G01 1 <#FLOB:G01\>CHAPTER I

G01 2 THE IMPORTANCE OF BEING MANLEY

G01 3 1844-63

G01 4 Even his name is usually wrong. Gerard Hopkins disliked G01 5 'Manley', and seldom used it except on official papers, yet today G01 6 anyone neglecting to put in his middle name is probably met with a G01 7 look of momentary mystification and an almost automatic correction G01 8 of "Oh, Gerard Manley Hopkins", so that one G01 9 soon learns to include it, to save time and avoid confusion. G01 10 'Gerard', given in honour of the saint, is appropriate enough, but G01 11 his second name came from his father and his father's forebears, G01 12 and his uneasiness with it is equally fitting, since in some ways G01 13 his life was to be an adjustment to his family and to his father in G01 14 particular. 'Manley' had a good bit to do with his once lying in G01 15 bed contemplating the ugliness of his name until he was so G01 16 mortified that it was a cure to vainglory simply to recall the G01 17 thought.

G01 18 The play on 'manly' can hardly have escaped Gerard Hopkins. It G01 19 is a word ringing with Victorian values, one that sprang unbidden G01 20 to the lips of headmasters familiar with Tom Brown's G01 21 Schooldays and the works of G.A. Henty and which must equally G01 22 have set the teeth of a generation of schoolboys on edge. Honesty, G01 23 chastity, virility, bravery, frankness, clean fingernails and a G01 24 host of other major virtues are all comprised in its syllables. G01 25 Above all, for a Victorian, it indicated decent English values. A G01 26 recent study of Ritualism and sexual deviation is called 'UnEnglish G01 27 and Unmanly', and the title tells it all. Manliness is precisely G01 28 what Hopkins's father wanted in his eldest son, and the name was to G01 29 be his guide: the importance of being Manley.

G01 30 Manley Hopkins (1818-1897) and his wife Kate (1821-1920) had G01 31 nine children, of whom the first and best known was born on 28 July G01 32 1844 in Stratford, Essex, where the Hopkins family had been settled G01 33 for a quarter of a century. Stratford was still some way from being G01 34 the busy part of London that it is today, but it was beginning to G01 35 lose its rural character. Nonetheless, it was a good place for a G01 36 young couple, married only a year, to begin a family, for it was G01 37 inexpensive enough for them to live comfortably on what was still a G01 38 somewhat overextended income.

G01 39 Like his father and grandfather, Manley Hopkins was an average G01 40 adjuster, or marine insurance broker. His grandfather, Martin G01 41 Hopkins, had prospered and risen to the bourgeois respectability of G01 42 Master of the Glass-Sellers Company and freeman of the City. G01 43 Martin's son, Martin Edward (father of Manley), had made a good G01 44 marriage to Ann Manley, daughter of a well-to-do Devon family of G01 45 yeomen farmers who had owned their land for six centuries. But G01 46 Martin Edward was not so good a man at business as his father, and G01 47 he seems to have had trouble settling to a particular form of G01 48 insurance and trade. For a time he apparently prospered, since in G01 49 1830 he gave a subscription of pounds30 to the building of two new G01 50 chapels, but at his death in 1836 he left the family finances in G01 51 some disarray, with an estate of only pounds200. His widow, a jolly G01 52 woman who lived to be ninety years old, with a strong Devon accent G01 53 to the end, was left with five children, of whom Manley was the G01 54 eldest son. At eighteen he had already been out of school for three G01 55 years at the death of his father, and he took over responsibility G01 56 in providing a home for his mother and brothers and sisters. During G01 57 the next few years he learned average adjusting, then in the month G01 58 his first son was born, he set up his own firm, which is still in G01 59 business.

G01 60 Chestnut House, 87 The Grove, Stratford, was a pleasant G01 61 three-storied semi-detached house with big rooms and high G01 62 ceilings, sufficiently large to accommodate Manley Hopkins, his G01 63 wife, mother, sister and, for a time, two brothers. They lived G01 64 comfortably, if not luxuriously, with a cook, housemaid, nurse and G01 65 nurse-maid for the rapidly growing family, and presumably G01 66 daily women to help with the cleaning. Large though the household G01 67 sounds today, it was not far off the standard of a rising young G01 68 businessman and his family. By 1852, when they left Stratford, the G01 69 Hopkins family had four children besides Gerard (one died the G01 70 following year at twenty-two months), and the house was bulging.

G01 71 The family sounds conventional enough, but there were some G01 72 murky corners in it. Kate Hopkins, the mother of the rapidly G01 73 expanding family, was the daughter of a London doctor, John Simm G01 74 Smith, who had a prosperous practice and a somewhat colourful G01 75 reputation. Among his patients was a Mrs Ann Thwaytes, who had G01 76 inherited pounds500,000 on her husband's death. Dr Smith had been G01 77 attending her since 1832 and had advised her since then on the G01 78 administration of her property. He had been receiving about G01 79 pounds2000 annually for his help, as well as some pounds50,000 in G01 80 gifts. As residuary legatees of her estate she named Dr Smith, his G01 81 brother Samuel and his son John in her will. Dr Smith and his G01 82 brother were to receive pounds180,000. In the lawsuit that G01 83 naturally resulted on her death, it was established that Mrs G01 84 Thwaytes believed "that she and Dr Smith were members of G01 85 the Holy Trinity, that Dr Smith knew all her thoughts, and that she G01 86 had a special part to play in the Last Judgement, for which event G01 87 she had prepared the drawing-room of her London house." G01 88 Although nothing criminal was proven against Dr Smith, the G01 89 resultant publicity was painful for the Hopkins family, but the G01 90 money had been useful in acquiring a fine house for the Smiths in G01 91 Croydon. It may also have contributed to the running of Chestnut G01 92 House. Rather less spectacularly but more interestingly for his G01 93 grandson, Dr Smith had been a fellow student of Keats when walking G01 94 the hospitals and remembered him well.

G01 95 Kate Hopkins came from a family that perhaps seemed on the face G01 96 of it more likely to produce a great artist than did her husband's. G01 97 Among her connections, admittedly distant, she could boast of G01 98 Sydney Smith and Gainsborough, while Thomas Lovell Beddoes was the G01 99 best Mr Hopkins could claim. She was naturally motherly and G01 100 sweet-tempered, and said to be far better educated than most women G01 101 of her day. She was certainly interested in music and poetry, and G01 102 before her marriage had learned to speak German while staying in G01 103 Hamburg, although that is perhaps an inadequate basis for the G01 104 statement of her son's first biographer that she was "a G01 105 keen student of philosophy, history, and politics". G01 106 Gerard's many letters to her suggest that she was loving, a trifle G01 107 too demanding about affection, and generally willing to be a buffer G01 108 between her husband and her son. It is only fair to add that the G01 109 tone of Gerard's letters to her does not support the claims of his G01 110 biographer about the breadth of her intellect, and that at some G01 111 periods of his life his letters seem more dutifully filial than G01 112 spontaneously loving. She was proud of his poems without G01 113 necessarily understanding them completely. Their correspondence was G01 114 seldom concerned with poetry.

G01 115 Manley Hopkins, in spite of having left school so young, was a G01 116 man of startling breadth of interest, although it sometimes seems G01 117 spread a bit too thinly; we are reminded of Gerard's apparent G01 118 belief that he was capable himself of achieving something G01 119 remarkable in almost any field that attracted his interest. Besides G01 120 founding Manley Hopkins and Sons and Cookes (a title that suggests G01 121 he might have welcomed the interest of Gerard), he became a widely G01 122 recognized authority on average adjusting. He acted as G01 123 Consul-General for the Kingdom of Hawaii in London for over forty G01 124 years (of which more later), and in the chinks of his life he was G01 125 constantly busy writing. He wrote A Handbook of Averages; G01 126 a history of Hawaii that was for a time the standard work because G01 127 of the way he had read everything about the kingdom he could get G01 128 his hands on, even though he wrote it in a few months without ever G01 129 having visited the islands; A Manual of Marine Insurance; G01 130 three volumes of poetry that may be the best ever produced by an G01 131 average adjuster; a book on the cardinal numbers; and an G01 132 unpublished novel. In his spare time he wrote literary criticism G01 133 and poetry for The Times, Once a Week, Cornhill, and G01 134 other London periodicals, as well as a series of newsletters about G01 135 London for a Hawaiian paper, the Polynesian, and occasional G01 136 verses for almost any happening that caught his fancy. The G01 137 importance of all this activity is not that he was a master of any G01 138 aspect of it but that it helped create the kind of family G01 139 atmosphere that nurtures creation in its members by the simple G01 140 process of taking it for granted. Although there is no record that G01 141 any of his books was ever reviewed, he certainly assumed that G01 142 writing was intended for the eyes of others, an inherited attitude G01 143 towards publication that made it difficult for his son to go G01 144 through life entirely unknown to the literary world.

G01 145 Undoubtedly Gerard was greatly influenced by his father's G01 146 incessant literary activity, but since he did not emulate him G01 147 directly, it is difficult to be precise about the nature of the G01 148 influence. What is more certain is that Manley Hopkins's writings G01 149 reflected his attitudes to the Roman Catholic priesthood and to G01 150 homosexuality, both important in his future dealings with what G01 151 seemed to him a wayward son.

G01 152 His history of Hawaii has occasionally been praised by scholars G01 153 for its understanding of Roman Catholic priests and its admiration G01 154 of their work in the islands, with the suggestion that his G01 155 tolerance may have inspired Gerard's later conversion. The truth is G01 156 quite different, for his approving remarks about Jesuits and other G01 157 Roman Catholics are quotations from other writers (e.g., Richard G01 158 Henry Dana the younger) and used primarily as a stick with which to G01 159 beat the Protestant missionaries. The opinions of the Roman Church G01 160 expressed in his own voice are far from admiring:

G01 161 We cannot for a moment praise or defend conduct wherein G01 162 truth is sacrificed to expediency, or even if it were not G01 163 blasphemous to say it, to religion; but the priests of the Roman G01 164 Church look upon their allegiance as inviolable, and as excusing G01 165 some acts which the clergy of other churches would disdain and G01 166 detest. They are in the position of privates in an army. When the G01 167 latter take away the lives of men standing opposite to their ranks, G01 168 men against whom they have no personal quarrel and whom they have G01 169 never seen before, they look upon themselves as instruments only, G01 170 scarcely more accountable for the bloodshed than their rifles are. G01 171 The responsibility of life remains with the superior authority; G01 172 their own judgement seems taken away, - the voice of conscience to G01 173 be suspended.

G01 174 This was written only four years before Gerard became a Roman G01 175 Catholic, and it goes a long way to indicate both the attitude of G01 176 his father and precisely what Gerard was rebelling against.

G01 177 It is mildly surprising to find that Manley Hopkins's writings G01 178 for The Times included such important reviews as those of G01 179 two major Tennyson poems, The Princess and In G01 180 Memoriam. In a heavily jocular consideration of the latter, he G01 181 raps Tennyson over the knuckles for two serious faults in what he G01 182 nonetheless recognizes as perhaps the most important English elegy. G01 183 In the first place, "the enormous exaggeration of the G01 184 grief" is responsible for our feeling that "Instead G01 185 of a memorial we have a myth ... The hero is beyond our G01 186 sympathy." The second major defect "is the tone of G01 187 - may we say so? - amatory tenderness ... Very sweet and plaintive G01 188 these verses are; but who would not give them a feminine G01 189 application? ... Is it Petrarch whispering to Laura? We really G01 190 think in that floating remembrances of Shakespeare's sonnets have G01 191 beguiled Mr. Tennyson ... the taste is displeased when every G01 192 expression of fondness is sighed out, and the only figure within G01 193 our view is Amaryllis of the Chancery Bar." G01 194 G01 195 G02 1 <#FLOB:G02\>CHAPTER ONE

G02 2 When Christina Rossetti was born on 5 December 1830, Elizabeth G02 3 Barrett was twenty-four, already a published poet, and Emily G02 4 Bront<*_>e-umlaut<*/>, immersed in the imaginary world of Gondal at G02 5 Haworth, was twelve. Five days after Christina's birth Emily G02 6 Dickinson was born in Amherst on the other side of the Atlantic.

G02 7 These four women, the most frequently anthologised of G02 8 nineteenth-century women writers, shared more than mere G02 9 historical proximity. They shared the 'double mischief' of the G02 10 female poet, struggling for credibility in a century when even a G02 11 gifted author like Willa Cather could write that it was "a G02 12 very grave question whether women have any place in poetry at G02 13 all". Although they never met, they read each other's work G02 14 and influenced each other more than has been previously G02 15 acknowledged. They belonged to a wider community of female poets G02 16 which included Jean Ingelow, Felicia Hemans, Laetitia Landon, Dora G02 17 Greenwell and Augusta Webster, now unknown, but all celebrated at G02 18 the time. They were all connected together by a complex web of G02 19 references and borrowings that demonstrate a shared experience of G02 20 female poetic art.

G02 21 They were not, in Emily Dickinson's vivid phrase, to be G02 22 "shut up in prose." They inherited a shared G02 23 literary tradition and there are striking parallels, both literary G02 24 and personal, in their work. The poetry of one illuminates the G02 25 poetry of the others, and to read them all is to be conscious of G02 26 how much they had in common. And when they subvert the masculine G02 27 literary tradition for their own purposes it is an exhilarating G02 28 experience. Ellen Moers, in her book Literary Women G02 29 writes that reading the love poetry of Christina Rossetti, Emily G02 30 Bront<*_>e-umlaut<*/>, Elizabeth Barrett and Emily Dickinson G02 31 together is like "uncorking a bottle of rare G02 32 wine."

G02 33 Elizabeth Barrett Browning was the oldest of the group and held G02 34 in such high regard that she was considered for the post of poet G02 35 laureate when Wordsworth died. Her reputation could not be G02 36 overlooked by the younger women. Elizabeth's art transcended her G02 37 sex and situation. Her poetry exhibits the muscularity of a sinuous G02 38 intellect and the fruits of a determined programme of self G02 39 education. Her long poem Aurora Leigh casts light on the G02 40 creative rage burning inside her contemporaries and, in particular, G02 41 Christina Rossetti. The rage that divided Christina between the G02 42 modesty demanded by her religion and her sex and her need to write G02 43 and be recognised.

G02 44 Like Elizabeth Barrett Browning's passionate heroine Aurora G02 45 Leigh, Christina was both Italian and English. Christina's father G02 46 Gabriele Rossetti was a political refugee who had come to England G02 47 via Malta in 1824 after a dramatic escape from Naples disguised as G02 48 an English sailor. He kept his Neopolitan nationality until he G02 49 died. For Gabriele politics and patriotism were the G02 50 "permanent platform of life". When he married in G02 51 1826 he was forty-three, eighteen years older than his wife G02 52 Frances.

G02 53 She was half-English, the daughter of Gaetano Polidori - G02 54 another Italian exile - and his English wife Anna. Frances Polidori G02 55 had been brought up in England, baptised as a Protestant and G02 56 educated to earn her living as a governess. She was the epitome of G02 57 the good Victorian wife - hard working, self effacing and modest to G02 58 a fault, but it was dearly bought. Her son Gabriel told a friend G02 59 that Frances Rossetti "must have become an important figure G02 60 in literature" if her remarkable intellectual gifts had not G02 61 been stifled "in some great degree ... by the exercise of G02 62 an entire self-abnegation on behalf of her family."

G02 63 There was a strong literary tradition within the family. G02 64 Gaetano Polidori had been secretary to the Italian dramatist G02 65 Alfieri and was himself an author. Frances' favourite brother, G02 66 John, had been Byron's travelling physician and under the influence G02 67 of Byron and Mary Shelley had written a gothic novel called G02 68 The Vampyre. Gabriele Rossetti was famous in Italy for G02 69 his patriotic verses, some of which were still being sung at the G02 70 time of the First World War. He had also published controversial G02 71 articles and books on Dante and Petrarch, all of which were banned G02 72 in his native country as being anti-church and in some cases G02 73 anti-Christian.

G02 74 The newly-married Rossettis lived in London at No. 38 Charlotte G02 75 Street, now renamed Hallam Street, a dingy cul-de-sac near Portland G02 76 Place. It was a cramped terraced house in a rather run-down G02 77 neighbourhood. Occasionally the more respectable inhabitants would G02 78 make an effort to evict some of the dubious characters who lodged G02 79 there, but without much success. The barber's shop, run by a 'local G02 80 Figaro', was a source of much complaint, partly because of the G02 81 indecent posters displayed in the window. But the street was cheap, G02 82 and the Rossettis had very little money.

G02 83 Gabriele held the post of Professor of Italian at King's G02 84 College, London. From this and private teaching he earned only two G02 85 or three hundred pounds a year. They were only able to afford one G02 86 servant, though this was supplemented by a nursemaid when the G02 87 children were small, and much of the housework and childcare fell G02 88 on Frances, who was rarely seen during the day without what she G02 89 called a "pincloth" tied around her waist.

G02 90 In the first four years of her married life Frances had four G02 91 children. Maria Francesca in 1827, followed at yearly intervals by G02 92 Gabriel Charles Dante, William Michael, and finally in 1830 G02 93 Christina Georgina. They were all delivered by Dr William Locock, G02 94 afterwards accoucheur to Queen Victoria. Gabriele insisted on the G02 95 best possible attention for his wife, but, in spite of it, Frances G02 96 Rossetti apparently had a "fearful time" giving G02 97 birth to Christina, which may explain why there were no more G02 98 pregnancies.

G02 99 All the children were baptised into the Protestant faith. G02 100 Christina's godmother, whose name she was given, was a niece of the G02 101 great Napoleon, Princess Christina Bonaparte, who was living in G02 102 England at the time, and had married an Englishman. The Bonaparte G02 103 family, including Louis - the former Napoleon III - were occasional G02 104 visitors to the Rossetti household, bringing a little glamour to G02 105 the dingy neighbourhood.

G02 106 Other wealthy connections helped out with money from time to G02 107 time. A friend of Coleridge, the Rt Hon John Hookham Frere, who G02 108 lived in Malta and had helped Gabriele escape to England, sometimes G02 109 sent fifty or a hundred pounds, and Charles Lyall, a Dante G02 110 enthusiast living in Scotland, financed Gabriele's publications.

G02 111 Apart from financial anxieties the marriage of Gabriele and G02 112 Frances seems to have been happy: the only thing their children G02 113 remembered them arguing about was religion. Gabriele was a lapsed G02 114 Catholic, who although believing in the teachings of Christ did not G02 115 believe in the "supernatural and legendary G02 116 elements" of the Christian faith. He was very free with his G02 117 criticism of the scriptures and fervently anti-Catholic. William G02 118 Rossetti remembered him holding forth on the story of Abraham, when G02 119 he was ordered by God to sacrifice his beloved only son as a mark G02 120 of his faith. Gabriele declared that if he'd been asked to do the G02 121 same he would have replied, "You aren't God, you are the G02 122 Devil".

G02 123 He loved his children, spoiling them with lollipops and sweets G02 124 prohibited by Frances as "trash". He also wrote poems to G02 125 them. One to Maria and Christina describes them as violets and G02 126 roses, and beautiful "turtle doves in the nest of G02 127 love". His main fault was what his son William described as G02 128 that habit of self opinion "which involves self G02 129 applause". The children sadly preferred their mother or G02 130 their maternal grandfather Gaetano.

G02 131 Frances, much stricter with the children than her husband, was G02 132 very devout, and her husband's unorthodox views must have caused G02 133 her some pain. Though her brothers were Catholic, she and her G02 134 sisters had been brought up in the Protestant evangelical tradition G02 135 of their English mother. They were later attracted by the High G02 136 Church 'Tractarian' or 'Oxford' movement as it was sometimes G02 137 called, based on the teachings of John Keble and Thomas Pusey. This G02 138 movement saw the Anglican Church as a true branch of the Holy G02 139 Catholic Church. Conversions to Rome rocked the movement to its G02 140 foundations form time to time and engendered a deep distrust of G02 141 Catholicism, particularly of its cult of the Virgin Mary. Family G02 142 differences about religion and the continual divisions between G02 143 Catholic and Anglican made a very deep impression on Christina as a G02 144 child.

G02 145 The family was otherwise a lively, unconventional and very G02 146 Italian household. Although the children talked English to their G02 147 mother, Italian was always spoken in the presence of their father G02 148 and grandfather. William, the family historian, later recalled the G02 149 house full of "exiles, patriots, politicians, literary men, G02 150 musicians ... fleshy good natured Neopolitans, keen Tuscans, G02 151 emphatic Romans". They crowded into the small sitting room G02 152 in the evenings, arguing and gesticulating. One of the more G02 153 colourful characters who came to the house, a sculptor called G02 154 Sangiovanni, was a bigamist and had apparently assassinated a man G02 155 in Calabria. He made a paperweight for Christina which she kept G02 156 until she died. Another friend from Italy brought her a locket of G02 157 the Virgin and infant Christ set in mother-of-pearl.

G02 158 The children were rarely asked to leave the room, whatever G02 159 conspiracy was under discussion. They played on the hearth rug or G02 160 under the table and were never segregated from the adults as other G02 161 English middle class children were. None of the children grew up to G02 162 be even vaguely interested in politics.

G02 163 There was hardly any contact with other English families at G02 164 all. The only children who came to the house were the offspring of G02 165 Cipriano Potter, a friend of Gabriele's who was the Principal of G02 166 the Royal Academy of Music. He was married to a pianist who moved G02 167 in very fashionable circles and could have given Frances Rossetti G02 168 an entr<*_>e-acute<*/>e into society if she had wished it. Their G02 169 two sons and two daughters were of a similar age to the Rossetti G02 170 children, but they had little in common. They also played G02 171 occasionally with the children of another musician, Signor G02 172 Rovedino, who gave Maria singing lessons, but these occasions were G02 173 rare. Like the Bront<*_>e-umlaut<*/> children, the young Rossettis G02 174 were dependent upon themselves for occupation and amusement, only G02 175 one of the "many points of resemblance" which G02 176 contemporaries observed between the two families. The closeness of G02 177 the children, their non-English heritage, their literary activities G02 178 and the parallels between Branwell and Dante Gabriel can all bear G02 179 comparison.

G02 180 There was the usual sibling rivalry between the Rossetti G02 181 children as their personalities began to develop. Maria, who could G02 182 read Italian and English fluently by the age of five, was the G02 183 eldest and most intellectually precocious of the four. She was also G02 184 the least imaginative and was inclined to be jealous, particularly G02 185 of Christina who was prettier and livelier than she was. Maria had G02 186 a strong personality, a rich impressive voice and an imposing G02 187 physical presence. She was dark complexioned, Italian looking - G02 188 apparently taking after Gabriele's mother - and was considered to G02 189 be extremely plain, even by her family. Christina nicknamed her G02 190 Moon, or Moony, because of her round face and contemplative habit. G02 191 Maria was very devout, even as a child, and shortly after her G02 192 confirmation at the age of thirteen seems to have felt the call of G02 193 a vocation. Religion became the chief concern of her life, her days G02 194 revolving around prayer and little acts of service to others. Her G02 195 brother William viewed Maria's influence on Christina with G02 196 misgiving - feelings shared later by others. Maria's "hard, G02 197 convinced mind" and narrow outlook worked on Christina's G02 198 sensitive and imaginative disposition in a restrictive way.

G02 199 The eldest son Gabriel, who later chose to be known as Dante, G02 200 was an engaging, spirited little boy who became the dominant member G02 201 of the family, hot tempered and proud of his precocious artistic G02 202 talent. His first sketches were made before he was five and the G02 203 family decided that he should be trained to be an artist. He often G02 204 teased Christina to the point where she was forced to call on G02 205 William to defend her.

G02 206 Gabriel and Christina were known as the 'two storms', G02 207 inheriting their volatile Italian temperaments from their father. G02 208 Christina was the more fractious of the two, passionate and given G02 209 to terrible tantrums. G02 210 G03 1 <#FLOB:G03\>Notley itself they had purchased out-right with G03 2 his film salary, her savings from Hollywood, and the additional G03 3 pounds15,000 he was paid by Del Giudice not to act in, produce or G03 4 direct any film for eighteen months after the release of Henry G03 5 V, an agreement that protected publicity and exploitation of G03 6 that picture.

G03 7 Visitors, of course, felt very tired after being merrily forced G03 8 by their hostess to remain awake until dawn. Let Larry go to bed, G03 9 she would say when her husband's head nodded at five o'clock in the G03 10 morning and he begged to be excused. Charades or card games then G03 11 began and no one was let off, although occasionally a mutineer like G03 12 Rex Harrison would put his feet up, slouch in a chair and snore.

G03 13 "Larry simply looked in from time to time, wearing G03 14 tweeds and a country cap," John Gielgud recalled of several G03 15 weekends that year. "He took only a sporadic part in the G03 16 festivities before disappearing into the garden or secreting G03 17 himself with models and plans in his private room, to which I was G03 18 never asked to accompany him. But he had enormous personal charm, G03 19 and he loved jokes and absurdities of all kinds." The G03 20 models and plans were for forthcoming productions, each aspect of G03 21 which - from design to lighting cues - was always subject to his G03 22 approval and modification; never was the designation actor-manager G03 23 more appropriate. Most of all, Olivier loved to tend the gardens at G03 24 Notley, to discuss fertilisers with salesmen, seedlings with G03 25 neighbours, compost with local farmers.

G03 26 Around eight in the morning, Vivien offered breakfast, by which G03 27 time most of the guests had crawled to their rooms or were G03 28 fortified to stupefaction with tankards of strong Turkish coffee; G03 29 she required only a nap in the afternoon before beginning the new G03 30 day's activities. There were tennis matches and tours of the G03 31 estate, with stops to visit the cows named for Vivien's characters G03 32 (Ophelia, Titania and Cleopatra, but no Scarlett) and to admire the G03 33 arcades of trees and the five hundred rose bushes Olivier loved to G03 34 tend himself. He loved to play the local squire in this ancient and G03 35 baronial home, pruning the hedges and preparing the ground for G03 36 sowing, according to Harry Andrews.

G03 37 Olivier had little other rest that season. The American G03 38 producer Richard Aldrich (husband of Gertrude Lawrence) had G03 39 negotiated to bring the Old Vic Theatre Company to New York for six G03 40 weeks in the spring of 1946. After the last performance of the G03 41 season, on 28 April, more than 2500 people thronged outside the New G03 42 and along St Martin's Lane, shouting for Olivier and Richardson. G03 43 Olivier's coat was ripped and buttons were torn off as adoring fans G03 44 grabbed at him, and the police had to assist the actors into taxis. G03 45 The public adoration was unprecedented - and it heralded the new G03 46 postwar obsession with stardom. Next day, the entire company G03 47 boarded a Pan Am Constellation Clipper for the seventeen-hour G03 48 flight to New York. There, Garson Kanin and his wife Ruth Gordon G03 49 met the Oliviers and escorted them to the St Regis Hotel on Fifth G03 50 Avenue.

G03 51 For those denied the pleasures of Notley, New York was almost G03 52 unnatural in its opulence. Diana Boddington recalled their delight G03 53 at having everyday items like bananas, chocolate and coffee, which G03 54 had been rare pleasures indeed for the English during wartime. G03 55 "I remember looking at Larry on the plane to New York and G03 56 seeing the cuffs on his best shirt, frayed to threads. This was G03 57 typical of us all - we had no clothing coupons."

G03 58 The two parts of Henry IV opened on 6 and 7 May, G03 59 Uncle Vanya on 13 May and the Sophocles-Sheridan plays G03 60 (referred to by the company as "Oedipuff") on 20 May; G03 61 Olivier was onstage for every performance, most often in the G03 62 exhausting double bill. At the Century Theatre box office, all G03 63 87,000 tickets for the engagement were quickly sold, half that G03 64 number of eager theatregoers were turned away, and at a time when G03 65 the top price of a Broadway seat was $3.90, scalpers (sellers on G03 66 the black market) were easily taking in fifty dollars.

G03 67 While Olivier had no time for theatregoing in New York that G03 68 spring, Vivien often went with the Kanins, who noted the edginess G03 69 caused by her professional inactivity. "A crazy quarrel G03 70 last night with Vivien," wrote Kanin after one evening in G03 71 May, referring to her insistence on the pronunciation of a word. G03 72 "It must be maddening for her, a young actress at the peak G03 73 of her powers and popularity, to find herself in the position of a G03 74 hanger-on who has come along for the ride." They saw G03 75 State of the Union, Dream Girl, Annie Get Your Gun and G03 76 Kanin's own hit comedy Born Yesterday, which Vivien G03 77 enjoyed so much that she urged Olivier to bring it to London the G03 78 following season. He read the text, easily negotiated the rights G03 79 with Kanin, cabled London to arrange for a lease at the Garrick G03 80 Theatre, and suddenly found himself with an additional G03 81 responsibility, for he would produce and direct Born G03 82 Yesterday that winter. At the same time, Vivien - chafing to G03 83 return to work - prevailed on Binkie Beaumont to re-open Olivier's G03 84 production of The Skin of Our Teeth in London that G03 85 September.

G03 86 The rationale for Olivier's decision to present Born G03 87 Yesterday was clear. He wanted to prove that his new status as G03 88 an eminent classical actor and a co-manager at the venerable Old G03 89 Vic did not completely define his abilities. His grasp also G03 90 included modern works (and American plays, as Skin had G03 91 demonstrated); now Born Yesterday, with its deftly modern G03 92 humour and language, would further establish his position as the G03 93 most versatile Englishman in the performing arts - stage actor, G03 94 director and manager as well as film actor, director and producer. G03 95 Such ambition derived not from hubris but rather from a G03 96 demonstrably reasonable belief in his own talents; at the same G03 97 time, this secure self-estimation was not inconsistent with G03 98 ordinary explosions of fear and jealousy.

G03 99 Although he had little opportunity for New York socialising, G03 100 Olivier was at a small gathering one night where he was reunited G03 101 briefly with his old acquaintance Alexander Clark. Frances G03 102 Tannehill, Clark's wife, was one of several that season who had an G03 103 impression that Olivier was happy only when he was acting, or G03 104 talking about acting. Socially he seemed rather shy and G03 105 introverted, and he often drifted off into his own silence, but it G03 106 was clear there were wheels turning in that silence.

G03 107 By early June, Olivier was also exhausted to the point of G03 108 nervous collapse, and several actors backstage at the Century were G03 109 not at all certain he could endure the punishing schedule he had G03 110 set for himself. Anxious, haggard and short-tempered, he was G03 111 sometimes summoned from a brief nap backstage, startled out of G03 112 frightening dreams he described to colleagues: that he was falling G03 113 from a great height or that he was in an aeroplane about to crash. G03 114 He had also agreed to interrupt his rare free days by reading play G03 115 excerpts on Sunday afternoon radio broadcasts - a taxing addendum G03 116 necessitated by the Oliviers' need for cash. His weekly Old Vic G03 117 salary was one hundred pounds, which did not cover the St Regis G03 118 bill or Vivien's new mink coat.

G03 119 Neither audiences nor critics suspected his fatigue. A goodwill G03 120 visit from those representing America's closest wartime ally - as G03 121 well as a major New York cultural event - the Old Vic tour was an G03 122 artistic and commercial triumph, and although the company played as G03 123 a repertory without star billings, there was no doubt that Laurence G03 124 Olivier won the greatest attention. His last performance in New G03 125 York had been in the unfortunate 1940 Romeo and Juliet, G03 126 but that was now forgotten in a swirl of critical and public G03 127 adulation. "The Old Vic is repertory showing what it can G03 128 do," read a typical press commentary, "and it is G03 129 also Laurence Olivier showing himself as an exceptionally fine G03 130 actor." Richardson and others received praise for their G03 131 performances, but always fewer column inches than Olivier, and the G03 132 six or seven curtain calls the ensemble took each night revealed G03 133 the heart of the matter: the theatre rang with cries of G03 134 "Bravo, Larry!" and "We want G03 135 Larry!" Autograph-seekers besieged the stage door G03 136 and reporters were despatched to obtain interviews and anecdotes. G03 137 "The spring seems to be given over to Laurence G03 138 Olivier," proclaimed the New York Times. The most G03 139 importunate fans he sometimes resented; the adoration he G03 140 relished.

G03 141 Academics joined the critics and the public in honouring him. G03 142 First among English or American colleges was Tufts University in G03 143 Medford, Massachusetts, on Sunday, 16 June (the day after the last G03 144 New York performance). He and Vivien arrived late, and Olivier made G03 145 the trip hobbling on a cane and with a taped ankle, for on Saturday G03 146 evening at his curtain call after his final Puff, he turned a G03 147 double somersault, landed awkwardly and heard a popping sound: his G03 148 Achilles tendon had been torn. Despite doctors' injunctions, he G03 149 insisted on proceeding to Tufts, where he received a Master of Arts G03 150 honoris causa for being "the real G03 151 interpreter of Shakespeare for our age". But his pain and G03 152 the hot, humid weather increased his general exhaustion. When he G03 153 and Vivien missed their return flight to New York and were forced G03 154 to wait two hours, Olivier collapsed onto the tarmac, watching the G03 155 departing plane and sobbing like a lost child.

G03 156 The following day, he slept fourteen hours and did not attend G03 157 Henry V (screened since April only in Boston), which G03 158 opened with a traffic-stopping gala at New York's City G03 159 Center Theatre - a vast auditorium usually given over to dance and G03 160 opera. There, with almost no advertising, it was screened three G03 161 times a day for eleven months and earned revenues of more than a G03 162 million dollars. Because of the highly creative tradition of film G03 163 accountancy, the worldwide success of Henry V, which cost G03 164 about two million dollars and eventually returned something in G03 165 excess of five million dollars before 1948, never returned a profit G03 166 to Del Giudice or Olivier.

G03 167 The hectic activity resumed on Tuesday, 18 June, when the G03 168 Oliviers and forty-two other passengers boarded a plane for London; G03 169 their Old Vic colleagues had already departed. But an hour later, G03 170 as if his night-mares had been prophetic, the outer G03 171 starboard engine burst into flames and fell from the wing, and the G03 172 plane began to swoop. The hydraulic system was burned out, the G03 173 landing gear could not be lowered, and the pilot circled skilfully G03 174 for fifteen minutes, finally bringing the craft down in a forced G03 175 landing at Windham Field, near Willimantic, Connecticut. G03 176 "It is very awkward flying around with a motor G03 177 missing," Olivier told newsmen an hour later with feigned G03 178 composure. "We were in an arm's length of hell, but then we G03 179 reached the ground safely. We cheered for two minutes." G03 180 Next day, the Oliviers departed again from New York and arrived G03 181 without incident in London on 20 June.

G03 182 During July and August of 1946, friends were as usual invited G03 183 to Notley for tennis weekends and summer dinner parties. G03 184 "Notley was like Sandringham or Windsor Castle, for it was G03 185 considered a great coup to be invited in those postwar G03 186 years," recalled Laurence Evans, who had left the Old Vic G03 187 and was now a respected London theatrical agent.

G03 188 "I thought he played a variety of roles there at G03 189 Notley," said John Gielgud of Olivier. "One day he G03 190 was the landowner, another the squire, one day the gardener, G03 191 another the great host, and often the actor-manager in G03 192 working seclusion. He played roles on and off the G03 193 stage."

G03 194 That summer, Olivier annotated Born Yesterday and G03 195 plans for the upcoming Old Vic season were finalised. While in New G03 196 York, he had fancied he might like to revive Cyrano de G03 197 Bergerac at the Old Vic and eventually co-star with Vivien in G03 198 a Hollywood film of it. But this hope was altered when John Burrell G03 199 called a board meeting and the old rivalries resumed. Richardson G03 200 (who had first choice of leading roles) at once selected Cyrano for G03 201 himself. Olivier, aware that Richardson had set his heart on King G03 202 Lear for a future season and confident that he would immediately G03 203 agree to exchange roles, countered by choosing Lear. G03 204 G04 1 <#FLOB:G04\>1

G04 2 Childhood

G04 3 Winston Churchill was born in 1874, half way through the G04 4 Victorian Era. That November, his mother, Lady Randolph Churchill, G04 5 then less than seven months pregnant, had slipped and fallen while G04 6 walking with a shooting party at Blenheim Palace. A few days later, G04 7 while riding in a pony carriage over rough ground, labour began. G04 8 She was rushed back to the Palace, where, in the early hours of G04 9 November 30, her son was born.

G04 10 The magnificent palace at Blenheim was the home of the baby's G04 11 grandfather, the 7th Duke of Marlborough. On his father's side he G04 12 was a child of the British aristocracy, descended both from the 1st G04 13 Earl Spencer and from the distinguished soldier John Churchill, 1st G04 14 Duke of Marlborough, commander of the coalition of armies that had G04 15 defeated France at the beginning of the eighteenth century. On his G04 16 mother's side he had an entirely American lineage; her father, G04 17 Leonard Jerome, then living in New York, was a successful G04 18 stockbroker, financier and newspaper proprietor. A century earlier G04 19 his ancestors had fought in Washington's armies for the G04 20 independence of the American Colonies.

G04 21 Almost a year before Churchill's birth, his father, Lord G04 22 Randolph Churchill, had been elected to the House of Commons as G04 23 Member of Parliament for Woodstock. This small borough, of which G04 24 Blenheim was a part, had scarcely more than a thousand electors; it G04 25 had long been accustomed to send members of the Ducal family, or G04 26 their nominees, to Westminster. In January 1877 Churchill's G04 27 grandfather, the 7th Duke of Marlborough, was appointed Viceroy of G04 28 Ireland, with Lord Randolph as his private secretary. The G04 29 two-year-old boy travelled with his parents to Dublin, together G04 30 with his nanny, Mrs Everest.

G04 31 When Churchill was four, Ireland suffered a severe potato G04 32 famine, and an upsurge of nationalist ferment led by the Fenians. G04 33 "My nurse, Mrs Everest, was nervous about the G04 34 Fenians," he later wrote. "I gathered these were G04 35 wicked people and there was no end to what they would do if they G04 36 had their way." One day, when Churchill was out riding on G04 37 his donkey, Mrs Everest thought that she saw a Fenian procession G04 38 approaching. "I am sure now," he later reflected, G04 39 "that it must have been the Rifle Brigade out for a route G04 40 march. But we were all very much alarmed, particularly the donkey, G04 41 who expressed his anxiety by kicking. I was thrown off and had G04 42 concussion of the brain. This was my first introduction to Irish G04 43 politics!"

G04 44 As well as his nanny, the young boy acquired a governess while G04 45 in Dublin. Her task was to teach him reading and mathematics. G04 46 "These complications," he later wrote, G04 47 "cast a steadily gathering shadow over my daily life. They G04 48 took one away from all the interesting things one wanted to do in G04 49 the nursery or the garden." He also recalled that although G04 50 his mother took "no part in these impositions", she G04 51 had given him to understand that she approved of them, and G04 52 "sided with the governess almost always".

G04 53 Fifty years later Churchill wrote of his mother: "She G04 54 shone for me like the Evening Star. I loved her dearly - but at a G04 55 distance." It was with his nanny that he found the G04 56 affection which his parents did not provide. "My nurse was G04 57 my confidante," he later wrote. "Mrs Everest it was G04 58 who looked after me and tended all my wants. It was to her I poured G04 59 out my many troubles."

G04 60 In February 1880 Churchill's brother Jack was born. "I G04 61 remember my father coming into my bedroom at Vice-Regal Lodge in G04 62 Dublin & telling me (aged 5) 'You have a little brother'," G04 63 he recalled sixty-five years later. Shortly after Jack's birth the G04 64 family returned to London, to 29 St James's Place. There, Churchill G04 65 was aware of the final illness of Disraeli, the former Conservative G04 66 Prime Minister. "I was always sure Lord Beaconsfield was G04 67 going to die," he later wrote, "and at last the day G04 68 came when all the people I saw went about with very sad faces G04 69 because, as they said, a great and splendid Statesman who loved our G04 70 country and defied the Russians, had died of a broken heart because G04 71 of the ingratitude with which he had been treated by the G04 72 Radicals." Benjamin Disraeli, 1st Earl of Beaconsfield, G04 73 died when Churchill was six years old.

G04 74 At Christmas 1881, just after his seventh birthday, Churchill G04 75 was at Blenheim. It was from there that his first surviving letter G04 76 was written, posted on 4 January 1882. "My dear G04 77 Mamma," he wrote, "I hope you are quite well. I G04 78 thank you very very much for the beautiful presents those Soldiers G04 79 and Flags and Castle they are so nice it was so kind of you and G04 80 dear Papa I send you my love and a great many kisses Your loving G04 81 Winston." That spring Churchill returned to Blenheim for G04 82 two months. "It is so nice being in the country," G04 83 he wrote to his mother, that April. "The gardens and the G04 84 park are so much nicer to walk in than the Green Park or Hyde G04 85 Park." But he missed his parents, and when his grandmother G04 86 went to London, he wrote to his father, "I wish I was with G04 87 her that I might give you a kiss."

G04 88 It was Mrs Everest who looked after the two brothers at G04 89 Blenheim. "When we were out on Friday near the G04 90 cascade," Churchill wrote to his mother shortly before G04 91 Easter, "we saw a snake crawling about in the grass. I G04 92 wanted to kill it but Everest would not let me." That G04 93 Easter Mrs Everest took the two boys to the Isle of Wight, where G04 94 her brother-in-law was a senior warder at Parkhurst prison. They G04 95 stayed at his cottage at Ventnor, overlooking the sea. From G04 96 Ventnor, Churchill wrote to his mother. "We had a Picnic we G04 97 went to Sandown took our dinner on the Beach and we went to see the G04 98 Forts & Guns at Sandown there were some enormous 18 ton G04 99 Guns."

G04 100 That autumn Churchill was told that he was to be sent to G04 101 boarding school. "I was," he later wrote, G04 102 "what grown-up people in their off-hand way called 'a G04 103 troublesome boy'. It appeared that I was to go away from home for G04 104 many weeks at a stretch in order to do lessons under G04 105 masters." He was not 'troublesome' to everyone, however; G04 106 Lady Randolph's sister Leonie found him "full of fun and G04 107 quite unselfconscious" when he stayed with her.

G04 108 The boarding school was St George's, near Ascot. Churchill was G04 109 sent there four weeks before his eighth birthday. Term was already G04 110 half over; his mother took him there that first afternoon. The two G04 111 of them had tea with the headmaster. "I was G04 112 preoccupied", he recalled nearly fifty years later, G04 113 "with the fear of spilling my cup and so making 'a bad G04 114 start'. I was also miserable at the idea of being left alone among G04 115 all these strangers in this great, fierce, formidable G04 116 place."

G04 117 Unhappiness at school began from the first days. "After G04 118 all, Churchill later wrote, "I was only seven, and G04 119 I had been so happy with all my toys. I had such wonderful toys: a G04 120 real steam engine, a magic lantern, and a collection of soldiers G04 121 already nearly a thousand strong. Now it was to be all G04 122 lessons." Severity, and at times brutality, were part of G04 123 life at St George's. "Flogging with the birch in accordance G04 124 with the Eton fashion," Churchill later wrote, "was G04 125 a great feature of the curriculum. But I am sure no Eton boy, and G04 126 certainly no Harrow boy of my day," - Churchill was at G04 127 Harrow from 1888 to 1892 - "ever received such a cruel G04 128 flogging as this Headmaster was accustomed to inflict upon the G04 129 little boys who were in his care and power. They exceeded in G04 130 severity anything that would be tolerated in any of the G04 131 Reformatories under the Home Office."

G04 132 Among the boys who witnessed these floggings was Roger Fry. G04 133 "The swishing was given with the master's full G04 134 strength," he later wrote, "and it took only two or G04 135 three strokes for drops of blood to form everywhere and it G04 136 continued for 15 or 20 strokes when the wretched boy's bottom was a G04 137 mass of blood." Churchill himself was later to recall how G04 138 during the floggings the rest of the boys "sat quaking, G04 139 listening to their screams".

G04 140 "How I hated this school," he later wrote, G04 141 "and what a life of anxiety I lived for more than two G04 142 years. I made very little progress at my lessons, and none at all G04 143 at games. I counted the days and the hours to the end of every G04 144 term, when I should return home from this hateful servitude and G04 145 range my soldiers in line of battle on the nursery G04 146 floor."

G04 147 Churchill's first holiday from St George's, after a month and a G04 148 half at school, was at Christmas 1882. Home was now another house G04 149 in London, 2 Connaught Place, on the north side of Hyde Park, where G04 150 his parents were to live for the next ten years. "As to G04 151 Winston's improvement," his mother wrote to his father on G04 152 December 26, "I am sorry to say I see none. Perhaps there G04 153 has not been time enough. He can read very well, but that is all, G04 154 and the first two days he came home he was terribly slangy and G04 155 loud. Altogether I am disappointed. But Everest was told down there G04 156 that next term they mean to be more strict with him." Lady G04 157 Randolph also told her husband that their elder son "teases G04 158 the baby more than ever"; to remedy this "I shall G04 159 take him in hand". She ended her reference to her G04 160 eight-year-old son, "It appears that he is afraid of G04 161 me."

G04 162 Churchill's first school report was a poor one. His place in G04 163 the form of eleven boys was eleventh. Under Grammar it read, G04 164 "He has made a start," and under Diligence, G04 165 "He will do well, but must treat his work in general, more G04 166 seriously next term." The report ended with a note by the G04 167 Headmaster, "Very truthful, but a regular 'pickle' in many G04 168 ways at present - has not fallen into school ways yet but this G04 169 could hardly be expected."

G04 170 Anxiety at school went hand in hand with ill-health, which was G04 171 another cause of concern to his parents. "I'm sorry poor G04 172 little Winston has not been well," Lord Randolph wrote to G04 173 his wife from the South of France on New Year's Day 1883, G04 174 "but I don't make out what is the matter with him. It seems G04 175 we are a sickly family & cannot get rid of the doctors." G04 176 Four days later he wrote again: "I am so glad to hear Winny G04 177 is right again. Give him a kiss from me." To cure whatever G04 178 was wrong with the boy, the doctor advised a week by the sea, at G04 179 Herne Bay.

G04 180 Back at St George's, Churchill repeatedly and unsuccessfully G04 181 asked his mother to visit him. Before term ended there was sports G04 182 day. "Please do let Everest and Jack come down to see the G04 183 athletics," he wrote, "and come down your G04 184 self<&|>sic! dear. I shall expect to see you and Jack & G04 185 Everest." Lady Randolph did not take up her son's G04 186 invitation, but there was a consolation. "My dear G04 187 Mamma," he wrote to her when the sports day was over, G04 188 "It was so kind of you to let Everest come down here. I G04 189 think she enjoyed her-self very much," and he added, G04 190 "Only 18 more days."

G04 191 In Churchill's report that term there was praise for his G04 192 History, Geography, Translation and General Conduct. The rest of G04 193 the report was less complimentary; Composition was "very G04 194 feeble", Writing "good - but so terribly G04 195 slow", Spelling "about as bad as it well can G04 196 be". Under Diligence was written; "Does not quite G04 197 understand the meaning of hard work - must make up his mind to do G04 198 so next term." His place in the Division of nine boys was G04 199 ninth; his place in the Set of thirteen was thirteenth.

G04 200 That summer, while Churchill was at school, his grandfather, G04 201 the 7th Duke of Marlborough, died. In deep mourning, Lord Randolph G04 202 sought solace in travel. G04 203 G04 204 G04 205 G04 206 G05 1 <#FLOB:G05\>CHAPTER ONE

G05 2 First Impressions

G05 3 In the early summer of 1939, Richard Walmesley Blair, aged G05 4 eighty-two, was slowly dying from cancer at his home in Southwold, G05 5 on the Suffolk coast. His family was at his side, including his G05 6 only son, Eric, with whom his relations had long been strained. His G05 7 son had disappointed him some years earlier by abandoning a G05 8 well-paid position in the Indian Imperial Police for an uncertain G05 9 career as a writer. The old man was himself a retired colonial G05 10 official - a veteran of more than thirty-five years of service in G05 11 British India - and he was never able to understand why Eric had G05 12 decided to turn his back on the Empire. As one who seldom read G05 13 anything more substantial than the daily newspaper, he did not G05 14 appreciate his son's love of literature and saw no future in a life G05 15 devoted to writing books. He gave him no encouragement and showed G05 16 little enthusiasm when the first book - Down and Out in Paris G05 17 and London - was published in 1933. There is no evidence that G05 18 he cared one way or the other that it came out under the pen-name G05 19 George Orwell, though in the case of the second book - Burmese G05 20 Days - he must have been relieved not to have the family name G05 21 associated with its harsh criticism of imperialism.

G05 22 In the last months of his life, however, his opinion of his G05 23 son's career changed for the better. It was difficult not to G05 24 respect the young man's uncompromising dedication to his work and G05 25 his extraordinary productivity - by 1939 he had seven books to his G05 26 credit. Moreover, his father could not ignore the growing number of G05 27 critics in the national press who had given the books high praise. G05 28 A few days before his death Mr Blair was told that his son's latest G05 29 novel - Coming Up for Air - had been favourably reviewed G05 30 in the Sunday Times. Indeed, it was called G05 31 "MR GEORGE G05 32 ORWELL'S SUCCESS". He asked to hear the review, and the G05 33 words were read aloud to him. They were the last the dying man G05 34 would hear. Orwell recalled the scene in a letter written shortly G05 35 afterwards: "Curiously enough his last moment of G05 36 consciousness was hearing that review I had in the Sunday Times. He G05 37 heard about it and wanted to see it, and my sister took it in and G05 38 read it to him, and a little later he lost consciousness for the G05 39 last time." It was some comfort to know that his father had G05 40 finally shown a little interest in his chosen career. As he G05 41 remarked in his letter, "I am very glad that latterly he G05 42 had not been so disappointed in me as before."

G05 43 Eric Blair had always desired his father's good opinion, but he G05 44 had never been able to establish a close relationship with him, in G05 45 large part because they had spent so little time together during G05 46 Eric's childhood. Until he was eight he barely saw his father, who G05 47 was away in India. By the time Mr Blair returned home to enjoy his G05 48 retirement, his son was away at boarding school, and their G05 49 subsequent time together during school holidays was short and G05 50 generally uncomfortable. Looking back on this period, Orwell wrote G05 51 that his father had appeared to him "simply as a G05 52 gruff-voiced elderly man forever saying 'Don't'".

G05 53 It did not help that the father was so much older than the son. G05 54 He was very much a Victorian figure, and the age difference between G05 55 them amounted to almost half a century. He was born on 7 January G05 56 1857. George Gissing, the Victorian novelist whose work would later G05 57 be a source of so much fascination for Orwell, was born in the same G05 58 year. The Crimean War had recently ended, Lord Palmerston was Prime G05 59 Minister and Queen Victoria was preparing to give birth to the last G05 60 of her nine children. Charles Dickens was writing Little G05 61 Dorrit, Thomas Hardy was still in his teens and George Bernard G05 62 Shaw was only six moths old. Like Shaw, Richard Blair would lead a G05 63 life so long that it would take him from the dawn of the railway G05 64 age to the dawn of the nuclear age.

G05 65 Yet he was hardly the kind of person who welcomed change. He G05 66 was a reserved, cautious, deeply conservative man who liked to keep G05 67 his life within the confines of an undemanding routine. His G05 68 abilities were modest, his habits moderate, his opinions G05 69 conventional. Driven by no strong ambitions or passions, he took G05 70 few risks and avoided confrontation. Throughout his adult life he G05 71 maintained the carefully composed exterior of a faithful G05 72 bureaucrat. His appearance was immaculate. He wore crisp, G05 73 well-tailored clothes, and had a sturdy build, a firm jaw and a G05 74 pair of deep-set blue eyes. His favourite pastimes were golf and G05 75 bridge. In old age he kept a reserved seat at his local cinema and G05 76 dutifully sat through each new film, regardless of its quality. In G05 77 the words of one family member, he was a "superbly G05 78 unadventurous" man.

G05 79 He came from a large family. The youngest of ten children, he G05 80 was born in Milborne St Andrew, Dorset, where his father was the G05 81 vicar. In the eighteenth century the Blairs had been a prosperous G05 82 family with aristocratic connections. Richard's great-grandfather G05 83 had married a daughter of the Earl of Westmorland, and had enjoyed G05 84 the income from several lucrative properties in Jamaica. But little G05 85 of this wealth had trickled down to Richard's father, who led a G05 86 simple, quiet life in his country parish. He died when Richard was G05 87 ten, leaving only a small income for his family's support. At G05 88 eighteen Richard had to make his own way in the world, and he chose G05 89 to do it in the service of the Empire.

G05 90 Many imperial paths were open to him. The Army was perhaps the G05 91 most obvious choice, but if he had been really ambitious, he might G05 92 have tried to enter the exalted ranks of the Indian Civil Service, G05 93 which was limited to about one thousand carefully selected men. G05 94 They held the top administrative posts in the various provinces of G05 95 the sub-continent, and were widely admired for their efficiency and G05 96 integrity. Below them were the specialised services - the police, G05 97 the civil engineers, the forest service, etc. It was at this second G05 98 tier of the bureaucracy that young Richard found a place. With a G05 99 little help from a family friend in London, he managed to secure a G05 100 position in the least distinguished, most obscure branch of the G05 101 specialised services - the Opium Department.

G05 102 In one brief autobiographical note from 1947, Orwell refers G05 103 vaguely to his father's years as "an official in the G05 104 English administration" of India. Orwell never wrote G05 105 anything more specific about the job, but it was not something G05 106 which he could have described with pride. Other writers have given G05 107 the impression that his father was a sort of policeman engaged in a G05 108 benign supervision of the native drug trade. But the truth is that G05 109 Mr Blair spent his entire working life helping to perpetuate one of G05 110 the worst evils of the British colonial system.

G05 111 Although the high-minded Victorian defenders of imperialism G05 112 were reluctant to admit it, British India profited enormously from G05 113 the sale of opium. It was legally available in India, but the real G05 114 money came from exports to China. When Richard Blair began his new G05 115 job in 1875, the government opium monopoly in Bengal was producing G05 116 4000 tons of the narcotic annually, and nearly every ounce was G05 117 destined for China's cramped slums where millions of addicts smoked G05 118 it. They prized Indian opium because of its exceptional purity, and G05 119 the job of the Opium Department was to keep it that way. English G05 120 agents like Blair carefully supervised every step of production to G05 121 ensure quality. Too much money was at stake to do otherwise. The G05 122 trade produced a staggering profit of pounds6.5 million, or roughly G05 123 one-sixth of the government's total revenue for India. There was no G05 124 way to justify the trade morally, but giving it up was not easy G05 125 when the benefit to the treasury was so handsome. As one historian G05 126 put it, "Politically, the British Raj was as addicted to G05 127 opium as any twenty-pipe-a-day coolie."

G05 128 Mr Blair was a loyal, efficient servant of this trade, and G05 129 there is no sign that he ever had any serious doubts or regrets G05 130 about the nature of his work. It was a secure job, the pay was good G05 131 and the skills required were few. One can only speculate about his G05 132 reasons for joining this particular service, but once he was in it, G05 133 he stayed until retirement. It was the same for so many men who G05 134 devoted their lives to the work of the Empire. Confident that its G05 135 ultimate goals were just, they did what was expected of them and G05 136 asked few questions. It was a way of life which Eric Blair would G05 137 later come to know only too well in Burma. But as George Orwell he G05 138 would devote considerable effort to repudiating it, repeatedly G05 139 asking the hard questions about colonialism which his father's G05 140 generation had evaded.

G05 141 Burdened with the awkward title of Assistant Sub-Deputy Opium G05 142 Agent, 3rd grade, Richard Blair spent his first year of service in G05 143 the far north of the sprawling province of Bengal. As he slowly G05 144 worked his way through the department's lower ranks, he was posted G05 145 to a variety of stations scattered over Bengal and the United G05 146 Provinces. At each place his duties required him to spend nearly G05 147 half his time travelling round his district. He was expected to G05 148 keep a close eye on the poppy growers in his area, making sure that G05 149 each was employing proper methods of cultivation, advancing loans G05 150 to those who needed them and making estimates of production. It was G05 151 a lonely existence, with few recreations or diversions. Nights were G05 152 spent in tents or in the ubiquitous dak bungalows, which were G05 153 reserved for touring officials. The great cities of India were G05 154 hundreds of miles away, and extended leaves from service were G05 155 infrequent. During the hottest months - from April to October - the G05 156 insects, rain and scorching temperatures made life miserable. When G05 157 he was not travelling, much of his time was spent on paperwork.

G05 158 As a bachelor, he braved twenty years of this life without G05 159 complaint, and then one day in 1896 - when he was thirty-nine - he G05 160 married an attractive young woman who was nearly half his age. Her G05 161 name was Ida Mabel Limouzin. She had been a governess in India, and G05 162 had been engaged to marry another man, but was jilted, and accepted G05 163 Blair on the rebound. A slender woman with large eyes and thick G05 164 wavy hair, she had a dark, faintly exotic appearance. Her family G05 165 background was itself somewhat exotic. The daughter of a French G05 166 father and an English mother, she was born on 18 May 1875 in the G05 167 small suburb of Penge in South London. She grew up, however, G05 168 thousands of miles away in Moulmein, a busy port in Lower Burma, G05 169 where her father's family was established in the teak trade, and in G05 170 boat building. There was even a street named after them in the G05 171 town. At the height of their prosperity they lived very well G05 172 indeed. One of Ida's sisters would later boast that their father, G05 173 Frank, had lived "the life of a prince" in Burma, G05 174 employing at one point a staff of thirty servants. This may have G05 175 been the case for a short period, but the fact is that he was a G05 176 reckless man who wasted his fortune. His taste for grand living led G05 177 him to risk a large part of his capital on a speculative venture in G05 178 the rice trade. He lost most of this investment, and his other G05 179 businesses went into decline. Ida's mother, Theresa Catherine, was G05 180 a stalwart Victorian lady who endured not only her husband's G05 181 thriftless ways but also the pains of bearing their nine children, G05 182 and of bringing them up in an arduous tropical climate. She was G05 183 still leading an active life in Moulmein in the early 1920s when G05 184 her grandson Eric arrived in Burma as a young colonial G05 185 policeman.

G05 186 G05 187 G05 188 G06 1 <#FLOB:G06\>CHAPTER I

G06 2 A Jewish Childhood

G06 3 Seventy miles south-west of Berlin, a road turns off Hitler's G06 4 autobahn and heads towards the confluence of the Elbe and the G06 5 Mulde. The road is tree-lined and straight but seems in no hurry to G06 6 arrive anywhere in particular. Copses punctuate the meadowy G06 7 landscape and marshy vegetation takes over as the sand flats left G06 8 by the meandering river emerge. In the distance, combine G06 9 harvesters, tired old war-horses of socialist agriculture, grind G06 10 their way up and down the patient fields. The scene is tranquil - G06 11 subdued rather than relaxed.

G06 12 A crude concrete bridge spans the eighty-yard-wide River Mulde. G06 13 A sharp turn north towards the town centre and the first brutal G06 14 confrontation with history: an immense, desolate sandy waste, G06 15 carpeted with a stubble of mangy grass and scrub. On one side the G06 16 remains of a stone gateway and a cobblestone courtyard, on the G06 17 other a battered tower, bricked up and unsafe. Then, in sullen G06 18 resentment, appears the single surviving wing of a once huge G06 19 complex, sixteenth century, its roof now open to the elements, G06 20 gaping wounds in its peeling walls, the grimy ground littered with G06 21 the detritus of the consumer society - bottle tops, cigarette ends, G06 22 condom packets, left by a generation for whom such an unreal place G06 23 has an irresistible romantic attraction. Who, after all, can build G06 24 such exciting ruins today?

G06 25 Dessau, 1990, population 100,000. More intimately, all that G06 26 remains of the great palace of the Dukes of Anhalt-Dessau. On a G06 27 single day in March 1945 eighty per cent of the town surrendered G06 28 its life in an air raid. The pock-scarred terrain they left has G06 29 been made only the more savage by stark new housing estates and G06 30 office blocks in the preferred style of the New Brutalism.

G06 31 But it once knew happier days. As capital of the Duchy of G06 32 Anhalt, it could trace a powerful intellectual tradition back to G06 33 the seventeenth century. It had excellent theatre and opera. G06 34 Industrialisation had brought prosperity without destroying its G06 35 leisurely pace, and it was in the vanguard of progressive German G06 36 states pledged to the emancipation of the Jews. It is a far cry G06 37 from the dismal, browbeaten dilapidation of today to the G06 38 enlightened, self-assured, comfortable Dessau where, a few months G06 39 into the twentieth century, Kurt Weill was born.

G06 40 Entry No. 292 in the municipal register of births for the year G06 41 1900 reads:

G06 42 Today appeared before the undersigned, his identity G06 43 confirmed by his marriage certificate, the cantor and teacher of G06 44 religious knowledge Albert Weill, resident in Dessau, Leipziger G06 45 Strasse 59, of the Hebrew faith, and stated that his wife Emma G06 46 Weill, n<*_>e-acute<*/>e Ackermann, of the Hebrew faith, resident G06 47 with him, had on the 2nd of March 1900, at four-thirty in the G06 48 afternoon, given birth to a boy, and that the child had received G06 49 the names Curt Julian.

G06 50 The Weills had a long unbroken history to their name, and were G06 51 proud of the fact. In 1957 an American descendant by the name of G06 52 Ernest B. Weill published a genealogy that stretched back without G06 53 interruption to one Judah, born in 1360 in the village of Weil der G06 54 Stadt, near Stuttgart. When Judah's son Jacob left his birthplace, G06 55 he added its name to his own, and in time this became regarded as G06 56 his 'family' name. In itself Weil means simply 'settlement, hamlet' G06 57 and, like the suffix '-weiler', is a common element in G06 58 place-names in south-west Germany, where the earliest references to G06 59 the family name Weil, or Weill, occur.

G06 60 Albert Weill, Kurt's father, did full credit to the family's G06 61 long cultural and intellectual heritage. Born in 1867 in G06 62 Kippenheim, in Baden - the heart of Weill country throughout the G06 63 centuries - he had been appointed in his early twenties as cantor G06 64 to the synagogue at Eichst<*_>a-umlaut<*/>tt in Bavaria. In 1893 he G06 65 published a collection of chants for cantor and a G06 66 cappella male voice choir. Intended for liturgical use, these G06 67 are undistinguished pieces, contrapuntally sometimes gauche and G06 68 harmonically conventional, products of the synthetic fusion of the G06 69 Jewish melodic ductus with the idiom of the German Protestant G06 70 chorale. But to have one's compositions published at all, with the G06 71 blessing of one's ecclesiastical employers, represents in itself a G06 72 kind of vote of confidence, and the young Kurt grew up in the G06 73 knowledge that his father not only had a fine voice but could also G06 74 compose music.

G06 75 Albert Weill had married Emma Ackermann in 1897, when he was G06 76 thirty and she twenty-five. They had four children in successive G06 77 years - three sons and a daughter - all of whom made sound careers G06 78 for themselves: Nathan, born in 1898, became a doctor; Hanns Jakob, G06 79 born in 1899, went into the metal business; Kurt arrived in 1900, G06 80 and Ruth, who became a private schoolteacher, in 1901.

G06 81 Emma Weill came from a family as pious and intellectual as her G06 82 husband's. In particular, her brother Rabbi Aaron Ackermann, also a G06 83 composer of synagogue songs, had become by the turn of the century G06 84 a leading authority on the music of the Jewish rite, ascribing to G06 85 this music, and indeed to all art, a metaphysical essence which led G06 86 to the heart of religion itself. This belief in the power of art, G06 87 especially of music, to raise the level of man's spiritual G06 88 awareness and complement the force of religion found its place in G06 89 Emma Weill's scheme of things, and had its part in the spiritual G06 90 and moral atmosphere which she helped to create around her G06 91 children. She was also a woman of firm conviction and principle. G06 92 Years later, Nathan Weill's wife characterised her G06 93 mother-in-law as "seeing things as she wants to, G06 94 and of course what she thinks and does is always perfect and G06 95 right".

G06 96 In 1898, the year after his marriage, Albert Weill was G06 97 appointed cantor and schoolteacher to the Jewish community at G06 98 Dessau. Situated in flat pasture land on a bend of the River Mulde, G06 99 just before it joins the Elbe, Dessau could trace its origins back G06 100 to a time between 600 and 900 A.D., when Slavs settled the area G06 101 from the east. But its substantive history from the modern point of G06 102 view begins in the seventeenth century when the Dukes of Anhalt G06 103 made it their capital, building a splendid palace, laying out fine G06 104 streets and parks, and promoting the interests of culture and G06 105 education. Moses Mendelssohn, founder of the Enlightenment in G06 106 Germany, immortalised as the hero of Lessing's drama Nathan G06 107 the Wise was born here in 1729; so too was the Romantic poet G06 108 Wilhelm M<*_>u-umlaut<*/>ller in 1794, affectionately remembered G06 109 today as the poet of Schubert's Winterreise and Die G06 110 sch<*_>o-umlaut<*/>ne M<*_>u-umlaut<*/>llerin.

G06 111 Favoured as the town was by its position on the railway line G06 112 from Berlin to Leipzig and by the proximity of the Elbe, one of the G06 113 great water-ways of Europe, the nineteenth century brought G06 114 steadily-accelerating industrialisation, from textiles and rolling G06 115 stock, to breweries and a sugar refinery. Hand-in-hand with G06 116 industrialisation went a dramatic rise in population - 14,000 in G06 117 1850, 27,000 in 1880, 50,000 in 1900, by faith overwhelmingly G06 118 Protestant - and a blossoming cultural life.

G06 119 On their arrival in Dessau, the Weills moved into an apartment G06 120 in a three-storey house at Leipziger Strasse 59. The Leipziger G06 121 Strasse lay in the south of the Jewish quarter and led in one G06 122 direction to the Jewish cemetery at the southern end of the town G06 123 and, in the other towards the synagogue, the Jewish school and the G06 124 main concentration of the Jewish population. Unlike Prague, G06 125 Frankfurt, Mainz and many other German cities, Dessau had no G06 126 ghetto, but over the centuries the Jews had collected in this part G06 127 of the town with the consent, and under the direct protection, of G06 128 the ruling Dukes, who, by the standards of the time, ranked among G06 129 the more progressive of rulers.

G06 130 Leipziger Strasse 59 is no more. Like its neighbours it G06 131 survived the bombs of the Second World War but not the dogged G06 132 determination of post-war planners to flatten all the buildings in G06 133 the area and erect soulless, prefabricated housing in their place. G06 134 Indeed, the whole once-proud thoroughfare that was the Leipziger G06 135 Strasse, designed by Duke Leopold I in the seventeenth century, has G06 136 been reduced to a few pointless yards of cobblestones leading from G06 137 nowhere to nowhere - more precisely, from the middle of a housing G06 138 estate to the backyard of an engineering works.

G06 139 At the turn of the century, the time when Albert Weill took up G06 140 his new post in Dessau and his third son, Kurt, was born, the town G06 141 had a Jewish population of some five hundred. The Jews had first G06 142 been admitted to the town in 1672, and in 1687 they received G06 143 permission to build a synagogue and establish their own cemetery. G06 144 The Age of Enlightenment brought Jew and Gentile closer together G06 145 through a shared spirit of rational enquiry and the common pursuit G06 146 of humanistic values. However, it was not until 1848, the year of G06 147 European revolutions, that the Jews of Anhalt-Dessau received their G06 148 full political, social and educational rights as 'emancipated' G06 149 citizens. No longer under pressure to defend their embattled G06 150 minorities, wealthy Jews showed their willingness to contribute to G06 151 the welfare of the community in general. The criticism from G06 152 conservative quarters that this compromised traditional Jewish G06 153 values was countered by the predication of Judaism as a rationalist G06 154 religion compatible with the moral precepts of Christianity.

G06 155 In the inevitable dichotomy between the custodians of orthodoxy G06 156 and the forces of reform Dessau was in the vanguard of the movement G06 157 towards secularisation and assimilation. In 1808 its synagogue had G06 158 been the first in Germany where sermons were delivered in the G06 159 vernacular. After 1848 the Jewish children who had hitherto G06 160 followed their own educational path now took their place on the G06 161 school benches alongside their Gentile fellows. By the end of the G06 162 nineteenth century the liberalism of the Dukes and the G06 163 reform-conscious development of the Jewish community had brought G06 164 about a happy modus vivendi, and the new thirty-year-old G06 165 Cantor Albert Weill, with his young wife and the first of his G06 166 children, found himself in settled circumstances. A triumphant G06 167 occasion to celebrate this sense of well-being was the dedication a G06 168 few years later of a magnificent new synagogue, with an adjoining G06 169 building to house administrative offices, educational facilities G06 170 and accomodation for the cantor and his family.

G06 171 The money for this cultural centre came from a G06 172 five-million-mark legacy to the Jewish community from Baroness G06 173 Julie von Cohn-Oppenheim, daughter of Baron Moritz von Cohn - court G06 174 banker to Kaiser Wilhelm I - and heir to the family banking firm in G06 175 Dessau. The Baroness died in 1903, having stipulated in her will G06 176 that the legacy be used for the furtherance of religious activities G06 177 and education and for the foundation of charitable institutions to G06 178 benefit not only the Jewish congregation but also the people of G06 179 Dessau as a whole.

G06 180 Standing on a prominent thoroughfare, close to its predecessor G06 181 and to the Jewish school where Albert Weill taught, the new G06 182 synagogue was built in an eclectic Romanesque style, with a great G06 183 central dome and an opulent interior which included a large organ. G06 184 Its ceremonial dedication in February 1908 was led by Duke G06 185 Friedrich II of Anhalt and brought all the local dignitaries to its G06 186 doors - civic pride was openly shown to transcend religious G06 187 differences. Cantor Weill, a neat, stocky figure with a clipped, G06 188 dark beard, led the first part of the service, singing the G06 189 antiphonal responses with the choir, while his wife, with the G06 190 seven-year-old Kurt, his two brothers and his sister, watched from G06 191 their pew in the gallery.

G06 192 Like synagogues and Jewish property all over Germany, the G06 193 building was set on fire and plundered in the orgy of persecution G06 194 and destruction unleashed by the Nazis in the night of November 9, G06 195 1938, the so-called Reichskristallnacht. It was struck by G06 196 bombs in the air-raid of March 7, 1945, the darkest hour in G06 197 Dessau's seven-hundred-year history, and the ruins were removed in G06 198 the 1960s. A grassy area now covers the site, marked by a stone G06 199 column in memory of the murdered Jews of the town and the place G06 200 where they worshipped. One house nearby, close to the site of the G06 201 old nineteenth-century synagogue, miraculously survived the Second G06 202 World War and bears commemorative plaques to the town's two most G06 203 famous Jewish sons - Moses Mendelssohn and Kurt Weill. G06 204 G07 1 <#FLOB:G07\>1 G07 2 Sitting next to Somerset Maugham at a luncheon one day in the G07 3 'fifties, at the house of Lady Headfort, the famous ex-Gaiety Girl, G07 4 I asked him if he had felt no guilt at using the real lives of the G07 5 young men and women he had met in Malaya in such detail that they G07 6 were easily recognisable. In particular I asked him about the G07 7 heroine of his play The Letter who had shot her lover six G07 8 times, and whose great-nephew and niece I had taught in the G07 9 jungle when I was sixteen.

G07 10 "You hurt a great many people," I said.

G07 11 Maugham, looking like a bull frog with his mottled leathery G07 12 skin, turned down mouth and squat body, replied, "My dear G07 13 Mrs Denison, art is more important than life."

G07 14 I was too much in awe of him to make a reply.

G07 15 If I am ever going to write down how life and art have used me, G07 16 now seems the time to do it.

G07 17 I have been married to Michael Denison for over fifty years and G07 18 have enjoyed it enormously.

G07 19 The wedding was in April 1939 and just over a week later, on G07 20 May 8th, I started on the stage as a professional actress. We also G07 21 started our joint career on that date, playing Simon and Sorel in G07 22 No<*_>e-umlaut<*/>l Coward's Hay Fever, at His Majesty's G07 23 Theatre, Aberdeen. Stewart Granger was our leading man, and his G07 24 first wife Elspeth March was our leading lady. I remember that G07 25 first night vividly, and the smell of the floor polish in that G07 26 clean and lovely theatre is still strong in my nose.

G07 27 I can also remember Kuala Lumpur as a country town, and G07 28 Wallingford (then in Berkshire, now in Oxfordshire) with 4,000 G07 29 inhabitants, and a working flour mill in the High Street. Women G07 30 wore hats and gloves to go out of the house. Little middle-class G07 31 girls in private schools wore liberty bodices and straw hats with G07 32 streamers in the summer - summers that were so hot that sunstroke G07 33 was not unknown. Men raised their hats to women, opened doors for G07 34 them, offered them their seats in buses and trains and stood when G07 35 they came into a room.

G07 36 As a child I caught tiddlers in the Thames with a little white G07 37 net and put them in jam jars. Children could play all day in the G07 38 fields and woods, with no fear of rape or abduction. I collected G07 39 birds' eggs (I shudder at the thought now), and butterflies (worse) G07 40 and treacled for moths (horrible). I also collected live snails and G07 41 let them loose in the school cloakroom because I loved the G07 42 multicoloured trails they left behind them. Poppies stained the G07 43 yellow cornfields with scarlet, and when the corn was reaped it was G07 44 made into stooks which looked like tiny wigwams.

G07 45 My mother and father were married in 1910 at St Mary Abbot's G07 46 Church, Kensington. In a contemporary newspaper cutting, he was G07 47 described as "Mr Arnold Savage Bailey, Solicitor, London, G07 48 and Advocate and Solicitor of the Straits Settlements, youngest son G07 49 of the late Mr Alfred Bailey, Barrister-at-Law, and grandson of the G07 50 late Mr Edward Savage Bailey, President of the Incorporated Law G07 51 Society", and she as "Miss Kate Edith Clulow Gray, G07 52 youngest daughter of the late Mr Samuel Gray, Solicitor, and G07 53 granddaughter of the late John Clulow, Solicitor to the War G07 54 Office" - a plethora of lawyers! She wore a "gown G07 55 of ivory cr<*_>e-circ<*/>pe-de-chine and a court train of ivory G07 56 moir<*_>e-acute<*/> lined with chiffon, caught at the waist and G07 57 shoulders with true lover's knots". Her veil was G07 58 "lent by Mrs Burt" whoever she may have been, and G07 59 it covered a wreath of white heather. There were eight bridesmaids G07 60 wearing "dresses of ivory satin and large black crinoline G07 61 hats, wreathed in purple heather and coloured tulle". Miss G07 62 Kathleen Clulow Gray, described as my mother's 'niece', was the G07 63 train bearer, which comes as a surprise to the present generation G07 64 of our family, as none of us have ever heard of her.

G07 65 My mother and father had their honeymoon in Cornwall and set G07 66 sail for Malaya where they lived until their deaths.

G07 67 Not long ago I was given a silver dressing-table set which G07 68 belonged to my great-grandmother, and was told that she and my G07 69 great-grandfather, Mr Edward Savage Bailey (President of the Law G07 70 Society), spent their whole marriage in a m<*_>e-acute<*/>nage G07 71 <*_>a-grave<*/> trois with a "foreign Count". There G07 72 were seventeen children (my grandmother was the eldest) and when G07 73 Edward died, her lover (?), his lover (?) gave her the set G07 74 inscribed with her name - Ellen. Were some of the children his? All G07 75 of them? And how in Edward's position in Victoria's reign was such G07 76 a thing tolerated in society?

G07 77 By the time I was born my father had his own firm, Bannon and G07 78 Bailey, and had left Singapore to live in the Ampang Road in Kuala G07 79 Lumpur.

G07 80 I was the youngest child and, until I was taken back to England G07 81 to go to boarding school, I didn't meet my brother and sister. They G07 82 had already been sent 'home' to stay with our Bailey grandmother as G07 83 Malaya's heat and humidity were considered bad for European G07 84 children. My actual birthplace I am told was the Police Officers' G07 85 Mess in Venning Road, Kuala Lumpur and the time midnight. Perhaps G07 86 my parents were at a dance there. What an inconvenience for them if G07 87 so! But then my birth must have been an inconvenience anyway, as G07 88 Michael met a woman soon after we were married who was astounded G07 89 that I was alive and well, because my mother was so reluctant to G07 90 have me that she was high diving almost until the day of my G07 91 arrival.

G07 92 In an interview for one of the tabloid newspapers lately, I G07 93 described my mother as unmaternal, and this was translated into G07 94 unloving, which was not true. I am quite certain that she loved me G07 95 dearly; in fact the certainty that I had her affection gave me G07 96 security throughout the years of my childhood without her, and G07 97 still gives me an inner optimism.

G07 98 When she was quite young her mother divorced her father and G07 99 married a rich Dutchman called Van Lorn. It was sensational to have G07 100 a divorce in the family in those days. Somewhere in her childhood G07 101 she learned not only to become an excellent horsewoman, but how to G07 102 crack a stock whip, throw a lariat and whistle more beautifully G07 103 than anyone I have ever heard. She was mad on amateur theatricals. G07 104 Later she studied painting under the great Tonks at the Slade, G07 105 wearing bloomers and her long chestnut hair down to her waist. G07 106 (Augustus John was briefly enamoured.) She was extremely clever and G07 107 spoke several languages fluently.

G07 108 She had a lovely and distinctive handwriting and indeed quite G07 109 exquisite hands. Later in life she wore a monocle, lace ruffles at G07 110 the throat and wrists of silk dresses she often made for herself, G07 111 and special mannish felt hats from Lock's. She told us that she was G07 112 the third Girl Guide - Sir Robert Baden-Powell's sister was the G07 113 first, a Mrs Jansen-Potts the second and my mother the third. When G07 114 Sir Robert married, his wife became the first and my mother was G07 115 demoted. She "left the movement".

G07 116 My father was small, precise, conventional and always G07 117 beautifully dressed. The attraction of opposites, it seems. Compton G07 118 Mackenzie recognised me as my father's daughter sixty years after G07 119 they had been to school together at St Paul's, although I was G07 120 introduced as Dulcie Gray. "The same tiny eyes. The same G07 121 wide smile," he said. I never had the feeling that my G07 122 father had much affection for me, but my mother certainly loved G07 123 him. Every morning as he left for the office, she gave him a G07 124 buttonhole of the violets she had grown specially for him.

G07 125 I remember very little about my first few years in Malaya. I G07 126 had a half-Indian nanny called Nanny Ghouse whom I met again years G07 127 later when I was acting in Kuala Lumpur for the British Council. G07 128 Every morning she used to take me to the large grass lawn called G07 129 the 'padang' to play with the other white children in front of the G07 130 Tudor-style Selangor Club called the Spotted Dog. Every morning I G07 131 demanded to kiss "itou black Uncle" which was a G07 132 darkish green marble bust of Edward VII standing on a plinth G07 133 outside the rose-coloured, exuberantly ornate Federal Buildings - G07 134 the Malayan Parliament. I remember being a bridesmaid dressed in a G07 135 white chiffon dress embroidered with 'pearls' which had a G07 136 cross-over bodice, and I wore a sort of white doily on my head, G07 137 also edged with 'pearls'. I fought the page for my fair share of G07 138 the train, and the bride's dog tried to join in. I went as a G07 139 rose-bud to a children's fancy dress party, and for some while was G07 140 so ill that I was expected to die, although I remember nothing of G07 141 this last at all.

G07 142 When I was three and a half, my parents took me to England on a G07 143 Japanese ship. Ironically, in view of what was to happen to her, my G07 144 mother loved everything Japanese and for some odd reason detested G07 145 the Chinese. The journey took three weeks. I don't remember my G07 146 father on the trip, only the Japanese captain and crew, an English G07 147 bully boy, and my mother.

G07 148 The first meeting with my brother and sister didn't go quite as G07 149 planned. To my great excitement, an operation had been performed on G07 150 a passenger during the voyage and while my siblings were away for a G07 151 few moments I cut open Roger's golliwog, stuffed it with grass, and G07 152 then had no means of sewing it up. A fierce fight ensued.

G07 153 Little Gran, as Granny Bailey was called, was tiny. She wore a G07 154 lace cap and carried a silver-topped cane. She was very interested G07 155 in Froebel education and her daughter Dorothy - Auntie D - had been G07 156 trained as a Froebel teacher. She ran a school at my grandmother's G07 157 house, 79 Onslow Road, Richmond, Surrey, and was never allowed to G07 158 marry, as being the only girl with six brothers she was supposed to G07 159 look after Granny, and Granny lived until she was eighty-four. G07 160 Auntie D also had tiny eyes and a wide smile! And a round pretty G07 161 face.

G07 162 It was summer in England and our reunited family went down to G07 163 Cooden for a holiday with Mummy's brother, his wife and our two G07 164 girl cousins. The older children caught butterflies from a buddleia G07 165 bush and put them into 'stink bottles'. Seeing their beautiful G07 166 wings flapping more and more feebly until they died made me feel G07 167 ill with horror, and a passionate love for British butterflies was G07 168 born.

G07 169 2 G07 170 I suppose my father came with my mother to leave me at St G07 171 Anthony's, the kindergarten in Wallingford where I was to spend the G07 172 next eight years, but if so once again I was unaware. It was a G07 173 bitterly cold day and I remember it as snowing. Perhaps I went to G07 174 school late that term, as it certainly wouldn't have been snowing G07 175 in September. It must have been cold though, because I was dressed G07 176 in a white fur coat and hat and long grey gaiters to just above my G07 177 knee. I had a white fur coat and hat and long grey gaiters to just G07 178 above my knee. I had a white fur muff on a cord round my neck, and G07 179 carried a small silver knife and fork, which I still have. The furs G07 180 I never saw again.

G07 181 The school stood in the middle of Wallingford High Street; a G07 182 pleasant whitewashed, three-storeyed Georgian house with green G07 183 shutters and a green front door. My mother told me to ring the bell G07 184 while she paid the cab, but I couldn't reach it. It was the only G07 185 time I was to use that entrance. All pupils went in by a side door G07 186 which led down a passage into a courtyard between the main building G07 187 and a pretty little redbrick house. At the far end of a redbrick G07 188 garden path was another charming old redbrick house with a green G07 189 dovecot which housed a pair of white doves. G07 190 G08 1 <#FLOB:G08\>Blessed is the womb

G08 2 In the early summer of 1585, a short time after celebrating his G08 3 twenty-first birthday, William Shakespeare left home. Forsaking his G08 4 wife and young family - or so his wife Anne felt - Shakespeare was G08 5 quitting the crowded provincial home in Henley Street where they G08 6 had been living with his parents and brothers. He might never G08 7 return.

G08 8 But Anne would be well provided for by her mother-in-law, while G08 9 not much more than a mile away, in Shottery, her brothers and G08 10 half-brothers (her father had died four years before) were as G08 11 concerned as ever for her safety and well-being. They had on a G08 12 previous occasion, in 1582, pledged large sums - half the value of G08 13 a fair-sized property - as surety when their twenty-six-year-old G08 14 kinswoman was betrothed to the eighteen-year-old Stratford yeoman's G08 15 son who had made her pregnant. Now, while he was away, they would G08 16 guard her progeny as well as her honour.

G08 17 The eldest son of Mary and John Shakespeare had a highly G08 18 complicated nature. William had many feminine traits which had not, G08 19 unusually at that time in a young man's upbringing, been G08 20 suppressed. Having borne and lost two daughters before he was G08 21 conceived, his mother Mary had in large part expected - dreaded as G08 22 well as hoped - that her third child would be a girl. Like Henry G08 23 VIII, John Shakespeare, a glover, having fathered two female G08 24 offspring, was impatient for a male heir. William at his birth was G08 25 acclaimed and embraced by his father, while his mother wished on G08 26 him a residue of the guilt, grief and longing she felt for her lost G08 27 daughters. These feelings became powerfully and unconsciously G08 28 embedded in his nature: no wonder that later the poet will cry for G08 29 lost children, at the very end for lost daughters. Each time his G08 30 mother was pregnant again, on some five occasions at least after G08 31 his own birth, the son had strongly identified with her, almost as G08 32 if the child were his own.

G08 33 His father, on the other hand, vigilant for signs of effeminacy G08 34 in his son, had applauded every manifestation in William of G08 35 aggressive, competitive behaviour; masculine drive, warlike vigour; G08 36 cynicism and cruelty bred of the extremes of success and failure. G08 37 Until he was twelve years old William did not experience directly G08 38 any of the pain and woe of the decline in his family's fortunes, G08 39 but he had seen and heard their effects; had seen his mother's G08 40 modest inheritance whittled away by his father's prodigal behaviour G08 41 and his reckless transactions, however often these stemmed from a G08 42 good and helpful nature. Dwarfed by his father's overreaching, G08 43 William had stood often in his shadow, observing his effect on G08 44 others, especially on his mother.

G08 45 The family was reduced to the status of outcasts, although not G08 46 forced from the Henley Street home, and William, at twelve or G08 47 thirteen the eldest son, had placed on him an even heavier burden G08 48 of expectation than before: to recoup the family's wealth and G08 49 restore its broken honour. So when, after a three or four years' G08 50 absence from home, this warm-blooded and lusty "mother's G08 51 glass" (in the words of Sonnet 3), who called back for his G08 52 father the lovely April of his Mary's prime, had responded to that G08 53 father's desperate need for help by getting big with child the G08 54 daughter of their old friend and neighbour Richard Hathaway, John G08 55 Shakespeare saw it as an act of betrayal. Once when he was in debt G08 56 John Shakespeare had shored up that same Hathaway; now, considering G08 57 Anne's advanced age, what William had done seemed a further and G08 58 unnecessary deed of charity.

G08 59 Crushed by the growth in his father of a dangerous, G08 60 self-pitying invective, by his mother's silent reproaches, G08 61 William's nature had become rawly exposed. A "sensual G08 62 fault" had ambushed his young days, and he was suddenly and G08 63 overwhelmingly "shamed by that which I bring G08 64 forth". In the extreme sensitivity to guilt which had been G08 65 awoken, he saw his mother's virtue "rudely G08 66 strumpeted", for which he took the blame.

G08 67 Guilt from this first pregnancy had stuck to William G08 68 Shakespeare, although he tried later and unceasingly to detach it G08 69 from him, or dissolve it. It was as well he did not manage this, G08 70 even when, twenty years later, he wrote Measure for G08 71 Measure, in which he was able to tackle the premature G08 72 pregnancy head-on. Denied, or perhaps ultimately uninterested in, G08 73 confession to a priest, he came over the years to turn his plays G08 74 into secret and disguised confessionals, in which he could play G08 75 both confessor and penitent. In Measure for Measure he G08 76 could play the Duke, the "great member", whose G08 77 phallic justice is shown at the end of the play as re-entering the G08 78 female city of Vienna with the power of vaginal penetration. He G08 79 could play the fornicator Claudio, encountering darkness as a G08 80 bride; and the puritan hypocrite Angelo, unshaped and rendered G08 81 "unpregnant" by the act of copulation. He could play G08 82 Isabella, owner of herself, paragon of virtue, who will not G08 83 compromise with Angelo's pent-up lust even to save her brother's G08 84 life.

G08 85 But joy mingled with shame in Shakespeare's dual nature. He G08 86 could live simultaneously at both ends of the same experience. G08 87 Anne's first pregnancy and the birth of their daughter Susanna had G08 88 been joyful, too: he had found self-approval in being a husband, G08 89 with a wife and child. For Shakespeare, women were absolutes, like G08 90 elements in nature: revealed or hidden, forward or retiring, their G08 91 natures might be evil or good, but still were absolutes. It was men G08 92 who changed. And best men were moulded out of faults. With Anne a G08 93 nursing mother for the first three years of their marriage G08 94 Shakespeare had felt secure, as the childhood feelings he had had G08 95 about his mother's pregnancies were reawakened. Anne was nurtured G08 96 and protected by both Shakespeare and his mother as few women were G08 97 in Elizabethan times.

G08 98 Even before he was aware of its creative implications, G08 99 Shakespeare had absorbed the whole mythology, as well as practical G08 100 aspects, of child-bearing. He suffered from womb-envy to some G08 101 degree, and in his future writing there was always, underlying his G08 102 creative effort, a connection with the huge, physically creative G08 103 act of which he would never be capable. When in his later G08 104 self-projection as the Duke in Measure for G08 105 Measure he proposes to Isabella that she join his plan to G08 106 "frame" Mariana in bed with Angelo, he thinks, G08 107 instinctively, in terms of conception and child-bearing. Will she G08 108 be able to "carry" this, he asks Isabella. At the end of G08 109 the play the "motion" the Duke has towards Isabella which G08 110 imports her good, so that "What's mine is yours, and what G08 111 is yours is mine", is significantly sexual as well as G08 112 matrimonial.

G08 113 The medical terminology of the time linked the brain to the G08 114 womb: cavities in the brain were little wombs or bellies - G08 115 ventricles. For 'teeming' Renaissance minds it was natural to G08 116 relate the speculative enquiry as to man's nature to wider G08 117 religious accounts, notably that of Genesis, but also to stories of G08 118 the Hellenic gods, most spectacularly to the birth of Athene, G08 119 goddess of Wisdom, from the head of Zeus. Works of literature were G08 120 likened to newborn children, but with the difference that they were G08 121 born with the immediate power of speech. "My brain I'll G08 122 prove the female to my soul", says Richard, son of the G08 123 Black Prince, conceiving his brain as a woman ready to receive G08 124 sperm in the act of coition.

G08 125 Shakespeare had encountered, during the first weeks of Anne's G08 126 pregnancy with first-born Susanna, intimations of all the future G08 127 black ink of shame and stress - as well as some relief at G08 128 authorizing his trespass. But he had also felt resentment at being G08 129 'hooked' by an older woman. With her second pregnancy the strong G08 130 emotions he had felt were doubled; the creative ventricles of his G08 131 brain had been stretched to bursting point. Yet as the belly of his G08 132 spouse swelled abnormally large with visible evidence of twins, G08 133 Shakespeare had also felt terror. Without modern medical knowledge G08 134 as reassurance, his apprehension at the prodigality of nature G08 135 deepened as the moment of birth approached.

G08 136 For each pregnancy there had been compensations. They had then G08 137 none of the puritan or later Victorian inhibitions about G08 138 intercourse during pregnancy, and this was a time when Anne's G08 139 sexuality had matched her procreative energy - although she also G08 140 had a two-year-old tugging at her attention. In The Winter's G08 141 Tale Hermione's pregnancy is to her a source of acute erotic G08 142 sensation, into which Leontes' jealousy feeds. William had taken G08 143 great delight in Anne big-bellied, like a sail with the wanton G08 144 wind, both in bed and watching her "rich with my young G08 145 squire", as she waddled about "pretty and with G08 146 swimming gait". The seed-bed of his fancy was by now G08 147 thoroughly sown with wonder at the demesnes that lie adjacent to a G08 148 woman's "white thighs". His adolescent feelings G08 149 would be perpetuated in fancies, thick and swarming with sexual G08 150 implication and ambiguity, when not with specific and concrete G08 151 images. Not by any means the first man to be so fascinated, G08 152 Shakespeare would never lose his near-obsession with woman's G08 153 procreative equipment.

G08 154 So besotted with creativity had he grown during Anne's second G08 155 pregnancy that, had anything gone wrong, it might seriously have G08 156 jeopardized, through shock, his whole future life. Even Mary Queen G08 157 of Scots, surrounded with the care and panoply of majesty, had G08 158 miscarried of twins when twenty-five. That the twins were not G08 159 untimely ripped by miscarriage from their mother's womb is evidence G08 160 both of Anne's strength and the security of the Stratford home. The G08 161 safe delivery of their twins was Anne's greatest gift to G08 162 Shakespeare's future fertility of wit: he came to impregnate his G08 163 own characters so that, themselves duplicating cells, they grew G08 164 autonomous in their power of augmentation, of hatching plots as G08 165 well as extending themselves through their own progeny.

G08 166 "My muse labours,/And thus she is delivered," G08 167 says Iago. "'Tis very pregnant," says Angelo. G08 168 "The jewel that we find, we stoop and take't." G08 169 Shakespeare had not been disappointed. Childbirth was a rich G08 170 pleasure. He called what he considered his first major literary G08 171 effort, Venus and Adonis, the "heir of my G08 172 invention". "New plays and maidenheads are near G08 173 akin", was almost the last sentiment he uttered as a tired G08 174 and worn-out writer. After his death, when describing their G08 175 editorial function, his editors Heminges and Condell likened his G08 176 plays to orphans which they were offering to the reader G08 177 "cured and perfect of their limbs as he conceived G08 178 them".

G08 179 The safe delivery of the twins was a miracle. And perhaps even G08 180 more extraordinary, on a par with the most unusual expression and G08 181 oddity of the Renaissance spirit, was the rare, baroque G08 182 differentiation in their sexuality. Similar though they were in G08 183 appearance: "One face, one voice, one habit, and two G08 184 persons, / A natural perspective, that is and is not", they G08 185 bore different sexual organs. Here was the greatest paradox of all. G08 186 Within the astonishing similarity resided an even more startling G08 187 difference. "How have you made division of G08 188 yourself?" asks Antonio of Sebastian in Twelfth G08 189 Night. Close to his heart Shakespeare could nurture a living G08 190 contradiction: his twins Hamnet and Judith made him aware both of G08 191 the essential unity of nature, and yet how, with the addition or G08 192 subtraction of one feature, the nature of being could be G08 193 transformed into its opposite.

