see no value in maintaining that
G77 169 distinction when the aesthetic qualities are not the major
G77 170 consideration.
G77 171    |^I know of no study of the reasons which impel writers or artists
G77 172 to produce pornographic works; it is obviously an extremely difficult
G77 173 \6*1genre, *0and the technical problems of maintaining interest or
G77 174 variety with such an extremely limited subject matter may have been an
G77 175 attraction for some. ^In the mid-nineteenth and earlier twentieth
G77 176 century realistic and lyrical writers almost certainly felt thwarted
G77 177 by the strict conventions (to a great extent imposed by Mudie's
G77 178 lending library in Britain) limiting the subjects and situations with
G77 179 which they were allowed to treat; and the production of pornography
G77 180 may have been a sign of private revolt. ^Some of the nineteenth
G77 181 century English works are ascribed to the most austere Victorian
G77 182 characters, though with what justice I would not be prepared to say.
G77 183 ^It is possible also that willing creators of pornography get much the
G77 184 same satisfaction out of their activity as do willing consumers of it.
G77 185 *<**=3*>
G77 186    |^The object of pornography is hallucination. ^The reader is meant
G77 187 to identify either with the narrator (the *'I**' character) or with
G77 188 the general situation to a sufficient extent to produce at least the
G77 189 physical concomitants of sexual excitement; if the work is successful,
G77 190 it should produce orgasm. ^The reader should have the emotional and
G77 191 physical sensations, at least in a diminished form, that he would have
G77 192 were he taking part in the activities described.
G77 193    |^The literature of hallucination is a vast one, perhaps
G77 194 particularly in English, and deals with a considerable number of
G77 195 emotions and situations besides the sexual. ^Perhaps the nearest
G77 196 analogy is the literature of fear, the ghost story, the horror story,
G77 197 the thriller.
G77 198 *# 2007
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