G08 194 But now, the sweetest consummation of his marriage over, G08 195 Shakespeare was called to the wars. "No man's too good to G08 196 serve's prince," says Feeble in Henry IV Part G08 197 Two: "he that dies this year is quit for the next." G08 198 Shakespeare was levied to fight, and perhaps he might be looking to G08 199 make as many holes in the enemy's "battle" as he had done G08 200 "in a woman's petticoat".

G08 201 Rage and swell

G08 202 "I'm grateful for the fact that we know so little about G08 203 his life," says the director Jonathan Miller, who likens G08 204 knowing about Shakespeare to the situation of having the playwright G08 205 present at rehearsal: "There is a certain sense where the G08 206 presence of the author is inhibitory:" The novelist G08 207 Margaret Drabble calls the factual vacuum, the lack of G08 208 documentation, a need of the poet's: "I feel he didn't want G08 209 one to know about him." G08 210 G09 1 <#FLOB:G09\>SIXTEEN

G09 2 'Wild yet domestic': Wilkie's family mysteries

G09 3 (1867-1868)

G09 4 In the summer of 1867 Wilkie's work was once more disrupted by G09 5 the urgent problem of finding somewhere to live. The lease on G09 6 Melcombe Place ran out at the end of July, and for a while it G09 7 seemed as though he would be turned out on the street. At the last G09 8 moment he signed a twenty-year lease with Lord Portman for a house G09 9 in Gloucester Place, parallel with Baker Street and just north of G09 10 Portman Square.

G09 11 Number 90 (now 65) Gloucester Place was a substantial terraced G09 12 house, five storeys high, with plenty of room for family, visitors G09 13 and servants. There was a dining-room on the ground floor, and the G09 14 room behind it was probably used as a family sitting-room, for G09 15 Wilkie took over the L-shaped double drawing-room on the first G09 16 floor as his study. He loved the large, airy rooms, though he still G09 17 found it difficult to avoid the business and noise of daily living, G09 18 and the intrusion on his working time of thoughtless visitors. But G09 19 it was a house for a man who had arrived and intended to settle, G09 20 not for one who was uncertain of his domestic arrangements.

G09 21 It was also expensive. However, the lease included stables in G09 22 the mews behind the houses, which Wilkie sublet for pounds40 a G09 23 year, a sizeable contribution to the rent of the house. (He was to G09 24 become extremely irascible about the difficulty of getting his G09 25 tenant to pay her rent). Through his solicitors, he raised a loan G09 26 of pounds800 to buy the lease, knowing that on his mother's death G09 27 he and Charley would inherit, in equal shares, the pounds5,000 left G09 28 to her by her aunt, even though, under their father's will, the G09 29 rest of their capital was still tied up.

G09 30 Twenty years later, when Wilkie was about to move out of G09 31 Gloucester Place, a visitor described it as dingy and cheerless, G09 32 with a cold hall and stone staircase. Most of his friends thought G09 33 it comfortable, even luxurious. Certainly Wilkie and Caroline G09 34 undertook thorough renovations when they moved in - though Wilkie G09 35 refused to have gas lighting, which he considered unhealthy. His G09 36 houses continued to be lit by wax candles. Wilkie complained as G09 37 usual about the slowness of the British workman, and took refuge G09 38 first with his mother, then at Woodlands, the Lehmann's country G09 39 house at Highgate. In September he reported sceptically, G09 40 "The statement now is that they will be done in a week ... G09 41 Never mind. A certain necessary place has got the most lovely new G09 42 pan you ever saw. It's quite a luxury to look into it."

G09 43 Wilkie kept three servants at Gloucester Place. Though G09 44 naturally over the years individuals came and went, there seem G09 45 usually to have been two women and a man, or boy. He described them G09 46 in 1882 as a man, a plump parlourmaid and a small girl. During the G09 47 move his servants were "models of human excellence" G09 48 who worked hard and never grumbled: he gave the women a new gown G09 49 each.

G09 50 Wilkie also kept a dog. For many years this was his much-loved G09 51 Scotch terrier Tommy, who featured in a short story, 'My Lady's G09 52 Money' of 1878, in which he acts as a detective, helping to unravel G09 53 the mystery. When Tommy died at an advanced age Wilkie wrote to G09 54 A.P. Watt, "I should not acknowledge to many people what I G09 55 have suffered during his last illness and death." There was G09 56 usually a cat as well, and he tended to attract stray animals: G09 57 "... A kitten who has drifted into the house ... is G09 58 galloping over my back and shoulder, which makes writing G09 59 difficult".

G09 60 The house was filled with books; the panelled walls were hung G09 61 with pictures. Wilkie and Charley divided their father's paintings G09 62 between them, and Jane Ward's daughter Margaret gave him the G09 63 portrait of Harriet as a young girl in a white dress, by Margaret G09 64 Carpenter. "Still like you after all these years", G09 65 Wilkie told his mother. He hung the picture in his study, with a G09 66 portrait of his father and a painting of Sorrento by William G09 67 Collins, which hung to the left of the massive writing table which G09 68 had belonged to his father. Charley's portrait of Wilkie as a young G09 69 man and the one by Millais were also in this room, and an etching G09 70 of Dickens. His own Academy painting, 'The Smuggler's Retreat', G09 71 went in the dining-room.

G09 72 By the end of October the house was finished, and Wilkie and G09 73 Caroline gave a house-warming dinner, which was also a private G09 74 farewell to Dickens, about to leave for a reading tour of America. G09 75 It was the first of many dinner parties at Gloucester Place. Wilkie G09 76 took a personal interest in the cooking and preparation of the G09 77 meals, always preferring French food to the English habit of G09 78 enormous joints of meat and solid puddings. His experiments were G09 79 sometimes bizarre, even disastrous. On one occasion, he and Frank G09 80 Beard descended to the kitchen to concoct a 'Don Pedro pie', so G09 81 laden with garlic that it made them both ill. Wilkie was said to G09 82 keep a French cook; but the cook either lived out or was hired only G09 83 for special occasions, as at Harley Street. Probably, as Frederick G09 84 Lehmann suspected, Caroline did much of the day-to-day cooking.

G09 85 Wilkie was also one of the stewards at the enormous farewell G09 86 banquet for Dickens in November, held at the Freemasons' Hall. This G09 87 was a well-orchestrated and emotional occasion. Dickens had wavered G09 88 for months about touring America with his 'Readings'. He finally G09 89 decided to go, as Wilkie had privately believed all along he would. G09 90 There were 450 guests, all male, in the body of the hall, and a G09 91 hundred women in the purdah of the Ladies' Gallery, joined for G09 92 coffee by the men. Caroline, with Carrie, now nearly seventeen, G09 93 seems to have been among them. Wilkie wrote to the organizers twice G09 94 to make sure that his request for two ladies' tickets would be G09 95 met.

G09 96 Dickens left him shouldering a number of responsibilities. G09 97 "I am finishing the 3rd act of the play - conducting All G09 98 the Year Round - and correcting The Moonstone for its first G09 99 appearance in London and New York ... my very minutes are G09 100 counted", Wilkie told Harriet at the end of November. The G09 101 play, No Thoroughfare, was adapted from the Christmas G09 102 number All the Year Round as a vehicle for Charles G09 103 Fechter and his leading lady Carlotta Leclercq. Wilkie and Dickens G09 104 had first seen Fechter when he was a successful romantic actor in G09 105 Paris. He created the part of Armand Duval in La Dame aux G09 106 Cam<*_>e-acute<*/>lias, a play then considered too shocking to G09 107 be licensed in London, and Wilkie saw him in that role. But Fechter G09 108 had ambitions to be a classical actor. In 1860 he came to London, G09 109 and began to play Shakespeare, in English. Against all expectations G09 110 he made a tremendous success as Hamlet, in spite of his corpulence, G09 111 his French accent and his startling blond wig. He was a G09 112 naturalistic actor of the French school that Dickens and Wilkie G09 113 much preferred to the old-fashioned English style. Reporting a G09 114 circus performance by monkeys, Wilkie considered, "We shall G09 115 seem them in Shakespeare next - and why not? They can't be worse G09 116 than the human actors, and they might be better."

G09 117 In his short career on the London stage - he went to America at G09 118 the end of 1869 - Fechter probably did more to change the style of G09 119 English acting than any other single actor at the time. Wilkie's G09 120 account of Fechter's preparation for No Thoroughfare G09 121 suggests he was a nineteenth-century forerunner of Method acting: G09 122 "Fechter at once assumed the character of Obenreizer G09 123 in private life ... The play was in his hands all day and at his G09 124 bedside all night." His Hamlet, Dickens thought, was G09 125 "by far the most coherent, consistent, and G09 126 intelligible" he had ever seen. Another witness described G09 127 the characterization as "a living human being ... Instead G09 128 of delivering his words as if they had been learned by heart, [he] G09 129 spoke them like an ordinary individual." This, though it G09 130 hardly seems worth remarking on now, was a revolutionary approach G09 131 at the time. Wilkie gave a vivid impression of Fechter's G09 132 performance in his novel of 1872, Poor Miss Finch. Nugent G09 133 Dubourg is giving advice to Mr Finch on the reading of the scene G09 134 where Hamlet first encounters the Ghost:

G09 135 "What is Shakespeare before all things? True to nature; G09 136 always true to nature. What condition is Hamlet in when he is G09 137 expecting to see the Ghost: He is nervous, and he feels the cold. G09 138 Let him show it naturally; let him speak as any other man would G09 139 speak, under the circumstances. Look here! Quick and quiet - like G09 140 this. 'The air bites shrewdly' - there Hamlet stops and shivers - G09 141 pur-rer-rer! 'It is very cold.' That's the way to read G09 142 Shakespeare!" (Poor Miss Finch, Vol.1, Chap. 23, G09 143 p. 289)

G09 144 Fechter and Wilkie had much in common. Fechter, like Wilkie, G09 145 loved good food and good company, but hated formality. He often G09 146 received guests at his house in St John's Wood in his dressing-gown G09 147 and slippers. The diners helped themselves, dined in their G09 148 shirt-sleeves, and went into the kitchen to help the cook when they G09 149 felt like it. Dogs were welcome; after-dinner entertainment was G09 150 provided in a delightfully informal way by the guests themselves. G09 151 But the dinners were prepared by the French cook Annette, who was, G09 152 in Wilkie's expert opinion, "one of the finest artists that G09 153 ever handled a saucepan". She had to put up with some G09 154 eccentricity in her employer and his friends. On one occasion they G09 155 ordered a 'potato dinner' in six courses; on another the eight G09 156 courses consisted of nothing but eggs.

G09 157 But this Arcadian idyll fell apart, like everything in G09 158 Fechter's life. The culinary artist was dismissed in disgrace: G09 159 "she has done all sorts of dreadful things", Wilkie G09 160 told Nina Lehmann, warning her not to employ her. "I wish I G09 161 knew of another cook to recommend - but unless you will take G09 162 me, I know of nobody. And ... my style is expensive. I G09 163 look on meat simply as a material for sauces." Fechter made G09 164 friends easily, but invariably quarrelled with all of them, as he G09 165 did with all his business associates. He was hopeless with money, G09 166 borrowing from one friend to lend to another, and Wilkie was G09 167 undoubtedly one of those caught up in Fechter's cycle of debt, G09 168 giving rather than receiving. Not only did he have a fearful G09 169 temper, but he was paranoid to the point of madness: "... G09 170 when he once took offence, a lurking devil saturated his whole G09 171 being with the poison of unjust suspicion and inveterate G09 172 hatred". Wilkie seems to have been one of the few people G09 173 who remained friends with him to the end.

G09 174 As the villain Obenreizer in No Thoroughfare, Fechter G09 175 was at his best. The story, a hectic tale of mistaken identity, G09 176 jealousy and murder, worked better on the stage than in print. It G09 177 is full of stage 'business', more visual than verbal, with Swiss G09 178 settings that drew on Dickens' and Wilkie's memories of the journey G09 179 to Italy of 1853. The climax in particular, a "wintry G09 180 flight and pursuit across the Alps" in which the hero is G09 181 pushed over a precipice by Obenreizer but rescued by the heroism of G09 182 the girl who loves him, recalls the crossing of the Mer de Glace, G09 183 when Egg was nearly swept away by a block of stone rolling down the G09 184 mountainside.

G09 185 The play opened at the Adelphi Theatre on 26 December. Wilkie G09 186 gave a graphic account of Fechter's first-night nerves, confirmed G09 187 by others who were present. His stage fright was so acute that he G09 188 vomited continuously. Wilkie suggested a few drops of laudanum to G09 189 calm him. "Unable to speak, Fechter answered by putting out G09 190 his tongue. The colour of it had turned, under the nervous terror G09 191 that possessed him, to the metallic blackness of the tongue of a G09 192 parrot." His dresser hovered in the wings with a basin, but G09 193 once the curtain went up it was not needed: the play was a success G09 194 and Fechter triumphed.

G09 195 No Thoroughfare ran in London for seven months before G09 196 going on tour. G09 197 G10 1 <#FLOB:G10>3

G10 2 Oxford Days

G10 3 Bernard Berenson described visiting Ned Warren just a few G10 4 months after Ned had completed A Tale of Pausanian Love. G10 5 Ned lived at 31 Holywell Street which was just across from New G10 6 College. They had been together in Paris in the autumn of 1887 and G10 7 had roamed the galleries together. Berenson was introduced to the G10 8 literary lights among the students and commented that nothing G10 9 equalled Oxford and the men he looked upon: "Take your best G10 10 and imagine it more refined, more intellectual, saner and you have G10 11 the English youth I meet." Berenson's interest in the male G10 12 charms of Oxford was, however, quite different from that of his G10 13 friend Ned, and, in time, he objected to what he and his wife G10 14 referred to as "the Brotherhood of Sodomites". B.B. G10 15 boasted that at the time he made "homosexuals' mouths G10 16 water". He also appeared to be pleased that while at Oxford G10 17 he went out with a new acquaintance every afternoon. A dozen years G10 18 later, Berenson reflected on his brushes with sexual deviation, and G10 19 though he admitted "a delight in the beauty of the male G10 20 that can seldom have been surpassed, and with an almost unfortunate G10 21 attractiveness for other men", he was categorical in that G10 22 "I have not only never yielded to any temptations but have G10 23 deliberately not allowed temptations to come near me". G10 24 According to his biographer, Meryle Secrest, Berenson had a G10 25 "sqeamish dislike of what he would have considered a sexual G10 26 abnormality, as well as his fear of guilt by association". G10 27 Secrest says that homosexuality never attracted Berenson, and his G10 28 infatuations with attractive young women later in his life were G10 29 well known. However, Kenneth Clark maintained that he was always G10 30 terrified that people would accuse him of sodomy. Nothing could be G10 31 more damaging to his career.

G10 32 There was no doubt about the proclivities of Lionel Johnson who G10 33 was a friend of Warren and Berenson's. Johnson was seven years G10 34 younger than Warren and the son of Captain William Victor Johnson G10 35 of Broadstairs in Kent. He said of himself that he was the only G10 36 male member of his family who had not had military training, and G10 37 his brief life was both brilliant and tragic. Lionel Johnson G10 38 entered Winchester College when he was 13 and like Ned was G10 39 attracted to a variety of religious expressions: Anglicanism, G10 40 Buddhism and finally Catholicism. Santayana knew him well when he G10 41 had rooms at New College, overlooking Holywell Street where Warren G10 42 lived, and described him as "a little fellow, pale, with G10 43 small sunken blinking eyes, a sensitive mouth, and lank pale brown G10 44 hair. His childlike figure was crowned by a smooth head, like a G10 45 large egg standing on its small end."

G10 46 Others were less generous. There are descriptions of Johnson G10 47 with permed hair and wearing face powder as well as girlish shoes G10 48 and blue silk stockings. He devoured books and while contemptuous G10 49 of his fellows at college was at the same time enamoured by the G10 50 beauty of some of them. Santayana said that Johnson lived on eggs G10 51 in the morning and nothing but tea and cigarettes during the rest G10 52 of the day. The tea was soon replaced by alcohol - a liking for G10 53 which he apparently first acquired at Winchester where he drank eau G10 54 de cologne to the amusement of his classmates. Johnson blamed his G10 55 alcoholism on a doctor who once prescribed a glass of whisky before G10 56 retiring to steady his nervous disposition. Towards the end of his G10 57 life in order to "ensure the Bacchic haze that engulfed him G10 58 from the world," he was drinking two pints of whisky every G10 59 twenty-four hours. According to one account, Johnson's death at 35 G10 60 was brought on from a fractured skull he suffered from falling off G10 61 a bar stool while eating a sandwich at the Green Dragon in G10 62 London.

G10 63 Berenson and Warren shared with Johnson a passion for the G10 64 writings of Walter Pater, the high priest of the Aesthetic G10 65 Movement. Johnson became quite close to Pater and he was one of G10 66 many young Oxford men who wished to model their lives on G10 67 Marius the Epicurean, the last of Pater's works. Warren G10 68 never directly acknowledged a debt to it, but Berenson's other G10 69 biographer, Ernest Samuels, says: "It was probably G10 70 Bernard's reading of Marius as much as any more prudential G10 71 motive that led him ... to take the first of his dramatic steps G10 72 toward his ambition of perfect culture." Today, the book G10 73 appears indigestible with an impossible plot. It is the spiritual G10 74 odyssey of a Roman youth who seeks "to meditate much on G10 75 visible objects ... on children at play in the morning, the trees G10 76 in early spring, on young animals, on the fashions and amusements G10 77 of young men; to keep ever by him if it were but a single choice G10 78 flower, a graceful animal, or a seashell as a token of the whole G10 79 kingdom of such things".

G10 80 Unfortunately for Berenson, Pater made himself unavailable for G10 81 any t<*_>e-circ<*/>te-<*_>a-grave<*/>-t<*_>e-circ<*/>te, and Ned, G10 82 not wishing to appear to be a devotee, made no effort to be G10 83 admitted to Pater's lectures. That not withstanding, both Berenson G10 84 and Warren were charged by his thinking and Pater's Marius was G10 85 passed among most of their closest associates. It was a bond which G10 86 also united them to Oscar Wilde. Johnson was a more direct link to G10 87 Wilde for Berenson. At Winchester College, Lionel Johnson had come G10 88 to know his cousin Lord Alfred Douglas better and it was Johnson G10 89 who introduced Douglas to Wilde, a momentous act to say the least. G10 90 The introduction was later to have a great effect upon Johnson who G10 91 came to dislike Wilde. Secretly he dedicated his poem, The G10 92 Destroyer of a Soul, to Wilde. It is strong venom. The opening G10 93 line says: "I hate you with a necessary hate", and G10 94 goes on further to proclaim: "You, whom I cannot cease/ G10 95 With pure and perfect hate to hate..." Nothing else is G10 96 known of the circumstances of the poem.

G10 97 Berenson met Wilde at his house in Tite Street and enjoyed G10 98 "immortal Oscar's outrageous wit" but, according to G10 99 Ernest Samuels, he also "prudently resisted Wilde's G10 100 advances", an attitude which led Wilde to exclaim that G10 101 Berenson was "completely without feeling" and G10 102 "made of stone". Berenson remained in touch with G10 103 Wilde throughout the sensational trial of 1895 and afterwards G10 104 during Wilde's imprisonment in Reading gaol. Despite John G10 105 Fothergill's close relationship with Wilde, and the fact that G10 106 Fothergill often referred to Warren's acquaintance with Wilde, G10 107 Warren only mentioned Wilde once in his memoirs: when he saw Wilde G10 108 in New York during a lecture tour.

G10 109 Similarly, Warren only wrote about Johnson in a detached G10 110 manner. When he was writing The Beardsley Period, Osbert G10 111 Burdett asked Warren to supply a sketch of Johnson. Warren G10 112 concentrated on Johnson's love of controversy: "His points G10 113 of opposition were well taken, but they were taken for the sake of G10 114 opposition ... When he had made, or was about to make, his G10 115 submission to the Latin Church, he informed me that this action was G10 116 'wholly for purposes of controversy' ... I liked Johnson. I thought G10 117 him a good critic and a discriminating controversalist. I could not G10 118 find that he revered truth."

G10 119 Johnson was not easy to know, as one of his few close friends, G10 120 Frank Russell, related: "Friendship with Lionel Johnson in G10 121 any ordinary personal sense was not an easy thing: he was aloof and G10 122 detached and apt to suggest an Epicurean god rather than a human G10 123 being. He didn't want to be like this; he passionately loved his G10 124 fellow creatures in theory, but he found it difficult in the G10 125 flesh."

G10 126 There was more than a bit of Johnson in Warren, but Warren was G10 127 too restrained to be in danger of going down the path of inner G10 128 destruction. By the end of his brief life, Johnson had left an G10 129 extraordinary body of literature: hundreds of poems evoking a G10 130 remarkable transcendentalism. But as Santayana said: G10 131 "Lionel Johnson lived only in his upper storey, in a loggia G10 132 open to the sky; and he forgot that he had climbed there up a long G10 133 flight of flinty steps, and that his campanile rested on the G10 134 vulgar earth."

G10 135 When only 20, Johnson wrote a poem for Warren, Counsel. On G10 136 one level he had certainly entered Warren's psyche: "Bring G10 137 not to her Golden lore of poetry: Not on those dark eyes confer G10 138 Glories of antiquity. What wouldest thou? She loves too much, To G10 139 feel the solemn touch of Plato's thought, that masters G10 140 thee."

G10 141 In his memoirs, Maurice Bowra, the classical scholar who later G10 142 became Warden of Wadham College, described the Classic course at G10 143 Oxford which Warren would have experienced. Bowra said that it was G10 144 "a survival from the past when the study of Latin and Greek G10 145 were regarded as the base of all human education". That is G10 146 why its title was Lieterae Humaniores: Humane Letters. G10 147 Bowra explained what was expected of young men at New College:

G10 148 For his first five terms a student works for Classical G10 149 Moderations, or Mods, and this means that he studies Greek and G10 150 Latin literature in breadth and depth. For the next seven terms he G10 151 studies Greats, which is a combination of ancient history, both G10 152 Greek and Latin, with philosophy, both ancient, that is Plato and G10 153 Aristotle, and modern. It is thus an education in the study of G10 154 classical antiquity in a full sense ... [The student] must have G10 155 enough command of the ancient languages to be able to read them in G10 156 bulk Dan to know what the texts mean.

G10 157 Ned was well prepared for this kind of study and his results in G10 158 Greek and Latin Literature in the Trinity Term of 1885 were G10 159 excellent. However, he only took a pass degree in 1888 and, G10 160 according to the official Oxford record, that was "because G10 161 his sight failed him after Moderations, the first set of University G10 162 exams he took". Other records refer to Ned's having a G10 163 "physical breakdown" at this time. H.A.L. Fisher G10 164 spoke of it in those terms and exclaimed that with the breakdown G10 165 "all chance of a First in Greats and a Fellowship G10 166 vanished". Writing in the Bowdoin magazine, Charles G10 167 Calhoun suggested a psychosomatic origin for this and Ned's other G10 168 ailments. This view is supported by Sam and Cornelia's scepticism G10 169 about Ned's claims of ill health. Whatever the situation, by 1887 G10 170 Ned's daily reading was reduced to four and a half hours.

G10 171 In his memoirs, it is Ned's contention that there had been no G10 172 reprieve from poor health between 1885 and 1894. At Lewes House, G10 173 Ned's health was continuously discussed. Mrs Kathleen Warner (still G10 174 alive in Lewes and once a kitchen maid at Lewes House) says Warren G10 175 suffered from pernicious anaemia and used to eat raw liver as a G10 176 cure. On several occasions she remembers a local doctor aggravating G10 177 his condition by applying leeches to Warren's neck. Warren wasn't G10 178 the only one inclined towards hypochondria at Lewes House. So also G10 179 was John Marshall - and his future wife, Mary Bliss. All three G10 180 tried a variety of cures at continental spas.

G10 181 John Davidson Beazley, who catalogued the superlative Lewes G10 182 House collection of ancient gems, was close to two other New G10 183 College men who knew Warren: Maurice Bowra and Harold Acton. G10 184 Beazley was devoted to Warren and tried hard to present his friend G10 185 as much as possible as a serious scholar: "Warren loved G10 186 ancient Greece; and especially its earlier phase; that athletic, G10 187 aristocratic, and heroic age which became fully articulate, just at G10 188 its close, in Pindar and Aeschylus, in Critius and Myron. He was an G10 189 admirer of exact scholarship, and made light of his own attainments G10 190 in that respect."

G10 191 Beazley was too much of a gentleman to reveal that Warren's G10 192 endless translations of Greek and Latin verse and texts were G10 193 consigned to oblivion, ending up in his dust-filled cupboard at G10 194 Oxford, when he was Lincoln Professor of Classical Archaeology from G10 195 1925 to 1956. Subsequent holders of the chair (including Bernard G10 196 Ashmole who was close to both Marshall and Warren), left them G10 197 undisturbed in the same cupboard until, in the 1970s, Warren and G10 198 Marshall's personal papers were moved to the librarian's office at G10 199 the Ashmolean Museum. This is where I found them several years ago: G10 200 uncatalogued, unpaginated and unread.

G10 201 G10 202 G11 1 <#FLOB:G11\>FAMILY G11 2 MY FATHER'S FATHER was said to come from East Anglia, which at G11 3 one time I took to be some remote and savage mountain or desert G11 4 region. He was called officially Joseph James Amis, and in the G11 5 family circle, sometimes perhaps with a hint of satire, known as G11 6 Pater or Dadda. I can see him vividly as a small fat red-faced G11 7 fellow with starting moist eyes and a straggly moustache which has G11 8 confused itself in my mind with the 'Old Bill' style of the Great G11 9 War. His nose had strong purple tints and, something I took to be G11 10 unique to him, several isolated hairs an inch or two long sticking G11 11 out from it here and there. He laughed frequently, with a great G11 12 blaring or scraping sound of air blown through the back of the G11 13 nose, but I find it hard to remember him smiling. I have only G11 14 realised since preparing to write this how much I disliked and was G11 15 repelled by him. Actually I saw little of him except at Christmas G11 16 or an occasional birthday and that was quite enough for me. On one G11 17 of the former he managed to give my cousin John and me one and the G11 18 same tie as a present. A joke, possibly.

G11 19 He enjoyed eating out, with I suspect plenty to drink, and I G11 20 used to admire him, if for nothing else, for sticking his napkin in G11 21 the neck of his shirt, then thought a vulgarity. At these feasts he G11 22 was a great teller of jokes, typically without any preamble, to G11 23 trap you into thinking you were hearing about some real event. One G11 24 of these horrified me so much that I have never forgotten it. A G11 25 Scotsman (I was still so young I had not heard about Scotsmen being G11 26 supposed to be mean) took his wife out to dinner. Both ordered G11 27 steak. The wife started eating hers at top speed, but the man left G11 28 his untouched. "Something wrong with the steak, G11 29 sir?" - "No no, I'm waiting for my wife's G11 30 teeth." I had not then heard of false teeth either, and G11 31 imagined the living teeth being torn from the woman's jaws on the G11 32 spot and inserted into her husband's. Except in greeting I cannot G11 33 remember my grandfather addressing a word to me personally.

G11 34 His house and chattels were more prosperous than my own G11 35 parents'; they were situated at Purley in Surrey, quite a posh part G11 36 and then, say about 1930, semi-rural, though already, I think, G11 37 connected with London by the results of 'ribbon development'. It G11 38 was perhaps a half-hour bus-ride from our own place in Norbury, G11 39 S.W.16, half-way back towards London. The grandparental G11 40 mansion was called Barchester, but any Trollopean overtones must G11 41 have been in the mind of some previous owner. There were of course G11 42 servants, as in any even mildly prosperous middle-class household G11 43 of the time, but Mater (no feminine equivalent of Dadda for her) G11 44 was a careful manager, so much so as to be a source of G11 45 near-legend.

G11 46 It may or may not have been true, for instance, that she would G11 47 leave out two matches for the maids to light the gas in the G11 48 mornings: one match might plausibly break, so the reasoning was G11 49 imagined, while more than two would be an inducement to some sort G11 50 of pyrotechnic revel. To save lavatory paper, Mater would cut up G11 51 and hang up grocer's and similar bags on a hook, and one morning my G11 52 Uncle Pres claimed to have cut his bottom on the lingering remains G11 53 of an acid-drop, an incident taken up in one of my novels, the G11 54 artist not being an oath. Being unable to recall a single meal or G11 55 anything else eaten at Barchester, except at a Christmas or two, I G11 56 can believe that Mater avoided entertaining where possible.

G11 57 Dadda was a glass merchant or wholesaler, which meant he traded G11 58 in glass or glassware, the kind you drank out of or less commonly G11 59 ate off, and for years, my father told me, was doing well enough, G11 60 until he began to be hit by mass-production. Dadda had a big line G11 61 in unbreakable glass. This is or was of course not literally G11 62 unbreakable, just unusually tough, held together, somebody once G11 63 explained to me, by inner tension, and meant to survive, say, being G11 64 knocked off a table on to a carpeted floor. If too severely struck G11 65 it disintegrates in a flash, goes to powder rather than fragments, G11 66 implodes with a loud report. It was in keeping with Dadda's style G11 67 of not preluding his funny stories that he should have crept unseen G11 68 into the family drawing-room one evening with an 'unbreakable' G11 69 glass plate and, meaning doubtless no more than to cause a moment G11 70 of wondering surprise by bouncing it across the carpet, caused it G11 71 to burst in the fireplace like a hand-grenade thrown without G11 72 warning. The incident did not shake a jokey, excitable, silly G11 73 little man like him. Not long afterwards, holding up one of his G11 74 horrible amber-brown 'Jacobean' tumblers, he asked an important G11 75 American client if he would like to see something. When the man G11 76 said he would indeed, Dadda strode to the hearth and did his G11 77 hand-grenade act all over again. I like to think that this G11 78 demonstration did its tiny bit to bring on the decline of J. J. G11 79 Amis & Co. at the hands of Woolworth's.

G11 80 Dadda also figured in an attempt to obstruct or somehow muck up G11 81 the marriage of Gladys Amis, his daughter and my aunt, to a Harvard G11 82 professor named Ralph Foster, a distinguished scholar as I was G11 83 later led to believe. Precision is difficult after sixty years, but G11 84 my impression at the time was that the final attempt came on the G11 85 very eve of the ceremony and that it was Mater's idea rather than G11 86 Dadda's. I do remember that, summoned by Uncle Pres, my parents G11 87 took off grim-faced on the fatal evening to help to talk G11 88 Dadda/Mater out of their opposition. Since Gladys was over the age G11 89 of consent, indeed over twenty-one, Ralph free to marry, etc., the G11 90 old people could not have done much beyond acting like bloody pests G11 91 and spoiling everybody's fun, but no child of my age then would G11 92 have found anything out of the way about that. The surprising part G11 93 was that, as far as I could understand the situation, my own mother G11 94 and father seemed to be on the right side. For some reason nothing G11 95 to do with the personalities of those involved, it seemed much more G11 96 natural to me that Pres and my aunt Poppy should have supported G11 97 Gladys and Ralph.

G11 98 Anyway, virtue and sense triumphed, the marriage took place and G11 99 the Fosters disappeared to America. Sadly soon, at the unfunny age G11 100 of thirty-six, in fact, Ralph fell down dead of excitement G11 101 ("nervous heart") at a baseball game, but had had G11 102 time to produce two children, Bobbie and Rosemary. Bobbie I hardly G11 103 saw or remember, though Rosemary appeared with her mother on this G11 104 side of the water as a girl of ten or twelve, bright and sweet but G11 105 too young for my sexual purposes.

G11 106 America had figured in my life earlier, with American uncles, G11 107 aunts and cousins to be seen from my early childhood, and if I took G11 108 any interest in family history I might well have been able to G11 109 confirm my impression that most of the ancestral Amises had G11 110 emigrated there, to Virginia, in the earlier nineteenth century. I G11 111 can recall a very Dixie-style Uncle Tom (sic), probably a G11 112 cousin of my grandfather's, and a cousin Uretta, whose curious name G11 113 was said to have been the product of a dream. She called my G11 114 grandmother "Aunt Ju" (for Julia), and very odd it G11 115 sounded in her accent.

G11 116 On my father's side I had, or was aware I had, two uncles, one G11 117 unmarried, two aunts, one the soon-absent Gladys, two cousins and G11 118 nobody else, and saw not so very much of them, despite the short G11 119 distances involved - not so remarkable perhaps in what was still G11 120 the age before the motor-car for most people. The only one of these G11 121 likely to interest a novelist, I suppose, was my younger uncle, G11 122 Leslie. After Dadda had performed his last noteworthy act, by dying G11 123 of a heart attack (at over seventy, but some said he was helped on G11 124 his way by negligence), Leslie took over the care of Mater and the G11 125 rump of J. J. Amis & Co. at something like the same time.

G11 126 I was content to let J. J. Amis stay out of my life, but there G11 127 were expeditions to the household Leslie and Mater had set up in G11 128 Surrey, a little south of Purley in Warlingham. I liked Leslie, the G11 129 only one of my senior paternal relatives to show me interest or G11 130 affection. He was a smallish, good-looking man, with abundant G11 131 straight dark hair he kept carefully ordered, a bond between us G11 132 though unintended on his part; at that time my contemporaries and I G11 133 paid enormous attention to our hair-arrangement. As I grew through G11 134 adolescence I was able to picture his horrible life. His routine G11 135 took him every weekday evening from the commuter station to the pub G11 136 opposite, where he would tank up sufficiently to face Mater's G11 137 company till her bedtime. After supper on lighter evenings he drove G11 138 her to the same or another pub. Unwilling or unable to get out of G11 139 the car, she would be fetched glasses of port, though whether he G11 140 used to climb back aboard to drink beside her or returned to the G11 141 pub for some sort of company I have never tried to discover. Mater G11 142 was a large dreadful hairy-faced creature who lived to be nearly G11 143 ninety and whom I loathed and feared in a way I had never felt G11 144 towards Dadda.

G11 145 It must have been about the time of the war that my father told G11 146 me, in earnest confidence, that he had been visited at his office G11 147 by my uncle, Leslie. Dad was very grave.

G11 148 "Do you know what he told me? He said he liked men. G11 149 Wanted to [he may have brought himself to say] go to bed with them. G11 150 What do you think of that?"

G11 151 "I don't know what to say," I answered G11 152 truthfully. "What did you tell him?"

G11 153 "I said, 'I take it you've seen a doctor?'"

G11 154 Whatever any doctor might have said or done, Leslie turned out G11 155 in the end not to have needed one much. When Mater finally died, G11 156 terrifyingly late, Leslie realised what capital he had and went G11 157 round the world on shipboard. The passage of a few years had made G11 158 possible franker speech at home and my father felt able to tell me, G11 159 with much amusement and fragments of envy and admiration, that , G11 160 according to report, Leslie had fucked every female in sight. G11 161 Evidently he went on doing so as long as he lasted, which sadly was G11 162 not long, perhaps a couple of years.

G11 163 For some reason I have always thought this a story ideally G11 164 suited to the pen of Somerset Maugham, though he would have had to G11 165 leave out the detail about Leslie's phantom homosexuality. I could G11 166 bring it in if I were writing the events up as fiction: the G11 167 presence of Mater had the effect of removing women from Leslie's G11 168 whole world, but left his libido intact and questing. With her out G11 169 of the way, his natural heterosexual drive was freed. Both Maugham G11 170 and I, and plenty of others, could have worked in a couple of other G11 171 touches I remember. On being invited to a bottle party - this, I G11 172 suppose, would have been in the Twenties - Leslie had asked what G11 173 was entailed and was told to take a bottle along. A bottle of what? G11 174 Oh, anything. So in good faith he had turned up with a bottle of HP G11 175 sauce. Then, during his Warlingham days, I noticed that he ate raw G11 176 parsley in great quantities because, he said, of its richness in G11 177 organic copper, though he failed to add what this compound was G11 178 supposed to do for you. More likely it just grew profusely in his G11 179 wretched garden.

G11 180 G12 1 <#FLOB:G12>CHAPTER THIRTEEN

G12 2 Combe Florey 1971-1973

G12 3 Another reason for the move to Combe Florey was that my mother G12 4 had been living alone there since her husband's sudden death in G12 5 April 1966, and although she never complained of loneliness, and G12 6 was visited quite often by her children, one had the impression G12 7 that it was quite a burden for a single woman who had allowed G12 8 herself to be convinced that she was very poor to keep up a huge G12 9 house with four acres of garden, a further thirty acres of woods, G12 10 parkland and ornamental water.

G12 11 It was an over-cautious lawyer who had persuaded her that she G12 12 was poor, ladling out small amounts of money when she asked for G12 13 them while he spent several years examining the unfamiliar G12 14 ramifications of a literary estate. In fact, she was very rich, but G12 15 she took joyfully to the disciplines of poverty, selling much of G12 16 the family furniture (and all her husband's books) for a song to G12 17 Texas University (where, I have been told, they are still to be G12 18 found in packing cases, or distributed through the offices of the G12 19 Humanities Center).

G12 20 In the last years of Evelyn Waugh's life, he discovered that G12 21 owing to some change in the law he could no longer offset her G12 22 enormous losses on the farm against his writing income for the G12 23 purpose of taxation. The farm had to be closed down. She threw G12 24 herself into market gardening, a change made easier by the devotion G12 25 of a Combe Florey villager called Walter Coggan - for some reason G12 26 she never learned his name, and always called him Mr Coggins - who, G12 27 employed as a part-time gardener, came to talk to her while she G12 28 laboured in the garden. Evelyn Waugh always referred to him as G12 29 "my rival, Mr Coggins", and was being only partly G12 30 humorous. She actually preferred the gardener's company to that of G12 31 anyone else. His slightly implausible deference, the embarrassingly G12 32 apparent sub-text of all advice, the extreme ordinariness of every G12 33 opinion he advanced, appealed to her deepest sense of social G12 34 propriety. This was the most natural and acceptable form of human G12 35 relationship.

G12 36 "They do say, madam, that if you see a crow with a G12 37 broken wing, that means 'twill be a good year for G12 38 raspberries," he would say in his fine Somerset voice, and G12 39 she would lap it up.

G12 40 In the week my father died, Coggins disappeared. My mother got G12 41 it into her head that I had murdered him (Coggins) and put his G12 42 corpse in the boot of my car before driving back to Chilton Foliat. G12 43 I do not know why she should have reached this conclusion, but G12 44 suppose it must have been the product of stress. In fact he had G12 45 been out on a blind, something which is well known among Somerset G12 46 farming folk. But by the time we moved down to Combe Florey in G12 47 October 1971, Walter Coggan, too, had died, in the way that elderly G12 48 men have always tended to do. The clergyman, at his funeral, said: G12 49 "We have memories of Walter which time can never G12 50 alter."

G12 51 Obviously, he was most missed by his widow and family, but I G12 52 think it was the loss of Coggins which reconciled my mother to the G12 53 idea that the little Waughs, as my father used to call us, should G12 54 move into the main part of the house, and she would move into a G12 55 more or less disused wing, equipped with its own kitchen and other G12 56 appointments.

G12 57 We sold Chilton Foliat rather well to an amiable businessman G12 58 who has lived in it ever since. The money enabled Teresa to buy G12 59 Combe Florey from my mother with enough left over to redecorate the G12 60 main house. It also enabled my mother to refurbish the wing G12 61 according to her particular requirements, with vast stone sinks G12 62 which never let the water out and stank. But it was a happy enough G12 63 arrangement while it lasted.

G12 64 ****

G12 65 Being a more intensely private person than Evelyn Waugh - who, G12 66 despite all his protestations to the contrary, was in large part a G12 67 public figure - Laura Waugh was also, in her own way, more G12 68 remarkable. As Laura Herbert, she grew up in three households - G12 69 Pixton in Somerset, a large house in Bruton Street and Portofino - G12 70 all crowded with guests from every corner of the earth. This gave G12 71 her a pronounced distaste for social life.

G12 72 My father had met her first at Portofino, when she was G12 73 seventeen. A year later, he was in love with her, but his suit did G12 74 not seem well starred. Laura's family was Catholic. Evelyn, who had G12 75 become a Catholic in 1930 after the failure of his first marriage, G12 76 seemed in no position to declare himself a suitor while his G12 77 annulment was held up, apparently sine die, by the G12 78 Westminster and Vatican bureaucracy. A further complication was G12 79 that by unhappy coincidence his first wife, Evelyn Gardner, was a G12 80 niece of Aubrey Herbert and Laura's first cousin. Feeling in the G12 81 family was strongly against the match. Although Evelyn Waugh was G12 82 already a successful novelist, and would have been a catch for most G12 83 teenage brides of the period, the Herberts were not a family to be G12 84 intimidated by smartness of that sort. Evelyn was thirteen years G12 85 older than his bride, had already been married to one member of the G12 86 family and, worst of all, came from a background which was G12 87 distinctly middle class.

G12 88 Although, as I have explained, the Waughs came from many G12 89 generations of professional men - publishers, doctors, clergymen - G12 90 the gulf between them and the carefree traditions of the G12 91 aristocracy was as great as if he had been a fishmonger's G12 92 assistant. Even worse than this, he had already been adopted as a G12 93 guest, friend, boon companion and private buffoon by families which G12 94 were even richer and grander than the Herberts. This situation was G12 95 not improved by the noticeable lack of sympathy between himself and G12 96 'the boy Auberon'.

G12 97 Although Evelyn's affection for the English upper classes and G12 98 everything they stood for was never in doubt - this was held to be G12 99 vulgar in itself - their antipathy for each other could easily be G12 100 explained by the traditional jealousy between privilege and G12 101 achievement. Although the Herberts were clever and moved in a G12 102 brilliant circle, Evelyn Waugh was cleverer and noticed too many G12 103 things to be a comfortable member of any circle.

G12 104 Under the circumstances, for Laura Herbert to encourage his G12 105 courtship was an act of most uncharacteristic rebelliousness. She, G12 106 too, was always displeased by the Brideshead aspect, hating any G12 107 form of ostentation or grandeur. "Your dear G12 108 mother," Evelyn Waugh would say to his children, G12 109 "is the kindest and most hospitable of women, but she has G12 110 no sense of style."

G12 111 Laura's awareness of her social superiority may well have G12 112 helped to sustain her through a marriage which was not without its G12 113 trials, nor without its reminders of her husband's success in other G12 114 fields. Many women (and men) feel depressed and diminished by their G12 115 spouse's success. Laura Waugh felt no such qualms, being happy G12 116 enough to be left at home with her cows and children, regarding the G12 117 whole circus with a profound contempt.

G12 118 What she found attractive in him, I suspect, was his humour. G12 119 Laura Waugh, for all her apparent shyness and avoidance of company, G12 120 was a born satirist. Behind a veil of good manners, she mocked G12 121 everybody and everything. The strength necessary to support such an G12 122 attitude came, ultimately, not from any sense of social superiority G12 123 but from her Catholicism, which grew more devout, and at the same G12 124 time more sceptical, with age.

G12 125 Her husband was moody and given to fits of acute depression G12 126 which left her largely to her own devices. Shunning ordinary human G12 127 contact, she sought refuge in cows and rejoiced in the company of G12 128 farming folk. At other times, she retreated into her own private G12 129 meditations whose direction was not easily to be distinguished from G12 130 simple misanthropy. She killed time with cross-words, word games G12 131 and jigsaws. She was at ease with her children and their friends, G12 132 and with her own family and, of course, with Coggins, but with G12 133 practically nobody else. She was also haunted by the spectacle of G12 134 her mother, my once all-powerful grandmother, whom she had to nurse G12 135 through a last year of distressing debility.

G12 136 Many thought that she was too self-effacing and let her husband G12 137 get away with too much, but it suited her as much as it suited him G12 138 that he should take his meals in the library if he chose, or go G12 139 away for long periods, seeking warmer climates in the winter, or G12 140 carousing with smart friends in London. She saw herself primarily G12 141 as a farmer, her five or six cows the pride and joy of her life. G12 142 Some interpreted her decision to publish Evelyn Waugh's diaries - G12 143 they first appeared in a shortened, more lurid serialization in the G12 144 Observer - as an act of revenge, but it was more the product G12 145 of absent-mindedness. She intended to read the series before G12 146 publication, but eventually got round to reading only a small part. G12 147 She hoped that publication of the fuller version, in book form, G12 148 might undo some of the damage, but never lived to see it. She was G12 149 not convinced by my arguments, that the diaries were thoroughly G12 150 enjoyable and interesting and worth publishing. Like many of the G12 151 upper class, she had a hatred for publicity, but also a passion for G12 152 selling things. Any crooked timber merchant who came to the door G12 153 could persuade her to sell him an avenue of mature oak trees at G12 154 pounds15 a tree. On this occasion - offered a large sum for her G12 155 husband's Diaries - it got the better of her once again, but she G12 156 was protected from severe criticism by meeting only her family, G12 157 most of whom were quite pleased by it all. It was the only G12 158 controversial thing she ever did, apart from marrying Evelyn Waugh G12 159 thirty-six years earlier.

G12 160 Her politics, in so far as she concerned herself with politics, G12 161 were those of the populist right. She mistrusted do-goodism, while G12 162 being profoundly convinced that the working classes were justified G12 163 in any demands they cared to make. As a woman who had lived all her G12 164 life in large country mansions, she felt a distinct sympathy for G12 165 the rumbles of the indigenous urban proletariat against G12 166 Commonwealth immigration. "All I mind about these G12 167 people," she explained once, looking out of the window at G12 168 her acres of parkland, "is that they come over here and G12 169 take our jobs." She, who had never had a job in her life, G12 170 felt instinctive sympathy for those who wanted one, perhaps.

G12 171 This may seem a slightly sour picture but I am not sure that G12 172 her life - in the twenty years of her youth, the twenty-nine years G12 173 of her marriage, or the seven years of her widowhood - was a G12 174 particularly happy one. When she decided she was poor, she took to G12 175 an indescribably nasty sherry-type beverage from Cyprus. Only she G12 176 and one of her sisters were able to drink it. I think it may have G12 177 contained some toxic substance as it destroyed her sense of G12 178 balance, while Gabriel, her sister, was similarly affected. During G12 179 Lent, when she restricted herself to one glass a day, she found a G12 180 receptacle which others might have identified as an exceptionally G12 181 large flower vase. But it saw her through.

G12 182 ****

G12 183 The house at Combe Florey had not prospered under her single G12 184 occupation of it. She put it on the market, and then decided she G12 185 did not want to sell it, but rather than withdraw it, which would G12 186 have involved paying a house agent, she decided to adopt a policy G12 187 of discouraging would-be purchasers. Broken windows were never G12 188 mended. She left buckets in the middle of the floor to suggest that G12 189 the ceilings leaked, and never took them away. My father had left G12 190 some extravagantly opulent carpets, woven at Wilton on his G12 191 instructions from original designs for the 1851 Great Exhibition. G12 192 When her beloved spaniel, Credit, made a mess on one of them in the G12 193 six years after his death, my mother would leave it there, let it G12 194 solidify, fossilize, before moving it. Later, she forgot about G12 195 them.

G12 196 G13 1 <#FLOB:G13\>The climax of this world tour in March 1933 was G13 2 Shaw's first visit to North America. "I can't face G13 3 America," he had admitted early in the century when invited G13 4 to go lecturing there. These invitations, sugared with huge G13 5 financial enticements, would come in "at the rate of 60 per G13 6 minute all the time" and every year the newspapers reported G13 7 that he was finally on his way. But "I am as far as ever G13 8 from seriously contemplating it", he wrote when refusing G13 9 another offer in 1921. "If I go to America, I think I shall G13 10 speak in the open air for nothing, if the police will allow G13 11 me."

G13 12 His facetious refusals, attributed to fear of being made G13 13 President or of the effect of his fatal good looks on American G13 14 women, masked a real and complicated fear. He was in some ways a G13 15 natural American ("I'm like New York. It's hell and G13 16 damnation for me to be doing nothing") who carried on a G13 17 life-long quarrel with the United States very much in the manner of G13 18 Charles Dickens. He would remind Archibald Henderson that, after G13 19 the publication of Martin Chuzzlewit, Dickens G13 20 "never retracted a syllable of Scadder (the realtor), G13 21 Chollop, Mrs Horning and Jefferson Brick, all of whom are the G13 22 mildest of pleasantries compared to the latest realtors, gangsters G13 23 and highbrows. The truth of the matter is that writers like Dickens G13 24 are privileged to tell the truth without malice or G13 25 partiality."

G13 26 Like Dickens, Shaw seems to have believed that for historical G13 27 reasons there was a natural antipathy between the English and G13 28 Americans and that, since some of the causes for Anglo-American G13 29 dislike were not of a fundamental nature, it was better to carry on G13 30 abusing one another than simulate an affection that was not felt. G13 31 "This pretence of being affectionate cousins is pure G13 32 poison," he wrote. "...Better, where there is G13 33 volcanic activity under the lid to lift the lid once in a while G13 34 than sit on it until it blows off!" He had made a G13 35 speciality of baiting the hundred per cent American as a G13 36 ninety-nine per cent idiot. "I do not want to see the G13 37 Statue of Liberty," he said. "...I am a master of G13 38 comic irony. But even my appetite for irony does not go as far as G13 39 that!"

G13 40 Many of the Americans in his plays appear to represent a nation G13 41 that is riven with money-materialism. There are the two women in G13 42 The Devil's Disciple, Judith Anderson, who is G13 43 "petted into an opinion of herself sufficiently favorable G13 44 to give her a self-assurance which serves her instead of G13 45 strength", and the exceedingly disagreeable mother of Dick G13 46 Dudgeon whose face is "grimly entrenched by the channels G13 47 into which the barren forms and observances of a dead Puritanism G13 48 can pen a bitter temper and a fierce pride"; there is the G13 49 vituperating lynch mob that fills the court during The G13 50 Shewing-up of Blanco Posnet; and there are the Americans who G13 51 turn up in Europe, such as the baffled-looking, bullet-cheeked G13 52 millionaire Hector Malone Senior "whose social position G13 53 needs constant and scrupulous affirmation" in Man and G13 54 Superman, and the blandly effusive Ambassador Vanhatten who G13 55 strides onto the terrace of the Royal Palace in the second act of G13 56 The Apple Cart "like a man assured of an G13 57 enthusiastic welcome" and vigorously shakes the Queen up G13 58 and down with his prolonged handshake.

G13 59 In his twenties, when the Land of the Free had seemed a natural G13 60 fatherland for him, Shaw had momentarily thought of emigrating G13 61 there. "I could have come when I was young and G13 62 beautiful," he wrote when in his sixties he turned down an G13 63 invitation from the New York chapter of the Drama League of G13 64 America. "I could have come when I was mature and G13 65 capable." But in his seventies, "I cannot help G13 66 asking myself whether it is not now too late". He almost G13 67 denied that he would be landing at all - he was merely looking in G13 68 and out again. The Empress of Britain "is calling G13 69 at Los Angeles for five minutes, and then calling at New York for G13 70 five minutes", he told reporters. "That is not my G13 71 fault. I may meet a few friends..."

G13 72 He had kept on friendly terms with a surprising number of G13 73 native and adopted Americans - actors, anarchists, politicians, G13 74 publishers. There was his special 'lunatic' friend Lawrence Langner G13 75 and the directors, designers and performers of the Theatre Guild of G13 76 New York; writers, too, such as the pro-Soviet novelist Upton G13 77 Sinclair and the pro-German poet George Sylvester Viereck, as well G13 78 as his continuous biographer Archibald Henderson; and a generous G13 79 lobby of correspondents including Henry Neil, a Chicago judge, who G13 80 regularly published Shaw's answers to his unusual queries (What G13 81 would he do if he were a woman? What difference would being hatched G13 82 in an incubator have made to his life?) until, his excitement G13 83 rising in this year of Shaw's arrival, he was confined to a mental G13 84 institute. "That is the worst of you Americans," G13 85 Shaw had complained to the theatrical producer George Tyler: G13 86 "you are uncommonly nice people personally; but you have G13 87 not notion of practical affairs."

G13 88 Americans had been impractical over many years of Shaw's own G13 89 affairs. They had pirated his early books and called him an 'Irish G13 90 Smut Dealer' when issuing arrest warrants for disorderly conduct to G13 91 the entire cast of his 'illuminated gangrene' Mrs Warren's G13 92 Profession after its opening performance in New York. They had G13 93 also removed Man and Superman and other volumes from the G13 94 shelves of the New York Public Library; and actually imprisoned a G13 95 man in Detroit for reading An Unsocial Socialist in a G13 96 streetcar.

G13 97 "Personally I do not take the matter so G13 98 lightly," Shaw had written to the New York Times G13 99 when asked for his reaction to the withdrawal of his books from the G13 100 state's libraries. "American civilization is enormously G13 101 interesting and important to me, if only as a colossal social G13 102 experiment, and I shall make no pretence of treating a public and G13 103 official insult from the American people with G13 104 indifference."

G13 105 The resentment he felt at having his moral authority impugned, G13 106 income cut, and early illusions extinguished sharpened his G13 107 criticisms and gave them a vindictive edge. He could hardly dig up G13 108 insults enough to pile upon the childishness of Americans G13 109 "which enables them to remain simple New England villagers G13 110 in the complicated hustle of New York and Chicago, never revising G13 111 their ideas, never enlarging their consciousness, never losing G13 112 their interest in the ideals of the Pilgrim Fathers".

G13 113 Shaw argued that the anarchical plan of letting everyone mind G13 114 his own business and do the best he could for himself was only G13 115 practicable in a country newly-cleared and settled by ambitious G13 116 colonists without any common industrial tradition or body of G13 117 custom. North America had been incapable of developing beyond this G13 118 village stage. "Every social development, however G13 119 beneficial and inevitable from the public point of view, is met, G13 120 not by an intelligent adaptation of the social structure to its G13 121 novelties," he wrote, "but by a panic and a cry of G13 122 Go Back."

G13 123 Before the Soviet Revolution Shaw had accepted that American G13 124 politics had to be co-ordinated with the collective interest of G13 125 civilization round the world. He took issue with revolutionaries G13 126 who threatened the United States with the breakdown of capitalism G13 127 for want of markets and who prophesied that socialism would build G13 128 on its ruins. He preferred a more inviting evolutionary scenario. G13 129 "Socialism is only possible in the consummation of G13 130 successful Capitalism," he wrote, "... only G13 131 possible where Individualism is developed to the point at which the G13 132 individual can see beyond himself and works to perfect his city and G13 133 his nation instead of to furnish his own house better than his G13 134 neighbor's."

G13 135 Shaw's gestures of political diplomacy confusingly punctuated G13 136 the joyous stream of his Dickensian invective, and once the only G13 137 European power bigger than the United States had been transformed G13 138 into a federation of communist republics, he gave up these G13 139 diplomatic contortions with relief. "I am not an G13 140 American," he admitted, "but I am the next worst G13 141 thing - an Irishman." His tirades against Americans were G13 142 partly self-inflicted criticisms - an involuntary response to the G13 143 damage he sometimes felt he had done himself by manufacturing an G13 144 ostentatious G.B.S., designed to travel in a world increasingly G13 145 governed by the culture of the USA. "For what has been G13 146 happening during my lifetime," he had written in 1912, G13 147 "is the Americanization of the whole world." He G13 148 struck back as one in danger of being classed an enemy of the whole G13 149 world.

G13 150 After his return from the Soviet Union he had used a special G13 151 broadcast from Savoy Hill to give 'A little Talk on America', G13 152 heaping up his abuse to giddier, more ecstatic heights. The event G13 153 was recorded by Movietone with G.B.S. at his most child-devilish G13 154 encircled by immense lights like furnaces welcoming Americans to G13 155 hell.

G13 156 "Hello, America! Hello, all my friends in America! G13 157 Hello, all you dear old boobs who have been telling one another for G13 158 a month past that I have gone dotty about Russia..."

G13 159 Even Charlotte had to laugh. "I wish you could have G13 160 heard G.B.S. broadcast to America about Russia," she wrote G13 161 to Nancy Astor. "My dear! All the insult he sent over! Too G13 162 bad - but so funny."

G13 163 Yet it was not all so funny. Lifting the lid on the volcanic G13 164 activity within himself, he covered this "most awful G13 165 country" with the ashes of colossal contempt. Sometimes in G13 166 the past he had singled out the coast-to-coast desire for money as G13 167 the most encouraging social aspect of American life. But since the G13 168 accepted method of acquiring this money in the United States was G13 169 theft, he liked to add, the country had grown rich only in paper G13 170 dollars that were no protection against a real financial crash. He G13 171 comes near to crowing over the predicament of President Hoover G13 172 "who became famous by feeding the starving millions of war G13 173 devastated Europe, [but] cannot feed his own people in time of G13 174 peace", and castigates American "business G13 175 incompetence, political helplessness and financial G13 176 insolvency" with an animosity that defies any listener to G13 177 dismiss what he is saying as a Shavian joke.

G13 178 "That is what makes you so popular all over the G13 179 world," he persisted, moving into rare sarcasm: G13 180 "you make yourself at home everywhere; and you always have G13 181 the first word." Shaw wanted the last word. With his G13 182 long-range artillery he aimed to smash the glitter of Western G13 183 plutocracy and laugh the American in Europe out of countenance. G13 184 "You cannot persuade an American that he can fail to talk G13 185 you into doing something foolish," he wrote to St John G13 186 Ervine. On the other hand you might arm an infatuated British G13 187 public against surrendering to such foolishness. When he lets off G13 188 his word-fire at the United States he often has a Britain of the G13 189 future in his sights.

G13 190 He was happiest at long range and somewhat uneasy at the G13 191 prospect of having to divide and subdivide his attitude after he G13 192 came ashore and began mixing with these "uncommonly nice G13 193 people personally". His few preliminary exercises in tact - G13 194 "Americans are conceited enough to believe they are the G13 195 only fools in the world" - show his diplomatic skills to G13 196 have been somewhat rusted. Equally ineffective was his pretence G13 197 that Americans loved his wisecracks ("they just adore G13 198 me") and that he was following the example of Dickens in G13 199 rousing their devotion by holding them up to ridicule as G13 200 "windbags, swindlers and assassins". In fact it G13 201 took Dickens quarter<&|>sic! of a century to atone for his G13 202 American Notes and Martin Chuzzlewit; and, as G13 203 the actor Maurice Colbourne noted, America was also "long G13 204 sensitive to the Shavian sting".

G13 205 "Indeed no," Shaw had replied when asked in G13 206 Honolulu whether he was still a socialist. "I'm a G13 207 communist. And tell that to your government." Free love and G13 208 anarchism had given way after the war to alcohol and communism as G13 209 the most dreaded social perils in the United States, enabling G13 210 G.B.S. to use his awkward status as a prim, teetotal red communist G13 211 to challenge American orthodoxy. He looked forward to obliging the G13 212 immigration authorities with answers of the utmost frankness and G13 213 representing himself throughout this country of immigrants as a G13 214 dangerous alien. G13 215 G14 1 <#FLOB:G14\>CHAPTER 2

G14 2 School and University

G14 3 GEOFFREY Fisher always regarded his going from Lindley Lodge to G14 4 Marlborough College on a Foundation Scholarship in September 1901 G14 5 as a decisive break with his previous environment into a wider G14 6 world.

G14 7 Marlborough, in the early years of this century, was a small G14 8 market town on the outskirts of Savernake Forest with a population G14 9 of some three thousand inhabitants. It was not without its historic G14 10 associations. Samuel Pepys in 1668 eyed with satisfaction its broad G14 11 High Street. Its parish church contains the huge basalt font in G14 12 which King John was baptised and within its walls Cardinal Wolsey G14 13 was ordained.

G14 14 Marlborough College, housed in a country mansion, was opened in G14 15 1843 for the sons of clergymen. The half century which preceded G14 16 Geoffrey Fisher's entry represented the heyday of English public G14 17 schools, fed from the sons of the professional classes, many of G14 18 whom had newly acquired wealth and were prepared to invest it in G14 19 education. The young men thus produced were for the most part G14 20 self-assured and conditioned to take their place in an G14 21 <*_>e-acute<*/>lite class, in a privileged society.

G14 22 Although Geoffrey Fisher's days at Marlborough cannot have been G14 23 quite so idyllic as he later supposed, they were certainly happy G14 24 and fulfilling. He was now beginning to find his feet and he G14 25 refused to be daunted by a new and unknown environment. When his G14 26 father proposed to escort him to Marlborough on his first day G14 27 Geoffrey insisted that he accompany him only so far as Birmingham. G14 28 "I'd rather meet this new situation on my own without any G14 29 protecting wing", so he explained. Perhaps he suspected G14 30 that so far he had not flexed his own muscles because of his G14 31 privileged family position in Higham. His first few days at G14 32 Marlborough, however, turned out in a way he could not possibly G14 33 have foreseen.

G14 34 On arrival at the College he sat shivering by a fire in the G14 35 Common Room of the Junior House until he was taken by the Matron G14 36 and promptly placed in the Sanatorium where he spent his first G14 37 week. Still, so he alleged, even this misfortune proved beneficial G14 38 in encouraging him to be independent since, when he began to mix G14 39 with his schoolmates, he found that the other new boys had already G14 40 made friends. Thus he had "to pick up his way by G14 41 himself".

G14 42 The headmaster of the College was G.C. Bell, then approaching G14 43 the end of his twenty-six years' reign. Apocryphal stories about G14 44 him inevitably circulated. When meeting a boy he did not G14 45 immediately recognise he was reputed to say: "Hi, boy, who G14 46 are you?" and when given the appropriate information G14 47 replied: "Are you the son of your father?"

G14 48 Geoffrey began in the remove form A, the master of which was G14 49 the redoubtable and eccentric P.W. Taylor, a "notorious G14 50 figure" who earned a reputation for "hardness, G14 51 sternness and gruffness". Many thought, however, that he G14 52 kept the best house in the school, largely because he ran it in G14 53 co-operation with the senior boys most of whom were G14 54 "considerate, clear-minded and capable".

G14 55 Two other masters left a permanent impression upon the G14 56 receptive Geoffrey - V.B. Malim whose exposition of the Old G14 57 Testament long remained in Geoffrey's memory, and C.T. Wood, an G14 58 outstanding preacher, even capable of enthusing schoolboys - no G14 59 mean achievement!

G14 60 It did not take Geoffrey long to settle down in his new G14 61 surroundings, the extrovert side of his character coming to his G14 62 aid. Indeed he did more than settle down. He determined to leave G14 63 his mark upon the college - which he did.

G14 64 Geoffrey's progress through the school was easy and G14 65 straight-forward, presenting no apparent problems. When he G14 66 entered the sixth form at the age of fifteen he was asked if he G14 67 wished to specialise in mathematics. His reply indicates his G14 68 ability to look objectively at his own aptitude and talent. He G14 69 enjoyed maths, he admitted, but he always knew that there was a G14 70 point at which he was out of his depth. This was a shrewd G14 71 assessment for though Geoffrey Fisher's intellectual brilliance G14 72 cannot be doubted he yet lacked the imagination which higher G14 73 flights in mathematics undoubtedly demand.

G14 74 G.C. Bell was followed as headmaster by Frank Fletcher who was G14 75 thirty-two years of age and very different from his predecessor. In G14 76 appearance he was not impressive; nor had he any ready G14 77 conversation. But as is sometimes the case with a schoolmaster the G14 78 brilliance of his mind and the great integrity of his character G14 79 'got through' and Geoffrey Fisher freely acknowledged a life-long G14 80 debt. From him he learned "never to be content with a G14 81 superficial impression; never to take a thing at second hand but G14 82 wade through it until [one] found an underlying and satisfying G14 83 reason so far as there was one to be found."

G14 84 Geoffrey Fisher was the first prefect to be appointed under the G14 85 new r<*_>e-acute<*/>gime, an office which he entered into with both G14 86 zest and relish; and which he was later to reform by removing the G14 87 dominance of the athletic boys in the life of the school to whom G14 88 the prefects had been forced to play second fiddle. When things G14 89 came to a crisis, Geoffrey, as head prefect, acted decisively. G14 90 After this he never looked back.

G14 91 Geoffrey Fisher certainly made his mark on the life of the G14 92 school and himself regarded his years at G14 93 <}_><-|>Malborough<+|>Marlborough<}/> as giving him a purposeful G14 94 and moral training centring on self-discipline. However, he had his G14 95 disappointments. His first attempt in the debating society was a G14 96 disaster, a 'mini' reduplication of Disraeli's initiation into the G14 97 House of Commons. The subject for discussion was Dickens and G14 98 Thackeray but, on his own admission, Geoffrey's intervention was G14 99 disastrous and he sat down amid general laughter and personal G14 100 humiliation.

G14 101 As to the influence of Marlborough on his spiritual development G14 102 Geoffrey Fisher saw it as confirming what he had learned in his own G14 103 home and family. It engendered an unquestioning acceptance of G14 104 Christ as the master of the good life. "I learned," G14 105 he writes, "how to tackle everything that came along in G14 106 what I now recognise was an intelligent Christian way, not G14 107 borrowing from Christ, but translating into my daily duties and G14 108 occupations and pleasures the spirit which flowed from His G14 109 revelation of the Kingdom of God." This points to an G14 110 evangelical faith which was simple, uncomplicated and fervent. In G14 111 its essence this faith accompanied him for the rest of his life. G14 112 Geoffrey Fisher may certainly claim to have made the maximum use of G14 113 his school days. He left, scooping up many a prize, in 'a blaze of G14 114 glory'.

G14 115 By no means every adult looks back in later years upon his G14 116 school days as a time of almost unalloyed bliss. Often recollection G14 117 is darkened by 'the shades of the prison house'. Not so, for a G14 118 moment, with Geoffrey Fisher. "Marlborough was G14 119 wonderful", he claimed later. "I enjoyed every bit G14 120 of it from beginning to end and I was enjoying it because in every G14 121 kind of way I was growing happily and securely."

G14 122 The time had now come for him, in more ways than one, to move G14 123 on. Departing from the family tradition - his grandfather, father G14 124 and brothers had gone to Cambridge - Geoffrey Fisher proceeded to G14 125 Exeter College, Oxford. This seat of learning which then consisted G14 126 of eight Fellows and 182 students was founded in 1314 by Walter G14 127 Stapeldon, Bishop of Exeter, who in the course of his career held G14 128 high office of state including that of Lord High Treasurer, before G14 129 being murdered by a mob while in charge of the City of London. The G14 130 College - as befits its name - still today retains a connection G14 131 with Devon. The Rector, during Geoffrey's five years there, was the G14 132 Reverend W.W. Jackson who held office from 1887 to 1913.

G14 133 During his last vacation before going up to the University he G14 134 considered with his usual earnestness how he ought to disport G14 135 himself on his arrival. Maybe his older brothers had told him G14 136 something of the kind of life which awaited him. It was the social G14 137 side which constituted his main concern, in particular how he would G14 138 fit into it. Ruefully he had to admit that he had "none of G14 139 the ordinary social vices which are also graces". Ought he G14 140 to smoke or drink? The latter he rejected on the grounds that you G14 141 have to consider again and again, have I had enough? Smoking, G14 142 however - this was years prior to any suggestion of a link-up with G14 143 lung cancer - was different. "You could smoke as much as G14 144 you liked and as long as you liked;" so he became an G14 145 inveterate pipe smoker and was so for forty years until he gave it G14 146 up while on holiday - suddenly, completely and finally.

G14 147 The Oxford to which Geoffrey Fisher went up in October 1906 was G14 148 very different from the Oxford of today. The College then loomed G14 149 much larger in the life of the undergraduate than did the G14 150 University. This meant that members of the College knew each other G14 151 with an intimacy which no longer obtains to the same extent.

G14 152 The facilities, compared with today, were spartan. There were G14 153 few bathrooms and hot water had to be fetched from the kitchen to G14 154 fill the tin baths usually placed in front of the sitting room G14 155 fire. However, this had its compensations. J.C. Masterman writes G14 156 that "lying in a tin bath, in front of a coal fire, G14 157 drinking tea and eating well-buttered crumpets, is an experience G14 158 which few can have today". O tempora! Or G14 159 mores!

G14 160 The standard of living for most undergraduates was conditioned G14 161 by their income and Geoffrey Fisher's was not large. In those G14 162 pre-radio, pre-television days students had to provide their own G14 163 amusements. Clubs proliferated. The Oxford of Geoffrey Fisher's day G14 164 was in the main still clerically dominated. Compulsory chapel was G14 165 the order of the day and undergraduates were required to attend one G14 166 service, matins or evensong, on Sundays and in addition four G14 167 services during the week. Yet on the whole politics interested them G14 168 more than religion.

G14 169 The national background of Geoffrey Fisher's five years at the G14 170 University may be briefly summarised. In 1908 Asquith had succeeded G14 171 the less flamboyant Campbell Bannerman, and a period of liberal G14 172 legislation, long deferred, was set in motion. It is not surprising G14 173 that on the crest of this wave Oxford itself became a sitting G14 174 target for radical reformers. In a letter dated 14 February 1909, G14 175 Geoffrey Fisher informed his family that "the academic side G14 176 of Oxford is very much disturbed at present by rumours of G14 177 reformation to come. First our Chancellor, Lord Curzon, intends to G14 178 introduce degrees for women and twelve-week terms. Then a report is G14 179 issued by a committee of dons and labour leaders advocating and G14 180 pointing the way for working men to come up to Oxford as G14 181 undergraduates. That of course has roused great indignation G14 182 amongst the useless people here who do nothing else but spend too G14 183 much money in disreputable ways - they could not stand having G14 184 to consort with working-men."

G14 185 We shall not be surprised that having arrived at Exeter G14 186 Geoffrey Fisher threw himself into the life of the College with his G14 187 usual enthusiasm, and that it was not long before he became G14 188 President of the Junior Common Room. An injury to his collarbone G14 189 made him decide to abandon rugby for the river. In this he followed G14 190 the example of his brothers at Cambridge who all rowed with some G14 191 distinction. It was perhaps a surprising choice in view of his G14 192 meagre ten stones but in spite of this he ended up being elected G14 193 captain of boats and rowed in the trial eights. He describes G14 194 himself as a "neat oar", "vigorous and G14 195 energetic". Undoubtedly Geoffrey took rowing seriously and G14 196 on 14 February 1909 duly reported to his parents: "... a G14 197 day or two ago I received a notification that I had been elected to G14 198 the Leander Rowing Club, and today am appearing resplendent in a G14 199 pink tie and scarf with a beautiful dark blue waistcoat and gilt G14 200 buttons".

G14 201 To keep busy was, with Geoffrey Fisher, a life-long G14 202 preoccupation. Of his university days he writes: "My day is G14 203 usually fully occupied by one thing or another - matters concerned G14 204 with the Church Union of which I am President, various societies, G14 205 the river, social engagements - occasionally a little work, though G14 206 that normally consists of the minimum - lectures and two essays a G14 207 week for my history and philosophy dons." G14 208 G14 209 G14 210 G15 1 <#FLOB:G15\>CHAPTER 1

G15 2 CHAPTER 1

G15 3 Origins

G15 4 "The Three Most Important Things a man has are briefly, G15 5 his private parts, his money, and his religious opinions." G15 6 The statement, with the sting in its tail, comes from an outwardly G15 7 conventional Victorian, bowler-hatted and black-suited. Was it G15 8 conceived during Family Prayers, and recorded, like so many of G15 9 Samuel Butler's notes and aphorisms, in the Reading Room of the G15 10 British Museum?

G15 11 Butler remains one of the great unclassifiable minds of the G15 12 nineteenth century, with a reputation that rises and falls but G15 13 obstinately resists definition. His versatility and curiosity led G15 14 him into many areas of life and thought: religion, science, G15 15 literature, art. He was artist and photographer, as well as G15 16 novelist, critic, and philosopher, sheep farmer, company director G15 17 and property developer. But his claim on our interest has G15 18 additional support in the modern writers who were influenced by and G15 19 interested in him: Shaw, first and foremost; H.G. Wells, Lytton G15 20 Strachey, the Woolfs, E.M. Forster, Ivy Compton-Burnett, Robert G15 21 Graves, James Joyce.

G15 22 Combative, lucid, honest, with a mischievous sense of humour G15 23 which surfaced at most inappropriate moments, Butler developed his G15 24 intellectual muscle by questioning received ideas and attitudes. G15 25 Betrayed as a child, he resolved never to be 'humbugged' again, G15 26 while perplexingly playing the role of the archetypal English G15 27 gentleman: public school and Cambridge; chambers in Clifford's Inn; G15 28 British Museum, Royal Academy, correspondence columns of the G15 29 Athenaeum. But a formative summer as an unpaid curate in the G15 30 slums of London, long months on an emigrant ship and four years as G15 31 a sheep farmer in New Zealand provided a second, less conventional G15 32 education. He felt uneasy in the drawing-rooms of well-connected G15 33 'nice' people, preferring the atmosphere of public houses and music G15 34 halls.

G15 35 In his irreverent autobiographical novel, The Way of All G15 36 Flesh, published after his death, in 1903, Butler created a G15 37 new kind of being fit for the modern world, Ernest Pontifex (Ernest G15 38 Priest). Writing about Ernest's education, which was parallel to G15 39 his own, he exclaims: "What a lie, what a sickly G15 40 debilitating debauch did not Ernest's school and university career G15 41 now seem to him, in comparison with his life in prison and as a G15 42 tailor in Blackfriars." (WF 368) For all the bachelor, G15 43 middle-class security of his London chambers and his comfortable G15 44 routine, Butler lived in close awareness of the less affluent and G15 45 more bohemian. For his pleasures, he would make his weekly visit to G15 46 Madame Dumas in Islington, or take the steamer for a day trip to G15 47 Margate or Clacton, or accompany his servant Alfred to the G15 48 pantomime.

G15 49 One can mock, as Malcolm Muggeridge did in his caustic study of G15 50 Butler, The Earnest Atheist, Butler's reliance on his G15 51 cheque book and his meticulous book-keeping by double entry; but he G15 52 was living in a tightly knit, urban society that put a monetary G15 53 value on everyone and everything, in spite of denials to the G15 54 contrary. Money was luck, and freedom. Butler's nostalgia for the G15 55 pastoral simplicity of the eighteenth century, partly expressed in G15 56 the utopia of his novel Erewhon, or in his affection for the G15 57 healthy, good-looking peasants of the Italian Alps, was fed by his G15 58 intimate contact with the realities of London; and every day, like G15 59 a good Victorian but in his own highly sceptical way, he thought G15 60 about the impact of religion and the nature of God.

G15 61 When Butler escaped from England and landed in New Zealand as a G15 62 young immigrant of twenty-four, he climbed the volcanic hills that G15 63 surround Port Lyttelton harbour to have a sight of his new country. G15 64 The Canterbury Plains, lovely in colouring, stretched away into the G15 65 distance, where his eye was met by the extensive blue line of the G15 66 Southern Alps. As soon as he saw the mountains, he longed to cross G15 67 them.

G15 68 Within a few weeks, he had fulfilled his wish, and returned. It G15 69 was a pattern he would repeat on several occasions during his years G15 70 in South Island, most memorably in his courageous explorations of G15 71 the headwaters of the Rangitata river which formed the foundation G15 72 of the fictional journey over the range and on into 'Erewhon'. The G15 73 impulse to explore and discover, preferably in isolation, G15 74 characterised his restless cast of mind. If some grand obstacle G15 75 loomed on the horizon, mysterious and forbidding - the Anglican G15 76 God, the Victorian family, Darwin, Homer - he set out to G15 77 investigate for himself; and he would come back from these mental G15 78 expeditions, having mapped out the territory to his own G15 79 satisfaction, to announce to an uninterested world that the mystery G15 80 had been solved. In his final years, Butler became acutely G15 81 conscious of the symmetry of his literary career; it began in 1872 G15 82 with Erewhon and ended in 1901 with Erewhon G15 83 Revisited, the emotional climax of which is set on the very G15 84 summit of a mountain range, in the shadow of giant statues guarding G15 85 the pass into the magical country beyond.

G15 86 The rhythm of Butler's life, in an age when travel was suddenly G15 87 available and cheap, was punctuated by journeys. The railway and G15 88 the steamship made the whole world more accessible to G15 89 mid-nineteenth-century England, and when Butler was planning to G15 90 emigrate, fleeing the twin spectres of his father and ordination, G15 91 he considered, in rapid succession, the merits of Liberia, the Cape G15 92 and British Columbia. In the end New Zealand offered the advantage G15 93 of being as far away from England in space and time as was G15 94 practical, and proved to be his most significant journey. But every G15 95 setting out was matched by a return. England, and the English G15 96 society, which so confounded and oppressed him, kept calling to G15 97 him; and however hard he strained at the ties that held him, he G15 98 would be drawn, quietly but inexorably, back to his base at G15 99 Clifford's Inn, to the circle of his close friends, even, in spite G15 100 of his loud protests to the contrary, to his family. In London he G15 101 would work at his books, his painting or his music until his eyes G15 102 failed and his brain reeled. Then he would pack his bags again and G15 103 go, in summer to the Alps, at Easter or Whitsun to Boulogne, or on G15 104 Thursdays and Sundays to Gad's Hill or the Downs.

G15 105 He enjoyed travelling light. The British Museum was his G15 106 library. He could find a piano anywhere, and in any event carried G15 107 most of Handel in his head. Yet his rooms at Clifford's Inn were G15 108 stuffed with objects, the walls crowded with photographs, sketches G15 109 and paintings. He kept piles of his own unsold books, stacks of G15 110 manuscripts, letters, notebooks, boxes of glass negatives. He lived G15 111 among the residue of his own life, a lumber-room existence from G15 112 which little was discarded because everything had meaning. His G15 113 memory was equally retentive. He recalled images, incidents, casual G15 114 encounters and conversations, and recorded them in his notebooks G15 115 and correspondence, and he kept pressed copies of most of his G15 116 letters. Even when travelling, he laid down a trail of forwarding G15 117 addresses, postes restantes and trusted G15 118 hoteliers to ensure that he maintained contact with his friends and G15 119 with his family.

G15 120 It is in his relations with his family that Butler's G15 121 paradoxical nature is most evident. His father was his intimate G15 122 enemy. He felt rejected by his mother. He claimed to dislike his G15 123 sisters. He hated his brother. He left England in pique and hurt to G15 124 escape from the stifling incomprehension of his parents and what he G15 125 believed they stood for; yet he wrote to them at great length from G15 126 New Zealand, and when they proudly edited his letters and published G15 127 them, he turned on them after correcting the proofs and rejected G15 128 the book, A First Year in Canterbury Settlement, as being G15 129 infected with the taint of the family home, Langar. But he could G15 130 not let them go. On occasions, he was barred from the house; on G15 131 others, he threatened to leave, never to meet again. He always G15 132 returned, and was present at the deathbeds of his mother and his G15 133 father. The combat was resolvable in one sense only by death, and, G15 134 in another, by fiction.

G15 135 The Way of All Flesh is the story of Butler's G15 136 elemental conflict with his family. V.S. Pritchett described it as G15 137 one of the time-bombs of literature, "lying in Butler's G15 138 desk at Clifford's Inn for thirty years, waiting to blow up the G15 139 Victorian family and with it the whole great pillared and G15 140 balustraded edifice of the Victorian novel". The book G15 141 follows the path of much of Butler's own early development closely, G15 142 and is undeniably, if selectively, autobiographical. He purged G15 143 himself during the long process of its creation. He wrote it partly G15 144 out of resentment and remembered hate; but he turns the irony as G15 145 savagely on himself as on his parents and sisters, and on the whole G15 146 ethos of Victorian values which he abominated and yet knew himself G15 147 to be inescapably a part of.

G15 148 The novel is an exercise in demythologising the family, both as G15 149 an institution and in personal terms. It is the detailed, intimate G15 150 record of Butler's memories, nightmares and dreams, an extended G15 151 gloss on the naive painting, 'Family Prayers', which he painted in G15 152 1864 and which was his first attempt to open up the dark, locked G15 153 room of his childhood. Like Ingmar Bergman, who also survived an G15 154 upbringing in which sin and punishment prevailed over grace and G15 155 forgiveness, Samuel Butler transformed his painful experience of G15 156 childhood into art. Bergman, discussing the great film makers, G15 157 commented: "When film is not a document, it is G15 158 dream." Butler's novel is dream disguised as document.

G15 159 However much Butler strove to recreate himself, he was G15 160 hyper-conscious of being the product of his parents, G15 161 grandparents and ancestors; and he spent much of his life G15 162 investigating his origins. The key figure in the family was G15 163 Samuel's grandfather and namesake, Headmaster of Shrewsbury public G15 164 school and Bishop of Lichfield, who died when he was four. It was G15 165 Samuel's birthday, and a village woman who did sewing at Langar G15 166 Rectory brought him a little pot of honey. "My father came G15 167 in, told us grandpapa was dead, and took away the honey saying it G15 168 would not be good for us."

G15 169 Samuel had only one direct memory of his grandfather, less G15 170 ominous: "I had a vision of myself before a nursery fire G15 171 with Dr Butler walking up and down the room watching my sister G15 172 Harrie and myself." (M1.19) The 'portrait' of Dr Butler in G15 173 The Way of All Flesh, translated into George Pontifex, a G15 174 successful publisher of religious works, is ambivalent. His G15 175 fictional epitaph (WF 110):

G15 176 HE NOW LIES AWAITING A JOYFUL RESURRECTION

G15 177 AT THE LAST DAY

G15 178 WHAT MANNER OF MAN HE WAS

G15 179 THAT DAY WILL DISCOVER

G15 180 hints at Butler's uncertainty about his own judgment of him. G15 181 When he eventually inherited a dinner service of silver plate, G15 182 presented to Dr Butler when he became Bishop of Lichfield, he G15 183 decided to sell it.

G15 184 I took it to a silversmith's in the Strand, or rather G15 185 got them to send some one to see it; he said it was very good, but G15 186 of a period (1836) now out of fashion.

G15 187 'There is one especial test of respectability in plate,' he G15 188 remarked; 'we seldom find it but, when we do, we consider it the G15 189 most correct thing and the best guarantee of solid prosperity that G15 190 anything in plate can give. When there is a silver venison dish we G15 191 know that the plate comes from an owner of the very highest G15 192 respectability.'

G15 193 My grandfather had a silver venison dish.

G15 194 To this note Butler added a P.S., after he had written the G15 195 monumental The Life and Letters of Dr Samuel Butler:

G15 196 When I wrote the above, I knew nothing about my G15 197 grandfather except that he had been a great schoolmaster - and I G15 198 did not like schoolmasters; and then a bishop - and I did not like G15 199 bishops; and that he was supposed to be like my father. [He does G15 200 not need to add, 'and I did not like my father'.] Of course when I G15 201 got hold of his papers, I saw what he was and fell head over ears G15 202 in love with him. Had I known then what I know now, I do not think G15 203 I could have sold the plate; but it was much better that I should, G15 204 and I have raised a far better monument to his memory than ever the G15 205 plate was. (M2.50-1)

G15 206 G16 1 <#FLOB:G16\>1

G16 2 Infant Joy and Sorrow

G16 3 1757-1767

G16 4 FROM 1684 the parish church of St James's, Piccadilly dominated G16 5 its surroundings. Almost twenty-five years before, Charles II had G16 6 given Henry Jermyn permission to develop St James's Fields, and, in G16 7 turn, Jermyn had invited Christopher Wren to build his only London G16 8 church constructed on an entirely new site. The exterior was unduly G16 9 modest, the interior sumptuous. The limewood reredos is by Grinling G16 10 Gibbons, and John Evelyn was moved to claim that there was G16 11 "no altar anywhere in England, nor has there been any G16 12 abroad more handsomely adorned". John Blow and Henry G16 13 Purcell tested the organ by Renatus Harris given to the parish by G16 14 Queen Mary in 1691. Lord Foppington, in Vanbrugh's The G16 15 Relapse, when asked which church he most obliged with his G16 16 presence, replied: "Oh! St James's, there's much the best G16 17 company!"

G16 18 The spire of St James's looked down on a neighbourhood where G16 19 the fashionable, the rich, the famous, the middling, the poor and G16 20 the destitute existed side by side. A newspaper account of 1748 G16 21 describes such a cityscape: "If we look into the Streets, G16 22 what a Medley of Neighbourhood do we see! Here lies a Personage of G16 23 high Distinction; next Door a Butcher with his stinking Shambles! A G16 24 Tallow-chandler shall front my Lady's nice Venetian Window; G16 25 and two or three brawny naked curriers in their Pits shall face a G16 26 fine Lady in her back Closet, and disturb her spiritual G16 27 Thoughts."

G16 28 Although the quality of living conditions in London improved G16 29 enormously throughout the eighteenth century, St James's, like G16 30 other London parishes, was infested with a variety of urban G16 31 blights, such as the abuses stemming from the availability, even in G16 32 the 1750s, of cheap gin. Thirty years later, Horace Walpole G16 33 reflected that "as yet there are more persons killed by G16 34 drinking than by ball or bayonet". Pregnant women addicted G16 35 to this spirit often gave birth to weak, sickly children who looked G16 36 "shrivel'd and old as though they had numbered many G16 37 years". Mechanics, artisans and labourers who drifted to G16 38 London in search of employment routinely deserted their wives and G16 39 children when they discovered that the metropolis did not offer G16 40 them a lucrative style of life. The abandoned wives frequently had G16 41 to pawn their beds and wedding-rings, and their children were G16 42 dressed in rags. In feeble attempts to raise funds, these women G16 43 invested in State Lottery or the fraudulent and illegal private G16 44 lotteries called 'Little Goes'. There were other diversions: cards, G16 45 dice, draughts, baitings of bears, badgers and bulls, cock-matches G16 46 and games with the intriguing names of bumble-puppy and Mississippi G16 47 Fables.

G16 48 In contrast to a uniformly poor district such as Stepney, G16 49 Piccadilly contained an uneasy mix of opulence and destitution. G16 50 There were beguiling shops, open until ten in the evening, one G16 51 selling crystal flasks, another displaying pyramids of pineapples, G16 52 figs, grapes and oranges; in one china shop, tableware was laid out G16 53 as though a lavish dinner party was in progress. These emporiums of G16 54 wealth existed in an environment where masses of ordure were left G16 55 in the road and where open cellars and stone steps projected into G16 56 and blocked the same streets. There was usually an assortment of G16 57 mad dogs, beggars and bullock-carts. Profanity was commonplace, and G16 58 the streets were poorly illuminated.

G16 59 Behind or above the alluring, brightly lit windows were the G16 60 usually cramped, dark and poky living quarters of the shopkeepers. G16 61 Built on a cramped corner site, 28 Broad Street, with its entrance G16 62 on Marshall Street, was four storeys high, with a basement. In this G16 63 setting, on 28 November 1757, William Blake was born; he was G16 64 baptized on Sunday, 11 December, in St James's Church. William was G16 65 the third son of Catherine and James Blake, a hosier and G16 66 haberdasher.

G16 67 G16 68 By birth, William was a child whose social status hovered G16 69 between the "middle sorts" and the "working G16 70 trades", as Defoe dubbed them. He was certainly of what G16 71 Henry Fielding called "that very large and powerful body G16 72 which forms the fourth estate in the community and has long been G16 73 dignified by the name of the Mob". From the outset, Blake G16 74 was, like so many others, an outcast from the refined, aristocratic G16 75 mode of existence of eighteenth-century culture. As boy and man, he G16 76 was a citizen of the Other London.

G16 77 James, William's father, was bound as a draper's apprentice to G16 78 one Francis Smith on 14 July 1737. James went with his father, also G16 79 James, to the great hall of the Company of Drapers for this G16 80 ceremony, where his father paid a consideration of pounds60 and a G16 81 fee of 1s 2d. The boy would have been about fourteen, and the G16 82 premium paid by his father was on the high side of average. James G16 83 and his father were from Rotherhithe, a grimy offshoot of the City, G16 84 across London Bridge on the south side of the Thames (Swift located G16 85 Lemuel Gulliver's birth there). Seven years later, when his G16 86 apprenticeship was over, James moved to a more central location at G16 87 5 Glasshouse Street, also a scruffy, disagreeable environment. G16 88 According to a report of 1720, "the houses were meanly G16 89 built, neither are its Inhabitants much to be boasted G16 90 of".

G16 91 By 1749, James was registered as a hosier in his own right. By G16 92 the time he reached his mid-twenties, he had spent twelve years G16 93 working from dawn to dusk, earning between pounds30 and pounds40 a G16 94 year, a sum which allowed him to live in London precariously above G16 95 the poverty line. In compensation for his long hours of work and G16 96 relatively low wages, James would have formed close friendships G16 97 with other apprentices and journeymen in his trade. These men G16 98 shared a comradeship of work-songs, horse-play, coats of arms, G16 99 regalia, slang and parades; most of their meetings were held in G16 100 taverns. Out of such experiences came an increasing sense of G16 101 deprivation, of being outsiders to plainly visible wealth. In 1751, G16 102 for example, the workers employed by a hatmaker of St Olave's, G16 103 Southwark, struck against him until he raised their wages: on 21 G16 104 July, thirty dissidents arrived at his house demanding to know the G16 105 name of an informant. The hatmaker refused the request and, but for G16 106 the intervention of his neighbour, his house would have been G16 107 burned.

G16 108 On 15 October 1752, James married Catherine Harmitage, whose G16 109 family lived at 28 Broad Street, Golden Square. Nothing else is G16 110 know of Catherine's ancestry. The ceremony took place just off G16 111 Hanover Square at St George's Chapel, which had been built by John G16 112 James in 1721-4. This area was fashionable in the early 1710s, but G16 113 by the mid-1750s the chapel had acquired the unsavoury reputation G16 114 of performing hasty, informal marriage ceremonies - fifteen took G16 115 place the day James and Catherine were married.

G16 116 Catherine was about thirty at the time of her marriage, the G16 117 groom being a year younger. The couple lived in Glasshouse Street G16 118 for a year before moving to the bride's family home on Broad G16 119 Street. Their first child, also James, was born on 10 July, almost G16 120 nine month after they married. A second son, John, arrived on 12 G16 121 May 1755; this boy probably died young. After William came another G16 122 John on 20 March 1760. Richard was born on 19 June 1972 - he G16 123 apparently died as an infant. The poet's only sister, Catherine G16 124 Elizabeth, was born on 7 January 1764. All these children were G16 125 baptized at St James's. Three years later, on 4 August, William's G16 126 favourite sibling, Robert, was born. Significantly, the youngest G16 127 Blake child was not baptized at St James's, and the register of G16 128 subscribers who supported the ministry of the Grafton Street G16 129 Baptist Church lists a 'Blake' who contributed there from 1769 to G16 130 1772.

G16 131 James Blake probably became a Baptist in the mid-1760s. Such a G16 132 conversion was not uncommon. Many members of the mercantile, G16 133 artisan and working classes had long been convinced that the G16 134 <}_><-|>hierarchal<+|>hierarchical<}/> authority of the Church of G16 135 England was intended to keep them firmly in their places. Also, G16 136 they yearned to feel more directly the beneficent love of God. Thus G16 137 they dissented from the Church of England and joined groups such as G16 138 the Baptists, Quakers and Methodists. These religions were of the G16 139 heart: the individual cultivated the divinity within regulations G16 140 and rules took second place to feeling. By 1769, the earlier, 'Old' G16 141 wave of dissent was linked to the mercantile classes, the G16 142 comfortable 'middling' group. The 'New' Dissent, much more the G16 143 religion of outsiders, was associated with political reform. G16 144 Whether sympathetic to the 'Old' or 'New' Dissent, James was in G16 145 touch with sentiments to which he would have been exposed as an G16 146 apprentice and journeyman. Such religious belief often went hand in G16 147 hand with political millenarianism, as in the stirring words of the G16 148 Shakers' Jane Wardley: "And when Christ appears again, and G16 149 the true church rises in full and transcendent glory, then all G16 150 anti-Christian denominations - the priests, the church, the pope - G16 151 will be swept away."

G16 152 In particular, the 'New' Dissent had a strong political axe to G16 153 grind, coming into existence as it did because of the sense of G16 154 outrage which had become pronounced among the working and artisan G16 155 classes. This group witnessed the concentration of wealth in the G16 156 hands of a small minority and increasingly realized that the King, G16 157 Parliament and institutionalized religion were in league with the G16 158 privileged few. This outrage led to antinomian sentiments, whereby G16 159 the civil laws of a corrupt nation should be subverted because they G16 160 were not in accord with the moral Law of the Christ who drove the G16 161 money changers from the Temple.

G16 162 G16 163 The artisan, shopkeeping culture into which Blake was born was G16 164 one in which children were seen as slowly evolving individuals, not G16 165 as little people who eventually became larger-sized adults. G16 166 Throughout the century, there had been a slow but steady move in G16 167 this direction: familial love was openly displayed, hierarchical G16 168 authority was questioned, and gestures of love were freely bestowed G16 169 on children by parents. These religious beliefs of both the 'Old' G16 170 and 'New' Dissent, whereby the individual found within himself the G16 171 warm feelings of a benign Saviour, obviously spilled over into G16 172 corresponding emotions about family members.

G16 173 The intriguing particles of information which have survived G16 174 about the Blake household show that both father and mother G16 175 communicated their feelings of devotion and attachment to their G16 176 children. John was the favourite of both parents, and when William G16 177 protested about this, he was told that he would eventually G16 178 "beg his bread" at John's door. William often G16 179 "remonstrated" against John's special status and was G16 180 ordered to be "quiet". His position as the "third" G16 181 child deeply disturbed him: he saw himself as inconsequential, as a G16 182 mandrake infant who is carelessly picked up to join two other G16 183 siblings.

G16 184 Favourites frequently have no friends, and William was later to G16 185 refer to John as "the evil one". Eventually, John G16 186 borrowed money from his parents, became a baker, lost money through G16 187 a combination of sloth and recklessness, threw himself on the mercy G16 188 of his brothers, and, finally, joined the army, where he died. As a G16 189 youngster, James, William's eldest brother, talked of seeing G16 190 Abraham and Moses. Later, these visionary qualities vanished, and G16 191 James developed a contempt for his "erratic" younger G16 192 brother, who began to see visions himself.

G16 193 If William was not the favourite, he was certainly coddled by G16 194 his father, "always more ready to encourage than to G16 195 chide". As soon as the young boy developed a taste for G16 196 collecting prints, the same "indulgent parent soon supplied G16 197 him with money to buy them; he also gave him plaster casts G16 198 of various antique statuary. By the mid-1760s, James seems to have G16 199 won a measure of worldly success, which is strongly corroborated by G16 200 his ability to gratify William's fascination with prints.

G16 201 William was definitely not the easiest of children to deal G16 202 with, although he was often "easily persuaded" of G16 203 the rights and opinions of others. From the outset, he displayed a G16 204 daring impetuosity and "vigorous temper". He G16 205 disliked any kind of regulations and rules, so much so that James G16 206 decided not to send him to school. And William so "hated a G16 207 Blow" that he inveighed against any form of chastisement. G16 208 As a result, "his Father thought it most prudent to G16 209 withhold from him the liability of receiving G16 210 punishment".

G16 211 G17 1 <#FLOB:G17\>1

G17 2 THE END OF THE FORTIES

G17 3 1

G17 4 I CAME out of the Navy in 1946 possessing two suits of clothes, G17 5 plus the 'hacking jacket' and grey trousers picked up at Olympia as G17 6 part of the civilian outfit made available to all servicemen on G17 7 demobilization. One of the suits even pre-dated my joining the G17 8 Woolwich in December 1938. Made of dark-brown Manx tweed, G17 9 laboriously chosen, it had always been a favourite of mine. In a G17 10 novel I had to abandon when called up in April 1941, I had clad my G17 11 dapper hero in it. During Navy years it had been attacked by moths, G17 12 but in 1946 I had it 'invisibly mended', a service still available G17 13 at a modest price, in which patient ladies darned the holes with G17 14 threads drawn from interior seams of the garment in question. The G17 15 other suit was of a thicker but still plain tweed, of a subdued G17 16 green, the colour nevertheless quite avant garde for its G17 17 time. This had been stout enough to survive the war intact. Two G17 18 suits of such antiquity were plainly inadequate for the resumed G17 19 life of a lawyer, and I eventually went to a quite small shop G17 20 called Austin's at the bottom of Shaftesbury Avenue with the G17 21 intention of buying another off the peg. I must have seen in the G17 22 window something that took my fancy. It was a shop that later, G17 23 possibly even at that time, sold shirts from the USA with G17 24 button-down collars, and other items of a quite novel or show-biz G17 25 character, appropriate to its location. It was run by two men I G17 26 took to be Jewish brothers, though one was bald, the other G17 27 gingerish; agreeable, but unlikely to let someone escape who had G17 28 set foot over their threshold. On this occasion it turned out they G17 29 had nothing to fit me that I liked. I succumbed to their offer to G17 30 make a suit for me. My hesitation may have been on account of the G17 31 price, probably anticipated more than actual. But I was pleased G17 32 with the product that emerged. The material was a soft, grey, G17 33 herring-bone tweed, the coat cut longer in the body than G17 34 any suit I had ever had - in fact, in the style familiar from G17 35 American films of the day - the middle button of the three, the one G17 36 intended to be fastened, situated accurately in the waist. Did I G17 37 think the trousers slightly too wide, the two pleats at either side G17 38 of the waist-band too generous? Not to begin with, I feel sure, but G17 39 fashion changed in those regards.

G17 40 Certainly I came to possess two suits for which I had much less G17 41 affection. Clothes rationing was still in force, and my mother, in G17 42 the north, had acquired a suit-length on the black market. I had it G17 43 made up by the sort of tailor willing to work on such extraneous G17 44 material. I chose a double-breasted style, but the coat was G17 45 ungenerous in length, and the dark-blue cloth itself of indifferent G17 46 quality. Parsimony and compassion for my mother's enterprise G17 47 compelled me to persevere with the thing until it could be decently G17 48 interred. The other suit that I wore with misgiving was a much G17 49 superior affair, but in truth it was too big. My brother gave it to G17 50 me when he departed for a tour of duty in Singapore, as totally G17 51 unsuitable for the climate anticipated. During the war he had G17 52 served in the catering branch of the RAF, had been persuaded (with G17 53 promise of rapid promotion) to stay on in peacetime. Immediately G17 54 before Singapore he had been at the Air Ministry: hence the G17 55 civilian suit, which he had had made at Simpson's in Piccadilly; G17 56 nutty, like all his garments. Proof that I wore it on more than G17 57 everyday occasions is afforded by a photograph in Picture G17 58 Post of 19 February 1949, which shows me with the poet Laurie G17 59 Lee, eating some snack, garbed in the suit in question. But surely G17 60 anyone interested in sartorial matters can deduce that the suit was G17 61 not made for me.

G17 62 At a rather later date, I too had a suit made at Simpson's, a G17 63 distinct success - double-breasted, like the black-market affair, G17 64 but properly cut, and in dark-grey flannel, a material not then the G17 65 New York executive clich<*_>e-acute<*/> it subsequently G17 66 became. However, thereafter, until I retired as solicitor to the G17 67 Woolwich Equitable Building Society - when I ceased to wear suits G17 68 as a diurnal practice, and had accumulated enough to last me G17 69 through the formal occasions of the rest of my life (unless they G17 70 were amazingly prolonged) - I patronized the ample G17 71 ready-made department of Aquascutum at the bottom of Regent G17 72 Street. Suffering, then unbeknown to me, from hyperthyroidism, I G17 73 had lost weight, but Aquascutum did a 'young man's fitting', the G17 74 thirty-seven-inch chest size which usually fitted me without G17 75 alteration. (Incidentally, Aquascutum, like Burberry's, had, as the G17 76 name indicates, originally been celebrated for raincoats: in his G17 77 immediate post-First War diaries Sigfried Sassoon refers to an G17 78 Aquascutum as familiarly as he might a Burberry, and indeed there G17 79 is a similar reference in A. C. Benson's journal for 1902. So it is G17 80 odd the word is not in the OED, even the Supplement.)

G17 81 Apropos of Austin's, that portion of Shaftesbury Avenue was G17 82 also familiar through visiting the Trocadero opposite, part of the G17 83 J. Lyons & Co empire, like the Regent Palace Hotel nearby, in which G17 84 conglomerate my brother had done some of his training before the G17 85 war. For a spell he had accompanied the Lyons meat buyer to G17 86 Smithfield, and I had been impressed by his telling me how the best G17 87 meat had been insisted upon for the Lyons hotels. Occasionally, I G17 88 must have just gone into the Troc for a drink, because I remember G17 89 seeing in the deserted lounge, at a fairly early hour of the G17 90 morning, Sid Field talking earnestly to a lady I doubt was his G17 91 wife. (Sid Field died prematurely: some of his comic routines are G17 92 preserved on film but give no idea how laughter-achingly funny he G17 93 was 'live', in contact with the audience that night after night G17 94 packed the Prince of Wales Theatre to see the series of revues in G17 95 which he starred, all at once promoted to West End fame from a long G17 96 apprenticeship in provincial music-halls.) Later, it may have been G17 97 that lounge that was turned into a restaurant, still under the G17 98 aegis of the Troc, named the 'Salted Almond' - the G17 99 d<*_>e-acute<*/>cor modern, especially compared with the G17 100 traditional Troc appearance, and the menu on the whole light, G17 101 suitable for women shoppers, and executives wanting to break out of G17 102 the chop-house mould. But my patronizing it surely indicates a G17 103 lingering provincial attitude to the West End.

G17 104 The sight of the private Sid Field making such an impression - G17 105 and, indeed, the whole business of those Kleinian Good and Bad G17 106 suits - brings home to me, writing towards the end of 1988, the G17 107 extraordinary remoteness of the first post-war years. In his G17 108 excellent book of 'autobiographies', Time and Time Again, G17 109 Dan Jacobson describes the London of those days as it seemed to a G17 110 South African new-arrival:long quotation.

G17 111 I doubt if we who had lived in London during the latter year or G17 112 so of the war felt all this anything like so acutely; in fact, the G17 113 West End and many of the suburbs seem to me now more squalid than G17 114 they did then. Yet certainly the joy at the war being over, G17 115 interrupted life resumed, a Labour government voted in, was G17 116 tempered by a number of factors difficult now to recover in their G17 117 intensity. Foremost was the conviction that a Third World War was G17 118 quite on the cards, an atomic conflict between the late allies, the G17 119 Soviet Union and the West. And perhaps in other cases than my own G17 120 was the sense that, after all, one wanted more than the simple G17 121 return to pre-war existence; that the bouleversements of G17 122 the war should have resulted in the leading of a 'different' life; G17 123 in my case the achievement of a higher level of artistic creativity G17 124 - in the famous words of Henry James (which in fact one read for G17 125 the first time when the Notebooks were published in 1947): G17 126 "To live in the world of creation - to get into it and G17 127 stay in it - to frequent it and haunt it - to think intently G17 128 and fruitfully - to woo combinations and inspirations into being by G17 129 a depth and continuity of attention and meditation - this is the G17 130 only thing..." But that one never achieved this was in fact G17 131 due as much to lack of genius as of opportunity in the life G17 132 embraced.

G17 133 G17 134 2 G17 135 Addressing envelopes in Labour Party committee rooms in the G17 136 1945 General Election was the only direct form of political action G17 137 undertaken since I left Blackpool in the mid-Thirties. "I'm G17 138 overfond of Uncle Joe", I wrote in the dedicatory poem of G17 139 my collection of 1949, Epitaphs and Occasions, but the G17 140 verb was really determined by the metre: 'Too lenient to Uncle Joe' G17 141 would have been more accurate. In the immediate post-war years I G17 142 still sympathized with the Soviets; thought the 1917 Revolution a G17 143 gain not to be surrendered, despite its plainly having gone awry. G17 144 Strange to relate, the crimes of the Stalin era had not really made G17 145 their mark on me: the idea of bourgeois propaganda or the notion of G17 146 the 'necessary murder' still prevailed over the evidence coming in. G17 147 Because of this, and the alarm about another war, I became a member G17 148 of the Society for Cultural Relations with the USSR; indeed, served G17 149 on its committee. I suppose in America 'the SCR' would have been G17 150 labelled a Communist Party front organization, but it was not so in G17 151 any conspiratorial sense. For instance, we sent a quarterly G17 152 selection of new English books to our Soviet counterpart (or the G17 153 Writers' Union, I forget), the choice being free from political G17 154 bias, in fact positively challenging censorship. When a delegation G17 155 of writers came from the USSR - including the (then or G17 156 subsequently) notorious apparatchik Surkov - I remember asking G17 157 them why the fiction they sent us was always ideologically G17 158 simplistic; why didn't we receive 'neurotic' novels? The question G17 159 betrays my naivety, but it was also typical of the 'cultural G17 160 relations' we were trying to establish. (Incidentally, we had G17 161 better visitors than Surkov: I recall being in a group round G17 162 Pudovkin - whose films I had gone to great lengths to catch in the G17 163 Thirties - feeling a sense of awe; but what fell from his lips has G17 164 gone from my mind. He was of ordinary, not to say common-place G17 165 appearance, absolutely not acting the great man.)

G17 166 Indeed, most SCR activity has been blanketed by time. Compton G17 167 Mackenzie was President (or whatever the figurehead was called). I G17 168 see him at some gathering half seated on a table, silver, G17 169 brilliantined hair brushed straight back, grey imperial beard G17 170 wagging as he gassed. In my youth I had borrowed from the Blackpool G17 171 Public Library, and read with absorption, the Sinister G17 172 Street series and other novels: at the SCR he was to me still G17 173 a figure of charisma, though I had long moved away from the kind of G17 174 literature he represented. I suppose if confronted with a list of G17 175 my colleagues on the SCR committee memories would return: little G17 176 has stuck - though I easily summon up David Magarshack, man of G17 177 sound views, likeable, though with the dogged irritability of some G17 178 character in the Dostoevsky he translated so well.

G17 179 Presumably it was through the SCR that other leftish characters G17 180 entered my life. The threat of a Third World War became so acute G17 181 that there were several small ad hoc meetings of writers G17 182 to take some action, perhaps somewhat Learish ("What they G17 183 are, yet I know not, but they shall be /The terrors of the G17 184 earth"). Private houses were the venue: into one such G17 185 meeting came one night Reggie Smith and his wife Olivia Manning, G17 186 between them a half-comatose individual who, dormouse-like, sat G17 187 between them but added nothing to the proceedings, and was later G17 188 discovered to be Dylan Thomas. How amazed I should have been then G17 189 had I been told I should live through more or less peaceful times G17 190 into the second half of my seventies (to say nothing of the G17 191 amazement that Dylan Thomas should continue to be thought a 'great' G17 192 poet). G17 193 G18 1 <#FLOB:G18\>5 Independence

G18 2 Minnie was very happy to have Fred back home, frequently G18 3 referring to how 'good' and 'nice' he was, how gently he behaved G18 4 with his father, and what jolly company he provided. He also looked G18 5 wonderful. When he went for a medical check-up, advisable after G18 6 exposure to Egypt, Mama reported that the doctor said 'what G18 7 magnificent health Fred was in, "like an Apollo" he G18 8 said, in the perfection of his muscles. Lor!'

G18 9 Within weeks, Fred renewed the acquaintance he had made on the G18 10 Nile with Lord Alfred Douglas, who introduced him to Oscar Wilde in G18 11 June 1894. Wilde presented Fred with a copy of his very rare and G18 12 controversial book The Sphinx, inscribed "To E.F. G18 13 Benson, with the compliments of the author, Oscar Wilde". G18 14 Limited to two hundred copies, The Sphinx needed to lurk G18 15 in obscurity, for its pagan and homosexual themes artfully mingled G18 16 with Christianity made it decidedly 'decadent' in the fashion of G18 17 the day, and appearing at the very time that mad Lord Queensberry G18 18 (Alfred Douglas's father) was being taunted to distraction by G18 19 Wilde's impudent defiance, it would have been a dangerous G18 20 provocation had the book been widely available. Shortly afterwards, G18 21 Douglas gave Fred a copy of Wilde's even rarer Salome, limited G18 22 to a mere one hundred copies. Wilde had written it in French and G18 23 dedicated it to Douglas, who translated it into English. With G18 24 illustrations by Aubrey Beardsley to add to the spice, Salome G18 25 was soon notorious enough to be banned in England. It is indicative G18 26 of the relative closeness of their friendship that Douglas signed G18 27 his presentation copy with both their nicknames, "To Dodo G18 28 from Bosie".

G18 29 There is a delicious piquancy in the juxtaposition of events, G18 30 that while Fred was enjoying the company of this amusing, G18 31 intelligent but definitely louche society, his younger brother G18 32 Hugh, now twenty-two years old, was taking Holy Orders. Edward was G18 33 relieved that at least one of his sons should join the Church, and G18 34 it was wholly appropriate that it should be Hugh, the most innocent G18 35 and na<*_>i-umlaut<*/>ve, the one who had been spoilt in G18 36 compensation for the cruelly early death of Martin. The Archbishop G18 37 had long surrendered hope for Arthur, old before his time, or Fred, G18 38 apparently captive to frivolity. If Fred had felt any pressure to G18 39 conform to paternal expectations, which had been unlikely since G18 40 Cambridge days, the pressure was finally lifted when Hugh was G18 41 ordained.

G18 42 Minnie began to fret that Fred was lacking direction, that he G18 43 needed a job or at least something to do, but to suggest he was G18 44 leading a life entirely devoted to amusement is unfair. He produced G18 45 two learned papers for the Journal of Hellenic Studies G18 46 which were so well received they were republished as pamphlets; one G18 47 was an archaeological and historical analysis of Aegosthena, the G18 48 eastern-most bay of the Gulf of Corinth, the other a study of a G18 49 fourth century Head in the Central Museum of Athens. Both came out G18 50 in 1895. Of far more interest to us is an article he wrote for the G18 51 Contemporary Review in July of that year on a literary G18 52 subject with strangely prescient echoes. In it, he starts by G18 53 telling the reader that the attempts of biographers to illumine the G18 54 work of artists by dwelling upon their personal habits is futile (a G18 55 view he will over-turn forty years later in his biography G18 56 of Charlotte Bront<*_>e-umlaut<*/>), then goes on to talk about the G18 57 sad aberrant gene in the family of Charles Lamb:

G18 58 [Lamb's] sister ...was liable to fits of madness, in G18 59 one of which she killed her own mother. Later on these fits were G18 60 preceded by some warning, and she would go voluntarily with her G18 61 brother to the asylumn before they obtained complete mastery over G18 62 her. A friend of the Lambs has related how on one occasion he met G18 63 the brother and sister, at such a season, walking hand in hand G18 64 across the field to the old asylumn, both bathed in G18 65 tears.

G18 66 Quite apart from this being a rather moving image, it is also a G18 67 personal one, and the first time, so far as I am able to discover, G18 68 that E.F. Benson mentions the subject of inherited madness. It is G18 69 another mark of Benson reticence that he would never use the word G18 70 when referring to the misfortunes that befell his own flesh and G18 71 blood, although he must have reflected upon their source and, when G18 72 he was writing about Lamb, he would have witnessed the first G18 73 distressing signs of them. His father had always been prone to G18 74 melancholia, and we have seen that Minnie pleaded with him to seek G18 75 help of medical men to combat what she was certain was a disease. G18 76 Arthur, though respectful in his diary, is initially much more G18 77 hostile, ascribing his father's moods to sulking and petulance. G18 78 Edward was "unscrupulous, bringing in higher motives to G18 79 make people do as he liked, and talking pathetically about other G18 80 people's selfishness, when it was only a question of two G18 81 alternatives, one of which he did not happen to care for." G18 82 The Archbishop longed to be surrounded by love and joy, yet was G18 83 unable to see that enjoyment could not be compelled, and when G18 84 thwarted in his desire he was convinced that everyone was doing G18 85 wrong. Thus justified, he would revert to his black moods of G18 86 despair at the essential sinfulness of humankind.

G18 87 Arthur was not free from the taint, and in 1895 began to feel G18 88 renewed stirrings of that 'black dog' which would eventually make G18 89 his life a misery. As yet it was faint and mysterious. He told his G18 90 mother that he was suffering from "a peculiar nervous G18 91 condition the discomfort of which I can hardly describe". G18 92 As the years went on the condition hardened, and he would expend G18 93 much of his energy on the attempt to describe it.

G18 94 Then there was Maggie, who suffered from pain at the temples G18 95 and head and was liable to throw herself into a temper with very G18 96 little provocation. In Athens she had suffered what was G18 97 euphemistically called an 'attack', and it had befallen Fred to G18 98 coax her back into self-control, a task he had undertaken with a G18 99 ready heart. Minnie had written to him that he was "a son G18 100 who inherits his mother's propensities in some things", a G18 101 reflection which was looking more and more true as they stood G18 102 together against the illnesses which threatened the rest of the G18 103 family. To Maggie she wrote, with mock hilarity which in the G18 104 circumstances was perhaps ill-judged, "Oh do be G18 105 normal," and "PUL-EASE do what is G18 106 best." Maggie had been told by someone that she was a G18 107 disagreeable sort of person, and had brooded upon an insult which G18 108 she might earlier have dismissed as pointless. Her mother begged G18 109 her not to distress her "blessed little mind" over G18 110 it; she didn't - "I larf, I dew."

G18 111 When Maggie returned to London she was sent to consult the G18 112 eminent gynaecologist Dr Mary Scharlieb, which suggested her G18 113 trouble might be more physical than psychological, but the G18 114 diagnosis was vague - "congestion, dilation, G18 115 displacement". In her diary in 1896, Minnie confided that G18 116 she had endured the anxiety about Maggie for three years, together G18 117 with anxiety about Edward and, for good measure, irritation with G18 118 Lucy Tait as well. Lucy worked hard among the poor, as had Nelly, G18 119 and like many martyrs longed for her martyrdom to be acknowledged. G18 120 She chided Minnie with lack of sympathy for herself or for the poor G18 121 and, more ominously, began to show authority in the household at G18 122 Lambeth: "[Lucy] was didactic and I was unkind and G18 123 huffy," wrote Minnie. "She laid down the G18 124 law." That was precisely the characteristic of Miss Tait G18 125 which would eventually break the Benson family apart.

G18 126 Pathetically, through all this Minnie is wont to blame herself. G18 127 If only she was less self-indulgent, less fond of comfort, had more G18 128 humility, and so on - "oh how often would things have been G18 129 better if I had held my tongue three minutes more."

G18 130 Fortunately, Fred gave no cause for worry, apart from an G18 131 excessive fondness for whisky and wine; this gave rise to quarrels G18 132 with the abstemious Archbishop which made Fred furious at first, G18 133 though all was generally resolved in humorous fashion. When he went G18 134 to stay with Lady Henry Somerset he had to conceal his bottle; he G18 135 told Bishop Talbot "in that unalcoholic hospitality I G18 136 secretly purchased a bottle of whisky for private consumption, and G18 137 how Lady Henry shouted with laughter when in a conscientious fit I G18 138 confessed."

G18 139 There is no evidence whatever that the scandal which consumed G18 140 Oscar Wilde and Fred's friend Lord Alfred Douglas in 1895 G18 141 reverberated within the walls of Lambeth Palace, although it would G18 142 be impossible to believe that they never discussed it. Minnie was G18 143 no stranger to these delicate matters. Two of her closest friends G18 144 were sisters - Adeline, Duchess of Bedford and Lady Henry Somerset, G18 145 daughters of the redoubtable Lady Somers who was one of the G18 146 fabulously beautiful Pattle sisters. Lord Henry Somerset, a son of G18 147 the Duke of Beaufort, had been driven out of the country in 1879 G18 148 when his interfering mother-in-law broadcast his love for a G18 149 seventeen-year-old boy. Ten years later his brother, Lord Arthur G18 150 Somerset, was implicated in the Cleveland Street scandal revolving G18 151 around the use of a male brothel in central London. Thus Wilde's G18 152 dilemma was not as novel as some of those in court liked to G18 153 pretend, and Mrs Benson would certainly have known what it was all G18 154 about. If she or her husband remonstrated with Fred about his G18 155 friendship with such people, all references to their discussions G18 156 have disappeared.

G18 157 In later years Fred distanced himself from Wilde and his G18 158 disgrace, managing deftly to express compassion and disapproval G18 159 with the same voice. Wilde's second trial was a "savage G18 160 stupidity", since the man was already ruined after the G18 161 first. His "poor tortured soul" produced one of the G18 162 finest ballads in the language, yet his prose suffered from G18 163 "tawdry glitter". Wilde's tastes were not G18 164 "ordinary", his appetites "uncontrollable" (is it G18 165 fair to read into this choice of word an implication that Fred's G18 166 appetites were strictly controlled?). And here the pious and the G18 167 forgiving combine: "the slime of intemperance and perverted G18 168 passions gathered upon him again, till the wheels of his soul were G18 169 choked with it. No decent man can feel anything put sheer pity and G18 170 sympathy for one so gifted and so brittle and withal so G18 171 lovable."

G18 172 Immediately after the Wilde trials there was a panic of G18 173 emigration from the country by frightened or prudent homosexuals. G18 174 One such, who settled in Capri, was an interesting but indolent G18 175 poet called John Ellingham Brooks. He will bring a tangent upon G18 176 Fred's story a little later.

G18 177 At the same time, Arthur was relishing his friendship with G18 178 Henry James, whose letters to him are maddeningly elliptical. While G18 179 it is possible to suppose their florid, perfervid style is Jamesian G18 180 in rhetoric, some of the phrases he employs merit a stab at G18 181 bewildered reflection. "I am divided between two G18 182 sensations," he tells Arthur, "painting for G18 183 tomorrow p.m. or blushing for all the hours of all the past G18 184 days", and he signs off, "Yours almost G18 185 uncontrollably". A couple of months later he is talking of G18 186 "an indestructible tenderness" and lamenting the G18 187 passage of time which keeps him and Arthur G18 188 apart:long-quotation

G18 189 He signs off with typical flourish: "Farewell, noble G18 190 ghost. There is no life, but I am if not for time at least for G18 191 eternity yours."

G18 192 Shortly afterwards, James took the lease on a cottage with a G18 193 view at Point Hill, near Rye (presaging his, and Arthur's, and G18 194 Fred's eventual adoption of the town), whither Arthur sent him a G18 195 photograph of himself which James received with "a good G18 196 conscience if not with mad rapture".

G18 197 The letters demonstrate, too, the evident pleasure James G18 198 derived from his visits to Addington and his very warm appreciation G18 199 of the "noble courtesy and kindness" of Edward and G18 200 Minnie. He also mentions Fred in flattering terms as "your G18 201 gallant brother, my illustrious colleague, or rather G18 202 confr<*_>e-grave<*/>re. Please assure him of my watchful interest G18 203 when you have a chance."

G18 204 G19 1 <#FLOB:G19\>12

G19 2 Like one

G19 3 given by God

G19 4 Henry VIII was at Whitehall Palace when the Tower guns G19 5 signalled that he was once more a free man. He then appeared G19 6 dressed in white mourning as a token of respect for his late queen, G19 7 called for his barge, and had himself rowed at full speed to the G19 8 Strand, where Jane Seymour had also heard the guns. News of Anne G19 9 Boleyn's death had been formally conveyed to her by Sir Francis G19 10 Bryan; it does not seem to have unduly concerned her, for she spent G19 11 the greater part of the day preparing her wedding clothes, and G19 12 perhaps reflecting upon the ease with which she had attained her G19 13 ambition: Anne Boleyn had had to wait seven years for her crown; G19 14 Jane had waited barely seven months.

G19 15 It was common knowledge that Henry would marry Jane as soon as G19 16 possible; the Privy Council had already petitioned him to venture G19 17 once more into the perilous seas of holy wedlock, and it was a plea G19 18 of the utmost urgency due to the uncertainty surrounding the G19 19 succession. Both the King's daughters had been declared bastards, G19 20 and his natural son Richmond was obviously dying. A speedy marriage G19 21 was therefore not only desirable but necessary, and on the day Anne G19 22 Boleyn died the King's imminent betrothal to Jane Seymour was G19 23 announced to a relieved Privy Council. This was news as gratifying G19 24 to the imperialist party, who had vigorously promoted the match, as G19 25 it would soon be to the people of England at large, who would G19 26 welcome the prospect of the imperial alliance with its inevitable G19 27 benefits to trade.

G19 28 Although the future Queen had rarely been seen in public, G19 29 stories of her virtuous behaviour during the King's courtship had G19 30 been circulated and applauded. Chapuys, more cynical, perceived G19 31 that such virtue had had an ulterior motive, and privately thought G19 32 it unlikely that Jane had reached the age of twenty-five without G19 33 having lost her virginity, "being an Englishwoman and G19 34 having been so long" at a court where immorality was rife. G19 35 However, he assumed that Jane's likely lack of a maidenhead would G19 36 not trouble the King very much, "since he may marry her on G19 37 condition she is a maid, and when he wants a divorce there will be G19 38 plenty of witnesses ready to testify that she was not".

G19 39 This apart, Chapuys and most other people considered Jane to be G19 40 well endowed with all the qualities then thought becoming in a G19 41 wife: meekness, docility and quiet dignity. Jane had been well G19 42 groomed for her role by her family and supporters, and was in any G19 43 case determined not to follow the example of her predecessor. She G19 44 intended to use her influence to further the causes she held dear, G19 45 as Anne Boleyn had, but, being of a less mercurial temperament, she G19 46 would never use the same tactics. Jane's well-publicised sympathy G19 47 for the late Queen Katherine and the Lady Mary showed her to be G19 48 compassionate, and made her a popular figure with the common people G19 49 and most of the courtiers. Overseas, she would be looked upon with G19 50 favour because she was known to be an orthodox Catholic with no G19 51 heretical tendencies whatsoever, one who favoured the old ways and G19 52 who might use her influence to dissuade the King from continuing G19 53 with his radical religious reforms.

G19 54 Jane was of medium height, with a pale, nearly white, G19 55 complexion. "Nobody thinks she has much beauty," G19 56 commented Chapuys, and the French ambassador thought her too plain. G19 57 Holbein's portrait of Jane, painted in 1536 and now in the G19 58 Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, bears out these statements, and G19 59 shows her to have been fair with a large, resolute face, small G19 60 slanting eyes and a pinched mouth. She wears a sumptuously G19 61 bejewelled and embroidered gown and head-dress, the latter in the G19 62 whelk-shell fashion so favoured by her; Holbein himself designed G19 63 the pendant on her breast, and the lace at her wrists. This G19 64 portrait was probably his first royal commission after being G19 65 appointed the King's Master Painter in September 1536; a G19 66 preliminary sketch for it is in the Royal Collection at Windsor, G19 67 and a studio copy is in the Mauritshuis in The Hague. Holbein G19 68 executed one other portrait of Jane during her lifetime. Throughout G19 69 the winter of 1536-7, he was at work on a huge mural in the G19 70 Presence Chamber in Whitehall Palace; it depicted the Tudor G19 71 dynasty, with the figures of Henry VII and Elizabeth of York in the G19 72 background, and Henry VIII and Jane Seymour in front. This G19 73 magnificent work was one of the first to depict full-length G19 74 likenesses of royal personages in England (although a late G19 75 sixteenth-century inventory of Lord Lumley's pictures records a G19 76 full-length portrait of Anne Boleyn, which has either been lost or G19 77 cut down). Sadly, the Whitehall mural no longer exists, having been G19 78 destroyed when the palace burned down in the late seventeenth G19 79 century. Fortuitously, Charles II had before then commissioned a G19 80 Dutch artist, Remigius van Leemput, to make two small copies, now G19 81 in the Royal Collection and at Petworth House. His style shows G19 82 little of Holbein's draughtsmanship, but his pictures at least give G19 83 us a clear impression of what the original must have looked like. G19 84 The figure of Jane is interesting in that we can see her long court G19 85 train with her pet poodle resting on it. Her gown is of cloth of G19 86 gold damask, lined with ermine, with six ropes of pearls slung G19 87 across the bodice, and more pearls hanging in a girdle to the G19 88 floor. Later portraits of Jane, such as those in long-gallery sets G19 89 and the miniature by Nicholas Hilliard, all derive from this G19 90 portrait or Holbein's original likeness now in Vienna, yet they are G19 91 mostly mechanical in quality and anatomically awkward.

G19 92 However, it was not Jane's face that had attracted the King so G19 93 much as the fact that she was Anne Boleyn's opposite in every way. G19 94 Where Anne had been bold and fond of having her own way, Jane G19 95 showed herself entirely subservient to Henry's will; where Anne G19 96 had, in the King's view, been a wanton, Jane had shown herself to G19 97 be inviolably chaste. And where Anne had been ruthless, he believed G19 98 Jane to be naturally compassionate. He would in years to come G19 99 remember her as the fairest, the most discreet, and the most G19 100 meritorious of all his wives.

G19 101 Her contemporaries thought she had a pleasing sprightliness G19 102 about her. She was pious, but not ostentatiously so. Reginald Pole, G19 103 soon to be made a cardinal, described her as "full of G19 104 goodness", although Martin Luther, hearing of her G19 105 reactionary religious views, feared her as "an enemy of the G19 106 Gospel". According to Chapuys, she was not clever or witty, G19 107 but "of good understanding". As queen, she made a G19 108 point of distancing herself from her inferiors, and could be remote G19 109 and arrogant, being a stickler for the observance of etiquette at G19 110 her court. Chapuys feared that, once Jane had had a taste of G19 111 queenship, she would forget her good intentions towards the Lady G19 112 Mary, but his fears proved unfounded. Jane remained loyal to her G19 113 supporters, and to Mary's cause, and in the months to come would G19 114 endeavour to heal the rift between the King and his daughter.

G19 115 Henry and Jane dined together in the Strand on the evening of G19 116 19 May; afterwards, the King took his barge and went straight to G19 117 Hampton Court, where he would stay for a week. At six o'clock on G19 118 the following morning, Jane followed him there, and at nine G19 119 o'clock, they were formally betrothed in a ceremony lasting a few G19 120 minutes. It is likely that Jane's family were present, for after G19 121 the ceremony she returned with them to Wulfhall, there to await her G19 122 marriage.

G19 123 The next day, Henry wore white mourning once more, and gave G19 124 orders for his daughter Elizabeth to be taken from Greenwich to G19 125 Hatfield in the care of Lady Margaret Bryan, and kept out of his G19 126 sight. There was an outstanding account to settle in respect of G19 127 money outlayed by Sir William Kingston in respect of necessities G19 128 provided for Elizabeth's mother. And there remained the problem of G19 129 Mary. In spite of Jane's entreaties on the girl's behalf, Henry's G19 130 attitude was unchanged: unless she acknowledged his laws and G19 131 statutes, he would proceed against her. Mary was still in very G19 132 grave danger.

G19 133 Yet, even knowing her peril, she remained obdurate. Her father G19 134 wanted her to abandon her deepest-held convictions and beliefs, and G19 135 swear that her mother's marriage had been incestuous and unlawful, G19 136 and that she accepted him as Supreme Head of the Church of England G19 137 - something she could not bring herself to do. It seemed that G19 138 coercion or force might be necessary if the King were to have his G19 139 way, and several of the King's advisers thought that now would be a G19 140 good time to put pressure on Mary. She was known to be weak and G19 141 sickly. Seven years of insecurity and misery had made her a martyr, G19 142 at twenty, to headaches, menstrual problems, and nervous G19 143 depression, as well as vague, ill-defined illnesses, and she was G19 144 still grieving for her mother.

G19 145 The news of Anne Boleyn's death had revived Mary's spirits G19 146 considerably, for she hoped the way might now be clear towards a G19 147 reconciliation with her father. She knew she could count upon the G19 148 support of Jane Seymour and the imperialist party, and prayed that G19 149 the time had come to forget the unhappy past. She wrote to the G19 150 King, begging to be taken back into his favour, humbly beseeching G19 151 him to remember that she was "but a woman, and your G19 152 child". Henry did not reply. The war of nerves had G19 153 begun.

G19 154 Mary, on the advice of her friend Lady Kingston, next tried G19 155 approaching Henry through Cromwell, whom she had been told was G19 156 secretly sympathetic towards her and might well use his very G19 157 considerable influence on her behalf. On 26 May, Mary wrote to Mr G19 158 Secretary, begging him to intercede for her with the King. Yet G19 159 before her letter had time to arrive, Henry sent a deputation of G19 160 the Privy Council to see Mary and make her submit to her father G19 161 over the matter of her mother's marriage and the royal supremacy. G19 162 She refused to do this, even though Norfolk told her that if his G19 163 daughter had offered such "unnatural opposition", G19 164 he would have beaten and knocked her head against the wall until it G19 165 was as soft as baked apples. This reduced Mary to floods of tears, G19 166 but even the threat of violence was not sufficient to move her. G19 167 When Henry learned of her defiance, he became more determined than G19 168 ever to break her will. Nor was the Emperor inclined to interfere; G19 169 Mary was not his subject, and he was more concerned about G19 170 establishing the new alliance and reluctant to offend Henry VIII. G19 171 Mary was on her own now.

G19 172 Preparations for the royal wedding were now almost complete. G19 173 Like all Henry VIII's marriages, it would be a private ceremony, G19 174 although there would be public festivities to mark it. In the G19 175 Queen's apartments, Anne Boleyn's falcon badge had been replaced by G19 176 Jane's personal emblem, a phoenix rising from a castle amid flames G19 177 and Tudor roses painted in red and white; this emblem would G19 178 surmount the motto chosen by Jane, "Bound to obey and G19 179 serve". Her initials had now replaced Anne's, although this G19 180 had been done in such a hurry that at Hampton Court, the As are G19 181 still visible underneath the Js. The monograms on the royal linen G19 182 had been similarly altered, and at Z<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rich, where G19 183 Coverdale's Bible with its dedication to Henry and Anne was being G19 184 reprinted, the printers had to superimpose Jane's name on the G19 185 frontispiece.

G19 186 Both Henry and Jane returned to a transformed Whitehall Palace G19 187 before 29 May. They were married there the following day in the G19 188 Queen's Closet by Archbishop Cranmer. After the wedding ceremony G19 189 Jane was enthroned in the Queen's chair beneath the canopy of royal G19 190 estate in the great hall, where she presided over the court for the G19 191 first time. Later that day, the King made her a grant of 104 manors G19 192 in 4 counties, as well as a number of forests and hunting chases, G19 193 for her jointure, the income that would support her during her G19 194 marriage. G19 195 G20 1 <#FLOB:G20\>Twenty-Five

G20 2 1924-1927

G20 3 BEFORE he left Australia to spend a holiday in New York, G20 4 Beverley conceived the idea of his autobiography, to be called G20 5 Twenty-Five, and the opening lines had a Wildean flourish: G20 6 twenty-five, he said, was the latest age at which anyone should G20 7 write his autobiography. It was an audacious approach, G20 8 characteristically impertinent, and it was to pay off handsomely. G20 9 He came to life again in the dynamic atmosphere of New York, G20 10 throwing off the inhibitions of the Melba months with typical G20 11 freneticism, and before he left again for Europe he had sold the G20 12 serial rights of Melba's book, Melodies and Memories, and G20 13 discussed Twenty-Five with his American publisher, George G20 14 Doran of Doubleday, Doran.

G20 15 In England he found that Cleave Court had been sold. His mother G20 16 had finally come to terms with reality, but it was terrible for her G20 17 to leave the home she loved. Their new home was at 4, Cambridge G20 18 Square, Bayswater, the vicarage of St Michael's Church, Paddington G20 19 where Paul was now the incumbent. It was a sensible arrangement: G20 20 the furniture from Cleave Court filled its many rooms and Pauline G20 21 acted as Paul's hostess and helpmate. There was no niche for John, G20 22 who made a life of his own around the local bars.

G20 23 Bayswater was still clinging to its past glory, but G20 24 deterioration was setting in rapidly as the grand terraces became G20 25 flats and rooming-houses, and the brothel area near Paddington G20 26 Station grew even seedier. It was becoming a district where G20 27 eccentric old women and tired old men attempted to retain some G20 28 semblance of dignity in furnished rooms, with a gas ring to cook on G20 29 and a shared bathroom on the first floor. But errand boys still G20 30 whistled popular tunes as they cycled round delivering orders, a G20 31 muffin man still rang his bell in the afternoon and a potato seller G20 32 pushed a cart with a glass tank of peeled potatoes floating in G20 33 water. Occasionally, maids in uniform scurried to post letters and G20 34 the sight of a policeman on his beat was commonplace - it was safe G20 35 to walk the streets at night. Westbourne Grove could no longer be G20 36 compared to Bond Street but Whiteley's still prospered: the G20 37 orchestra played in the balcony while the displays in the G20 38 magnificent food hall rivalled those of Harrods. There were plenty G20 39 of local cinemas, such as the Roxy or the Blue Hall, to provide G20 40 relaxation for Pauline. Hyde Park was only a short distance away, G20 41 and in Oxford Street she could wander round the big shops. G20 42 Altogether, it was a livelier place to be than Torquay, but she G20 43 missed having her own garden, and the fresh air. London air was G20 44 heavy with pollution and in Bayswater the sharp, gaseous smell of G20 45 coal-fired trains drifted over from Paddington station.

G20 46 The Nicholses were comfortably off, though care had to be taken G20 47 over the housekeeping and there were also John's drinking bouts to G20 48 be paid for. Pauline made do with a cook, a parlour-maid and a G20 49 cleaning lady who came in to do the heavy work. By the standards of G20 50 the women Beverley mixed with, Pauline was dowdy but, by her own, G20 51 she was well dressed: she could sit over afternoon tea at G20 52 Whiteley's or Selfridge's, secure in the knowledge that her clothes G20 53 were good and that she was a lady. John did not let his appearance G20 54 deteriorate either and when he sallied forth, eyeglass and button G20 55 hole firmly in place, he still looked the prosperous gentleman.

G20 56 Beverley returned temporarily to his rooms at 54, Bryanston G20 57 Street but, with money in the bank, he decided it was time to rent G20 58 a house. If his mother hoped to persuade him to join them in G20 59 Cambridge Square, only a short distance from Bryanston Street, she G20 60 was disappointed. He started his search well away from Bayswater; G20 61 however much he loved her, he did not want his mother on the G20 62 doorstep. He eventually found a small house in Hasker Street, not G20 63 far from Harrods, and took it on a short lease. Melba, back in G20 64 England, gave him several items including a set of Queen Anne G20 65 chairs, a small Empire desk, a Marie Antoinette couch, a Louis G20 66 Seize ormolu clock mounted with cupids and two gouaches by Guardi. G20 67 These gave the house an air of elegance well beyond his pocket. G20 68 Melba later demanded, following a slight tiff, that all her gifts G20 69 be returned. In the mean time, Beverley settled down to write G20 70 Twenty-Five. He was also working with Northcliffe newspapers G20 71 as a theatre critic and general factotum, and soon realized that he G20 72 could not run the house with the sole help of a daily woman. He G20 73 decided to find a manservant who could act as cook, housekeeper and G20 74 valet.

G20 75 In Down the Kitchen Sink, he told the charming story G20 76 of the man he employed, Reginald Arthur Gaskin. It was his mother, G20 77 he said, who had discovered him while she was visiting Alan who had G20 78 been taken to a nursing-home in Norfolk. Gaskin, only twenty-one, G20 79 apparently ran this establishment almost single-handed, scrubbing G20 80 floors, changing beds and doing the cooking. This paragon G20 81 eventually appeared on Beverley's doorstep in his ill-fitting suit, G20 82 pink-cheeked and bright-eyed, the epitome of the country boy. The G20 83 truth was not so romantic: Gaskin was found through a domestic G20 84 employment agency. He had all the necessary accomplishments but, G20 85 almost as important, he was a homosexual. A contemporary remarked G20 86 of him, "Gay? He invented it!" Whether, as with G20 87 many of Beverley's male friendships, there was an initial sexual G20 88 attraction is not clear, but the two men got on well from the G20 89 start. Gaskin made an important contribution when he introduced a G20 90 kitten into the house. Beverley had always been fond of cats; in G20 91 his schoolboy diaries, he had written of a new "Mookit" G20 92 with eyes like stars, of the panic when one of the household cats G20 93 went missing and of the joy when it was found. But it was Gaskin G20 94 who took responsibility for the cats which were to feature in G20 95 Beverley's books. Among his other skills, Gaskin was an excellent G20 96 chef and Beverley was soon entertaining a growing circle of friends G20 97 to dinner-parties at his little house. Those in the know looked G20 98 forward to Gaskin's delectable cooking and he was often approached G20 99 with seductive financial offers to leave Beverley, but he always G20 100 declined, with tact and dignity. Noel Coward once asked if there G20 101 was the slightest chance of persuading Gaskin to change his G20 102 allegiance, knowing full well what the answer would be.

G20 103 Beverley's home rapidly became a centre for the bright young G20 104 things of the day but their behaviour did not always meet with G20 105 Gaskin's approval. He found Tallulah Bankhead particularly trying. G20 106 After one party, she seated herself on the red carpet outside the G20 107 front door and insisted on being pulled up and down the street by a G20 108 contingent of whooping young men whom she flayed with an imaginary G20 109 whip and urged on with language strong enough to embarrass the G20 110 entire neighbourhood. Gaskin glowered at this spectacle and later G20 111 remarked icily to Beverley, "I believe she was born a G20 112 lady?" Telling this story years later, Beverley added, G20 113 "The custom of putting a red carpet down on the pavement so G20 114 that one's dinner guests could get out of their cars on to a soft G20 115 surface was not unusual. Today, people would think it a mad thing G20 116 to do - besides, the carpet would be stolen within G20 117 minutes."

G20 118 Among his new friends were Somerset Maugham and his wife Syrie. G20 119 Their marriage was under considerable strain and Beverley G20 120 experienced some of the unpleasantness at first hand. After their G20 121 divorce, his sympathy lay with Syrie but he was not prepared to G20 122 lose the patronage of one of England's most acclaimed authors, so G20 123 he trod a delicate tightrope between the two protagonists and G20 124 managed to remain friends with both. This meant accepting Gerald G20 125 Haxton, Maugham's American lover, whom he disliked intensely. G20 126 Another new friend was Barbara Back, the wife of Ivor Back, a G20 127 prominent surgeon. She was bright, charming and pretty, and enjoyed G20 128 the company of gay men who, in response, confided their problems to G20 129 her. Beverley liked her enormously, but years later he was appalled G20 130 to discover that she not only betrayed confidences but also G20 131 fabricated stories about people to amuse her friends. She found G20 132 particular pleasure in telling Maugham her titbits and Beverley was G20 133 distressed by the salty tales she invented about his own love life. G20 134 Another of this circle was Rebecca West with whom he developed a G20 135 close affinity. She, too, was appalled by Barbara Back's behaviour G20 136 when she found out about it many years later, and in letters to G20 137 Beverley made no secret of her disgust with her old and once G20 138 trusted friend.

G20 139 Beverley completed Twenty-Five in 1925, and dedicated it G20 140 to George and Blanche, his uncle and aunt. It included an interview G20 141 with Maugham, which was something of a coup, for he rarely gave G20 142 them. In the interview, Maugham said, with what may have been G20 143 deliberate irony, that he could not understand why there were so G20 144 few tales told about him. It was a neat portrait which concealed G20 145 more than it revealed, and the same might be said of the sketches G20 146 of Noel Coward, Michael Arlen, Winston Churchill and Elinor Glyn G20 147 (who told Beverley in all seriousness that he had been a horse in a G20 148 previous existence). He described his visits to America, Australia G20 149 and Greece - in the Greek section, as has already been mentioned, G20 150 he re-used material from The Athenians. As well as his G20 151 interview with the Queen, he included one with King Constantine, G20 152 and, with the careful use of the word 'alleged', he also told the G20 153 story of Compton Mackenzie's activities against the King, managing G20 154 to make it all appear faintly absurd. Mackenzie, in his book G20 155 My Life and Times, Octave Six, published in 1967, G20 156 dismissed Beverley's story as a piece of "juvenile G20 157 silliness" - which was not the same thing, however, as a G20 158 denial. It is quite clear from Mackenzie's writings that he G20 159 regarded Constantine at the time as an obstacle to his work on G20 160 behalf of the Allies.

G20 161 Twenty-Five was not autobiographical in the conventional G20 162 sense. Alec Waugh pointed this out in his review, saying that the G20 163 autobiographical element was very clearly dependent on the effect G20 164 others had on the author rather than anything the author said about G20 165 himself. This, he added, was something new, subtle and indirect. It G20 166 would today be easy to underestimate Twenty-Five, but at the G20 167 time, nothing quite like it had been seen before, and it spawned a G20 168 host of imitators, none of whom captured its originality, humour or G20 169 beguiling audacity. It soon shot into the best-seller list, helped G20 170 on its way by an article in the Sunday Timesby Maugham G20 171 himself, who wrote his piece without payment as a birthday present G20 172 to Beverley. It was not a critique in the accepted sense and in it G20 173 Maugham poked gentle fun at professional book-reviewers, some of G20 174 whom he had been "privileged" to meet from time to time, G20 175 who had impressed him with their flashing eyes, wanton hair and G20 176 looks of eager determination, and had awed him with their universal G20 177 knowledge and confidence in themselves. At a dinner given for such G20 178 a group by Osbert Sitwell, he had listened, forlorn and strange, G20 179 while they discussed James Elroy Flecker. In order to show an G20 180 intelligent interest, he had asked the least formidable of them if G20 181 he did not find it very exhausting to read books for reviews. With G20 182 a smile the reviewer replied that he seldom came across a book G20 183 whose heart he could not tear out in an hour. For such a drastic G20 184 operation, Maugham admitted he had no facility - he must read to G20 185 the end. He confessed that the first chapter he had read in G20 186 Twenty-Five was the one about himself, and he was much excited G20 187 to discover that, to Beverley, he was romantic, saturnine and G20 188 bleak, whereas he thought of himself as a very quiet, retiring G20 189 person.

G20 190 Noel Coward reviewed the book for the Daily Mail with G20 191 wit and perception. G20 192 G21 1 <#FLOB:G21\>He had been urged by his physicians, his friends, and G21 2 even the impresario, to cancel his scheduled performances, but he G21 3 had been unwilling to disappoint the thousands of fans who had paid G21 4 extravagant prices to hear him. At the very end, the truth became G21 5 apparent. Though he had sung as brilliantly as ever while on the G21 6 stage, during a farewell luncheon he suffered what was described in G21 7 the press as a complete physical collapse. Once again, Caruso G21 8 issued a denial: the 'collapse', he assured his public, was merely G21 9 the result of the careless overuse of his voice after so many G21 10 months of silence, and after boarding the ship for New York he sent G21 11 the understandably nervous Gatti-Casazza a cable which read: G21 12 "My health is superlatively fine."

G21 13 By 1911, Caruso's fame was such that G21 14 <}_><-|>everyting<+|>everything<}/>he did or said was liable to be G21 15 seen as being newsworthy. Reporters paid special attention to his G21 16 physical well-being. If he injured his knee slightly, it was feared G21 17 he might be crippled for life; if his voice showed the slightest G21 18 sign of fatigue, word spread that he might never sing again. G21 19 Nothing, however, could equal the coverage given to his romances - G21 20 real, imagined, or, in many cases, inspired by overzealous press G21 21 agents. It was not enough that he really was facing serious legal G21 22 problems with Ada Giachetti, which would soon come to a head, and, G21 23 to a far lesser degree, with Elsa Ganelli. To satisfy public G21 24 curiosity, love affairs and 'engagements' had to be either G21 25 exaggerated or simply invented.

G21 26 The women involved included a Canadian singer, Lillian G21 27 Grenville, who was at the time trying to make a name for herself at G21 28 the Chicago Opera; the twenty-two-year-old daughter of a wealthy G21 29 Argentinian, with whom Caruso had naively allowed himself to be G21 30 photographed while they were both, separately, on holiday at the G21 31 Italian resort of Salsomaggiore; a nineteen-year-old Sicilian G21 32 peasant , for whom it was reported that he was willing to give up G21 33 his career in exchange for the simple life of a farmer; and a G21 34 wealthy American, Mildred Meffert, who had received and kept, it G21 35 seems, a number of passionate love letters from the tenor. One G21 36 story the press failed to report was that of the tenor's short but G21 37 intense courtship of the spectacularly beautiful actress Billie G21 38 Burke, who met Caruso in 1910 and described the relationship in her G21 39 memoirs. "He made love and ate spaghetti with equal skill G21 40 and no inhibitions," she wrote. "He would propose G21 41 marriage several times each evening."

G21 42 Because of this great interest in Caruso's love life, it is not G21 43 surprising that the crowd of reporters who greeted him upon his G21 44 arrival in New York on 8 November 1911, was less concerned with G21 45 stories of his 'collapse' in Berlin than with rumours of yet G21 46 another 'engagement', this time, to Emma Trentini, a fiery Italian G21 47 soprano who had the year before created the title role in Victor G21 48 Herbert's Naughty Marietta. Caruso vigorously denied G21 49 these rumours. He had more important things on his mind, above all, G21 50 the coming Metropolitan season, during which he would once again be G21 51 put to the test to prove that he had not lost his voice.

G21 52 He had no trouble passing this test. He sang thirty-eight times G21 53 in New York and eleven times on tour, and, though he essayed no new G21 54 roles, his first performance of Manon with Toscanini, on the G21 55 night of 30 March, was considered one of the artistic high points G21 56 of his career to date for its display of musicianship and G21 57 refinement of style. It was a season notable for superlative G21 58 performances and one undisturbed by scandals or startling G21 59 revelations of any kind, and when Caruso left for Europe in early G21 60 May he did so secure in the knowledge that he remained the G21 61 undisputed King of Tenors, his title in no way threatened.

G21 62 It was also a summer of splendid performances in Europe, in G21 63 Paris, Vienna, Munich, Stuttgart and Berlin. Critics and public G21 64 agreed that he sang superbly, particularly in Paris, where he was G21 65 joined by the man considered the greatest of all baritones, Titta G21 66 Ruffo. The two men had rarely sung together and, during the short G21 67 Paris season, each stimulated the other with extraordinary results. G21 68 The remarkable way in which their voices blended can still be heard G21 69 on one joint recording, made in 1914, a shatteringly powerful G21 70 interpretation of the duet which closes the second act of G21 71 Otello. In their Paris appearances (not, unfortunately, in G21 72 Otello which Caruso never sang on stage), these two great G21 73 singers both emerged triumphant. Their friendly battle for vocal G21 74 superiority was an attraction for the public; but although Ruffo G21 75 was frequently called the 'Caruso of baritones', Caruso was never G21 76 labelled the 'Ruffo of tenors'.

G21 77 Caruso could take satisfaction in his continuing supremacy and G21 78 in the prevailing critical opinion that he was the equal of, or G21 79 even better, than the Caruso of old. This pleasure, however, was G21 80 not an unmitigated one, for before returning to the Metropolitan in G21 81 the autumn of 1912, he had to endure the most emotionally G21 82 shattering episode of his life, a widely publicized trial in a G21 83 Milanese courtroom, which finally settled his differences with Ada G21 84 Giachetti.

G21 85 The Monkey House Case, the Ganelli suit, and the many reports G21 86 of his impetuous involvements with a number of women were all G21 87 embarrassing incidents, damaging to the tenor's pride and innate G21 88 dignity. But the Giachetti trial was something far more serious, a G21 89 bitter public airing of his relationship with the mother of his G21 90 children, a woman many of his friends would continue to think of as G21 91 the only real love of his life.

G21 92 Ironically, there would have been no trial had it not been for G21 93 Caruso's insistence upon a more than complete vindication of G21 94 charges brought against him earlier by the soprano. These G21 95 accusations had first been made in the pages of one of Milan's most G21 96 distinguished newspapers. According to Giachetti, who insisted that G21 97 Romati the chauffeur had not become her lover until after her G21 98 relationship with Caruso had come to an end, the tenor had done G21 99 everything in his power to ruin her career. He had made defamatory G21 100 statements about her and had seen to it that all letters sent to G21 101 her from America were intercepted and delivered to him, among them G21 102 one which contained a contract to sing at Hammerstein's Manhattan G21 103 Opera House. In addition, she charged that Caruso had stolen from G21 104 her thousands of dollars' worth of jewellery and all her theatrical G21 105 costumes.

G21 106 With public opinion on her side as a result of these newspaper G21 107 articles, the soprano followed up her accusations by formally G21 108 filing suit against Caruso, a suit which, after several months' G21 109 investigation and the cross-examination of almost one G21 110 hundred witnesses, was dismissed by the public prosecutor. Caruso G21 111 was held blameless of any wrong-doing and, thus, publicly G21 112 vindicated. But this was not enough for the embittered tenor. G21 113 Feeling the need to pursue the matter even further, he filed a G21 114 countersuit against Giachetti, charging her with defamation of G21 115 character.

G21 116 Proceedings began on 25 October 1912, and continued for four G21 117 days. Caruso was present throughout the hearings, but Giachetti G21 118 remained in South America where she was performing with an Italian G21 119 opera company. The tenor and his attorneys carefully countered each G21 120 of the soprano's charges. They produced letters from Giachetti G21 121 which proved that the affair with Romati had begun long before her G21 122 relationship with Caruso had come to an end; they offered evidence G21 123 in the form of a statement from Hammerstein that the Manhattan G21 124 Opera Company had never offered her a contract; and, in answer to G21 125 the charge of theft, they produced a letter from Giachetti in which G21 126 she promised Caruso that she would return to him all jewellery, G21 127 letters and other effects.

G21 128 Testimony was bitter from both sides, and Caruso was visibly G21 129 moved as the story of his betrayal was recounted to the court. He G21 130 himself gave an emotional account of his life with Giachetti and G21 131 how it had changed after ten years of what seemed to be perfect G21 132 happiness. Several witnesses told of the soprano's passionate, G21 133 unreasonable attachment to Romati; others spoke of Caruso's G21 134 unfailing love and generosity towards her during their years G21 135 together. When one witness told the court that Giachetti never G21 136 loved the tenor, not even during the first years of their life G21 137 together, and offered to show proof, the tenor covered his face G21 138 with his hands and sobbed.

G21 139 At the end of the trial, Giachetti was found guilty and G21 140 sentenced to one year in jail, a sentence she never served, since G21 141 she never returned to Italy. Caruso had been absolved of all G21 142 wrong-doing and had behaved himself properly and with dignity G21 143 throughout the hearing. Yet the experience had been deeply G21 144 humiliating. As one Italian journalist noted, "The G21 145 revelation to the stunned world of his misfortunes caused more pain G21 146 to the sensitive Caruso than did the sentence to the G21 147 others."

G21 148 Caruso and Giachetti were never reconciled, though they G21 149 secretly met again and the tenor continued to send her a monthly G21 150 allowance until the end of his life. Emil Ledner, who had been with G21 151 him throughout the trial, commented: "Giachetti was removed G21 152 from personal contact with Caruso, but not from his life. She was G21 153 never out of his thoughts, his inner life, his feelings - perhaps G21 154 as long as he lived." Their two children never again saw G21 155 their mother. A portrait of her, in the belvedere of the Villa G21 156 Bellosguardo, was stored in the villa's attic. Fof<*_>o-grave<*/>, G21 157 the elder son, understood, but Mimmi was puzzled. He was fascinated G21 158 by the painting, but each time that he asked who the woman was, he G21 159 was told that it was none of his business.

G21 160 14

G21 161 "STILL SUPREME"

G21 162 When Caruso left for America in late October 1912, he was G21 163 determined to devote himself single-mindedly to his work. While he G21 164 realized that his private life was of legitimate interest to his G21 165 public - this was a price of fame - he hoped that his G21 166 accomplishments as an artist might completely overshadow his G21 167 personal difficulties.

G21 168 Over the next few years, his artistic achievements were G21 169 spectacular. There were high points and occasional low points, but G21 170 for the most part it can simply be stated that the tenor performed G21 171 superbly.

G21 172 Throughout the 1912-13 Metropolitan season, Caruso was in G21 173 excellent voice, singing ten different roles and averaging two G21 174 performances a week. He continued to have a remarkable ability to G21 175 get along with his colleagues, displaying a rare sensitivity to G21 176 their needs during a performance. One example was noted on the G21 177 season's opening night, when he sang the role of Des Grieux in G21 178 Manon Lescaut opposite the twenty-five-year-old Spanish G21 179 soprano, Lucrezia Bori, who was making her American G21 180 d<*_>e-acute<*/>but. It was a somewhat disappointing beginning - G21 181 perhaps because of Caruso's dominating presence in the cast, G21 182 according to some listeners. "Mixed with the rich organ G21 183 tones of Signor Caruso, her voice seems pallid and G21 184 infantile", the critic for the New York Tribune G21 185 wrote of her singing during the first act. Although the same critic G21 186 felt that Bori, later a great popular favourite, improved in the G21 187 second act, he noted that Caruso "seemed purposely to have G21 188 modified his own glorious tones for her sake."

G21 189 This might well have been the case. Caruso, given his position G21 190 as a superstar, could well have monopolized the stage, ignoring G21 191 other members of the cast and singing directly to his adoring G21 192 public, but he was too much the musician, ever aware that he was G21 193 part of an ensemble, to do so. Though often a prankster on stage, G21 194 he played jokes only on friends or on other experienced singers, G21 195 like Scotti, Melba or Destinn, and never on young, inexperienced G21 196 artists, whom he unfailingly helped and supported. After his death, G21 197 his close friend, Marcella Sembrich told reporters: "He was G21 198 courteous to his associates, so generous to all. Also he had that G21 199 inborn instinct of the true artist - the desire to aid someone else G21 200 to be as great or a greater singer than he was himself."

G21 201 Caruso returned to Europe in May 1913. His first engagement was G21 202 in London, where he was to sing at Covent Garden for the first time G21 203 in several years. G21 204 G22 1 <#FLOB:G22\>It was Jean Lucas, his guardian in Lambeth who, G22 2 playing pop on his behalf, again came to the rescue of his career. G22 3 A force in South London, she wanted to know of Putney Association G22 4 why her boy had not been listed and was told he was not well enough G22 5 qualified. Looking at the forms, she had the blinding experience of G22 6 seeing that the credentials given were not his credentials. G22 7 There was another John Major, a GLC member with only a tenuous G22 8 interest in a Commons career who had not amassed the various G22 9 Brownie badges of chairman of this, political officer of that, not G22 10 to say two parliamentary candidacies, of our John Major. Central G22 11 Office with a genius out of farce had, by confusing the two, helped G22 12 to indicate a future Prime Minister as not worth the preliminary G22 13 interview.

G22 14 Central Office having been sorted out, Major was indeed invited G22 15 to Putney and shortlisted there, meeting for the first time the G22 16 eventual winner and MP, David Mellor, now Chief Secretary, who has G22 17 been a close friend ever since. But he decided to forgo it, G22 18 preferring his chances at the by-election-pending seat of G22 19 Carshalton which would be taken in fact by Nigel Forman. But two G22 20 months later he would face selection at Huntingdon where Norma G22 21 Major was certain he would win. She had been brought up not far G22 22 from there and it was, as she remembered and John did not, the G22 23 anniversary of his selection five years before at St Pancras. She G22 24 felt in her bones that he was going to win. Logically, you could G22 25 find faults in her reasoning, but she was dead right.

G22 26 Huntingdon G22 27 A group of Conservative activists in Huntingdon was far from G22 28 happy at the prospective candidate their local association had G22 29 finally chosen in 1976 to fight the next election. When he emerged G22 30 from the room in which the members of the shortlist had effectively G22 31 been detained, a prominent lady member of the committee actually G22 32 avoided shaking hands with him, saving herself the humiliation of G22 33 expressing public congratulations.

G22 34 This was still Huntingdonshire. It would not become mere G22 35 Huntingdon until a later re-drawing of boundaries - and this G22 36 faction had distinct ideas about the sort of candidate it wanted. G22 37 The collective heart of the faction was set on the Marquess of G22 38 Douro, heir of the Duke of Wellington.

G22 39 The tradition of Huntingdonshire as they saw it, was that of a G22 40 county seat which should be represented by a county person. Charles G22 41 Douro (later for a term a member of the European Parliament at G22 42 Strasbourg) was happy to function as a working politician and was G22 43 not to blame for other people's social aspirations. He was, G22 44 however, perfectly equipped to meet them.

G22 45 A descendant of the Iron Duke and heir to the Duchy of G22 46 Wellington, he awaited the titles of Viscount Wellesley in Ireland G22 47 and 12th Earl of Mornington (England), both dating from 1760, and G22 48 13th Baron Mornington, created in 1746, Prince of Waterloo, Duque G22 49 de Victoria, Marquess De Torres Vedras, Conde de Vimeiro - all in G22 50 the peerage of Portugal; while the Spanish exertions of the first G22 51 Duke had reserved to him the rank of Duque de Ciudad Rodrigo from G22 52 1812 and left him a Grandee of Spain (First Class).

G22 53 The Marquess, also the patron of four livings in the Church of G22 54 England, had been created for a committee lady's happiness and the G22 55 Hunts Conservatives had chosen a man with a south London accent and G22 56 a job in a bank. This is perhaps the point to publish the actual G22 57 application made by John Major and submitted by him to G22 58 Huntingdonshire constituency:

G22 59 John Roy Major, Associate of the Institute of Bankers G22 60 of 26 West Oak Avenue Beckenham Bromley; born 29 March 1943, G22 61 married Norma Johnson, one daughter one son, Elizabeth and James, G22 62 education Cheam Primary, scholarship to Rutlish Grammar, Associate G22 63 of Institute of Bankers, Member National Union of Bank Employees. G22 64 Previous employment: 1959-64 Industrial sculptor, '64 entered G22 65 international banking, '67 seconded to Nigeria during Biafran war, G22 66 '68-9 Foreign exchange dealer, '70-72 senior officer business G22 67 development Africa responsible for advising on trade and economic G22 68 conditions and capital investment overseas, '75 appointed senior G22 69 business development executive Standard Charter Bank Britain's G22 70 largest Overseas Bank.

G22 71 Lectures frequently at Chambers of commerce CBI seminars, G22 72 widely travelled throughout Far East and Africa. Voluntary work: G22 73 member management board, warden housing association and warden G22 74 second housing association. '75 President Fulham Taverners Cricket. G22 75 '68-70, a school governorship. '69-70 member a Housing Centre G22 76 Trust. Parliamentary; '71-4 candidate St Pancras North. Feb and G22 77 October '74 contested unsuccessfully St Pancras North. As candidate G22 78 '71-4 held weekly advice bureaux throughout constituency, held G22 79 periodic public meetings, spoke at many organisations and schools. G22 80 Established contacts with tenants and residents associations and G22 81 other interest groups, contributed guest column to local newspaper. G22 82 '64 contested borough council in Lambeth, '68 elected councillor G22 83 Lambeth, member Housing committee, Chairman accounts committee, G22 84 vice-chairman Housing committee.

G22 85 '69 chairman Housing Committee, youngest in living memory in G22 86 Lambeth. As Chairman presided over pioneer housing advice centre G22 87 since copied throughout the UK. Initiated the policy of selling G22 88 council houses and new homes to occupiers displaced in council G22 89 redevelopments. Initiated public meetings at which councillors and G22 90 officers answered electors' questions.

G22 91 Constituency: Joined Tory party 1960. '60-64 Treasurer, Vice G22 92 Chairman, Political officer, chairman Brixton Young Conservatives, G22 93 '65 founder chairman Lambeth Borough YCs. '65-7 Chairman G22 94 Association CPC committee. '68 constituency Treasurer, '69 G22 95 constituency vice chairman, '70-71 Constituency Chairman to G22 96 dissolution of association following Boundary Commissioners' report G22 97 '75 branch-chairman Beckenham constituency association.

G22 98 Miscellaneous: '68 member Central Office Speakers Panel, G22 99 author: contributed to Conservative Party publications on Social G22 100 Security and Housing. Has travelled extensively covering housing G22 101 and other problems notably USSR, Finland and Holland.

G22 102 Secondary points added. In 1976 attended IMF conference as G22 103 personal assistant to Lord Barber. Interests: reading, cricket, G22 104 music especially opera.

G22 105 Despite the last throw with Lord Barber's patronage and a G22 106 decent interest in Opera, this catalogue of solid, useful, socially G22 107 applied, busy concern and activity is as remote from the less G22 108 strenuous life pattern of most people as it is from that of Lord G22 109 Renton or indeed the Marquess of Douro. It is, despite Major's G22 110 esteem for Mrs Thatcher, not quite her style either. The selectors G22 111 of Huntingdonshire were being offered someone who did believe that G22 112 there was such a thing as society, and whose two shining passions, G22 113 evident here, were housing and consultation with the general G22 114 public.

G22 115 The tone of the outline is post-Beveridge and in specifically G22 116 Tory terms, post-Macleod. It shows no chips of resentment, makes no G22 117 self-made-man boasts though he is precisely self-made. It suggests, G22 118 along with social concern, a singularity of purpose in filling G22 119 every inconsequential job in the local hierarchy of his party. As G22 120 for roots, they are not even snubbable until that last flicker in G22 121 Beckenham as 'suburban'. Many things can be said about Brixton and G22 122 Lambeth but 'suburban' is not one of them!

G22 123 To those who yearned for a county member with a sense of what G22 124 was due to the ruling class and a regard for authority, it was not G22 125 encouraging. Lord Willoughby De Broke in his memoirs The G22 126 Passing Years describes the very different order which had G22 127 held "undisputed and comfortable sway" in his G22 128 Victorian youth. In descending importance it constituted the Lord G22 129 Lieutenant, the Master of Foxhounds, the agricultural landlords, G22 130 the Bishop, the MPs, the Dean, the Archdeacon, the Justices of the G22 131 Peace, the lesser clergy and the larger farmers. The Conservative G22 132 Party had served one order, it now served another and would be G22 133 represented in Parliament by a former London borough councillor G22 134 with no social connections of any kind but a steady job in a bank G22 135 and a proven dedication to social problems. We do in our way have G22 136 revolutions.

G22 137 Prejudice was not perhaps all on one side: "I wasn't G22 138 having the Marquess at any price whatever his ability," G22 139 remarks one fiercely democratic lady, active in the Association. G22 140 The appeal of Mr Major on that occasion lay for his experience in G22 141 the non-armigerous world of local government. "We G22 142 were," says one official of the time, "very G22 143 impressed that he had been chairman of housing in Lambeth at G22 144 twenty-six". Another colleague adds that "Ten or G22 145 fifteen years ago someone like that wouldn't even have been G22 146 considered."

G22 147 The constituency was changing out of all recognition. It would G22 148 not be a shire much longer. The business overflow from the G22 149 Cambridge high tech labs was already on flow, the twenty years from G22 150 1970 would see twenty-five business parks established. Huntingdon G22 151 was attracting population overflow from London, and smaller local G22 152 sources. The numbers were going up. The constituency had 39,000 G22 153 members shortly after the war, by the time of the 1982 redrawing of G22 154 boundaries it had 102,000 and had to be drastically cut down losing G22 155 St Neots, proceeding thereafter to continue cheerfully increasing G22 156 its numbers within the narrower boundaries.

G22 157 The three key towns of St Ives, Godmanchester and Huntingdon G22 158 itself contained everything from highly traditional silver-smithing G22 159 and Chivers Jams to Brights, makers of the most sophisticated G22 160 medical instruments, to the latest remarkable thing clever chaps G22 161 can do with silicon. It also contained, ironically for its future G22 162 MP and member of a watchdog organization against abuse of G22 163 vivisection, Huntingdon Laboratories, the largest medical G22 164 researchers by way of animal testing in Europe.

G22 165 But these statistical facts understate the Montague-Capulet G22 166 nature of relations inside the constituency. Incomers and local G22 167 residents were divided roughly fifty fifty. One eyewitness speaks G22 168 of bright, sharp youngsters from London confronted by country G22 169 people with a county leadership in which Commander Archie Gray, G22 170 Chairman in the year of Major's selection, and his wife were joined G22 171 by Sir Peter Crossman and other landowners. Sherry parties given by G22 172 the Grays constituted a thin bridgehead between the groups, and in G22 173 a very British way, the sort of bridgehead from which many people G22 174 felt excluded.

G22 175 Andrew Thompson who had lately come to the town, a man who G22 176 would also see service as Margaret Thatcher's agent in Finchley, G22 177 speaks of the great need in the town for reconciliation, healing G22 178 even. Huntingdon was in the process of becoming a New Town almost G22 179 under the meaning of the act, worried about jobs in the early 1970s G22 180 but destined, as the jobs came, to worry more about housing and G22 181 expansion.

G22 182 It was not the seat David Renton had inherited at the end of G22 183 the War. Lord Renton, as he became, had been a good member, G22 184 concerned with such matters as mental health and trade union law. G22 185 His career which had not taken him above Minister of State level, G22 186 was thought by friendly judges to have understated his abilities, G22 187 the cards simply turning unluckily. Renton had lately in the G22 188 mid-seventies become depressed by the House of Commons. He G22 189 particularly disliked the raucous hard left, notably Dennis Skinner G22 190 and had grown weary.

G22 191 His conduct throughout proceedings to find a successor was G22 192 strictly correct. He indicated no preferences, attempted to pull no G22 193 strings, but was keen to act to his successor as studio master to G22 194 apprentice. The relationship was to be a useful one with the young G22 195 man from the Standard Charter Bank attending a wide range of G22 196 functions and helping with many duties.

G22 197 However, that said, whatever his merits, Renton, first elected G22 198 in 1945, belonged comprehensively to an elder generation. His final G22 199 speech in the constituency as retiring member, as reported by the G22 200 Hunts Post, reads like a parody of the knighted G22 201 backbencher as seen through the eyes of John Wells.

G22 202 Lower moral standards, the growth of crime and G22 203 divorce and the permissive society caused more unhappiness than G22 204 fulfilment. There was less censorship and a decline in religion, G22 205 loyalty did not seem to be as important as it was, which he G22 206 regretted very much. Worst of all, egalitarianism had produced a G22 207 contempt for authority. There must be a respect for leadership and G22 208 indeed more leadership in a stable society.

G22 209 He would be happy if we saw a sign of the revival of national G22 210 greatness. We had lost an empire and our economic fortunes had G22 211 declined. They would not revive until we stopped bickering and G22 212 restored respect for authority and stopped trying to get higher G22 213 incomes than we were prepared to work for. G22 214 G22 215 G23 1 <#FLOB:G23\>9

G23 2 The Debate

G23 3 GERALD O'DONOVAN HAD, wrote his wife Beryl, G23 4 "exceptionally thick, heavy eyebrows, shadowing his keen G23 5 blue eyes." In one sharp glance he could signal the G23 6 presence of what Rose Macaulay described as his "sardonic G23 7 wit". H.G. Wells once found the exact simile for that G23 8 arresting image: "Look at O'Donovan, his eye like a rifle G23 9 barrel through a bush." But his piercing intelligence was G23 10 not the whole self; in her unpublished memoirs Beryl O'Donovan G23 11 described her husband as a man "who could not be other than G23 12 stimulating and interesting, and whose unconscious charm nobody G23 13 ever resisted". And his oldest daughter Brigid testified, G23 14 "He was an extremely affectionate man."

G23 15 To Rose Macaulay's astonishment and against her reason, within G23 16 months of their meeting at the Ministry of War in 1918 she was G23 17 overwhelmed by her responses to his searching mind, his power of G23 18 sympathy, and his sardonic wit. In What Not, her novel G23 19 written that year, the spirited and independent heroine Kitty G23 20 Grammont speculates helplessly, "What was it, this G23 21 extraordinary driving pressure of emotion, this quite G23 22 disproportionate desire for companionship with, for contact with, G23 23 one person out of all the world of people and things, which made, G23 24 while it lasted, all other desires, all other emotions, pale and G23 25 faint beside it?"

G23 26 But before she became entangled in feelings which were so at G23 27 odds with her principles and her good sense, Miss Macaulay spent G23 28 the year 1917 as a junior administrative clerk in the Exemptions G23 29 Bureau of the Ministry of War in London. In her twelve-month tour G23 30 of duty in this maze of hidebound officialdom, she created a G23 31 departmental reputation for bold ad hoc solutions. It was G23 32 perhaps her unbureaucratic common sense that first attracted Gerald G23 33 O'Donovan to her when, in February 1918, he became Head of the G23 34 Italian Section of the Department for Propaganda in Enemy Countries G23 35 in the new Ministry of Information.

G23 36 The Ministry was founded on a new concept of warfare: the G23 37 dissemination of persuasive rhetoric and misinformation. The G23 38 Department for Propaganda attracted such literary and journalistic G23 39 celebrities as H.G. Wells, Arnold Bennett, and Wickham Steed. In G23 40 1918 its Italian Section was distributing messages to Austrian G23 41 citizens through England's Mediterranean ally. Gerald and Rose were G23 42 both chosen to serve in it because they were writers; Rose's G23 43 knowledge of Italy and Italians made her particularly valuable. G23 44 (Her tendency to inject a caustic and personal note into the turgid G23 45 official correspondence of the Bureau of Exemptions may also have G23 46 contributed to this shift of assignment.) The question of how G23 47 Gerald O'Donovan and Rose Macaulay would revise their lives to G23 48 accommodate the intense friendship that grew out of this close G23 49 association would face them both for the next three years.

G23 50 In January 1917 Rose Macaulay had joined many other G23 51 well-educated and well-connected young women to work in the grey G23 52 buildings of the wartime civil service. The routine was tedious; G23 53 the days were long; oddly, the war could be kept distant. Rose G23 54 worked ten hours a day at Crewe House and spent three more hours G23 55 commuting to and from Hedgerley near Beaconsfield, her weekday G23 56 journey between present and past. Contrasting Old Beaconsfield with G23 57 new wartime London she described the former as "an G23 58 enchanted city; as it was in the seventeenth and eighteenth G23 59 centuries ...an ancient country town, full of brick walls and old G23 60 houses, and courtyards and coaching inns, and dignity and romance G23 61 and great elms". Part of the island magic of place for her G23 62 was the quiet and beauty of the surrounding beech forest where at G23 63 weekends she enjoyed long, brisk walks.

G23 64 But her life at Hedgerley with her mother was not enchanting. G23 65 Rose's friends believed that she was devoted to Grace, and when she G23 66 took a few carefully chosen intimates home with her for a visit she G23 67 allowed her mother to be the garrulous, anecdotal hostess. Yet Jean G23 68 reported that in private the exhausted Rose - often irritated by G23 69 Grace's emotionalism and the repetitious parade of her prejudices - G23 70 interrupted, contradicted, and patronized her mother. The G23 71 hypersensitive Grace, who craved emotional support, became G23 72 miserably conscious of Rose's impatience with her. With G23 73 characteristic exaggeration she asked Jean, "Why does Rose G23 74 hate me so?" Rose may have believed she was paying a dept G23 75 to her father by keeping up a vestige of the old home life, but her G23 76 sacrifice was misguided, made at the expense of both of the G23 77 survivors.

G23 78 Yet Rose was not socially isolated in Hedgerley; she kept in G23 79 touch with her London literary friends, many of whom were also in G23 80 government work. She had reluctantly given up her London flat when G23 81 she was tied to Great Shelford, first by her VAD duty and then by G23 82 her land-girl work, but now she often spent weekends at Naomi's G23 83 country cottage in Sussex and after a time rented a room in Naomi's G23 84 flat for occasional overnight stays during the week.

G23 85 By 1918, the London Miss Macaulay had acquired a worldly air. G23 86 Her deep griefs were hidden; her manner was urbane. She was G23 87 described as 'rather argumentative', but her conversational G23 88 challenges, though brisk, were impersonal and entertaining. The G23 89 main character of What Not, which she wrote during the G23 90 last war years as a satire of the imagined regimented peacetime G23 91 life to come, suggests her new ideal identity.

G23 92 Her heroine Kitty Grammont is a synthesis of the lively, G23 93 nonchalant Edwardian Rosamond Ilbert of Macaulay's first novel and G23 94 of Macaulay's image of what the future career woman would be - G23 95 accomplished at her professional duties but a little cynical about G23 96 male ambition, and at all times independent, playful, amused, and G23 97 amusing. This sophisticated young civil servant reads the New G23 98 Statesman and the Tatler with equal interest as she takes G23 99 the Tube to her middle-level job in the Ministry of Brains. Her G23 100 creator says she is "a learned worldling ...something of G23 101 the elegant rake, something of the gamin, something of the G23 102 adventuress, something of the scholar ...[and with] a travelled G23 103 manner, and an excellent brain, adequately, as people go, equipped G23 104 for the business of living." Although she is a 'gamin' and G23 105 not a 'gamine', the post-war Kitty has an unmistakably female name G23 106 and an unmistakably female charm. Her defining modernity - in G23 107 contrast to the occasional unconventionality of the G23 108 turn-of-the-century Rosamond Ilbert - is her complete freedom to G23 109 live as an intelligent, insouciant bachelor, wearing 'cap and G23 110 bells' in a changing, insecure world.

G23 111 Yet Kitty differs from Rose herself; she is long-lashed and G23 112 lovely, smartly dressed and stylishly made up. Here Macaulay breaks G23 113 new ground; it is difficult to know whether this character, a blend G23 114 of fashion and wit, was Rose's fantasy alter ego, a rare G23 115 bow to popular novelistic convention, a sign of self-confidence, or G23 116 all three. Perhaps Macaulay, now socially successful and outwardly G23 117 assured, was by this time less at odds with feminine beauty. She G23 118 had, as a friend said, developed her own style. Some years later G23 119 Compton Mackenzie praised her appearance in a battered jockey cap, G23 120 which made her look, he said, "like a faded print of G23 121 William Archer running the Derby in 1878," and on another G23 122 occasion he admired her tailleur as that of "a G23 123 Light Blue Hungarian Hussar".

G23 124 The descriptions of Kitty as a fashion-plate are always G23 125 interwoven with those of her intelligence and her insouciance; G23 126 indeed, her cool powers of decision almost protect her from falling G23 127 in love. Her character clearly has the author's sympathy; the G23 128 vivid, gallant Miss Grammont comes to life in What Not. G23 129 And the Miss Macaulay whom Gerald O'Donovan met in February 1918 G23 130 was quite as independent and incisive as Kitty. Gerald said he was G23 131 attracted to Rose because she had a "mind like a G23 132 man's".

G23 133 But who was Gerald O'Donovan, the man whose companionship the G23 134 self-possessed Miss Macaulay came to desire with "an G23 135 extraordinary driving power of emotion"? In February 1918 G23 136 he was 46 years old; Rose was 36. The two were thrown together in G23 137 their work. Rose had opportunities to observe the discrepancy G23 138 between his background and his look and manner. Although born in G23 139 Western Ireland, the son of a Supervisor of Public Works who built G23 140 municipal piers along the Atlantic coast, Gerald had an upper-class G23 141 British accent and the manners of an English gentleman. He was 5 G23 142 feet 8 inches tall; his dark reddish hair had not greyed (although G23 143 it formed the fringe around a balding head); he had kept the figure G23 144 and the energy of his youth. His voice was melodious and his G23 145 conversational allusions reflected his experience as a novelist and G23 146 a publisher's reader. As a member of his staff, Rose would before G23 147 long have learned that he was married and had a daughter and son G23 148 and perhaps she might have heard through office gossip that his G23 149 wife was expecting a third child. In fact, she may have met Mrs G23 150 O'Donovan. Although Gerald's family was living in Cromer, his wife G23 151 Beryl, fluent in Italian, was for a brief time an employee of the G23 152 Ministry, acting as her husband's translator on an official trip to G23 153 Rome.

G23 154 And in the course of her duties Miss Macaulay could assess Mr G23 155 O'Donovan in his role of fellow civil servant. She discovered that G23 156 he was an able administrator and an excellent speaker. He had a G23 157 quick and critical mind and a forceful presence; Brigid O'Donovan G23 158 said he had a photographic memory. Like Rose, he was skilled in G23 159 repartee. What most surely won her notice and then her sympathy as G23 160 she came to know him was his passion for social justice and his G23 161 record of failure as an impatient battler for near-hopeless G23 162 causes.

G23 163 In 1918 she witnessed one manifestation of his quixotic G23 164 behaviour: the Ministry recalled him from a diplomatic mission to G23 165 Italy because, although only a minor representative of the British G23 166 government with a well-defined brief for action, he had exceeded G23 167 his authority. He attempted to participate in the premature G23 168 planning of the post-war partition of the Austro-Hungarian Empire G23 169 by calling for the independence of the oppressed southern G23 170 Yugoslavs. Harold Nicolson had written tactfully: "The G23 171 energy and enthusiasm which made him so valuable a propagandist G23 172 rendered him somewhat dangerous as a diplomat." Like Rose, G23 173 Gerald was independent, impatient with authority. The impulsive G23 174 Gerald and the impulsive Rose came to understand each other G23 175 quickly, and as new friends and potential lovers do, gradually G23 176 unfolded their life stories to each other. But Gerald's oral G23 177 autobiography may have come forth slowly and disjointedly - his G23 178 past was buried in secrecy. Even his children did not know the G23 179 events of his early life until they were adults.

G23 180 He might have offered Rose some of his story, disguised, by G23 181 lending her his first novel of Irish life, Father Ralph G23 182 (Heinemann, 1913). At the turn of the century he had been Jeremiah G23 183 O'Donovan, a young Roman Catholic priest of national prominence - a G23 184 man of spiritual, economic, political, cultural, and social G23 185 influence in Irish life. But thwarted in his local reform projects G23 186 by his bishop, reprimanded and suspended for neglecting his parish G23 187 duties in favour of activism in nationwide liberal causes, he had G23 188 in 1904 given up his leadership in the Irish revival movement. G23 189 Disheartened, he had left his post as administrator of St Brendan's G23 190 Cathedral in Laughrea, and, like Father Ralph, had eventually left G23 191 the priesthood, an apostasy then almost unheard of in Ireland.

G23 192 In 1901 D.P. Moran, editor of The Irish Leader, wrote G23 193 that Jeremiah O'Donovan "is admitted on all hands to be one G23 194 of the most vigorous and gifted of the Irishmen of these G23 195 times." The Irish Catholic called him "a G23 196 patriot priest", and in February 1903 Edward Martyn G23 197 described him as "a leader of opinion in Ireland". G23 198 But in 1942 there was no notice of his death in any Irish G23 199 newspaper.

G23 200 However, in 1985, across the space of over eighty years, he was G23 201 still remembered as a young priest in Loughrea by Mrs Mary Conlon: G23 202 "A very handsome, good-lookin' man. You'd love to look at G23 203 him, a fine, lively, lively lookin' man. Everyone loved him. Lovely G23 204 man. He was loved and liked in this town and why wouldn't they for G23 205 what he done in this town?" G23 206 G24 1 <#FLOB:G24\>7

G24 2 The Hopkin Myth

G24 3 MINTON had a gift for clowning; he knew how to employ mimicry G24 4 and extravagant gestures, maiden-aunt intonation and camp humour to G24 5 un-cover the risible in everything, thereby denuding G24 6 uncomfortable feelings of their power. It was a welcome gift, G24 7 especially in Soho where the habitual tough, brazen stance often G24 8 overlaid doubts, anxieties and unhappiness. Even the seemingly G24 9 unassailable Henrietta Law grew to adore Johnny Minton partly G24 10 because she felt, in his company, that things were all right.

G24 11 For Ricky Stride, association with Minton was like being in the G24 12 presence of an exploding star: anything might happen, for he G24 13 created around him an exciting and excitable atmosphere. He could G24 14 not walk into a room without arousing a response. Some hated him, G24 15 envying his success and finding his whole manner anathema. Among a G24 16 certain type he invited violence but was protected from this by the G24 17 proximity of Ricky Stride whose physique gave him the appearance of G24 18 a bodyguard. A regular attender at body-building clubs, Ricky kept G24 19 himself in good shape and his hair blond ("you were falling G24 20 over bottles of peroxide at every corner," Leslie G24 21 Todd-Reeve recalled). This stocky Apollo, in Robert Buhler's G24 22 phrase, could be easily provoked. In addition, Minton's G24 23 intermittently hysterical behaviour and desire to shock brought out G24 24 in Ricky the exhibitionist who would undress at parties and was G24 25 game for any prank. Underneath his impudent and occasionally G24 26 violent behaviour lay a fundamentally nice, simple, easy-going, G24 27 exceptionally warm-hearted character, in whom Minton took G24 28 much pleasure.

G24 29 Because Ricky was the first boyfriend to live openly with G24 30 Minton, he attracted comment. Among Minton's homosexual friends G24 31 there were those who liked to dismiss Ricky, perhaps out of G24 32 jealousy, as a dumb blond tart, a male Betty Grable, a powder puff G24 33 on the make. Michael Wishart thought that, apart from his looks, G24 34 Ricky had 'no point' for Minton. Some tell how, even in front of G24 35 Minton, Ricky would make passes at others. But though Minton, in G24 36 turn, often treated him like a mere house-boy, giving him money to G24 37 go off and buy the food which he afterwards cooked, Ricky carried G24 38 out his duties with considerable charm. His dedication was further G24 39 shown by intermittent attempts to curtail Minton's drinking.

G24 40 His physical appeal was overwhelming. When asked her opinion of G24 41 Ricky at this time Marsh Dunbar described him as "a G24 42 vision". Another Sohoite, Jenny Mortimer, found him G24 43 "meltingly attractive". When Ricky began taking G24 44 Jenny out she was surprised to learn that Minton paid him money and G24 45 had taken him to the Caribbean. Minton, on the other hand, was not G24 46 pleased to learn that Ricky was seeing Jenny regularly, and, G24 47 despite her vivacity and love of fun, never liked her. He accepted, G24 48 as a necessity and as a form of self-punishment, Ricky's need for G24 49 women, but when Ricky returned from a weekend away he would ask G24 50 rather bitterly, "Was she worth it?" The tension in G24 51 his relationship with Ricky was made worse when he began to needle G24 52 him, to run him down in front of others. Towards the end of their G24 53 time together fantastic scenes would erupt. "Shut up or G24 54 I'll hit you," Ricky would yell. "Go on, be a big G24 55 man, hit me!" Minton would retort. A punch would be G24 56 delivered and Ricky, thinking this had ended the row would take G24 57 himself off to bed only to find the next minute that Minton was G24 58 emptying a bottle of water over him. And so these schoolboy fights G24 59 went on. On another occasion Ricky knocked Minton out on the G24 60 platform of the Underground, afterwards propping him up on a bench G24 61 until he recovered sufficiently to be walked home.

G24 62 Minton's ebullient energy remained unimpaired. In normal G24 63 spirits he seemed to need only two steps to cross a room. Tall, G24 64 lively and springy, he characteristically flung his elbows about, G24 65 his gait reflecting an angular gawkiness like that found in his G24 66 drawings. He remained keen on jiving and would throw himself all G24 67 over the place, hair wild and eyes sparkling. Another G24 68 characteristic was his habit of prodding people. In conversation he G24 69 could, if encouraged, be elaborately fluent on a subject and in any G24 70 exchange was naturally warm-hearted and responsive. His vocabulary G24 71 was curiously outdated: he went, not to a film or the cinema but to G24 72 the "movies", and ha'penny was always by him pronounced G24 73 "half-penny". He also studded his talk with lines from G24 74 humourists he admired - James Thurber, Charles Addams and the G24 75 Canadian Stephen Leacock in particular. "It's all up with G24 76 me, Maud," was a much repeated line from Thurber.

G24 77 The element of wildness in his behaviour had originally been G24 78 brought to the fore by Colquhoun and MacBryde, as a protest against G24 79 repressive convention. As the pace of his life increased, this G24 80 wildness became ingrained and its purpose more obscure; it became G24 81 harder to understand what he was pursuing or being pursued by. G24 82 Michael Middleton has argued that Minton's search for stimuli in G24 83 exotic places and his febrile manner of living reflects a longing G24 84 to escape self-consciousness and to live in the moment: "He G24 85 was for ever dashing off, afraid he might be missing something G24 86 round the corner - another party, an evening at the Jazz Club, a G24 87 drink on the Soho circuit." But the compulsion behind this G24 88 need remains unexplained. Black holes of discontent, which suddenly G24 89 and horribly punctured his frenzied sociability, suggested that his G24 90 ulterior motives remained unfulfilled. No amount of friends and G24 91 laughter could disguise the loneliness and sadness that dogged his G24 92 life. When asked what caused his melancholy he would refer to his G24 93 dread of getting old. He continued to assert that he would not live G24 94 beyond the age of forty and even implied that he would take steps G24 95 to ensure this. At the same time he was prone to feeling of guilt G24 96 that his art was not what it ought to be. Visible expression of his G24 97 anxiety could be found in his fingernails which were so savagely G24 98 bitten that his sheets were often stained with blood.

G24 99 Owing to his strength of character, he could quell despair and, G24 100 in public, continued to exert a potent spell over his audience. G24 101 Towards the end of 1951 he undertook a Sketch-Club criticism at St G24 102 Martin's School of Art where his liveliness and way of talking G24 103 impressed the young David Tindle, who, though not a student at St G24 104 Martin's, was sitting in among the audience. Tindle was then G24 105 working as a commercial artist in Soho and living in a room in G24 106 Portobello Road. When early in 1952 he held an exhibition of his G24 107 work at the Archer Gallery in Notting Hill, he rang up Minton and G24 108 invited him to see it. This Minton did, afterwards taking Tindle G24 109 back to Hamilton Terrace where his large picture, The Death of G24 110 Nelson, still in progress, was hanging on one wall.

G24 111 After this Tindle saw a lot of Minton, either at Hamilton G24 112 Terrace or Portobello Road where Minton did a drawing of the G24 113 younger man in April 1952, afterwards painting a half-length G24 114 portrait of Tindle which now hangs in Pallant House, Chichester. G24 115 Gradually Tindle also got to know Keith Vaughan whom he visited G24 116 regularly on Saturday mornings after Vaughan had moved to Belsize G24 117 Park. Despite his liking for Vaughan, Tindle could not help G24 118 noticing that his seriousness was veined with self-importance. G24 119 Once, when angered, Vaughan without any trace of humour told G24 120 Tindle, "Well, that strikes you out. You won't go into my G24 121 book!" It was, Tindle reflects, a remark unimaginable on G24 122 Minton's lips.

G24 123 From Tindle's exhibition at the Archer Gallery Minton bought a G24 124 small self-portrait (Plate 16) which Lucian Freud also wanted to G24 125 acquire. Painted very much under Freud's influence but with a G24 126 neo-romantic hangover, this portrait incorporates a considerable G24 127 amount of emotive distortion which serves, not to break the realist G24 128 mode, but to enhance the immediacy of the sitter's presence, so G24 129 that Tindle's face seems to press forward from within the picture G24 130 space with almost mesmerising effect. Whilst looking at this G24 131 picture Minton told Tindle: "You're the first to see G24 132 something in Lucian." Prior to this Minton had not been G24 133 altogether convinced by Freud's painting, which he had tended to G24 134 regard as cranky and a bit na<*/>i-umlaut<*/>ve. But as Freud, with G24 135 his own particular brand of madness and insistence, pressed on into G24 136 a more realist style, Minton was obliged to recognise the power of G24 137 his intensely probing vision. His acquisition of Tindle's G24 138 self-portrait amounted to an admission of Freud's relevance: from G24 139 now on Minton's own portraits, however romantic in feeling, were to G24 140 be dressed in a realistic style.

G24 141 Tindle never became a boyfriend of Minton's but once, when he G24 142 stayed the night at Hamilton Terrace, he woke to find Minton's long G24 143 face beside his, his big eyes staring as he remarked, "Sex G24 144 happens before seven!" As he got to know Minton well, G24 145 Tindle could not help admiring the older man's flair for living and G24 146 the way his response was never dense or dead. He also noticed a G24 147 certain rectitude, a tight primness, at odds with his easy G24 148 sociability. He was, for instance, punctilious about paying his G24 149 models the agreed amount and would work out the precise sum owed to G24 150 the last quarter of an hour. After this, however, the young man G24 151 might find himself taken off to Soho, where Minton's prodigality G24 152 contrasted with his former carefulness.

G24 153 "I know you're frightfully heterosexual," G24 154 Minton once teased Oliver Bernard when he stayed the night at G24 155 Hamilton Terrace. On another occasion he remarked to Bernard that G24 156 though he enjoyed flirting and foreplay, he found sexual G24 157 intercourse unsatisfactory. When one of his young men buggered him, G24 158 he admitted to Bobby Hunt and other intimate friends that he did G24 159 not like it.

G24 160 Minton belonged to the kind of homosexual whose ideal is manly G24 161 because their temperament is feminine. Time and again he fell in G24 162 love with young men who had nothing effeminate about them and who, G24 163 though temporarily involved in a bisexual life, did not share G24 164 Minton's inversion and could not on any long-term basis return his G24 165 love. Money procured for Minton the kind of men he needed, but his G24 166 inability to possess them left him with unsatiable desire, to such G24 167 an extent that his relentless pursuit of young men began to intrude G24 168 into everything he did. Love, for him, became like an incurable G24 169 malady.

G24 170 Frustration sometimes gave his mocking playfulness a malicious G24 171 edge. David Tindle observed him suddenly turn on his young men in a G24 172 deliberate attempt to wind them up. Aware of their vanity and dread G24 173 of baldness, he would reach over and lift up a lock of hair, G24 174 saying, "A little more brain showing today?" He G24 175 also liked playing one person off against another, mischievously G24 176 involving a young man with the girlfriend of a boy he himself G24 177 fancied. He could also be more bluntly manipulative: on one G24 178 occasion he walked up to a sailor, with his girlfriend at the bar, G24 179 saying, as he gave him pounds20, "When you've finished with G24 180 her, come and see Auntie Minton, she's got plenty more." At G24 181 the other extreme he sometimes pushed his boys into bed with girls G24 182 in order to make himself suffer, though a part of him may also have G24 183 enjoyed the proximity of heterosexual life.

G24 184 Frank and unremorseful about his homosexuality, he never fully G24 185 resolved his attitude towards it, in part because it denied him the G24 186 family he would have liked to have had. And as the romantic in him G24 187 began to despair that his dream would never materialise, his G24 188 promiscuity increased. Driving round Piccadilly Circus in a taxi he G24 189 would screech out of the window, "I'm the Queen of England G24 190 but I can't remember which." Meanwhile, in place of his G24 191 ideal he substituted "rough trade", favoured by G24 192 other homosexuals of his class partly because it is easily G24 193 discarded. Some of his boys he treated like kept poodles, thereby G24 194 displacing the scorn he felt for himself. The film director Michael G24 195 Law whom Minton met in Soho at this time has provided a vivid G24 196 metaphor for his condition: "Johnny was really like a clock G24 197 with the machinery hanging out. G24 198 G25 1 <#FLOB:G25\>I

G25 2 Antecedents

G25 3 On 3 June 1831 the ships in the Russian port of Kronstadt flew G25 4 their flags at half-mast. They were not saluting in the death of a G25 5 Grand Duke or an Imperial officer, but the funeral of a Scottish G25 6 sea-captain who had died on board his ship two days earlier. His G25 7 name was Peter Black, and he was Constance Garnett's grandfather. G25 8 He was, like her, a pioneer in the history of Russia's G25 9 communications with the West.

G25 10 He was a dark handsome man, stern in command of his crew and G25 11 his family, and much respected by both. He had come a long way in G25 12 his forty-eight years. He had been born into a family of G25 13 Forfarshire fishermen in 1783, and started work fishing in open G25 14 boats before he was ten. At eighteen he married Clementina Carie, a G25 15 farmer's daughter ten years older than himself. She was a small G25 16 woman, warm-hearted and indomitable, with her looks soon to be G25 17 ruined by smallpox. They had a son, Peter, in 1803, and a daughter, G25 18 Isabella, was on the way when Black was seized by the press gang in G25 19 1805. This turned out to be the making of his career. By 1812 he G25 20 had risen to the rank of Master on the Dispatch, that is to G25 21 say he had charge of all the gear and stores on board and was G25 22 responsible, under the Commander, for navigating the ship. In that G25 23 same year, according to family tradition, his wife, hearing that G25 24 his ship was to put into Plymouth, tramped all the way there and G25 25 back again from Scotland in the depths of winter. She saw him but G25 26 for a single day, and it was not until the Napoleonic wars were G25 27 over that their third child, David, was born on 27 December 1817 at G25 28 Dysart, near Kirkcaldy on the Firth of Forth. He was to be G25 29 Constance's father.

G25 30 Peter Black was an able mathematician and engineer and was G25 31 early involved in designing and managing the new steamships. In G25 32 1822 he took command of the Lord Melville, a steam-packet G25 33 which plied between London and Calais. For three summers his family G25 34 lived in Calais, and David learnt to speak French like a native. In G25 35 1826 Captain Black took charge of the George IV, which he G25 36 had planned and built himself, one of the largest steamships of her G25 37 day, and spent a year running a new service to Spain, Portugal and G25 38 Gibraltar. In the spring of 1827, as soon as the Baltic became free G25 39 enough of ice to be navigable, he took her on four trips to St G25 40 Petersburg, the first regular steam-packet on this route. Sometimes G25 41 the ship terminated at Kronstadt, the port on an island fifteen G25 42 miles offshore which provided a deep-water harbour for St G25 43 Petersburg.

G25 44 This route was unnecessarily tedious and slow. There was no G25 45 need to go all the way round Denmark. It was easier to take the G25 46 ship to Hamburg, travel forty miles overland to G25 47 L<*_>u-umlaut<*/>beck, and pick up another ship there. So in the G25 48 spring of 1828 Peter Black took the George IV to G25 49 Travem<*_>u-umlaut<*/>nde, the village at the mouth of the Trave, G25 50 off which ships for L<*_>u-umlaut<*/>beck usually anchored. For a G25 51 thousand pounds he bought a pleasant house there for himself and G25 52 Clementina, and sent young David, who had had a year's schooling in G25 53 London, to a boarding school in L<*_>u-umlaut<*/>beck.

G25 54 The George IV could now ply back and forth, taking G25 55 four of five days to cover the seven hundred miles between G25 56 Travem<*_>u-umlaut<*/>nde and Kronstadt. From May to October she G25 57 left alternately from either port about once a fortnight. For G25 58 twenty-four Dutch ducats (about pounds11 10s. in the money of the G25 59 time) a gentleman could travel in considerable comfort. For G25 60 pounds10 11s. he could bring his carriage or his horse aboard; G25 61 children travelled at half price, and a servant's fare was only G25 62 pounds4 15s. Food and wine were available at reasonable rates. It G25 63 was vastly preferable to lumbering across the interminable plains G25 64 of Poland and the Baltic states.

G25 65 There were hundreds of other ships sailing in and out of G25 66 Kronstadt, but during the seasons of 1828 and 1829 the George G25 67 IV, Captain P. Black, was the only steamship providing a G25 68 regular service between St Petersburg and L<*_>u-umlaut<*/>beck. G25 69 Newspapers began to print news that had come "by G25 70 steamship" - often nearly a week ahead of news that had G25 71 come by land. And in June 1829 a new postal service by the same G25 72 route was announced. Peter Black was providing a vital service G25 73 between St Petersburg and the outside world.

G25 74 In the winter the George IV returned to the old G25 75 Iberian route, while Clementina remained at G25 76 Travem<*_>u-umlaut<*/>nde and looked after the smallholding - for G25 77 she had two cows and an orchard of fruit trees - and David learned G25 78 to speak German and to skate as well as his schoolfellows. Once he G25 79 skated right across the Baltic.

G25 80 When Peter returned in the spring of 1830 he found that things G25 81 had changed. A Belgian steamship, the Bourse D'Amsterdam, G25 82 had arrived at Kronstadt and was advertising a competing service. G25 83 And when he returned to Travem<*_>u-umlaut<*/>nde from Kronstadt on G25 84 18 May he received orders from the owner, the Rev. William G25 85 Jolliffe, to bring the George IV back to England. G25 86 Jolliffe was no ordinary clergyman, but an entrepreneur who was G25 87 involved in building no less than four bridges over the Thames. For G25 88 the last five years he had been engaged on the new London Bridge, G25 89 an enormously expensive undertaking which was eventually to cost G25 90 one-and-a-half million pounds. He had run out of money and had to G25 91 sell off several of his ships.

G25 92 Stieglitz, the shipping agents in St Petersburg, were furious G25 93 and made it plain to the public that it was no fault of theirs that G25 94 they had sold tickets for a passage on a ship that was now not G25 95 going to run. Peter Black must have had similar feelings. It may G25 96 well have made him decide to go his own way, for on 23 September it G25 97 was announced that Nicholas I, the Tsar of all the Russias, whose G25 98 ice-cold eyes so alarmed the young Queen Victoria, had granted a G25 99 twelve-year monopoly of steam navigation between G25 100 L<*_>u-umlaut<*/>beck and St Petersburg to a new company set up by G25 101 a consortium of Russian and German merchants from the two cities. G25 102 Captain Black was commissioned to design and build two ships G25 103 especially for the purpose, with a shallow draft so that they could G25 104 steam right up the Neva. They were to be called the Nikolai G25 105 I and the Alexandra after the Tsar and his Tsaritsa, and G25 106 they were to be Russian ships, flying the Russian flag.

G25 107 Peter arranged to build them at Blackwell. There was not much G25 108 time, and the work had to be hurried on to have them ready by the G25 109 spring. It was a hard and exhausting task, and not until the G25 110 beginning of May was the Nikolai I, 533 tons, ready for G25 111 sea. It was none too soon. On 17 April a salvo of guns announced G25 112 that the ice on the Neva had broken up and the river was open for G25 113 navigation, and by 1 May the roads outside were entirely free of G25 114 ice. On 31 May the Nikolai I arrived in Kronstadt for G25 115 Peter Black to begin his new career in the Russian merchant navy. G25 116 But he was already severely ill with diabetes exacerbated by G25 117 "a foolish prejudice against much clothing" and a G25 118 neglect "to protect himself properly against severe G25 119 cold". On the following day he died.

G25 120 The Nikolai I pursued her career without him. In G25 121 November of that year, dangerously late in the season, she battled G25 122 her way to the mouth of the Neva bringing the vast blocks of G25 123 granite to form the plinth of the great column that was to be G25 124 erected in memory of Tsar Alexander I outside the Winter Palace. In G25 125 the spring of 1838 on her first trip south she caught fire, and G25 126 Ivan Turgenev, the novelist, then aged nineteen and leaving Russia G25 127 for the first time, was overcome by panic and had to be restrained G25 128 by the Russian captain from forcing his way into a lifeboat. The G25 129 ship was rebuilt, and with a Dutch captain continued the service G25 130 that Peter had begun.

G25 131 With Peter dead there was no need to stay on in G25 132 Travem<*_>u-umlaut<*/>nde. David left the school in G25 133 L<*_>u-umlaut<*/>beck, where he had received an excellent G25 134 education. Afterwards he said, as people so often do, that his G25 135 schooldays were the happiest of his life; and since his later years G25 136 were to be shadowed by strange clouds of guilt and self-doubt, they G25 137 almost certainly were.

G25 138 His elder brother Peter lived in Brighton, where he had found a G25 139 job as agent for the General Steam Navigation Company and Consular G25 140 Agent for France. Clementina and David went to join him, and she G25 141 remained there for the rest of her life.

G25 142 David completed his peripatetic schooling at Brighton in the G25 143 summer of 1832. About this time his sister Isabella married Joseph G25 144 Glynn, an engineer who had been at school with Robert Stephenson G25 145 and was as active and important in the development of marine and G25 146 stationary steam engines as the Stephensons were in the railways. G25 147 On leaving school at the age of fifteen David made a brief attempt G25 148 at a career in engineering with Glynn but soon concluded that he G25 149 had no aptitude for it. He decided instead to take up the law; and G25 150 the following year he was articled to Thomas Freeman in Ship G25 151 Street, Brighton. He had to pay a premium of no less than three G25 152 hundred and fifty pounds, which he was just able to find from the G25 153 money left him by his father. He served his articles for five years G25 154 in Brighton, earning nothing, and then moved to London. It took him G25 155 eight years, three of them as a junior chancery clerk in London, G25 156 before he was admitted to practise as an attorney, and a further G25 157 year before he had earned enough to recoup his premium. Then, just G25 158 as he was beginning to make a career as a lawyer, he decided to G25 159 throw it up and emigrate to Canada.

G25 160 David was not worried about leaving his old mother. He had a G25 161 wild idea that she might follow him out when he had established G25 162 himself in Canada, though she might well have preferred, at the age G25 163 of sixty-nine, to have remained where she was in Brighton with G25 164 Peter and his growing family.

G25 165 He was not going to Canada to earn a living as a lawyer or a G25 166 linguist but as a labourer on the land. He managed to find work of G25 167 a kind and stuck at it for a little over a year, with his beard G25 168 frozen to the counterpane on winter nights, and ploughing on summer G25 169 days "with bare feet in the hot loose black loamy soil G25 170 formed of the decomposed leaves". He began to think of G25 171 settling permanently and wrote home to try to raise the money to do G25 172 so. He received instead the news that his mother was dangerously G25 173 ill. He hurried home only to find that Clementina was already dead. G25 174 He never forgave himself for having left her.

G25 175 There was now no reason why he should not return to Canada, and G25 176 he fully intended to do so. But his brother and brother-in-law G25 177 persuaded him to stay in Brighton and to resume his career in the G25 178 law, this time practising on his own. He lodged with the Peter G25 179 Blacks and took an office at 56 Ship Street, but found it hard G25 180 going to earn even as much as he did before he went to Canada.

G25 181 He was now twenty-five years old, with a dark curly beard and G25 182 the somewhat semitic good looks one occasionally finds in Scotland. G25 183 A distant cousin of Constance's who met him at dances at this time G25 184 told her "that he was the handsomest man she knew and that G25 185 all the girls were in love with him". He was no libertine. G25 186 His character had more of the Scottish Sabbath than of the Scottish G25 187 Saturday night. G25 188 G26 1 <#FLOB:G26\>5

G26 2 Bachelor Girl

G26 3 FOR ALL MAJOR RONALD FERGUSON'S INSISTENCE THAT HIS younger G26 4 daughter should get a job and earn her own way, work or, more G26 5 precisely, a career was not yet at the top of Sarah's agenda.

G26 6 She was young and there were good times to be had. She had G26 7 enjoyed working for Durden-Smith Communications - and with a boss G26 8 who flies you to Paris for a party on your first day, who wouldn't? G26 9 But she was also going to enjoy her travels through the New G26 10 World.

G26 11 It was, she recalls, one of the most exciting periods of her G26 12 life. She kept a daily chronicle of her youthful adventures. She G26 13 still has the diary tied with a blue ribbon in her apartment in G26 14 Buckingham Palace.

G26 15 Charlotte and Sarah set off in the autumn of 1980. The first G26 16 entry, written in her neat, rounded hand in a vivid green ink, is G26 17 dated shortly after her twenty-first birthday. There were G26 18 good-byes to be said first, of course, and the girls' G26 19 departure from Durden-Smith Communications was an excuse (not that G26 20 Neil ever needed one) for a farewell party with champagne toasts. G26 21 In celebration of her birthday her father gave her a cocktail party G26 22 for one hundred and fifty guests in the Crystal Room of the G26 23 Berkeley Hotel in London. She had declined his offer of a dance at G26 24 Dummer, saying that she would rather have the money for the trip; G26 25 and a couple of weeks later they were on their way.

G26 26 They were met, as Sarah was on her first trip to Argentina, at G26 27 Buenos Aires airport by Hector and Susie and they drove straight to G26 28 the Barrantes' new 4000-acre ranch.

G26 29 Hector drove fast along the two-lane highway, his foot hard to G26 30 the floor with only the occasional deceleration for a wandering cow G26 31 or when they passed through one of the small towns that dot the G26 32 pampas. Four hours and four hundred miles later they turned through G26 33 the wooden gates at El Pucara (it means Fortress in Spanish). The G26 34 only contact with the outside world was by crackling radio G26 35 telephone and the nearest town, Tres Lomas, was twenty miles G26 36 away.

G26 37 Hector had converted a hundred acres of this flat land into a G26 38 polo field and exercise area for his ponies and surrounded it with G26 39 hundreds of saplings to protect it from the winds. The house was G26 40 set back a mile from the road at the end of a drive lined with G26 41 willow and cactus and spruce trees. Almost anything will grow on G26 42 this abundant, seemingly inexhaustible plain where the twelve foot G26 43 deep top soil is so fertile that it is cheaper to buy more land G26 44 than fertilize what you already own and the gauchos slaughter a cow G26 45 just to eat its tongue.

G26 46 Sarah and Charlotte rode the humid prairie, worried about the G26 47 mosquitoes, and helped Susie move into her new A-framed home. Sarah G26 48 learned the rudiments of Spanish in its gruff Argentine version.

G26 49 And there were the ponies to admire. Hector Barrantes had G26 50 started with little. He was now on his way to becoming probably the G26 51 best breeder of polo ponies in Argentina. And Argentinian polo G26 52 ponies are the best in the world, commanding prices of up to G26 53 pounds30,000 an animal.

G26 54 Introduced by the British in 1876, the sport ranks second only G26 55 to soccer in the Argentine sporting calendar and as many as 40,000 G26 56 people attend the Argentine Open in Buenos Aires. Barrantes' G26 57 'valiente' ponies were almost invariably part of the winning G26 58 team. G26 59

The secret, Hector explained, is patience. The ponies (a G26 60 misnomer: a pony is a horse under 14.2 hands, while the average G26 61 height of polo 'ponies' is 15.1 hands) are not confined to stables G26 62 but are turned out year round. They play every day for six hours G26 63 and in between are schooled by the 'domadors', the ranch G26 64 hands who do the breaking-in. It is a long process. While other G26 65 breeders often sell their ponies at the age of four or five, G26 66 Barrantes kept his - and at the last count he had three hundred and G26 67 fifty horses including a breeding stock of sixty-two mares and G26 68 seven stallions - until they were six or even seven.

G26 69 "I'm in no hurry," he said.

G26 70 The girls were. After a Christmas celebrated in the traditional G26 71 English manner (even in the heart of the pampas Susie maintained G26 72 the homely English tradition of three meals a day, fresh flowers G26 73 and pretty curtains), they set off by rackety bus to drive to G26 74 Iguaza Falls to see the most magnificent waterfalls in South G26 75 America and then north to Rio de Janeiro.

G26 76 Using the South American Handbook for reference, they G26 77 stayed at cheap but comparatively safe lodgings on the overnight G26 78 stops en route. By the time they got to the Falls, however, on the G26 79 borders of Argentina, Paraguay and Brazil, "we had run out G26 80 of money," as Charlotte recalls, "so we slept in G26 81 the bus station on the benches, surrounded by throngs of peasant G26 82 women with their children and chickens."

G26 83 They had their onward bus and airline tickets, but they did not G26 84 have enough cruzeiros left to buy even a corn on the cob G26 85 from one of the maize sellers. Resorting to their wits, they took G26 86 advantage of the South American habit of providing small pieces of G26 87 cheese and olives with every drink. They walked into the nearby G26 88 hotel, "trying to look as prosperous as possible", G26 89 as Charlotte says, asked for two glasses of water, G26 90 "scoffed" the modest tapas and then ran off to catch the G26 91 bus.

G26 92 It had been an exciting adventure in a continent where single G26 93 women are looked on as easy prey. The murder of tourists was common G26 94 enough to warrant a warning in the South American G26 95 Handbook, as do the travellers' more commonplace hazards of G26 96 pick-pockets, false arrest, beggars and robbery.

G26 97 "I wouldn't do it today but it was great fun G26 98 then," Charlotte says.

G26 99 They survived and after staying with friends of Major Ferguson G26 100 in Rio, they flew on to the United States and headed for the ski G26 101 resorts of the Rocky Mountains. Says Mrs Barrantes: "I had G26 102 a great friend in Squaw Valley so Sarah and Charlotte went to stay G26 103 there and work for a while," lookking after children, G26 104 waiting on table in a cafeteria, cleaning the immaculate 'log G26 105 cabin' chalets and skiing the crisp, dry, easily negotiated high G26 106 altitude snow in between times. Then it was back across the G26 107 continent to meet up with Hector and Susie in Palm Springs.

G26 108 They finished up in Louisiana on the Gulf of Mexico. After the G26 109 corrugated, rutted shambles of Latin America, and the G26 110 clean-limbed freshness of the mountains, the musky neon G26 111 nights of America's jazz city were overpowering. "The most G26 112 worrying time was walking around the back streets of New Orleans. G26 113 We definitely thought we would end up being mugged," G26 114 Charlotte says.

G26 115 That summer back in England they regaled their friends and G26 116 family with the edited highlights of their trip. They had been away G26 117 for almost six months. In their absence Susan Ferguson had given G26 118 birth to another child, a daughter called Alice, who was born while G26 119 Sarah was in Argentina. She telephoned her with the news and asked G26 120 her to be a godmother. Babies do not particularly excite Sarah. She G26 121 prefers them from a year upwards. But she did find her little G26 122 half-sister with her dusting of blonde hair "terribly G26 123 sweet" and spent a while helping her stepmother around the G26 124 house at Dummer.

G26 125 With her funds now all but exhausted there was no chance to G26 126 linger, however. A job and a flat had to be found and a faltering G26 127 romance - she was still involved with Kim Smith-Bingham - G26 128 continued.

G26 129 The accommodation part of that common equation was easily G26 130 resolved. Back on the London social circuit she encountered Carolyn G26 131 Beckwith-Smith whose mother was an old friend of Susie Barrantes. G26 132 "We met at a cocktail party and I happened to mention that G26 133 if she was ever looking for somewhere to live she should give me a G26 134 call," Carolyn recalls. "Amazingly she said, 'How G26 135 about now?' and she practically moved in then and G26 136 there."

G26 137 A very attractive blonde, Carolyn had her own home in Lavender G26 138 Gardens, a street of terraced houses in Clapham. Only ten years G26 139 before, the area had been a respectable but decidedly working-class G26 140 suburb on what had been scathingly called 'the wrong side of the G26 141 river'. Soaring property prices, however, had driven the younger G26 142 generation of Sloanes out of their traditional territory and there G26 143 had been a mass migration across the bridges from Belgravia and G26 144 Chelsea into the hitherto uncharted regions south of the Thames. G26 145 With them came the bistros and flower shops, design centres, fabric G26 146 shops, picture framers, and other such services deemed essential G26 147 for civilized living and by the time Sarah moved in, Clapham was G26 148 secure as a forward post of urban respectability.

G26 149 The flatmates got on well together. Carolyn has a sense of G26 150 humour to rival Sarah's - it is said she once put sneezing powder G26 151 in her stepfather's omelette. Artistic and Bohemian, she had worked G26 152 for interior decorator Nina Campbell, managed Edina Ronay's clothes G26 153 shop in Liberty's in Regent Street, and was a close friend of dress G26 154 designer Lindka Cierach. All would figure prominently in Sarah's G26 155 future.

G26 156 At the time she was working as a make-up artist and used to G26 157 show Sarah different ways of doing her hair and making up her G26 158 eyes.

G26 159 Carolyn continues: "Fergie was very tidy, immaculate in G26 160 fact. She wasn't a great Hooverer or ironer but everything in her G26 161 room was always very tidy. She can't stand a mess." They G26 162 employed an Indian cleaning lady to do the dusting and polishing G26 163 and the sitting room was always full of fresh flowers - freesias G26 164 and roses were Sarah's favourites - and the walls were hung with G26 165 oil paintings.

G26 166 "We didn't entertain much, we didn't have G26 167 time," Carolyn remembers. Both were living active social G26 168 lives, "and it was a question of who was last in and was it G26 169 too late to wake the other up. If we had a bad time we would cheer G26 170 each other up."

G26 171 Her domestic arrangements settled, Sarah now had to get down to G26 172 the more substantial task of finding herself a job; she answered an G26 173 advertisement in The Times for a personal assistant cum G26 174 secretary to William Drummond, an art dealer with premises in G26 175 Covent Garden.

G26 176 Drummond - lanky, sandy-haired, chain smoking, always moving, G26 177 and possessed of an engagingly droll wit - recalls his first G26 178 meeting with Sarah. "When she arrived I told her I couldn't G26 179 even see her as I had such a terrible hangover. You can imagine all G26 180 that mass of red hair when you are hung over. It was rather like G26 181 having to look straight into the sun."

G26 182 He knew nothing about her and she was just one of thirty G26 183 applicants, jobs in art galleries being very sought after by young G26 184 girls from Sarah's background. A couple of days later, while G26 185 wandering through Covent Garden, Drummond encountered a colleague G26 186 in the art business who told him how fortunate he was to have Sarah G26 187 Ferguson joining him. He was slightly taken aback as he had still G26 188 not made up his mind which of the thirty he was going to hire. That G26 189 chance remark decided him.

G26 190 "I thought, 'That's the right spirit', and made up my G26 191 mind immediately," he says.

G26 192 For Drummond, an expert in rather obscure eighteenth-century G26 193 oil paintings and drawings, a prerequisite of the employment of a G26 194 secretary was that she did not know too much about his speciality. G26 195 "That allows you to get on with playing with your pictures G26 196 while they do all the nasty things," he explains.

G26 197 For Sarah part of the job included taking Drummond in hand. She G26 198 made him morning coffee. She tried to feed him up; because he was G26 199 too engrossed in his work to bother to organize his own lunches she G26 200 would fetch him sandwiches from Maxwell's, the snack bar across the G26 201 road ("She was a handsome eater herself - when she wasn't G26 202 starving herself," he says). She tried to make him cut down G26 203 on his smoking. G26 204 G27 1 <#FLOB:G27\>A New Family

G27 2 Bernard and Barbara's marriage marked a new beginning for both G27 3 of them. It ended five years of widowhood for Barbara, after a G27 4 first marriage which in later years she herself described as having G27 5 been very much "a boy and girl affair"; and it gave G27 6 Bernard the first settled home of his adult life.

G27 7 Barbara had been born Barbara Jekyll in 1887, second of the G27 8 three children of Sir Herbert and Lady Jekyll. The Jekylls were an G27 9 old English family who came originally from Lincolnshire and East G27 10 Anglia. Their most famous forebear was Sir Joseph Jekyll, Master of G27 11 the Rolls in the reigns of Queen Anne. Another Joseph Jekyll was a G27 12 famous wit and a prominent member of the Prince Regent's circle.

G27 13 Colonel Sir Herbert Jekyll was educated at 'The Shop' - G27 14 Woolwich Academy - where he won the Sword of Honour and went on to G27 15 serve with the Royal Engineers in the Ashanti War. As Private G27 16 Secretary to Lord Carnarvon, and as Secretary to the Royal G27 17 Commission for the Defence of British Possessions and Commerce G27 18 Overseas, he travelled to Singapore and Ceylon to report on G27 19 fortifications and to design new ones. His other posts included G27 20 being Private Secretary for three years to Lord Crewe while he was G27 21 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (1892-5); British Commissioner of the G27 22 1900 Paris Exhibition, for which he appointed Edwin Lutyens to G27 23 design the British Pavillion; and Secretary of the Board of Trade. G27 24 In addition Herbert was a keen gardener, a gifted wood carver, an G27 25 organist and a founder member of the Bach Choir. In 1881 he married G27 26 Agnes, daughter of William Graham, Liberal MP for Glasgow, whose G27 27 numerous projects included managing a maternity home in the East G27 28 End, working as chairman of the visiting committee for a girls' G27 29 Borstal and chairman of a hospital supplies warehouse for St John G27 30 of Jerusalem during the Great War. At the first dinner party of G27 31 their married life the guests included Robert Browning, John Ruskin G27 32 and Sir Edward Burne-Jones. She was the first person to supply G27 33 recipes to The Times, which were later published in 1922 G27 34 as Kitchen Essays, with recipes and their occasions.

G27 35 Barbara's early years were spent at Munstead in a close-knit G27 36 and happy family. As was the custom of the period, she and her G27 37 younger sister Pamela were educated mostly at home, and only her G27 38 brother Timmy was sent to boarding school. Timmy had a brilliant G27 39 beginning, getting into College at Eton, where he won the classical G27 40 Newcastle Scholarship in 1900 and then an Exhibition to Balliol G27 41 College, Oxford; but unfortunately his early promise did not G27 42 endure. Barbara and Pamela, a lively and intelligent pair of G27 43 sisters remained close, however, all their lives. In 1908, at the G27 44 age of eighteen, Pamela married Reginald McKenna, then First Lord G27 45 of the Admiralty, who was twenty-four years older than she was. By G27 46 the time Bernard first met him in 1916 he was Chancellor of the G27 47 Exchequer. In 1922, when Bernard and Barbara married, he was G27 48 Chairman of the Midland Bank, a position he retained until his G27 49 death. 'Reggie' was one of the few people of whom Bernard was G27 50 always much in awe and he frequently turned to him for advice. G27 51 "Reggie is undoubtedly the wisest man I know," G27 52 Bernard used to say.

G27 53 Bernard also acquired a number of lively aunts by his marriage. G27 54 The most remarkable as well as the most formidable was Gertrude G27 55 Jekyll (1843-1932). Through her books she probably did more than G27 56 anyone else to change the face of English gardening at the G27 57 beginning of the century. Her talents were wide-ranging and G27 58 diverse. She was a competent painter, and from her workshop came a G27 59 steady stream of metalwork including salvers worked in silver. She G27 60 was an expert at carving in wood, and also a photographer, who G27 61 developed and printed her own films. For nearly forty years she and G27 62 Sir Edwin Lutyens worked together - he as architect of the house, G27 63 she designing the garden - culminating in the Viceroy's House in G27 64 New Delhi. When Bernard knew her she had entered the last decade of G27 65 her life.

G27 66 In one respect Gertrude was fortunate, namely the age in which G27 67 she lived. When she was born gardens were mostly elaborately G27 68 formal, laid out in accordance with a rigid Italianate pattern. By G27 69 the time she began to take an interest in gardening in the late G27 70 1870s the tradition was ripe for change. In conjunction with other G27 71 kindred spirits, such as William Robinson, Gertrude began to G27 72 experiment with more informal garden layouts. The first was at her G27 73 new home at Munstead House, which was built the year after her G27 74 father's death in 1876. Gradually, as her scope and experience G27 75 increased, she started to write articles in the Journal of the G27 76 Royal Horticultural Society, Country Life and other G27 77 papers and magazines. By the turn of the century she was ready to G27 78 consolidate her knowledge into a series of gardening books which G27 79 became classics in her own lifetime. In her later years she became G27 80 more and more of a recluse, cutting herself off from a world with G27 81 which she felt increasingly out of sympathy. At heart she was a G27 82 Victorian countrywoman who rejoiced in nature's order of things.

G27 83 Bernard and Gertrude got on well together. When Bernard went to G27 84 Moore Barracks at Shorncliffe in 1929 Gertrude made a design for G27 85 the Commanding Officer's small garden there. It was among the last G27 86 things she did. After Sir Herbert Jekyll's funeral on 3 October G27 87 1932, Sir Edwin Lutyens went to see Gertrude:

G27 88 Afterwards I saw Bumps [Sir Edwin's nickname for G27 89 Gertrude], self-possessed and herself - very feeble she was G27 90 in her bedroom with a delicious dark blue felt cap on her head. She G27 91 was very happy with Bernard [Freyberg] who sees a good deal of her G27 92 and asks her endless questions and waits for her deliberate answers G27 93 in which she delights.

G27 94 Gertrude died two months later on 8 December 1932.

G27 95 Caroline Eden (n<*_>e-acute<*/>e Jekyll) was another gardening G27 96 aunt of Barbara's. Born in 1837, she was the eldest sister of G27 97 Herbert and Gertrude. In 1867 she married Frederick Eden and G27 98 because he suffered from poor health they decided to make their G27 99 home in Venice. Caroline lived there for the next fifty years. G27 100 Their house, called the Palazzo Barbarigo, was at the entrance to G27 101 the Grand Canal and they also had a large garden on the Guidecca, G27 102 which inevitably became known to the considerable English community G27 103 in Venice as the Garden of Eden.

G27 104 Aunt Caroline's (or 'Cary's') house in Venice was very popular G27 105 with her family in England. It gave them not only the excuse for G27 106 visits but a comfortable residence once they got there, after the G27 107 twenty-four hour journey on the Orient Express. Barbara stayed at G27 108 the Palazzo Barbarigo several times before the First World War. G27 109 After Frederick Eden died in 1916 Cary decided to remain until the G27 110 war was over. She was still there in July 1922 when Bernard and G27 111 Barbara stayed during the second part of their honeymoon. She died G27 112 in London in 1928 aged ninety-one.

G27 113 Barbara's mother Agnes had four sisters, of whom the closest to G27 114 her was Frances. In 1883 Frances married Sir John Horner of Mells G27 115 Manor near Frome in Somerset. Mells was that rarest and most G27 116 desirable of all properties, a small Elizabethan manor house. G27 117 It had come into the Horner family after the Dissolution of the G27 118 Monasteries in 1537, and before then had belonged to the Abbey of G27 119 Glastonbury. This was the origin of the nursery rhyme about Little G27 120 Jack Horner pulling out a plum - Mells Manor. Lady Horner, an G27 121 intellectual and a leading hostess in Edwardian times, was one of G27 122 the 'Souls' - the group, including Arthur Balfour and Margot G27 123 Asquith, who used to meet from time to time in each other's houses G27 124 to discuss philosophy and the topics of the day. For nearly half a G27 125 century, because of Frances and Agnes, there was a close link G27 126 between Munstead and Mells. This continued into the next generation G27 127 through Pamela and Barbara, for when the time came for the McKennas G27 128 to find themselves a country house in the early 1920s they came to G27 129 an arrangement with the Horners and commissioned Sir Edwin Lutyens G27 130 to rebuild Mells Park, which had burnt down in 1917. Bernard and G27 131 Barbara used frequently to visit Mells in the early years of their G27 132 marriage.

G27 133 Alice Hogg was another of Barbara's aunts. By the time Bernard G27 134 came on the scene she was dead, but her son Douglas was much in G27 135 their life at this period. In later years as Lord Hailsham he was G27 136 appointed Lord Chancellor (1928-9 and 1935-8), an office held in G27 137 1970 and 1979 by his son, the irrepressible Quintin.

G27 138 In the early years of his marriage Bernard also came into G27 139 frequent contact with the first Lord and Lady Aberconway, the G27 140 parents of Barbara's first husband Francis McLaren. They always G27 141 took a close interest in their grandsons and lent their house, G27 142 Bodnant, to Barbara and Bernard for their honeymoon.

G27 143 The Freyberg 'family' consisted of Bernard, Barbara and Paul G27 144 (born 1923); but also Barbara's two sons, Bernard's stepsons, G27 145 Martin and Guy McLaren. One of the reasons why Barbara took so long G27 146 to agree to marry Bernard had been because she wanted to be certain G27 147 that her sons would accept him in place of their own father, whom G27 148 they were too young to remember. She also wanted to be sure that G27 149 Bernard would treat them as if they were his own children. On both G27 150 counts she never had any cause for regret.

G27 151 Martin and Guy were quite different from each other. Martin was G27 152 serious-minded, scholarly, good at games, fond of music and with a G27 153 keen sense of history and of beauty. Guy was an extrovert, G27 154 interested in people rather than abstract theory. He was G27 155 particularly good at making friends and enjoying life, and was more G27 156 at home on the racecourse than in the library.

G27 157 One other important member of our family circle was my mother's G27 158 maid Muriel Tolley, or Milly as she was invariably called, who came G27 159 from Breamore in Wiltshire. Although strictly speaking she was not G27 160 one of the family, she was certainly one by adoption. She was the G27 161 principal prop of the household and played a major part in my G27 162 father's life for thirty years. Cooks, parlourmaids, housemaids and G27 163 nannies came and went, but Milly was always there - even during the G27 164 Second World War when my mother travelled to Egypt and Italy with 2 G27 165 NZEF - and because of her continuity she acquired a remarkable G27 166 influence and authority. All of us, my mother, my father and we G27 167 three boys, were devoted to Milly, and I believe that the feeling G27 168 was returned, although there were moments when this was far from G27 169 obvious. Millie could be very much of a disciplinarian, and when I G27 170 was little and had done something I should not have done I was far G27 171 more concerned about what Milly, rather than my parents, might say. G27 172 When roused she had a remarkable command of the English language, G27 173 and could give a more effective 'rocket' than any I ever heard in G27 174 twenty-five years in the Grenadier Guards. In the early days my G27 175 brothers and I would say to each other, "Watch out, Milly's G27 176 on the warpath," in tones of alarm tinged with no little G27 177 apprehension. Even my father was not immune from Milly's G27 178 strictures. Although she was devoted to him her first loyalty was G27 179 always to my mother. Several generations of ADCs would testify that G27 180 in small matters my father was often vague and G27 181 absent-minded. But none of them would have dared to say to G27 182 him what Milly did when he lost the special gloves my mother had G27 183 given him, or forgot her birthday.

G27 184 My parents' marriage was an extremely happy one. They were to G27 185 go through many anxious times together, particularly during the G27 186 Second World War, but it was made sustainable by the deep love and G27 187 affection they had for each other. Bernard and Barbara were both G27 188 strong characters, but because they were quick to adapt to each G27 189 other's ways their personalities complemented one another and G27 190 rarely clashed. G27 191 G28 1 <#FLOB:G28\>She loved both his sense of humour and his G28 2 inventiveness. He made up stories for her about kings and knights G28 3 and about Snatchcraftington, a wizard who looked like a stalk of G28 4 rhubarb. At the same time he supported her faith in her writing. No G28 5 other woman had ever written poetry like hers, he told her, and G28 6 with his help she felt certain that within a year she could produce G28 7 a book of thirty-three poems that would "hit the critics G28 8 violently".

G28 9 From this new perspective, all previous relationships looked G28 10 tawdry and insecure. Even when she was with Richard Sassoon, an G28 11 opportunistic mental lawcourt had been in session - hadn't it? - G28 12 drawing her attention to his weaknesses and proposing alternative G28 13 men, stronger, healthier. Now, for the first time, she felt fully G28 14 satisfied with the man she had. She loved the "virile, G28 15 deep, banging poems" he'd written, loved relaxing with him G28 16 at Cambridge. Punting on the Cam, they saw cows, baby-owls and even G28 17 a water-rat; at Grantchester they picnicked in an orchard.

G28 18 When Aurelia came to London in June 1956, Sylvia and Hughes G28 19 decided to marry immediately. Less than four months had gone by G28 20 since they'd met, and he didn't tell his parents about the wedding. G28 21 Although it was difficult to get a licence in time, they were G28 22 married on 16 June at St George's Church in Bloomsbury. They chose G28 23 the day partly because of James Joyce - 16 June is Bloomsday. Their G28 24 witness was the sexton, who'd been on the point of escorting a G28 25 group of mothers and children on a church outing to the zoo; they G28 26 were all kept waiting outside in a bus. Hughes was wearing the old G28 27 black corduroy jacket he wore every day; Sylvia was in a pink G28 28 knitted dress her mother had bought for herself but never worn. The G28 29 church was empty, and bathed in the watery-yellow light of a rainy G28 30 day.

G28 31 They spent the summer in Spain, going first to Benidorm, which G28 32 was still an unspoiled fishing village; Sylvia did several sketches G28 33 of it. Later they moved inland. When they watched a bullfight, her G28 34 sympathy was with the bulls; she was pleased when one of them G28 35 managed to gore a plump picador, who was carried out with blood G28 36 spurting from his thigh.

G28 37 They had to live cheaply. In the early morning they went to the G28 38 market for fish and vegetables, buying potatoes from the stand G28 39 which sold them at 1.50 a kilo instead of 1.75. They wrote from G28 40 eight-thirty in the morning till twelve, and again from four till G28 41 six, studying French and Spanish from eight till ten in the G28 42 evening. Sylvia was still ecstatic at possessing and being G28 43 possessed by a man who tallied so closely with her fantasies. G28 44 Magnificent, handsomeand brilliant were the words G28 45 she used to describe him; living with him was like listening to a G28 46 story that never stopped, or like living in a country that kept on G28 47 extending its frontiers. She could feel his energy pouring directly G28 48 into her work, and it was an adventure just to buy a loaf of bread G28 49 or step over goat-droppings.

G28 50 But within six weeks of the wedding, quarrels were threatening G28 51 to capsize their happiness. Incredulous at her vulnerability, she G28 52 felt the hurt "going in, clean as a razor, and the dark G28 53 blood welling". In the unfamiliar landscape, under the full G28 54 moon, with crickets chirruping and donkey-bells jangling in the G28 55 distance, she felt wrongness growing between them and making his G28 56 skin hard to touch. It went on growing till it seemed to fill the G28 57 house, like a carnivorous plant. When he announced he was going out G28 58 for a walk, she went with him, knowing it would be intolerable to G28 59 stay alone in the house, but she felt foolish as she strode towards G28 60 the hills, past the railway station, and when they sat down, it was G28 61 with a distance between them. They walked back in silence and slept G28 62 separately. In the morning it felt as if the house were being G28 63 choked with wrongness, but their sense of togetherness revived when G28 64 Hughes found an ant-track and they played with their superiority by G28 65 lifting the stone above the nest, throwing the colony into G28 66 confusion. To a spider who'd captured two ants they tossed a third, G28 67 and they gave the ants a big dead fly.

G28 68 Generally the habits he'd acquired were quite different from G28 69 hers. He went on wearing the same clothes day after day, apparently G28 70 untroubled when they were too thick or too thin for the current G28 71 weather. Sometimes he was suspicious of food she gave him, G28 72 complaining she was trying to kill him with a protein diet. G28 73 Sometimes, when he couldn't find what he was looking for, he G28 74 accused her of hiding his things or secretly destroying them. G28 75 Sometimes he'd sink into black moods, and when he took his clothes G28 76 off, he tended to throw them on the floor, while she was always G28 77 careful in keeping all her things tidy. But though she wrote in G28 78 detail about their life together in the diaries she kept, she G28 79 speculated remarkably little about what was going on in his mind. G28 80 Sometimes they talked to each other about dreams, but, endlessly G28 81 interested in her own inner life, she seems to have been uncurious G28 82 about his.

G28 83 Towards the end of August they left for Paris, and when they G28 84 returned to England in early September, they went to stay in G28 85 Heptonstall with his parents, who readily forgave him for not G28 86 telling them about the wedding until he wrote to them from G28 87 Benidorm. They were friendly and welcoming. Sylvia describes them G28 88 as "dear, simple Yorkshire folk".

G28 89 Having spent all their money in Spain and France, she and G28 90 Hughes stayed in Heptonstall until term began. Hughes's Uncle Walt G28 91 took them in his car to see the Bront<*_>e-umlaut<*/>s' Haworth, G28 92 and they picnicked amongst the heather. She reread Wuthering G28 93 Heights, which helped her to enjoy the wild landscape of bare G28 94 hills, the deep-creviced valleys and the heather purpling the G28 95 moorland. Wiry and white-haired, Hughes's father was half Irish; G28 96 still a tobacconist, he drove every day to his shop in Hebden G28 97 Bridge, while Hughes's plump, arthritic mother told stories about G28 98 the neighbours and made starchy pastries and meat pies for her son G28 99 and her new daughter-in-law, but Sylvia was allowed to do most of G28 100 the cooking for Hughes and herself in the tiny kitchen. One night G28 101 Hughes took her out to stalk rabbits in the woods, but when he shot G28 102 a beautiful doe with its young, Sylvia didn't have the heart to G28 103 take it home to make a stew.

G28 104 Back at Cambridge, she kept the wedding a secret: having G28 105 married without permission, she was in danger of being sent down G28 106 and losing her Fulbright Scholarship. But when she confessed, she G28 107 was forgiven, and at first she and Hughes were happy together, in G28 108 spite of living in a shabby, depressingly grimy flat which wasn't G28 109 self-contained: they had to share the bathroom with their G28 110 upstairs neighbour, while soot seemed to be ingrained in G28 111 everything. Domestic surroundings obviously mattered less to G28 112 Hughes, who'd lived at Cambridge with Lucas Myers in a hut which G28 113 had once served as a chicken coop and later in a tent in Myers's G28 114 garden.

G28 115 Wendy Campbell, a friend of Dorothea Krook's, was allowed to G28 116 sit in on Sylvia's supervisions and immediately liked her: G28 117 "she was so alive and warm and interested. She seemed to be G28 118 entirely collected and concentrated and in focus." When she G28 119 came with Hughes to a party, they were both "smiling and G28 120 smiling, almost incandescent with happiness ... They seemed to have G28 121 found solid ground in each other." She'd at last found G28 122 "a man on the same scale as herself. Her vividness demanded G28 123 largeness, intensity, an extreme", while he seemed G28 124 unfettered and unafraid. "He didn't care, in a tidy G28 125 bourgeois sense, he didn't give a damn for anyone or G28 126 anything."

G28 127 In their flat in Eltisley Avenue they used to get up at five in G28 128 the morning to write before the day began. Sylvia struck Wendy G28 129 Campbell as having a natural excellence at everything she G28 130 attempted. The flat was well kept, she cooked superbly, and G28 131 "her very remarkable efficiency" seemed to be G28 132 "very natural to her and was never accompanied by any sense G28 133 of strain". In fact there was a great deal of strain, G28 134 physical and financial, but, like a ballerina who knows how to keep G28 135 a radiant smile on her face while executing dance steps that G28 136 involve both anxiety and pain, Sylvia knew how to appear happy and G28 137 exhilarated.

G28 138 Doris Krook (as she was known in Cambridge) was amazed at how G28 139 much marriage had changed her. Antonia Byatt, who met her at the G28 140 beginning of her Cambridge career, found her "very hard to G28 141 talk to: she was very gracious, very deliberately outgoing, almost G28 142 aggressively an image of the healthy American girl, blonded hair, G28 143 red mouth, full of bouncy wonder". After Sylvia married, G28 144 her extreme happiness was unmistakable but almost worrying. What G28 145 would happen, Doris Krook wondered, if anything should go wrong G28 146 with this marriage? Her fears were allayed by Sylvia's G28 147 "serenity, her tranquillity, her confidence and (most of G28 148 all) her marvellous vitality which seemed a guarantee of limitless G28 149 powers of resistance". But Sylvia, who knew these powers G28 150 weren't limitless, was aware of being dangerously dependent on G28 151 Hughes.

G28 152 Ever since the suicide attempt she'd been struggling to rebuild G28 153 her identity, making it flexible and strong. What she needed was a G28 154 solid core of self, but everything that constituted her existence G28 155 had become interwoven with Hughes. Within twelve months of meeting G28 156 him, she found life without him inconceivable. She told herself G28 157 that if she lost him, she'd either go mad or kill herself. After G28 158 spending twenty-five years searching for someone just like him - so G28 159 she told herself - she knew he was the only man in the world who G28 160 was right for her. Her father's death had pushed her into a G28 161 symbiotic relationship with her mother; the suicide attempt had put G28 162 an end to the symbiosis and Dr Beuscher had become a surrogate for G28 163 both parents. By leaving America Sylvia had lost Dr Beuscher; G28 164 Hughes now had to serve as a replacement for father, mother and G28 165 psychiatrist. At first he seemed to be offering all the love and G28 166 protection Sylvia needed. If her life was like a sea, he appeared G28 167 to be holding it steady and spreading his deep, rich colours G28 168 through it. She focused on him all her capacity for hero-worship, G28 169 all the adulation she'd lavished on poets such as Auden and on the G28 170 teachers who'd helped her the most. Hughes seemed like a classical G28 171 god she'd conjured out of the slack water. He'd surfaced with his G28 172 spear shining and rare fish trailing in his wake. She'd always been G28 173 a perfectionist; now she was committed to perfectionism G28 174 <*_>a-grave<*/> deux. The balance was going to be G28 175 precarious.

G28 176 For pounds9-10-0 they bought a huge, soiled, second-hand sofa G28 177 for the living-room, but they were finding it so hard to pay for G28 178 food, electricity, gas and coal that by the middle of November it G28 179 looked as if Hughes, who'd been hoping to find work as a teacher, G28 180 would have to settle for a labouring job. Before the end of the G28 181 month Sylvia had her first meeting with his sister, Olwyn, who came G28 182 to stay for a weekend on her way from Heptonstall to Paris. After G28 183 taking an arts degree at London University, she'd settled in Paris, G28 184 doing secretarial work. Her relationship with Sylvia was uneasy G28 185 from the start; Olwyn, who'd never married, had dominated her G28 186 younger brother during childhood, and Sylvia formed the impression G28 187 that as children they'd slept in the same bed. Olwyn's attitude to G28 188 Ted struck her as proprietorial, and, writing to Aurelia, she G28 189 described her sister-in-law as selfish and extravagant over clothes G28 190 and cigarettes. Not long afterwards, she started sketching out a G28 191 story about a "diabolical" sister who is jealous of her G28 192 younger brother's marriage and finds things intolerably different G28 193 from what they used to be.

G28 194 Though it was too late for Hughes to get a Cambridge teaching G28 195 diploma, he managed to land a job at a day-school for boys, G28 196 teaching English and helping with sports. G28 197 G29 1 <#FLOB:G29\>EARLY YEARS IN HAMPSHIRE

G29 2 Jane Austen was born on 16 December 1775 in her father's G29 3 parsonage at Steventon, a small village five miles from G29 4 Basingstoke, and it remained her home for the next twenty-five G29 5 years until her father decided suddenly to retire to Bath. It was G29 6 at Steventon and on holidays in different parts of Hampshire and G29 7 Kent that she drafted her first three novels, Sense and G29 8 Sensibility,Pride and Prejudice and Northanger G29 9 Abbey, all between the ages of nineteen and twenty-three.

G29 10 George Austen's parsonage or rectory was pulled down not many G29 11 years after her death because it had become too decrepit in the G29 12 eyes of his successor, his own son James, and today its site is the G29 13 corner of a field marked only by the iron pump which stood in the G29 14 Austen's courtyard, now guarded against the cows by ugly railings. G29 15 Behind it, higher up the slope, are traces in the turf of terracing G29 16 where they contrived a short walk across the top of their modest G29 17 garden. Beyond the hedge were the few fields that George Austen G29 18 farmed. The situation was agreeable but by no means idyllic. This G29 19 part of Hampshire is decently but dully undulating, the fields too G29 20 large for their hedges to form interesting patterns, the hills G29 21 unspectacular, while Steventon itself was more a line of cottages G29 22 than a village, the church and manor house standing half a mile G29 23 from where its centre ought to be.

G29 24 The parsonage was quite large and had a certain style. We have G29 25 two drawings of it, front and back, done by Anna Austen, James's G29 26 daughter, in about 1814, and they indicate something of its G29 27 huggermugger amplitude and modest pretensions to gentility. There G29 28 is a short approach drive to a latticed front door, and the G29 29 windows, one or two to a room, show how their large family was G29 30 packed in. There were two parlours and a kitchen, a private study G29 31 for the Vicar and ten bedrooms above, three of them in the attics. G29 32 Jane and Cassandra shared a bedroom, as they continued to do in G29 33 other houses all their lives, but they had a 'dressing-room' where G29 34 Jane kept her pianoforte and, one supposes, wrote.

G29 35 Given the lack of privacy, of lavatories, running water, G29 36 adequate lighting and any method of preserving perishable food G29 37 except by salting or smoking, and a household which at times G29 38 amounted to fifteen people counting servants and the students whom G29 39 the vicar enrolled to supplement his stipend, only remarkable good G29 40 temper and forebearance can have made life tolerable. None of G29 41 Jane's fictional families except the Prices of Portsmouth lived so G29 42 much on top of one another. But it was more than tolerable: it was G29 43 exuberant and intensely affectionate. All the Austens except one G29 44 mentally backward son were alert people, as playful as they were G29 45 industrious, ambitious in the least obnoxious way, humorous, G29 46 companionable and above all good-natured. Their father, Rev. George G29 47 Austen, was handsome in feature, energetic, intelligent and G29 48 profoundly attached to his children. His tolerance is shown in his G29 49 attitude to Jane's early writing. Far from putting it aside as a G29 50 childhood fantasy, he encouraged her, laughed with her over her G29 51 mounting roll-call of real or imaginary characters, and when she G29 52 produced a full-length novel, First Impressions, (later G29 53 to become Pride and Prejudice), which contained G29 54 literature's most brilliant lampoon of a foolish clergyman, he G29 55 offered it to Cadell's for publication "at the author's G29 56 expense" and shared her disappointment when it was refused. G29 57 Jane's mother, born Cassandra Leigh, was shrewd, high-minded, G29 58 determined and capable, with a strong sense of humour and an G29 59 attachment to her children which equalled her husband's and their G29 60 love for each other. It was a family exceptional for its mutual G29 61 support and lifelong cohesiveness.

G29 62 Their occupations at Steventon were those of any middle-class G29 63 family: household chores, drawing, reading aloud, music-making, G29 64 sewing, card-playing, amateur theatricals, church-going, G29 65 walking, shooting and riding for the boys, and for all of them G29 66 visiting and being visited. Their treats were not concerts, G29 67 theatres or seaside holidays (at least, not yet) but dances. It was G29 68 dancing, and friendships nurtured on the dance-floor, that G29 69 took Jane Austen away from the ramshackle rectory into a wider G29 70 society, and who can doubt that her novels originated in the G29 71 family's jovial postmortems on the parties they attended and the G29 72 odd people they met, for they shared an ironic view of the world, G29 73 delighted in the ridiculous, and balanced propriety with G29 74 irreverence in a wholly healthy proportion. At the same time, they G29 75 were left in no doubt that the life they enjoyed was privileged. G29 76 Jane well understood the hardships of the rural poor, which in her G29 77 lifetime, as William Cobbett constantly reminded the gentry, were G29 78 extreme. She was excellently placed to observe English society G29 79 upward and downward, humble enough to meet the villagers on terms G29 80 not intimidating to them, refined and bright enough to associate G29 81 with the minor and not so minor aristocracy without awe or G29 82 awkwardness. Like Elizabeth Bennet, "there was a mixture of G29 83 sweetness and archness in her manner which made it difficult for G29 84 her to affront anybody".

G29 85 Her appearance, as well as her natural high spirits and G29 86 curiosity about people, gave her confidence. She was exceptionally G29 87 attractive. It is unfortunate that the only two portraits we have G29 88 of her are sketches by her sister which do her less than justice. G29 89 The more unfamiliar of the two shows her from behind, her features G29 90 and body so concealed by her voluminous clothes and bonnet that it G29 91 might be a sketch of any woman of any age from sixteen to sixty, G29 92 when in fact she was about twenty-seven when it was made. The G29 93 second, drawn some nine years later, is even more misleading, for G29 94 where is the intelligence, the humour, the imagination, the G29 95 kindness in those dim eyes and pinched lips beneath the mob G29 96 cap? It contradicts every account we have of her, like Mrs G29 97 Beckford's, "I remember her as a tall thin spare G29 98 person, with very high cheekbones, great colour, sparkling eyes not G29 99 large but joyous and intelligent", or the Rev. Fowle's in G29 100 conversation with a friend, the more convincing because it is G29 101 hesitant: "Pretty - certainly pretty - bright and a good G29 102 deal of colour in her face - like a doll - no, that would not give G29 103 at all the idea, for she had so much expression - she was like a G29 104 child - quite a child, very lively and full of humour - most G29 105 amiable, most beloved"; and finally her niece Caroline's G29 106 first-hand testimony, "She was not an absolute beauty, but G29 107 before she left Steventon she was established as a very pretty G29 108 girl." She enjoyed her own delectability, dressed with G29 109 design, and she could attract and flirt. The importance she G29 110 attaches in her novels to the handsomeness of her heroes and the G29 111 beauty of her heroines (not only from the neck up) is an indication G29 112 of the pleasure she took in good appearance. She was not without G29 113 vanity. "A pleasing young woman" was how a friend G29 114 described her to Cassandra, who repeated the compliment. G29 115 "Well", commented Jane, who was then thirty-five, G29 116 "that must do: one cannot pretend to anything better now, G29 117 thankful to having it continued a few years longer."

G29 118 Much as she enjoyed party-going, it was no part of her doctrine G29 119 that the grander the party the better. She knew that the dullest G29 120 occasions were often found in the smartest houses, as at Lady G29 121 Middleton's inSense and Sensibility, where the insipidity G29 122 of the conversation "produced not one novelty of thought or G29 123 expression". What she most enjoyed was a small, lively G29 124 dinner-party followed by an impromptu dance, and a visit to or from G29 125 the most attractive guest next morning. She based the most G29 126 significant scenes in her novels on such occasions, advancing the G29 127 plot mostly by conversation. Her ear was astonishingly receptive G29 128 and retentive, for how otherwise, aged twenty or little more, could G29 129 she have invented conversations so subtle in thought and so G29 130 beautifully balanced in language unless she had experienced and G29 131 contributed to them? Indeed was she not improving on them, since G29 132 few of her friends could have been capable of so spontaneous, G29 133 melodious and epigrammatic a style as Emma or Henry Crawford, who G29 134 expressed themselves so well that in real life we would need thirty G29 135 seconds pause between each sentence while we shaped the next?

G29 136 The neighbourhood of Basingstoke was well suited to the G29 137 upbringing of a novelist intent on reproducing, half-satirically, G29 138 the society of the upper-middle class and clergy. The mix of rank, G29 139 their varied dwellings, the scattering of villages round a small G29 140 market town afforded all she needed for plotting her simple stories G29 141 and expressing her moral attitudes. One is aware of a wickeder G29 142 world outside, in large towns and seaports, and she does not wholly G29 143 suppress the distant boom of naval gunfire, specially in G29 144 Persuasion, but her books are mainly concerned with the normal G29 145 and apparently immutable style of English country living where G29 146 nothing much happens except the slow shift in the relationship of G29 147 one young person to another.

G29 148 There was only a difference of eight years between the five G29 149 youngest Austen children. They grew up together, shared the same G29 150 friendships, visited the same houses - Steventon Manor, Ashe Park, G29 151 Ashe House, Deane, Manydown, Oakley Hall, and then the grander G29 152 quintet - Hackwood, Hurstbourne Park, The Vyne, Kempshott Park and G29 153 Laverstoke. There were several others. When Mrs Bennet boasts, G29 154 "We dine out with four and twenty families", the G29 155 same could have been said of the Austens. It was probably a wider G29 156 selection of houses than most vicarage children would enjoy today G29 157 when communication between them is easier and class distinctions G29 158 less rigid. Just because the badness of the roads confined people G29 159 to their immediate neighbourhood in winter, and to the range of a G29 160 pony-cart in summer, and because they lacked any other form of G29 161 social entertainment (no tennis, no swimming pools), they tended to G29 162 make the most of their close group, even the higher aristocracy G29 163 among them, though the peers did not expect to be invited back to G29 164 the parsonages.

G29 165 We hear, for example, of the Lords Portsmouth, Dorchester and G29 166 Bolton attending a ball at the Angel Inn at Basingstoke where sixty G29 167 people were packed into the 'Assembly Rooms', a large hall above G29 168 the stables and coach-house, later to become a hayloft with the old G29 169 chandelier still swinging above the hay, but demolished when G29 170 Basingstoke became so pleased with its present that it forgot its G29 171 past. Dances were held there once a month during the Season, and G29 172 there can be little doubt that in describing the dance at Meryton G29 173 when Darcy snubbed Elizabeth, Jane Austen was drawing directly upon G29 174 them. The scene in the novel resembles too exactly the scene as she G29 175 described it for Cassandra at Christmas 1798: "Mr Calland, G29 176 who appeared as usual with his hat in his hand, stood every now and G29 177 then behind Catherine and me to be talked to and abused for not G29 178 dancing. We teased him, however, into it at last." About G29 179 another ball she wrote, "There were more dancers than the G29 180 room could hold. I do not think I was very much in request. People G29 181 were apt rather not to ask me if they could help it." One G29 182 catches the mocking and self-mocking style which may account for G29 183 her shortage of partners. But there was another motive in her G29 184 eagerness. All dances are courtships of a kind. "To be fond G29 185 of dancing", pontificates Sir William Lucas in Pride G29 186 and Prejudice, "was a certain step towards falling in G29 187 love."

G29 188 We know of one serious flirtation, and one proposal, during the G29 189 Steventon days, each linked with a house that came to mean much to G29 190 her.

G29 191 The flirtation was with Tom Lefroy, a handsome young Irishman, G29 192 nephew of the Rev. George Lefroy, Rector of Ashe, a village within G29 193 walking distance of Steventon. Jane spoke and wrote of him in a G29 194 jocular, off-hand manner which revealed her more serious G29 195 attraction.

G29 196 I am almost afraid to tell you, [she told her sister in G29 197 the very first of her letters to survive, dated January 1796,] how G29 198 my Irish friend and I behaved. G29 199 G30 1 <#FLOB:G30\>HESS G30 2 Rudolf Hess was born into the house of a prosperous German G30 3 import-export merchant in the Egyptian seaport of Alexandria in G30 4 1894. The firm, Hess & Co., had been founded almost thirty years G30 5 earlier by his grandfather, a self-made man who had married well. G30 6 His father, Fritz Hess, ran the business and his family with the G30 7 punctilious formality and sternness natural to the age. The G30 8 household revolved around his convenience. For Rudolf and his G30 9 brother, Alfred, born three years after him in 1897, he was an G30 10 inhibiting, frightening presence who seldom showed affection; it G30 11 was only later that Rudolf Hess discovered his father's real G30 12 fondness for them. Fritz's circle of acquaintance and his outlook G30 13 were narrowly German and business-orientated; Hanfstaengl, meeting G30 14 him in later years, described his conversation as banal, his G30 15 mentality that of a bowling club member, an estimate that seems G30 16 borne out by the few anecdotes Rudolf Hess told about his father. G30 17 So Rudolf was sent first to a one-room school serving the small G30 18 German community, and then, from the age of twelve, taught at home G30 19 by his mother and tutors. It was accepted that he would follow his G30 20 father into the family firm.

G30 21 All the pleasantest memories of childhood which returned to him G30 22 in later years were connected with his mother and the beauty of sky G30 23 and sea, garden and desert shared with her. When he read the names G30 24 of stars, they evoked her image under the shining Egyptian night as G30 25 she pointed them out and identified them. Exceptionally beautiful G30 26 sunsets recalled the blazing colours he had watched with her from G30 27 the roof garden of their substantial villa in the coastal suburb of G30 28 Ibrahimieh. "What a paradise it was in our garden at the G30 29 edge of the desert," he reminded her in 1951. "Do G30 30 you remember how we would gather violets together and how glorious G30 31 they smelled ...?" From confinement in Landsberg he wrote G30 32 to Ilse Pr<*_>o-umlaut<*/>hl: "One's whole youth is G30 33 incorporated in one's mother. She is part of one's being, one's own G30 34 original essence - even today ... without her one would have become G30 35 someone else."

G30 36 Every summer from 1900 Fritz Hess took his family 'home' to G30 37 Germany to holiday in a large house he had had built in Art Nouveau G30 38 style below the hamlet of Reicholdsgr<*_>u-umlaut<*/>n in the G30 39 Fichtel mountains of northern Bavaria. It was not far G30 40 <}_><-|>form<+|>from<}/> the village of Wunsiedel, where his G30 41 father's forbears had been master shoemakers. No doubt this and the G30 42 isolated position in hilly country so different from the low G30 43 coastal plain of Egypt recommended the place; it could not have G30 44 been desire for society, nor it seems for culture. It was not until G30 45 Rudolf was fourteen and placed in a boarding school in Bad G30 46 Godesberg on the Rhine that he developed a love of music, G30 47 particularly Beethoven, which lasted throughout his life. G30 48 Hanfstaengl recalled that the only time he ever established brief G30 49 personal, as opposed to professional, contact with Rudolf Hess was G30 50 during a social get-together at Hess's house in 1933: Hess asked G30 51 him to play Beethoven and told him how he had discovered his love G30 52 for the great man's works while a pupil at the Evangelical School G30 53 at Godesberg.

G30 54 As a man, Hess was withdrawn and difficult to know; his G30 55 adjutant Leitgen described him as coming out of his shell only in G30 56 the small circle of his brother and parents. His wife Ilse said G30 57 that he had difficulty in opening up to others. He was also highly G30 58 sensitive. Projecting these traits back to his schooldays and G30 59 remembering the sheltered life he had lived until then in the G30 60 restricted family circle, it can be assumed that things were not G30 61 easy for him as a boarder at Bad Godesberg. He was known there as G30 62 "the Egyptian", partly perhaps because of his dark G30 63 hair and complexion; it was an epithet which stuck to him G30 64 throughout his years in the Nazi Party. In class he proved well G30 65 above average in maths and the sciences, and his teachers suggested G30 66 he should study engineering or physics at university. This accorded G30 67 with his own inclinations and lack of any desire to follow his G30 68 father into the family business, but Fritz Hess would not hear of G30 69 it. As the future head of the firm, he was to have a commercial G30 70 training. Thus, after three years at Bad Godesberg, the G30 71 seventeen-year-old was sent to the Ecole Sup<*_>e-acute<*/>rieur de G30 72 Commerce at Neuch<*_>a-circ<*/>tel, Switzerland, and, after a G30 73 disinterested year there, he was apprenticed to a firm in Hamburg G30 74 to learn the practical side of trading.

G30 75 War came as a personal, emotional release for him. Strong as he G30 76 was in mathematical and practical abilities, he was also a dreaming G30 77 idealist with fervent emotional drives which became visible on G30 78 occasions in his deep-set greenish eyes. The coming of war at the G30 79 end of July 1914 was surely one such. It found him at the villa at G30 80 Reicholdsgr<*_>u-umlaut<*/>n on holiday with his family - now G30 81 augmented by a little sister, Margarete (Grete), born long after G30 82 the boys in 1908.

G30 83 For years, like all Germans, he had been exposed to an G30 84 insistent chorus of triumphal expansionist aspiration. It was G30 85 proclaimed from every organ of Government and State, from press and G30 86 lectern, led by the Kaiser, Wilhelm II himself, who called for a G30 87 German "place in the sun" alongside (more G30 88 practically at the expense of) the older colonial empires as G30 89 metaphorically he brandished the "mailed fist" that G30 90 would assure this world power. 'Weltpolitik' was the name G30 91 of the exercise - 'world policy' as opposed to the traditional G30 92 Prusso-German continental policy. It was supported by big business G30 93 and finance and more reluctantly by the Prussian ruling class of G30 94 soldiers and officials who leant their agreement in the hope that G30 95 it would divert internal social and, as it was believed, G30 96 pre-revolutionary pressures caused by the rapid industrialisation G30 97 of the country, thus enabling them to preserve their power and G30 98 status beside the Kaiser at the head of the empire. The policy was G30 99 also supported by the Navy, a parvenu service which had hardly G30 100 existed in the previous century and then only as the coastal arm of G30 101 the Prussian Army. The means used to bring the claims of the Navy G30 102 before an essentially land-orientated nation gathered G30 103 terrific momentum until the inspiration and creator of the new G30 104 German fleet, Admiral Tirpitz, had become a major political G30 105 force.

G30 106 Rudolf Hess was one of the thousands enthused by the naval G30 107 propaganda. Whether this was because he was working in the G30 108 commercial port of Hamburg, whether it had something to do with his G30 109 Egyptian background, childhood glimpses of British battle squadrons G30 110 or the ever-present impression of the power of the sea G30 111 empire which held this cross-roads between east and west, G30 112 or whether perhaps it was simply caused by his need to find G30 113 something more inspiring to feed his idealism than trade and G30 114 ledgers is unclear. Whatever the reasons, he had developed an G30 115 interest in warships and naval history which he was never to lose. G30 116 Some years later he told his brother that it started while he was G30 117 working in Hamburg: he had learnt K<*_>o-umlaut<*/>hler's Fleet G30 118 Calendar by heart and knew the vital statistics of all the G30 119 principal German warships.

G30 120 It was also during this time immediately prior to the war that G30 121 the German architects of Weltpolitik in the Foreign G30 122 Ministry and in the Kaiser's cabinets, and powerful backers like G30 123 the shipping magnate Albert Ballin were confronted with the G30 124 contradictions inherent from the first, namely that the propaganda G30 125 needed to awaken the German people to their world mission and the G30 126 huge naval building programmes required to support it first alarmed G30 127 Great Britain, whose world position rested on her unchallengeable G30 128 fleet, then forced her into a hostile alliance with France and G30 129 Russia. The German Chancellor, Bethmann-Hollweg, and his Foreign G30 130 Minister made great efforts to curb Tirpitz and smooth British G30 131 feathers; indeed, they were sufficiently successful that, by July G30 132 1914, when they provoked what they believed to be the inevitable G30 133 showdown with Russia and France, they still hoped that the pacifist G30 134 wing of the British Government would prevail and keep the island G30 135 empire out of their continental war.

G30 136 As the crisis broke, Bethmann sent Albert Ballin to London to G30 137 sound out the reaction. Returning to Berlin, he reported that no G30 138 British cabinet minister had stated unequivocally that the British G30 139 Government would support France if she were attacked; and, misled G30 140 by the strong pacifist sentiment of several ministers and a general G30 141 feeling in the country that what happened in the Balkans - seat of G30 142 the Austro-German pretext for war - was none of their concern, G30 143 Ballin was able to conclude that the British decision would turn on G30 144 Germany's intentions towards France. Thereupon Bethmann called in G30 145 the British Ambassador: Germany had no desire to "crush" G30 146 France in any conflict which might arise and, "provided G30 147 that the neutrality of Britain were certain, every assurance would G30 148 be given to the British Government that the Imperial [German] G30 149 Government aimed at no territorial expansion at the expense of G30 150 France". The British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, G30 151 read this note of the conversation with despair: that anyone should G30 152 propose a bargain which would reflect such discredit not only on G30 153 Great Britain's honour but also on her common sense and instinct G30 154 for self-preservation ... He replied that His Majesty's Government G30 155 could not entertain the proposal; it would be a disgrace from which G30 156 the good name of the country would never recover.

G30 157 Rudolf Hess could not have known of these exchanges or the G30 158 delusions prevailing among the Kaiser's ministers as they braced G30 159 themselves for the leap into the dark of European war, but G30 160 twenty-five years later, as Hitler's deputy, preparing to follow G30 161 his F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>hrer into a second European war, he was G30 162 animated by the same illusions about the exigencies of Britain's G30 163 honour and self-preservation - illusions which continued to shimmer G30 164 in his imagination long after England had once again been forced G30 165 into the hostile camp.

G30 166 At the end of July 1914 the young Hess, a few months past his G30 167 twentieth birthday, was concerned only with enlisting for the G30 168 front. A skilfully managed press campaign had convinced Germans G30 169 that they were encircled by an envious coalition jealous of their G30 170 success and determined to invade and crush the Fatherland. Even the G30 171 Socialists, who had been appealing the previous week for G30 172 international workers' solidarity and "Down with G30 173 War", were swept up in ardent nationalism. When the Kaiser G30 174 proclaimed, "I no longer know parties - only G30 175 Germans," they rallied behind him. "Brilliant G30 176 mood," the chief of his naval cabinet wrote in his diary, G30 177 "the Government has succeeded very well in making us appear G30 178 the attacked."

G30 179 Everywhere the call to arms was greeted with enthusiasm. In G30 180 Munich, Adolf Hitler, living a lonely, rootless existence as a G30 181 view-card painter and copier joined the cheering multitudes in the G30 182 Odeonsplatz and, eyes shining, waved his hat high to G30 183 'deliverance' from the aimlessness and frustration, G30 184 "from the vexatious moods of my youth".

G30 185 Similar emotions gripped Rudolf Hess in G30 186 Reicholdsgr<*_>u-umlaut<*/>n. Rebelling openly for the first time G30 187 against his father's determination to make him a businessman, he G30 188 sped off to Munich to volunteer as a trooper in the cavalry, G30 189 "firmly resolved", as he wrote to his parents on 3 G30 190 August, "to play my part in giving these barbarians and G30 191 international criminals the thrashing they deserve". He G30 192 added that he had just read that enemy aircraft had been buzzing G30 193 across the borders before the outbreak of war and that the French G30 194 in Metz had attempted to sow cholera bacilli in the wells. G30 195 "It makes one's hair stand on end just to think of G30 196 it."

G30 197 Both his parents replied with their blessing, his father ending G30 198 his letter, "now farewell, dear Rudi, acquit yourself well, G30 199 we all embrace you heartily and send you most affectionate G30 200 greetings and kisses. Your Papa."

G30 201 The regiment Hess applied to join was over-subscribed, but on G30 202 20 August he enrolled as a private in the 7th Bavarian Field G30 203 Artillery, then transferred for some reason a month later to the G30 204 1st Reserve Battalion of the <*_>e-acute<*/>lite 1st Bavarian Foot; G30 205 "Rejoice with me," he wrote home, "I am an G30 206 infantryman." G30 207 G31 1 <#FLOB:G31\>It was a difficult period for Diana too. It was the G31 2 first time she had witnessed such raw and naked grief; it was also G31 3 her first experience of the death of someone close. And there was G31 4 the awesome realization that her husband had very nearly been G31 5 killed too. She grew up a lot that day. The next hurdle for them G31 6 all was the funeral, held at the Memorial Chapel at Sandhurst. Ten G31 7 members of the Royal Family were there - more than there had been G31 8 at any funeral service since the Duke of Windsor's two years before G31 9 - and a thousand friends, relatives, fellow officers and men from G31 10 the 9th/12th Royal Lancers. Charles read the lesson.

G31 11 He then sought refuge in the Highlands. Diana meanwhile stayed G31 12 at home with the children and put a brave face on it. Even the day G31 13 before the funeral she had insisted upon keeping to her work G31 14 schedule, and no one would have guessed the torment she was G31 15 suffering. It was a Birthright visit to a fitness centre in G31 16 Holywell, near Clwyd in North Wales, where a whole array of little G31 17 girls dressed up as characters from nursery rhymes awaited her. G31 18 There were no grand people to meet, just some spiders and Little G31 19 Miss Muffets, all of whom had been busily practising their curtsies G31 20 and their 'Ma'ams' for weeks, and Diana did not let them down.

G31 21 The Princess only cancels engagements when there is no option. G31 22 Both she and the Prince are painfully aware that every engagement G31 23 represents a gathering of people for whom this is a big day. They G31 24 have prepared and rehearsed, possibly gone out and bought new G31 25 clothes, and had their hair done for the occasion; they may even G31 26 have redecorated the building in the Prince or Princess's honour, G31 27 and have looked forward to this as a day they will remember and G31 28 talk about for the rest of their lives. They both feel very G31 29 strongly that these people should not be disappointed, and that G31 30 there should be no hitches in the arrangements, no G31 31 embarrassments.

G31 32 One of the rare occasions when Diana did cancel, was in May G31 33 1988 when Prince Harry was rushed into Great Ormond Street Hospital G31 34 for an emergency hernia operation. Like his father, he was 'a blue G31 35 light special', and Diana had spent the night with him at the G31 36 hospital. The following evening she was supposed to have attended a G31 37 Mother and Child exhibition in aid of Birthright, but Anne G31 38 Beckwith-Smith telephoned a couple of hours beforehand to say the G31 39 Princess was so exhausted that she could not make it. While she had G31 40 been in the hospital, she had not hidden herself away in Harry's G31 41 room; she had gone out into other wards, while her son was under G31 42 the anaesthetic, to talk to other sick children and their parents. G31 43 It had been a draining twenty-four hours.

G31 44 Despite Earl Spencer's curious plea for her to spend more time G31 45 at home being a mother, Diana has always been the central figure in G31 46 William and Harry's lives. She has always tried to work her G31 47 schedule around them, and has very much been a warm and close G31 48 mother to them. Unless she has to be in the north of England or G31 49 even further afield, she will take them to school in the mornings, G31 50 before going back to Kensington Palace to change for the day's G31 51 engagements. On the whole, nothing is scheduled to go on much later G31 52 than 3.30 in the afternoon, so that she can be back home again in G31 53 time for their tea and bath before bed. Frequently, though, like G31 54 the Prince, she spends longer with people than has been allowed G31 55 for, so schedules usually run a little late. On her way home she G31 56 often pops into her local branch of Sainsbury's to buy the boys G31 57 some Twiglets or some other treat that they particularly like. G31 58 "I know they're not good for them," she will say, G31 59 "but they do love them."

G31 60 On Friday afternoons they invariably set off for the country. G31 61 Diana usually drives the boys, and the nanny follows with all the G31 62 gear. Charles seldom manages to get away as early as Diana, and G31 63 often drives down later. At Highgrove the children have far greater G31 64 freedom than in London, and they love the countryside. They can G31 65 roam about the garden and farm and see all the animals. There is a G31 66 climbing frame on the lawn and a swing, there's the swimming pool, G31 67 and their tree-house, and plenty of hedges for all sorts of games. G31 68 They have their hamsters there, which live up in the nursery on the G31 69 top floor of the house, and the Prince's two Jack Russells, Tigger G31 70 - a present from Lady Salisbury in 1986 - and her daughter Roo, who G31 71 generally stay at Highgrove unless the family is going to be away G31 72 for longer than a week. They have ponies at Highgrove too. Both G31 73 boys are very keen riders, and go off to local gym-khanas G31 74 and shows in the summer. They have practice jumps in the fields, G31 75 and a riding instructor comes to give them lessons. When they spend G31 76 holidays at Sandringham or Balmoral, the ponies go too.

G31 77 If Charles is at home, the boys often garden with him, or go G31 78 for a drive or a walk round the farm. Charles and Diana both firmly G31 79 believe in teaching their children good manners. It has been a G31 80 struggle - they are no different from any other young boys - but G31 81 they are both impeccably behaved nowadays, at least when on parade. G31 82 King Constantine, who is Prince William's godfather, says that G31 83 Charles treats them like young adults. He does not force them to do G31 84 anything, but explains and reasons with them. William, whom he G31 85 usually refers to as Wombat, is bright, exhausting and extremely G31 86 wilful, and would stretch even the patience of a saint at times. G31 87 One day, when he was four, he went with his father to the farm. It G31 88 was a freezing cold day and William had no gloves. As his hands G31 89 became colder he began to grumble, and finally he started to cry. G31 90 "I told you to bring some gloves," said Charles, G31 91 "and you wouldn't listen, so shut up."

G31 92 He used to run rings around his mother too. Stephen O'Brien and G31 93 Cathy Ashton were sitting in the Prince's study at Kensington G31 94 Palace waiting for the Prince to arrive for a meeting one evening, G31 95 when Diana burst through the door, clearly not expecting to find G31 96 anyone so large inside. "I'm sorry," she said, G31 97 "I'm looking for William. It's bed-time so he's G31 98 vanished. Will you give me a shout if you see him?" Cathy G31 99 Ashton was left quietly wondering how one might give the Princess G31 100 of Wales a shout, when giggles from above indicated that it would G31 101 not be necessary.

G31 102 Another visitor to encounter the boys in full cry was Roger G31 103 Singleton, director of Barnado's. He arrived at Kensington Palace G31 104 for lunch one day, bearing a large plaster frog. The frog was a G31 105 gift from some physically handicapped children at a school in G31 106 Taunton which Diana had visited the previous week. The children G31 107 were being taught simple trades, including filling moulds with G31 108 plaster of Paris, and painting the resulting object. Diana had been G31 109 asked if she would like a frog. "I'd love one," she G31 110 said and, since Roger happened to be seeing her the next week, he G31 111 had undertaken to deliver it.

G31 112 The butler opened the front door and, as Roger was carrying G31 113 this great green horror along the corridor, William and Harry came G31 114 bouncing down the stairs and started clamouring to have the frog. G31 115 It was too heavy for either of them to carry, so William went G31 116 racing off up the stairs, excitedly telling his mother that a frog G31 117 was coming.

G31 118 Harry refused to be parted from it, so he and Roger shared it, G31 119 and, with one small hand supporting the frog's bottom and the other G31 120 firmly clasping Roger's hand to help him up the stairs, the trio G31 121 progressed slowly upwards, to be met at the top by Diana, who had G31 122 come to see what all the fuss was about.

G31 123 She is a good instinctive mother, clearly besotted by her sons, G31 124 and determined to ensure that they grow up into secure adults. How G31 125 this is achieved is something Diana has become increasingly G31 126 interested in, not only in her work with Barnado's, but also with G31 127 Relate.

G31 128 Relate, previously called the Marriage Guidance Council, had G31 129 first written to the Princess in 1987, asking whether she would G31 130 consider becoming patron of their Golden Jubilee Appeal in 1988, G31 131 when they hoped to raise pounds1 million. The charity has been the G31 132 largest provider of counselling to married couples since it was G31 133 founded in 1938; they counsel over 50,000 clients a year, but felt G31 134 that it was time to bring it more up to date<&|>sic!. Society's G31 135 needs are changing and problems go far beyond the partners in a G31 136 marriage, so the charity felt they should be reflecting that. Thus, G31 137 to coincide with their Golden Jubilee, they planned to relaunch G31 138 under the new name, with a wider range of services more appropriate G31 139 to the needs of the 1990s. "Relate helps people who need to G31 140 talk to someone about marriage and relationships - relationships G31 141 with partners, with children, with parents, at home or at G31 142 work."

G31 143 The Princess, came the reply, was too heavily committed to take G31 144 on another patronage, but she would be very interested to see the G31 145 work they did; so, in March 1988, not long after Hugh Lindsay's G31 146 funeral, Diana went to Rugby to visit their national headquarters. G31 147 She was there for one and a quarter hours and, as well as hearing G31 148 about the work they did such as counselling, sex therapy, education G31 149 and training, she also watched a role-playing session. It was a G31 150 classic situation, which they use in their counsellor-training G31 151 programmes, where a counsellor had to deal with a couple, played by G31 152 experienced trainers, who were in the midst of a fierce marital G31 153 row. It was very real and very powerful, and Diana was riveted. She G31 154 immediately asked to see more, so six weeks later she went to visit G31 155 a neighbourhood centre in London. She was clearly very interested G31 156 in the work they did. From the start she was asking acute and G31 157 sensitive questions about what makes a good marriage, and a G31 158 recurrent interest has been what effect the quality of a marriage G31 159 can have on the children.

G31 160 According to Relate's figures, there are over 151,000 divorces G31 161 in Britain a year - that is, two marriages in five break down, and G31 162 that gives this country the highest divorce rate in Europe. Those G31 163 figures involve 149,000 children under the age of sixteen; one G31 164 third of those children are under five, and more than two thirds G31 165 are between five and ten; and there is evidence that such children G31 166 are very seriously affected by the break-up of the family unit. G31 167 Dramatic research published recently has shown that the delinquency G31 168 rate in children whose parents divorced when the offspring were G31 169 between the ages of five and twenty-one is twice as high as for G31 170 those children whose parents remained together. There is increasing G31 171 awareness of the damaging effect of divorce, and much of the work G31 172 that Relate now does involves children, and giving them the support G31 173 that their parents are very often unable to give them when their G31 174 own lives are in turmoil. Having experienced her own parents' G31 175 divorce when she was six years old, this is an area in which Diana G31 176 is especially interested.

G31 177 She opened a pilot centre in Portsmouth in 1989, set up G31 178 specifically to deal with whole families, to help them sort out the G31 179 difficulties of adjusting to one another; and, where a marriage is G31 180 coming to an end, to help limit the damage inflicted on the G31 181 children by a messy divorce. On that occasion she listened to the G31 182 problems of a couple who were living together, who had both been G31 183 married before, and both had three children from their previous G31 184 marriages. All eight of them were endeavouring to live under one G31 185 roof and had discovered that it was not as simple as it seemed. G31 186 G31 187 G31 188 G32 1 <#FLOB:G32\>JAMES DYSON

G32 2 10 December 1914 - 22 January 1990

G32 3 Elected F.R.S. 1968

G32 4 BY T.E. ALLIBONE, F.R.S., F.ENG.

G32 5 JAMES DYSON always reckoned that he had been a lucky person, G32 6 actually paid to do just what he wanted to do, work in optics. G32 7 He recalled that as a very small boy in his cot he had noticed that G32 8 he could see through the slats of the cot, could see objects behind G32 9 these slats (because, of course, of binocular vision); had been G32 10 surprised to see images of passing vehicles - seen on the wall of G32 11 his bedroom - apparently moving in the wrong direction; this was G32 12 because a hole in the fan light acted as a pin-hole camera, and G32 13 even at that age he worked out the reason for the strange G32 14 movements. His father, a joiner and cabinet maker and artist with a G32 15 strong flair for invention, had made a telescope for which he G32 16 ground the mirrors; watching the telescope grow set 'Jim' firmly on G32 17 the track of optical instrumentation, a track that he travelled G32 18 fast and with distinction. His interest in the telescope led him to G32 19 astronomy; at an early age he tried to calculate Jupiter's orbit G32 20 and thus became interested in mathematics, all his life he was G32 21 never at a loss to calculate all he needed for the development of G32 22 the many instruments he invented. In the Research Laboratory of the G32 23 Associated Electrical Industries (AEI Ltd) he was in great demand, G32 24 helping scientists in other disciplines to solve their problems by G32 25 one or other of the instruments he devised, and in moving to the G32 26 Optics Division of the National Physical Laboratory (NPL) he G32 27 continued in the same vein. He was extremely happy in all his G32 28 scientific work and gave great satisfaction to his colleagues by G32 29 the cheerful way he helped them.

G32 30 His father, George, and mother, Mary Grace (n<*_>e-acute<*/>e G32 31 Bateson), were married in 1903 and lived at 15 Ellencroft Road, G32 32 Horton, Bradford, where their first child Bessie was born in 1907, G32 33 followed by Jim seven years later, both children living to nearly G32 34 the same age. Jim attended the Grange Road primary school in G32 35 Bradford but when he was seven his parents went to live in his G32 36 maternal grandmother's home in Burton-in-Lonsdale.

G32 37 Little is known of George's family but the Batesons owned G32 38 several potteries in what was called 'Black Burton', and here Jim G32 39 went to the local village school, Thornton. He has written that the G32 40 school did not inspire him but we know that the headmaster, Mr G32 41 Mayell, plied Jim with questions he found he could always answer G32 42 correctly, and he did so well that he won a County minor G32 43 scholarship to the Queen Elizabeth Grammar School in Kirkby G32 44 Lonsdale, Lancashire. He has recalled that as he walked from Burton G32 45 into Kirkby Lonsdale through the country lanes he had several times G32 46 seen the 'green flash' which occurs just as the sun appears above G32 47 the horizon. He encountered an intelligence test before going to G32 48 the Grammar School and he had been surprised to find that he could G32 49 answer all the questions: but like so many children of that G32 50 generation he had found a wealth of interest in the Children's G32 51 encyclopaedia and of course this stood him in good stead in G32 52 school tests. He kept these volumes all his life.

G32 53 There is little information as to his progress in the Grammar G32 54 School except that he won several book prizes. A letter from one of G32 55 his school masters, Mr J.S. Deane, dated December 1960, G32 56 congratulating Jim on his Cambridge Sc.D. is significant: G32 57 "It is true to say that, although we have passed quite a G32 58 number of bright boys on to Cambridge since your time I still G32 59 regard you as my 'star' pupil; you certainly taxed my somewhat G32 60 limited resources to the extremity." He owed some of that G32 61 thirst for knowledge to his father who became very severely G32 62 crippled by rheumatoid arthritis during Jim's school days yet G32 63 pursued his technical interests and even learnt French and German, G32 64 and later as deafness and blindness fell upon him, he constructed G32 65 for himself optical and mechanical devices to overcome his physical G32 66 difficulties: Jim wrote that his father's never-failing courage had G32 67 always been an inspiration to him, and indeed, in the closing years G32 68 of Jim's life he too showed great courage and he pursued, as best G32 69 he was able, the optical interests of his life.

G32 70 In his last year at school, December 1932, he won the G32 71 Liversidge Scholarship to Christ's College, Cambridge, where, at G32 72 the end of his first year he gained a second in Part 1 of the G32 73 mathematical tripos on the strength of which success he was awarded G32 74 the Wilson Exhibition backdated to the Michaelmas term of the first G32 75 year; then he moved over to mechanical engineering and in the first G32 76 year of this course he won the College Prize and Bachelor G32 77 Scholarship. He finished in 1936 with a first in the Mechanical G32 78 Sciences Tripos, gaining a 'distinction', a 'B' star, in electrical G32 79 power; again he won the College prize.

G32 80 In July 1936 he was awarded an Industrial Bursary by the Royal G32 81 Commissioners (I suspect of the Exhibition of 1851) but he had been G32 82 interviewed by the British Thomson Houston Company of Rugby (BTH) G32 83 and he accepted its offer of a three-year apprenticeship at the G32 84 princely salary of "8.93 d per working hour plus a cost of G32 85 living bonus", altogether about pounds2 per week. It was a G32 86 widely based apprenticeship, design, manufacture, sales and eight G32 87 months in research where he worked on television time-base G32 88 circuits; the final report on his apprenticeship reading "a G32 89 very dependable worker with very good self-reliance and G32 90 initiative". On completion he was appointed to the staff of G32 91 the Transformer Department, a post he held until 1942, but it has G32 92 been impossible to find any former employee of the company who can G32 93 add to this information. Then he moved to the Research Department; G32 94 again there are difficulties for he never stated in the notes he G32 95 left just what his duties were; fortunately there are two of his G32 96 published papers that deal with some of the work (1,2) primarily G32 97 concerned with radio-frequency measurements, and five BTH reports G32 98 that have come to light.

G32 99 In 1946 Jim went to Berlin in uniform with the rank of Group G32 100 Captain to examine enemy equipment but I have found no details of G32 101 his activities there, although at the 1946 I.E.E. Radiolocation G32 102 Convention he did lecture on the radio-wave contour plotter (1). It G32 103 is, however, known that he was not very happy in the Research G32 104 Department; Dennis Gabor, F.R.S., Nobel laureate, told me that Jim G32 105 was dissatisfied with the research direction and was thinking of G32 106 making a move when an offer from AEI Ltd was made to him.

G32 107 After the War AEI Ltd (which held all the shares of the BTH G32 108 Co., Ediswan Ltd, Ferguson Pailin Ltd, Metropolitan-Vickers (M-V) G32 109 and Siemens Bros.) decided to try to stop the rivalry between BTH G32 110 and M-V research departments by creating one laboratory for the G32 111 longer-term research requirements of the company; the other G32 112 laboratories would continue to deal with the huge amount of G32 113 day-to-day needs. I was offered the directorship of the former. I G32 114 wanted to recruit at least a few members of staff from the two G32 115 research departments to help maintain a good liaison with them and G32 116 from Rubgy. Jim Dyson applied to join me.

G32 117 I clearly recall his story dealing with his interest in optics, G32 118 astronomy, mathematics, etc., and at once offered him an G32 119 appointment to join me at Aldermaston Court, the site of the new G32 120 laboratory. It had already been agreed that we should look into G32 121 very advanced electron microscopy and also into the more G32 122 intractable problems of friction and wear, such as arise from time G32 123 to time in rotating and other machines, so a good specialist in G32 124 optics would almost certainly be an asset, as indeed Jim was.

G32 125 It was in Aldermaston that Jim did his major work leading to G32 126 his election to the Royal Society: he contributed some 40 papers to G32 127 various learned bodies and in due course (1960) submitted them to G32 128 Cambridge for his Sc.D. The external examiner was C.R. Burch, G32 129 F.R.S., a former colleague of mine in the Research Department of G32 130 the Metropolitan-Vickers Electrical Co., and a frequent visitor to G32 131 Aldermaston; he recommended to me that we should put Jim's name G32 132 forward for election to the Society. Specialists in optics gave G32 133 support, including Sir Thomas Merton, Dennis Gabor, R.W. Ditchburn G32 134 and E.W. Taylor.

G32 135 Jim had his own room in Aldermaston Court, moderately equipped G32 136 with its own small workshop, and it was with the simplest of means G32 137 that he made prototypes from which the main workshop could then G32 138 produce the fine devices needed for our own research, and where G32 139 appropriate, for commercial exploitation. He was indeed a very G32 140 skilled craftsman as well as a fine theoretician; in this he G32 141 closely resembled C.R. Burch, and for Jim's dual qualities Burch G32 142 had the highest degree of praise. The words of Samuel Johnson again G32 143 come to mind: "The philosopher may be delighted with the G32 144 extent of his views; the artificer with the readiness of his hands; G32 145 but let one remember that without mechanical performance, profound G32 146 speculation is but an idle dream, and the other that without G32 147 theoretical prediction dexterity is little more than brute G32 148 instinct."

G32 149 During his Rubgy period he married, in 1940, Ena Lillian Turner G32 150 and their daughter, Gaynor Jacqueline, born 10 March 1944, can even G32 151 remember seeing her father's telescope in the garden. Alas the G32 152 marriage did not prosper well, and it was dissolved in 1948. G32 153 Further details are lost but we know that at times Jim was G32 154 "deeply distressed sometimes to the point of illness by the G32 155 break up of that marriage". Ena died when Gay was about 12, G32 156 by which time Jim had married Marie Florence Chant - on 21 June G32 157 1948 - who had been an assistant in the research laboratory in G32 158 Rugby. In 1945 she was a student at the Slade School of Fine Art, G32 159 then evacuated to Oxford. She was an artist of considerable merit, G32 160 and was engaged in printing, drawing, lithography and in textile G32 161 design, for which branch of art she became widely known. G32 162 Aldermaston is specially in her debt: in its 12th-century church G32 163 were four ancient hatchments which were by then in very poor G32 164 condition. There was also a very rare painting of a coat of arms of G32 165 Charles I which had been stowed away secretly from Cromwellian G32 166 eyes. Marie restored these fine specimens to their original glowing G32 167 colours where they now enhance the walls of the nave.

G32 168 In the grounds of Aldermaston Court were many army buildings, G32 169 relics of the war years, and at a time when there was a severe G32 170 housing shortage, I got permission from the AEI Company to have G32 171 these converted to resonably attractive dwellings, each suitable G32 172 for a married couple. Here Jim and Marie started married life. They G32 173 were - to their deep regret - childless, and here they entertained G32 174 generously amid the glorious woods where nightingales flourished. G32 175 She held art classes for wives and children, and played a full part G32 176 in village life helping the Vicar and the W.I. in various ways G32 177 until, in due course, they found a home in Reading. Several G32 178 colleagues have written to me about the kindness of the Dyson home, G32 179 of the way they helped others in time of illness and have stressed G32 180 that Marie could not have done this without strong active support G32 181 from Jim. When Gay lost her mother, Marie and Jim offered her their G32 182 home but nothing came of this offer. They attended Gay's wedding to G32 183 Anthony Wagstaff in 1965, and later on Gay and her husband stayed G32 184 with Jim, and attended his wedding to Rosamund Shuter; they and G32 185 their two children attended the funeral and memorial service in G32 186 1990.

G32 187 Of the Aldermaston period I shall make just a few comments. The G32 188 work of the laboratory was divided between five sections but Jim G32 189 stood alone, almost as a consultant to anyone needing his help; I G32 190 shall be dealing with his work in the second part of this memoir. G32 191 G32 192 G33 1 <#FLOB:G33\>MERVYN HORDER

G33 2 Grant Richards

G33 3 PORTENT & LEGEND G33 4 So, too, his real instinct for friendship, his G33 5 unruffled amiability, his handsome attire and monocle concealed a G33 6 recurrent lack of scruple which startled many of his best friends G33 7 in literary and other circles, and would have permanently alienated G33 8 them but for his genius in conciliation and cajolery.

G33 9 I noted this sentence down in my commonplace book many years G33 10 ago as an example of the kind of beautifully convoluted prose to G33 11 which the English language lends itself so well. It is taken from G33 12 The Times of 25 February 1948, the obituary notice of G33 13 Grant Richards contributed by his solicitor, E. S. P. Haynes, who G33 14 knew him well and had helped him through many of the crises of his G33 15 career. What sort of man was 'Grantie'? - as he came to be known to G33 16 his friends from an early age.

G33 17 Born in October 1872 the son of an Oxford classics don and G33 18 claiming Keats somewhere among his remote ancestors, Franklin G33 19 Taylor Grant Richards manifested at an early age that passion for G33 20 books which animated him all his life. While still at the City of G33 21 London he started a circulating library among his fellows at 1d a G33 22 loan, but soon failed through under-capitalization, the cheapest G33 23 novels then costing 6d each. In spite of his father he had no G33 24 university education, but in 1888 entered the book-wholesalers G33 25 Hamilton Adams in Paternoster Row at pounds20 a year. While on G33 26 holiday in Cornwall he experimented with expendable books, the G33 27 pages of which could be thrown away after reading; but found that G33 28 with novels he too often wanted to refer back to something blown G33 29 away forever on the wind. Most of the 1890s he spent as book G33 30 factotum on the staff of the Review of Reviews, whose G33 31 rather formidable editor W. T. Stead was the first to coin for him G33 32 the affectionate nickname 'Grantie'. He long remembered the thrill G33 33 of opening in Stead's office a single parcel of three new review G33 34 copies: Hardy's Tess and Wilde's Dorian Gray and G33 35 Intentions.

G33 36 He at first toyed with the idea of being a dramatic critic, but G33 37 his whole life began to centre itself on the London book scene. On G33 38 1 January 1898, having collected from his father and others G33 39 pounds1,450 of capital he started out formally as a book publisher G33 40 at No 9 Henrietta Street, the first of six or seven different G33 41 business addresses across the years. E. V. Lucas was his first G33 42 reader, his graceful colophon was the work of Will Rothenstein; and G33 43 a retentive memory helped him to pick up enough of the rudiments of G33 44 book production. There was, however, no nonsense about waiting 50 G33 45 or 100 years for his firm's first celebration: a piano was hired G33 46 and they danced all night in the office before opening for G33 47 business the next morning.

G33 48 Some will find this light-hearted approach to business G33 49 endearing, others the reverse; for better or worse, it was how G33 50 Richards did things. "His great struggle is to avoid the G33 51 dingy and the dull, and to escape the penalties of encroaching G33 52 age"; thus his American friend Theodore Dreiser, and again: G33 53 "He had a delicious vivacity which acted on me like G33 54 wine."

G33 55 In two departments of life, however - the sartorial and the G33 56 gastronomic - his preoccupations were always serious. The monocle G33 57 in his right eye by which he is often remembered was worn in G33 58 adulthood without any string attached, and at the end of his life G33 59 in bed at night as well. He was capable of agonizing doubt whether G33 60 it was correct to wear a butterfly collar with a tweed suit; and G33 61 when in 1892 he paid the first of many annual visits to Paris, he G33 62 went in grey tail-coat and top hat and was not at all pleased by G33 63 the merriment this caused. Not yet 20, he had still something of G33 64 the prig about him.

G33 65 In Paris and later on the Riviera he acquired expert knowledge G33 66 of French food and wine, again taken very seriously as gourmet G33 67 rather than gourmand: it was wrong to squeeze lemon on the best G33 68 caviare, or to use mint sauce with agneau de G33 69 lait. His nephew remembers today the zest with which his G33 70 uncle explained to him at the age of nine the difference in shape G33 71 between a claret and a burgundy bottle - the uncle being a burgundy G33 72 man himself. It was surprising that in spite of regular visits G33 73 neither Grantie nor his friend Housman, in whose company he so G33 74 often travelled, ever learned to speak more than middling good G33 75 French.

G33 76 Richards never forgot a friend, and accordingly had many. At a G33 77 dinner he gave in the Caf<*_>e-acute<*/> Royal to speed the painter G33 78 C. R. W. Nevinson on his first trip to America in 1919 the hundred G33 79 guests included Sickert in the chair, Harold Monro, Firbank, G33 80 Laurence Housman, J. L. Garvin, C. E. Montague, Campbell Dodgson G33 81 and Alberto Guevara. The menu was chosen with all the G33 82 <}_><-|>gastromonic<+|>gastronomic<}/> flair at the command of the G33 83 host, who made all the journalists present pay for their meals; G33 84 Sickert chose to make his speech in Greek, Firbank succumbed to a G33 85 fit of schoolgirl giggles, and a lot of clean Bohemian fun was had G33 86 by all.

G33 87 The longest-standing of all his friends - "very G33 88 definitely my chief publishing interest" as Richards G33 89 himself wrote - was A. E. Housman. The story of how Richards, at G33 90 the prompting of Richard le Gallienne took over A Shropshire G33 91 Lad from Kegan Paul - who had remaindered their first 1896 G33 92 edition, published at Housman's own expense - and reissued it is a G33 93 fairly familiar one. Housman had a curiously puritanical attitude G33 94 to business, seeing the acceptance of royalties as some kind of G33 95 encroachment on his copyright liberty; he therefore used to return G33 96 uncashed all cheques from American publishers to whom he did not G33 97 want to be hidden. With Richards the arrangement was that any sums G33 98 earned in royalty should be ploughed back to help keep the G33 99 published price down: A Shropshire Lad was still being G33 100 sold at 1s.6d in 1926.

G33 101 Last Poems in 1922 was issued on an orthodox 15 per G33 102 cent royalty basis. Housman suggested printing 10,000, but the G33 103 trade subscription was so poor that Richards did only 4,000. 21,000 G33 104 were in print by the first Christmas.

G33 105 On his side Housman stuck through thick and thin to Richards G33 106 and the convenience of having only one man who would handle all his G33 107 business, though he acknowledged that the principal factor keeping G33 108 him faithful was laziness, the vis inertiae. He G33 109 continued to pay for all his classical texts himself - G33 110 Juvenal, Lucan and the five volumes of Manilius - G33 111 pricing all of them well below cost, the highly sophisticated G33 112 typography by Robert Maclehose of Glasgow contrasting oddly with G33 113 the ungainly cut-flush paper board bindings. (The 400 copies of his G33 114 Juvenal in 1905, including binding half the edition, were G33 115 invoiced at pounds67.5s.) Bibliophiles have noted that all these G33 116 books were imprinted "Apvd Grant Richards" except G33 117 the fifth Manilius (1930) which had to be "Apvd G33 118 Societatem The Richards Press".

G33 119 They must have been a strangely assorted pair: Richards dressy, G33 120 dandyish and talkative, Housman taciturn in the battered G33 121 schoolboy's cricket cap he affected on holiday; Richards' slapdash G33 122 deficiency in editorial skills often maddening to the precise and G33 123 scholarly Housman for whom every comma was a matter of life and G33 124 death; Housman an early patron of Imperial Airways, Richards always G33 125 going by sea; but the accounts given in G33 126 <}_><-|>Richard's<+|>Richards'<}/> 1942 book of their holiday G33 127 jaunts by hired car round France together are as convincing as they G33 128 are vivid.

G33 129 Grantie's family was an important part of his life. All his G33 130 four children - a daughter and three sons - were by his first wife, G33 131 an Italian, from whom he parted when the daughter was eight and the G33 132 youngest son two. He suffered from the feeling that he had himself G33 133 been rejected by his own aloof, academic father, and wanted to G33 134 avoid that mistake with his own children. After the parting he G33 135 bought Bigfrith, a house which still stands on the common at G33 136 Cookham Dean, where the children largely brought themselves up in G33 137 the charge of a superior parlourmaid. When at work in London he G33 138 thought nothing of the daily two-mile walk to the station and back G33 139 again in the evening.

G33 140 The family circle was a tight one, the discipline strict - none G33 141 of the children were allowed to see their mother till they came of G33 142 age. Nor was Grantie inclined to extend his hospitality outside the G33 143 wide circle of his own invited friends. He coached the superior G33 144 parlourmaid to deliver in ringing tones a standard rebuff to all G33 145 unwanted local callers: "Mr Richards is not at the moment G33 146 enlarging the circle of his acquaintance."

G33 147 A tragedy he felt very deeply was the accidental death of his G33 148 eldest son Gerard, aged 14, who on holiday in 1916 was buried by G33 149 the sudden collapse of a sand dune in Cornwall. Not being a G33 150 Christian - he considered that The Origin of Species had G33 151 put paid to Christianity for ever - he sought in vain for a G33 152 suitable epitaph for the boy's granite grave in Ruan Minor G33 153 churchyard, and finally took this extract from Gerard's Eton G33 154 housemaster's latest report: "He was a happy boy and a good G33 155 one and made many others happy."

G33 156 One of the most regular visitors of Bigfrith was Pauline G33 157 Hemmerde, tall, stiff and somewhat forbidding, but always popular G33 158 with the children. This was the lady who in the early 1900s decided G33 159 to take Grantie and his business under her wing and served him G33 160 loyally thenceforward as secretary and personal assistant, often G33 161 with her own salary in arrears, till the time came for him to give G33 162 up in 1928. At that point she had to remove no less than two tons G33 163 of Richard's office archives to her own small flat, preparatory to G33 164 their sale to an American university. She also took home the G33 165 original manuscript of The Ragged-Trousered G33 166 Philanthropists, which she had done much to get into print. G33 167 This was a parting present to her from Richards 'against a rainy G33 168 day'; when that day came, quite soon, she is believed to have G33 169 parted with it for only pounds10.

G33 170 Solvency being a matter of temperament rather than income, it G33 171 has to be acknowledged that Grantie was by nature weak to the point G33 172 of irresponsibility on the financial side; not for him the proper G33 173 pride a publisher can take in being the prompt paymaster of G33 174 everyone connected with a book. He had little shame in borrowing G33 175 from a friend when he wanted a holiday, and borrowing from another G33 176 friend on his return, to pay the first friend back. One of the G33 177 chapters of Author Hunting (1934) makes play with what G33 178 his ledgers reveal about the early years of the business; one has G33 179 the feeling that he had not consulted the ledger until 1934, G33 180 and that a closer attention to its disclosures at the time might G33 181 have saved him from the over-trading which led to his first G33 182 bankruptcy in 1904. It seems probable that the principal strain on G33 183 his resources came from launching the World's Classics on top of G33 184 the rest of his distinguished but slow-selling list.

G33 185 Reprint series of this kind were very much in the air at the G33 186 start of the century. Collins, Nelson, Routledge, Methuen and G33 187 Newnes were all at it, and the 1913 reference catalogue lists G33 188 eleven different editions of Boswell's Johnson; but Richards' G33 189 World Classics had a style all their own. Size five x G33 190 three-and-a-half inches, their standard bulk one-and-a-half inches, G33 191 stamped with a gilt spine decoration by Laurence Housman, they sold G33 192 at no more than 1s cloth and 2s skiver leather. The series ranged G33 193 through Emerson, Hazlitt, Gilbert White, Machiavelli, and Gibbon in G33 194 seven volumes. The first volume, Jane Eyre, came out in G33 195 1901, six years before the first Everyman in 1906; the last to G33 196 appear with the Richards imprint was Lavengro in 1904. The G33 197 series was both a burden to him and a release, in that the sale of G33 198 stock and rights in the first 66 titles to Henry Frowde of the G33 199 Clarendon Press - which carried them on in the smaller format G33 200 familiar to us today - enabled him to discharge his bankruptcy G33 201 sooner than expected. G33 202 G34 1 <#FLOB:G34\>Blair Worden in his paper on Sejanus G34 2 (unpublished) describes Essex as "a rebel without a G34 3 theory". In the sense of theory as a single coherent G34 4 ideology or a practical political programme he is certainly right. G34 5 There was indeed no single theory in the Essex circle - rather G34 6 various strands of anti-absolutist feeling and interest which found G34 7 space and encouragement there. The milieu included aristocrats who G34 8 intensely resented their increased economic dependence on the Court G34 9 and its 'upstart' favourites and the restriction of their military G34 10 power, but also City Puritan ministers and ambitious army officers; G34 11 rising diplomats, historians, and Oxford classical scholars; and a G34 12 remarkable number of writers, playwrights, and poets, involved G34 13 either as patrons or clients.

G34 14 The commitment to an active anti-Spanish foreign and military G34 15 policy in Europe and the New World, and to protection of G34 16 non-separatist Puritanism at home against increasing persecution by G34 17 the State church, Essex partly took over from Sidney and from his G34 18 own stepfather Leicester, together with much of the faction itself, G34 19 the Dudley family, for whatever reasons, having been protectors of G34 20 radical Protestants since Reformation times. Along with the bequest G34 21 of Sidney's best sword, Essex inherited connexions with the G34 22 Huguenot aristocracy and theories of justified resistance to royal G34 23 tyranny in religion, expounded by Sidney's friends Mornay and G34 24 Languet. A new emphasis on scientific history and secular realism G34 25 in politics came with the rediscovery and English translation of G34 26 Tacitus, in which Essex himself was especially interested, and G34 27 which had strong republican connotations. While Puritan preachers G34 28 and divines looked to Essex as their general against the Popish G34 29 Antichrist as well as defender of their rights within the G34 30 established church, his Catholic supporters (many of them G34 31 fellow-soldiers knighted by him or semi-feudal adherents from the G34 32 Welsh borders) believed he could ensure greater toleration for G34 33 loyal Catholics in the succeeding reign, besides careers for G34 34 military talent; and tolerationist writers dedicated works to him. G34 35 The very variety of anti-absolutist ideas and oppositional views of G34 36 history within the Essex circle, openly discussed as they could G34 37 never have been at Court, may indeed have contributed to G34 38 Shakespeare's astonishingly multi-vocal drama.

G34 39 Essex seems to have imagined himself uniting all the varied and G34 40 contradictory currents of ideological and practical hostility to G34 41 the government into a single movement, bound by his own charisma, G34 42 and this proved a gross overestimation and self-delusion. He G34 43 expected and gambled on active popular and City support for his G34 44 revolt, but did not get it, and went to execution as a traitor. His G34 45 friends had plenty of time to ponder on what went wrong, especially G34 46 those who were lucky to escape beheading and remained imprisoned in G34 47 the Tower till Elizabeth's death.

G34 48 Soon after James's accession, however, the verdict of treason G34 49 began to be openly questioned, and Essex became retrospectively - G34 50 and still more in popular culture - a Protestant or even a Puritan G34 51 patriot-martyr (witness the evidence of Lucy Hutchinson from one G34 52 end of the political spectrum and the Earl of Newcastle from the G34 53 other, or Thomas Scot's pamphlet Robert Earl of Essex His G34 54 Ghost in 1624). The ideological and practical alliance which G34 55 had failed to cohere in the 1590s did so up to a point in the G34 56 1620s, with Essex's son the third Earl and Essex's close friend the G34 57 Earl of Southampton among its most prominent figures, but this time G34 58 alongside a powerful City interest, many members of Parliament and G34 59 country gentry, Puritan preachers, professional soldiers, and much G34 60 of the London working population. Instead of a minority coup by G34 61 force of arms, dissidence was now expressed within Parliament, the G34 62 City, and the popular culture.

G34 63 Economic and political developments during James's reign helped G34 64 to bring about this alteration, but 'mentalities' were also G34 65 affected by cultural and ideological influences, including the G34 66 Puritan preachers and the commercial theatres and London shows, the G34 67 nearest thing to our modern mass media. The drama did not merely G34 68 reflect, but helped over a period to articulate and reinforce G34 69 something like a political public opinion - or rather opinions - G34 70 despite the variable but ever-present censorship.

G34 71 To study this process for the Essexians as a group would be a G34 72 formidable undertaking. I shall attempt only a few tentative ideas G34 73 on the later patronage of the third Earl of Southampton, next to G34 74 Essex the main leader of the revolt: and since even that is too G34 75 large a subject for a single paper, especially on the connexions he G34 76 may have had with citizen and popular culture.

G34 77 II G34 78 It is at least thought-provoking that Southampton, the only man G34 79 named by Shakespeare as a personal patron, should later have earned G34 80 a reputation, both among friends and enemies, as the outstanding G34 81 'popular' nobleman of Jacobean times, popular both in the modern G34 82 and the equivocal Jacobean sense of the word. This seems also to G34 83 have been how he saw his own role as politician and patron, when he G34 84 wrote to his friend Sir Dudley Carleton on his belated elevation to G34 85 the Privy Council in the critical year of 1619:

G34 86 I had much rather have continued a spectator than G34 87 become an actor. But I will make the same request to you that I G34 88 have made to others, not to expect too much of me. You know well G34 89 how things stand with us, and how little one vulgar councillor is G34 90 able to effect. (DeLisle MSSv, p. 221, 233: cited Rowse, G34 91 Shakespeare's Southampton p. 227).

G34 92 Before considering his patronage in detail we need to recall G34 93 briefly some of the main facts about the Earl's public life after G34 94 the Essex revolt.

G34 95 Immediately on James's accession in 1603 he released G34 96 Southampton and other Essexians from the Tower and restored him to G34 97 his honours and titles. The Earl also received important financial G34 98 grants, notably the farm of sweet wines which Essex had formerly G34 99 held: James regarded Essex as his committed ally, and was prepared G34 100 to reward his friends. Southampton, however, was never trusted by G34 101 Robert Cecil, the powerful Secretary, and failed to get either G34 102 major office or the high military command he hoped for. After G34 103 Cecil's death, when Southampton was one of the leaders (with the G34 104 Earls of Pembroke and Sheffield) of the anti-Howard faction at G34 105 Court, a reputation for radicalism and even republicanism still G34 106 kept him marginalized.

G34 107 Early in James's reign Southampton became a close ally both in G34 108 business and politics of Sir Edwin Sandys, recognized as the G34 109 principal leader of opposition and anti-absolutist trends in the G34 110 Commons from the Parliament of 1604 to the mid-1620s. Southampton G34 111 was a principal investor in the Virginia Company (among his other G34 112 business interests), where he was not a mere sleeping partner but G34 113 played an active role. When Sandys was pushed out of the G34 114 Treasureship of the Company by James's intervention, Southampton G34 115 was elected in his stead and continued his policies until the G34 116 Company's charter was revoked in 1624.

G34 117 Throughout his life Southampton remained committed to the old G34 118 Essexian anti-Spanish foreign policy and support for Protestant G34 119 forces in Europe. On the invasion of the Palatinate in 1618 he G34 120 pressed strongly for English military aid. He planned to head a G34 121 force of volunteers and contribute to financing it, but was not G34 122 allowed to do so, and when a small force raised by voluntary G34 123 subscription did finally go, Southampton as a Privy Councillor was G34 124 refused permission to join it: for King James was still pursuing G34 125 the vain aim of a Spanish alliance and a Spanish marriage for G34 126 Prince Charles to restore peace in Europe. Southampton continued, G34 127 in direct contact with the King and Queen of Bohemia, to work for G34 128 English intervention, openly opposing the policy of the King and G34 129 Buckingham. In 1621 he was arrested and interrogated, along with G34 130 MPs Sir Edwin Sandys and John Selden, for organizing 'mischievous G34 131 opposition' in both Houses of Parliament, and remained under G34 132 house-arrest for a time. It was apparently the threat to deprive G34 133 him of the Court grants which formed a large part of his income G34 134 which induced him temporarily to withdraw from active Parliamentary G34 135 opposition; but in 1623 he refused to take the oath demanded of G34 136 Privy Councillors to support the match.

G34 137 Finally when the Crown's policy changed in 1623-24, and G34 138 Buckingham and Prince Charles agreed on the need for some form of G34 139 military intervention, Southampton was at last appointed to lead a G34 140 force of 6,ooo volunteers to reinforce the English troops already G34 141 fighting with the Dutch against the Spaniards, an expedition on G34 142 which he and his eldest son died of fever.

G34 143 In his discussion of Sejanus, Blair Worden suggests that G34 144 Jonson saw only two alternatives for noble political opponents G34 145 under a despotic state: futile rebellion, or stoical acceptance and G34 146 quietism, with the aim of securing minor concessions. Southampton G34 147 seems consciously to have attempted a third way: to be 'popular', G34 148 to build support among people outside the Court, and even outside G34 149 the 'political nation'. His career as patron gives many indications G34 150 of this fairly consistent, if intermittent, political course.

G34 151 Southampton was one of the foremost Jacobean aristocrats G34 152 turning increasingly to business investment - both in industry, in G34 153 modernizing their estates and in overseas trade and colonization. G34 154 The landed gentry indeed led the way in such investment in a way G34 155 which did not happen in any other European country. No craftsman G34 156 and few individual merchants could have laid hands on the kind of G34 157 money the earls of Pembroke, Southampton, Salisbury, and De La Warr G34 158 were able to invest in founding the Virginia Company. For Essexian G34 159 peers excluded from the highest office at Court by Cecil's G34 160 distrust, this also offered an alternative opportunity to salvage G34 161 and extend their wealth and power with a degree of independence, G34 162 and brought them into contact and sometimes active partnership with G34 163 City merchants and the new entrepreneurial groups and their ways of G34 164 thinking.

G34 165 Southampton himself modernized and rack-rented his estates, G34 166 pressurizing copyholders into becoming lease-holders by increased G34 167 fines. He also started a new ironworks at Titchfield and financed G34 168 the first tinplate mill in England; developed his London property G34 169 in Holborn and Bloomsbury; sponsored the voyage that led to the G34 170 foundation of the Virginia Company, of which he was a leading G34 171 member; belonged to the East India and New England Companies, and G34 172 backed Hudson's exploration of the North-West passage. As Lawrence G34 173 Stone says, it would be impossible to draw up a list of merchants G34 174 or country gentry with such a wide range of interests. Both mining G34 175 and overseas ventures were high-risk undertakings, well-suited to G34 176 aristocrats used (as Southampton had been) to losing pounds1,ooo a G34 177 night gambling.

G34 178 Southampton's own reputation for republicanism went back to his G34 179 association with Essex's secretary Henry Cuffe, a Puritan Oxford G34 180 don and one of the translators of Tacitus, who read Aristotle's G34 181 political theory with Southampton and Rutland in Paris and was G34 182 alleged at Essex's trial to have influenced Southampton with G34 183 republican opinions. Since Cuffe was not an aristocrat and did not G34 184 have the powerful protectors who saved Southampton, he was made a G34 185 scapegoat and barbarously executed, making a strongly Puritan G34 186 speech from the scaffold. Some years later (1607) a philosophical G34 187 tract by him, The Difference of the Ages of Man's Life, G34 188 was published and dedicated to Lord Willoughby De Eresby (another G34 189 Essex knight) by an anonymous editor R.M. who claimed to be a G34 190 servant both of Willoughby and of the Puritan Lord Montagu of G34 191 Boughton, whose daughter Willoughby had just married. The book was G34 192 several times reprinted, and it is possible that its religious and G34 193 political reference was clearer to contemporaries than it is G34 194 now.

G34 195 This reputation was later reinforced by Southampton's G34 196 association and friendship, first in the Virginia Company and then G34 197 in Parliamentary opposition, with Sir Edwin Sandys, who really was G34 198 a radical thinker as well as a practical politician, from the time G34 199 of the 1604 Parliament a consistent opponent of royal absolutism G34 200 and determined to limit the prerogative and assert the rights of G34 201 the subject in accordance with ideas of natural law. Far from being G34 202 the stereotype of intolerant dogmatic Protestantism, Sandys in his G34 203 book Europae Speculum argued for an alliance against G34 204 Papal domination by all the rest of Christendom, including the G34 205 anti-Papal Catholic republic of Venice as well as the Dutch G34 206 republicans. This attitude may well have been congenial to G34 207 Southampton, who had converted from his family's Catholicism to G34 208 Protestantism (probably at some time in the 1590s, though Sandys G34 209 claimed the credit for his conversion), but continued personally to G34 210 protect individual Catholic loyalists. G34 211 G34 212 G35 1 <#FLOB:G35\>PRIESTS AND PATRONS IN THE EIGHTEENTH G35 2 CENTURY

G35 3 by LEO GOOCH

G35 4 IN 1834 the Rev. William Riddell warned Bishop Penswick to take G35 5 care when dealing with the Catholic gentry on chaplaincy business G35 6 because they could be "very ticklish and nice". As G35 7 the younger brother of a Northumbrian squire he was in a good G35 8 position to know but, in any case, the Church had long been aware G35 9 of lay susceptibilities in these matters. Some sixty years G35 10 previously Bishop Challoner had reminded Bishop Walton that the G35 11 gentry took particular exception to the clergy "meddling G35 12 with their temporals". Furthermore, as the northern bishops G35 13 well knew, the relationship between a patron and his chaplain was G35 14 far from amicable in an embarrassingly large number of cases in the G35 15 eighteenth century. In 1786 Henry Rutter, a young chaplain in G35 16 Northumberland, told his uncle Robert Banister, also a priest, that G35 17 he had "a most despicable opinion of our Catholic nobility G35 18 and gentry". Banister was of a like mind, and theirs was G35 19 not an uncommon view among the northern clergy at that time. It G35 20 was, moreover, usually reciprocated.

G35 21 In addition to the problem of personal animosity and squabbling G35 22 over ecclesiastical jurisdiction, the mission in north-east England G35 23 under seigneurial rule was beset by financial instability and G35 24 insecurity of tenure. Since over half of the mission stations in G35 25 the region were chaplaincies, a majority of priests and Catholic G35 26 gentlemen were living in some degree of disharmony with each other, G35 27 which not only made daily life something of an ordeal, but it G35 28 inhibited missionary development. The aim of this paper, then, is G35 29 to examine the somewhat chequered social history of the northern G35 30 chaplaincy from, roughly, the Revolution of 1688 to the Restoration G35 31 of the English Hierarchy in 1850.

G35 32 One chaplaincy in which almost everything that could go wrong G35 33 did, was Stonecroft Farm, and it is appropriate to outline briefly G35 34 the main events in its history as the main statement of the theme. G35 35 Stonecroft Farm was a property of some three hundred acres, six G35 36 miles north-west of Hexham in Northumberland. It was bequeathed by G35 37 Ursula Mountney to Lord William Widdrington in 1680, and she G35 38 charged the estate with a yearly payment of £20 as the salary of G35 39 the chaplain, who was to be a Dominican or a Franciscan "if G35 40 a priest of any such order can conveniently be had". G35 41 Although the Dominicans had provided chaplains at Stonecroft some G35 42 years before, Mrs. Mountney preferred Franciscans and at the time G35 43 of her death a friar occupied the post. When he died, the G35 44 Franciscans sent a replacement but the Dominicans objected; the G35 45 trustee of the fund compromised with Widdrington that the incumbent G35 46 Franciscan could be left in place for one year but that a Dominican G35 47 should then take over. Widdrington, however, appointed another G35 48 Franciscan and nothing was said. So things remained for ten years, G35 49 that is until Widdrington sold the estate to Thomas Gibson.

G35 50 The ownership of Callaly Castle changed hands at the same time, G35 51 a combination of circumstances that normally would not have any G35 52 connection, but on this occasion the wife of John Clavering wanted G35 53 her Jesuit brother to be chaplain at the castle. Clavering G35 54 therefore dismissed his late father's Dominican chaplain, George G35 55 Gibson, brother of the new owner of Stonecroft Farm. Being out of G35 56 place, Gibson naturally turned to his brother who obligingly G35 57 discharged the Franciscan Constantine Jackson to make way for him. G35 58 When the latter appealed to the Vicar Apostolic, Bishop Smith G35 59 declined to become involved because, he said, "Mr Gibson is G35 60 master of his own house and may or may not admit Mr Jackson as he G35 61 pleases". But that was not the end of the matter, for the G35 62 bishop was again petitioned by several local Catholic gentlemen who G35 63 said that whenever neighbouring Catholics applied to Father Gibson, G35 64 he directed them to "Father Jackson who has, ever since his G35 65 removal from Stonecroft, been destitute of any certain place of G35 66 abode or maintenance". Again the bishop declined to G35 67 intervene with the Gibsons. Instead, he wrote to the Franciscan G35 68 Provincial to have the displaced friar removed from the locality G35 69 altogether. Bishop Smith was probably more shrewd than callous in G35 70 acting this way, for he would know, as his petitioners might not, G35 71 that another Gibson had been ordained as a Dominican priest shortly G35 72 before, and that he would obtain his family's patronage, as in fact G35 73 it turned out. At any rate, the Dominican tenure of the Stonecroft G35 74 chaplaincy seemed secure.

G35 75 The family lost property as a consequence of George Gibson's G35 76 participation in the Fifteen and the chaplain was forced to go into G35 77 hiding for a while. Fortunately, George Gibson predeceased his G35 78 father and Stonecroft Farm was thus saved from forfeiture. The farm G35 79 passed to another George Gibson in 1720; he was aged nine and G35 80 during his minority the farm became the residence of Jasper Gibson, G35 81 his great-uncle. The chaplain at that time was the G35 82 Dominican Peter Thompson. Thompson did not get on with Gibson, and G35 83 he declared that he had suffered a great deal at Jasper's hands G35 84 over many years. The chapel and priest's room were in a farmyard G35 85 building, and Thompson complained that geese and hens were driven G35 86 "promiscuously" under the chapel where they made such a G35 87 noise that he was much disturbed and could scarce hear himself G35 88 speak. He also recorded the events which took place one Sunday G35 89 morning in May 1721 when Gibson "fell upon me like a hell G35 90 dog in the presence of his Protestant servants and others that were G35 91 come to prayers". Within a year of Jasper's arrival, G35 92 Thompson wrote in his journal: "after more than the usual G35 93 abuse, perceiving I could not live easy at Stonecroft, I went away G35 94 and left the Gibsons". He moved into Hexham, and the farm G35 95 became a supply mission for the next thirteen years attended, no G35 96 doubt unwillingly and uneasily by Father Thompson.

G35 97 There happened to be a Franciscan at Swinburne Castle when G35 98 Thompson left Stonecroft Farm. He would have been well aware of the G35 99 terms of Mrs. Mountney's will and of Thompson's discharge; it must G35 100 have seemed an ideal opportunity to recover the chaplaincy for his G35 101 order, and he broached the matter with the trustee. After a series G35 102 of meetings, however, the latter declared once and for all in G35 103 favour of the Dominicans, and there the matter rested; the G35 104 Dominicans resumed their residential tenure at the farm after Peter G35 105 Thompson's retirement. The chaplaincy came to an end in 1815 when G35 106 the family fell on hard times. George Gibson had mortgaged the G35 107 estate for pounds5,000 some years before but he could no longer G35 108 sustain the debt and he sold the property to a kinsman. He too got G35 109 into financial difficulties and his affairs were put into the hands G35 110 of trustees. The first economy was to dispense with the chaplain, G35 111 but that was not sufficient, and six years later the farm was sold G35 112 to Protestants. So ended the Stonecroft Farm mission; in 1828 it G35 113 was reported that "few Dissenters and fewer G35 114 Catholics" lived in the locality.

G35 115 The history of the Stonecroft Farm mission exemplifies most of G35 116 the disadvantages of the chaplaincy system. It shows the G35 117 difficulties that could arise over ambiguously drafted wills and G35 118 when patrons became involved in politics. It shows that the power G35 119 of the lay patron over the chaplaincy was supreme; the availability G35 120 of the mission station depended on the continued solvency of the G35 121 family, and security of tenure in a chaplaincy depended entirely on G35 122 goodwill. Finally, it showed that when clerical rivalries arose, G35 123 and particularly when regulars were involved, the ecclesiastical G35 124 jurisdiction of the Vicar Apostolic was limited; indeed, he was G35 125 effectively impotent in chaplaincy matters, yet the majority of his G35 126 priests were chaplains. The Stonecroft Farm case is perhaps G35 127 exceptionally unfortunate, but in the course of the eighteenth G35 128 century one or more circumstance of a similar kind arose in almost G35 129 every chaplaincy in the north-east.

G35 130 Dilston Hall, Widdrington Castle, Eslington Hall and Coxhoe G35 131 Hall all closed as a direct result of the patronal family's G35 132 involvement in the Fifteen, and their chapels were lost to the G35 133 mission. Sir Edward Swinburne fell out with his chaplain, expelled G35 134 him from Capheaton Hall and forbade him to visit the chapel unless G35 135 specifically invited. John Swinburne succeeded him as sixth baronet G35 136 in 1786; he immediately renounced Catholicism, dismissed the G35 137 chaplain and demolished the chapel. He married a niece of the Duke G35 138 of Northumberland, through whose patronage he obtained a seat in G35 139 the Commons. Charles Brandling of Felling and Gosforth also married G35 140 a Protestant lady and shortly afterwards renounced the Catholic G35 141 religion. He later became Member of Parliament for Newcastle on G35 142 Tyne without, it has been remarked, "greatly affecting the G35 143 course of history."

G35 144 There are other examples of a mixed marriage leading to a G35 145 dislocation of the mission. In 1772 Margaret Thornton, with her G35 146 sister joint-owner of Netherwitton Hall, married Walter Trevelyan, G35 147 a staunch Methodist. He promptly invited the Catholic chaplain to G35 148 remove himself and his chapel out of the Hall and into a disused G35 149 tower-house at Witton Shields a mile and a half away. Some years G35 150 later it was rumoured that his heir might become a Catholic, and G35 151 the Vicar Apostolic called on him. But Trevelyan senior had two G35 152 Protestant clergymen in the house all that summer to dissuade the G35 153 young man from taking such a step. The conversion did not take G35 154 place; Trevelyan became "a red-hot Methodistical G35 155 preacher" instead. He later abrogated the family's bequests G35 156 for the upkeep of the mission and closed the chapel. Thomas G35 157 Swinburne of Pontop Hall married a Protestant lady. While she G35 158 agreed to allow the chapel to remain open, she refused to allow the G35 159 chaplain to live in the Hall, and in a little while the mission G35 160 moved out altogether to new premises in Brooms.

G35 161 Considerable disruption to the mission was caused by the G35 162 extravagance of some gentry families. In 1784 Ralph Peter Clavering G35 163 had become so indebted as a result of his expenditure on G35 164 renovations to Callaly Castle over thirty years that he was forced G35 165 to go abroad where the living was easier. His brother, a secular G35 166 priest, was left with the management of both temporal and spiritual G35 167 affairs at Callaly. As has been pointed out, Clavering was in a G35 168 dilemma; his temporal self had to reduce the size of the Catholic G35 169 community, while his spiritual self was presumably devoted to G35 170 increasing it. His temporal self won, for the congregation at G35 171 Callaly Castle fell steadily, and by the time of Catholic G35 172 Emancipation it was barely a third of what it had been in 1767. G35 173 Ralph Clavering's grand-son returned to the castle in the 1830s to G35 174 resume the development of the estate. Since this involved G35 175 demolishing the village to open up the view from the morning room, G35 176 not surprisingly the congregation fell even further. Edward G35 177 Clavering learned nothing from his kinsman's experience. Despite G35 178 limited means he sold off a number of farms to finance the G35 179 rebuilding of Berrington Hall. The estate was exhausted by this G35 180 venture and what was left of it was dissolved in 1816, and the G35 181 chapel was lost.

G35 182 Henry Witham came into the possession of three estates with G35 183 long-standing chaplaincies - Cliffe, Hardwick and G35 184 Lartington. Cliffe and Hardwick had to be sold in the 1820s to pay G35 185 off Witham's gambling debts. The Duke of Cleveland bought Hardwick G35 186 and the estate shortly began to yield fabulous quantities of coal G35 187 in the newly-developing coalfields of Durham, justifying the rueful G35 188 comment of Monsignor Thomas Witham that, had it not been for the G35 189 extravagance of his father, he would have been the richest commoner G35 190 in England. The monsignor did quite well as it was because he G35 191 inherited Lartington. He was something of a bon viveur G35 192 and socialite, but he had the village inn closed down.

G35 193 The mission at Hesleyside was endangered late in the eighteenth G35 194 century, "for what with the penal laws, cockering up the G35 195 Pretender, ancestral extravagance and, alas! the undying vice of G35 196 drink", the estate was brought to the verge of ruin. G35 197 Fortunately, William Charlton, "the inebriate and hardly G35 198 responsible Squire", as his grand-daughter called him, G35 199 married the redoubtable Margaret Fenwick, and she set about the G35 200 recovery of the estate, but it meant the closure of the chapel for G35 201 several years.

G35 202 G35 203 G35 204 G36 1 <#FLOB:G36\>1

G36 2 INTRODUCTION

G36 3 WHY THEATRE SEMIOTICS?

G36 4 Before mapping out the ground we propose to cover in this G36 5 study, we need at the outset to clarify our own position in G36 6 relation to theatre semiotics. Fundamentally, we view theatre G36 7 semiotics not as a theoretical position, but as a methodology: G36 8 as a way of working, of approaching theatre in order to open up new G36 9 practices and possibilities of 'seeing'.

G36 10 This is not, however, a view which has been widely held either G36 11 by theatre departments in higher education or by the theatrical G36 12 profession at large. 'Theatre Semiotics: An 'Academic Job Creation G36 13 Scheme?'', for example, was the provocative title of Brean G36 14 Hammond's retrospective reflection upon the theatre conference held G36 15 at Crewe and Alsager College in 1983 (1984). This title hints at G36 16 the palpable hostility towards semiotics expressed both by a number G36 17 of the conference panellists, who came from the academic world and G36 18 the theatrical profession, and by participants speaking from the G36 19 floor. Given this persistent and broad-based attack, one is tempted G36 20 to ask, Why a book on theatre semiotics?

G36 21 At one level, some of the criticism which theatre semiotics G36 22 attracts is, in our view justified. The dangers of establishing a G36 23 jargon-laden language accessible only to academics, of a dialogue G36 24 between theoreticians and theoreticians, have not always been G36 25 heeded. Martin Esslin (post-Alsager, a born-again semiotician) G36 26 laments as follows in his preface to The Field of Drama: G36 27 "What struck me as unfortunate, however, from the outset, G36 28 was the obscure language and excessively abstract way in which the, G36 29 in many cases, outstandingly brilliant exponents of semiotics G36 30 presented their findings" (1987: 11). The degree of G36 31 obfuscation has been such that the benefits of the 'findings', of G36 32 understanding theatre as a sign-system, have tended to be eclipsed G36 33 and the considerable advantages of studying theatre through a G36 34 semiotic approach overlooked. It is our intention, therefore, to G36 35 provide in this volume an introduction or guide to some of the most G36 36 useful 'findings' theatre semiotics has to offer, and to do so in G36 37 relatively straightforward terms. Furthermore, it is important at G36 38 the outset both to identify what it is that theatre semiotics is G36 39 reacting against and to indicate what its uses are.

G36 40 In most academic institutions drama has, until relatively G36 41 recently, been taught as a branch of literary studies, as dramatic G36 42 literature and hence as divorced from the theatrical process. Such G36 43 approaches to reading a play as were generally on offer did not G36 44 significantly differ from the ways in which students were called G36 45 upon to read a poem or work of prose fiction, i.e. as literary G36 46 objects. At best, a student might be invited to become an armchair G36 47 critic or to imagine a theatrical space in her or his 'mind's eye'. G36 48 Rarely, however, did drama leave the written page. Neither did G36 49 discussion move beyond the boundaries of the text, in which G36 50 characters were 'read' as 'real' people (and by implication could G36 51 be psychoanalysed as such), and in which the key objective became G36 52 the identification and analysis of a play's literary qualities, in G36 53 order to establish what a play 'meant' via the reflexive G36 54 application of the intentional fallacy. Theatrical consideration G36 55 did not enter the frame of theoretical or critical practice.

G36 56 The imposition of such approaches has proved singularly G36 57 negative for the advancement of theatre studies, inasmuch as they G36 58 fail to consider drama in its theatrical context: as a work which G36 59 exists not only to be read but also to be seen. To examine a G36 60 play for its literary qualities alone ignores its fundamental G36 61 function as blueprint for production, a theatrical event which is G36 62 to be realised in two planes (time and space), not one. Once the G36 63 'doing' of theatre is reinstated, then the notion of individual G36 64 authorship is also challenged, given that the 'doing' also requires G36 65 the collaboration of the performers, director(s), technical staff, G36 66 and so on, all of whom contribute to the making of the theatrical G36 67 event. At this point, one begins to grasp the plurality and G36 68 complexity of the theatrical process, and to understand why it has G36 69 been easier to abandon or relegate theatre to the province of G36 70 dramatic literature for so long.

G36 71 It was only when twentieth-century thought and approaches to G36 72 literature and language radically shifted from the traditions of G36 73 the nineteenth - the shift crudely recognised as the move from the G36 74 'what' to the 'how' - and attempted to understand the structures of G36 75 'artistic' language, that the primacy of the focus on the G36 76 aesthetics and thematics of the text was displaced. This shift was G36 77 achieved through the advent and development of what are now G36 78 recognised as structural and semiotic approaches to literature (a G36 79 brief history of which is offered below). The structuralist focus G36 80 on the 'parts' of a work that make up a 'whole', and the semiotic G36 81 enquiry into how meaning is created and communicated through G36 82 systems of encodable and decodable signs, have changed the nature G36 83 and function of literary criticism, in theory and in practice, and G36 84 have had wide-ranging implications for all three literary genres: G36 85 for poetry and prose, as well as drama. In the case of drama, this G36 86 has involved both the development of new ways of interrogating the G36 87 text and the generation of a methodology or 'language' with which G36 88 to tackle the complexity of the theatrical sign-system. In this G36 89 study we propose to document both of theses areas, to see how G36 90 meaning is generated through the elements involved in the scripting G36 91 of drama, and how meaning is created within a performance G36 92 context.

G36 93 Linking the semiotic approaches under examination to specific G36 94 dramatic texts and performances is, in our view, a vital way of G36 95 avoiding the problems of obfuscation which were cited in the G36 96 opening paragraphs of this introduction. Where the analysis of G36 97 theatre as a sign-system has become divorced from the object of its G36 98 enquiry, i.e. theatre, the sense of difficulty and frustration is G36 99 intensified, and rejection of the semiotic approach is likely to G36 100 follow. Two earlier studies which propose dramatic and theatrical G36 101 analysis, J.L. Styan's The Dramatic Experience (1971 G36 102 [1965]) and Ronald Hayman's How to Read a Play (1977), G36 103 texts which still have currency as introductions to theatre, are G36 104 written in seeming ignorance of the relevance of semiotics to G36 105 theatre studies, despite the development of this approach since the G36 106 turn of the century. This rejection is further reflected in the G36 107 cross-section of recently published works which come under the G36 108 umbrella of how-to-study-theatre guides, and which equate G36 109 accessibility with a rejection of the semiotic 'how' and G36 110 demonstrate an empiricist return to the seemingly unproblematic G36 111 'what' (see Griffiths 1982, Kelsall 1985, Reynolds 1986).

G36 112 As the impetus for a semiotic enquiry into theatre has derived G36 113 primarily from continental Europe, the difficulty of establishing G36 114 and developing theatre semiotics in English-speaking countries has G36 115 been exacerbated by the problems of translation. Difficult G36 116 terminology is compounded by the need to find equivalents in G36 117 translation, thereby unhelpfully increasing the number of new terms G36 118 brought into the semiotic vocabulary. Aside from reception G36 119 difficulties, certain key texts have remained untranslated, thereby G36 120 hindering the advancement of the field (see Bassnett 1984: 38-9). G36 121 Or, when these are finally translated, the field may have moved on, G36 122 and what may appear to some as a startling revelation is already G36 123 viewed by others as pass<*_>e-acute<*/>. The one, seminal, G36 124 study which has attempted to outline both the history of theatre G36 125 semiotics and current areas of theory and practice for an English G36 126 readership is Keir Elam's The Semiotics of Theatre and G36 127 Drama, published in 1980. While this has filled a need for G36 128 published documentation of theatre semiotics, it has nevertheless G36 129 been greeted by students of theatre at first-degree level or below, G36 130 as complex, difficult, and obscure to the point of inaccessibility. G36 131 In the wake of Elam's publication, attempts to match accessibility G36 132 with a mapping out of the semiotic field, such as Esslin's The G36 133 Field of Drama, have unfortunately proved simplistic, G36 134 reductive, and ultimately misleading. It is with these reservations G36 135 in mind that we have set ourselves the task of achieving a more G36 136 productive balance: to be both readable and informative.

G36 137 The reply to 'Why theatre semiotics?' perhaps needs one final G36 138 word of defence. Practitioners have constantly queried the need for G36 139 a semiotic methodology of theatre, since this is viewed by them as G36 140 a wholly academic enterprise. Hammond's post-seminar G36 141 article summarised the view of the practitioners John Caird G36 142 (director) and Peter Flannery (dramatist) who claimed "that G36 143 they had never heard of theatre semiotics before the Seminar and G36 144 that they were none the wiser now that they had - they could do G36 145 their jobs quite nicely without it, thank you" (Hammond G36 146 1984: 78). Of course, there would be no attempt on our part to G36 147 argue that a grasp of semiotic theory is essential to the making of G36 148 effective pieces of theatre. However, whether we are involved in G36 149 the making of theatre or whether we go to the theatre as G36 150 spectators, the usefulness of the approach lies in its potential to G36 151 make us more aware of how drama and theatre are G36 152 made. As so much of British theatre operates as a commercial G36 153 enterprise, the rationale for putting on plays is often reduced G36 154 wholly to financial considerations, with an inevitable emphasis on G36 155 product rather than process. The aim is to be successful (in G36 156 commercial terms), not meaningful (in artistic/creative terms). G36 157 Rehearsal techniques rooted in the blocking of moves and the G36 158 learning of lines and little else are responsible for so much of G36 159 what Peter Brook has identified as the all too prevalent mode of G36 160 'deadly theatre' (1968). Moreover, if we are in the business of G36 161 'seeing' theatre, whether for academic or professional or G36 162 recreational purposes, surely we need a base from which to assess G36 163 what we have seen? How often, when leaving a theatre, do we hear an G36 164 uncertain voice saying, "Well, I liked the G36 165 scenery", or "The costumes were nice"? G36 166 Adopting an approach which invites us to look at the how can G36 167 only serve to make us more aware of the potential of drama and G36 168 theatre, whatever our interest, and more critical of how that G36 169 potential is being ignored or abused.

G36 170 STRUCTURALISM AND SEMIOTICS:

G36 171 A BRIEF HISTORY

G36 172 At the turn of this century a new approach to the study of G36 173 language was pioneered by the Swiss linguist, Ferdinand de G36 174 Saussure. His Course in General Linguistics, published G36 175 posthumously in 1915, advocated a structural study involving both G36 176 the diachronic (historical) and synchronic (current) G36 177 dimensions of language. Saussure's binary approach to the G36 178 structural properties of language further posited the distinction G36 179 between langue and parole, a duality which has remained G36 180 central to structuralist approaches and has been simplified to an G36 181 understanding of language (in the abstract, i.e. as system) and G36 182 speech (as concrete utterance). What emerged from Saussure's work G36 183 was an understanding of language as a sign-system, in which the G36 184 linguistic sign was further presented in binary terms as G36 185 signifier and signified or 'sound-image' and 'concept'. G36 186 The two sides of the linguistic sign are arbitrary, which enables G36 187 language to be a self-regulating, abstract system, capable of G36 188 transformation. It is through the interplay of similarities and G36 189 differences between signifiers that meaning is created, and, in G36 190 order to understand this, a structuralist approach is required in G36 191 which the 'parts' of language are considered in relation to the G36 192 'whole'. In the light of this, it may be understood that language G36 193 is the sign-system by which people mediate and organise the G36 194 world.

G36 195 A second turn-of-the-century pioneer in the field of G36 196 sign-systems was the American philosopher, Charles S. Peirce. From G36 197 Peirce's work on the complex way in which we perceive, and G36 198 communicate in, the world by sign-systems, his classification of G36 199 sign-functions has proved the most important and widely cited G36 200 legacy in the field of theatre semiotics. His second 'trichotomy' G36 201 of signs consists of: (i) icon: a sign linked by similarity to G36 202 its object, e.g. a photograph; (ii) index: a sign which points G36 203 to or is connected to its object, e.g. smoke as an index of fire; G36 204 (iii) symbol: a sign where the connection between sign and G36 205 object is agreed by convention and there is no similarity between G36 206 object and sign, e.g. a dove as a symbol of peace. G36 207 G36 208 G36 209 G37 1 <#FLOB:G37\>Once accept the ontological priority of the subject - G37 2 or of experienced being (like the experience of understanding a G37 3 theorem) - over unexperienced being (like the theorem itself, or G37 4 the system of which it forms part, or some physical machine like G37 5 the brain in which it might be incorporated) - and there is no G37 6 dialectic by which you can wriggle out into the real physical world G37 7 again. Is there an alternative position? Well, there was one G37 8 proposed during the High Structuralist period; and I want to G37 9 repropose it, even though it requires, in the sense given above, a G37 10 logocentric metaphysics. I think we can regard mathematics as the G37 11 study of the infinite set of all possible structures; science as G37 12 the investigation of which of them are real; and subjectivity as a G37 13 side-effect of objective structures. It was probably this G37 14 objectivist vision that drove structuralism when it was at its G37 15 height. Notoriously, it is Derrida more than anyone who is G37 16 responsible for undermining this vision.

G37 17 4 MISREADING SAUSSURE

G37 18 The greatest philosophical achievement of Jacque Derrida is G37 19 supposed to have been to show that the same ubiquitous metaphysics, G37 20 the metaphysics of presence, that underlies phenomenology and G37 21 existential philosophy, also underlies structuralism; and thus to G37 22 undermine the scientific pretensions of structuralism. For this G37 23 purpose the founding text of structuralism, Saussure's Cours G37 24 de Linguistique G<*_>e-acute<*/>n<*_>e-acute<*/>rale, was G37 25 analysed and what is usually taken as its most 'scientific' aspect G37 26 - the phonology - was subjected to particular scrutiny. A critical G37 27 step here was to show the existence of a metaphysical tradition of G37 28 phonocentrism, alongside of or united with logocentrism, and G37 29 governing all Western thought.

G37 30 Phonocentrism means something much stronger than the G37 31 commonplace observation that some people, at some time - Romantic G37 32 poets, Hebrew prophets, for example - have thought that an inner G37 33 voice gives contact with God; just as others have thought that an G37 34 inner light gives such contact, and others that it is to be found G37 35 in sacred books, or rituals, or dances, or peculiar physical G37 36 exercises. Phonocentrism means the universal metaphysical G37 37 privileging of speech over writing as the authentic vehicle of G37 38 meaning and truth; it is supposed to dominate the entire conceptual G37 39 tradition of the West, and to be present even in our use of G37 40 alphabetic writing. Derrida convicts Saussure of phonocentrism, and G37 41 attempts to show from Saussure's own text that a kind of writing - G37 42 an 'arche-writing' is presupposed by both speech and writing. (This G37 43 kind of reversal is known as 'deconstruction'.)

G37 44 Derrida has to face two problems here - a philosophical problem G37 45 in mapping the phenomenological conception of the sign on to the G37 46 linguist's conception; and a historical one. The philosophical G37 47 problem is that while it is true that Saussure's 'sign' is a G37 48 combination of sound-image and concept-about-the-world, Saussure, G37 49 with his fundamental principle of the arbitrariness of the sign, G37 50 explicitly denies that the meaning is inherent in, or in any sense G37 51 constituted by, the sound. Moreover, the sign for Saussure belongs G37 52 to langue; it is a part of a pre-existing social store of G37 53 sound-image/ concept combinations and it doesn't represent any G37 54 intention or idea in any subjectivity until it is used in G37 55 parole. Husserl, however, doesn't have a concept of G37 56 langue - few philosophers did - and seems to think of writing G37 57 and speech alike as processes in some subjectivity. Finally, both G37 58 sound-image and concept are for Saussure determined by purely G37 59 conventional systems of oppositions with other signs; and not the G37 60 same system of oppositions either; the principle later known as G37 61 double articulation is already clear enough in the text. There is G37 62 hardly any logical space for inserting presence into this G37 63 theory. Really, Saussure's signs are intended to do a different job G37 64 from Husserl's; something like helping us to write grammars of G37 65 Modern French; they have to be forcibly conscripted into the G37 66 philosophy of the subject.

G37 67 The historical problem that Derrida has to face - and his G37 68 followers often magnificently ignore - is that there is no evidence G37 69 whatever that phonocentrism in this strong sense exists, or even G37 70 has existed. What the historical record shows is that in G37 71 civilizations - at least since Ancient Egypt, from which we have an G37 72 eloquent document about the wonderful privileges of being a scribe G37 73 - writing, that is, ordinary, empirical, worldly, everyday writing, G37 74 has been privileged in every possible way over speech. In every G37 75 possible way: books have always been thought of as more G37 76 authoritative than speeches, even to the point of having magic G37 77 powers; literate people have had political privileges over G37 78 illiterate ones, even to the point of escaping with a penance when G37 79 their fellow men were hanged. Compared with the mass of evidence G37 80 against phonocentrism, there is not much for it. Voice has never G37 81 been systematically privileged over writing; the case is, rather, G37 82 that a few important thinkers have protested at the privileging of G37 83 writing over speech. Derrida trawls through the whole of G37 84 intellectual history and picks up such items as Plato grumbling G37 85 that you can't ask questions of a book. (This is a slightly unfair G37 86 summary, but much less unfair than Derrida's account.)

G37 87 What makes the point even more striking is that logocentrism G37 88 and phallocentrism certainly do exist. If logocentrism means the G37 89 desire to talk consistently about, and act on consistent G37 90 assumptions about, the real world - i.e. rationality - then it is G37 91 surely true that the whole of Western thought has evolved under the G37 92 partial control of this metaphysical category. And a very good G37 93 thing too; the alternative is irrationality. And if you believe in G37 94 any version of Freudian theory, phallocentrism is a condition of G37 95 being socialized; the only alternative is to be a schizophrenic, G37 96 and only Deleuze and Guattari are in favour of that. But there is G37 97 no evidence for phonocentrism; it has to be manufactured, by G37 98 applying deconstructive arguments to Saussure, to an essay by G37 99 L<*_>e-acute<*/>vi-Strauss which says that writing is a device for G37 100 political dominance, and to an essay by Rousseau, On the G37 101 Origin of Languages, which takes no very decisive stand either G37 102 way.

G37 103 The crucial text in which these arguments are set out is a very G37 104 curious one; it is called Of Grammatology and, as I have G37 105 already said, it appears by title to be a satire on proposals for a G37 106 science of semiology: a vast book on a pseudo-science of marks to G37 107 mock the efforts of those who thought they were working on a real G37 108 science of signs. But most of the arguments in Of G37 109 Grammatology are serious enough, once one has adjusted to the G37 110 phenomenological perspective Derrida takes for granted as the only G37 111 possible philosophy.

G37 112 The method known as 'deconstruction' is particularly powerful G37 113 within this framework. Phenomenological and existential accounts of G37 114 the world are often heavily descriptive and metaphorical and rely G37 115 on this for much of their force. It is characteristic of the G37 116 deconstructive method to pick out ways in which the presuppositions G37 117 of an argument undermine the argument; or in which rhetorical G37 118 procedures, which are essential to the presentation of some G37 119 doctrine, undermine the doctrine. It will be seen that this is a G37 120 looser version of the standard argument form called reductio G37 121 ad absurdum, in which a theory is refuted by drawing self G37 122 contradictory-conclusions from it. I personally think that G37 123 deconstruction is valid only when it does entail a reductio; G37 124 and it often does, when the argument is phenomenological and G37 125 metaphysical. But deconstruction is never very convincing when it G37 126 is applied to science or engineering. Expositions of these are full G37 127 of dead metaphors inconsistent with current theory, and nobody G37 128 cares much. The atomic theory wasn't refuted when somebody split G37 129 the atom, even though 'atom' means 'unsplittable'.

G37 130 The three texts considered in Of Grammatology are of G37 131 rather different kinds. The Rousseau is a speculative philosophical G37 132 essay comparable to the Husserl essay mentioned earlier. It is safe G37 133 to say that Rousseau knew no more about the origin of languages G37 134 than did Husserl about the origin of geometry. Deconstruction as a G37 135 method bites very well on speculative philosophy of this kind. And G37 136 the L<*_>e-acute<*/>vi-Strauss is more political polemic than G37 137 anthropology. The Saussure text, however, is a very different G37 138 matter. It is a series of university lectures giving an elementary G37 139 introduction to a science about which a great deal is already G37 140 known. It contains an immense amount of factual detail. Its G37 141 philosophy consists largely of a set of methodological proposals G37 142 for reconstituting and developing that science - proposals which G37 143 had been very successfully followed out by the time Derrida was G37 144 writing: We have here the basic ingredients of the metaphysician's G37 145 nightmare: that his philosophy will come to contradict the findings G37 146 of an established science on some matter of fact. And - although he G37 147 is careful to say that he is not questioning the right of a G37 148 scientist, on the empirical level, to say what he needs to say - G37 149 this in the end, in my view, is exactly what Derrida does.

G37 150 What Derrida is entitled to do, by his method, is to consider G37 151 the categorial foundations of the proposed science of linguistics G37 152 in order to establish what metaphysical commitments they involve. G37 153 There are several of these he might look at. There is, for example, G37 154 the definition of the sign as an arbitrary pair of signifier and G37 155 signified. There is the sharp distinction between language, as a G37 156 collection of signs, and speaking or writing as the use of them. G37 157 There is the distinction between the synchronic study of a language G37 158 as a system, and the diachronic study of its history. There is even G37 159 the division within the synchronic study of language between the G37 160 syntagmatic and the associative axes of connection. Each of these G37 161 technical concepts has a genuine metaphysical dimension which would G37 162 repay analysis. But rather than any of these, Derrida picked out G37 163 for stress the one major distinction that is not part of the G37 164 founding apparatus of linguistics as a science, being as familiar G37 165 to laymen, or philosophers, as to linguists: the distinction G37 166 between speaking and writing.

G37 167 The reason that he thought this distinction of importance G37 168 presumably lies in the world-constituting functions that speech and G37 169 writing, under very different and philosophically essentialist G37 170 definitions, have in phenomenology. They have no particular G37 171 philosophical significance in linguistics; linguistics as a G37 172 science, set up on the basis of the categorial distinctions above, G37 173 is interested not in the putative world-creating functions of G37 174 speaking or writing, and not even in the relative proximity of the G37 175 signs used in them to the intentions of a putative speaker/writer - G37 176 for the linguistics of langue is not concerned with intentions G37 177 at all - but in the internal grammatical and other structures that G37 178 speech and writing have. For this purpose linguists can study G37 179 either speech, or writing, or both; nothing in the categorial G37 180 constitution of the science raises speech above writing in the way G37 181 that langue is raised above parole. But linguists do have G37 182 a lot to say about the relation between the two; and one of the G37 183 things they have to say is that the spoken language is the primary G37 184 object of study in linguistics, writing being a merely derivative G37 185 and secondary form.

G37 186 Their basis for saying this is a factual one. Languages have G37 187 been spoken for perhaps a quarter of a million years (that is my G37 188 guess based on physical evidence - an analysis of the evolution of G37 189 the vocal tract, Lieberman 1975); but writing has been around for G37 190 only a few thousand. Most languages don't have writing systems. G37 191 Even where they do, people always learn the spoken language first, G37 192 and sometimes don't learn to write at all. Like everyone else who G37 193 has taught linguistics, I have made these points to my first-year G37 194 students. Saussure made them at great length and with vigour; and G37 195 every incautious word was paraded by Derrida as solid evidence for G37 196 phonocentrism. For if one thing seemed certain to Derrida, it was G37 197 that Saussure couldn't be getting that excited about a matter of G37 198 fact. "The tone counts," he said. Everyone knows G37 199 people get excited only over metaphysics.

G37 200 If you put the text of Saussure back into its original context G37 201 you can see a rather better reason to get excited. Saussure is G37 202 giving a course of lectures to students of philology. Philologists G37 203 are people who study old texts in order to describe the history of G37 204 languages. G37 205 G38 1 <#FLOB:G38\>T. E. Lawrence: The Myth and the Message

G38 2 JOHN M. MACKENZIE

G38 3 If fame be judged by numbers of biographies, then T. E. G38 4 Lawrence is the most famous Briton of the twentieth century. Over G38 5 thirty biographies of him have been published, and more flooded G38 6 from the presses for the centenary of his birth. Few reputations G38 7 have swung so wildly from hero-worship to notoriety; few G38 8 personalities have so successfully eluded definition. But through G38 9 it all Lawrence continues to exercise an extraordinary hold on the G38 10 imaginations of Britons in the twentieth century. John Buchan wrote G38 11 that he "could have followed Lawrence over the edge of the G38 12 world". He intrigued figures as diverse as George Bernard G38 13 Shaw (not to mention Charlotte Shaw), E. M. Forster, Winston G38 14 Churchill and Robert Graves, while Michael Foot, not long before G38 15 becoming leader of the Labour Party, wrote, "My guess is G38 16 that The Mint will help to restore the reputation of the G38 17 Seven Pillars, which in turn will restore the reputation G38 18 of Lawrence." Sure enough, a television documentary in G38 19 1986, repeated in 1988, largely re-created the atmosphere of G38 20 uncritical adulation.

G38 21 What started as a Lawrence Bureau (as Richard Aldington called G38 22 the fan club) became a Lawrence industry, whose production fed off G38 23 the vast quantities of raw material left by Lawrence himself. Each G38 24 incident of his life is likely to have several different versions; G38 25 each viewpoint, letter or report several variants; each publication G38 26 several texts. As more and more evidence has been uncovered, it has G38 27 become hard to distinguish truth through a fog of dissimulation or G38 28 solve the riddle of the recluse who fled from the fame he courted, G38 29 the puritan obsessed with the sexuality he rejected, the sensitive G38 30 scholar who abhorred the brutalities of war while revelling in G38 31 them, the exalted intellect which sought to reduce mind and body to G38 32 the level of the automaton, or the gentle soul who sought extremes G38 33 of self-abasement and punishment. Some of these apparent G38 34 dichotomies are not so unusual, but in Lawrence the chemistry was G38 35 particularly complex, and the harder he tried to conceal the G38 36 formulae the more traces he seems to have left. Yet, although he G38 37 grossly inflated his own achievements and appropriated those of G38 38 others, although the evidence of charlatanry is extensive, his G38 39 ideas were often proved wrong, and his great Middle Eastern G38 40 sandcastle lies in ruins, he refuses to go away.

G38 41 This essay is concerned not with the life, but with the myth. G38 42 Where did it come from, why did it grown, and why has it survived G38 43 (at least in part) when so many other myths - such as those of G38 44 Livingstone, Gordon and Rhodes, apparently even more potent in G38 45 their day - have now dispersed? The myth needs to be explored in G38 46 terms of certain key aspects of the life, the background against G38 47 which it was formed, and the elite among whom it aggregated, G38 48 functioned and had instrumental power. Above all, it is necessary G38 49 to understand the media by which it was propagated: journalism, the G38 50 newly potent cinematograph, lecturing, popular writing for adults G38 51 and juveniles, school textbooks, 'serious' biography, and the G38 52 publications of Lawrence himself. To be fully understood, the G38 53 Lawrence myth <}_><-|>need<+|>needs<}/> to be set into its proper G38 54 tradition, that of the nineteenth-century imperial hero.

G38 55 I HEROIC MYTHS

G38 56 A state at the height of its power seems to require legendary G38 57 figures. They explain and justify its rise, personify national G38 58 greatness, offer examples of self-sacrificing service to a current G38 59 generation, provide warnings for the future to an elite fearful of G38 60 decline, and act as the instrument of pressure groups and interests G38 61 in the formulation of policy. Once it became apparent that such G38 62 figures had popular potency on a considerable scale, they could be G38 63 used to whip up agitations to influence governments which were G38 64 often as much reactive as active. By the later nineteenth century G38 65 Carlyle's dictum that "No great man lives in vain. The G38 66 history of the world is but the biography of great men" had G38 67 become, in effect, the guiding principle of school texts and the G38 68 countless works on heroes published for juvenile reading. For an G38 69 adult audience, biographical 'series' - for example of leading G38 70 figures of British India - had become the rage.

G38 71 Leaving aside the occasional use of ancient and medieval G38 72 examples, heroic figures inhabited three main periods. The reign of G38 73 Elizabeth I produced a clutch of heroes who illustrated the G38 74 emergence, consolidation and early expansion of the Protestant G38 75 state; the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries produced G38 76 empire-builders and naval and military figures who confirmed G38 77 British superiority over the French; and, increasingly important, G38 78 the Victorian era spawned contemporary heroes of exploration, G38 79 missionary enterprise and empire. Heroism needed to pit itself G38 80 against an enemy, and through these periods the enemy changes from G38 81 Catholic Spain to Catholic France to 'heathen', Hindu or Muslim G38 82 inhabitants of Empire. Heroes not only offered historical G38 83 instruction embracing an understanding of politics, military G38 84 tactics, geography, religious precepts and even natural history, G38 85 but acted above all as moral exemplars.

G38 86 Their moral power, image superimposing reality, was forged out G38 87 of a combination of indomitable will, almost superhuman physical G38 88 stamina, and religious (or quasi-religious) fervour in the G38 89 attainment of nearly miraculous objectives. Martyrdom was usually G38 90 the essential qualification for promotion to the top rank of heroic G38 91 myths, which offered both moral touchstones and weapons to belabour G38 92 governments and stimulate public expenditure. Martyrdom often G38 93 produced the icon through which the message could be conveyed in G38 94 its most direct form: Nelson dying on Victory; Livingstone in G38 95 the heart of Central Africa, kneeling in prayer; Gordon at the top G38 96 of the flight of stairs in the palace at Khartoum facing the forces G38 97 of Dervish darkness.

G38 98 The manufacture and use of heroes quickened in the late G38 99 nineteenth century: their appeal reflected a growing apprehension, G38 100 an awareness of an empire possibly ready for its recessional, G38 101 subject to growing jealousies and gathering foes, both European and G38 102 non-European. Moreover, this was a period of endemic warfare in G38 103 exotic localities, and exoticism was a necessary backdrop to heroic G38 104 stature. Clive and Wolfe would have been unknown without it. G38 105 Nelson's most famous victory before Trafalgar had been in the East, G38 106 incorporated the resonant name of the most mysterious of rivers to G38 107 the ancient as to the modern world, and crucially checked Napoleon G38 108 in his oriental ambitions. Gough and Napier, though Peninsular G38 109 veterans, were unknown before they approached heroic stature G38 110 (though of the second rank) through the Chinese, Sikh and Sind wars G38 111 of the 1840s. The Mutiny of 1857 produced heroes of the distinctive G38 112 Victorian stamp: Sir Henry Havelock, Sir John Nicholson, Sir Colin G38 113 Campbell, the Lawrence brothers - Christian militarists and G38 114 administrators who became cult figures of the ensuing decades.

G38 115 These military figures were catapulted into heroic fame by the G38 116 press, the new science of photography and engravings derived G38 117 therefrom, popular writings, texts and sometimes theatrical G38 118 representation. The Church and a whole range of national and local G38 119 intellectual and cultural societies played their part in the G38 120 dissemination of legend. There are two excellent examples of this G38 121 process.

G38 122 Just before the Mutiny, in 1856, David Livingstone arrived home G38 123 from his first great African journey, his transcontinental crossing G38 124 from Angola to Mozambique, to find that he was already a celebrity. G38 125 The press, scenting a scoop, had laid the groundwork and he built G38 126 upon it by publishing the best-selling Missionary Travels G38 127 and lecturing indefatigably throughout the country. Such fame G38 128 helped unlock the coffers of the Treasury for the officially G38 129 authorised Zambesi expedition. Its failure, together with the G38 130 emergence of other celebrated explorers such as Burton and Speke, G38 131 helped to eclipse Livingstone for a period, but his final journey G38 132 to discover the sources of the Nile, his meeting with Stanley, and G38 133 his death in Central Africa re-created the myth on the grandest G38 134 scale possible. By any conventional standards Livingstone was a G38 135 failure - as a missionary, as an explorer (certainly in terms of G38 136 his own objectives) and as a husband and father. Yet he was the G38 137 perfect vehicle for a myth because he came to personify the G38 138 Victorian fascination with Africa, abhorrence of the Arab slave G38 139 trade, yearning for heroic and successful missionary endeavour, and G38 140 the legitimate commerce of free trade with or without G38 141 colonisation.

G38 142 But the myth was not self-generating. Initiated by the press, G38 143 fostered by Livingstone himself, it was given a tremendous fillip G38 144 by the Stanley 'scoop' of 1871 and all the publications that flowed G38 145 from it. Even the devotion of his African servants, Susi and Chuma, G38 146 in bringing the body out of Africa for burial in Westminster Abbey G38 147 was not enough to ensure the final canonisation. The careful G38 148 editing of Livingstone's Last Journals in order to slant G38 149 his efforts towards the slave trade, commerce and Christianity, and G38 150 away from the failed geographical objectives, the fabrication of G38 151 the icon of his death and the inauguration of a wave of Livingstone G38 152 publications all served to make Livingstone the patron saint of G38 153 imperial endeavour in Africa in the 1880s and 1890s. Whenever this G38 154 endeavour seemed likely to be checked, in Nyasaland in 1890 or in G38 155 Uganda in 1892 for example, his name became a rallying cry.

G38 156 Charles Gordon secured fame in the Taiping revolt in China in G38 157 the 1860s, then passed through a temporary eclipse before G38 158 burnishing his reputation once more as a scourge of the slave trade G38 159 when serving the Egyptian Knedive in the Sudan. Interestingly, it G38 160 was the press and popular agitation which trapped Gladstone, G38 161 against his better judgement, into using Gordon to evacuate the G38 162 European and Egyptian inhabitants of Khartoum in the face of the G38 163 developing conquest of the Mahdi. Gordon secured a self-imposed G38 164 martyrdom by failing to evacuate himself, and his death had G38 165 powerful repercussions in British politics as well as on imperial G38 166 policy in North-East Africa. The circumstances of his death were G38 167 carefully fabricated for iconographic purposes, and his reputation G38 168 was assiduously used to promote the reconquest of the Sudan. The G38 169 commitment to Kitchener's campaign of 1896-8 was made by G38 170 Gladstone's successor, Lord Roseberry, though executed by the G38 171 Conservative and Unionist administration of Lord Salisbury. In many G38 172 ways Kitchener inherited the mantle of Gordon, and the immense G38 173 popularity of the Nile campaign was rooted in the belief that it G38 174 was waged to avenge Gordon. Khartoum became virtually a memorial G38 175 city, while the 'River War' helped to spawn another legend, that of G38 176 Winston Churchill, who was in turn to be important in the G38 177 development of the Lawrence myth.

G38 178 Livingstone and Gordon were perhaps the two most potent heroic G38 179 myths of the late nineteenth century, although they were G38 180 underpinned by those of the Mutiny generals, Wolseley, Kitchener, G38 181 Rhodes and a few missionaries. Both Livingstone and Gordon were G38 182 flawed figures whose frailties were widely apparent and who made G38 183 many enemies, but legends once created have a capacity to shout G38 184 down criticism. Once engendered by the extraordinary capacities of G38 185 the subject, the events of his life, the propaganda of the G38 186 myth-making machine and public willingness to be caught up in an G38 187 emotional outburst, the myth becomes self-generating, because to G38 188 knock it down is to endanger the system on which it feeds. By G38 189 becoming structurally important it impinges on the vested interests G38 190 of many members of the elite; to sustain it was often to sustain G38 191 their own role. In the conditions of the late nineteenth century G38 192 the myths came to be bound up with patriotism and its twin, G38 193 xenophobia. It is only in the light of these two powerful forces G38 194 that one can explain the connivance of radicals such as Labouchere G38 195 in the efforts of Rhodes and Chamberlain to save each other after G38 196 the Jameson Raid of 1895-6, an event which, in spite of all the G38 197 evidence of both duplicity and incompetence, prepared the way for G38 198 another, albeit minor, legend, that of Dr Jameson.

G38 199 Major myths cannot, however, be manufactured out of men of G38 200 straw. That is why Jameson, despite all the efforts of the Kaiser, G38 201 never really qualified. The myth needs substance to work upon, and G38 202 there can be no doubt that the subjects of heroic legends were G38 203 remarkable figures. The very complexities of their personalities, G38 204 which have left them open to the debunking process, have usually G38 205 been an essential, if often concealed, part of their extraordinary G38 206 characters. G38 207 G39 1 <#FLOB:G39\>2 In Pursuit of the Receding Plot: Some G39 2 American Postmodernists

G39 3 David Seed

G39 4 In recent years a critical consensus has gradually been forming G39 5 as to the nature of postmodernism. Peter Brooks, for instance, G39 6 insists that there has been a metafictional dimension to the novel G39 7 since its very beginnings but now finds a new degree of emphasis G39 8 among post-modernists, "a greater explicitness in G39 9 the abandonment of mimetic claims, a more overt staging of G39 10 narrative's arbitrariness and lack of authority, a more open G39 11 playfulness about fictionality" (Brooks 1984: 317). The G39 12 relation of postmodernism to modernism is, in other words, a G39 13 complex continuity which, in America at least, can be dated with G39 14 comparative precision. All the novelists who are to be discussed in G39 15 this chapter began their writing careers in the 1960s and recoiled G39 16 from the hegemony of naturalistic modes of fiction. They have G39 17 either demonstrated or explicitly acknowledged influences from G39 18 Beckett, Nabokov, and Borges, or, within the American tradition, G39 19 from Kerouac (himself the heir of such modernists as Thomas Wolfe) G39 20 who opened up new possibilities of voice and open structure. Where G39 21 Andr<*_>e-acute<*/> Malraux has stated that modern art is becoming G39 22 an "interrogation of the world" (Malraux 1950: G39 23 151), the writers under discussion here do not abandon plot as such G39 24 but interrogate the very means they are using to structure their G39 25 works. Richard Martin's comment on Walter Abish has a general G39 26 relevance in this context. Abish's use of arbitrary formal limits G39 27 in Alphabetical Africa (1974) "becomes the G39 28 vehicle for an adventurous plot while simultaneously investigating G39 29 various narrative modes" (Martin 1983: 230). Plot may G39 30 become a pretext. It may be eroded by comedy or decomposed, but it G39 31 can never disappear, for it constitutes the "dynamic G39 32 shaping force of the narrative discourse" (Brooks 1984: G39 33 13). It is typical of the vigour of contemporary experimentation in G39 34 America, that apocalyptic statements of the novel's demise should G39 35 be converted into fiction in Ronald Sukenick's The Death of G39 36 the Novel and Other Stories (1969).

G39 37 Since the early 1970s, Sukenick has emerged as one of the G39 38 leading practitioners of narration as process. Like Pynchon, he has G39 39 admitted an influence from Kerouac and the Beats, and, in his 1973 G39 40 article 'The New Tradition', Sukenick places himself within a late G39 41 phase of the modernists' 'Revolution of the Word' where verbal and G39 42 structural experimentation were aimed at coping with the enigmatic G39 43 nature of the world (Federman 1975: 42). Sukenick has also gone on G39 44 record as seeing writing as an essentially adversarial activity: G39 45 "When I grew up, I grew up with an idea of writing as a G39 46 form of resistance to the establishment and culture at G39 47 large" (Sukenick 1985: 139). One focus to this resistance G39 48 has been realistic plot-paradigms which Sukenick constantly G39 49 subverts in the interest of getting nearer to the real. G39 50 "Things don't appear to happen according to Aristotle any G39 51 more", he remarks. However, Sukenick has been equally G39 52 consistent in rejecting the view that such a direction marks a G39 53 narcissistic introversion of fiction, arguing instead that he has G39 54 engaged more directly with his culture. The shift in stance away G39 55 from cultural exile towards critical engagement, for him marks a G39 56 shift away from the <*_>e-acute<*/>litism of the moderns towards G39 57 postmodernism.

G39 58 The political implications of Sukenick's experimentation can be G39 59 seen clearly in his second novel Out (1973), which sets up a G39 60 journey as structural metaphor in order to comment on the political G39 61 temper of the late Nixon years. A backdrop of meaningless shifts in G39 62 national policy, from 'escalation' to 'deescalation' and back G39 63 again, foregrounds the 'characters' in this work, who are G39 64 subversives armed with sticks of dynamite. Sukenick repeatedly G39 65 draws attention to such underground processes, always as a prelude G39 66 to comic dismissal: the dynamite is a dud, weapons fire blanks, and G39 67 so on. Before any line of action can gel, starkly contrasted G39 68 possibilities are introduced: "You're either part of the G39 69 plot or part of the counter-plot" (Sukenick 1973: 1). The G39 70 novel is mainly devoted to exploring the implications of these G39 71 propositions for its own form. Firstly, within the atmosphere of G39 72 conspiracy, ludicrous and later incomprehensible messages are G39 73 introduced to play games with the reader's capacity to interpret G39 74 textual data. A particular detail may "show how events G39 75 conspire. It indicates a plot. The job of intelligence is to G39 76 uncover this plot ... As you can see everything falls into G39 77 place" (Sukenick 1973: 124). Through a series of strategic G39 78 puns Sukenick associates the collection of evidence, analysis and G39 79 causal sequence with political totalitarianism. The threat of G39 80 'arrest' becomes the threat of fixity, of stabilized forms, whereas G39 81 the thrust of the novel is to take us further and further away from G39 82 such stability. This impulse is figured partly in geographical G39 83 terms (as Jerome Klinkowitz has noted, "Out moves from G39 84 the clutter and hassle of the East to the pure space of an empty G39 85 Californian beach" (Klinkowitz 1980: 137)) and partly by G39 86 shifting the names of the characters and the nature of their G39 87 situations, so that travelling ceases to be a realistic indication G39 88 of movement and becomes instead a metaphor for textual purpose. A G39 89 journey in a camper shades into a lift with a driver who turns out G39 90 to be a narcotics agent; the former episode is then repeated, with G39 91 sado-masochistic variations, until that too shades into a bus G39 92 journey. The situational shifts prevent a consistent plot-line from G39 93 forming, making the novel essentially unpredictable, and Sukenick G39 94 further complicates our sense of sequence by counterpointing a G39 95 'count-down' sequence of chapters against the ascending G39 96 page-numbers. As the novel approaches its end, spaces between its G39 97 verbal segments grow larger and larger until the text finally G39 98 recedes into a blank white page.

G39 99 By politicizing his text in this way Sukenick runs the risk of G39 100 linking authorial production with political manipulation, but he G39 101 regularly plays down the privilege of composition by including G39 102 himself as a minor character within his narratives. In the case of G39 103 Out, a dialogue within the novel articulates Sukenick's G39 104 engagement with the reader's probable, realistic expectations. A G39 105 suitably pedagogic figure called Skuul puts the case for cause and G39 106 effect which is speedily reduced to relativism by an opposing G39 107 voice: "You pursue essentials I ride with random ... You G39 108 struggle towards stillness I rest in movement" (Sukenick G39 109 1973: 127). As in Gravity's Rainbow, Sukenick pairs G39 110 contrasting voices to raise the epistemological implications of his G39 111 own novel and to nudge the reader towards an acceptance of G39 112 indeterminacy. Indeed, Jerzy Kutink has shown that amorphousness G39 113 and mobility are the prime characteristics of Sukenick's texts. G39 114 They constitute "the ideal condition for fiction but not G39 115 just for purely aesthetic reasons: they are the natural condition G39 116 of 'things chronic and cosmic', including humanity itself" G39 117 (Kutnik 1986: 87). The very title of Out suggests avoidance, G39 118 absence, departure (from norms, order, etc.); even the ending of G39 119 the novel is signalled as an exit. What limits this work is the G39 120 close association between formal fluidity and a life-style G39 121 reminiscent of the Beats. It is this underwriting of 'moving on' G39 122 which Sukenick's next novel brings into question.

G39 123 98.6 (1975) is divided into three sections. The first G39 124 assembles a collage of images to confirm the proposition that G39 125 "love - power = sadism + masochism" (Sukenick 1975: G39 126 7). Sukenick's own composed sequences (revolving around routine G39 127 violence) are juxtaposed with excerpts from contemporary reports on G39 128 Hell's Angels, the Manson family, etc. to suggest a picture of G39 129 conditions. It is as if Sukenick were putting into practice the G39 130 principles of what he has called the "architectonic G39 131 novel" which (and he cites Raymond Federman's Double G39 132 or Nothing as a prime example) works like a jigsaw puzzle: G39 133 "the picture is filled out but there is no sense of G39 134 development involved" (Federman 1975: 38). Having G39 135 established a context, in the second section Sukenick presents the G39 136 attempts of a group to set up a commune within the country of G39 137 Frankenstein (a transparent label for the USA). This section G39 138 follows the trajectory of an arc in that the attempts gradually G39 139 fail. The commune attempts to enact its own solidarity through G39 140 rituals (group sex, baseball, potlatch, etc.), apparently trying to G39 141 stave off the threats of such hostile outside forces as truckers G39 142 and bikers. The third section ('Palestine') does not conclude the G39 143 novel so much as make explicit the narrative implications of what G39 144 has happened so far. The sequence of composition and decomposition, G39 145 seen in Out's alternation between meetings and G39 146 departures, now becomes a textual fact of life: G39 147 "Interruption. Discontinuity. Imperfection. It can't be G39 148 helped ... Together for an instant and then smash it's all gone G39 149 still its<&|>sic! worth it. I feel. This composure grown out of G39 150 ongoing decomposition" (Sukenick 1975: 167). The narrative G39 151 base to this section (Sukenick's visit to Israel) represents a G39 152 journey to a country of spiritual origins as if he is seeking a G39 153 lost unity antecedent to the modern state of division.

G39 154 In his more recent works, Sukenick has moved even further away G39 155 from conventional narrative sequences. Long Talking Bad G39 156 Conditions Blues (1979) makes a virtue out of the condition of G39 157 "accelerated shatter" he had located in his earlier G39 158 novels by attempting to link the diverse aspects of his text within G39 159 a verbal flow, a "stream of language" introduced by G39 160 a twelve-page unpunctuated single sentence. This flux depresses G39 161 narrative reflection (" ... it was almost impossible to G39 162 come to a conclusion about one's own flow and that in fact this was G39 163 a contradiction in terms since one was precisely one's own flow ... G39 164 " (Sukenick 1979: 11)) and also direction, as the title G39 165 appropriately suggests a spoken improvisation. Characters thus G39 166 become splintered versions of the dominant voice, examples of what G39 167 Thomas LeClair has called "artful ventriloquism" G39 168 (in McCaffery 1986: 121). Continuity of utterance now becomes an G39 169 end in itself and lacunae in consciousness, gaps and verbal 'black G39 170 holes' (linguistic vortices), things to be avoided like the plague. G39 171 Both this work and The Endless Short Story (1986) confirm G39 172 Peter Currie's general assertion that "American G39 173 post-modernism may be seen to endorse a rhetorical view of G39 174 life which begins with the primacy of language" (in G39 175 Bradbury and Ro 1987: 64). Long Talking is preoccupied G39 176 with the physicality of utterance, whereas The Endless Short G39 177 Story equivocates about its own length and means. It begins as G39 178 a mock-documentary on Simon Rodia (architect of the Watts towers) G39 179 and then shifts through stories-within-stories, digressions, verbal G39 180 improvisations (explicitly modelled on jazz), and numerous G39 181 references to the practicalities of narrating. These devices cut G39 182 across a linear reading of the text, in spite of the early G39 183 injunction to the reader: "It doesn't matter where you G39 184 start. You must have faith. Life is whole and continuous whatever G39 185 the appearances" (Sukenick 1986: 7). The latter assertion G39 186 represents no more than a pious belief, since Sukenick's text G39 187 repeatedly fragments itself into short phrasal units, disparate G39 188 narrative strands, and oddly shifting 'characters'.

G39 189 Many of Sukenick's concerns are shared by his friend Raymond G39 190 Federman. Where both are university teachers, Federman began his G39 191 career as a critic with a study of Samuel Beckett, Journey to G39 192 Chaos (1965), which played a crucial role in the formation of G39 193 his attitude towards modern fiction. Federman presents Beckett as a G39 194 practitioner of perversely inverted narrative values, in effect G39 195 deconstructing the novel in order to expose the deceits of realism. G39 196 Beckett's characters "begin and end their fictional journey G39 197 at the same place, in the same condition, and without having G39 198 learned, discovered, or acquired the least knowledge about G39 199 themselves and the world in which they exist" (Federman G39 200 1965: 4). Federman has fully digested Beckett's influence on him to G39 201 the point of formulating carefully thought-out positions on the new G39 202 direction fiction will take. His view of the American situation G39 203 follows out the formal consequences of earlier complaints by such G39 204 writers as Nathanael West and Philip Roth, that the American novel G39 205 can no longer keep up with contemporary reality. Federman sees the G39 206 post-modern period as one in which the media have taken G39 207 over the informational role of fiction, drastically reducing its G39 208 status. The works which are aware of this predicament Federman has G39 209 called "surfiction" whose primary purpose "will be G39 210 to unmask its own fictionality, to expose the metaphor of its own G39 211 fraudulence". Among other casualties in this process will G39 212 be plot: "the plot having disappeared, it is no longer G39 213 necessary to have the events of fiction follow a logical, G39 214 sequential pattern (in time and in space)" (Federman 1975: G39 215 810). G39 216 G40 1 <#FLOB:G40\>Books on the Box: the BBC Chronicles of G40 2 Narnia

G40 3 KIMBERLEY REYNOLDS

G40 4 It is rare to find parents and educators actively promoting a G40 5 television series (other than the specifically didactic 'schools' G40 6 broadcasts) and treating it as a cultural event. This reflects a G40 7 deeply rooted ambivalence about television as entertainment which G40 8 is directly linked to attitudes surrounding children's reading. G40 9 Watching television is inevitably regarded as an activity less G40 10 worthwhile than reading, and for long has been accused of seducing G40 11 children away from books. Nevertheless, when in 1989 the BBC G40 12 launched its three-year serialisation of C.S. Lewis's Chronicles of G40 13 Narnia, families around the country regularly settled down to an G40 14 early Sunday evening's viewing, and the whir of institutional video G40 15 recorders switching themselves on was almost audible. The ongoing G40 16 adaptation of the Narnia books for television (at the time of G40 17 writing The Silver Chair is being screened in the six G40 18 weeks leading up to Christmas 1990) raises a number of key issues G40 19 about children's literature and television. These have primarily to G40 20 do with status, audience, and the construction of narrative. In G40 21 particular, the 'made-for-TV' nature of the series (as compared G40 22 with the many film adaptations of children's texts such as G40 23 Black Beauty, National Velvet, The Secret Garden and G40 24 Treasure Island) created problems and possibilities which G40 25 need to be explored. In this article I shall be less concerned with G40 26 the specific adaptation of Lewis's books than with the attitudes G40 27 toward televised versions of children's books the series G40 28 highlights. In particular, I want to question the long-held G40 29 assumptions about the fugitive and reductionist nature of visual G40 30 renditions now that the video recorder has come of age.

G40 31 Screened stories: sceptics, status, and skills

G40 32 C.S. Lewis belonged to a well-established school of thought G40 33 which holds that books are infinitely superior to films and G40 34 (especially) television, and that any attempt to make a filmed G40 35 version of a 'good' book is doomed to fail. He identified some of G40 36 the reasons for this failure in a brief analysis of a filmed G40 37 version of Rider Haggard's King Solomon's Mines.

G40 38 Of its many sins - not least the introduction of a G40 39 totally irrelevant young woman in shorts who accompanied the G40 40 adventurers wherever they went - only one here concerns us. At the G40 41 end of Haggard's book ... the heroes are awaiting death entombed G40 42 in a rock chamber and surrounded by the mummified kings of that G40 43 land. The maker of the film version, however, apparently thought G40 44 this tame. He substituted a subterranean volcanic eruption, and G40 45 then went one better by adding an earthquake. Perhaps we should not G40 46 blame him. Perhaps the scene in the original was not 'cinematic' G40 47 and the man was right, by the canons of his own art, in altering G40 48 it. But it would have been better not to have chosen in the first G40 49 place a story which could be adapted to the screen only by being G40 50 ruined.

G40 51 Lewis goes on to say that the story is ruined not because one G40 52 ending is necessarily better than another, but because they create G40 53 entirely different feelings in the reader/spectator. This G40 54 difference in feeling he attributes to two causes. First, the G40 55 dictates of cinematic conventions and expectations (his prejudices G40 56 against which are not denied), and second, the lack of G40 57 understanding on the part of the film's director of what G40 58 constitutes a good story. The educated <*_>e-acute<*/>lite, Lewis G40 59 argues, tend to disparage the power of narratives which concern G40 60 themselves more with plot than character development or portraits G40 61 of society, and particularly those plots which involve excursions G40 62 into other worlds or 'shadow lands'. The kind of literary G40 63 snobbishness which dismisses genres such as children's fiction or G40 64 science fiction as all plot and no substance misses an important G40 65 point, for to a certain kind of reader such writing has the power G40 66 to convey "profound experiences, which are ... not G40 67 acceptable in any other form."

G40 68 Lewis's defence of literature characterised by powerful plots G40 69 is based entirely on the subjective nature of the reading G40 70 experience. It is unique, personal, private and capable of enabling G40 71 the reader to transcend mundane reality. Because of these qualities G40 72 the written text is supremely able to adapt to the needs of the G40 73 individual reader and to do this at different stages in his/her G40 74 development. Lewis believed utterly in the power of the written G40 75 word, be it poetry for the educated or adventure stories for the G40 76 masses, and likewise deprecated filmed narratives. G40 77 "Nothing", he wrote, "can be more disastrous than G40 78 the view that cinema can and should replace popular written G40 79 fictions. The elements which it excludes are precisely those which G40 80 give the untrained mind its only access to the imaginative world. G40 81 There is a death in the cinema."

G40 82 In such passages Lewis is articulating the fear held by many G40 83 that television and films would do two things; especially with G40 84 regard to the juvenile population. First, that they would prove so G40 85 seductive that children would abandon, or fail to acquire, the G40 86 habit of reading. Second, that filmed versions of texts would make G40 87 even the best stories mechanical: each viewing would be identical G40 88 to the one before; the child would not be free to change emphases; G40 89 the viewer would become a passive spectator, as all the 'work' G40 90 (e.g. the animation of the text) had been done, etc. All in all, G40 91 the viewing process was portrayed as an entirely impoverished one G40 92 when compared to that of reading. It was believed that the child G40 93 would develop no analytical skills through watching rather than G40 94 reading. Perhaps most important of all, Lewis is suggesting that G40 95 watching a film prevented the child from making the complex series G40 96 of unconscious identifications with characters and situations which G40 97 make fantasy literature useful for psychological development.

G40 98 However vaild some of these arguments may be, they must also be G40 99 understood as typical of attitudes toward popular culture G40 100 throughout the ages. Ironically, Lewis was at great pains to defend G40 101 the virtues of popular forms of literature (including children's G40 102 fiction) precisely because of their appeal to less experienced or G40 103 sophisticated readers. It needs also to be remembered that at the G40 104 time that Lewis was writing his defence of popular texts (1947), G40 105 television ownership was not widespread, prolonged daily viewing G40 106 was impossible, the VCR had yet to be invented, and no research had G40 107 yet been done into the viewing process.

G40 108 Since Lewis's death in 1963 a considerable amount of research G40 109 into the effects of television on the child has been conducted, and G40 110 much of it can be used to debate the objections outlined above. In G40 111 particular, it is now recognised that children are not necessarily G40 112 passive and indiscriminate viewers, but may instead develop 'visual G40 113 literacy' skills which can complement those acquired through G40 114 reading. The ability to decode a complex visual narrative often G40 115 precedes but does not necessarily preclude a similar degree of G40 116 sophistication and facility with written texts. Despite frequent G40 117 media discussion of these issues, there has long remained a G40 118 distrust of television and filmed versions of classic children's G40 119 books, and the advent of cable and satellite TV seems bound to G40 120 provoke a reactionary revival of those parents who announce that G40 121 they have no television as if this were a virtue. (Funnily enough, G40 122 such behaviour is closely related to the non-smoking, teetotalling, G40 123 vegetarian adults Lewis repeatedly mocks in the Narnia books.) G40 124 Recently, however, there has been a volte-face on the G40 125 part of many adults who previously deplored filmed versions of G40 126 children's books as at best inevitably disappointing and at worst G40 127 travesties of the original. There seem to be two key reasons for G40 128 this U-turn. The first is that far from discouraging children from G40 129 reading, television and films have given birth to a vigorous new G40 130 publishing activity - the book of the film/programme. Children's G40 131 book sales have increases by 170 per cent over the last five years, G40 132 precisely the period over which domestic sales of VCRs have also G40 133 rocketed. Through TV tie-ins young readers are introduced to an G40 134 eclectic range of writing, from Ghostbusters to Adrian Mole and G40 135 back to such classics as A Little Princess and, of G40 136 course, the Chronicles of Narnia. More importantly, the viewing and G40 137 reading processes have increasingly been recognised to be G40 138 complementary rather than mutually exclusive.

G40 139 The second and in some ways more interesting reason for the new G40 140 acceptability of filmed versions of juvenile texts, also based on G40 141 the widespread use of VCRs in homes and schools, is the growth of a G40 142 children's video library. Much work needs to be done to raise the G40 143 overall quality of material readily available on video for G40 144 children, and this is important. <}_><-|>Video's<+|>Videos<}/> are G40 145 not just 're-usable resources', useful for keeping children quietly G40 146 entertained; they have the potential to make the viewing process G40 147 more analogous to reading and so for developing analytical skills G40 148 useful for both activities. VCRs make it possible to re-view, to G40 149 skim, to watch selected scenes repeatedly, to omit sections and G40 150 pause over others - all of which make viewing more personal, more G40 151 creative, and potentially more intellectually demanding. They also G40 152 mean that greater care has to be taken over the translation of G40 153 complex texts into videos, as re-viewing, like re-reading, demands G40 154 that there be something new to discover at different stages in the G40 155 young viewer's development.

G40 156 The ramifications of this degree of control over the G40 157 presentation of video material are many. For the older child it G40 158 enables very detailed interaction between the written and visual G40 159 texts. By encouraging visual decoding, videos may enhance G40 160 understanding of the director's version of a text and so the G40 161 potential for comparison with the reader's own interpretation. G40 162 Repeated watching of a visual version of a text with which the G40 163 child is familiar can highlight differences in the narrative G40 164 functioning and capabilities of the two media. Even a young child G40 165 will notice and understand adjustments to the way in which a story G40 166 is told; for instance, the need to make the narrator a character in G40 167 the action or to substitute descriptions of events (as in a letter) G40 168 with enactment. By comparing the narrative organisation of printed G40 169 and visual versions of a text a great deal can be learned about the G40 170 relationship between structure, form and meaning.

G40 171 Re-viewing is undoubtedly the most important aspect of video G40 172 material. According to Lewis, the desire to re-read indicated that G40 173 a story was not just being read to find out what happened or G40 174 whodunnit; indeed, his criterion for a good book was that it became G40 175 more pleasurable on subsequent readings. Particularly in the young G40 176 child it is no aesthetic qualities which are being sought through G40 177 repeated readings, listenings, or tellings but (as the psychologist G40 178 Bruno Bettelheim has observed) the satisfaction of having resolved G40 179 difficult emotional problems. The same applies equally to the G40 180 viewing process, which additionally has the reassuring property of G40 181 never forgetting or changing what comes next.

G40 182 For all of these reasons videos have the potential both to G40 183 complement printed versions of juvenile texts and to raise the G40 184 standard and status of televised adaptations. If they are to do G40 185 this effectively it is necessary to overcome established attitudes G40 186 to children's literature itself and, just as importantly, G40 187 habitualised practices in the adaptation process. To render the G40 188 narrative complexity of texts (and particularly those which were G40 189 not originally intended for reading aloud), those involved in G40 190 making adaptations must be encouraged to exploit the medium of G40 191 television to its full potential. At present most books which are G40 192 adapted for television make unhappy compromises as to how far they G40 193 are prepared to 'adapt' the original text, and as a consequence G40 194 generally leave the viewer dissatisfied. In a recent article for G40 195 Screen, Paul Kerr identifies the principal cause of this G40 196 dissatisfaction as the tendency for televised versions to G40 197 "flatten" a text so that, "it is less a 'novel' as G40 198 such that is being adapted than its plot, characters, setting [and] G40 199 dialogue". The reason for this flattening is a direct G40 200 consequence of the elevation of the written text over the film (and G40 201 especially over TV). Tradition has enshrined the practice of trying G40 202 to be entirely faithful to the original, which means treating film G40 203 or television as a transparent medium purely concerned with showing G40 204 what the writer has written. G40 205 G41 1 <#FLOB:G41\>Olive Chancellor later concludes that Basil has G41 2 determined to destroy Verena's powers of utterance "because G41 3 he knew that her voice had magic in it"; he can be G41 4 motivated only by "devilish malignity" (B, p. G41 5 364). Half-borrowing Coleridge's famous phrase, she imagines Ransom G41 6 as a kind of Iago. Ransom is no more merely an Iago than he is an G41 7 Othello (though he thinks of himself, like Othello, as G41 8 "unhoused" (B, p. 14), and his first name connotes G41 9 royalty), nor is he simply the portrait of a father. One might say G41 10 that he is the spectre incarnate of an outsize, excess manliness, a G41 11 super-man.

G41 12 Of course Othello is not a specific source for this novel, G41 13 in the usual sense of the word. When we read of Miss Birdseye that G41 14 "Since the Civil War much of her occupation was G41 15 gone" (B, p. 24), we are not being encouraged to G41 16 identify her with Othello. But echoes from the play are G41 17 diffused throughout James's writings, and certain aspects of it G41 18 particularly nourished his imagination. In some obvious thematic G41 19 senses it is the most Jamesian of Shakespeare's plays, in its G41 20 concern for the ways in which people can enter each other's inner G41 21 worlds, for good and ill, the varying allure of psychic possession G41 22 and trespass and betrayal. There is a striking passage in A G41 23 Small Boy and Others in which James draws a distinction G41 24 between the jealousy of which he believes his childlike self to G41 25 have been free and the envy with which he believes it to have been G41 26 consumed. He perpetually envied the being of others: "They G41 27 were so other - that was what I felt;..." (SBO, G41 28 p. 101). Iago would have understood James's fictional world. But G41 29 this world, rife with Iagos as it is, draws richly and variously on G41 30 Shakespeare's play. Othello especially fuelled James's G41 31 creative anxieties about the charm of physical presence, the G41 32 constitution of sexuality through and in the body and the voice. G41 33 What is the measure of a man, of manliness - the presence of a G41 34 "powerful, active, manly frame" such as Salvini G41 35 displayed for all the world to see (SA, p. 172)?

G41 36 In a remarkable sequence in Notes of a Son and G41 37 Brother we find James associating his own father with the G41 38 powerful, active, manly frame of another famous G41 39 nineteenth-century Othello, Edwin Forrest. The context is a series G41 40 of loosely related anecdotes about his father's youth, a more G41 41 rascally and 'Bohemian' youth than his son finds entirely credible. G41 42 James remembers himself as a child asking his father to repeat the G41 43 favourite story, "his most personal, most remembering and G41 44 picture-recovering 'story'" (NSB, p. 396). The story G41 45 is about the elder Henry's youthful return to Ireland to visit the G41 46 family relations. He was a celebrity, but he was not so in his own G41 47 right. He was eclipsed by the fascination of the Negro servant who G41 48 accompanied him, but also and more importantly, he drew his fame G41 49 from his own prodigious father, the Irish immigrant who had become G41 50 a millionaire. Looking back to this grandfather's death in 1832, G41 51 the younger Henry James could identify with his youthful father - G41 52 "I find myself envying the friendly youth who could bring G41 53 his modest Irish kin such a fairytale from over the sea" G41 54 (NSB, p. 396). The magic of tale-telling is always for James G41 55 likely to rouse an echo of Othello, and it is a happy G41 56 coincidence that an Irish maid called Barbara looms out of the G41 57 mists of his father's romance. What kind of a past had his father G41 58 enjoyed? One of his early comrades had been Edwin Forrest, an actor G41 59 whom the younger James had caught in his latter years, and whom he G41 60 now recalls as a "rank barbarian" and G41 61 "mighty mountebank". Given that Othello was one of G41 62 Forrest's most famous roles, it is unsurprising to find echoes of G41 63 the play in the words "barbarian" and "mountebank" G41 64 (Othello, I. iii. 354, and I. iii. 61). More surprising is the G41 65 recollection of his father's memory of calling on the great G41 66 tragedian one morning to find him "fresh and dripping from G41 67 the bath", entering the room upside down, walking on his G41 68 hands, "the result... of mere exuberance of muscle and G41 69 pride and robustious joie de vivre" (NSB, p. 400). As G41 70 with the Irish shenanigans, James recreates his father in a state G41 71 of borrowed glory - drawing his identity from images of other G41 72 manhoods, images of exoticism, of material success, of physical G41 73 prowess.

G41 74 What or who speaks through the spell-binding 'frame' of a G41 75 Salvini or a Forrest - or their female equivalents? Through the G41 76 bodies of a Basil Ransom and a Verena Tarrant? These questions lie G41 77 close to the heart of James's most troubled novel, and resonate G41 78 through many of his others. We may guess that Salvini's Othello G41 79 gave them a fillip in urging on James the different kinds of G41 80 witchcraft that the human presence can exert and by which it can G41 81 find itself possessed. The witchcraft of Othello's presence is not G41 82 just a matter of his manly frame, but also of the stories he tells, G41 83 of his voice as well as his body. Yet there is a fatal G41 84 vulnerability in the nature of this power, dependent as it is on G41 85 the thrill of presence, the risk, the exposure, the credulity and G41 86 gullibility.

G41 87 Othello spoke urgently to Victorian readers and audiences, G41 88 and to Americans experiencing the return of military heroes after G41 89 the Civil War it could speak with some special nuances. When Oliver G41 90 Wendell Holmes Jr. came home wounded from the war, he found G41 91 celebrity awaiting him, at least among a circle of admiring women. G41 92 His father registered the impact made by his war-hero son with a G41 93 certain ruefulness.

G41 94 I envy my white Othello, with a semicircle of young G41 95 Desdemonas about him listening to the often told story which they G41 96 will have over again.

G41 97 Oliver Wendell Holmes Sr. could not have been the only G41 98 non-combatant male to feel an envy for all the white G41 99 Othellos returning from the war to entrance the young women. What G41 100 position could a bystander assume in such a semi-circle? Henry G41 101 James became good friends with this particular war-hero, G41 102 and together with another ex-soldier, he spent a month of the G41 103 post-war summer of 1865 in North Conway in the company of his G41 104 beloved cousin Minny Temple. In the elegy to Minny that forms the G41 105 closing chapter of Notes of a Son and Brother, he wrote G41 106 that "'North Conway'... has almost the force for me of a G41 107 wizard's wand". It was not a semi-circle that he recalled, G41 108 however, but a circle, "a little world of easy and happy G41 109 interchange" (NSB, pp. 506-7). As the memory grows G41 110 warm, he elevates the magical image to a 'Circle' - with Minny at G41 111 its centre.

G41 112 James kept his eyes and ears open as the white Othellos G41 113 enthralled their Desdemonas. Twenty years later, as he was working G41 114 on The Bostonians, Grace Norton quizzed him on the G41 115 prospects of his setting up in matrimony with the British female. G41 116 James thanked her for the thought, but asserted robustly: G41 117 "I shall never take that liberty with her and shall to a G41 118 dead certainty never change my free unhoused condition" G41 119 (L3, p. 54). He would preserve his own liberty so that he G41 120 could watch the Othellos losing theirs. In The American G41 121 Mrs Tristram calls Christopher Newman "the great Western G41 122 Barbarian", and she warns him that Claire de G41 123 Cintr<*_>e-acute<*/> is "a supersubtle Parisian" G41 124 (AM, pp. 45, 178). This recalls Iago's shameful description of G41 125 the "frail vow betwixt an erring barbarian and a G41 126 super-subtle Venetian" (I. 3. 354-5), but the allusion G41 127 passes over Newman's head. ("Supersubtle" becomes such an G41 128 integral element of James's vocabulary that he would have had to G41 129 coin the word himself, had Shakespeare not obliged.) The echo G41 130 returns, with a vengeance, at the climax of Newman's recognition G41 131 that the supersubtleties of the Bellegardes have robbed him of his G41 132 selfhood: "He had nothing to do, his occupation had gone, G41 133 had simply strayed and lost itself in the great desert of G41 134 life" (AM, p. 529). It is symptomatic that the wound G41 135 with which he has long been associated should now begin to 'ache' G41 136 again, as he faces the prospect of a complete self-abandonment.

G41 137 The passage in Othello on which James draws most G41 138 frequently, however, is the scene before the Senate in which G41 139 Othello justifies his marriage to Desdemona by re-telling the story G41 140 of his life. Thinking of his time at Harvard Law School, for G41 141 instance, James recalls Othello's phrase "the tented G41 142 field" (I. 3. 85) to claim the precarious, even negative G41 143 analogy between the scene of his own wound and the scene of civil G41 144 war: "The Cambridge campus was tented field enough for a G41 145 conscript starting so compromised;..." (NSB, p. 417). G41 146 In a pregnant few pages in one of the Prefaces, he reflects on the G41 147 virtues for the writer of giving indirect representation to G41 148 "moving accidents and mighty mutations and strange G41 149 encounters" (LC2, p. 1259). James is thinking in G41 150 particular of the fantastic, the supernatural or mystifying (the G41 151 passage bears closely on 'The Turn of the Screw'). The effect of G41 152 these will fall flat unless they are represented by their effect on G41 153 and refraction through some attendant, attentive consciousness. G41 154 Three times in quick succession James recurs to Othello's phrase G41 155 "moving accidents" (I. iii. 134). That scene before G41 156 the Senate connotes for him the magic of a truly dramatic G41 157 tale-telling, where the teller and his listeners and their mutual G41 158 responsiveness are all necessarily on show.

G41 159 But the most favoured of all Othello's sayings is the one with G41 160 which he triumphantly concludes his tour-de-force: "This G41 161 only is the witchcraft I have used" (I. iii. 168). This G41 162 clinchingly rebuts Brabantio's charge that his daughter could have G41 163 been won only "By spells and medicines, bought of G41 164 mountebanks", by "witchcraft" (I. iii. 61, 64). G41 165 These words are vital to James's imagination - spells, charms, G41 166 magic, witchcraft - as the following range of illustrations seeks G41 167 to demonstrate.

G41 168 There is evidently more than one way to read Daisy G41 169 Miller, but James wrote a detailed letter to Eliza Lynn Linton G41 170 about his intentions for the tale, explaining the "keynote" G41 171 of her character and her conduct. He concludes his defence of G41 172 Daisy's innocence and his own "innocence" in creating G41 173 her: "This is the only witchcraft I have used" G41 174 (L2, p. 304). There is a generous way of reading Daisy's G41 175 character and conduct, and there is a suspicious way. Poor G41 176 Winterbourne gets left as Iago. The wry self-assurance of Othello's G41 177 great line is good for quelling suspicions and unmasking G41 178 ungenerosity. In 1904, as he prepared to cross the Atlantic for the G41 179 first time in twenty years, James was irked by a letter from his G41 180 brother William. Henry was planning to travel in the company of a G41 181 Mrs Benedict and her niece, her sister and niece of Constance G41 182 Fenimore Woolson. A decade earlier James had helped them in the G41 183 melancholy business of sorting through Miss Woolson's effects after G41 184 her suicide in Venice. James told his older brother: "As a G41 185 lone and inexpert man I simply and naturally assented to that G41 186 very kind proposal.... But that is the only witchcraft I am G41 187 using" (L4, p. 306). No, he is not enthralled by G41 188 women, nor seeking to enthrall them. The irritated and defensive G41 189 tone can partly be explained by the scurrilous gossip that has G41 190 reached William's ears. Henry is rejecting with scorn the rumour G41 191 that he is engaged to be married to a certain Emilie Busbey G41 192 Grigsby, who believed herself the look-alike of his own Milly G41 193 Theale. There was no escaping from Venice, it seemed, from the G41 194 malignant intrigues around sex and marriage. Indeed the whole G41 195 letter brims with indignation at "this nightmare-world of G41 196 insane bavardage":

G41 197 It's appalling that such winds may be started to blow, G41 198 about one, by not so much as the ghost of an exhalation of one's G41 199 own, and it terrifies and sickens me for the prospect of my visit G41 200 to your strange great continent of puerile cancans. Who and G41 201 what, then, is safe? (L4, p. 306)

G41 202 It was as if Iago now ruled the world, the very spirit of G41 203 newspaperism, of the gutter gossip that twenty years previously G41 204 James had begun to excoriate in The Bostonians. G41 205 G42 1 <#FLOB:G42\>There is a general collection of mainly G42 2 nineteenth-century British art, with some Dutch paintings.

G42 3 The Wolverhampton Art Gallery opened in 1884, its classical G42 4 building paid for by Philip Horsman. The contents of the gallery, G42 5 or money to buy them, came from other citizens, whose generosity G42 6 never really caught up with the grandeur of the architecture.

G42 7 Initially the collection was of nineteenth-century British art. G42 8 Later, eighteenth-century works were acquired, and more recently an G42 9 attempt has been made to form a collection of contemporary art, G42 10 including works by Andy Warhol, Lichtenstein, Rosenquist and G42 11 Caulfield.

G42 12 Though the county of West Midlands is largely an urban sprawl, G42 13 made up of Birmingham, Coventry, Walsall, Wolverhampton, Dudley and G42 14 West Bromwich, it does have three houses of interest.

G42 15 Wightwick Manor, due west of Walsall, has a collection which G42 16 includes a number of important Pre-Raphaelite works. Aston Hall, G42 17 owned by the City of Birmingham, has a collection which includes G42 18 paintings related to the Holte family, previous owners, though G42 19 their own collection was sold in 1817. It is maintained as an G42 20 eighteenth-century period house. The third and most important G42 21 country house is Hagley Hall.

G42 22 This eighteenth-century house, with its rococo plasterwork, G42 23 Soho tapestries and good period furniture, reflects the fact that G42 24 it was largely the creation of one man, the First Lord Lyttelton G42 25 (1709-73). He was a politician of some distinction, serving briefly G42 26 as Chancellor of the Exchequer. It was after he was raised to the G42 27 peerage, in 1756, that he pulled down the Elizabethan structure and G42 28 built the present house in a style which derives its essential G42 29 elegance from Colen Campbell's designs for Houghton Hall in G42 30 Norfolk.

G42 31 Lyttelton wrote that "Athenian" Stuart "has G42 32 engaged to paint me a Flora and four pretty little Zephyrs, in my G42 33 drawing room ceiling"; there is some possibility that G42 34 Cipriani had a hand in the work. Throughout the house the period is G42 35 reflected in the detail, Stuart also designing such things as G42 36 candelabra.

G42 37 The collection sustains the eighteenth-century atmosphere with G42 38 interesting portraits, including an early Richard Wilson of G42 39 Admiral Sir Thomas Smith, painted before the artist went G42 40 to Rome. The First Lord Lytteltonis the subject of an G42 41 austerely formal portrait by Benjamin West, giving no hint of his G42 42 diverse interests and gregarious nature. He was a friend of Pope, G42 43 who designed an urn in the grounds, of James Thomson, whose poem, G42 44 The Seasons, contains a lengthy passage praising Hagley, G42 45 and Horace Walpole, who wrote: "I wore out my eyes with G42 46 gazing, my feet with climbing and my Tongue and vocabulary with G42 47 commending." It is a familiar form of fatigue.

G42 48 Earlier works of art in the house, notably the Van Dyck and G42 49 Lely portraits, came to the collection as a result of the G42 50 friendship of the Worcester royalist, Sir Thomas Lyttelton, with G42 51 General Brouncker, whose portrait by Lely hangs in the Gallery, at G42 52 the entrance to the Van Dyck Room. Brouncker was a founder-member G42 53 of the Royal Society, and its president for seventeen years. He G42 54 bequeathed works to Sir Thomas Lyttelton, uncle to the First Lord G42 55 Lyttelton, whose father's marriage to Viscount Cobham's sister was G42 56 responsible for bringing further acquisitions to the house. Many of G42 57 the seventeenth-century paintings have carved mahogany and boxwood G42 58 frames, some carved by Thomas Johnson. One room celebrates Van Dyck G42 59 and his school and includes The Children of Charles I and G42 60 The Second Earl of Carlisle.

G42 61 COLLECTIONS IN DERBYSHIRE

G42 62 Joseph Wright no longer needs the addition to his name 'of G42 63 Derby', which until recently was a vaguely pejorative term G42 64 indicating the limited range of his reputation. In recent years he G42 65 has been increasingly recognised for his talent and range as a G42 66 painter, a process crowned in 1984, when the National Gallery paid G42 67 pounds1.3 million for his portrait group, Mr and Mrs Thomas G42 68 Coltman.

G42 69 Fittingly, the Derby Art Gallery has a number of his works, G42 70 including some of the most famous. The county, however, apart from G42 71 the Derby City Art Gallery, is poorly provided with public G42 72 collections, a situation rectified by the number of fine country G42 73 house collections open to the public.

G42 74 HARDWICK HALL (NT)

G42 75 Hardwick Hall is the most remarkable Elizabethan house in G42 76 England. The towering influence there of the woman who built it, G42 77 Elizabeth Hardwick, Countess of Shrewsbury, dominates any visit. G42 78 Virtually the whole of the collection reflects the history of the G42 79 house, its first owner and her illustrious heirs, and the events G42 80 which swirled around them, mainly during the turbulent reigns of G42 81 Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary I, Elizabeth I and James I.

G42 82 Elizabeth Hardwick was the daughter and co-heiress of John G42 83 Hardwick, a modest Derbyshire squire. Parts of his original house G42 84 still exist in the Old Hall. She married, in succession, Robert G42 85 Barley, Sir William Cavendish, who bought the Chatsworth estate, G42 86 Sir William St Loe, and George Talbot, Sixth Earl of Shrewsbury.

G42 87 She outlived her last husband, from whom she had separated G42 88 after an irreconcilable quarrel. By the time of his death, in 1590, G42 89 her combined wealth gave her an income estimated at pounds60,000 a G42 90 year. She had already settled at Hardwick and begun building the G42 91 hall. After her death her descendants, the Earls and Dukes of G42 92 Devonshire, chose to make Chatsworth their principal home, and G42 93 Hardwick Hall was little used. With the aid of sensitive G42 94 nineteenth-century restoration work, it appears much as it was in G42 95 the 1590s, with many of the original contents, including splendid G42 96 tapestries, painted wall hangings, and embroideries. These, though G42 97 outside the strict terms of reference of this book, are the G42 98 decorative glories of the house. No comparable collection exists G42 99 anywhere. Patchwork seems a derogatory term for some of the G42 100 hangings, in all probability made from the rich copes and vestments G42 101 taken at the time of the dissolution of the monasteries. The G42 102 greater part of this work is recorded in Bess's inventory of G42 103 1601.

G42 104 The collection of portraits hangs in the Long Gallery, over the G42 105 tapestries, with smaller ones in the Dining Room, above the G42 106 panelling. Works by, or attributed to, Mytens, Larkin, Wissing, G42 107 Dahl and Lockey record the associations between Bess and the G42 108 families of her last three husbands, as well as Mary, Queen of G42 109 Scots, who was for some fifteen and a half years entrusted to the G42 110 care of the Earl and Countess of Shrewsbury.

G42 111 Lady Arabella Stuart, Bess's granddaughter, and a claimant to G42 112 the throne of England, is represented as a child in a portrait by G42 113 an unknown artist, hanging in the Dining Room. A portrait of her as G42 114 a young girl hangs in the Long Gallery, together with a group near G42 115 to the High Great Chamber, of Bess, and two of her husbands. At the G42 116 other end of the Long Gallery is a portrait of Queen Elizabeth, G42 117 dating from about 1592 and showing her in a heavily embroidered G42 118 dress.

G42 119 Perhaps not inappropriately, there also hangs in the same room G42 120 a portrait of the political philosopher Thomas Hobbes, who was G42 121 tutor to the Second and Third Earls of Devonshire, and who died at G42 122 Hardwick in 1679. His final utterance was: "I am about to G42 123 take my last voyage, a great leap in the dark." It is a G42 124 sombre comment on the multitudinous ambitions with which he is G42 125 surrounded.

G42 126 SUDBURY HALL (NT)

G42 127 The collection at Sudbury Hall reflects the period of the G42 128 house, the second half of the seventeenth century. It was started G42 129 in the year of Charles II's return to the throne, and is a highly G42 130 individual example of the period, with copious, even extravagant G42 131 decoration, including fine carvings, mainly the work of Edward G42 132 Pierce, though including examples of Grinling Gibbons as well, G42 133 plasterwork by Robert Bradbury and James Pettifer, and murals by G42 134 Louis Laguerre. The building was begun immediately after George G42 135 Vernon succeeded to the family inheritance, in 1660. From that date G42 136 there appear regular payments in family account books to painters, G42 137 notably to John Michael Wright, the London-born portraitist, G42 138 responsible for a series at Sudbury Hall.

G42 139 Michael Wright, as he is generally known since he allowed the G42 140 name John to lapse, was the son of a London tailor, and was G42 141 apprenticed in 1636, at the age of nineteen, to the Scottish G42 142 painter George Jamesone. He worked in Rome, and became a Catholic G42 143 convert, to the grief of his parents. Though in style and ability G42 144 he might well have rivalled Lely, he seems to have had neither the G42 145 ambition nor the temperament to do so.

G42 146 He is represented at Sudbury Hall by the impressive oval G42 147 portraits of his principal patron there, George Vernon, G42 148 Vernon's first of three wives, Margaret Onley, her G42 149 parents Edward Onley and Margaret Onley, G42 150 Robert Shirley, First Earl Ferrers, and at G42 151 least four other portraits. The Michael Wright portraits are in G42 152 their original 'Sunderland' frames.

G42 153 Other Restoration painters represented in the collection G42 154 include John Riley, Gerhard Soest, Michael Dahl, the little-known G42 155 William Sheppard's portrait of the much-painted playwright G42 156 Thomas Killigrew, and Jan Griffier's View of the G42 157 South Front of Sudbury and its Original Formal Garden. It was G42 158 painted in 1681, one of the earliest such views of an English G42 159 country house in its setting, and a work of considerable G42 160 architectural and horticultural interest. The formal gardens were G42 161 done away with in the eighteenth century.

G42 162 Louis Laguerre's work includes Juno and the Peacock, G42 163 decorating the Great Staircase, and a mural contained within a G42 164 plaster frame to appear as a painting, An Allegory of Industry G42 165 and Idleness, which represents the rewards of the former, a G42 166 cornucopia, and those of the latter, a bunch of thorns.

G42 167 Early eighteenth-century portraits include works by Hudson, G42 168 Kneller, Richardson and Enoch Seeman.

G42 169 Of a much later period are the dramatic examples of Thomas G42 170 Lawrence's work, his full-length portraits of Edward G42 171 Vernon, Archbishop of York, and The Third Lord G42 172 Vernon, his elder brother.

G42 173 CHATSWORTH HOUSE

G42 174 Chatsworth House contains one of the world's great private G42 175 collections. Its paintings and sculpture span several centuries; it G42 176 contains fine English family portraits, Old Master paintings, G42 177 neo-classical sculpture, splendid late seventeenth - and early G42 178 eighteenth-century murals, and an exquisite collection of drawings. G42 179 And, unlike so many of the great collections, modern acquisitions G42 180 are continually being made. It has, in addition, the finest setting G42 181 of any house in England, wonderfully laid-out gardens, and G42 182 furniture and applied arts generally of high order.

G42 183 The First Duke of Devonshire was responsible for the present G42 184 house (with extensive additions made in the nineteenth century by G42 185 the Sixth Duke). He commissioned painted rooms from Louis Laguerre, G42 186 Antonio Verrio, and then, in the final phase of the building of the G42 187 house, from James Thornhill. Originally, few paintings were hung, G42 188 the house being mainly panelled, with tapestry decorations. Some G42 189 early easel pictures were in the collection, among them Vouet's G42 190 Allegory of Peace.

G42 191 The Second Duke was the real creator of the collection. He had G42 192 a passion for drawings which he indulged at the dispersal of the G42 193 Lely and Lankrink collections. To these he added Italian and Dutch G42 194 drawings which had belonged to N. A. Flinck, the son of Rembrandt's G42 195 pupil, Govaert Flinck. He also bought Claude Lorraine's Liber G42 196 Veritatis, now in the British Museum, one of a number of G42 197 former Chatsworth treasures since acquired by the nation. He was G42 198 also responsible for the lifesize Holbein cartoon of Henry VIII G42 199 which now greets one on the top floor of the National Portrait G42 200 Gallery.

G42 201 In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries many of the major G42 202 works of art which are now at Chatsworth were in the family's G42 203 London home, Devonshire House, in Piccadilly. In the mid-eighteenth G42 204 century, by his marriage to Charlotte Boyle, the daughter and G42 205 heiress of the Third Earl of Burlington, one of the great patrons G42 206 and collectors of that period, the Fourth Duke extended the G42 207 collection substantially. Charlotte inherited two great London G42 208 properties, Burlington House, also in Piccadilly, and Chiswick G42 209 House, ten miles to the west near the River Thames. Both built by G42 210 her father, they were filled with collections of fine art which G42 211 included works by Rembrandt, Vel<*_>a-acute<*/>zquez, Ricci and G42 212 others, and a spectacular collection of drawings, among them Inigo G42 213 Jones's collection of architectural drawings by Palladio, and his G42 214 own drawings for masques.

G42 215 Two of the three London houses remain. G42 216 G43 1 <#FLOB:G43\>It has been suggested that this particular subject was G43 2 chosen because, with its bard (in the opera he becomes a chorus of G43 3 bards), its evocative descriptions of wild scenery and its spasms G43 4 of balladesque melancholy, it was of all Scott's works the most G43 5 Ossianic (Ambrose 1981: 65-6). Scott was to be a primary source of G43 6 much that was most representative of the new era: of Manzoni's G43 7 great historical novel I promessi sposi, and its many G43 8 imitations; of Tommaso Grossi's epic of the crusades, I G43 9 Lombardi alla prima crociata (the source of Verdi's opera); G43 10 and of many strands in the historical dramas of Victor Hugo and his G43 11 epigones. It is no coincidence that the high tide of Scott's G43 12 popularity in Italy arrived in the late 1820s at exactly the time G43 13 when Bellini and Romani were producing Italy's first full-blooded, G43 14 uncompromisingly Romantic operas.

G43 15 In a telling phrase Robert Louis Stevenson defined Romanticism G43 16 as "the movement of an extended curiosity and an G43 17 enfranchised imagination" (Schmidgall 1977: 114), and G43 18 placed Scott at the head of it. The Waverley Novels came to be seen G43 19 as "the scenic and historical wonders of the Romantic G43 20 era" (ibidem); and that far, at least, critical G43 21 perceptions in Italy matched those in Britain. It is true that G43 22 Scott was imperfectly understood, sometimes flagrantly G43 23 misrepresented, often ineptly imitated. Some saw in his books G43 24 little but "ghosts, ruined castles and ancestral G43 25 curses", and therefore placed him among the manifestations G43 26 of Gothic Horror (Ambrose 1981: 59); some distorted his meaning for G43 27 political ends; in dramatic adaptations, especially in opera G43 28 librettos, little trouble was taken to build up the all-important G43 29 historical background that might have given some deeper perspective G43 30 to the Romantic agonies holding the centre of the stage. But when G43 31 all is said, Scott's books provided Italian opera with some kind of G43 32 model for dramatic themes in which were blended history -in the G43 33 sense of a distant past that could be upheld as exemplary in faith, G43 34 or ethics or valour -and bizarre and terrible happenings, which G43 35 attacked the nerves and emotions of the spectator as much as they G43 36 spoke to the mind. This blend proved uniquely appealing to theatre G43 37 audiences of the second quarter of the century.

G43 38 The mood of opera grew more sombre; the tragic close became G43 39 more general. As the full tide of Romanticism flooded in over Italy G43 40 from the North, it was increasingly difficult for even the most G43 41 nostalgic enthusiasts for Enlightenment optimism to evade this G43 42 issue. There was of course resistance to the tragic mode, and G43 43 spasmodic efforts to mitigate its effect. A notorious case was the G43 44 re-writing of the final scenes of Rossini's Otello for Rome in G43 45 1816. But once accepted, the closing death-scene became a cherished G43 46 ingredient of Romantic opera. In Il pirata and the other G43 47 'melo-tragedies' he wrote for Bellini, Romani took particular care G43 48 over the culminating 'tableau of terror', establishing a pattern G43 49 for those scenes of death, devastation and despair which, a few G43 50 years later, Verdi was to make so peculiarly his own. And at least G43 51 one great singer of the period, il tenore della bella G43 52 morte -Napoleone Moriani -owed much of his reputation to G43 53 his prowess in such scenes: "the extinction of life is G43 54 expressed by singing that has the tints, the shuddering, of death G43 55 itself; it is like a trampled narcissus that bows its head, and in G43 56 whose bosom the transient echo weeps and laments" (a review G43 57 in La fama, 1844, quoted in Walker 1962: 88).

G43 58 Librettists usually found their subjects in the repertory of G43 59 the prose theatres of the larger cities: the Teatro Fiorentini in G43 60 Naples, for instance, supplied most of Cammarano's (Black 1984: G43 61 160). A few of these plays were Italian, a few German or English, G43 62 at least in origin, but the overwhelming majority came from France, G43 63 where the playwrights of the period poured forth well made plays G43 64 with inexhaustible facility. To a large extent this theatrical G43 65 profusion amounted to the playing of resourceful variations on a G43 66 common stock of themes; but this was no disadvantage as far as G43 67 operatic adaptation was concerned. Librettists and composers had G43 68 few qualms about repeating subjects that were already familiar: a G43 69 tragic and sanguinary love-triangle in a pseudo-historical setting, G43 70 for instance, rarely failed to fire Donizetti's muse. The first G43 71 Romantic generation in Italy was too enthralled with the expressive G43 72 potential of the new fashion to worry much about repetitiousness G43 73 within the fashion. They sought intoxicated states of soul, G43 74 passions driven to violent extremes, tangles of character which G43 75 sped the protagonists to an irrational doom. For no longer was G43 76 there any question of the dictates of the heart being qualified by G43 77 virtue and reason, no longer could every intrigue, every conflict G43 78 be finally resolved in a harmonious denouement.

G43 79 Though many Italian librettists might now have cried with G43 80 Werther: "Ossian hat in meinem Herzen den Homer G43 81 verdr<*_>a-umlaut<*/>ngt", ultramontane fashions G43 82 did not quite monopolize the Italian stage. Romani was ambivalent G43 83 in his attitude to Romanticism from the first (cf. p. 402 above), G43 84 and ultimately, after he had abandoned his career as a theatre-poet G43 85 for one in journalism, he became deeply hostile to many aspects of G43 86 the new movement. Even Cammarano, a younger man by more than a G43 87 decade, was sometimes prompted to distance himself from the more G43 88 extreme manifestations of Romantic taste. Of Maria di G43 89 Rudenz (Venice 1838), based on Anicet-Bourgeois and Maillan's G43 90 La nonne sanglante, he was to write, "those who G43 91 know the crude and gloomy happenings in that play will readily G43 92 appreciate that I wanted to tone down its outlandish horrors, and G43 93 if I hadn't been able to succeed in my purpose (and perhaps no one G43 94 could) these few words will serve to indicate how much I abhor this G43 95 bloodstained northern genre" (Black 1984: 44). And Bellini G43 96 did not speak for quite all composers in his scorn for Classical G43 97 historical subjects. Mercadante seems to have been reluctant to G43 98 abandon Metastasio: even as Romani and Bellini were revealing the G43 99 brave new world of uncompromising Romanticism in the years 1827-28, G43 100 he was still setting Ezio and Adriano in Siria G43 101 (admittedly in much altered form); and he returned to Classical G43 102 sources with every appearance of satisfaction after barely a decade G43 103 dabbling with more fashionable types of theme: for, reported G43 104 Florimo, "in subjects taken from Roman history, Mercadante G43 105 felt at ease, and his imagination had ample space to roam. He G43 106 seemed to envisage with surprising clarity those severe customs, G43 107 those virile sentiments, those robust practices which made the G43 108 Roman people conquerors and governors of the world" G43 109 (Florimo 1880-84, III: 16).

G43 110 The staging of Romantic opera

G43 111 New dramatic themes and new aesthetic ideals inevitably led to G43 112 a new type of spectacle. Traditional neo-classical perspective sets G43 113 remained popular into the 1820s, and particularly in Milan made the G43 114 opera of the age of Rossini a spectacle of monumental grandiosity: G43 115 "in Milan, everything is sacrificed to mass effects of form G43 116 and colour, and to the general impression. It is [Jacques-Louis] G43 117 David's own special genius transposed into the medium of G43 118 decor" (Stendhal 1956: 439). But during that decade sets G43 119 became more modest, and a greater premium was set on the suggestive G43 120 and the individual. The vogue for Romantic historicism brought in G43 121 new iconographical motifs: the ruined Gothic castle, graveyards, G43 122 moonlight scenes, and scenes of wild nature which surely echo G43 123 contemporary developments toward a more natural style of landscape G43 124 painting (Ambrose 1981: 76-7). New effects of lighting became G43 125 possible. As a matter of fact gas-lighting was often felt to be G43 126 more prosaic and less flexible than the oil lights and prisms of G43 127 the past -Ricci indeed goes so far as to call it a "mortal G43 128 blow to scenography" (1930: 28) -but Daguerre's invention G43 129 of the diorama in Paris in 1822, and such new resources as the G43 130 phantasmagoria, which Verdi learned about from Sanquirico at the G43 131 time he was planning Macbeth, put extra poetic and evocative G43 132 powers into the hands of stage designers.

G43 133 It remained a prime consideration in Italian opera to present G43 134 an enchanting visual composition on stage. A cultivated pictorial G43 135 allusiveness was still common. Moses' costume in Rossini's G43 136 Mos<*_>e-grave<*/> was copied from Michelangelo's statue in G43 137 the church of San Pietro in Vincoli (Stendhal 1956: 310); Verdi G43 138 intended to model the spectacle of the Act I finale of Attila G43 139 on the Raphael "tapestries or frescoes" in the G43 140 Vatican (Verdi 1913: 441). But an interest in visual authenticity G43 141 was slowly gaining ground -Stendhal tells us that for the G43 142 premi<*_>e-grave<*/>re of Rossini's Elisabetta in 1816 the G43 143 Naples management sent to England for historically accurate costume G43 144 sketches; and Lady Morgan witnessed a production of Spontini's G43 145 La Vestale at La Scala in (?)1820 in which

G43 146 the chariots, moulded upon that splendid relic of G43 147 antiquity, the Biga at Rome, are drawn by fiery and G43 148 impatient horses, and driven by impetuous charioteers, exactly as G43 149 they are represented in the ancient bas-reliefs... The living G43 150 groups are formed after the finest sculptures, and down to the G43 151 bronze vase in the Consul's festive board, the lamp, tripod, and G43 152 consular chair, all seemed borrowed from Herculaneum or G43 153 Pompeii. (Morgan 1821, I:99)

G43 154 Above all librettists and scenographers were becoming sensitive G43 155 to the need for a more intimate harmony between the action, the G43 156 characters and their visual setting. A good example of this G43 157 scenographic pathetic fallacy is to be found in Cammarano's G43 158 synopsis for Lucia di Lammermoor, where he remarks of the G43 159 Act II duet between Edgardo and Ashton, "... The storm G43 160 howls terribly and reflects the rage which invests the two cruel G43 161 enemies" (Black 1984: 244).

G43 162 Performers too were affected by these developments. Malibran, G43 163 under the influence of Talma, "wished to introduce in the G43 164 theatre artistic and archeological truth and, with this in view, G43 165 she had copies made of a quantity of costumes from the archives of G43 166 Venice, and from the miniatures in some old manuscripts" G43 167 (Sterling-Mackinlay 1908: 118). Authentic and truthful G43 168 impersonation became the aspiration of many of the finest singers, G43 169 and Cammarano's production notes for Naples show that the G43 170 librettists of the period were eager to encourage these G43 171 naturalistic tendencies (Black 1984: 283). One could, however, go G43 172 too far; in London Giuseppe Ambrogetti had, while learning the role G43 173 of the father in Paer's Agnese, sought "to qualify G43 174 himself for this part [by studying] the various forms of insanity G43 175 in the cells of Bedlam; but unfortunately, in seeking to render his G43 176 impersonation true, he made it too dreadful to be borne. Females G43 177 actually fainted, while others endeavoured to escape from so G43 178 appalling a spectacle" (Hogarth 1851, II: 299).

G43 179 A new ideology

G43 180 The kind of nostalgia which Mercadante felt for a more G43 181 familiar, humane world was not a major creative force in the opera G43 182 of the age. More vital was an aspiration, which we find clearly G43 183 articulated only by philosophers and critics, but which some G43 184 creative artists certainly shared, towards a quite new type of G43 185 drama, more in tune with the political and social aspirations of G43 186 the age. And in this context, we must first invoke the name of G43 187 Mazzini. He too, like the later Romani or the later Mercadante, G43 188 rejected the idea that the delirious, ego-centred effusions of G43 189 Romantic melodrama provided a sound basis for modern opera. But he G43 190 rejected it not in order to regress into an outdated G43 191 eighteenth-century world view. Mazzini saw, or believed that he G43 192 saw, that mankind was on the verge of a new stage in its evolution, G43 193 which he defined as the age of "socialized G43 194 humanity". This new age needed its own archetypal dramatic G43 195 form. It would be a "profoundly religious, profoundly G43 196 educative social drama... greater than Shakespeare by as much as G43 197 the idea of Humanity is greater than the idea of the G43 198 individual" (Mazzini 1910: 196). Mazzini's prescription, G43 199 clearly, is a left-wing programme for risorgimento G43 200 art.

G43 201 Ideologically tendentious opera had occasionally made its G43 202 appearance in the productions of the revolutionary period at the G43 203 close of the eighteenth century, but at the Restoration this note G43 204 falls silent. The bel canto of Rossini and his epigones G43 205 was largely innocent of extra-musical ideas -"who would G43 206 seek in an opera for an idea?" enquired Mazzini witheringly G43 207 (1910 127); though that was not to prevent audiences at a later G43 208 date from reading their own ideology into Rossini (cf. Chapter G43 209 25,p. 453 below). G43 210 G43 211 G43 212 G43 213 G43 214 G44 1 <#FLOB:G44\>The hostile critic of Le G44 2 T<*_>e-acute<*/>l<*_>e-acute<*/>graphe (17 March 1877) who G44 3 juxtaposed this particular passage and Lantier's humming (p.630) to G44 4 accuse Zola of plagiarism would have felt vindicated had he had G44 5 access to the novelist's work-notes. But Zola's reading of this G44 6 section of Poulot's book has implications beyond selective G44 7 citation. While it remains interesting that by no means all the G44 8 songs of L'Assommoir are referred to in Le Sublime, G44 9 more significant is the fact that some of Poulot's formulations are G44 10 associatively elaborated, both structurally and thematically. And G44 11 it is precisely at these textual moments, as we shall see, that G44 12 Zola's conception of the caf<*_>e-acute<*/>-concert becomes more G44 13 problematic than his original recourse to prejudices shared with G44 14 Poulot might suggest.

G44 15 What has been amply demonstrated by recent research is that G44 16 singing, in this period, was not an innocent activity. While G44 17 relaxation of the Second Empire's censorship laws coincided with G44 18 its demise, the experience of the Commune was sufficient to remind G44 19 those now in authority of the dangers of collective grievances G44 20 being articulated in harmony. Words to be sung in the G44 21 caf<*_>e-acute<*/>s-concert were thus subject to daily scrutiny; G44 22 and approval was accordingly refused if there could be detected G44 23 even the most oblique allusion to famine, begging or borrowing, the G44 24 disinherited, trials, fraternity, revolutions from 1789 to the G44 25 Commune itself, Hugo, military dishonour and the like; songs G44 26 submitted under the inadequate camouflage of a "chant G44 27 moral et patriotique" or a "chanson G44 28 patriotique" fooled nobody. The merely bawdy engaged G44 29 song-writers and censorship officials in a semantic duel notable G44 30 for its feeble humour and interpretative prowess. Even grammar was G44 31 suspect: the imperative was to be avoided! But the extent to which G44 32 this obsessive process was taken seriously is underlined by the G44 33 1872 retrospective analysis of songs permitted under an earlier G44 34 r<*_>e-acute<*/>gime. And the Censor's voluminous files in the G44 35 Archives Nationales do allow us to reposition those of G44 36 L'Assommoir in an ideological context it would be a mistake to G44 37 ignore.

G44 38 To re-read Qu<*_>e-acute<*/> cochon d'enfant in this G44 39 perspective is to be made newly aware of the resonance of its G44 40 vocabulary. Its "la Gr<*_>e-grave<*/>ve" (p.593) is G44 41 less the water's edge than the place of the guillotine and of those G44 42 congregating there in the hope of earning their daily bread. It was G44 43 not surprising that a song explicitly called La G44 44 Gr<*_>e-grave<*/>ve was banned in May 1870. To refer to a G44 45 "ma<*_>i-circ<*/>tr' vidangeur's" "noyaux G44 46 de c<*_>e-acute<*/>rises" (p.594) scatologically challenged G44 47 the ruling on Les Vidangeurs two years earlier. The G44 48 Censor, at least, had no need of the more comprehensive glossary G44 49 our editions of L'Assommoir fail to provide. The "Non" G44 50 scrawled across La Moutarde de Dijon G44 51 ("chansonnette <*_>a-grave<*/> la sauce piquante") G44 52 in November 1868 recognized preoccupations other than the G44 53 gastronomic. The refrain "qu'est-ce qui paiera", in G44 54 La Baronne de Follebiche (p.585) came into the same G44 55 dangerous category as Ma Paye, while its title met with G44 56 disapproval on a number of counts: that the allusion to the G44 57 notorious term ("biche") invented by Nestor G44 58 Roqueplan in 1857 involved the army (a G44 59 "patrouille" of lovers) was bad enough; its G44 60 Germanic echoes and accents made it one of those songs, proscribed G44 61 as late as the 1880's, "de nature <*_>a-grave<*/> G44 62 <*_>e-acute<*/>veiller les susceptibilit<*_>e-acute<*/>s de G44 63 l'Ambassade de l'Allemagne". Those were apparently so G44 64 finely sensitized that even P<*_>e-grave<*/>re Bru's "Trou G44 65 la la, trou la la" (p.588) trespasses on territory from G44 66 which every variation on a "Tyrolienne" (Belgian, G44 67 no less, in 1874!) was rigorously excluded. He had been invited to G44 68 sing Les Cinq Voyelles, prohibited in January 1876 - G44 69 eighteen years after the scene supposedly takes place, but shortly G44 70 before Zola began work on L'Assommoir. Such anachronisms are G44 71 less important, of course, than the extent to which the novel G44 72 parades these illegitimate texts. Le Petit Riquiqui was G44 73 only approved once three offending verses had been removed. G44 74 C'est dans l'nez qu'<*_>c-cedille<*/>a me chatouille G44 75 (p.60) had been considered beyond the pale, an 1874 decision G44 76 astonishing only those na<*_>i-umlaut<*/>ve enough not to confuse G44 77 one orifice with another in a manner popularized by Colmance's G44 78 Le Nez Culott<*_>e-acute<*/>.

G44 79 Like those of most artists of his time, Zola's views on G44 80 censorship are ferocious. In 1871, flying in the face of post-war G44 81 interdiction, he went so far as to advocate a prize for "le G44 82 po<*_>e-grave<*/>te qui aurait <*_>e-acute<*/>crit le chant le plus G44 83 insolent contre la Prusse" (OC, XII, 708). Not G44 84 until 1885 (OC, XII, 635-41) would he turn the full force G44 85 of his sarcasm on officials "[qui] sauvent le gouvernement G44 86 <*_>a-grave<*/> chaque couplet qu'ils biffent". This had G44 87 been sharpened by his own experience, notably in the case of the G44 88 interrupted serialization of La Cur<*_>e-acute<*/>e. In G44 89 response to advice to eliminate "les expressions trop G44 90 nettes et trop vigoureuses" in Madeleine G44 91 F<*_>e-acute<*/>rat (1868), Zola's construction of the G44 92 Censor's point of view is a pertinent one: "Parlez du vice, G44 93 si vous voulez, mais parlez-en avec des calembredaines de G44 94 vaudevillistes, risquez des mots orduriers dans un G44 95 <*_>e-acute<*/>clat de rire, faites un couplet dont toutes les G44 96 honn<*_>e-circ<*/>tes femmes rougiront. Tout cela est G44 97 permis" (OC, X, 769-70). For, at this juncture, G44 98 it should perhaps be spelt out that it is not being argued that the G44 99 proscribed songs of L'Assommoir put it in formal breach of the G44 100 existing legislation; that would be to rewrite the laws of the time G44 101 by extending the brief of the authorities from public performance G44 102 to private reading. What the songs of the novel certainly do, G44 103 however, is dramatize the impotence of the legislation, in keeping G44 104 with Zola's irony at the expense of its absurdities and hypocrisy. G44 105 The anxiety of those responsible for the machinery of contemporary G44 106 censorship was well-founded. A confidential 1872 report on the G44 107 evils of the caf<*_>e-acute<*/>-concert ("on ne peut G44 108 imaginer <*_>a-grave<*/> quel degr<*_>e-acute<*/> de G44 109 d<*_>e-acute<*/>vergondage en arrivent les auteurs de ces G44 110 chansons") barely hides official frustration at the G44 111 loophole whereby the printing and selling of song-sheets, and their G44 112 reproduction in the press, was not subject to control, "ce G44 113 qui am<*_>e-grave<*/>ne une confusion dans l'esprit de bien des G44 114 gens". Indeed, it must have been somewhat galling to try to G44 115 pre-empt decontextualization, emphases and reading between the G44 116 lines, only to find advertised on the back of the submitted text a G44 117 "S<*_>e-acute<*/>rie de chansons comiques, satiriques, G44 118 politiques, grivoises et bachiques, d<*_>e-acute<*/>fendues dans G44 119 les caf<*_>e-acute<*/>s-concerts de Paris par la Censure (50 G44 120 num<*_>e-acute<*/>ros r<*_>e-acute<*/>unis en un volume G44 121 broch<*_>e-acute<*/>)". The dismissive G44 122 "Non" across Le Cri-cri d'Amanda was G44 123 supposed to silence the refrain which, as Zola had noted a week G44 124 earlier, "semble devoir faire le tour de nos G44 125 th<*_>e-acute<*/> <*_>a-circ<*/>tres" (OC, XII, G44 126 68). But an oral culture was, in any case, impossible to suppress. G44 127 Far away from the Eldorado, "dans les faubourgs, les G44 128 petites salles, les bouges o<*_>u-grave<*/> l'on chante la G44 129 gaudriole et la romance" (as Zola put it; OC, X, G44 130 1060), what has been called "le roman des pauvres" G44 131 escapes the Censor's vigilance altogether.

G44 132 Nor is it just the actual songs of L'Assommoir which G44 133 testify to these contradictions. Mme Lerat's censoring activities G44 134 are precisely those of the official arbiters Zola would accuse of G44 135 "une pr<*_>e-acute<*/>occupation de l'ordure qui tourne au G44 136 sadisme: les mots les plus innocents prennent pour eux des sens G44 137 abominables" (OC, XII, 636). In his work-notes, G44 138 he described her as "ayant une sorte de monomanie de G44 139 l'ordure" (fol. 134). On the surface, she reflects an G44 140 <*_>e-acute<*/>tat-civil which belies her name, G44 141 "travaillait dans les fleurs et habitait la rue des G44 142 Moines" (p.413). With her "<*_>e-acute<*/>paules G44 143 carr<*_>e-acute<*/>es de gendarme" (p.589), and handling G44 144 her umbrella like a truncheon (p.438), she defends virtue, warns G44 145 against moral dangers, and both represents (p.681) and imposes G44 146 linguistic propriety: "pourvu qu'on n'employ<*_>a-circ<*/>t G44 147 pas les mots crus, on pouvait tout dire" (p.717). But she G44 148 also displays "une manie pour les mots <*_>a-grave<*/> G44 149 double entente et d'allusions polissonnes, d'une telle profondeur, G44 150 qu'elle seule se comprenait" (p.453), matched only by a G44 151 perverse curiosity in word-play she is unable to fathom G44 152 (pp.719-20). An ambivalent response to semantic slippage may not be G44 153 limited, however, to this odious character. It could be suggested G44 154 that readers, too, are implicated in the text's punning G44 155 possibilities, enjoying the "signification G44 156 cochonne" by which Mme Lerat's charges G44 157 "d<*_>e-acute<*/>tournaient le mot de son sens" at G44 158 her expense (p.719), while still wanting to know the answer to her G44 159 question about Lantier's chance meeting with Nana: "Dans G44 160 quel sens l'avez-vous vue?" (p.747). And we might well ask G44 161 where Zola himself stands in relation to the former's G44 162 self-indulgence, in the midst of the laundresses, "adorant G44 163 leurs gros mots, les poussant <*_>a-grave<*/> en dire, tout en G44 164 gardant lui-m<*_>e-circ<*/>me un langage choisi" (p.608). G44 165 Amidst L'Assommoir's rising tide of uncertainly attributable G44 166 "gros mots", Gervaise gives expression to a problem G44 167 almost as intriguing as that of aesthetic distance: G44 168 "lorsqu'il abordait le chapitre des salet<*_>e-acute<*/>s, G44 169 elle ne savait jamais s'il parlait pour rire ou pour de G44 170 bon" (p.677).

G44 171 While the songs of L'Assommoir fill only a small corner of G44 172 this critical frame, their own ludic value can neither be G44 173 discounted nor confirmed. It is clear, nevertheless, that they G44 174 occupy a place in the novel more consciously devised than G44 175 illustrative purposes alone would have warranted. The note G44 176 "On chante en travaillant" (fol.143), taken from G44 177 Poulot's observations, generates details less banal than simply the G44 178 immemorial habits of labouring men and women. These are duly G44 179 inserted (p.415, p.423, p.496), but also allow Zola to engage in G44 180 indirect commentary. Gervaise's "chanson de G44 181 lavandi<*_>e-grave<*/>re", for example, ironically refers G44 182 <}_><-|>to<+|><}/> to her own "c<*_>oe-ligature<*/>ur/ tout G44 183 noir de douleur" (p.401) at the very moment of G44 184 "gaiet<*_>e-acute<*/> f<*_>e-acute<*/>roce" which G44 185 leaves Virginie's rump so black and blue. Many of the songs thus G44 186 function as an accompaniment to the narrative itself, not least the G44 187 wickedly appropriate C'est dans l'nez qu'<*_>c-cedille<*/>a me G44 188 chatouille (p.630) which takes Lantier back to Gervaise's G44 189 bed as she is overcome by an insidious sensuality at odds with G44 190 moral rectitude. The entire singing episode of Chapter 7 is G44 191 deliberately organized in counterpoint, underlined by Zola's G44 192 intentions ("Enfin comme on commence les chansons, Lantier G44 193 arrive" (fol.32) and translated into a double focus G44 194 reminiscent of Flaubert's comices agricoles, as news of G44 195 approaching temptation is interpolated between songs of seduction G44 196 (Le Volcan d'amour, ou le Troupier G44 197 s<*_>e-acute<*/>duisant) and resistance (A G44 198 l'abordage!). But Poulot's condemnatory "La chanson G44 199 d<*_>e-acute<*/>vergond<*_>e-acute<*/>e, <*_>e-acute<*/>nervante, G44 200 rempla<*_>c-cedille<*/>a les chants patriotiques" generates G44 201 a structure of alternation which extends beyond the sobriety of G44 202 Les Adieux d'Abd-el-Kader and the intoxication of G44 203 Les Vins de France. These are but the sanctioned pauses G44 204 in the accelerating rhythm of a transgressive repertoire. For G44 205 between the serious and the salacious, on the one hand, and G44 206 respectful silence and a deafening roar, on the other, the chapter G44 207 charts the progression of an unbridled laughter. Its disruptive G44 208 potential is already asserted in the telling disturbance of those G44 209 muslim curtains between room and street (p.585, p.592) which G44 210 separate the private and the public.

G44 211 Within the domestic space of "la simple vie de Gervaise G44 212 Macquart", Zola's premeditated correlation of performer and G44 213 performance (fols 33-36) ensures that the songs are angled as G44 214 mirrors in which characters either locate themselves or are G44 215 reflected for the reader in individuated echoes. The strains of G44 216 exotic Spain and Arabia (pp.586-87), in the 'romances' for which G44 217 Zola had a particular loathing, open up "des horizons G44 218 d'or" which had remained encased with "les petits G44 219 dieux de l'Orient" (p.447) in the Louvre; and they G44 220 anticipate the more prosaic flight to Brussels in Goujet's proposal G44 221 to Gervaise of "un enl<*_>e-grave<*/>vement, comme cela se G44 222 passe dans les romans" (p.616). The informing desire of a G44 223 rural idyll is a recurrent motif: in Coupeau's G44 224 Oh<*_>e-acute<*/>! les petits agneaux (p.479) and G44 225 Ah! qu'il fait bon cueillir la fraise; and, especially, G44 226 in the mawkish Faites un nid: "car G44 227 <*_>c-cedille<*/>a rappelait la campagne, les oiseaux G44 228 l<*_>e-acute<*/>gers, les danses sous la feuill<*_>e-acute<*/>e, G44 229 les fleurs au calice de miel" (p.587). Of these G44 230 inconsequential negations of an urban destiny, none is more G44 231 grotesquely redolent than the title of the last. For Gervaise's G44 232 life-long dream of "un nid chaud" (p.644) is G44 233 precariously placed between the literal and the figurative; and it G44 234 is terminally parodied when the "avoir un trou G44 235 <*_>a-grave<*/> soi" (fol.91) takes her to the G44 236 "niche" (p.796) previously occupied by G44 237 P<*_>e-grave<*/>re Bru; as we are further forewarned by his G44 238 "Trou la, trou la, trou la la!" which is the G44 239 hopelessly insistent sub-text of the celebration of her apparent G44 240 triumph. G44 241 G44 242 G44 243 G44 244 G45 1 <#FLOB:G45\>Redundant genius

G45 2 Robin Holloway

G45 3 Mozart died almost exactly 200 years ago. The celebrations have G45 4 been so neon-lit as to make the Bach/Scarlatti/Handel tercentenary G45 5 in 1985, even the Beethoven bicentenary of 1970, seem by contrast G45 6 pale and tasteful. But the great masters do not need round-figure G45 7 birthdays; their reputation no longer fluctuates and their music G45 8 requires no arbitrary boosting.

G45 9 Nonetheless Mozart's present universal popularity would have G45 10 surprised the taste of 1891. Early in the century he was taken by G45 11 Hoffmann as a harbinger of romantic daemonism, but as the romantic G45 12 epoch blossomed (with Hoffmann one of its key sources) Mozart was G45 13 seen rather as an island of innocence before music realised its G45 14 full powers. Between the summits of Bachian polyphony and G45 15 Beethovenian symphonism came Papa Haydn and the infant Mozart. G45 16 Schumann's well-known view (incomprehensible to us) of the G minor G45 17 Symphony's carefree gaiety reaches a climax in Mahler's notorious G45 18 contempt for classical formulae. Though his supremacy in opera was G45 19 never doubted, vicissitudes of taste lost Idomeneo, G45 20 Cos<*_>i-grave<*/> fan tutte, even The Magic G45 21 Flute, for many decades. These works, unsurpassed in their G45 22 respective genres, all had to be revived in this century.

G45 23 In fact, Mozart is a stranger composer than his apparently G45 24 complete centrality would suggest. He lies athwart the main lines. G45 25 On one hand<&|>sic! there are the affect-and-image-makers, Bach, G45 26 Schubert, Wagner, with their baroque continuity of texture and G45 27 primacy of expressive meaning. But his native place would appear to G45 28 be on the other - the thematic development and tonal argument whose G45 29 focus is in the Viennese classical style and the sonata principle. G45 30 At bottom, though, Mozart is not really like his two peers, G45 31 Beethoven and Haydn. He is not by nature an arguer or a developer. G45 32 His starting point is the conventions, routines, G45 33 donn<*_>e-accute<*/>es of material and form that make the G45 34 going commonplaces of his time. His instrumental works 'step G45 35 through their paces', shifting prefabricated musical units across G45 36 highly formalised perspectives of key and texture; construction and G45 37 proportion are what concern him, not logic, or journey, or organic G45 38 growth. They are at their greatest when most is in play, above all G45 39 in the mature piano concertos with their extraordinary abundance of G45 40 themes (far more than required by Haydn and Beethoven, whatever the G45 41 genre). But in symphonies and chamber music the result is often G45 42 neat and dry. Only when these genres are infused with a G45 43 vocal/dramatic element does he take off as an abstract composer.

G45 44 For what stirs his depths is virtuosity and display, wowing the G45 45 aisles and bringing the house down. Though this also accounts for G45 46 the quality of the piano concertos and those movements in chamber G45 47 works which seem to be rendering an operatic scene (the love-duet G45 48 between first violin and first viola in the andante of the C major G45 49 Quintet, or between the two pianists' right hands in that of the F G45 50 major piano-duet Sonata), it reaches its native land in music for G45 51 the human voice. Everything in Mozart needs to be vocally phrased, G45 52 never more so than when it actually is vocal. And vocal means the G45 53 gamut of human expression, placed in an operatic context. Church G45 54 music only comes to life when charged, sometimes flagrantly, with G45 55 theatrical fervour. Mozart's religious and ethical aspect lies G45 56 altogether elsewhere, in pieces for masonic rituals that culminate G45 57 in the sublime Funeral Music and only reach a larger public as it G45 58 were surreptitiously, via The Magic Flute.

G45 59 Another difference between Mozart and his classical peers is G45 60 that his catalogue is full of oddments - bits and bobs that he G45 61 touches with the highest flights of fantasy. Who but Mozart, G45 62 commissioned to write something for a glass harmonica or a G45 63 clock-work organ, would have bothered to turn these G45 64 unappealing tasks (we have his word for it) into one-off G45 65 masterpieces; or lavished his genius upon arias for insertion into G45 66 other composers' operas; or transformed routine serenades and G45 67 divertimenti (sometimes) into inspirations that belong with his G45 68 greatest work? Uninspired pieces are also, of course, numerous. G45 69 Glenn Gould compared Mozart on an off-day to an interdepartmental G45 70 communication. That such music shares the same lucidity and command G45 71 as his greatest makes his greatest vulnerable to easy-listening G45 72 muzakisation, as invited by not much of Haydn's and almost nothing G45 73 of Beethoven's. A high percentage of Mozart's bicentennial G45 74 popularity is fuelled by the wallpaper quality which can debase him G45 75 into a rococo successor to Vivaldi.

G45 76 This bicentenary! Its blatant commerciality can only be G45 77 compared to present-day Christmas: exploitative greed with a G45 78 saccharine veneer of quasi-religious observance. Its main message G45 79 is not so much the undying glory of Mozart as a reminder, lest we G45 80 forget, that since the end of church, then royal or aristocratic G45 81 patronage (at which turning-point his unhappy career is poised), G45 82 the creative musician lies at the bottom of the pile. In whatever G45 83 current present ever since, he is always dispensable and redundant, G45 84 in glaring contrast with the perpetual demand for singers, G45 85 pianists, conductors, impresarios, who actually keep the mills G45 86 churning. He becomes (if he makes it) necessary and 'classicised' G45 87 only after his death when the benefits are too late. The living G45 88 composer, unless he pushes or is pushed, is superfluous. There are G45 89 exceptions, but this with all its clich<*_>e-acute<*/>d pathos is G45 90 the norm. Cultured society ignores the innovative creator; then G45 91 venerates him, and creams the profits, spiritual and material - G45 92 symposia, conferences and concerts equally with the CD editions, G45 93 the coffee-table books, the Mozart chocolates. Death by overkilling G45 94 the vital essence is the awful warning of 1991 just as death by G45 95 neglect of the mortal individual remains that of 1791.

G45 96 G45 97 The Japanese are back

G45 98 Alistair McAlpine

G45 99 The art market galloped along this month with sales in Paris G45 100 and New York. The first fence, the Tremaine Collection, a Becher's G45 101 Brook-like obstacle, presented no real problem to the auctioneers. G45 102 The market cleared it, just clipping the brush with 16 out of the G45 103 18 lots sold.

G45 104 The Fernand L<*_>e-acute<*/>ger, estimate $8-10 million, was G45 105 sold for $7.7 million. Some people expected it to fetch $15 G45 106 million, but some people will always be optimistic. The price G45 107 seemed to me to be a very good one, for fine as the painting is - G45 108 and no one has disputed this - it is not the sort of picture to G45 109 hang in the drawing-room: three naked girls eating their packed G45 110 lunches. Considerable emphasis has been given to their breasts and G45 111 buttocks. This painting is not even the sort of thing that you G45 112 would want to sit in front of while buying and selling oil wells. G45 113 Come to think of it, the picture is perhaps a little too much even G45 114 for the bedroom: strictly for a museum, this work. It was sold to a G45 115 bidder described by Christie's as "a private G45 116 European". Whether this customer is an enthusiast for G45 117 20th-century art or for breasts and buttocks has not so far been G45 118 revealed. In either event, he got a very fine example of the former G45 119 and a remarkable collection of the latter for, on the face of it, G45 120 not a very high price.

G45 121 The two paintings that did not sell were a Mondrian and a Miro. G45 122 The Miro at least was untypical of this collection, a weak G45 123 painting. High prices, however, are still paid in the auctions. In G45 124 the same sale a picture by Robert Delaunay fetched over $5 million G45 125 - its estimate, $2-3 million. Sold to "a private G45 126 European", this painting is an abstract work with not a G45 127 part of the body in sight. In Paris, a Gauguin landscape fetched a G45 128 record price.

G45 129 Christie's New York sale of Impressionist and Modern Paintings G45 130 ended part one with 38 lots sold and 22 lots bought in. This did G45 131 not seem to be good news, but the dealers were smiling again. The G45 132 rest of the sales were patchy but still the dealers smiled. For G45 133 some months, the auctions have been dominated by collectors. If the G45 134 collector really wanted a picture he bid for it, but with no G45 135 opposition from the trade. For the first time the dealers are G45 136 beginning to bid again.

G45 137 One group of people noticeable by their absence were the G45 138 Japanese. They were absent as buyers in New York but present as G45 139 sellers and were well pleased with the prices that they received G45 140 for their goods. The Japanese moved into the art market straight G45 141 after Black Monday in October 1987. They saw art, and in particular G45 142 Modern and Impressionist paintings, as an alternative investment to G45 143 the stock market. There is very little personal money in Japan, G45 144 which has high taxation and higher death duties. In Japan the real G45 145 wealth comes from the controlling of money, the owning of companies G45 146 where the proprietor is, in effect, the same as the company. If he G45 147 will buy art, then art is bought. Many of these people were real G45 148 estate dealers, well used to borrowing money, often used to their G45 149 assets showing no cash return; used to assets that rely on capital G45 150 appreciation to make a profit for their owners. The art market G45 151 suited these people. They bought paintings by the dozen. One such, G45 152 when viewing a sale at Sotheby's, said, "Why are we G45 153 selecting which lots to buy? Why do I not buy the whole of the G45 154 second part of the sale? I can well afford it."

G45 155 The prices seemed to these people small by comparison with G45 156 those that they paid for land. Indeed they were. All went well G45 157 while the price of land went up, but when the world changed and the G45 158 price of land went down, so did the price of pictures, for the G45 159 finance companies squeezed again and they began to sell. Why are G45 160 these collectors happy with the prices that they have been G45 161 receiving in New York? They are happy to be able to sell at all. G45 162 They are happy that there still is a market in art, for the G45 163 buildings that they bought are often unsaleable at any price.

G45 164 So are the Japanese out of the market? No, just in different G45 165 fields - dolls, for instance. Dolls fetch very large prices in G45 166 Japan, often in excess of pounds50,000. The dolls have, of course, G45 167 to be asked by their collectors - Japanese doll collectors always G45 168 talk to their dolls - whether they wish to become part of their G45 169 collection or not. Dolls can be unreliable in their answers, but G45 170 while the Japanese offer them comfortable homes and often other G45 171 enticements, the market in dolls will stay brisk.

G45 172 The Japanese are by nature true collectors. They have the G45 173 tradition of the kura or storehouse for keeping their G45 174 collections, displaying a painting taken from their stores for just G45 175 the right amount of time, on just the right occasion, to just the G45 176 right person. Until a collector has a warehouse in which to keep G45 177 his collection, he is no collector, he is merely furnishing his G45 178 home. So for the Japanese dealer there is no need for the circular G45 179 sent out by the commune of Minami Azab, a wealthy suburb of Tokyo G45 180 with many foreigners living there. The circular was in English and G45 181 said, "If you are contemplating suicide, please do not use G45 182 the gas. It will merely create destruction in the G45 183 neighbourhood."

G45 184 G45 185 Waffle with syrup

G45 186 Martyn Harris

G45 187 On Monday night the nation's soidisant Grand G45 188 Inquisitor Sir Robin Day returned to earth from his satellite orbit G45 189 to front 4-Thought (Channel 4, 11.20 p.m.), the series which G45 190 experiments with new ways of presenting current affairs - in this G45 191 case the fall of Mrs Thatcher.

G45 192 For his own experiment Sir Robin had hit upon the bold stroke G45 193 of inviting two politicians to be questioned by two journalists: G45 194 Sir George Younger and Nicholas Ridley on the one hand, with Alan G45 195 Watkins and Bruce Anderson on the other. Sir George presented the G45 196 challenging case that The Fall was to do with the economy, the poll G45 197 tax and Europe, which last he referred to puzzlingly as "a G45 198 real-life situation". Ridley agreed, but with more emphasis G45 199 on the economy. Bruce Anderson agreed at length with both of them. G45 200 "But what is your question, Bruce?" demanded the G45 201 Grand Inquisitor, and it seemed that Bruce did not have one.

G45 202 G46 1 <#FLOB:G46\>This was well illustrated in 1989 when the British G46 2 Phonographic Industry (BPI) lowered the qualifying levels for G46 3 silver, gold and platinum discs. In 1978, thirty-one gold discs G46 4 were awarded; by 1988 this was down to nine (ibid. p. 68). In 1979, G46 5 89 million singles were sold in the UK; by 1988 this down to 60 G46 6 million (BPI 1987, 1989). The continuing strength of the chart G46 7 format that reports and valorises these declining sales would G46 8 therefore seem odd and must indicate something about the G46 9 attractiveness of this way of displaying music. Secondly, the chart G46 10 is not central to all consumers and producers of pop music. Many G46 11 either do not care about it or actively resist it, but enough see G46 12 it as the essence of pop for the hit parade still to be centre G46 13 stage within this cultural field. Thirdly, it is evident that I G46 14 have assumed that most consumers were young, white and obsessive G46 15 about pop. The pop audience is a good deal more diverse than that, G46 16 but all the same the archetype of the teenager is undoubtedly still G46 17 the dominant image for pop production and consumption.

G46 18 I begin by outlining the history of the hit parade in the USA G46 19 and UK. Following this is a political economy of the charts which G46 20 views them in relation to capitalist industrial practices. G46 21 Concluding that this perspective is insufficient to explain the G46 22 attractiveness of the charts to the consumer I move on to a G46 23 'reading' of the charts. By reading I mean that I treat the charts G46 24 as text and attempt to tease out the assumptions that go into G46 25 constructing it. The final section attempts to draw out some G46 26 conclusions from the reading and touches on the nature of consumer G46 27 involvement in the play of the charts and its relevance for the G46 28 post-modernity debate.

G46 29 Musical knowledge

G46 30 The charts are produced by market research organisations G46 31 sponsored by various branches of the media. They take the form of G46 32 sale figures collated from week to week and are then published as a G46 33 table illustrating which products have sold more than others during G46 34 that period. There appears to have been a need to count the G46 35 products of the music industry from early this century: the G46 36 Melody Maker 'Honours List' was begun in 1928 and G46 37 The Gramophone had a three-part chart (sales of sheet G46 38 music, records and radio airplay) from 1934-6. Despite relying on G46 39 highly subjective measurements, little changed until 1947, when the G46 40 same paper introduced its '10 Best Sellers in Britain', based on G46 41 wholesale orders for sheet music. A fairly accurate British singles G46 42 chart was produced by the New Musical Express in 1952 (a G46 43 top twelve with fifteen records in it), soon followed by other G46 44 music papers, each using their own secret list of retailers' sales G46 45 returns from which to produce a feature to sell newspaper. The G46 46 NME chart grew to a twenty in 1954 and a thirty in 1956. G46 47 Albums followed in the Melody Maker in 1958 but is was G46 48 not until 1963 that an independently audited chart was set up, at G46 49 first relying on postal returns from 250 record shops and being G46 50 published in Record Retailer. This Top 50 chart was sold G46 51 to the BBC from 1969 onwards.

G46 52 At the present time there are two large independent charts G46 53 produced within the UK, the Chart Information Network (CIN) and the G46 54 Network/MRIB (Media Research and Information Bureau). The former is G46 55 the one with the widest circulation since it is featured on BBC G46 56 TV's 'Top of the Pops' and Radio One. In 1983 the contract to G46 57 compile this chart was moved from the British Market Research G46 58 Bureau to Gallup. From 1983 until 1990 the chart was 50 per cent G46 59 financed by the British Phonographic Industry, 38 per cent by G46 60 Music Week, which publishes the chart, and 12 per cent by G46 61 the BBC. In 1990 this arrangement changed - largely because of G46 62 wrangles over finance and control. The structure at the time of G46 63 writing is that Music Week/CIN own the chart, use Gallup G46 64 to produce it, and then sell it to the BPI and the BBC. It seems G46 65 unlikely that this provisional arrangement will last. The chart G46 66 costs approximately pounds0.75 million per year to produce and G46 67 lists the top 200 singles and albums which could be broken down G46 68 into charts for separate products - 12-inch singles, compact discs, G46 69 music videos and so on. Data collection for the chart is now G46 70 substantially computerised through bar codes read at point of sale, G46 71 returns being taken from 500 retailers across the UK by G46 72 automatically dialled night-time telephone lines. Once these G46 73 returns have been collated, a check panel of 140 further shops, G46 74 from a list of 400, are telephone interviewed on the titles G46 75 climbing the charts in order that checks may be made on the G46 76 accuracy of that data. The charts must be seen to be immune to any G46 77 form of accidental or deliberate falsification. This is in part G46 78 because of the constant spectre of chart rigging that has hung over G46 79 the hit parade since the USA 'payola' scandals of the late fifties. G46 80 BPI/Gallup have the power to remove records that they believe have G46 81 been 'hyped' into the charts and even to fine the perpetrators but, G46 82 as Wallis and Malm (1984, pp. 242-52) note, there is an inescapable G46 83 conflict of interests in the practice of self-policing the charts. G46 84 'Payola, layola, flyola and freebies' are thus unlikely to G46 85 disappear completely but, in order to ensure the impression of G46 86 objectivity, there is continual recourse to rhetoric about market G46 87 sampling strategies, data checking and the use of the latest G46 88 information technologies (Gallup 1988; BPI 1989).

G46 89 The second main British chart, the Network/MRIB chart, is G46 90 compiled primarily for independent local radio and is constructed G46 91 in a similar manner to the Gallup chart. It is also sold to G46 92 Independent Television's teletext service and sections of the music G46 93 press. The MRIB also compile many of the specialist charts featured G46 94 in the music press, catering for particular genres of music that G46 95 are unlikely to gain enough sales to put them into either of the G46 96 other major charts. At the time of writing it is likely that there G46 97 may be changes in the construction of the MRIB chart since G46 98 Music Week now has an exclusivity clause with the major G46 99 retailers for providing sales information.

G46 100 The other chart that matters in the UK is the American G46 101 'Billboard Hot 100'. This has its origins in the 'Network Song G46 102 Census' in Billboard (the major US trade paper) in 1934, G46 103 leading directly to a series of radio 'Hit Parade' programmes form G46 104 1935 onwards. Frith (1987) suggests that the early importance of G46 105 these charts reflected the fact that the main method of G46 106 dissemination of recorded music, juke-boxes, were almost G46 107 entirely American in production. The first fairly accurate G46 108 tabulation of popular music sales was featured in the same magazine G46 109 in 1940, leading finally to the 'Billboard Hot 100' from 1958 to G46 110 the present day. Since then this has been the major chart sponsored G46 111 by the American music industry. Though it indicates sales in the G46 112 largest recorded music market in the world, it also takes into G46 113 account radio airplay. This is largely because of the greater G46 114 importance that commercial radio has in promoting records in the US G46 115 market. Despite this, it is regularly featured in the UK music G46 116 press and is studied from within the British music industry.

G46 117 Whose interests?

G46 118 It would seem fairly evident that the particular form of G46 119 knowledge represented by music charts directly serves the financial G46 120 interests of one particular group - those involved in the various G46 121 branches of the music industry. For this group the sales charts G46 122 empirically demonstrate the successes and failures of record G46 123 companies, producers, designers, managers and recording artists, on G46 124 the assumption that the more units sold the better the individuals G46 125 have done their respective jobs. Sales of recorded music are very G46 126 big business - pounds1,108 million (retail value) in the UK alone G46 127 in 1988, with the world market in 1987 being approximately $17 G46 128 billion (BPI 1989). However, investment risks are high: on average, G46 129 only 8 per cent of releases become hits (Frith 1978, p. 118), and G46 130 in a volatile market constant assessment of sales performance is G46 131 crucial in order to avoid high losses. In no other sector of the G46 132 economy are 700 new product lines issued every week. A huge amount G46 133 of money is therefore spent in order that the industry can G46 134 constantly feel its own pulse and test the market. The singles G46 135 charts also have a significant promotional function; though singles G46 136 are now continual loss makers, they do introduce artists to an G46 137 audience which will hopefully then be enticed into buying a more G46 138 expensive and profitable music product.

G46 139 However, an understanding of the charts must involve more than G46 140 this, since they amplify success as well as quantifying and G46 141 advertising it. In the simplest terms the higher a record is placed G46 142 in the charts, the more media exposure it will obtain and thus the G46 143 more sales, and so on. This is especially true of the 'Billboard G46 144 Hot 100' which is collated not only on the basis of record sales G46 145 but also takes into account radio play. The circularity of this G46 146 process becomes evident when it is noted that as a rule radio G46 147 playlists are constructed overwhelmingly from chart records. As G46 148 various commentators have noted (Rothenbuhler 1987; Hirsch 1990), G46 149 the 'gatekeeping' function of the various individuals and G46 150 organisations concerned with the music media thus becomes G46 151 particularly important in selecting and influencing hits. In fact G46 152 it could be said that the record companies spend more money buying G46 153 records into the charts than they do ensuring that the charts are G46 154 'hype proof', though not all of these expenditures necessarily G46 155 contravene industry regulations. In addition to this, it needs to G46 156 be noted that the hit parade is not quite as accurate as is often G46 157 suggested. The selection procedure tends to favour records that G46 158 sell relatively quickly throughout the country and not those that G46 159 sell more gradually or in specific regions. The result of this is G46 160 that the charts represent what Street calls a "highly G46 161 selective populism" (1986, p. 116) which discriminates G46 162 against minority musics in an apparently democratic fashion. They G46 163 are, Harker claims, incapable of providing any genuine measure of G46 164 popularity by their very nature:

G46 165 The charts can tell us only about the commercial G46 166 transaction - and they can't do that very accurately. About how G46 167 many times a song is played at home, on radio or television (in G46 168 Britain at any rate), used in cinema, performed and adapted on G46 169 football terraces, in the bath, in concert halls, clubs and pubs, G46 170 the charts can tell us nothing. (Harker 1980, p. 97)

G46 171 The political economy of the music industry is only half of the G46 172 picture; the charts are also used by the consumers of the music G46 173 media. Radio and television shows, and both the music and general G46 174 press feature details of chart activity. There is even a thriving G46 175 industry in the production of books displaying in painstaking G46 176 detail the highest UK and US chart positions, dates of entry and G46 177 number of weeks in the chart, for records form the fifties onwards. G46 178 It would seem evident that the consumer's interest in the charts is G46 179 not as utilitarian as that of a music industry insider, but this G46 180 does not necessarily mean that the fan's attention will be any the G46 181 more casual. On the contrary, it often seems true that the consumer G46 182 is more deeply 'involved' in the play of figures and faces than the G46 183 professional ever is, the latter's enthusiasm ending with the G46 184 (relative) autonomy of leisure, when the former's begins. What is G46 185 it about the charts that has made them such a durable structure G46 186 when both the record industry and the consumer have changed so G46 187 much? In order to answer this question it is necessary to begin to G46 188 read the charts as a way of structuring meaning, and not simply a G46 189 means of satisfying the economic demands of capital.

G46 190 Reading the charts

G46 191 I want to say something more about the charts than the G46 192 foregoing political economy of the pop industry will allow. G46 193 G46 194 G46 195 G47 1 <#FLOB:G47\>THE ART OF COLOUR IN FLORENTINE PAINTING OF THE G47 2 EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURY: ROSSO FIORENTINO AND JACOPO PONTORMO

G47 3 PATRICIA RUBIN

G47 4 In his Life of Rosso Fiorentino, Vasari gives an account of the G47 5 altarpiece commissioned by the director of the hospital of Santa G47 6 Maria Nuova (plate 9). Seeing is sketched or roughed in G47 7 (abbozzato), the spedalingo fled from the G47 8 house, for all the saints seemed to him to be devils. Given this G47 9 impression it is not surprising that he did not want the panel and G47 10 claimed to have been cheated. Vasari explains that he had little G47 11 understanding of art. Rosso was in the habit of sketching his G47 12 figures with "cruel and desperate" airs, which he G47 13 softened in finishing them. The story of Rosso's unsuccessful G47 14 commission is told in such a way as to expose a client's ignorance G47 15 about art, thereby turning Rosso's failure into a successful G47 16 example and accommodating it to one of Vasari's favourite topics in G47 17 the Lives (and perhaps reflecting Rosso's own justification G47 18 for what was apparently a failure in his career).

G47 19 Recently discovered documents give a different history. The G47 20 administrator of the hospital, Leonardo Buonaf<*_>e-acute<*/>, was G47 21 indeed responsible for the commission. The contract is dated 30 G47 22 January 1518. He was acting as executor of the testament of a G47 23 foreign (Catalan) widow, Francesca di Ripoi, who endowed a chapel G47 24 dedicated to John the Baptist in the church of Ognissanti. G47 25 Buonaf<*_>e-acute<*/>, who perhaps did not share Vasari's or G47 26 Rosso's understanding of the arts, was nonetheless far from G47 27 na<*_>i-umlaut<*/>ve. He had considerable experience and interest G47 28 in commissioning altarpieces. One feature of his tenure at Santa G47 29 Maria Nuova was the attention he gave to the provision of altars G47 30 for the hospital's benefices. He was also a notable patron in his G47 31 own right. He seems to have known what he liked, favouring works by G47 32 Ridolfo del Ghirlandaio (plate 10) - and what he did not like, G47 33 which apparently included this painting. Rosso received sixteen G47 34 instead of the originally anticipated twenty-five florins and even G47 35 those only after arbitration and appraisal by two artists, Giuliano G47 36 Bugiardini and Francesco Granacci. It has been suggested that G47 37 Buonaf<*_>e-acute<*/> remained steadfast while the painting G47 38 departed. Rejected for its intended site in Florence, it might have G47 39 been modified (St Leonard changed to Stephen and Benedict to G47 40 Anthony Abbot) to be sent to a farflung benefice of the Hospital, G47 41 the church of Santo Stefano in Grezzano nearly forty kilometres G47 42 from Florence. An altarpiece by Ridolfo was eventually to appear in G47 43 Ognissanti. Now lost, it is mentioned by Vasari in his Life of G47 44 Ridolfo.

G47 45 It is not possible to know what Buonaf<*_>e-acute<*/> did see, G47 46 as Rosso's sketch is submerged beneath the final work. The moment G47 47 of Buonaf<*_>e-acute<*/>'s seeing this painting, so vividly evoked G47 48 by Vasari, is totally irretrievable, but the record of his G47 49 commissions gives and indication of the kind of thing he could G47 50 comfortably accept. There is a marked reliance on Ridolfo del G47 51 Ghirlandaio and an appreciation for painted terracotta altarpieces G47 52 from the della Robbia shop. His mode or manner of seeing is open to G47 53 reconstruction. A matter of taste and expectation, it seems to have G47 54 clashed with the talent and temperament of that artist of 'contrary G47 55 opinion'.

G47 56 One aspect of the contrast of opinion may have been Rosso's G47 57 expressive way of painting. The judgment of the appraisers, both G47 58 trained in the Ghirlandaio shop, suggests that there was a G47 59 disagreement over Rosso's having completed the work 'according to G47 60 the standard of an able master' (ad usum boni G47 61 magistri), to borrow the standard contractual clause. His G47 62 idea of good and mastery was evidently in some way at variance with G47 63 theirs. And it is that element of difference as it pertains to the G47 64 question of colorito or colouring (the act of applying G47 65 colour) that will be the focus here in trying to find out what G47 66 devil was in this painting.

G47 67 Some hint may be given by comparing Rosso's way of painting his G47 68 saints with the dragon in Filippino Lippi's fresco of St G47 69 Philip before the altar of Mars (plates 11 and 12), painted on G47 70 the east wall of the Strozzi chapel in Santa Maria Novella around G47 71 1495. The dragon had killed three and poisoned many of the G47 72 onlookers with its noxious breath. Filippino painted the demon with G47 73 freedom and apparent rapidity; the brush strokes are superimposed G47 74 and juxtaposed in splashes of colour in a manner prefiguring Rosso. G47 75 It could be argued that Rosso's speed of execution was related to G47 76 the extremely limited time he was allowed under the terms of the G47 77 contract, five months, with a very strict and specific penalty: G47 78 Buonaf<*_>e-acute<*/> was allowed to give the commission to another G47 79 master of his choice if Rosso failed to deliver in time. There was G47 80 no such stimulating clause for Filippino, however, who worked on G47 81 and off in the Strozzi chapel for a period of over eleven years G47 82 (1489-1500). The sketchiness of both, the quality reminiscent of G47 83 abbozzo or draft even in the finished works, demands G47 84 something more deliberate than haste as an explanation. If one G47 85 looks for period terms to describe the facture, they are G47 86 fierezza, boldness, and prontezza, lively G47 87 movement. In his passage on artists in the preface to his 1481 G47 88 commentary on Dante's Divine Comedy Cristoforo Landino G47 89 characterized Donatello as prompto (lively) in the G47 90 movement of his figures. Fifteenth- and sixteenth-century accounts G47 91 of Donatello consistently employ this and related terms such as G47 92 fierezza. Typically such descriptions were constructed to G47 93 relate both the artist and his work through one adjective. That G47 94 Donatello was a source of inspiration for Rosso (as well as G47 95 Filippino) is obvious and often stated (plates 9, 13); but the G47 96 influence goes beyond formal links to a more comprehensive G47 97 correspondence of technique and intended effect. Simply, there was G47 98 a correlation between what was said and what was done. Terms of G47 99 appreciation and statements of intention were derived from the same G47 100 vocabulary, which supplied convention, comparison and a powerful G47 101 metaphorical base. In this case the adjectives and nouns relate to G47 102 movement and to liveliness, strongly emphasizing the artist's G47 103 ability to make things lifelike, so that he becomes himself a G47 104 creator of life.

G47 105 Filippino's dragon is one of his boldest moments in the chapel G47 106 - licence reserved for the bizarre, the irrational. It is not G47 107 confined to the margins long reserved for the grotesque, however. G47 108 The dragon is central to the narrative (plate 14). Filippino's G47 109 chosen way of painting was expressive of the nature of the subject. G47 110 And though the rest of the painting of the chapel is perhaps G47 111 tighter, more controlled and contained by line, it is still marked G47 112 by the quality of fierezza in contrasting, sketchy, areas G47 113 of colour. That this is a spontaneity both calculated and G47 114 characteristic is shown from Filippino's drawings, as in the G47 115 metalpoint study in the Uffizi for the Raising of G47 116 Drusiana in the same chapel (plate 15). In the case of G47 117 Filippino and Rosso, this kind of colouring, which was obviously G47 118 connected to the hand of the painter rather than concealed through G47 119 meticulous, self-effacing strokes, granted the work the life of G47 120 immediacy.

G47 121 A different understanding of the nature of naturalism is G47 122 evident in the frescoes painted between 1485 and 1490 by Domenico G47 123 Ghirlandaio in the Tornabuoni chapel, adjacent to Filippino's work G47 124 (plate 16). This contrast is indicative of the variety of means G47 125 available during this period and further suggests some sort of G47 126 debate or exchange of opinions relating to the practice of painting G47 127 in late fifteenth-century Florence, one that certainly extended G47 128 into the period of Rosso's career and is at least an undercurrent, G47 129 if not a subtext, in the fate of the S. Maria Nuova altar. Here G47 130 Ghirlandaio established one set of terms, countered subsequently, G47 131 in direct comparison if not conflict, by Filippino Lippi's quite G47 132 different approach. Filippino's modelling relies in part on ridges G47 133 of light in constant zigzagging, with lightening flashes of G47 134 highlights. Ghirlandaio's figures are more gradually modulated, G47 135 with broad areas of light and gradations of tone in juxtaposed G47 136 planes, following the tradition of Florentine colour modelling G47 137 going back to the fourteenth century. This is the system described G47 138 by Cennino Cennini in his handbook on painting, the Libro G47 139 dell'arte, and evident in Giotto's works, for example (plate G47 140 17). Filippino's approach gives the figures an elusive, unfixed, G47 141 shimmering vitality and visiblity, as opposed to the solid, opaque G47 142 brilliance of Ghirlandaio's.

G47 143 Brilliance or brightness (splendore) was a value or G47 144 essential quality of colour as traditional as Ghirlandaio's system G47 145 of modelling. It can be said that Ghirlandaio's use of colour, or G47 146 its function in his works, fits with the traditional definition of G47 147 the beauty of colour. This was a material message, which, in the G47 148 case of the Tornabuoni chapel, was part of the contract G47 149 specifications and indeed the entire contractual practice on which G47 150 its terms were based: the obligation to paint with the finest G47 151 colours, "as it is fitting and necessary in order to assure G47 152 the beauty and quality of the work". Such rich and quite G47 153 calculable display served the patron to honour the church and bring G47 154 honour to his family. This too was stated in the Tornabuoni G47 155 contract. The desire to embellish the church with suitably G47 156 beautiful paintings in order to glorify his house and family G47 157 accorded with the ideals of civic humanism, one of the duties of a G47 158 virtuous citizen. But this recognized material value or attraction G47 159 of colour was also part of the reason for its low theoretical G47 160 status. The learned tradition of appreciating the arts left the G47 161 attractions of matter to the ignorant. Thus a fourteenth-century G47 162 writer, Giovanni da Ravenna, wrote:

G47 163 When a painting is exhibited, the knowledgeable G47 164 beholder expresses approval not so much of the purity and exquisite G47 165 quality of the colours as about the arrangement and the proportion G47 166 of its parts, and it is the ignorant man who is attracted simply by G47 167 the colour ...

G47 168 This sentiment was echoed two hundred years later by Vasari in G47 169 the introduction to his Life of Titian where he warned of the G47 170 danger that the beauty (vaghezza) of colour might hide G47 171 deficiency in drawing or disegno. The currency and G47 172 persistence of these oppositions of learned and unlearned, matter G47 173 and idea, is equally clear in Leonardo da Vinci's criticism of G47 174 those artists who renounced "the crown of science", G47 175 "the glory of art for noble intellects" - the G47 176 creation of relief through light and shade - in favour of the G47 177 regard of "the ignorant crowd who want nothing more in G47 178 painting than the beauty of colours". Leonardo criticized G47 179 that type of painter who had to make a living from the G47 180 "beauty of gold and blue".

G47 181 In Florence colour or colouring (colore, G47 182 colorito) were associated with the practice of painting: G47 183 the basis of the profession, but not of its prestige. In the G47 184 opening to the Life of the sculptor Andrea da Fiesole, for example, G47 185 Vasari makes the comparison between a sculptor's ability to handle G47 186 his tools (pratica de' ferri) and the painter's G47 187 skill with colours. According to Vasari it was possible to be a G47 188 skilled master and still lack ability in drawing, to be an G47 189 uomo senza disegno, as was Bastiano da G47 190 Montecarlo, a student of Raffaellino del Garbo. The philosophy of G47 191 art was in design. There can be no doubt that Florentine tradition G47 192 favoured clear outlines and an analytical approach to the G47 193 compositions of figures, and that this intellectualization of form, G47 194 particularly in the tempera tradition, influenced the application G47 195 of colour. The pre-eminence given to design also allowed for G47 196 cross-over between the trades of painting, sculpture and G47 197 goldsmithing, with painters supplying designs for sculpture and G47 198 architecture, and sculptors and goldsmiths running painting shops G47 199 (as did Andrea del Verrocchio and Antonio Pollaiuolo). Petrarch's G47 200 conclusion that painting and sculpture "sprang both from G47 201 one fountain ...the art of drawing", followed a hundred G47 202 years later by Ghiberti's remark that disegno was the G47 203 basis and the theory of each art, was fully justified in G47 204 practice.

G47 205 Drawing was also the means of study, the intersection of hand G47 206 and intellect. The theories of disegno making it the G47 207 basis of all creative processes connected it to God's plan of G47 208 creation. The word disegno meant intention or plan. G47 209 G48 1 <#FLOB:G48\>FRITZ KORENY

G48 2 A coloured flower study by Martin Schongauer and the G48 3 development of the depiction of nature from van der Weyden to G48 4 D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer

G48 5 WHEN surviving works are scarce, it may be difficult to G48 6 evaluate the full stature of artists whose biographies indicate G48 7 that they were greatly admired in the past. This is particularly G48 8 true of Martin Schongauer. He was known as 'pictorum G48 9 gloria' within his lifetime, and after his death his name was G48 10 always mentioned with the greatest admiration. We learn from Jakob G48 11 Wimpheling, Beatus Rhenanus, Bernhart Jobin, Lambert Lombard, G48 12 Giorgio Vasari and other commentators - however defective their G48 13 knowledge of the facts may occasionally be - that Schongauer's G48 14 reputation and influence spread far beyond the borders of Germany: G48 15 not only was he honoured as a pupil of Rogier van der Weyden, but G48 16 he was seen as the figure who brought Netherlandish art to Germany G48 17 and taught the next generation of German artists, especially G48 18 Albrecht D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer. There are, of course, some mythical G48 19 elements in this picture, and a corrective was provided as early as G48 20 1515 by Christoph Scheurl, who reported D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer's G48 21 statement that, although he had been a welcome guest in G48 22 Schongauer's brother's house in Colmar in 1492, "he had G48 23 never been a pupil of Martin's, indeed he had never even seen G48 24 him". Schongauer had, in fact, died a few months before G48 25 D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer's arrival. This statement does, however, G48 26 indicate that the goal of D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer's journeyman travels G48 27 was indeed Schongauer's workshop in Colmar. Moreover, it is G48 28 demonstrably the case that D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer, who was then G48 29 twenty-one years old, acquired - whether by gift or purchase - G48 30 drawings by Schongauer from the artist's brothers, for there are a G48 31 few sheets by Schongauer which bear D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer's G48 32 handwriting.

G48 33 Schongauer's posthumous fame was as a painter rather than as an G48 34 engraver. Today, by contrast, although we know some 115-16 G48 35 engravings by him only a handful of paintings survives: the badly G48 36 damaged frescoes in Breisach Minster; three small panel paintings G48 37 in the museums of Berlin, Munich and Vienna; three other, not G48 38 universally accepted, small panels (one in Basel, one on loan to G48 39 the museum in Darmstadt, and one formerly in the von Gutmann G48 40 Collection); two altar-piece wings with almost life-size figures G48 41 from the so-called Orlier Altar, in the Unterlinden Museum, Colmar; G48 42 and finally the over-life-size Madonna of the rose garden G48 43 from the church of St Martin in Colmar (Fig.1). To these can be G48 44 added a few drawings: art historians differ as widely about whether G48 45 there are thirteen or fifty-one of these, as they do about the G48 46 attribution of the engraving of the Battle of St Jacob near G48 47 Clavijo (B.53).

G48 48 On the other hand, the Madonna of the rose garden has G48 49 universally been recognised as Schongauer's masterpiece and as the G48 50 most important painting in German art before D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer - G48 51 the 'German Sistine Madonna'. Although the panel still appears G48 52 impressively large (200 by 115.3 cm.), a small copy in Boston, G48 53 dating from the sixteenth century (Fig.3), shows that it must have G48 54 been cut down on all four sides: it lacks about 25 cm. on the left- G48 55 and right-hand sides, approximately 30 cm. at the top, and 20 cm. G48 56 at the bottom. The date 1473 is inscribed in large figures on the G48 57 back (Fig.2). The authenticity of the inscription has often been G48 58 doubted - the '4' in particular seems anachronistic - but the date G48 59 is considered to be perfectly plausible. It is also of decisive G48 60 importance for our knowledge of Schongauer's career, since a G48 61 reliable sequence of documents survives only for the years after G48 62 this. Schongauer is mentioned first in 1477, in the rent book of G48 63 the St Martin's office of works (Bauverwaltung), and in G48 64 1488 he is described as "Martinus Schongouwer pictorum G48 65 gloria" in a document concerning anniversary masses at G48 66 the Stiftungskirche church of St Martin. The following year he G48 67 visited Basel and, in a document which describes him as a citizen G48 68 of Breisach, he granted his brother Paulus power of attorney. Two G48 69 independent sources state that he died on 2nd February 1491, G48 70 whether in Breisach or in Colmar is uncertain. Other information G48 71 for his chronology can be derived from the inscriptions on the G48 72 surviving portrait of him and on his extant or recorded drawings. G48 73 The portrait, attributed to Hans Burgkmair or to his father, Thomas G48 74 Burgkmair, the painter from Augsburg, bears the date 1483 (or, as G48 75 some believe, 1453). It is inscribed 'HIPSCH MARTIN SCHONGAVER. G48 76 MALER' and shows a young man aged between thirty and thirty-five. G48 77 The drawings are the two on which D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer added G48 78 Schongauer's symbol and the date 1469 and a third on which he wrote G48 79 the note "Das hat hubsch Martin gemacht jm 1469 G48 80 jor"; without these inscriptions it would have G48 81 been hard to link them to his <*_>oe-ligature<*/>uvre. Another G48 82 drawing, now lost, but described by its owner, the G48 83 eighteenth-century writer on art, Karl Heinrich von Heinecken, is G48 84 recorded as bearing an inscription in D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer's G48 85 handwriting which stated: "This was drawn by G48 86 H<*_>u-umlaut<*/>bsch Martin in 1470 when he was a young G48 87 journeyman. I, Albrecht D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer, learnt this and wrote G48 88 thus to honour him in 1517".

G48 89 In the light of this evidence, there is no reason to mistrust G48 90 the entry of 1465 in the registration book at the university in G48 91 Leipzig: "Martinus Sch<*_>o-umlaut<*/>ngawer de G48 92 Colmar X". Schongauer must have been born around G48 93 1450, could be described as a young journeyman in 1470, and was G48 94 scarcely twenty-five years old in 1473, when he painted the G48 95 Madonna of the rose garden - an early developer G48 96 indeed.

G48 97 In the Colmar Madonna Schongauer adhered to the G48 98 traditional, Upper-Rhenish type of the Madonna of the rose G48 99 garden, as exemplified by the Strawberry Madonna of G48 100 c.1425 at Solothurn, but he combined the quiet and detailed G48 101 intimacy of the garden bench surrounded by flowers with a dignified G48 102 spiritual humanity modelled on the Netherlandish example of Rogier G48 103 van der Weyden. Schongauer's Colmar Madonna shows several G48 104 specific similarities to the Solothurn Madonna, which was G48 105 painted almost fifty years earlier: for example the turf seat is G48 106 similarly supported by planks in front, the spacing of the stems of G48 107 the rose hedge, joining together to create an airy framework, forms G48 108 a comparably transparent pictorial pattern, in which birds sing on G48 109 the branches of this peaceful place of retreat. Nevertheless, G48 110 Schongauer's interpretation of the subject was entirely new and, as G48 111 has been noted, there is an "unprecedented precision in the G48 112 drawing". The birds, flowers, leaves and grasses are all so G48 113 carefully differentiated, and are depicted so vividly and G48 114 individually, that one must assume the artist used a number of G48 115 individual preparatory studies.

G48 116 Given the precision with which the founders of Netherlandish G48 117 painting, the van Eyck brothers, the Master of G48 118 Fl<*_>e-acute<*/>malle and Rogier van der Weyden, depicted G48 119 individual plants, there is no doubt that they, too, must have made G48 120 careful drawings - perhaps in colour. The iris and lily in the jug G48 121 at the feet of Rogier's Medici Madonna in Frankfurt (Fig.4) are G48 122 drawn from nature with no less care than the physiognomy of Jan van G48 123 Eyck's drawing of Cardinal Albergati in Dresden. Indeed, there is a G48 124 clear evidence in his surviving work that Rogier made studies from G48 125 nature; the plants in his paintings have never received detailed G48 126 scholarly attention and so his characteristically economic use of G48 127 nature studies, repeated from one work to another, has been G48 128 overlooked. One example is the lily in the Medici Madonna (Fig.4), G48 129 which corresponds exactly to that in the Louvre Annunciation G48 130 (Fig.5) and recurs, with only the smallest changes, in the small G48 131 Antwerp Annunciation (Fig.6). He undoubtedly used the same G48 132 model for all these examples, and although no such studies by G48 133 Rogier are now known to us, we can safely assume that they did G48 134 exist.

G48 135 In Schongauer's Annunciation wings for Jean Orlier, the G48 136 preceptor of the Antonite monastery in Isenheim from 1466 to 1490, G48 137 the two white lilies, the symbol of Mary's virginity, are arranged G48 138 like a still-life in a faience jug (Fig.7). Re-examining the rest G48 139 of Schongauer's <*_>oe-ligature<*/>uvre in the light of what G48 140 we have observed in Rogier's works, our attention is drawn to G48 141 similar flowers in two of his engravings of the Annunciation G48 142 (B.2 and B.3), which appear to be based more or less freely on the G48 143 same model. When the lily in B.3 is seen in reverse (Fig.8), the G48 144 identity of that model becomes clear. Similarly, the lilies next to G48 145 the standing figure of the Madonna in engraving B.2 (Fig.9), which G48 146 at first glance appear to have a different growth pattern, reveal, G48 147 when seen in reverse, even closer similarities to the flowers in G48 148 the Orlier picture. Even such anomalies as the heart-shaped petal G48 149 on the left, with its rather indented outer edge, or the way the G48 150 upper middle petal curls in, are repeated. Finally, the small but G48 151 faithful copy of the Madonna of the rose garden in Boston G48 152 clearly shows that on the right-hand side of the Colmar altar-piece G48 153 Schongauer painted exactly the same lily stem (Fig.10) as that in G48 154 the Orlier altar-piece and the two engravings. These examples prove G48 155 that Martin Schongauer, like Rogier van der Weyden before him, used G48 156 such plant studies as a working aid right from the beginning of his G48 157 career, keeping them by him to use again and again.

G48 158 A few years ago, in an exhibition of German renaissance animal G48 159 and plant studies, I tried to demonstrate that G48 160 D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer, too, used this method, drawing attention on G48 161 that occasion to the peonies in Schongauer's Madonna of the G48 162 rose garden (Fig. 12) and to D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer's dependence G48 163 on that motif in his drawing of the Virgin and Child with a G48 164 multitude of animals (Fig.14). Using the Boston copy (Fig.13) G48 165 it was possible to see that the second flower in G48 166 D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer's drawing, shown in profile, was an accurate G48 167 reflexion of Schongauer's model. A coloured study from nature G48 168 (Fig.11), which has only recently come to light, has now made it G48 169 possible to re-investigate this relationship. The study is of two G48 170 fully opened peony blooms and one bud, each individually delineated G48 171 and arranged economically on the sheet, as in a pattern book. The G48 172 flower on the right, seen frontally, is minutely modelled, with G48 173 delicately drawn stamens and pistils, its coloured petals subtly G48 174 graded in tone. It has no stem but some foliage is indicated G48 175 extending out below the bloom. The flower at upper left is seen G48 176 from below and slightly in profile. It illustrates very beautifully G48 177 the transition from the foliage to the calyx, the sepals and G48 178 finally the petals. The foliage is strong and thick, and is G48 179 attached to a short stem which bends under the weight of the bloom. G48 180 Between these two flowers is a budding stem, with even more leaves. G48 181 The stemless, fully-open flower on the right is strikingly close in G48 182 form - and even in size - to the single large flower which was not G48 183 damaged when the Madonna of the rose garden was cut down: G48 184 every individual petal, every detail on the drawing is identical to G48 185 that in the painting; the stamens are captured in exactly the same G48 186 way (Figs.11, 12).

G48 187 The linear hatching applied with the brush over a broad G48 188 painterly wash gives a graphic accent to the study. Fine brush G48 189 strokes, in deeper shades of red, create the modelling on the G48 190 individual petals; the highlights are either created by leaving the G48 191 paper exposed or applied with broad brush strokes in white; the G48 192 outer edges are drawn in red or white. Through the virtuoso<&|>sic! G48 193 use of the brush to paint and draw, this study captures on paper G48 194 the flower which is still partly visible on Schongauer's panel, G48 195 despite its poor state of preservation. Exactly what remains on the G48 196 panel becomes clear only by examination of the water-colour study. G48 197 Details such as the dark red parallel strokes on the petals, the G48 198 broadly applied highlight on the top right of the main flower, the G48 199 light outline on the lower petal on the left, or the stripes on the G48 200 trough-shaped rounded petal at bottom centre, are appreciable in G48 201 the picture only with the help of the study. The two other flowers G48 202 in the study are lost from the Colmar picture, which was cut by G48 203 approximately 25 cm. on this side. G48 204 G49 1 <#FLOB:G49\>Russian & Soviet Cinema: continuity & change

G49 2 RICHARD TAYLOR, University College, Swansea

G49 3 In the history of Russian and Soviet cinema the dominant G49 4 tendency, among both Soviet and Western scholars and critics, has G49 5 been to periodise that cinema's development in terms purely of the G49 6 development of the state itself. Soviet historians have until G49 7 fairly recently generally argued that pre-Revolutionary Russian G49 8 cinema was not worthy of attention, and that Soviet power perforce G49 9 built a new cinema from scratch. Western historians have until G49 10 equally recently tended to argue the case for a similar, but G49 11 downward turn at the end of the heroic golden age of the 1920s. G49 12 These myths have survived because, like most myths, they do contain G49 13 a germ of truth but they both represent an oversimplification and G49 14 reflect a prevailing political antithesis.

G49 15 All art, whether it is, to cite Trotsky, a mirror or a hammer, G49 16 reflects the context in which it is produced: where that context is G49 17 as highly politicised as it has consistently been in Russia, both G49 18 before and since the 1917 Revolution, so the art too will G49 19 inevitably be highly politicised. To deny this would rapidly lead G49 20 cinema historians into the same cul-de-sac as that inhabited in G49 21 recent years by literary critics insisting on the universal primacy G49 22 of the text at the expense of the context. Yet cinema's own history G49 23 and dynamic have all too often tended to be overlooked. We have G49 24 made certain assumptions about the transition from early Russian to G49 25 Soviet cinema or about the advent of sound without putting those G49 26 assumptions to the test. Indeed we have been unable to put them to G49 27 the test because of a basic lack of information: closed or G49 28 inaccessible archives, defective runs of newspapers and G49 29 periodicals, and simple absence of contact with Soviet scholars G49 30 working in the same field, who have themselves for too long equally G49 31 been denied access to their Western counterparts.

G49 32 Whatever the ultimate fate of perestroika and the G49 33 accompanying process of glasnost, their effect on cinema G49 34 studies has been, and will continue to be, enormous. Easier access G49 35 to source materials and increasing contact between Soviet and G49 36 Western scholars have enabled us to begin to confront the enormous G49 37 task of enquiry and research that lies ahead. This furnishes us all G49 38 with unique opportunities, but it also raises some fundamental G49 39 questions. Are there enough suitably qualified people in the Soviet G49 40 Union and the West combined to carry out this task? Are the G49 41 resources available? Most important of all: are the questions we G49 42 are asking the right ones?

G49 43 What was the actual role of what Lenin once supposedly called G49 44 "the most important of all the arts"? How did that G49 45 role change and develop? What was cinema like at the grass-roots G49 46 level, both in the studios and for the audiences on the receiving G49 47 end in the cinema theatres themselves? To return to my opening G49 48 remark: how should the periodisation of cinema history be related G49 49 to the periodisation of the general political history of Russia and G49 50 the Soviet Union?

G49 51 The contents of this special issue of the Journal are G49 52 based on just under half the papers delivered to the conference on G49 53 'Russian and Soviet Cinema: continuity and change' that Derek G49 54 Spring, of the University of Nottingham, and I organised on behalf G49 55 of the British Inter-University History Film Consortium at the G49 56 Imperial War Museum, London, from 17 to 19 July, 1990. We hope to G49 57 publish the remaining papers in book form in the near future. We G49 58 should like to thank both the organisations mentioned for their G49 59 assistance and forebearance, and also Jim Ballantyne, of the G49 60 British Universities Film and Video Council, and Ian Christie, of G49 61 the British Film Institute, for their support in the detailed G49 62 administration of the conference. Invaluable financial support came G49 63 from the British Council, the Soros Foundation and the Ford G49 64 Foundation. We should also like to acknowledge the co-operation of G49 65 the following Soviet organisations: the USSR Union of G49 66 Cinematographers, the Central Film Museum, the All-Union Research G49 67 Institute for the History of Cinema Art (VNIIK), the All-Union G49 68 State Institute for Cinematography (VGIK) (all based in Moscow), G49 69 and Gosfilmofond. Without their assistance and support this G49 70 important gathering could not have taken place.

G49 71 The presence at the conference of the largest-ever delegation G49 72 of Soviet film scholars to visit Britain is reflected in the G49 73 contents of this issue. They have all played a significant part in G49 74 the recent and continuing reappraisal of their own cinema history: G49 75 they are, as it were, the front-line fighters in the battle to G49 76 unearth the truth. But they, and we, all recognise that in G49 77 historical research the answers to one set of questions merely G49 78 produces a new set, or indeed new sets, of questions that demand G49 79 their own answer. There are multiple layers, horizontal and G49 80 vertical, identified here that remain to be more fully explored: G49 81 the comparative significance of popular and avant-garde film, of G49 82 fiction or documentary; the influence of internal and external G49 83 factors on cinema's development; the role of cinema G49 84 vis-<*_>a-grave<*/>-vis the other arts; the political implications G49 85 of industrial and organisational structures; the relative roles of G49 86 the spontaneous and the planned; indeed, all the underlying G49 87 elements of continuity and change. At this stage in the unfolding G49 88 debate between Soviet and Western cinema scholarship, at a point G49 89 where - as this conference demonstrated - we can at last begin to G49 90 talk of common ground, such answers can only be partial and G49 91 tentative.

G49 92 Mr Capra Goes to War: Frank Capra, the British Army Film G49 93 Unit, and Anglo-American travails in the production of 'Tunisian G49 94 Victory'

G49 95 TONY ALDGATE, The Open University

G49 96 Much has been written about Frank Capra's film activities G49 97 during the Second World War. Not surprisingly, commentators have G49 98 tended to concentrate their attention on the important series of G49 99 seven films he produced for the US Army under the title,Why We G49 100 Fight (1942-45), "the centrepiece of the Army's troop G49 101 indoctrination programme", as it has been correctly G49 102 described. Occasional, albeit significant, scholarly contributions G49 103 have also been forthcoming on related orientation projects such as G49 104 The Negro Soldier (1944) and Know Your Enemy - G49 105 Japan (1945). Of late, however, the spotlight has been turned G49 106 upon Capra's role in the course of official Anglo-American efforts G49 107 to co-operate in the making of two prestigious documentaries G49 108 intended to celebrate the allied cause. The first sought to record G49 109 the successful outcome to the last North African campaign while the G49 110 second was concerned with the war in the Far East theatre and was G49 111 meant to outline the strategic value of the Burma campaign.

G49 112 These collaborative ventures attracted a considerable amount of G49 113 high level support and interest in their day but, as recent G49 114 accounts have emphasised, the experiments did not prove to be G49 115 especially easy for the participants. Both attempts were bedevilled G49 116 by squabbles in production, by professional rivalry, and, to borrow G49 117 Frank Capra's own words, by "national pride and G49 118 prejudices". Nor, indeed, were the results particularly G49 119 worthwhile as propaganda. In the case of the Burma campaign film, G49 120 in fact, there was no visible result, at least in the form of a G49 121 joint production. Having sought to act in unison between autumn G49 122 1944 and spring 1945, the American and British contingents felt G49 123 compelled, quite simply, to go their separate ways. Colonel Frank G49 124 Capra quickly produced The Stilwell Road for the US War G49 125 Department. And by the outset of November 1945, Lieutenant Colonel G49 126 David Mcdonald and Captain Roy Boulting (producer and director, G49 127 respectively) had finished work on Burma Victory for the G49 128 British Ministry of Information.

G49 129 In the case of the earlier proposal for a documentary on the G49 130 North African campaign, the concerted efforts of the American and G49 131 British production teams, under Capra and Major Hugh Stewart (with G49 132 Boulting's help, once again), did finally bear fruit in G49 133 Tunisian Victory. This was first shown in New York and G49 134 London on 16 March 1944, some seven months after Capra and Stewart G49 135 had embarked upon their combined enterprise, and fully a year after G49 136 the end of the campaign it purported to cover. Even among the G49 137 American film critics, who greeted it favourably on the whole, G49 138 there were those like Bosley Crowther of the New York G49 139 Times who felt compelled to point out that "the most G49 140 obvious encumbrance on this picture is the fact that it is woefully G49 141 late". Among British critics, the film's tardy arrival was G49 142 the least of its problems and just one of several faults found with G49 143 Tunisian Victory. Campbell Dixon of the Daily G49 144 Telegraph thought it guilty of "sins of G49 145 omission" and believed it "shows signs of having G49 146 been edited largely for the American public". "The G49 147 moral of the film, which is obvious enough, is lost in a lot of G49 148 sentimental and incredibly well-meaning vapourings", G49 149 concluded the Documentary News Letter. It detected G49 150 "the fell hand of Capra's Hollywood", as did many G49 151 British critics who greatly disliked the introduction of Burgess G49 152 Meredith and Bernard Miles on the soundtrack and the 'pie in the G49 153 sky' message of the film's ending. All were agreed that G49 154 Tunisian Victory fared badly in comparison with the G49 155 'sober' documentary style employed in its hugely successful G49 156 predecessor, Desert Victory (1943), which had been made G49 157 by Macdonald and Boulting of the British Army Film Unit with no G49 158 input from either American sources or personnel. All were agreed, G49 159 furthermore, that with Tunisian Victory Capra had simply G49 160 'poached' for his own nationalist ends what was intended initially G49 161 to be a joint Anglo-American venture.

G49 162 The charge that Frank Capra had, in effect, 'poached' G49 163 Tunisian Victory for his own purposes stuck and, indeed, G49 164 gained added credence with subsequent disclosures forthcoming from G49 165 some of the British and Americans who were most closely involved in G49 166 its production. J. L. Hodson, for instance, who co-wrote the G49 167 commentary for both Desert Victory and Tunisian G49 168 Victory, was one member of the team who felt the joint G49 169 exercise had actually proved beneficial. Yet, for all that, he G49 170 revealed in the second volume of his wartime diaries that he had G49 171 constantly found it necessary to do "a little fighting to G49 172 prevent our picture on the Tunisian campaign becoming disbalanced G49 173 in favour of America". "After all", Hodson G49 174 argued, "we did most of the dirty work and had twice as G49 175 many casualties". It is perhaps little wonder there were G49 176 arguments in production since, as Hodson noted, the protagonists G49 177 seemed to disagree over so much else besides:

G49 178 We dined with Capra the other evening - Stewart, G49 179 Boulting, and I. During our talk Capra said the public was always G49 180 right in its judgments but I said that I thought, on the contrary, G49 181 they were usually wrong, and that it was only a minority of folk G49 182 who kept the best art going, whether music or pictures or plays or G49 183 books. For every lover of Shakespeare and Beethoven there are a G49 184 hundred who prefer swing music and Rudolph Valentino. But maybe we G49 185 were both wrong and the truth lies about midway.

G49 186 In the third volume of his diaries, Hodson outlined more about G49 187 the precise nature of the problems encountered over Tunisian G49 188 Victory:

G49 189 No war documentary can be made with absolute integrity G49 190 and truth, some reconstruction is inevitable if the story is to be G49 191 properly told. A short part of Desert Victory, and this G49 192 is not the least effective, was reconstructed. The battle of Hill G49 193 609 in the new Tunisian film was 'shot' by the Americans in America G49 194 ...

G49 195 There are two schools of thought. The first says: 'Preserve G49 196 integrity - make it real. Use the stuff shot by the photographers G49 197 with the troops and only that - even if the resultant picture G49 198 is poor. Keep the reconstructed stuff down to, say, 5% of the G49 199 whole. We realise the picture may lose something that a lot of G49 200 'fake' material would give it but integrity counts higher than G49 201 that'. The other school says: 'Make a good picture. If the 'real' G49 202 stuff isn't good enough, fake some that's better. The result is all G49 203 that counts'.

G49 204 The second, as I understand it, is the American view, and the G49 205 Anglo-American picture of the Tunisian campaign pretty well G49 206 conforms to it. And the result? Well, I think it's a good picture - G49 207 it is at once something more and something less than Desert G49 208 Victory.

G49 209 G50 1 <#FLOB:G50\>WHAT BIBLIOGRAPHY CAN DO: MUSIC PRINTING AND G50 2 THE EARLY MADRIGAL

G50 3 BY STANLEY BOORMAN

G50 4 TWO RECENTLY PUBLISHED VOLUMES bear titles which will whet the G50 5 appetite of any scholar of Renaissance music or of the history of G50 6 musical sources and music printing in the Italian Renaissance. One G50 7 is a study of the emergence of the great secular genre of the G50 8 period, documenting a complex group of sources; the other is the G50 9 first instalment of an inventory and analysis of the work of one of G50 10 the two leading printers who made that and other repertories G50 11 available. Each volume opens with an introductory study of some 80 G50 12 pages and then devotes the bulk of the space to descriptions of the G50 13 sources. The emphases in the studies are, however, markedly G50 14 different: while Iain Fenlon and James Haar seek to use their G50 15 codicological, bibliographical and repertorial data to advance and G50 16 support a theory on the emergence of the madrigal, Mary S. Lewis G50 17 uses her data to provide us with a survey of printing technique and G50 18 published repertory. (Her study of the place of Gardano's output in G50 19 the music of the period and of its impact on the market for that G50 20 music is to appear later, at which point we may expect to see that G50 21 her use of the data is more like that in the other volume.)

G50 22 At least potentially, therefore, we have two books which could G50 23 be central to future study of sixteenth-century music, which could G50 24 point up the value of source study for other sorts of historical G50 25 work, and which could indicate the present state of expertise and G50 26 sensitivity in the study of Renaissance sources, printed and G50 27 manuscript. Bibliography, as these authors all believe and G50 28 demonstrate, is much more than mere description or even purely G50 29 bibliographical analysis. These elements certainly make up a major G50 30 part of such work: without detailed, accurate and perceptive G50 31 descriptions of the books concerned, using the most sophisticated G50 32 bibliographical and palaeographical awareness, there can be no G50 33 analysis of their contents, as the authors also recognize.

G50 34 In practice, the techniques of examining printed sources have G50 35 now become extremely subtle, for bibliographical study has made G50 36 great strides in the last decades: the result is that few G50 37 musicologists, even those working on music printing, can find the G50 38 time to keep abreast of what can be done, or what has been done, G50 39 given enough time, patience and enthusiasm, in other ranges of G50 40 sources. In the area of manuscript description, our work is often G50 41 more sophisticated - the result of a long and fruitful tradition in G50 42 the study of medieval, Renaissance and (more recently) G50 43 nineteenth-century music and sources - and musical scholars are G50 44 among the leaders in, for example, paper analysis. But we still G50 45 have to catch up with other disciplines in the general level of our G50 46 work with printed sources.

G50 47 However, this act of description, especially of detailed G50 48 description, is only the first stage. It is possible to describe G50 49 the several copies of a printed musical volume in such detail that G50 50 the result resembles nothing so much as the critical commentary to G50 51 one of the more popular motets of Josquin, and seems about as G50 52 useful. Of course, as a practitioner of musical bibliography, I G50 53 would like to think that the bibliographical analysis may well be G50 54 more useful than those lists of variants in concordances: for one G50 55 thing, it ought to lead to a consistent picture of the sources. G50 56 There are dangers, naturally. Many scholars, beginning with G50 57 McKenzie, have pointed out that our analyses of bibliographical G50 58 data are prone to produce simple, elegant results, having little to G50 59 do with how books were actually printed - or (we could add) how G50 60 manuscripts were compiled. But the fact remains that a principal G50 61 function of a bibliographical or a codicological study is that of G50 62 producing a clear picture of normal procedures, and hence of the G50 63 significance of deviations from those apparently conventional and G50 64 routine actions.

G50 65 It is a truism that the third aspect of a study of musical G50 66 documents builds on this analysis to produce a description of their G50 67 place in the musical context, in the developments of musical style, G50 68 taste and available repertory, in the careers of the composers G50 69 involved or in the history of manuscript preparation or of the G50 70 printing trades. This is perhaps the most dangerous part of the G50 71 study, since often the particular role of the sources can no longer G50 72 be determined precisely. While the evidence is, by definition, very G50 73 precise, and its analysis indicates specific occurrences within G50 74 clear patterns of production, the place of these books in a more G50 75 general pattern of patronage (for example) can frequently not be G50 76 discerned. Nor can we, as a result, often be sure of the impact of G50 77 a given volume on the style of other composers, on the enthusiasms G50 78 of new patrons, amateur audiences and performers or on the plans of G50 79 other printers and publishers. Yet this aspect of the study is the G50 80 most exciting, and must be attempted; and it is here, as I have G50 81 said, that the two volumes under consideration are most obviously G50 82 different. We will have to wait for Lewis's description of the role G50 83 of Gardano's music volumes, and have so far only a few (necessarily G50 84 specific) studies by her in journals. Fenlon and Haar, on the other G50 85 hand, have collected together much of their (and other people's) G50 86 earlier thinking, ordered it, related it to the bibliographical and G50 87 codicological data, and presented a rounded picture. Their work, G50 88 therefore, should be an exemplary display of what source study G50 89 could achieve.

G50 90 In this particular respect, their book is indeed of the G50 91 greatest interest. As they state at the beginning: "One of G50 92 the principal concerns of this study is to emphasise the Florentine G50 93 (and to a much lesser extent, Roman) origins of the G50 94 madrigal" (p.7). This objective they realize admirably, G50 95 while generating relatively few grounds for scepticism. True, the G50 96 idea is not entirely new (as they imply) - Professor Haar has been G50 97 approaching it in a number of papers, I remember discussing it with G50 98 Dr Fenlon at a London meeting of the Society for Renaissance G50 99 Studies in the mid-1970s, and of course Colin Slim's magisterial G50 100 discussion of the Newberrry-Oscott partbooks implies much the same G50 101 - but it is here developed and buttressed with direct and G50 102 circumstantial evidence in a manner that is highly effective.

G50 103 There can be little dispute with the arguments presented in G50 104 favour of the distinctness of the frottola (as a genre) from the G50 105 emerging madrigalian pieces of the period around 1520 (as found in G50 106 a number of early sources, including the printed edition of G50 107 Pisano's music and a group of stylistically important manuscripts - G50 108 here clearly arranged and described), or with the assumption that G50 109 the patrons of the two genres can have had little in common in the G50 110 way of literary taste. Even if we were to believe that the two sets G50 111 of patrons had much the same musical tastes - liking improvised G50 112 music of a similar style, for instance (and this is something we G50 113 should doubt) - the structural as well as the literary character of G50 114 early madrigalian verse would have to give us pause. The influence G50 115 of Bembo, which has been traced a number of times and which seems G50 116 to have been stronger in Rome, also argues for a different approach G50 117 on the part of his patrons. This aspect of taste, as the authors G50 118 remark, makes good sense of the abrupt change in the underpinnings G50 119 of style as we see it in the early Roman madrigal. I am not sure, G50 120 however, that the authors see the implications of the extent to G50 121 which the new musical genre (not only the Roman but also the G50 122 closely related - in time, at least - Florentine versions) G50 123 comprised a relatively sophisticated style in itself, one performed G50 124 from notation and one that is in effect 'composed', rather than G50 125 created in performance. This would seem to be an integral part of G50 126 the poetic mentality, in tune with the approach to literature being G50 127 advocated in early sixteenth-century circles, including those of G50 128 Florence; and it also has to be an integral part of our assessment G50 129 of any group which cultivated the genre. My reason for wanting to G50 130 see this as an important aspect of the newly emerging style has G50 131 only partly to do with questions of performance, and more (in the G50 132 present context) with two other, quite different issues. One is G50 133 that the style, in its break not only from the traditional styles G50 134 of the frottola but also from those of the canti G50 135 carnascialeschi, is perhaps also not to be seen as G50 136 particularly Medicean in orientation. There are points at which the G50 137 authors have to admit that the stamp of the Medici on this genre is G50 138 not very strong: for example, they confirm that few of the sources G50 139 can be tied to the Medici family; at the same time, of course, they G50 140 have to acknowledge the strong impact that the Strozzi family and G50 141 circle seem to have made on (at least) the dissemination of the G50 142 style. To me, it is tempting to see the Medici as relatively G50 143 lowbrow patrons of music (with one or two notable exceptions, of G50 144 course), tending to favour compositions bearing the stamp of G50 145 popular taste. This is reflected in their interest in settings of G50 146 canti carnascialeschi in 'art' styles or techniques by G50 147 Isaac and others (as well as the writing of poetry in the same G50 148 manner), in their apparent liking for the simpler styles of French G50 149 chansons, and perhaps in their desire for the popularizing impact G50 150 of the publication of the 1539 wedding music. I see no conflict in G50 151 their claiming a principal role in hiring musicians for the G50 152 cathedral or baptistry, or in the ownership of some musical G50 153 manuscripts containing madrigals, or of manuscripts of the G50 154 classics, in the same way as we are not surprised that Henry VIII G50 155 of England owned manuscripts - gifts or commissions - which reflect G50 156 tastes other than those displayed in his own compositions or those G50 157 of his court musicians. In any case, we are mistaken if we assume G50 158 that a sophisticated chapel or church style (or, even more clearly, G50 159 the willingness to support such a style) therefore requires a G50 160 sophisticated secular or entertainment style.

G50 161 If this scenario is possible, then the Medici need have had G50 162 little to do with the evolution of the madrigal. It should not G50 163 surprise us that we can exclude a leading family of Florence from G50 164 an artistic trend. Nor do we need to look very far for more likely G50 165 candidates. The importance of the Strozzi family in the G50 166 preservation of this repertory has been well demonstrated in the G50 167 research collected here, while the family's part in spreading the G50 168 music beyond Florence has been demonstrated by Richard Agee. While G50 169 I do not believe for a moment that this family single-handedly G50 170 created and nurtured the new genre, not least because Fenlon and G50 171 Haar demonstrate a convincing early role for Roman patrons, I do G50 172 think that we may be able to go further than they do. We may be G50 173 able to say, not only that the Medici showed little interest in the G50 174 madrigal, but also that the Strozzi were among the prime movers in G50 175 a small circle, perhaps no larger than the one in which Professor G50 176 Lewis can place Gardano in Venice (which also was to include G50 177 followers of Bembo). We can then see in this picture a possible G50 178 reason for the curious phenomenon of the madrigal suddenly bursting G50 179 into print in Venice during the first half of the 1530s. It is not G50 180 enough to say that other repertories were appearing. That is, of G50 181 course, true; but the patterns of influence on printers and of G50 182 reasons for the financial risk have much greater impact on our view G50 183 of the history of the young madrigal than is suggested in Fenlon G50 184 and Haar's book.

G50 185 This is my second difference with the authors over the impact G50 186 of the very different nature of the madrigalian style - G50 187 written and read in performance, rather than created and then G50 188 re-created in performance. In the case of a repertory like this, G50 189 one which started out in manuscript and then moved decisively into G50 190 printed sources, we need to think more deeply about two issues G50 191 concerning this transition, both of which, in the present context, G50 192 have two aspects. G50 193 G50 194 G51 1 <#FLOB:G51\>How the Airport came to Heathrow

G51 2 Philip Sherwood

G51 3 The official version of the origin of Heathrow Airport has G51 4 always been that it was developed as an airfield for the RAF in G51 5 World War II and that at the end of the war it evolved into the G51 6 main civil airport for London. In reality this is far from the G51 7 truth and the true story behind its development reveals an amazing G51 8 picture of political intrigue which misled the War Cabinet into G51 9 giving approval for the its<&|>sic! construction. As a result G51 10 development of the airport, which was conceived from the beginning G51 11 as a civil airport for London, diverted resources away from the war G51 12 effort at a time when London was under attack from V1 flying bombs G51 13 and preparations were being made for the Normandy landings.

G51 14 I came across this story, almost by chance, when searching G51 15 through the Air Ministry files in the Public Record Office. My main G51 16 intention was to write an account of the history of the Heathrow up G51 17 to the time that the airport transformed it from a purely G51 18 agricultural area into the concrete jungle it has now become. I G51 19 hoped that the files might contain photographs and other G51 20 information that would help with this project; it never occurred to G51 21 me that they would reveal the chicanery that led up to the G51 22 development of the airport.

G51 23 As a result of what was discovered in the files I expanded the G51 24 scope of my project to include developments that occurred G51 25 immediately prior to and during the construction of the airport. G51 26 The result has been the publication of my book The History of G51 27 Heathrow of which this article is a summary.

G51 28 Heathrow before the airport

G51 29 The Hamlet of Heathrow. The settlement of Heathrow G51 30 was spread out in a straggling manner on the west side of Heathrow G51 31 Road from the Bath Road to Perry Oaks (see Figure 1). Perry Oaks G51 32 itself could almost be regarded as separate from Heathrow and it G51 33 had direct access from the Bath Road via Tithe Barn Lane. The area G51 34 was entirely rural in character as can be seen from the following G51 35 quotation of Maxwell (Highwayman's Heath 1935): G51 36 "If you turn down from the Bath Road by the 'Three Magpies' G51 37 you will come upon a road that is as rural as anywhere in England. G51 38 It is not, perhaps, scenically wonderful but for detachment from G51 39 London or any urban interests it would be hard to find its equal; G51 40 there is a calmness and serenity about it that is soothing in a mad G51 41 rushing world".

G51 42 Agriculture. Before it was overwhelmed by the airport, G51 43 West Middlesex had been an important market gardening area with G51 44 Heathrow itself virtually in the centre of what remained of the G51 45 Thames Valley Market Gardening Plain.

G51 46 The reason for this was that the brickearth soils of the G51 47 Heathrow area by virtue of their texture, topography and drainage G51 48 were ideally suited to intensive agriculture. Moreover, the G51 49 inherent fertility of the soils had been greatly improved over the G51 50 years by the addition of huge quantities of horse manure arising G51 51 from the immense horse population of London.

G51 52 The Perry Oaks Sludge Works. A short distance past G51 53 Perry Oaks Farm on the western side of what was Tithe Barn Lane was G51 54 (and still is) the Perry Oaks sludge disposal works. These works, G51 55 which now occupy an enclave of some 250 acres on the western edge G51 56 of the airport, were opened by the Middlesex County Council in 1935 G51 57 as part of the West Middlesex Main Drainage Scheme. The main sewage G51 58 works is at Mogden, Isleworth where sludge is separated from the G51 59 sewage and, after initial treatment at Mogden, is pumped over a G51 60 seven mile distance to Perry Oaks. The presence of the sludge works G51 61 has proved to be a thorn in the side of the aviation authorities G51 62 and as will be seen later they have been trying with little success G51 63 for the past 45 years to relocate the sludge works.

G51 64 The Fairey Aerodrome. Aviation at Heathrow started in G51 65 1929 with the purchase by the Fairey Aviation Company of 150 acres G51 66 of land in Cain's Lane. Here they laid out an area of high quality G51 67 turf to construct an airfield which was used for the first time in G51 68 the late summer of 1930. The airfield was purchased as a result of G51 69 the Company having been given notice by the Air Ministry to vacate G51 70 leased premises at Northolt which the company used for flight G51 71 testing.

G51 72 The Heathrow site proved just as convenient as Northolt and had G51 73 the advantage that the company held the freehold -little did they G51 74 know that the Air Ministry, having expelled them from Northolt, G51 75 would eventually compulsorily acquire their new site at Heathrow! G51 76 Because of the obvious advantages the company decided to expand the G51 77 site so that it could transfer the factory from Hayes to Heathrow, G51 78 thus bringing the works and flight testing facilities together.

G51 79 The presence of the airfield did little to disturb the rural G51 80 scene, it had no concrete runways, few buildings and only a small G51 81 number of test flights. The airfield was, in fact, quite a local G51 82 attraction as it was a novelty then to see aero-planes at G51 83 such close quarters. From 1935 until 1939 the aerodrome was the G51 84 venue for the garden party of the Royal Aeronautical Society.

G51 85 figure&caption

G51 86 The Fairey aerodrome and the large number of people in the G51 87 aviation world who visited it at the time of the Garden Parties G51 88 were undoubtedly what led the aviation interests to cast covetous G51 89 eyes on Heathrow as a site for a civil airport for London. However, G51 90 if war had not broken out in 1939 it would have proved impossible G51 91 for them to acquire Fairey's airfield and the surrounding land. The G51 92 war presented the opportunity for the whole area to be G51 93 requisitioned and to begin the development of a civil airport under G51 94 the pretext that it was needed as a base for the RAF.

G51 95 Origins of the development

G51 96 The first recorded mention of the proposals in the Air Ministry G51 97 files (listed in the PRO principally under AVIA 2 and BT 217), is G51 98 in mid 1943. It is clear from these that right from the start the G51 99 development was envisaged as being for civil aviation. The proposal G51 100 for its development as a Royal Air Force base was merely a ruse to G51 101 circumvent a public inquiry and to quell criticism that the war G51 102 effort was being diverted to matters that could await the end of G51 103 hostilities.

G51 104 It was not until 1973 in the autobiography (Wings Over G51 105 Westminster 1973) of Harold Balfour (later Lord Balfour of G51 106 Inchrye) that the truth was finally admitted. Balfour was the G51 107 Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for Air between 1938 and G51 108 1944 and in his autobiography he makes the astonishing claim:

G51 109 "Almost the last thing I did in the Air Ministry of any G51 110 importance was to hi-jack for Civil Aviation the land on which G51 111 London Airport stands under the noses of resistant Ministerial G51 112 colleagues. If hi-jack is too strong a term I plead guilty to the G51 113 lesser crime of deceiving a Cabinet Committee. Within the G51 114 Department those of us who had studied post-war civil aviation G51 115 needs knew that spreading out from the Fairey Aviation Company's G51 116 small grass aerodrome on the Great West Staines Road was land ideal G51 117 for London's main airport. We also knew that any thought of trying G51 118 to get the land for civil aviation would have to go through G51 119 complicated civil procedures...

G51 120 "I confess now that in our hearts we knew of several bomber G51 121 air-fields in the Home Counties which could have been made G51 122 to do the job just as well. The proposal came to the Cabinet who G51 123 referred the issue to a committee under the Lord President, Sir G51 124 John Anderson. The Committee met and I represented the Air G51 125 Ministry. I found that Beaverbrook who was still in the Government G51 126 was also a member. I took him into my confidence as to the real G51 127 reason we were pressing for what we were sure was London's best G51 128 chance of a great civil airport. He played up well......

G51 129 "I advanced as powerfully as I could the case (for G51 130 requisitioning the Heathrow site). I did not dare to breathe the G51 131 words 'Civil Aviation'. I put this right out of my mind so G51 132 effectively that I really convinced myself of the priority of our G51 133 case. The Cabinet came down on our side. We took the G51 134 land."

G51 135 This account seems so improbably that it has been given little G51 136 credence, being seen merely as the idle boasts of a senile old man G51 137 who had lost the wit to distinguish fact from fantasy. However, the G51 138 Air Ministry files make it abundantly clear that Balfour's account G51 139 is substantially correct.

G51 140 The proposals for development envisaged construction in three G51 141 stages, and at a meeting of the Anderson Committee (i.e. the one to G51 142 which Balfour refers) a recommendation was passed on to the War G51 143 Cabinet that approval to develop Stage 1 should be given. At a G51 144 meeting two days later on 12 November 1943 the war Cabinet G51 145 provisionally accepted this recommendation. This opened the way for G51 146 the development to begin but, as will be seen later, there were G51 147 still several difficulties to be overcome including worries abut G51 148 the legality of the action being taken. On this point advice was G51 149 sought from the Treasury Solicitor in a minute dated 4 February G51 150 1944 which gives the information that, "On the matter G51 151 generally you should be aware that the ultimate object is to G51 152 provide a suitable (civil) airport for London. Were there no other G51 153 object it would be a question of Civil Aviation only and presumably G51 154 Defence Regulations could not have been used for obtaining G51 155 provision of land for use for normal peace-time purposes". G51 156 The solicitor's reply is not preserved in the files but the minute G51 157 leaves no doubt of the true intentions of those concerned within G51 158 the Air Ministry who pursued their aim with a fanatical zeal.

G51 159 Factors affecting the development

G51 160 Two factors inhibited the Air Ministry's proposals: one was the G51 161 presence of the sludge disposal works at Perry Oaks, the other to a G51 162 much lesser extent was the Fairey aerodrome. Three other factors G51 163 which might be thought to have played a part, i.e. noise, G51 164 agriculture and the fate of the inhabitants who were to be evicted G51 165 from their homes, were completely ignored.

G51 166 The Perry Oaks Problem.

G51 167 The proposals as approved at the first meeting involved the G51 168 resiting of the Perry Oaks sludge disposal works. Figure 3, dated G51 169 October 1943, shows the runways to be constructed as part of Stage G51 170 1 of the development in black. The main east-west runway on the map G51 171 is further south of the Bath Road than at present with the sludge G51 172 works being incorporated into the airport as part of the Stage 2 G51 173 development.

G51 174 figure&caption

G51 175 The Defence of the Realm Act 1939, which was used to acquire G51 176 the land for development, allowed the authorities to requisition at G51 177 short notice land deemed to be needed in connexion with the pursuit G51 178 of the war without any right of appeal. In theory the sludge works G51 179 could therefore have been acquired under the Act. But there was the G51 180 practical difficulty that the works could not just be closed down; G51 181 another site would have to be found. Long and ill-tempered G51 182 negotiations were held with the Middlesex County Council which G51 183 owned the works but the Council could see no possibility of finding G51 184 an alternative site without resort to a public inquiry. This the G51 185 Air Ministry was determined to avoid at all costs as an inquiry G51 186 would have revealed the true reasons behind the acquisition of the G51 187 land. Rather than face a public inquiry the Air Ministry revised G51 188 the layout of the airport which avoided taking the works in the G51 189 first instance. The frustration felt by the Ministry over the G51 190 problem can be seen in the letter from the Ministry to the G51 191 Middlesex County Council dated 1 May 1944 which says:

G51 192 figure&caption

G51 193 "I am directed to inform you that the increasing G51 194 urgency of the need for an adequate airfield in the London area for G51 195 the war requirements of the RAF and the inevitable delay which G51 196 would arise in removal of your Council's sludge works from the G51 197 Perry Oaks site has made it essential to adopt an amended lay-out G51 198 which will avoid the immediate necessity for interference with the G51 199 land in your Council's possession.....

G51 200 G52 1 <#FLOB:G52\>1: can we base freedom on ignorance?

G52 2 the paradox

G52 3 "But surely it's always wrong to make moral G52 4 judgements?"

G52 5 This is the manifesto that I once heard someone lay down in an G52 6 argument about the duty of toleration. It was spoken ardently and G52 7 confidently, with no expectation that it might be questioned. It G52 8 was not said as a new discovery, but as a moral platitude, G52 9 something so obvious that it need only be mentioned to be accepted. G52 10 And the speaker was not being at all eccentric in so pronouncing G52 11 it; this confidence is normal today. In the last few decades, the G52 12 word 'judgemental' has been specially coined and is used, along G52 13 with the slightly older word 'moralistic', to describe and attack G52 14 this particular form of wrongdoing.

G52 15 The question is: is this manifesto itself a moral judgement, or G52 16 not? At first glance, to say that anything is wrong surely does G52 17 seem to be a moral judgement. Remarks like this are in fact used to G52 18 express active disapproval of particular people who are considered G52 19 guilty of judging, to blame these people, to stigmatise them, G52 20 to discourage them from doing it again and to discourage others G52 21 from imitating them. These are surely characteristic uses of moral G52 22 judgement.

G52 23 Of course, people talking like this might not mean to give the G52 24 manifesto so strong a meaning. They might mean by 'a moral G52 25 judgement' something narrower and more obviously wrong. They might G52 26 merely mean poking your nose into other people's affairs or forming G52 27 crude opinions about things that you don't understand, and G52 28 expressing them offensively. If that were all, then 'being G52 29 judgemental' would simply be a new name for being a busybody and a G52 30 nosey-parker. Or again, they might have in mind chiefly the fact G52 31 that blame can lead to punishment, and that terrible crimes have G52 32 been committed, in all ages, under the pretext of punishment. But G52 33 to make a moral judgement is not the same thing as to punish. If G52 34 that were all, they should surely be talking directly about G52 35 punishment itself.

G52 36 Clearly, these weaker meanings are not all that is involved. If G52 37 they had been, the new label 'being judgemental' would not have G52 38 been invented. What the statement attacks is not just the intrusive G52 39 expression of opinions about other people, nor any possible G52 40 vindictive action on those opinions afterwards, but the forming of G52 41 opinions in the first place. The ban is on judging - not only G52 42 on judging in a court of law, where sentence and punishment may G52 43 follow, but in ordinary life. And the reason given for this ban G52 44 concerns our powers of judgement. It denies that we are in a G52 45 position to decide these moral questions even in our own minds.

G52 46 That is why ambitious talk of judgement has displaced humbler G52 47 traditional accusations such as vindictiveness or nosey-parkerdom. G52 48 The old moral objection to intrusive conduct is of course G52 49 still there, but it is now backed by the new philosophical ruling G52 50 that nothing at all can be known in the sphere of morals. If that G52 51 is right, then the objection to vindictive punishment is not being G52 52 made as a moral objection; it is a logical one. It simply springs G52 53 from the impossibility of judging that anything is a crime. A G52 54 direct moral objection to brutal punishment would itself be just G52 55 one more moral judgement, and it would not be sustainable if the G52 56 general invalidation of all moral judgement works.

G52 57 If it does work, then moral questions are (as is often said) G52 58 just a matter of everybody's own subjective opinion, of their G52 59 taste. In the terms of this hypothesis people can no more 'impose G52 60 judgements' on one another here than they can impose their own G52 61 taste in clothes or in food. This seems to mean that moral G52 62 judgements are not really in any ordinary sense judgements at all. G52 63 'Making judgements' in this sphere is not so much wrong as G52 64 impossible. The veto on doing it is something like the veto on G52 65 witchcraft: it forbids us to pretend to do something which in fact G52 66 cannot be done.

G52 67 high-minded scepticism

G52 68 In theory, a rather general scepticism of this kind is common G52 69 today. But 'being sceptical' can mean two very different things. It G52 70 can mean habitually asking questions, or it can mean being so sure G52 71 that there are no answers that one simply issues denials instead. G52 72 These two approaches may be called enquiring and dogmatic G52 73 scepticism. It is the second kind to which I want to draw G52 74 attention. Throughout many contemporary discussions of moral G52 75 questions in the social sciences it is assumed that these questions G52 76 make no sense, that there can be no rational way to answer them. G52 77 Thus, the distinguished and humane penologist Baroness Wootton, G52 78 resisting the suggestion that there might be some real connection G52 79 between the concepts of crime and sin, wrote as follows:

G52 80 Can we then in the modern world identify a class of G52 81 inherently wicked actions? Lord Devlin, who has returned more than G52 82 once to this theme, holds that we still can ... nevertheless, this G52 83 attempt to revive the lawyer's distinction between ... things which G52 84 are bad in themselves and things which are merely prohibited ... G52 85 cannot, I think, succeed. In the first place, the statement that a G52 86 real crime is one about which the good citizen would feel guilty is G52 87 surely circular. For how is the good citizen to be defined in this G52 88 context unless as one who feels guilty about committing the crimes G52 89 that Lord Devlin would classify as 'real'?

G52 90 (Barbara Wootton, 1981, p.42)

G52 91 According to this view, there are no actions bad in themselves G52 92 and no citizens good in themselves; there are only ones that Lord G52 93 Devlin (or someone else) might think good or bad. If we want to say G52 94 that rape and murder and child-abuse are terrible crimes while G52 95 parking offences are not, that is just our personal preference and G52 96 we can give no rational ground for it.

G52 97 Again, arguing that the treatment of offenders ought to depend G52 98 simply on predictions about how this treatment would affect the G52 99 particular offender, not on judgements about the gravity of the G52 100 offence committed, Baroness Wootton writes:

G52 101 ... Although prediction techniques are still not as G52 102 reliable as could be wished, they are at least open to objective G52 103 testing, which should provide data by which their reliability may G52 104 reasonably be expected to improve, whereas the validity of moral G52 105 evaluations of the relative wickedness of different criminal acts G52 106 is merely a matter of opinion and cannot in the nature of the case G52 107 ever be subjected to any objective test.

G52 108 (Barbara Wootton, 1981, p.63)

G52 109 problems of false universality

G52 110 These remarks have a characteristic that we shall find G52 111 repeatedly in others like them. They were actually aimed at quite a G52 112 narrow application to particular issues in penal reform. And the G52 113 moral attitudes that called for them on those particular issues G52 114 were (as most of us might suppose) admirable. But they were so G52 115 sweepingly expressed that, if they are taken literally, they carry G52 116 a much wider and more destructive message. It is a message of G52 117 radical disbelief in the whole existing system of values, including G52 118 the conceptions of humaneness and regard for the common good which G52 119 were obviously central to the writer.

G52 120 Baroness Wootton certainly did not see the importance of these G52 121 ideals as a mere 'matter of opinion' in the sense which that phrase G52 122 usually bears - namely, either as a trivial matter of taste, or as G52 123 really dubious. (For instance, if one were not quite sure about the G52 124 importance of the common good, one would scarcely be likely to go G52 125 to the fearful trouble of campaigning for penal reform.) What is G52 126 actually involved in calling something a 'matter of opinion' is a G52 127 point to be considered later. But the strength of this writer's G52 128 objections to the notion of retributive punishment - objections G52 129 that were certainly moral as well as prudential - led her to use a G52 130 far more drastic language than was needed for her thought, or than G52 131 she would have consented to see embodied in practice.

G52 132 For instance, if one really allotted punishments merely by G52 133 their probable effect on those punished, without any reference to G52 134 the offences committed, there would, it seems, be no need to wait G52 135 for any offence to be committed. People who seemed likely to be G52 136 dangerous could simply be taken into care and given whatever G52 137 treatment seemed likely to improve their conduct, without the need G52 138 to wait until they committed an actual offence. (This could, of G52 139 course, happen to any of us, since we are all imperfect and most of G52 140 us are capable of improvement.) And since reward as well as G52 141 punishment currently works on retributive principles, it too would G52 142 have to be reorganised in the same way. Honours and favours should G52 143 be handed out, not to those who had earned them, but to those G52 144 selected as likely to respond best to incentives.

G52 145 This misleading appearance of universality has been common in G52 146 such theoretical discussions. Probably there is as much of it in G52 147 the less formal, more everyday kinds of dogmatic moral scepticism G52 148 that have become even more familiar. Here are three examples from a G52 149 recent detective story by P.D. James:

G52 150 (1) Hilary has been making what she feels to be a justified G52 151 claim on Alex:

G52 152 After she had finished speaking he said quietly, 'That G52 153 sounds like an ultimatum'.

G52 154 'I wouldn't call it that'.

G52 155 'What would you call it then, blackmail?'

G52 156 'After what's happened between us? I'd call it justice'.

G52 157 'Let's stick to ultimatum. Justice is too grandiose a concept G52 158 for the commerce between us two'.

G52 159 (P. D. James, 1989, p.139)

G52 160 (2) Caroline has been pressing Jonathan to lie to the police so G52 161 as to give her a false alibi for the murder, but he refuses. G52 162 Contemptuously, she drops her request:

G52 163 'All right!' (she says) 'I'm asking too much. I know G52 164 how you feel about truth, honesty, your boy-scout Christianity. I'm G52 165 asking you to sacrifice your good opinion of yourself. No one likes G52 166 doing that. We all need our self-esteem ...'

G52 167 (P. D. James, 1989, p. 187)

G52 168 In the third, Alice, the actual murderess (seen throughout as a G52 169 sympathetic, though damaged character) is explaining to her friend G52 170 Meg why she did the murder. Meg protests:

G52 171 'Nothing Hilary Robarts did deserved death'.

G52 172 'I'm not arguing that she deserved to die. It doesn't matter G52 173 whether she was happy, or childless, or even much use to anybody G52 174 but herself. What I'm saying is that I wanted her dead.'

G52 175 'That seems to me so evil that it's beyond my understanding. G52 176 Alice, what you did was a dreadful sin.'

G52 177 Alice laughed. The sound was so full-throated, almost happy, as G52 178 if the amusement were genuine. 'Meg, you continue to astonish me. G52 179 You use words which are no longer in the general vocabulary, not G52 180 even in the Church's, so I'm told. The implications of that simple G52 181 little word are beyond my comprehension.'

G52 182 (P. D. James, 1989, p.388)

G52 183 The same device recurs often in the conversation in this novel G52 184 (and in many others), with this same implication that the moral G52 185 language other people speak is a foreign one, something 'no longer G52 186 in the general vocabulary' - a language that the more sophisticated G52 187 speaker finds senseless, childish, naive and (most damning of all) G52 188 out of fashion. Since it is always unnerving to be sneered at, this G52 189 tactic is often successful in silencing people, both in fiction and G52 190 real life. But that is quite another thing from saying that it G52 191 makes sense.

G52 192 Virtually always, the sense of the tactic is annulled by its G52 193 context. Again there is false universality. The characters who talk G52 194 like this are in general quite as ready as other people to live G52 195 most of their lives by existing standards, to pass judgements about G52 196 others, and to invoke morality when it happens to be on their side. G52 197 They still feel high-minded, and this is not an accident, but a G52 198 necessary consequence of their wish to be seen as reformers. They G52 199 are 'immoralists' in the sense that they want to back and recommend G52 200 actions currently taken to be immoral. But this backing and G52 201 recommending is itself unavoidably a moral stand. G52 202 G53 1 <#FLOB:G53\>They numbered as well those who entered most warmly G53 2 into elaborating the new political and cultural institutions, both G53 3 by entering the district or parochial administration, and by G53 4 developing new extra-governmental activities, including some G53 5 secular cultural ones. Most strikingly these men tended to develop G53 6 a new style of life - in clothes, in house-patterning, in work G53 7 roles, in their preoccupation with the education of their own and G53 8 their kindred's children, and in a new sensitivity to G53 9 extra-parochial, extra-local issues. In Tanganyika such people were G53 10 widely linked by their common use of Swahili. In many places they G53 11 were linked as well by their common experience of a particular G53 12 mission school. By mid-century they were in most areas immediately G53 13 recognisable as the district elite.

G53 14 Two features were crucial to their position. First, however G53 15 distinct they may have become from their rural background, the G53 16 tendrils by which they were attached to it possessed a quite G53 17 remarkable elasticity. And secondly in the virtual absence in East G53 18 Africa of anything which could as yet be called a national elite - G53 19 of the kind which in many West African countries had long been G53 20 present - such people had a peculiar special significance not just G53 21 in their own local areas but, potentially at least, as the source G53 22 from which those who would take the lead on a yet larger plane G53 23 would be drawn.

G53 24 Of vital importance here was the phenomenon of what, if we may G53 25 adopt the Kikuyu term, we may call the muthamaki G53 26 tradition amongst so many of the peoples of East Africa - the G53 27 tradition which acknowledged the existence of 'prominent men'. Its G53 28 foundations lay in the fact that few East African societies had G53 29 previously had any rigid social stratification. Where there was at G53 30 the same time little hereditary fostering of specialised skills, G53 31 there was very often room for men with particular personal skills G53 32 to prove themselves as leaders and pioneers, more especially G53 33 vis-<*_>a-circ<*/>-vis those outside the local society. When, in G53 34 the first half of the twentieth century, that which was originally G53 35 right outside the local society came to impinge increasingly upon G53 36 it, this tradition came to express itself in new terms. Jomo G53 37 Kenyatta had revealed his own relationship to it back in 1942 when G53 38 he had published a small pamphlet entitled My People of Kikuyu G53 39 and the Life of Chief Wangombe (a turn-of-the-century Kikuyu G53 40 muthamaki). As the twentieth century advanced there was G53 41 an efflorescence of this previously established tradition. That G53 42 meant both that there were men who felt free to provide leadership G53 43 for excursions into the new openings which the new century brought G53 44 to East Africa, and more especially that political leaders with a G53 45 traditionally legitimized authority were available when the G53 46 political situation suddenly started, as it did in the less than G53 47 two decades covered by this chapter, to change very rapidly. In the G53 48 first category one can name William Nagenda, the Balokole leader G53 49 from Buganda, Bishop Mathew Ajuoga of the Church of Christ in G53 50 Africa, Bishop Obadiah Kariuki of the Anglican Church in Kikuyu G53 51 country, or a Muganda farmer such as Leonard Basudde. In the second G53 52 one thinks of Hezron Mushenye, Chief of Tiriki; of Tom Mboya, a G53 53 highly effective trade union leader when he was still in his G53 54 mid-twenties; of Oginga Odinga with his Luo Thrift and Trading G53 55 Corporation; of Eridadi Mulira, the Uganda schoolmaster who became G53 56 a politician and newspaper publisher; and of several of those many G53 57 who became active in agricultural co-operatives before moving into G53 58 politics more centrally - George Magezi, for instance, and Felix G53 59 Onama in Uganda, or Paul Bomani and Nsilo Swai in Tanganyika. In G53 60 addition to Kenyatta himself one thinks as well of Milton Obote, of G53 61 Julius Nyerere, and even of that startingly dramatic figure G53 62 'Field-Marshal' Okello.

G53 63 It must be remembered that substantial numbers of the new elite G53 64 managed to find considerable personal fulfilment from participating G53 65 in the parochial, district, and Christian arenas into which they G53 66 moved. Paulo Kavuma for example, sometime Katikiro of Buganda, was G53 67 no anxious, uncertain, disenchanted man, despite the trauma of his G53 68 time in that office in the early 1950s. Though the winds of fortune G53 69 beat upon him, he never lost his inherent composure; and as behoved G53 70 a long-experienced former chief clerk to the British Resident in G53 71 Buganda, he was an efficient bureaucrat as well. Always, moreover, G53 72 a staunch Muganda according to his own personal lights, he remained G53 73 a man who was calmly proud of the way he believed he had served his G53 74 people (and he always seemed to fit a western-tailored suit better G53 75 than anyone else in Uganda). Kosia Shalita stood likewise. Living G53 76 as bishop in a former missionary's house where he had once been a G53 77 house-boy, and looking back upon his time as pastor of so many G53 78 churches at once that only he could be expected to remember their G53 79 number, he had, in the aftermath of a year of study at Wycliffe G53 80 Hall, Oxford, become the principal Protestant figure in his own and G53 81 a couple of neighbouring districts in south-western Uganda. As G53 82 father of a large family he was a much respected figure, G53 83 unpretentious, active, a reconciler who was always unquestioningly G53 84 serene in his personal religious faith. There were others like him; G53 85 the schoolmaster James Aryada, for instance, first of his small G53 86 tribe (the Samia of the Uganda-Kenya border) to go overseas - again G53 87 to Oxford, but in his case for a mathematics degree. As compared G53 88 with that of most of his compatriots his style of life was clearly G53 89 elitist. His kinship links however were strong. He was at his G53 90 happiest, moreover, when he had a piece of chalk in his hands and a G53 91 roomful of boys in front of him. But he also displayed a shrewder G53 92 knowledge of all levels of school education than anyone else in G53 93 Uganda, and could talk about them with unassuming authority.

G53 94 There were men like this not only in Uganda but in the other G53 95 territories as well. Tribal state, Christian church, and school, G53 96 all provided for some of those who worked within them both their G53 97 major commitment and a steady contentment.

G53 98 So much indeed was this the case that when numbers of other men G53 99 of lesser serenity saw a threat to the order within which they G53 100 moved, they tended to react in a highly protective manner; one G53 101 thinks here of the defiant actions of Kabaka Mutesa II of Buganda G53 102 through much of the 1950s and 1960s, or of those African clergymen G53 103 who would have no truck with Africanising their vestments - because G53 104 they saw here the symbol of a great betrayal - and clung G53 105 tenaciously to liturgies which by this time, even in the original, G53 106 were patently archaic. The assured ones may have been a minority. G53 107 Certainly there were acute conflicts afflicting many a parochial or G53 108 district situation, both internally and in relation to the colonial G53 109 government superimposed upon them. The split between the Iseera and G53 110 Ngoratok in Teso District in northern Uganda is but one example of G53 111 the first, the Meru land case of the second. What seems so often to G53 112 have accompanied them was a keen desire to take part in some G53 113 grouping with a cause to advance, so as to thrust aside the G53 114 atomizing propensities of the changes which were occurring. In G53 115 Kamba country in the 1950s even the British administration could G53 116 mobilize a popularly acceptable movement against sorcery when this G53 117 became widespread; while as independence neared, not only Legio G53 118 Maria, the breakaway movement from the Roman Catholic Church in G53 119 Kenya, but the Kamcape movement in south-western Tanganyika, and a G53 120 series of movements among the Mijikenda peoples of the Kenyan coast G53 121 all sought to provide through religious renewal both individual G53 122 security and the renovation of society. The chief appeal at this G53 123 time of the independent churches was precisely indeed that they G53 124 offered some people what Welbourn and Ogot have neatly termed G53 125 "a place to feel at home"; while the sudden alarm G53 126 which shot through Kipsigi country on the eve of independence in G53 127 Kenya exemplified the convulsion that a threat of alienation could G53 128 effect. Such concerns pervaded the Bataka movement in Buganda in G53 129 the 1950s, the Luguru rioters in 1955, and the Geita disturbances G53 130 in 1958.

G53 131 They were close to the centre too of the precipitation towards G53 132 violence upon the slopes of Mount Ruwenzori in the Rwenzururu G53 133 movement in the early 1960s, and in Nairobi in the 1950s, as they G53 134 were of course to Mau Mau generally. And as Mau Mau - or for that G53 135 matter the Bataka movement in Buganda - showed, they were G53 136 especially prevalent where the sense of political, economic, G53 137 social, and cultural deprivation was most acute. This was G53 138 particularly the case where, as with the Kikuyu, an enterprising G53 139 and unhide-bound people constantly found itself being confined to G53 140 what the regime above it saw to be the norm for Bantu Africans in G53 141 the first half of the twentieth century - that of a labouring G53 142 proletariat. Amid the torrent of unco-ordinated<&_>sic!<&/> change, G53 143 and within the plethora of all these separated movements, there G53 144 were those whose focus was narrow or who believed that life was G53 145 concerned with more things than politics. But there were G53 146 nevertheless increasingly those who saw the chief threat to their G53 147 individual and social integrity in outside forces - in particular G53 148 in the persistence of the alien colonial regime in East Africa, G53 149 most fearfully because it supported the privileged position which G53 150 the domiciled European population had attained, and the powerful G53 151 economic hold which the domiciled Asians had secured.

G53 152 POLITICAL LEVELS AND ARENAS

G53 153 If ever they were to present an effective challenge to the alien G53 154 regimes, those Africans who did see the issues in these political G53 155 terms would have to learn how to influence the various levels of G53 156 authority in East Africa. They would have to do more: to deploy the G53 157 assets they accumulated within East Africa at still wider levels if G53 158 they wished to bring additional pressure to bear upon the Imperial G53 159 government. At the 'global' level, East African politicians made G53 160 use of the United Nations forum, most effectively those from G53 161 Tanganyika for whom access to this level was formally provided G53 162 through the Trusteeship Council and its three-yearly Visiting G53 163 Missions. The 'African' or continental level also had its uses G53 164 which, after the All African Peoples' Conference of 1958, G53 165 confounded the myopic belief of many colonial administrators in the G53 166 political impermeability of territorial frontiers. More immediately G53 167 important was the 'regional' or inter-territorial level, for which G53 168 the Pan-African Freedom Movement for East and Central Africa G53 169 (PAFMECA) was founded in the same year. It faced in two directions. G53 170 It attempted to represent Eastern Africa as a group within the G53 171 continental, African arena. But at the same time, like the Imperial G53 172 government, PAFMECA used its authority to mediate between G53 173 contenders at a lower level, most notably between the Nationalist G53 174 and Afro-Shirazi Parties in Zanzibar. It was on the 'territorial' G53 175 level however - once again in replication of the imperial authority G53 176 - that African nationalism mainly concentrated. Until the 1950s G53 177 Africans had been permitted to exercise power only at the still G53 178 lower levels which we have called 'parochial', and it was here that G53 179 they acquired their political expertise. Organised nationalism was G53 180 thereafter the means through which Africans converted the supports G53 181 which they had accumulated at these subordinate levels into G53 182 resources which could be staked against the expatriate G53 183 power-holders at the territorial level. And it was as the hold of G53 184 the colonial governments relaxed that the territory became G53 185 increasingly available to Africans as an arena for their own G53 186 political competitions.

G53 187 The political processes involved were here, as everywhere, made G53 188 up of a complex interplay between the needs of societies and the G53 189 desires of men. East Africa experienced, however, a particular G53 190 stimulus to this widening of political activity which was perhaps G53 191 peculiar to the colonial world - namely, an increasingly G53 192 irreconcilable discrepancy between arenas and levels. The concerns G53 193 and rivalries, that is, which preoccupied the subject peoples G53 194 tended to diverge ever more insistently from those political G53 195 institutions which the colonial power had either ratified or G53 196 created to deal with them.

G53 197 It is important to remember that this divergence had been G53 198 continuous throughout the colonial period, at the parochial level G53 199 particularly, where every demand for the subdivision of a chiefdom, G53 200 for the establishment of additional village headmen - or, G53 201 conversely, for the recognition of a senior chief - was evidence G53 202 that some Africans at least thought that the existing institutions G53 203 prejudiced their chances in parochial competition. G53 204 G54 1 <#FLOB:G54\>5

G54 2 Fundamentalism

G54 3 For some reason, religious conviction in the modern world G54 4 produces in us a mixture of surprise, fascination and fright, as if G54 5 a dinosaur had lumbered into life and stumbled uninvited into a G54 6 cocktail party. I remember, three years ago, taking part in a panel G54 7 on the use of bad language in broadcasting. Everyone else addressed G54 8 the subject of obscenity. I was asked to speak about blasphemy. No G54 9 one had given blasphemy much thought for many years. The one G54 10 exception - Mary Whitehouse's prosecution of Gay News - G54 11 seemed to be just that: a stray pebble tossed into a sea of calm G54 12 indifference.

G54 13 At the time I quoted T.S. Eliot who believed that blasphemy was G54 14 no longer possible. He thought that you can only blaspheme if you G54 15 profoundly believe in the reality of that which you profane. No G54 16 one, according to Eliot, believed that strongly any more. Along G54 17 with faith, blasphemy too had died.

G54 18 Everyone agreed, and the subject sank without trace. Few of us G54 19 could have imagined that within a few months The Satanic G54 20 Verses would make blasphemy front page news throughout the G54 21 world and that eighteen people would die in religious protests G54 22 about a novel. Here was religious belief very much alive in the way G54 23 the Bible had once portrayed the presence of God: a whirlwind G54 24 shattering rocks and uprooting the cedars of Lebanon, fascinating G54 25 in its power, terrifying in its destructiveness. It was the G54 26 hurricane our weather forecasters failed to predict. Why did the G54 27 resurgence of religion take us by surprise? And how shall we react G54 28 to it? We lamented the loss of faith. Shall we fear its rediscovery G54 29 still more?

G54 30 One picture dominated our understanding of religion in the G54 31 modern world. Faith was being ousted from one room after another of G54 32 its once stately home. Science investigated nature, history G54 33 explored the past, businesses maximised profits, technology G54 34 increased control and governments mediated conflicts, all outside G54 35 the sacred canopy of faith. Religions might still be true, but they G54 36 had lost what Peter Berger called their plausibility structure, G54 37 their objective embodiment in society. Faith might remain a private G54 38 consolation, but it could hardly govern the public domain.

G54 39 The priest, guardian of the sacred, was left stranded: the last G54 40 amateur in a world of professionals, the last practitioner of the G54 41 unquantifiable. For healing, we would prefer a doctor; for G54 42 catharsis, a <}_><-|>pyschotherapist<+|>psychotherapist<}/>. G54 43 Welfare and education had been transferred to the state. And prayer G54 44 had become what one churchman recently described as a list of G54 45 ultimatums given to God when all other avenues had been exhausted. G54 46 The human imagination would still need the narratives that G54 47 explained ourselves to ourselves. But art and drama long ago G54 48 declared their independence from religion. Our domestic parables G54 49 and metaphysical myths are no longer told in religious texts. G54 50 Instead they are played out on the screen as soap opera and science G54 51 fiction. Wherever the man of God turned, he found someone else G54 52 already doing his job. Religion was the ineffable become the G54 53 unemployable.

G54 54 The most perceptive theorists of secularisation were well aware G54 55 that none of this meant that the great religions were about to be G54 56 eclipsed. But it meant that some hard bargaining would have to take G54 57 place. Faith no longer had its mansion. Could it negotiate for G54 58 itself at least a modest apartment in the tower of Babel? And if G54 59 so, which of its now cumbersome furniture would it have to throw G54 60 away?

G54 61 So began the varied strategies of religious liberalism and G54 62 neo-orthodoxy. Religion would concede the loss of its G54 63 empire. It would grant independence to the vast domains of G54 64 knowledge and decision where once it had been the colonial power. G54 65 But it would reserve some restricted territory for itself: as a G54 66 mode of experience, or the voice of conscience, or a spring to G54 67 social action, or as some immediate, self-contained, even mystical G54 68 way of knowing. The very powerlessness of religion might be its G54 69 salvation. In Hamlet's words, it could be bounded in a nut-shell G54 70 and still count itself king of infinite space.

G54 71 Nowhere were these issues addressed more searchingly than in G54 72 Protestantism, by figures like Schleiermacher, Bultmann and G54 73 Bonhoeffer. But throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries G54 74 Judaism followed the same trajectory, as the sudden move from G54 75 ghetto to Enlightenment strained the bonds of rabbinic tradition. G54 76 Catholicism and Islam, too, had their modernist voices, who G54 77 stressed the need for reinterpretation of doctrine and religious G54 78 law.

G54 79 We can hardly understand religious reactions to modernity G54 80 without appreciating the extent to which scientific rationalism G54 81 seemed to carry all before it. From Hume and Voltaire onward, G54 82 religious belief became a subject of ridicule and disdain. It was G54 83 primitive, irrational, an opiate, a neurosis, an illusion for those G54 84 who could not face reality. What John Murray Cuddihy wrote about G54 85 Jews could be applied to believers of many other kinds: that before G54 86 they could enter the modern world they had to learn a G54 87 "consciousness of underdevelopment." For G54 88 Christians, the challenge was intellectual. It came from biblical G54 89 criticism, Darwin and the relativising of belief. For Muslims it G54 90 tended to be social and political: European colonial rule and the G54 91 sense that Islam had been overtaken by the West. Some form of G54 92 accommodation seemed necessary: the only way to recover G54 93 self-respect. Modernity had won the battle, and religion G54 94 had to salvage what it could from defeat.

G54 95 THE RETURN OF RELIGIOUS CONSERVATISM

G54 96 That was the picture. The intellectual, social and political G54 97 changes required by a modern economy meant the loss of that stable G54 98 world in which alone religious faith could grow. Here and there, G54 99 there might be groups still untouched by the process - rural G54 100 communities, the American Bible belt, the Jewish town-ships G54 101 of Poland and Russia. Some might even opt out of it altogether, G54 102 like the Hassidim, the Jewish mystical circles of Eastern Europe. G54 103 But that meant strict withdrawal, enclosed communities and a G54 104 sectarian form of religious organisation. There might be occasional G54 105 revivals, as there were in Victorian Britain and periodically in G54 106 America. But these were no more than lingering pools left by the G54 107 outgoing tide. Churches and synagogues had either to make their G54 108 peace with secular values, as they did in America, or lose G54 109 adherents, as they did in England. Either way, religion had lost G54 110 its power to shape societies. It had become the sacred G54 111 fa<*_>c-cedille<*/>ade of an increasingly secular social order. By G54 112 the close of the nineteenth century Oscar Wilde was already calling G54 113 religion the fashionable substitute for belief. Preachers were left G54 114 to lament the "melancholy, long withdrawing roar" G54 115 of the retreating sea of faith.

G54 116 Pictures govern our expectations. The image of inexorable G54 117 secularisation made any large-scale resurgence of religious fervour G54 118 improbable. Even the unexpected appearance among students in the G54 119 1960s of mysticisms, cults and counter-cultural movements was no G54 120 more than a minor parenthesis in the larger proposition.

G54 121 But it was just then that observers began to detect something G54 122 else. In 1965 Charles Liebman published an article on 'Orthodoxy in G54 123 American Jewish Life.' Until then, it had been assumed that Jewish G54 124 Orthodoxy was in a state of terminal decline. As Jews arrived in G54 125 America, they set foot on the escalator of acculturation and left G54 126 their religious baggage behind. The second and third generations G54 127 joined progressively more liberal congregations, if they identified G54 128 religiously at all. Now for the first time, Liebman's article drew G54 129 a different picture. Far from being ready to expire, Orthodoxy was G54 130 "the only remaining vestige of Jewish passion in G54 131 America" and "the only group which today contains G54 132 within it a strength and will to live that may yet nourish all the G54 133 Jewish world."

G54 134 A few years later, Dean Kelley produced a strikingly parallel G54 135 analysis of American Christianity. Documenting the growth and G54 136 decline of various denominations, he found that those that were G54 137 prospering were groups like the Southern Baptists, Pentacostalists, G54 138 Seventh Day Adventists, Jehovah's Witnesses and the Mormons. What G54 139 they had in common was that they rejected the accommodations of the G54 140 mainline churches. They were absolutists, highly disciplined and G54 141 zealous to proselytise. They demanded and evoked strong commitment. G54 142 They provided clear answers to moral and metaphysical questions. G54 143 The evidence since then confirms Liebman's and Kelley's analysis. G54 144 The more liberal, accommodationist organisations have declined. G54 145 Conservative and evangelical movements have continued to grow.

G54 146 It seemed as if a large-scale cultural conversion was taking G54 147 shape, a turning of the tide. Secularised Christians were being G54 148 born again. Assimilated Jews were taking the path of religious G54 149 return. A more considered analysis showed that this was not quite G54 150 so. Those who crossed denominational boundaries were highly visible G54 151 but numerically few. A society-wide revival was not in the making. G54 152 The millennium was not yet in sight. But what was happening G54 153 was significant nonetheless. Those whose faith was most demanding G54 154 had larger families and gave their children a strong religious G54 155 education. They had low rates of attrition and were effectively G54 156 raising a new generation who shared their values. Against the G54 157 denominational drift, they were holding their own, and demography G54 158 was in their favour. In an open society, the strongest religious G54 159 commitments were those best fitted to survive.

G54 160 This gave confidence to once demoralised traditional voices. In G54 161 the backlash against the chaos of the 1960s, their convictions rang G54 162 out clearly. They knew what they believed, and their opinions had G54 163 none of the complicating subordinate clauses of the religious G54 164 liberals. They spoke with that rarest of modern accents: authority. G54 165 They had learned the lessons of modern communication and G54 166 organisation. Conservative and evangelical groups became the most G54 167 enthusiastic users of radio, television and mass mailing. In G54 168 America, the 'Moral Majority' became a significant force of G54 169 political pressure. And from these long neglected circles came the G54 170 unmistakable sounds of success. By the end of the 1970s, they could G54 171 claim that they had now acquired the influence long yielded by G54 172 liberals. It was a matter less of numbers than of mood. But it was G54 173 a significant turn, and raised serious questions about the picture G54 174 of religion in the modern world. Modernism, liberalism and G54 175 rationalism no longer looked invincible. Going with the secular G54 176 flow had ceased to be the best strategy.

G54 177 MODERNITY AND ITS DISCONTENTS

G54 178 Why did it happen? We can speak only in the broadest of terms, G54 179 but we can surely say this. Our image of religion these past two G54 180 centuries has been part of a larger picture. It is reflected in the G54 181 key words that came to dominate social thought in the nineteenth G54 182 century: civilisation, progress, evolution, even the word 'modern' G54 183 itself as a term of praise. These words testify to the profound G54 184 future-orientation of modern culture. The new is an improvement on G54 185 the old. Optimism and anti-traditionalism go hand in hand.

G54 186 It was a compelling scenario. Science would fathom the G54 187 mysteries of nature, and technology would harvest its treasures. G54 188 Reason would replace superstition, and tolerance would triumph over G54 189 prejudice. The modern state would bring participation and equality. G54 190 The individual would have liberty of choice, freed from paternalist G54 191 authority. So long as modernity delivered its promises, the voices G54 192 of lamentation could be ignored.

G54 193 But at some stage in the 1960s, profound doubts began to be G54 194 expressed. Technology had given us the power to destroy life on G54 195 earth. Economic growth was consuming the environment. The modern G54 196 state had the power to organise tyranny and violence on a scale G54 197 hitherto unknown. Racial animosities had not disappeared: they had G54 198 fired the ovens of Auschwitz. No utopia had yet been brought by G54 199 revolution, and the free market was increasing inequalities between G54 200 rich and poor. In the secular city there was homelessness and G54 201 violence, and individualism had made the most basic relationships G54 202 vulnerable. Robert Bellah caught the mood when he said: G54 203 "Progress, modernity's master idea, seems less compelling G54 204 when it appears that it may be progress into the abyss."

G54 205 No-one was so well prepared for these doubts as those long G54 206 disattended conservative religious leaders. They had developed a G54 207 deep pessimism about modern culture. They had preached against its G54 208 excesses and idolatries. And now they could say: We told you so. G54 209 They spoke directly to modern discontents. Against the G54 210 fragmentation of knowledge they could offer wholeness of vision. G54 211 Against an over-reaching civilisation they spoke a coherent G54 212 language of restraint. G54 213 G54 214 G55 1 <#FLOB:G55\>Culture so often concedes the importance of G55 2 sexuality, while destroying our ability to enjoy it. From an early G55 3 age we are brought up to despise our bodies. Sexuality within a G55 4 Protestant culture is deemed dirty and low. We should be concerning G55 5 ourselves with 'higher' things if we want to assert our humanity G55 6 against our animal nature. The same splits occur in our G55 7 experience, where the contradictions operate at a less conscious G55 8 level, since there is a significant rift between the language and G55 9 consciousness of liberal attitudes towards sexuality and ways G55 10 people are brought up to think and feel about themselves. We are G55 11 ashamed of our bodies, of our sexuality, while 'attractiveness' has G55 12 been made into an important commodity. We cannot help caring about G55 13 whether others are attracted towards us and, objectifying G55 14 ourselves, wanting to be desirable objects for others.

G55 15 Treating ourselves as objects, though profoundly different from G55 16 the way women are treated as sexual objects within a relation of G55 17 power, is a mark of the ways men have been estranged from our G55 18 emotional lives. As men, we are brought up to despise our G55 19 sexuality, in the search for 'higher' things. We find ourselves G55 20 denying our sexuality, while at the same time acknowledging it is G55 21 at the centre of our experience. We are brought up to be ashamed of G55 22 our sexual feelings, though at the same time often obsessed with G55 23 them. This is part of the dynamic of repression that has been used G55 24 as an integral part of social control.

G55 25 We can feel caught in a paradox. Within the middle class, men G55 26 are made to feel their careers are important, while everything G55 27 else can only bring fleeting satisfaction. We find ourselves G55 28 continually asserting ourselves in competition with other men, so G55 29 we often end up feeling isolated. We are locked into a G55 30 competitiveness that can extend into the centre of our sexuality. G55 31 So it is very easy for women to become 'objects' for us, ways of G55 32 making us feel good about ourselves. It is as if relationships are G55 33 essentially self-referring so we can go out with women who are G55 34 'attractive', because this allows us to feel good about ourselves. G55 35 We get trapped into objectifying women, treating them as G55 36 possessions that reflect back upon our own sense of G55 37 'achievement'.

G55 38 Georg Luk<*_>a-grave<*/>cs develops his notion of reification G55 39 to help explain how, with bourgeois culture, possession becomes our G55 40 basic orientation towards the world, including our relationship G55 41 with others. We get glimpses of this, for instance, in the ways G55 42 women become 'attractive' to us because they are sought after by G55 43 other men. Exchange value is recognised as the only source of value G55 44 within a capitalist society and so dominates our experience. We G55 45 find it hard to value women who are not found attractive by others, G55 46 even if we pay lip-service to an idea that "love is in the G55 47 eyes of the beholder." This is denied in the everyday G55 48 reality of our experience, even if it is an experience we refuse to G55 49 acknowledge in these terms. Possession becomes our mode of G55 50 relating to others, even though we might be largely unaware of this G55 51 and so deny any kind of responsibility for it.

G55 52 Given the way a liberal moral culture individualises our G55 53 experience, we fall into thinking of relationships as a matter of G55 54 individual personalities hitting it off with each other. This has G55 55 painful consequences. It strikes deep into the ways our emotions G55 56 and feelings have been structured. Jo, for instance, might have G55 57 been brought up to his wife as 'mine', feeling deeply committed to G55 58 looking after her, without ever realising this puts G55 59 restrictions on her. So if he experiences his wife as 'part of G55 60 him', this hints at the depths of hurt and jealousy he feels when G55 61 she begins to feel attracted to other people, or discovers that G55 62 other men find her attractive.

G55 63 This goes totally against how Jo has been brought up as a man, G55 64 and he cannot help feeling betrayed by her. He feels humiliated in G55 65 her attraction towards other men. Within the ways his own morality G55 66 connects to his inherited sense of masculinity, he has no way of G55 67 understanding his own feelings. As far as he is concerned, G55 68 "she is my wife and that means she shouldn't be mucking G55 69 around with other men." He does not experience this simply G55 70 as jealousy. He feels this deeply as an insult to his very G55 71 masculinity. He finds the situation unbearable and has been given G55 72 no cultural language and experience for preparing himself for G55 73 it.

G55 74 It does not help to say that he regards his wife as a G55 75 'possession', without developing an appreciation that goes beyond G55 76 moralistic judgement to see how deeply embedded this is in his G55 77 sense of male identity. He thinks of himself as a 'faithful G55 78 husband', and in many ways he is. Partly because for many men their G55 79 sense of individual identity is so tied up with their sense of G55 80 masculine identity, they literally 'go to pieces' when their G55 81 masculinity is challenged. This is not to justify unequal sexual G55 82 relationships, but it helps us to appreciate the depth of issues we G55 83 are dealing with, which are so often misleadingly set in the G55 84 rationalistic terms of choice, will and determination.

G55 85 Liberal morality often follows Kant in talking about the G55 86 'wrongness' of treating people as objects, almost as if it is G55 87 simply a matter of 'attitude' we freely take up towards others. G55 88 This is profoundly misleading, though deeply embedded in liberal G55 89 conceptions of freedom, making us feel that we are free to have G55 90 whatever relationship with people we want to have. This idea makes G55 91 it difficult to identify and question social relations of G55 92 oppression and domination within human relationships. It is built G55 93 upon a very na<*_>i-umlaut<*/>ve psychology of self-interest that G55 94 does not help us understand social forms of dependency and G55 95 subordination. Its truth is questioned in feminist analysis of G55 96 women's subordination, whose theory originally grows out of G55 97 consciousness-raising based in the everyday realities of women's G55 98 lives, rather than existing in an independent realm of its own.

G55 99 When we say, as men, "we can't help treating women as G55 100 possessions", we might be refusing to change but we are at G55 101 the same time trying to show that it is not simply a matter of an G55 102 act of will that men are 'free' to make. What is at issue here is a G55 103 restructuring of our relationships and experience. We are bringing G55 104 out how the close relationship between our sense of ourselves as G55 105 men and our sense of individual identity can make it hard G55 106 especially for older generations of men to change themselves, and G55 107 to relate to women and gay men in different ways. This is to G55 108 question the ways identities are formed in the cultures we are G55 109 living in.

G55 110 The idea that 'we can relate to others in any way we wish' G55 111 mystifies the realities of our everyday experience as heterosexual G55 112 men and does not prepare us for the difficulties we all face in G55 113 giving up a power and superiority we take so much for granted. This G55 114 does not mean the need to change is not pressing, but we have to G55 115 realise how much of our inherited conceptions of masculinity need G55 116 to shift if we are to relate to women in equal ways and come to G55 117 terms with a homophobia that is often deeply culturally and G55 118 psychologically embedded. At least in challenging these notions we G55 119 might develop a clearer sense of the significance of feminism and G55 120 gay liberation rather than fool ourselves into thinking we can G55 121 change ourselves simply as a matter of will.

G55 122 SELF-DENIAL AND FANTASY

G55 123 The control and domination of our feelings on which our sense G55 124 of ourselves as masculine is built eventually weakens them. We end G55 125 up feeling very little at all. This undermines the base of our G55 126 experience, whether we are straight or gay, meaning that we are G55 127 less grounded in our own experience. Now the G55 128 self-understandings of bourgeois society can protect us from G55 129 feeling this as any kind of 'problem'. Utilitarian culture has G55 130 little room for emotions. If anything, they are regarded as G55 131 'inferior thoughts'. It is almost as if an ideal life would G55 132 preclude the 'interference' of emotions and feelings. This sustains G55 133 fundamentally the Kantian identification of our 'humanity' with G55 134 'rationality'. Emotions and feelings have no real place in the G55 135 humanity of our lives, which is strictly defined in opposition to G55 136 our animal nature. This is a source of <*_>e-acute<*/>litism and G55 137 superiority, because a 'human life' is always defined as being G55 138 'superior' to an 'animal life'. For Kant, our emotions and feelings G55 139 are a part of our 'lower', animal selves.

G55 140 In this way, modernity, as it is lived out in bourgeois G55 141 morality,undercuts our experience. Utilitarianism shares this G55 142 fundamental structure with Kantianism. It is this systematic denial G55 143 of our emotionality, that is part of what defines morality as G55 144 'bourgeois'. Our experience is left inevitably fragmented, and we G55 145 are left denying whatever feelings and emotions are emerging, so G55 146 that we can live up to the ideal of ourselves as 'rational', never G55 147 to be 'swayed' by any feelings. This denial makes it difficult for G55 148 us, as men, to say what we want and need, because we do not want to G55 149 talk out of our emotions and feelings. Already we regard emotional G55 150 life as a sign of weakness. So, to give an example that illustrates G55 151 the workings of these processes, Richard would never say that he G55 152 was hurt because Susan had started a relationship with Tom. We have G55 153 to find room in our understanding for the idea that Richard was not G55 154 allowing himself to feel hurt. This does not mean that he G55 155 does not feel hurt, but that he does not allow himself to feel his G55 156 hurt or even his jealousy. This is not simply a question of G55 157 'mistaken' identity, nor is it a matter of Richard not knowing what G55 158 he feels.

G55 159 Richard might say that he objects to the relationship because G55 160 he thinks that Tom is not a nice person, and is bound to be just G55 161 leading Susan up the garden path. He finds himself giving all kinds G55 162 of 'reasons' that are supposed to be 'objective', which could bring G55 163 Susan to make a decision against the relationship. He wants her to G55 164 conclude that it is 'irrational' for her to have the relationship, G55 165 given what she knows about Tom. But all the time Richard refuses to G55 166 say he is 'hurt' and that is why Susan should give up the G55 167 relationship. In this way, he denies his feelings, but also G55 168 mystifies the reality of the relationship that exists between them, G55 169 presenting it simply as Susan's decision.

G55 170 He could think that his feelings do not have anything to do G55 171 with it, because Susan is free to do whatever she wants to do. At G55 172 the same time, he is providing 'objective reasons' for her ending G55 173 the relationship. In this way, Richard discounts himself in G55 174 the situation. He presents it 'impersonally' as a matter of G55 175 'reasons' that should be taken into account. We need to realise G55 176 that this mystifies his personal reality. Whatever ideas of freedom G55 177 and equality he is living up to, make it difficult for him to G55 178 accept his feelings in this situation. His energy, as Freud G55 179 understood, becomes taken up with suppressing his feelings. This is G55 180 part of what creates a sense of 'unreality' in the situation, and G55 181 means that Richard is cutting off from his own experience. This is G55 182 part of the reality of self-denial.

G55 183 This kind of emotional self-denial is often more familiar to G55 184 men than it is to women, who are allowed to be more 'emotional', G55 185 though they are put down for it. In some sense, this relates to the G55 186 emotional unreality of male experience and goes some way to explain G55 187 what we mean by saying that men are less grounded in our G55 188 emotional reality, in our experience. This follows directly from G55 189 the hold notions of 'rationality' have in organising our masculine G55 190 experience. It is also related to the high level of 'fantasy' that G55 191 exists in men's lives. It seems that, in some sense, men fantasise G55 192 much more than women or have more visual fantasies, which seem to G55 193 play a much larger role in their experience. G55 194 G55 195 G56 1 <#FLOB:G56\>It was assumed then and is to an extent to this G56 2 day, that boys are by nature dirtier than girls. It was women and G56 3 girls who spent so much of their lives carrying, heating, and G56 4 steeping their hands while washing things, clothes and people in G56 5 water - that fluid element which dissolves matter and is so G56 6 often used in rituals of purification: "water symbolizes G56 7 the primal substance from which all forms come and to which they G56 8 will return" (Eliade, 1958:188). The middle- and G56 9 upper-class house, within its walls and continuing down its front G56 10 steps and path (ideally maids were supposed to wash both back and G56 11 front paths as well as steps every day) was the clean tidy haven in G56 12 the midst of public squalor and disorder (Davidoff, L'Esperance and G56 13 Newby, 1976). It was the housemistress's responsibility to make it G56 14 so.

G56 15 Even more important than the equation of femininity with G56 16 cleanliness, was, of course, the equation of cleanliness with class G56 17 position, part of the parcel of behaviour and attitudes bundled G56 18 together in that imprecise but vital concept respectablility. G56 19 Whatever the other strands in respectability - church going or G56 20 temperance - cleanliness was supposed to be its hallmark. In the G56 21 nineteenth century the labouring classes, the poor, the proletariat G56 22 were, in middle-class minds, 'The Great Unwashed'; they G56 23 smelled uncontrolled and disordered (Schoenwald, 1974). This G56 24 view persisted well into the twentieth century, and George Orwell G56 25 is one of the very few writers to discuss openly the implications G56 26 of this fact. He was in no doubt as to its effect on efforts at G56 27 social equality. "That was what we were taught - the G56 28 lower classes smell. And here obviously you are at an G56 29 impassable barrier" (his italics) (Orwell, 1959:129) - a G56 30 barrier created in childhood and so doubly difficult to break G56 31 down.

G56 32 Smell and sound as well as sight of dirt and disorder were more G56 33 obtrusive in crowded cities than in the countryside, and the G56 34 idealisation of Nature as pure compared to towns as impure may be G56 35 connected to this fact. "The great unwashed were socially G56 36 unclean, too, the typical attitudes first expressed to this G56 37 emergent group by those above them were [also] stereotyped - a G56 38 blend of contempt, fear, hate and physical revulsion" (Dyos G56 39 and Wolff, 1973). Himmelfarb notes a disturbing habit of Victorian G56 40 observers of using the same word to describe both the sanitary G56 41 condition (Chadwick) and the human condition (Mayhew) of the poor; G56 42 i.e. 'residum' was the offal, excrement or other waste that G56 43 constituted the sanitary problem; and was also the name applied to G56 44 the lowest layer of society (Himmelfarb, 1971).

G56 45 Conversely, manual work and hence dirt, or the absence of G56 46 cleanliness became associated with ideas of masculinity (Lockwood, G56 47 1958:122-5). Personal habits associated with dirt and mess, e.g. G56 48 spitting, chewing tobacco and smoking, became strictly masculine G56 49 from the end of the eighteenth century onwards. Similar attitudes G56 50 were part of an aggressively proletarian identification, and held G56 51 by the type of radical who was "goaded to fury by the sight G56 52 of a clean shirt" (Shipley, n.d.).

G56 53 A second element used in the separation of classes was fresh G56 54 air. Again, the recognition of the value of fresh air undoubtedly G56 55 had much to do with new forms of physical pollution - smog was G56 56 already a feature of London life in the eighteenth century. But the G56 57 metaphorical use of the term 'fresh air' to blow away and cleanse G56 58 social problems was also a constant theme. Newman in his G56 59 Apologia wrote: "Virtue is the child of knowledge, G56 60 vice of Ignorance. Therefore education, periodical literature, G56 61 railroad travel and ventilation seem to make a population moral and G56 62 happy" (Young, 1966:7). "Morality was intimately G56 63 connected with the free circulation of air - exposure to public G56 64 gaze" (Stedman Jones, 1971:180). Middle-class children were G56 65 told that servants' bedrooms were inevitably fuggy and stale G56 66 smelling because they did not understand the benefits of fresh air. G56 67 Charity workers and others brought the message home to their G56 68 working class (largely female) audience with tracts such as those G56 69 put out by the Ladies' Sanitary Association 'A Word About Fresh G56 70 Air', 'The Black Hole in our own Bedrooms,' etc. (c.1850). And G56 71 until very recently, the 'airing' of rooms, bedding and clothing G56 72 was seen as one of the English housewife's indispensable daily G56 73 tasks.

G56 74 I have indicated that one of the rewards of a superior position G56 75 within a hierarchical structure is the protection of the G56 76 super-ordinate from potentially polluting activities. The G56 77 ultimate nineteenth-century ideal became the creation of a G56 78 perfectly orderly setting of punctually served and elaborate meals, G56 79 clean and tidy warmed rooms, clean pressed and aired clothes and G56 80 bed linen. Children were to be kept in nurseries with nursemaids; G56 81 animals and gardens cared for by outdoor servants; callers and G56 82 strangers dealt with by indoor servants. In other words there was G56 83 to be a complete absence of all disturbing or threatening G56 84 interruptions to orderly existence which could be caused either by G56 85 the intractability, and ultimate disintegration, of things or by G56 86 the emotional disturbance of people (Davidoff, 1973). In the G56 87 nineteenth century this ideal of perfect order could only be G56 88 approximated by the small group of wealthy and powerful individuals G56 89 who could command the attendance of numerous domestic servants. G56 90 Below this small group, men, middle class and to a certain G56 91 extent the best paid, most regularly employed of the working class, G56 92 were provided with an intensely personal form of ego-protection and G56 93 enhancement by their wives (or daughters, nieces and unmarried G56 94 sisters), aided by female general servants.

G56 95 This process must be recognised as a relational aspect of G56 96 social stratification. I should not be substituted for an analysis G56 97 of the distributive aspects of inequality. Drawing attention to the G56 98 part such interaction plays in the maintenance of stratification, G56 99 however, emphasises the way the system was divided along both G56 100 class and sex lines.

G56 101 G56 102 BUDGETARY SEPARATION OF THE ENTERPRISE AND HOUSEHOLD G56 103 ECONOMY

G56 104 The attitudes and behaviour relevant to nineteenth-century G56 105 middle-class housekeeping - cleanliness, order, the segregation of G56 106 activities in time and place, careful overall planning, diligence G56 107 and hard-work - had all existed and been commended for a very long G56 108 time. Not only do they appear in Puritan and other Nonconformist G56 109 precepts, but they go back as far as the moralists of Roman G56 110 husbandry. They are echoed in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century G56 111 Florence by such writers as Alberti and continued in various places G56 112 where trade and commerce flourished as far apart as G56 113 sixteenth-century Holland, Defoe's London, and eighteenth-century G56 114 Pennsylvania. There the rubric reached its fullest expression in G56 115 the writings of Benjamin Franklin, 'the perfect bourgeois', G56 116 particularly in his Autobiography and The Way to G56 117 Wealth (Sombart, 1914, 1967). The purpose of all these guides G56 118 to conduct was, in every sphere, to make life more calculable, to G56 119 balance expenditure with income in an effort to save. Thrift in G56 120 regard to both time and money was the cardinal virtue. The goals of G56 121 saving might vary (a dowry for a daughter, an extra piece of land), G56 122 but the primary drive, for continued saving, for saving as a way of G56 123 life, was to create capital for commercial expansion. And it was G56 124 the growth of capitalist commercial enterprise which was G56 125 responsible for the critical organisational change: the separation G56 126 of the business 'house' and the domestic household. Even more G56 127 important than physical separation was the budgetary division of G56 128 these units (Weber, 1968). Strangers began to be admitted as G56 129 partners into what had been an organisation of kinsmen, G56 130 brotherhoods or guilds. This process reached a critical point in G56 131 the adoption of detailed accounting and eventually the introduction G56 132 of double-entry book-keeping into business practice (an invention G56 133 of seventeenth century Holland). With this development, business G56 134 and commercial activity were finally cut loose from other goals of G56 135 family life, allowing the systematic accumulation of capital. Such G56 136 expansion of the enterprise is not possible without the use of G56 137 rational accounting, which in turn must use an all purpose medium G56 138 of exchange - money. Only then can any true calculation of input G56 139 and output, of profit or loss be made.

G56 140 It is also true that the rational ordering of life is quite G56 141 possible whatever the chosen ends, even if they are 'unworldly' G56 142 ones. This is a point worth remembering in the context of the G56 143 present discussion. For example, European monasticism was just such G56 144 a system of living, for the glory of God, with its minutely G56 145 calibrated daily activities rigidly prescribed by the constant G56 146 ringing of bells. Yet even under monasticism, such attitudes seem G56 147 to mesh most easily with the rationalisation of economic life, for G56 148 the monasteries were also very often large farming and productive G56 149 enterprises. As Weber noted, "the Reformation took rational G56 150 Christian asceticism and its methodical habits out of the G56 151 monasteries and placed them in the service of active life in the G56 152 world" (Weber, 1971:235). In this way, the stage was set G56 153 for economic expansion, in enterprise which had "no G56 154 boundaries to this process of addition" (Sombart, 1916, G56 155 1953:35), and it is this type of enterprise and its descendants G56 156 which have been the concern of social commentators from the G56 157 seventeenth century onwards.

G56 158 Few have asked, however, about what happens to the household G56 159 which has been thus disengaged from production. Before trying to G56 160 answer that question it should be remembered that this separation G56 161 was a very slow process, starting with a few mercantile and G56 162 tradesmen's households which were exceptions to the general case of G56 163 more or less self-sufficient units which drew their sustenance G56 164 directly from the land; which ranged in scale from great landowners G56 165 to cottages. A high proportion of the income of such households G56 166 remained in kind, not cash. The large numbers of rural households G56 167 which were partially dependent on outwork (e.g. textiles, G56 168 straw-plaiting, lace-making) further complicates the total picture. G56 169 Nevertheless, the trend was for more and more household G56 170 relationships to involve a cash nexus, whether in the form of G56 171 proletarian wage earner, salaried or professional occupation, G56 172 tradesman, rentier, capitalist or a mixture of these. This shift G56 173 was associated with a higher proportion of families living in G56 174 towns, and, although this was an important aspect of the change, it G56 175 is not possible to discuss it here. The final and complete break, G56 176 however, was not reached in England until full extension of limited G56 177 liability with the passing of the Company Acts of 1856-62, which G56 178 once and for all freed business activity from any restraints G56 179 imposed by kinship obligations.

G56 180 The very slow pace of the separation of household and G56 181 enterprise and the persistence of home production of a great many G56 182 commodities did not prevent attempts to rationalise activity in G56 183 bourgeois homes as well as commercial enterprises. In particular G56 184 there seems to have been a transfer of the values of business into G56 185 the home. But these attempts were, and are to this day, G56 186 unsuccessful for two fundamental and interrelated reasons. The G56 187 first, and probably the most obvious, concerns the limited size of G56 188 the household. Neither vertical nor horizontal extension is really G56 189 possible and this means that economies of scale and the benefits of G56 190 specialisation are not practicable for a household. While the goal G56 191 of economic rationality is always the expansion of the enterprise, G56 192 there are inherent and quite narrow limits to household G56 193 expansion.

G56 194 Of course it is possible to point to examples of really large G56 195 establishments, but these are very exceptional. While one of the G56 196 biggest in the nineteenth century, Woburn Abbey, had fifty to sixty G56 197 indoor servants and could house several dozen guests, the mean G56 198 household size in social class I in York in 1851 was 6.02 (Bedford, G56 199 1959; Armstrong, 1974:189). As far as growth through devices such G56 200 as mergers or take-overs is concerned, there was a certain amount G56 201 of transfer of income and/or services between households across G56 202 generations or between siblings, but the whole tendency has been G56 203 for each family unit to act independently. In addition, because of G56 204 other effects of nineteenth- and twentieth-century capitalist G56 205 developments, households have tended to grow smaller as measured by G56 206 house size and numbers of inhabitants (Government Statistical G56 207 Office; 1973:12-13).

G56 208 The second point concerns the goals of family and household (it G56 209 should be noted that although the two terms are now almost G56 210 synonymous this has not always been the case). The problem here is G56 211 not that non-pecuniary ends cannot be reached by rational means, G56 212 but that the goals themselves - the maintenance of hierarchical G56 213 boundaries and ego-servicing of superiors - deny the use of G56 214 rational calculation.

G56 215 G56 216 G57 1 <#FLOB:G57\>Matters of Conscience

G57 2 Pamela F. Sims, Consultant obstetrician and gynaecologist, G57 3 Hexam, Northumberland

G57 4 Section 4 of the 1967 Abortion Act states that "no G57 5 person shall be under any duty, whether by contract or by any G57 6 statutory or other legal requirement, to participate in any G57 7 treatment authorised by this Act to which he has a conscientious G57 8 objection...".

G57 9 Background G57 10 It has long been felt by those of us working in the field of G57 11 gynaecology that there was discrimination against doctors holding a G57 12 pro-life position. As in the case of discrimination on grounds of G57 13 race and sex, it is always difficult to prove. How has the present G57 14 situation evolved since 1967?

G57 15 After the Abortion Act was passed the Chief Medical Officer G57 16 wrote various letters to the Regional Medical Officers (who are G57 17 responsible for employing consultants) seeking to amplify the G57 18 practical outworking of the law. On 19 February 1975 the CMO wrote: G57 19 "Where it can be established after consultation with the G57 20 relevant specialist advisers that there is a demand which cannot be G57 21 met and where patient care would suffer if a doctor appointed to a G57 22 particular vacancy did not feel able, on grounds of conscience to G57 23 be involved in, or advise on, the termination of pregnancy it may G57 24 be stated that the post includes duty to advise on, undertake, or G57 25 participate in termination of pregnancy. ... No reference to such G57 26 duties should be included in the advertisement of such a G57 27 post" but prospective candidates should be able to refer to G57 28 "further particulars" i.e. the job description. G57 29 Note, the (then) DHSS was to be informed whenever such wording was G57 30 used.

G57 31 The Select Committee on Abortion published its First Report G57 32 from the House of Commons in 1976. At that time they felt that G57 33 certain doctors were being barred from a number of posts. They G57 34 recommended that the CMO's 1975 letter should be withdrawn and G57 35 "that any new guidance should emphasise that conscientious G57 36 objection should not normally be a bar to appointment and that G57 37 'exceptions should be made only in rare circumstances'."

G57 38 Thus the Chief Medical Officer wrote again on 16 July 1979. He G57 39 felt that the procedures recommended in the previous letter had G57 40 been working "reasonably well" but he needed to G57 41 "clarify certain points".

G57 42 The CMO emphasised that termination duties should only be G57 43 included in job descriptions if adequate services within the NHS G57 44 were not already available. If they were, then termination duties G57 45 should not be specified.

G57 46 Guidance on interviewing procedure was given. The letter G57 47 clearly states that: "Unless the job description specifies G57 48 that the duties of the consultant appointed include termination of G57 49 pregnancy or advice on termination, candidates should not be asked G57 50 whether they would be prepared to undertake termination of G57 51 pregnancy."

G57 52 Regarding junior medical staff, that is any doctor 'junior' to G57 53 consultant, the CMO is unambiguous: "it is not necessary G57 54 for training purposes ... to undertake duties involving G57 55 termination, and for this reason it would appear inappropriate for G57 56 termination responsibilities to be included in the job description G57 57 of junior staff. It follows that (juniors) should not be questioned G57 58 prior to their appointment about their attitude to G57 59 termination."

G57 60 Recent Events

G57 61 As abortion became increasingly commonplace during the 70's and G57 62 80's so it is likely that the CMO guidelines were waived on many G57 63 occasions. In February 1988 the President of the Royal College of G57 64 Obstetricians and Gynaecologists, Mr George Pinker, understated the G57 65 situation in the College newsletter: "there have been one G57 66 or two unfortunate examples recently of Consultant Appointments in G57 67 which there has been no mention of the need for termination of G57 68 pregnancy duties in the job description and yet candidates have G57 69 been questioned about this at interview. This is against the G57 70 instructions issued by the Department of Health ... I hope this G57 71 recent rash of problems ... will not continue." However, G57 72 his exhortations evidently went unheeded. By the end of 1989 there G57 73 was clear evidence of three more instances of breaches of the CMO G57 74 guidelines.

G57 75 The Lancet of 8 April 1989 placed advertisements on G57 76 behalf of Trent Regional Health Authority for two consultant posts G57 77 in obstetrics and gynaecology. The following appeared: "The G57 78 successful applicants will each be expected to develop a special G57 79 interest ... for managing the District's abortion service within G57 80 the terms of the existing Act. The undertaking of abortions will be G57 81 shared amongst all Consultants in post." Similar cases G57 82 involved West Lambeth Health Authority, advertising for a G57 83 consultant community gynaecologist and South Tees Health Authority G57 84 advertising for a locum senior house officer. Both these appeared G57 85 in the British Medical Journal on 7 October.

G57 86 A member of the Christian Medical Fellowship, a consultant in a G57 87 related speciality, became aware of the wording of the Trent RHA G57 88 advertisement before publication. He informed CARE Campaigns who in G57 89 turn reminded the RHA and Central Nottinghamshire Health District G57 90 of the CMO guidelines.

G57 91 "Despite this warning, the advertisements were printed, G57 92 whereupon CARE Campaigns complained to Trent RHA. There was a weak G57 93 apology, but recruitment continued on the basis of the G57 94 discriminatory advertisements printed, and interviews of G57 95 short-listed candidates were due to be held on 5th June.

G57 96 At this point CARE prevailed upon a sympathetic MP (Sir Bernard G57 97 Braine) who contacted Mr Kenneth Clarke (Secretary of State for G57 98 Health) directly. On Friday, 2nd June, on the last working day G57 99 before the interviews, Mr Clarke intervened and cancelled the G57 100 interviews and recruiting process, and ordered that the posts be G57 101 readvertised.

G57 102 In the wake of these events the Chief Medical Officer wrote G57 103 another letter consolidating the advice given in his letters of G57 104 1975 and 1979. It was dated 11 October 1989 and simply reaffirms G57 105 the massage of the previous ones.

G57 106 This "rash of problems" to which the College G57 107 President referred began to gain a higher profile in the media. The G57 108 Social Services Committee of the House of Commons decided to hold G57 109 an Inquiry into the application of the Conscience Clause of the G57 110 1967 Abortion Act, in particular seeking evidence as to whether G57 111 recruitment into obstetrics and gynaecology is affected. Written G57 112 evidence was invited from those of us who had directly experienced G57 113 such discrimination, or witnessed it first-hand. But we were given G57 114 very little time to respond. Individuals wrote, bodies such as the G57 115 Christian Medical Fellowship and CARE - to whom we owe grateful G57 116 thanks for bringing the whole matter to a head the previous summer G57 117 - also submitted evidence. It was all in by the end of November G57 118 1989.

G57 119 For once we were able to see an organisation such as CMF making G57 120 its position clear. A range of positions on abortion is represented G57 121 within its 4,000 members, nevertheless it was able to clearly state G57 122 "we believe there IS evidence for discrimination against G57 123 those holding conservative views on abortion". This G57 124 evidence was based upon results of two surveys conducted by the CMF G57 125 amongst its own members during 1986 and 1987.

G57 126 CARE, in its submission to the Social Services Committee was G57 127 able to refer to its 70,000 supporters. The CARE Report clearly G57 128 outlines the recent development of "an abortion G57 129 culture", reminding the committee that as consultant G57 130 gynaecologists retire they tend to be replaced by those holding G57 131 more liberal views. In the present climate not only is recruitment G57 132 to the specialty<&|>sic! affected, but also the training and G57 133 professional advancement of young nurses and doctors. Both CARE and G57 134 CMF expressed concern over a wider range of issues than would G57 135 appear to be immediately relevant - from the recruitment of medical G57 136 students to the secretary who is unwilling to type letters G57 137 referring patients for abortion.

G57 138 I submitted my personal testimony, recounting my experience as G57 139 a registrar in a large London hospital. I was applying for senior G57 140 registrar posts at the time and was actually told by my consultant G57 141 that "I would never get a job while I held those G57 142 views".

G57 143 Oral Evidence

G57 144 The Social Services Committee sought oral evidence from various G57 145 sources. Firstly they sat with representative members of the G57 146 Department of Health. That meeting took place on 10th January 1990. G57 147 In the Chair was Frank Field, the rest of the Committee comprised G57 148 Andrew Bennett, Jerry Hayes, Ian McCartney, Geoffrey Pattie, David G57 149 Price, Roger Sims, Ann Widdecombe, and Nicholas Winterton. This G57 150 Committee was altered slightly when oral evidence was taken on 21st G57 151 March 1990; Jerry Hayes and Ian McCartney were replaced by Martin G57 152 Smyth and Audrey Wise.

G57 153 From the published Report of the Minutes of Evidence of the G57 154 first session, it would seem that the Department of Health has most G57 155 certainly not been fulfilling the requirements laid down in the G57 156 1975 CMO guidelines. They had not been effectively monitoring G57 157 medical job descriptions and advertisements. Mr Roy Cunningham, G57 158 Assistant Secretary, Department of Health, stated the following in G57 159 response to the challenge from Ann Widdecombe as to whether the DoH G57 160 is "doing their job which statutorily they are obliged to G57 161 do?" - "...It is possible with the passage of time G57 162 the advice issued in the late 1970's had fallen into some kind of G57 163 disuse in the Health Service."

G57 164 The problem of nurses holding to a position of conscientious G57 165 objection was also explored. Daphne Patey, Principle Nursing G57 166 Officer, was of the opinion that the Conscience Clause of the G57 167 Abortion Act was working out satisfactorily for nurses. Naturally G57 168 Ann Widdecombe had evidence to the contrary! It is worth G57 169 remembering that numerically very many more nurses than doctors G57 170 could be affected by the Abortion Act simply because there are very G57 171 many more nurses than doctors. However, nurses are much more likely G57 172 to move jobs or take a break from their career than doctors; G57 173 certainly once they have become established in a definitive G57 174 post.

G57 175 The second session of oral evidence before the Social Services G57 176 Committee took place on 21st March 1990 and heard evidence from G57 177 doctors. Some of us who had earlier submitted written evidence were G57 178 given the opportunity to amplify our position.

G57 179 Four gynaecologists, John McGarry, David Paintin, Timothy G57 180 Rutter and Wendy Savage were the first to be examined by the G57 181 members of the Social Services Committee. They were of the opinion G57 182 that doctors were not being discriminated against on the grounds of G57 183 conscientious objection to abortion. The three consultant G57 184 gynaecologists (all except Timothy Rutter) were at pains to explain G57 185 that they regularly appointed junior doctors who did not perform G57 186 abortions, on the grounds that they were otherwise well qualified G57 187 and had other qualities to offer. They presented glowing statistics G57 188 showing that they did much of the abortion work themselves. In G57 189 discussion there was a tendency to veer off the point (the G57 190 implementation of the Conscience Clause) towards the pros and cons G57 191 of abortion itself and current practice in the UK.

G57 192 Eventually it was the turn of 'our side' to give voice to the G57 193 other point of view. Representing the view that discrimination is G57 194 in fact rife was family planning doctor, Naomi Bankole; recently G57 195 (at long last) appointed consultant gynaecologist, Jonathan Brooks; G57 196 teaching hospital consultant (Birmingham) John Kelly; general G57 197 practitioner, Adrian Rogers and myself. One by one we were placed G57 198 under the spotlight and quizzed - fairly mercilessly at times - G57 199 about our respective positions. Not all of us held quite the same G57 200 views, and indeed the waters were even muddied by the issue of G57 201 freemasonry by Jonathan Brooks!

G57 202 We had met as a group shortly before going to the House of G57 203 Commons but were somewhat unprepared for the questions. A view was G57 204 emerging by the end of the questioning of both sides which was to G57 205 prove quite worrying to onlookers (particularly friends from SPUC, G57 206 Society for the Protection of the Unborn Child). The Committee was G57 207 wondering whether the answer to the problem of doctors not wishing G57 208 to do abortions, and for women wishing to obtain them easily, would G57 209 be to separate abortion services from the rest of gynaecology.

G57 210 Both sides felt this might possibly be an answer, though G57 211 speaking for 'our side' we had not been able to give this due G57 212 consideration beforehand. SPUC worried that this could pave the way G57 213 for even more 'abortion on demand' than we have at present. The G57 214 presence of anti-abortion doctors within the system has a breaking G57 215 effect, which once removed could possibly result in an increase in G57 216 abortion numbers. This is conjecture, however, as one could argue G57 217 that there might be a new stigma for those undergoing abortion, G57 218 perhaps even having an inhibitory effect.

G57 219 G58 1 <#FLOB:G58\>POP, NEO-POP POST-POP OR WHAT?

G58 2 Stuart Morgan wonders how far an art-historical term G58 3 can be stretched

G58 4 R<*_>e-acute<*/>my de Gourmont once pointed out how much more G58 5 difficult it is to abolish a term than to invent one. The business G58 6 of art history may depend on this very principle. Invent an '-ism', G58 7 for example, and someone will cap it with an anti-ism, apparently G58 8 challenging but actually confirming, your premise in the meantime. G58 9 Make a pretended quarrel about some flimsy matter of periodisation, G58 10 merely shoring it up as you do so, and your professional reputation G58 11 will be made. (Conservatism masquerading as revolt is always an G58 12 excellent career move.) British Pop Art expert Marco Livingstone G58 13 has written book after book, catalogue after catalogue, about his G58 14 chosen subject, including excellent monographs on Hockney and G58 15 Kitaj, but also on the appalling Allen Jones, the vacuous Peter G58 16 Phillips and more. Perhaps being a professional historian blinds G58 17 you to matters of quality. Or perhaps business is business.

G58 18 As time goes on, however, business is bound to decline what G58 19 else is there to be written? An extended monograph on the G58 20 Ruralists? Another essay on Hockney's Picasso rip-offs or cut-up G58 21 photographs? Last year, Livingstone's Pop Art: A Continuing G58 22 History appeared, a book as strange as its title suggests, not G58 23 changing our definition of Pop, but indicating the complexity in G58 24 its lineage, and working to expand it. Is Lisa Milroy a Pop Artist? G58 25 Or Ashley Bickerton? The real answer may be that the question was G58 26 not worth asking, that a movement like Pop corresponded to a moment G58 27 in history and that their economic backgrounds, places of birth, G58 28 influences, marketing, treatment of their media, in fact their G58 29 entire parameters of meaning, make Peter Blake and Jeff Koons not G58 30 simply strange bedfellows but completely incompatible ones, as the G58 31 recent Pop symposium at the Royal Academy suggested. How far can an G58 32 art historical term be stretched, after all, and why try?

G58 33 From the dodgy end of Livingstone's book, the end which reveals G58 34 that when he said "continuing history" he did not G58 35 mean the newer works of existing Pop artists but the new work by G58 36 new artists, comes the Serpentine Gallery's beautifully installed G58 37 pendant exhibition Objects from an Ideal Home, with its G58 38 muffled reference to Richard Hamilton's great collage What is G58 39 it...?. Perhaps it is at this point that the weak-willed and G58 40 easily led should take the advice of Nancy Reagan and just say G58 41 'No'. Or, 'Yes, but...'. Yes, John Armleder was a Fluxus member. G58 42 Yes, Richard Wentworth does know everything there is to know about G58 43 early Oldenburg. Yes, Edward Allington began his career by making G58 44 impeccable drawings of rubber dolls. Yes, Haim Steinbach forms a G58 45 link with the 60s by virtue of his age alone. Yes, the redoubtable G58 46 Sturtevant has drawn on Pop, but only because she G58 47 re-painted pictures by Pop artists.

G58 48 'If it looks like X it must be X' is not an argument any G58 49 respectable art historian would advance to cover art of the deep G58 50 past. The fact that we lived through it is just not persuasive G58 51 enough. Pop is indeed part of what today's artists know. So is G58 52 Japanese cookery, the Mercator projection and the conjugation of G58 53 Latin verbs. There is nothing to be gained by the related argument G58 54 'If it looks like a domestic object, it must be a work of Pop art G58 55 because Pop artists referred to domestic objects'. Is G58 56 Tapi<*_>e-grave<*/>s a Pop artist? Was Beuys? If there was anything G58 57 to be gained by calling Koons or Gober or Levine or Holzer or G58 58 Halley, Pop artists, we'd have done it already. And what is there G58 59 to be gained, apart from another group show?

G58 60 Entertain the thought for a moment. When Koons had German G58 61 craftsmen remake animal ornaments, was he making a Pop statement? G58 62 When Armleder painted on furniture and showed the result alongside G58 63 geometric (but partly domesticated) painting, was that Pop? If G58 64 'Pop' means a leavening, the reduction of transcendence to G58 65 mundanity, gallery to parlour, then an unbroken line connects 60s G58 66 Pop and 80s neo-Conceptualism, the common element being one of G58 67 debunking. ("I often say I've taken Newman's zip and turned G58 68 it into plumbing", Peter Halley wrote in 1986.) Certainly a G58 69 down-to-earthness permeates this exhibition, characterised by Clive G58 70 Barker's Venus de Milo with her Tongue in her Cheek. So G58 71 does a certain small-scale wit - Tony Cragg's broken china tigers G58 72 in cage-like metal containers, for example, or Julian Opie's G58 73 identical Minimalist wall-pieces-cum-ventilators. And Pop also G58 74 meant idealising, as in Grenville Davey's large-scale button, G58 75 regarded (for the purposes of this exhibition) as an Oldenburg G58 76 homage. But 60s Pop also began an investigation into art and G58 77 commerce: the relation between conveyor-belt and craftsmanship, G58 78 individuality and multiplicity. Only Edward Allington in his G58 79 do-it-yourself Greek architecture, Louise Lawler in her photograph G58 80 of Marilyn Monroe sold into slavery by Warhol, commodified, G58 81 labelled and ready to change hands, or Meye Vaisman in his artwork/ G58 82 self-portrait/ coinage/ caricature equation succeeded in hinting at G58 83 some of the mind-boggling ramifications of the arguments that G58 84 Warhol, Lichtenstein and Oldenburg proposed. Perhaps the arguments G58 85 of art historians and critics alike pale into insignificance in the G58 86 face of what these pioneers made possible: a politics of the G58 87 everyday, a felt connection between daily routine and greater, G58 88 uncontrollable power structures. Sometimes, as in Richard G58 89 Wentworth's The Weather, one of the quietest and G58 90 certainly one of the most effective works in the exhibition, we G58 91 feel that connection. Does that make it a work of Pop, neo-Pop, G58 92 post-Pop or what? Only Marco Livingstone or Alan Freeman could tell G58 93 us.

G58 94 G58 95 REALISM AND THE TWO GERMANYS

G58 96 John Roberts looks at the conflict over realism in G58 97 the former FDR and GDR

G58 98 Germany is the crucible of the modern debate on realism. The G58 99 debates of the 1930s (Benjamin, Brecht and Adorno in particular) G58 100 are still the founding moment of any adequate philosophical G58 101 engagement with the issue. The continuation of the arguments though G58 102 after 1949 in the two Germanys, with the formation of the GDR, has G58 103 been a history of subjugation, mystification and denial. The G58 104 powerful anti-Stalinist credentials of the early debate were not G58 105 something the GDR bureaucracy could stomach, just as the debate in G58 106 the FDR (after a brief flirtation with the idea of Capitalist G58 107 Realism in the early 60s and a revivalist kind of Berlin 'ugly G58 108 realism' in the late 70s) was either forgotten about or dismissed G58 109 in terms borrowed from the caricatures of the East.

G58 110 With the collapse of Stalinist state capitalism in the GDR and G58 111 the reunification of the two Germanys, these two partial traditions G58 112 now meet in a potentially new cultural space. This is very much the G58 113 theme of 'Models of Reality: Approaches to Realism in Modern German G58 114 Art', even though the organisers and contributors to the catalogue G58 115 would no doubt disagree with my provisional history. In his essay, G58 116 the former GDR critic Christoph Tannert clearly assumes he was G58 117 working under a socialist system.

G58 118 Artists from the East included Tina Bara, Volker Via G58 119 Lewandowsky, Werner T<*_>u-umlaut<*/>bke and Arno Fischer; from the G58 120 West, Gerhard Richter, Martin Kippenberger, G<*_>u-umlaut<*/>nther G58 121 F<*_>o-umlaut<*/>rg and Bernhard and Anna Blume. This is a G58 122 suggestive selection inasmuch as it pits Werner G58 123 T<*_>u-umlaut<*/>bke, the leading GDR socialist realist, against G58 124 West Germany's Gerhard Richter, the modernist scourge of G58 125 conventional realism. In fact this is the key theme of the show: G58 126 realism as (unproblematic) reportage and historical witness, and G58 127 'realism' as the critique of representation.

G58 128 Socialist realism in its classic form, particularly in the GDR, G58 129 privileged a given set of signifiers (the victorious Red Army, G58 130 Allende's defeat, manual labour, etc.) as a kind of fetishisation G58 131 of the popular. T<*_>u-umlaut<*/>bke certainly acknowledged this G58 132 framework and its aims - he couldn't do otherwise - but like G58 133 Brecht's anti-Stalinist Stalinist, he was a bit more canny than G58 134 most. Closer to the Party and the GDR state than perhaps any of the G58 135 country's other leading artists, his epic history paintings G58 136 nevertheless produce a troubling sense of displacement. G58 137 T<*_>u-umlaut<*/>bke's allegories of German peasant history and G58 138 class struggle have the look of an artist trying to outdot the 'i's G58 139 of the most ardent advocate of Luk<*_>a-acute<*/>csian typicality, G58 140 in a display of traditional skills that borders on the neurotic. It G58 141 is as if the only adequate form for painting under an authoritarian G58 142 regime was itself an authoritarian one. Represented here by two G58 143 small 'altar piece' history paintings and the larger G58 144 Verspottung eines Ablass-H<*_>a-umlaut<*/>ndlers, 1976, a G58 145 medieval scene of the torture of a monk accused of satanism, G58 146 T<*_>u-umlaut<*/>bke is undoubtedly the most important artist the G58 147 GDR produced, if only because the allegories are susceptible to a G58 148 second-order allegorical reading themselves.

G58 149 Similarly Richter is perhaps the most interesting artist the G58 150 Federal Republic has produced since the late 60s. Having left the G58 151 GDR just before the Berlin Wall was built his whole development as G58 152 an artist sensitive to the modernist critique of history painting G58 153 has been to map out a space of negotiation between the continuing G58 154 legitimacy of the act of painting and the distributive power of G58 155 modern mechanised imagery. Richter, essentially, is a history G58 156 painter engaging with photography's critique and displacement of G58 157 the public function of history painting. This at least makes his G58 158 art a more legitimate candidate for the mantle of realism, insofar G58 159 as he acknowledges the contradictions of his practice as a painter G58 160 in the form of the work itself. What made his series 18. G58 161 Oktober 1977 shown at the CAI in 1989 so vivid, and one of the G58 162 best visiting exhibitions of the late 80s, was its transformation G58 163 of the historical referent (police archive photographs of the G58 164 'suicides' of the Red Army Faction in the Stannheim<&|>sic! gaol) G58 165 into a focus for the reading of history itself. The blurred quality G58 166 of the grey paintings actually gave form to the subsequent G58 167 historical perception of those events: the suppression and G58 168 disavowal of that period by the West German state. As a result the G58 169 work places the spectator in a position of critical tension between G58 170 identification with the group (utopianism) and with that act of G58 171 disapproval.

G58 172 In fact this historical moment is an important one for G58 173 understanding the development of the realist debate, and the G58 174 relationship between culture and politics, in the Federal Republic. G58 175 The RAF was to a large extent the most extreme manifestation of a G58 176 dominant Maoist current on the German left in the 70s, a tendency G58 177 that was characterised by an exaggerated (and desperate) political G58 178 voluntarism. With the intellectual bankruptcy of this tradition in G58 179 the wake of the demise of the RAF, the extra-parliamentary left G58 180 opposition went into deep crisis. Those elements that weren't G58 181 pulled to the right or the SPD moved in the direction of the G58 182 emerging green movement with its 'broad church' ecologism (i.e. G58 183 deep ecologists, ex-Nazis, as well as ex-revolutionaries). An G58 184 intellectual vacuum emerged amongst those still prepared to argue G58 185 for the historical possibility of a socialism left of the SPD. As G58 186 with the crises of Maoism in Italy and France in the 70s one of the G58 187 immediate beneficiaries culturally of this was post-structuralism G58 188 and its more apocalyptic variants. Coupled with the remnants of a G58 189 strong Western Marxist tradition in intellectual circles, with its G58 190 emphasis upon the importance of commodity fetishism and a 'total G58 191 system' view of capitalist relations, the possibility of any G58 192 projective re-theorisation of culture and politics was effectively G58 193 forestalled.

G58 194 There are of course exceptions to this rule. For example G58 195 G<*_>u-umlaut<*/>nter Grass's public interventions (a leading G58 196 figure in the SPD but intellectually outside it), and G58 197 J<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rgen Habermas's heavily rationalistic hybrid G58 198 Marxism. However, Grass is not theorist and Habermas's interests G58 199 have never been specifically cultural, just as this intellectual G58 200 counter to the rise of the new 'left' irrationalism in the Federal G58 201 Republic has had little effect on the ground. Since the late 70s G58 202 there has not been a steady socialist tradition, if you like, that G58 203 could nurture a broad debate on culture and politics by drawing on G58 204 and bringing together the work of a younger generation and G58 205 important work from <}_><-|>aboard<+|>abroad<}/>.

G58 206 This to a certain extent did happen in Britain, though, which G58 207 is why the debate on realism in Britain during the 70s and 80s G58 208 (through film and photography mainly) was far in advance of G58 209 anything that occurred elsewhere in Europe. G58 210 G59 1 <#FLOB:G59\>SIMON FRITH

G59 2 ANGLO-AMERICA AND ITS DISCONTENTS

G59 3 I

G59 4 I started writing this paper during the early stages of the G59 5 fight for the leadership of the Conservative Party which led so G59 6 unexpectedly to the demise of Margaret Thatcher. What was already G59 7 clear was that the Tories were split on attitudes to Europe and G59 8 that these, in turn, reflected attitudes to the USA. To put it G59 9 crudely, the pro-Europeans, like Michael Heseltine, were implicitly G59 10 anti-American, while those who believed in 'the special G59 11 relationship', like Mrs Thatcher, were explicitly anti-European.

G59 12 This is not the place to explore these arguments further (or G59 13 the way they were complicated by the Gulf War), but they did G59 14 reflect a broader British anxiety. Is our identity essentially G59 15 linguistic, reaching across the Atlantic to North America and the G59 16 Caribbean, south to the old colonies, to Australia, South Africa, G59 17 to India and Hong Kong? Or are we all Europeans now, part of a free G59 18 market that is set to expand East, our Island status finally G59 19 sacrificed to the Channel Tunnel?

G59 20 From a pop fan's perspective this question may seem silly. G59 21 Contemporary popular music, rock, is Anglo-American; the G59 22 language of success is English. And, whatever I may say, musicians G59 23 in France and Japan, Brazil and the Philippines, Finland and Zaire G59 24 know where musical power lies. Even so, as an Anglo, I'm not G59 25 convinced that the Anglo-American domination of worldwide popular G59 26 music is as extensive or secure as it seems.

G59 27 To begin with, 'Anglo-American' music is a relatively recent G59 28 invention, dating from 1963-4 and the rise of The Beatles. Before G59 29 then Britain was just as insignificant and derivative a nation in G59 30 pop terms as any other European country. Our Elvis Presley, Cliff G59 31 Richard, was no more important outside Britain (and the G59 32 Commonwealth) than France's Elvis Presley, Johnny Halliday, was G59 33 outside France (and the French colonies) or than Italy's Elvis G59 34 Presley, Little Tony, outside Italy. Young British listeners then G59 35 were dependent for rock and roll sounds on Radio Luxembourg, and G59 36 the British music industry agitated volubly for protectionist G59 37 measures: guaranteed airplay for British records and British songs; G59 38 exclusion of touring American musicians to protect the livelihood G59 39 of the locals. In tracing the global progress of 'Rock Around the G59 40 Clock', say, or the Twist, we would find no particular reason for G59 41 singling out their British impact. My first question, then, is, if G59 42 there was a time before Anglo-American pop, couldn't there G59 43 also be a time after it?

G59 44 The peculiarity of the post-Beatles situation is also indicated G59 45 by a brief look at other media. International book publishing could G59 46 be characterized, analogously, as Anglo-American; international G59 47 magazine publishing could not - publishing giants from Spain and G59 48 Germany dominate both continental Europe and sectors of the British G59 49 market. The global market for films and television programmes is G59 50 American rather than Anglo-American; British film policy has long G59 51 been organized, unsuccessfully, around the defence of the British G59 52 film industry; the export of British television remains largely G59 53 restricted to 'quality' shows. Even more strikingly, the world's G59 54 most played and watched game, Association football, has little G59 55 appeal in the USA, while its national sports, American football and G59 56 baseball, are not much watched anywhere else.

G59 57 In short, Anglo-Americanism isn't an inevitable description of G59 58 mass global culture, even in those media in which a shared language G59 59 is at a premium. The USA dominates the worldwide film and G59 60 television industries because of its market size and the economies G59 61 of scale: its producers can cover their production costs G59 62 domestically and undercut any other producers internationally. And G59 63 its market dominance has enabled it to exercise cultural dominance G59 64 too - not simply in the spoken language on the screen, but in G59 65 visual and narrative terms too. What has come to be seen as film G59 66 and television entertainment - in terms of genre and spectacle and G59 67 pace - was defined by Hollywood studio conventions and American G59 68 cinemagoers' tastes. Why didn't this happen in music too?

G59 69 Within the industry itself, two reasons are usually given for G59 70 Britain's importance in international music-making: first, the UK G59 71 is a talent pool; second, it is a test market. G59 72 My second question is whether either of these situations is G59 73 permanent.

G59 74 Britain became a pop talent pool in the 1960s and 1970s for a G59 75 variety of local reasons to do with the peculiar characteristics of G59 76 its musicians in terms of youth culture and education, but also G59 77 because of our long familiarity with American song forms and song G59 78 language (though there was nothing inevitable about this - Britain G59 79 has not produced more jazz musicians than other European countries, G59 80 for example). By the 1980s though, just as convincing 'American' G59 81 musicians were emerging from Sweden and Australia, form Germany and G59 82 Iceland, and the rise of 'world music' is a reminder that these G59 83 days successful Western pop can come from anywhere - in this case G59 84 mostly via Paris. Britain's uniqueness as a pop talent pool can no G59 85 longer be taken for granted.

G59 86 Its importance as a test market is, equally, a matter of G59 87 structural, historical circumstances (a national monopoly G59 88 broadcasting service, an influential music press, a music culture G59 89 more marked by stylistic differences than by class or geographical G59 90 mobility). British pop norms were thus important when the G59 91 international business thought in terms of youth and fashion (and G59 92 British singles sales were accurate indicators of future worldwide G59 93 album sales and stardom); they are less so for the pursuit of the G59 94 yuppie demographic and the corporate tie-in. Since punk, British G59 95 taste has, in fact, been decidedly erratic in international terms G59 96 (the 'second British invasion' of the USA, in the early days of G59 97 MTV, simply reflected a brief moment of revived teen marketing). G59 98 These days record companies are as likely to use the 'grown-up' G59 99 Dutch market as the British youth market as their testing G59 100 ground.

G59 101 The irony of this situation is that it was Britain's rise to G59 102 importance as talent pool and test market that changed the G59 103 conditions of musical production and consumption that gave it that G59 104 importance in the first place. The immediate business effect of G59 105 Britain's American impact in the mid-sixties was the G59 106 invasion of London by American A&R and marketing teams; by the end G59 107 of the decade Britain's leading musical 'exports' were being sold G59 108 by non-British companies. Twenty years on, EMI remains Britain's G59 109 only major label, and the seventies rock independents, like Island, G59 110 have been absorbed by foreign companies (even Virgin Records is now G59 111 dependent on Japanese investment).

G59 112 In the music business, then, 'Anglo-American' describes a G59 113 particular historical period and conceals a greater dependence of G59 114 the Anglo on the American than the order of the terms might G59 115 suggest. At the same time, the usual snootiness about European rock G59 116 conceals a much longer history in which British musicians have been G59 117 part of a European (rather than American) music world. The Beatles, G59 118 after all, survived as a group (and forged the style that made them G59 119 famous) playing clubs in Germany, and all 'alternative' British G59 120 musicians since, from the progressive rockers like Soft Machine and G59 121 Henry Cow at the end of the 1960s to the punk and indie bands of G59 122 the 1970s and 1980s have been dependent for their bedrock income on G59 123 European clubs, European broadcasters, European festivals, and G59 124 European audiences. The history of British club music has, G59 125 similarly, from the 'discotheques' of the 1960s to 1980s Hi-NRG, G59 126 Balearic beat and acid house, been the history of a European G59 127 phenomenon, even if one dependent for its sounds on Black American G59 128 musicians.

G59 129 There are obvious economic reasons why, for a young band or G59 130 little label, Europe is a better market than the USA: it is nearer, G59 131 more compact, and more familiar in its promotional institutions. G59 132 Even such an obviously Anglo-American form as heavy metal, for G59 133 example, now has a European identity (to which British bands must G59 134 subscribe) - a touring circuit, radio and TV shows, a German-based G59 135 magazine (with English and Spanish editions), a pool of musicians G59 136 who all sound the same whether they're from Germany or Sweden, G59 137 Britain or, now, Eastern Europe. As it becomes harder for any G59 138 group or record company to cover production and promotion costs on G59 139 British sales alone, so it becomes necessary for all British G59 140 bands to go for international sales from the start, and Europe is G59 141 not only nearer than the USA, these days it also generates more G59 142 music income. The 1980s deregulation of European broadcasting, for G59 143 instance, led to a huge rise in the demand for music programming, G59 144 whether in the form of videos, studio appearances or concert G59 145 footage, and late eighties pop groups like the Pet Shop Boys or G59 146 Bananarama planned their marketing strategy accordingly.

G59 147 What we have here is less a new invasion of Europe by British G59 148 pop than the development of European pop institutions (commercial G59 149 music TV and radio, teen magazines) to go alongside the G59 150 well-established European rock institutions. British musicians and G59 151 entrepreneurs are key players in these institutions but they are G59 152 not British institutions. Thus Britain's most significant radio G59 153 deejay, John Peel (who began his career in the 1960s as a British G59 154 voice in Texas) is now effectively a Euro deejay. He broadcasts G59 155 weekly for both Finnish radio and Hilversum, and his BBC World G59 156 Service show is probably now more important promotionally than his G59 157 Radio 1 programmes. These days he includes more European than G59 158 American sounds in his playlist.

G59 159 From this perspective, 1992 (the year the European Community G59 160 becomes a free-trade area, taking down the final barriers to the G59 161 flow of goods, services and labour, harmonizing the various G59 162 national laws on licensing and copy-right) marks the logical end of G59 163 a process, rather than a beginning. Production is already G59 164 centralized in pan-European terms - most 'British' records, tapes G59 165 and CDs and all British record sleeves are now manufactured in G59 166 France or Germany. As for taste (using the charts for a moment as G59 167 its basic measure), British consumers already have more in common G59 168 with their European neighbours than with the USA, at least in terms G59 169 of new music. 'Anglo-American', one might conclude, is just another G59 170 name for 'classic' rock.

G59 171 II G59 172 What are the implications of this for national and G59 173 international pop?

G59 174 The first thing we need to do is rethink what is meant by a G59 175 'major' record company. In the last decade there have been two G59 176 significant changes in the international music business: first, the G59 177 USA is no longer economically dominant - RCA's absorption into the G59 178 German publishing company, BMG (the Bertelsmann Group), and Sony's G59 179 takeover of CBS, leaves WEA (now Time-Warner) as the only American G59 180 'giant' (the others are both European - Britain's Thorn EMI, and G59 181 the Dutch Polygram); second, this takeover activity (also reflected G59 182 in internal restructurings and lower-level deals like the G59 183 Mitsushita purchase of MCA) marks a recomposition of the G59 184 hardware/software relationship. As both the pace of technological G59 185 change and the consumer boom in domestic electronic goods slow G59 186 down, so ownership of the software (the films and music) becomes G59 187 more desirable. The digital-recording age has reached the stage the G59 188 electrical-recording age reached in the 1960s.

G59 189 Two points follow from this, one conceptual, one G59 190 methodological. Conceptually we can no longer sensibly define the G59 191 international music market in nationalistic terms, with some G59 192 countries (the USA, the UK) imposing their culture on others. This G59 193 does not describe the cultural consequences of the new G59 194 multinationals: whose culture do Sony-CBS and BMG-RCA represent?

G59 195 Methodologically, we can no longer measure the multinational G59 196 penetration of national cultures with statistics of personal G59 197 consumption. (How many records sold in each country? On which G59 198 labels? With which artists?) The basic unreliability of these G59 199 figures, particularly in smaller (and/or pirate-ridden) markets G59 200 distorts the picture in the majors' favour (their sales are more G59 201 likely to be reported) and, anyway, as their income base shifts G59 202 from primary to secondary rights ownership, so record sales cease G59 203 to be the best measure of even their success.

G59 204 Measuring national music success is equally problematic, and a G59 205 simple reference to record labels is certainly inadequate. One G59 206 effect of the digital 'revolution' in recording (another aspect of G59 207 the changing relationship between hard and software) has been to G59 208 transform the grounds of 'local' production: what Paul G59 209 Th<*_>e-acute<*/>berge has characterized as a G59 210 "universalization of sound" means that music can G59 211 sound the same (share the global acoustic) wherever it comes from; G59 212 what once were 'demos' are now to all intents and purposes G59 213 'finished' products. G59 214 G59 215 G59 216 G60 1 <#FLOB:G60\>Keith Douglas's

G60 2 Phonetic Rhetoric and Phonetic Lyricism:

G60 3 a study of three poems

G60 4 David I. Masson

G60 5 Keith Douglas, 1920-44, who fought in the tank warfare with the G60 6 Eighth Army in the North African desert, was killed by a shell in G60 7 Normandy. Bernard Spencer records that Douglas considered himself G60 8 as in the tradition of Wilfred Owen. But his subject was not the G60 9 pity of war; rather, the precise nature of the war experience in G60 10 all its horror and mystery. And indeed, many of his poems even G60 11 after enlistment have quite other subjects.

G60 12 As a student in Oxford, Douglas insisted, in a printed G60 13 symposium on poetry, that "every word must work for its G60 14 keep". As late as September 1941 he was writing a 'Song' in G60 15 which a musical refrain strikes an old-fashioned romantic note. But G60 16 by October 1942 the impacts of desert warfare had eroded his G60 17 lyricism and replaced it by a sharper, harsher kind of poetry. He G60 18 wrote on 10 August 1943 to fellow poet J. C. Hall, who had strongly G60 19 criticized his new style: "My rhythms, which you find G60 20 enervated, are carefully chosen to enable the poems to be read G60 21 as significant speech: I see no reason to be either musical or G60 22 sonorous about things at present. When I do, I shall be so again, G60 23 and glad to. I suppose I reflect the cynicism and the careful G60 24 absence of expectation (it is not quite the same as apathy) with G60 25 which I view the world.... I never tried to write about war... G60 26 [with one exception], until I had experienced it. Now I will write G60 27 of it, and perhaps one day cynic and lyric will meet and make me a G60 28 balanced style. Certainly you will never see the long metrical G60 29 similes and galleries of images again." Particular G60 30 obsessions, however, reveal themselves throughout his all too brief G60 31 poetical life in certain symbolic words which have been noted in G60 32 William Scammell's excellent study of 1988; and some of Douglas's G60 33 phonetic patterns may be considered to reflect these thematic G60 34 obsessions, though in a manner governed by each individual context. G60 35 For Douglas uses both half-rhymes in the structure of his poems (to G60 36 be discussed fully below), and rich sound-patterning which G60 37 illuminates his imagery, his vision, and the rhetoric of the poem. G60 38 This sensuous bonding is of course much diluted in his harsher G60 39 pieces, but it is present in strength in some of his most intense G60 40 war poems and returns fully again where his personal emotions are G60 41 most openly shown. Douglas found half-rhymes and free phonetic G60 42 patterning in Wilfred Owen, but handled both differently in a style G60 43 that is triumphantly his own. Ted Hughes, in comparing Douglas and G60 44 Owen, contrasted the "masculine movement" and G60 45 "musical structures" of Douglas with Owen's G60 46 "feminine" timbre, but did not adduce sounds or phonetic G60 47 patterns.

G60 48 My studies of sound-patterning in poetry were made in many G60 49 articles of 1951-76. The reader is referred particularly to five. G60 50 The difficulties of investigation and presentation in this field G60 51 are the steering of a course between the Scylla of pedantic G60 52 over-analysis and the Charybdis of subjectively emotional response; G60 53 between a smothering detail and a windy vagueness. Fundamentally, a G60 54 poem is a repeatable utterance for which the written or printed G60 55 text is merely an instruction (as a musical score is an instruction G60 56 for performance). Notwithstanding their complex mental, practical G60 57 and emotional associations, words are not mere semantic entities. G60 58 They were never meant to be soundlessly logged from the printed G60 59 page of poetry, at least. They are sensuous collocations, G60 60 articulated, felt in the mouth, uttered, sensed through the ear, G60 61 and should be embraced in all these sensory associations. In our G60 62 modern conditioning by print, we tend to forget this (and more G60 63 recently words have been used in poems without thought for these G60 64 values), but the silent reader can still sense articulation and G60 65 sound, as a trained reader can pick up from a sheet of music the G60 66 melody and harmony and in some cases the actual instrumentation. G60 67 Unless the reader is of a minority psychological type devoid of G60 68 utterance imagery, he must be ultimately capable of response to the G60 69 poem as utterance. Moreover, when word echoes word or syllable G60 70 syllable, or a sequence of speech sounds is repeated or even G60 71 varied, such echoings have a synergistic effect. They create a G60 72 sensuous entity which comments on the sense. Not only can this G60 73 embellish, rubricate, become implicated in a given passage or G60 74 statement. If poet and reader be capable (as in most cases) of G60 75 visual imagery, a use of sound-patterns may reflect for both G60 76 persons the scene as well as the argument, the sense as well as the G60 77 feeling. In many cases the words involved in a particular image or G60 78 argument are linked together by a particular set of phonetic G60 79 elements. Douglas, with his scorn of the critics, would doubtless G60 80 have been intolerant of the sort of investigation upon which I am G60 81 embarked. Notwithstanding this, I believe that what I uncover in G60 82 such work is an often overlooked part of the inner substance of G60 83 poetry, of the sources of its authority and appeal in so far as G60 84 these depend on utterance: poetry's roots in infantile babbling and G60 85 primitive chant, and its relation to the poet's personality.

G60 86 One may first distinguish broad categories of structural, G60 87 melodic, and programmatic sound-effects, besides the type of G60 88 sound-organization that confers generalized authority, G60 89 authenticity, upon the statements and images that it accompanies, G60 90 and the more phrase-bound support of syntax and semantic G60 91 collocations. These last two I shall dub 'authenticating' and G60 92 'statement-supporting' effects. The programmatic effects of sound G60 93 in poetry are like those in music, in that they do not depend on G60 94 rigid one-to-one correspondence; they are suggestive. In every G60 95 musical or poetic context there is only a particular range of G60 96 possible relevances. Any ambiguities in a passage of music within a G60 97 particular range are supposed to be dispelled by the musical G60 98 context and totality of the opus, the composer's notes, if any, and G60 99 the title. In poetry, such ambiguities are severely curtailed by G60 100 the words themselves and their implications. No, this is not a G60 101 mere circular argument: it is a statement of facts about relations. G60 102 It is not true that one may find anything one fancies in a given G60 103 manifestation of sounds or articulations; theories of G60 104 Ur-language (for example), such as the gestural and the G60 105 bow-wow, however unproven they were in themselves, were founded G60 106 upon natural imitative tendencies, often unconscious, in infants G60 107 and adults. Like the fingers, the tongue and the mouth ape the G60 108 occurrences of an outside world. The principles by which they do so G60 109 have to be the basis of one's interpretation, anyone's G60 110 interpretation, of sounds, articulations, and their patterns, in G60 111 poetry. A paragraph below defines such programme effects.

G60 112 Douglas was not a merely musical poet, a composer of sounds; G60 113 even in a few 'Songs' he has a good grip on meaning; nor was he an G60 114 emotional poet in any simple sense: he was a poet to whom sounds or G60 115 articulations came naturally as tools for the propositions that he G60 116 was trying to construct. His work involves both authenticating and G60 117 statement-supporting sound-patterns, while his truly programmatic G60 118 effects are subtle, much more so than, for example, those of G60 119 Wilfred Owen. While we may feel some of his various effects, we G60 120 need to dissect them and to work out how and where they connect G60 121 with his meanings, and we may also try to guess which were G60 122 conscious and which not. We shall find them to be far richer, more G60 123 intricate, and more apposite, in certain poems, than can be G60 124 appreciated in a single reading or hearing, or even in many. My G60 125 three whole-poem examples show to what a pitch of excellence he G60 126 could attain in this art, and one must wonder how he might have G60 127 dominated the poetic scene if he had survived.

G60 128 In my principal encyclopedia article I distinguished the G60 129 following types of effect, which often merge and overlap: G60 130 Structural Emphasis, Underpinning (more subtle), and G60 131 conversely Counterpoising: these structural devices do G60 132 sometimes appear in Douglas (notably in my first whole-poem G60 133 example); Rubricating Emphasis (of words or images), G60 134 Tagging/Labelling (precise punctuation of syntax or G60 135 thought by placing of sounds), Correlation (indirect support G60 136 of argument by related echoes), Implication (more involved G60 137 interconnexion of sound, meaning, and feeling), and G60 138 Diagramming (the abstract pattern symbolizes the sense): all G60 139 these may be found in Douglas, even diagramming, and it is in G60 140 rubrication, correlation and implication that authenticating G60 141 effects frequently reside, while labelling and diagramming may be G60 142 separated off as statement-supporting; Sound-Representation: G60 143 used by Owen but virtually never by Douglas (I do not count 'BANG', G60 144 etc.); Illustrative Mime (mouth movements recall motion and G60 145 shape), and Illustrative Painting (articulations, sounds, G60 146 or their patterns, correspond to appearances or non-acoustic G60 147 sensations, in a variety of synaesthesia): these two occur in G60 148 Douglas; Passionate Emphasis: not in Douglas; Mood G60 149 Evocation (tone colours resemble vocalizations natural to the G60 150 emotions): hardly perceptible in Douglas; Expressive Mime G60 151 (mouth movements ape the expression of emotion), and G60 152 Expressive Painting (sounds, articulations, or their G60 153 arrangement, correspond to feelings or impressions): both can be G60 154 found in subtle forms in Douglas, but are not prominent; G60 155 Ebullience (pure exuberance in sound), Embellishment G60 156 (superficially musical), and Incantation (profoundly musical G60 157 or magical): Douglas got rid of embellishment, shows no ebullience, G60 158 and incantation is alien to him (I do not count repeated G60 159 song-refrains), except in one place, in 'Simplify me when I'm dead' G60 160 (May 1941?), the lines "when hairless I came howling in | G60 161 as the moon came in the cold sky". Douglas's type of G60 162 occasional magic, less awe-inspiring, more transfixing, is that of G60 163 a conjurer; his statements suddenly produce a marvel or a paradox, G60 164 usually a totally comfortless one, which his phonemes in their G60 165 man<*_>oe-ligature<*/>uvres help in one way or another to bring G60 166 about. Correlation and implication, frequent in Douglas, often G60 167 confer authority upon a given statement or image.

G60 168 Douglas, who had read Auden as well as Owen, developed during G60 169 his short poetic life a habit of employing half-rhymes or, as G60 170 Scammell (like others) sometimes calls them, pararhymes, and in G60 171 forms which are even more free than those of these two poets, in G60 172 fact now and then barely perceptible, as for instance G60 173 'scenery':'tracery' in 'Landscape with Figures 2', G60 174 'laughter':'whisper' in 'Gallantry', or G60 175 'cont<*_>e-acute<*/>nt':'equipment' in 'Vergissmeinnicht'. His G60 176 metrical schemes are often, and increasingly, irregular, with G60 177 intervening short lines and long syllable-crowded lines. This was G60 178 partly his response to the pressures of war, as he makes clear to G60 179 J. C. Hall in the letter of 10 August 1943. Some of the scansion G60 180 does jar; not, however, as badly as in the earlier poem (still in G60 181 England), 'Simplify me when I'm dead', at the 'type and G60 182 intelligence' sesquipedalian line 11; though it is hard to know how G60 183 Douglas could possibly have civilized this prosy obstinate misfit G60 184 of a line. The richness of his free phonetic patterning compensates G60 185 for those irregularities, though this richness does not exceed that G60 186 attained by many writers of all ages and languages who were more G60 187 conventional as craftsmen. Such bonding through articulation and G60 188 sounds is free indeed of the bone-structure of a poem, but offsets G60 189 his irregular structures by internal-external rhyming or G60 190 consonances, as well as by its attachment to the sense, feeling or G60 191 implications of the words, and the way in which it more broadly G60 192 enhances the authority and power of the poetry. How far these G60 193 phonetic bonds were consciously worked out is doubtful: the G60 194 accomplished poet should probably, and in most cases seems to, work G60 195 subconsciously from a feeling of rightness in his final choice of G60 196 words, though undoubtedly some of the more plangent and rhetorical G60 197 sound-echoes will be fully recognized and acknowledged by the G60 198 poetic craftsman (and his readers).

G60 199 Poetry can be considered from the point of view of its density, G60 200 tension, or concentration; and these, in various aspects such as G60 201 reasoning, imagery, or utterance of sound. Dilute, relaxed, or G60 202 rarified poetry exists, but there is little of that in Douglas, G60 203 except a certain relaxation in a few 'Songs' including perhaps G60 204 'Sanctuary' (1940); but even in such pieces the imagery tends to be G60 205 fairly densely packed, while their phonetic linkages are quite G60 206 marked even where they are relatively simple. G60 207 G61 1 <#FLOB:G61\>Introducing the Agricultural & Allied Education G61 2 Sector

G61 3 Richard Eve, NATFHE's first Agricultural Sector Officer, G61 4 outlines the history and fills in the present picture

G61 5 The setting-up of this new sector within NATFHE follows the G61 6 affirmative vote by members of the Association of Agricultural G61 7 Education Staffs to transfer their engagements as an independent G61 8 trade union to NATFHE. This transfer took place on 4 September 1990 G61 9 and was announced by our President, Judith Summers, at the joint G61 10 NATFHE/AUT reception held at the TUC in Blackpool. The new sector G61 11 was more formally launched at a recent reception in the Houses of G61 12 Parliament, reported elsewhere in this issue.

G61 13 For those members of NATFHE who may know little about the G61 14 Agricultural Education service the following brief history may be G61 15 of interest.

G61 16 Before the second world war, responsibility for both education G61 17 and advice to farmers and growers was shared by the Ministry of G61 18 Agriculture and the County Councils. This was not mandatory, and G61 19 there was no set pattern, so some counties had a Farm Institute G61 20 providing a range of courses and an advisory service, while others G61 21 had almost no provision at all.

G61 22 Generally speaking, there was least agricultural education in G61 23 the rural counties most needing it, because they had the smallest G61 24 populations and lowest incomes and could not afford it!

G61 25 During the war, when food production was a priority, the G61 26 agricultural advice service was uniformly expanded under the War G61 27 Agricultural Executive Committees, and the success of this pointed G61 28 towards its continuation after the war.

G61 29 In the<&/>sic! 1943 the Luxmoore Report on post-war G61 30 Agricultural Education proposed a national council to oversee both G61 31 the new advisory service and a new agricultural education system G61 32 for the whole country, under central control. The proposal was G61 33 never adopted, and in 1946 the Ministry of Agriculture set up the G61 34 National Agricultural Advisory Service, thereby bringing about the G61 35 divorce of advice from education and leaving the LEAs responsible G61 36 for provision of agricultural education. As a result of this it was G61 37 decided to bring the service into the Burnham procedure and so a G61 38 meeting was held in May 1946 to elect a panel to represent the G61 39 teachers' side on the Agricultural Education Panel of Burnham. It G61 40 was led by J. Wickham Murray of the NUT, and A. E. Evans of the G61 41 ATTI (NATFHE's predecessor) provided the secretariat.

G61 42 In order to consolidate the work and gains made by the Panel it G61 43 was recognised that a representative body should be formed and, in G61 44 December 1946, a meeting was held to decide whether to join an G61 45 existing organisation or go it alone. Messrs Wickham Murray and G61 46 Evans expounded the virtues of joining ATTI but, despite some G61 47 support and after a long debate, it was unanimously agreed to form G61 48 a separate organisation. It was to be twenty years before a G61 49 partnership with ATTI became a reality. A Committee was set up to G61 50 draft rules and a constitution and it held its first meeting in G61 51 January 1947, with the first meeting of the Annual Conference being G61 52 in April 1947. The initial sub was 10/- per annum and at the end of G61 53 the first year of operation the balance in hand was pounds22.11.1d G61 54 - some 30% of the total income!! This new organisation was to go G61 55 from strength to strength and was equal to the many challenges and G61 56 changes of the next forty or so years.

G61 57 New subjects, new involvements

G61 58 There are 48 separate institutions in England and Wales and G61 59 several departments of Agriculture linked to Further Education G61 60 colleges. Most of these institutions provide residential courses of G61 61 varying duration in Agriculture and allied subjects. The G61 62 diversification that has taken place in recent years reflects the G61 63 changes that have become apparent in the rural community. Whilst G61 64 high tech animal production, crop technology and agricultural G61 65 business management still feature as the mainstay of the service, G61 66 the expansion has come fast in the various facets of horticulture, G61 67 in equestrianism, forestry, floristry, viticulture, gamekeeping, G61 68 fish farming, conservation, tourism, amenity park management and G61 69 sports green keeping.

G61 70 Virtually all the establishments have large commercial farms G61 71 and horticultural units. Some colleges have established themselves G61 72 as regional or national centres for specialist areas of work, G61 73 especially in the fields of horticulture, forestry and water G61 74 management, and they have also developed commercial ventures which G61 75 reflect these specialisms. The Sector has close links with the G61 76 industry, and active participation in committee work at all levels G61 77 is undertaken by lay members.

G61 78 Union issues

G61 79 As the Sector becomes established within the main body of G61 80 NATFHE, colleagues in other areas will realise that one of the G61 81 issues which needs to be resolved is in the area of salaries and G61 82 conditions of service. You may have noticed that there are separate G61 83 scales published alongside mainstream scales and there are also G61 84 separate conditions and these are used in almost all of the G61 85 agricultural colleges. The claim for parity in conditions of G61 86 service has been argued now for over ten years and, at its last G61 87 conference in 1990, the old AAES resolved to make parity of both G61 88 salaries and conditions its policy. This matter is currently being G61 89 addressed by the NJC in its Agricultural and Horticultural Working G61 90 Party, but progress is slow - not through any lack of commitment on G61 91 the part of the Lecturers' Side. Historically there were good G61 92 reasons for the differences, but times have changed and the work of G61 93 a lecturer in an agricultural college is just the same as the work G61 94 done by a lecturer in a mainstream FE college, and this has now G61 95 been true for a decade or more. It is a just claim which appears to G61 96 fall on deaf ears. It would be easy to go on at length about this, G61 97 but suffice to say the sector looks for support from colleagues G61 98 across the service in the pursuance of this claim.

G61 99 So, NATFHE now has an Agricultural Education Sector, and the G61 100 wishes of Wickham-Murray and A. E. Evans some 45 years ago are a G61 101 reality. Professional co-operation and professional unity G61 102 have always been embodied in the aims and objectives of the G61 103 Association of Agricultural Education Staffs; its members bring to G61 104 NATFHE commitment to strive to continue with that aim towards G61 105 professional unity. The new sector is a new chapter in a long and G61 106 proud history. The Agricultural Education Service comprises a G61 107 diversity of specialists brought together by the place in which G61 108 they work and the section of the community which they serve.

G61 109 That such a sparsely spread group could bridge the barriers of G61 110 both subject and geography to form the active negotiating body G61 111 which the AAES has become is a direct reflection of the strength of G61 112 character of both the early pioneers and those who have led the G61 113 Association over the last 45 years.

G61 114 There is a great future ahead for us all, and members in the G61 115 Sector will play a full and active part in NATFHE for a long time G61 116 to come.

G61 117 IN EUROPE NOW

G61 118 Europe is now firmly on NATFHE's agenda and all members' G61 119 interests are affected, says Paul Bennett

G61 120 ETUCE Working Group on HE

G61 121 The Higher Education Working Group of the ETUCE (European Trade G61 122 Union Committee for Education) is chaired by Peter Dawson of NATFHE G61 123 and has established itself as an influential body within the G61 124 European trade union scene and among those making policy for HE in G61 125 Europe. It was set up in 1989 and represents HE teachers and G61 126 researchers from 11 organisations in eight countries. NATFHE is G61 127 represented by Paul Bennett, Head Office Official responsible for G61 128 EC matters.

G61 129 The Group is able to build on the encouraging fact that HE is G61 130 one of the most developed areas of collective EC policy in the G61 131 education/training field. Predictably, perhaps, we have found that G61 132 the tendency, familiar in UK official and other circles, to equate G61 133 'higher education' with universities is mirrored in the European G61 134 Community, so we have to ensure that - in European policy-making G61 135 too - the whole of HE is taken into account.

G61 136 The Group's first meeting of 1991 takes place in Amsterdam in G61 137 February, hosted by the Dutch union ABOP. Last year, the Group held G61 138 meetings in Berlin at the end of May, and in Brussels in October, G61 139 following the ETUCE Colloquium on the European Dimension of G61 140 Education and Teachers.

G61 141 The Higher Education Working Group made a significant response G61 142 to the EC's medium-term guidelines for education, (set out in these G61 143 pages). The group also sent representatives to important meetings G61 144 with the European Trade Union Committee and European university G61 145 rector's representatives and to a major conference of European G61 146 university rectors in Siena in November. It is clear that the G61 147 various bodies we have made contact with have welcomed the voice of G61 148 European HE teachers, expressing their concerns. The machinery of G61 149 the Community and other European policymaking bodies is complex and G61 150 cumbersome, but the good news is that those bodies are open to a G61 151 wide range of advice and consultation. It is becoming increasingly G61 152 important to ensure that representative voices of teachers are G61 153 heard in all these forums, as decisions are taken more and more at G61 154 the level of the EC as well as - or even instead of - the national G61 155 level.

G61 156 The ETUCE Executive Board has agreed a proposal, originally put G61 157 forward by the Group, for a major colloquium on higher education G61 158 and teacher education in Europe, to be held during the course of G61 159 1991, and the February meeting of the Group will play a major part G61 160 in planning that event.

G61 161 EC medium-term guidelines

G61 162 In 1989, the European Commission produced 'Education and G61 163 Training in the European Community: Guidelines for the Medium Term G61 164 1989-1992'. This document was a milestone in the steady movement of G61 165 education and training issues closer to centre stage of the EC's G61 166 policy process, in the context of progress towards the Single G61 167 European Market. It was also a timely acknowledgment of the G61 168 importance of education and the wider social dimension in creating G61 169 a Community which is of benefit to all its citizens - not just to G61 170 big business.

G61 171 The Guidelines have generated a considerable debate within the G61 172 Community, and the ETUCE and the European Trade Union Committee G61 173 (effectively, the 'European TUC') have enabled NATFHE to make a G61 174 significant contribution to that debate. This has been achieved G61 175 particularly through the ETUCE Higher Education Working Group.

G61 176 Euro-directive's implications for FHE

G61 177 The European Community is accelerating its policies to promote G61 178 the mobility of qualified workers within the Community, as part of G61 179 the progress towards a Single European Market. In particular, this G61 180 policy is now being pursued through general directives on the G61 181 mutual recognition of qualifications. Following drawn-out and G61 182 piecemeal discussions on individual professions in the '70s and G61 183 early '80s, a new blanket approach was adopted in 1989, with the G61 184 adoption of the first general directive which applied to HE G61 185 qualifications requiring three years or more of study, with G61 186 regulations for qualifying periods or tests in individual G61 187 professions. Now, a second directive, for qualifications G61 188 requiring less than three years, is at an advanced stage. In the UK G61 189 at least, this will apply to much more heterogeneous range of G61 190 qualifications, and will have implications for both FE and HE. It G61 191 will test the effectiveness of the examining and validating bodies G61 192 and of NCVQ and SCOTVEC - and, since individual governments must G61 193 interpret and implement the second directive, it will also test the G61 194 commitment of ministers in the new post-Thatcher era to getting the G61 195 most benefit from the EC for UK citizens.

G61 196 ETUC/ETUCE policy developments

G61 197 During 1990, NATFHE Officials, acting on behalf of the ETUCE, G61 198 had the opportunity to play the major part in redrafting a G61 199 memorandum first issued by the European Trade Union Committee in G61 200 1984, on education and vocational training policy in Western G61 201 Europe. This important document will form the basis for dialogue G61 202 between the ETUC and a range of advisory and policymaking bodies in G61 203 the EC, at a time when a variety of pressures are being mounted for G61 204 the expansion of the limited education provisions of the Treaty of G61 205 Rome to take account of the wider social role of the EC as the G61 206 Single European Market develops.

G61 207 EVE G61 208 The second edition of the very successful Education booklet, G61 209 first published by the UK Centre for European Education in 1988, is G61 210 due this Spring. G61 211 G62 1 <#FLOB:G62\>The National Trust in Northern Russia

G62 2 Angus Stirling

G62 3 "We will preserve you, Russian speech, from servitude G62 4 in foreign chains, keep you alive, great Russian word, fit for the G62 5 songs of our children's children, pure on their tongues, and G62 6 free."

G62 7 (Anna Akhmatova: extract from poem entitled Courage, G62 8 February 1942)

G62 9 The "great Russian word" of which Akhmatova G62 10 writes resounds not only in the language of the people, but just as G62 11 eloquently through Russia's ancient buildings and works of art, and G62 12 the land itself. Her churches especially, caskets for the jewelled G62 13 splendours of the iconostases, icons, frescoes and chandeliers G62 14 within, utter a poetry of their own against the plunder and G62 15 desolation of the last seventy or so years. It was the Russian word G62 16 revealed through them that became, to a great extent, the G62 17 mainspring of our journey.

G62 18 We were privileged to be in Russia at this momentous time. We G62 19 did not, of course, know that our visit was taking place in what G62 20 turned out to be the last cathartic days of Communist rule. The G62 21 sensational course of events in Russia which took place only ten G62 22 days after our return makes the journey seem already strangely G62 23 distant, as if belonging to another era. One of the many reasons G62 24 for rejoicing in the failure of the coup is that the free G62 25 intercourse between peoples which made our visit possible should G62 26 now prosper and grow in strength and confidence. It is a vital G62 27 ingredient in the building of a broad, international base of G62 28 understanding and support which we judge to be absolutely essential G62 29 to the preservation of Russia's heritage.

G62 30 The invention of the National Trust came from the Cultural G62 31 Foundation of the USSR, established in 1986 under the chairmanship G62 32 of Academician Dmitri Likhachev, a distinguished literary scholar. G62 33 The purposes of the Foundation are to preserve the cultural G62 34 heritage of the country and to ensure its continuity in G62 35 contemporary life. One important role is the encouragement of wide G62 36 public participation "in the attainment of concrete aims in G62 37 the cultural development of the country". The Foundation's G62 38 work is sensibly based on long-term programmes, and it is to G62 39 promote one aspect of these that an off-shoot has been formed G62 40 called the Centre for Unique Historical Territories. The aim of G62 41 this affiliated body is to identify areas of the country where the G62 42 landscape, architecture and traditions of the people together G62 43 constitute an inheritance which should be preserved. The Centre G62 44 acts as a catalyst to encourage Regional authorities to recognise G62 45 the importance of these unique territories, to persuade the G62 46 government of the necessity for financial support, to encourage G62 47 joint ventures capable of generating funds from other sources G62 48 (including overseas), to promote training of craftspeople and to G62 49 assist in other practical ways.

G62 50 Survivals of Russia's past are to be found throughout this vast G62 51 land, but nowhere has a richer inheritance than the north-western G62 52 region. It was to Arkhangelsk, and subsequently to three very G62 53 different small historic towns in the heart of this region that our G62 54 journey took us, sandwiched between two days in Moscow at the G62 55 beginning and end of the visit.

G62 56 The Foundation is clearly developing innovative yet practical G62 57 solutions in response to the need to provide stronger safeguards G62 58 for the protection of historic buildings and sensitive landscapes G62 59 than Soviet laws can offer at present. The poor condition of the G62 60 majority of the historic buildings we were taken to see served to G62 61 emphasise the enormity of the restoration tasks that lie ahead. The G62 62 sight of crumbling monasteries at Solvychegodsk, Velikiy Ustyug and G62 63 Kargopol' provided stark illustrations. In spite of the undoubted G62 64 expertise which is brought to bear on these problems, there is a G62 65 serious lack of available resources, training and, in some G62 66 instances, of proper techniques.

G62 67 Arkhangelsk has suffered grievously. Most of its former G62 68 handsome streets and squares of wooden houses and nearly all its G62 69 churches were destroyed after the Revolution, to be replaced by G62 70 modern blocks, mostly of mind-numbing anonymity and dullness. The G62 71 town is a major centre for the timber industry and is surrounded by G62 72 large industrial and shipping complexes in the river Dvina, G62 73 stretching away to the White Sea about thirty kilometers to the G62 74 north. In spite of its unpromising history in this century, G62 75 Arkhangelsk retains both a fascination and a charm of its own. The G62 76 'white nights' of midsummer were over, but the majestic skies G62 77 beyond the Dvina cast a clear invigorating light throughout the G62 78 town. The streets and squares are spacious and tree-lined, and G62 79 there is a feeling of quiet dignity about the place. Some of the G62 80 contemporary architecture in the centre shares that dignity. It is G62 81 contributed to by the people, who convey pride and a calm G62 82 independence of spirit. Some of the vernacular wooden buildings G62 83 survive and are being painstakingly reproduced in one or two G62 84 streets. There is also the remains of an eighteenth century G62 85 monastery, and some fine old buildings where sailors used to G62 86 lodge.

G62 87 The Foundation is helping the Social Department of the local G62 88 authority and the Society for the Protection of Ancient Monuments G62 89 in Arkhangelsk to develop major programmes for the protection of G62 90 wooden buildings and other aspects of the heritage. There is a G62 91 grave lack of resources to invest in these programmes. The objects G62 92 is, therefore, to try to generate income, especially by creating G62 93 the infrastructure to attract tourists, and by participating in G62 94 joint ventures with overseas interests and local industry. Joint G62 95 ventures are one of the benefits of perestroika which are now G62 96 being energetically promoted. The young Director of the local G62 97 'Sputnik' tourist agency is already developing productive links G62 98 with Scandinavian firms, and is keen to expand them with Britain. G62 99 Mass tourism would not be suitable for the area, so tourism is G62 100 likely to be promoted on he level of high-quality tours catering G62 101 for specialised interests: the unspoilt places we were to see have G62 102 retained their character precisely because they have not been G62 103 exposed to the excesses of commercial development which has G62 104 blighted so many towns in Western Europe.

G62 105 The museum in Arkhangelsk is extremely interesting and well G62 106 presented, with its collection of icons, wooden ecclesiastical G62 107 sculpture, textiles and paintings; the highlight of our stay, G62 108 however, was a visit to the great open-air museum of wooden G62 109 architecture, Malye Karely. It is set in 150 acres of beautiful, G62 110 rolling wooded country with distant glimpses of the Dvina G62 111 contrasting with the veil of smoke from the industrial complexes 45 G62 112 km away. Here the museum has collected and sited rare wooden G62 113 buildings from all Russia, large farmhouses, granaries, G62 114 water-wheels, windmills, bell towers and two magnificent churches. G62 115 These structures have all the dignity, beauty and functional G62 116 efficiency of the best vernacular architecture.

G62 117 This visit threw up a number of the conservation dilemmas which G62 118 we were able to discuss with our hosts at various sites during our G62 119 journey, in particular the availability of suitable techniques to G62 120 control the temperature and humidity in wooden buildings in such a G62 121 way as to protect the works of art (now being restored) from damage G62 122 as a result of extreme changes of climate, while ensuring that no G62 123 damage results to the structure of the building.

G62 124 Leaving Arkhangelsk, our journey took us to the small town of G62 125 Solvychegodsk, and to nearby Velikiy Ustyug. These towns at the G62 126 confluence of the Sukova and Ug rivers in north-western Russia G62 127 were, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, at the crossroads G62 128 of major trade routes both from east to west and north to south. G62 129 They were settled by rich and powerful families, in the case of G62 130 Solvychegodsk by the Stroganovs, who were responsible for G62 131 establishing the first monopoly in Europe, in the fur trade and in G62 132 salt. Solvychegodsk also had the advantage of being a resort famous G62 133 for the medicinal benefits of its natural springs, a major factor G62 134 in its prospective revival today.

G62 135 Solvychegodsk became not only a religious centre, but a G62 136 favourite habitation for rich merchants. It boasted no less than G62 137 fourteen churches, and magnificent palaces, and was renowned for G62 138 its silversmiths and textile workshops.

G62 139 All but three of the churches were razed to the ground by G62 140 Stalin's henchmen. Two cathedrals made way for statues of Lenin. G62 141 One street was originally known as the Inspiration of the Cross; it G62 142 became the Street of Millionaires and then, inevitably, Lenin G62 143 Street. It is the mark of the extraordinary transformation of G62 144 Russia that it is no longer entirely in the realm of the G62 145 imagination that it could recover its first, and most appropriate, G62 146 name.

G62 147 Solvychegodsk is an amazing place. Now not much more than a G62 148 large village, it has two churches of towering splendour, the G62 149 sixteenth century church of the Annunciation, and the Church of the G62 150 Presentation, in regular use for services. The first of these G62 151 contains one of the first iconostases in Russia of the high baroque G62 152 style, richly carved and decorated with craftsmanship of the G62 153 highest order; the second has another superb iconostasis, of seven G62 154 tiers set in a giltwood frame of elaborate design and virtuosity G62 155 and which was inspired by Italian masters. The principle museum is G62 156 a treasure house of golden needlework (for which the town was G62 157 famous) of the seventeenth century, delicate icons, enamel, G62 158 intaglio and filigree work.

G62 159 In the beautifully-kept Folk Museum, suitably set up in one of G62 160 the surviving humble wooden houses, it is possible to obtain a G62 161 clear picture of how people lived in dignity and simplicity. And, G62 162 irony of ironies, here is the house to which Josef Stalin was sent G62 163 in exile by the Tsar, from 1909 to 1911.

G62 164 Velikiy Ustyug is in different ways equally remarkable. It is G62 165 an ancient foundation and was the easternmost of the old Russian G62 166 cities in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Its Trinity G62 167 Monastery which stands today was founded in 1262. The lands of G62 168 Ustyug projected far into the territory of Novgorod in earlier G62 169 times, and its powerful situation made it the first among 21 cities G62 170 at the height of its fame. There were at one time 42 churches here, G62 171 of which 27 are extant, so that a good impression is conveyed of G62 172 the romantic splendour which this place must have possessed in its G62 173 heyday.

G62 174 Ustyug has a well-preserved town plan, with wide streets graced G62 175 by avenues of trees, many fine eighteenth and nineteenth century G62 176 mansions, and another wonderful museum. Some of the objects here G62 177 parallel those of Solvychegodsk, such as the icons worked with G62 178 pearls. A lovely contrast is supplied by an adjacent room of G62 179 stuffed creatures of the region, including an enormous moose and a G62 180 snowy owl. There is an interesting history painting of Sir Edward G62 181 Chancellor disembarking at Arkhangelsk in 1693 on his way to Moscow G62 182 to become the English Ambassador to Russia.

G62 183 The Trinity Monastery has passed through many vicissitudes. Its G62 184 wealth rested originally on the export of rye and barley crops in G62 185 exchange for salt and fish. It declined rapidly in the eighteenth G62 186 and nineteenth centuries, and since then has been a nunnery, an G62 187 agricultural commune and a labour camp for juvenile delinquents. It G62 188 is now effectively a museum. The buildings are of great interest, G62 189 but not in a good state. The church contains an iconostasis which G62 190 even by the standards of the region is of a breathtaking quality. G62 191 It is truly extraordinary to find carving and painting of such G62 192 delicacy and beauty in this remote and, even to Russians, G62 193 inaccessible place.

G62 194 It is disturbing that in a high proportion of the churches we G62 195 saw in the Arkhangelsk Region some of the principal icons made for G62 196 the church have been removed to Moscow ostensibly for restoration, G62 197 but with little prospect hitherto that they would be returned. This G62 198 seemed to us to be a serious deprivation, since it removes from the G62 199 iconostases in question much of the religious significance of their G62 200 carefully laid-out sequences.

G62 201 Our final visit in the region was to Kargopol', which we G62 202 reached from Arkhangelsk by light plane, landing on a grass strip G62 203 among the wild flowers. The journey gave us a good opportunity to G62 204 see the vastness of the Russian forest lands, intersected by the G62 205 great Dvina river, and relieved occasionally by large lakes, open G62 206 areas of peat bog and clearings with the occasional settlement. G62 207 G63 1 <#FLOB:G63\>The Presence of Mind

G63 2 Daniel Hutto on Causation, Naturalism and Folk G63 3 Psychology.

G63 4 The current climate in contemporary philosophy of mind is one G63 5 of disbelief. More surprisingly it is the reality of beliefs G63 6 themselves which philosophers are more and more inclined to doubt. G63 7 Several major contemporary thinkers do not regard beliefs as real G63 8 entities. This threat to our everyday 'folk psychological' concepts G63 9 of belief and desire may come as a surprise to many.

G63 10 What is meant by 'folk psychology'? Whatever the current G63 11 philosophical disagreements about folk psychology's exact G63 12 definition the common denominator in all accounts is that folk G63 13 psychology involves the explanation of our actions by appeal to G63 14 beliefs and desires. Thus, if you explain your G63 15 attending-the-meeting-late behaviour by saying, 'I thought it G63 16 was at 4.00 clock and I did honestly want to be here on time', G63 17 then you are engaging in a bit of folk psychology.

G63 18 It is also generally accepted that these ascriptions of mental G63 19 states are theoretical. In other words, it is always possible for G63 20 them to be wrong. There are many psychological experiments which G63 21 show that even in our own case we do not always give the correct G63 22 belief ascription for our actions. And there are also more G63 23 sophisticated philosophical arguments concerning the indeterminacy G63 24 and holism of belief and desire ascriptions which also support this G63 25 claim. The idea is that more than one coherent set of belief/desire G63 26 ascriptions can always be provided to explain exactly the same G63 27 behaviour - and if introspection is not infallible then there is no G63 28 principled way of choosing between these various belief/desire sets G63 29 of explanations. Those interested in examining this line of G63 30 thinking should read the work of Stich, Dennett and Davidson.

G63 31 Folk psychology is important as it underwrites much of what we G63 32 hold to be true about ourselves not just in philosophy and ordinary G63 33 discussion but also in psychology, the social sciences, our legal G63 34 systems and moral discourse. The elimination of 'folk psychology' G63 35 would radically change our view of ourselves; just as our view of G63 36 the world changed when we stopped treating trees and stones as G63 37 thinking agents. We could imagine (in fact I have been told about G63 38 one such legal case) a situation where a person is completely G63 39 relieved of responsibility for his acts because of his genetic G63 40 make-up. What made me do it? It must be in my DNA, or the G63 41 flashing of my motor neurons; but it wasn't me.

G63 42 Why should anyone wish to eliminate our talk of beliefs and G63 43 desires? It is not just a way of dodging moral responsibility. G63 44 Since about 1963 a movement including such philosophers as G63 45 Feyerabend, Rorty, Patricia and Paul Churchland and Stephen Stich G63 46 (and psychologists such as Skinner) have been arguing that any view G63 47 which postulates mental entities such as beliefs and desires is as G63 48 radically mistaken as the theories of alchemy and astrology. Their G63 49 goal has been to show that our ordinary talk about 'mental life' G63 50 (and all that follows from it) is but one amongst other competing G63 51 theories in the domain of action explanation; and that it is in G63 52 fact a bad one. Their suggestion is that there really are no such G63 53 things as beliefs and desires.

G63 54 The strongest 'eliminativist' argument is motivated by the G63 55 desire not only to unify all theories with science, but also to G63 56 improve the quality of human knowledge. Eliminativists see G63 57 themselves as revisionaries who are clearing our lives of stagnant G63 58 and superstitious bad theorising. The common sense theories we hold G63 59 to be true are in fact out of step with the superior physical G63 60 sciences - thus they should be eliminated. Since it is unlikely G63 61 that beliefs and desires will reduce suitably to the entities of G63 62 physics we must do away with beliefs and desires if we wish to G63 63 speak truly about the causes of behaviour.

G63 64 Stich offers a more sophisticated argument for the elimination G63 65 of folk psychology. He argues that whenever we assign content to G63 66 someone's (or some beast's) beliefs and desires in order to explain G63 67 their behaviour we are engaging in a bit of 'domestic G63 68 anthropology'. 'Content' here just means what the belief is about; G63 69 i.e. 'The chair in the corner', 'Socrates' hemlock', etc. When G63 70 describing what others believe and desire we are making sense of G63 71 them by ascribing beliefs which we might have; thus we can only G63 72 employ our folk psychology on subjects who are similar to G63 73 ourselves. But a serious psychology would need to make sense G63 74 of exotic subjects as well, such as children, animals, confused G63 75 people, etc.

G63 76 Thus, we should concern ourselves with the internal causes of G63 77 behaviour when attempting a serious psychology as these are not G63 78 parochial. And if folk psychology is a form of domestic G63 79 anthropology then it is not likely that the internal causes of our G63 80 behaviour and our beliefs will turn out to be the same things. And G63 81 if they do not, then beliefs will slowly be removed from our G63 82 explanations of behaviour.

G63 83 Why shouldn't beliefs turn out to be the internal causes of our G63 84 behaviour? Well as Stich points out they are likely to be G63 85 identified in different, sometimes conflicting, ways. For example, G63 86 consider his case of a contemporary of ours and, say, a Victorian G63 87 chap who are both associated, by description alone, with two G63 88 different politicians of their own times. Both know of their G63 89 politician as 'Ike' and they are acquainted with exactly the same G63 90 limited details about the habits, tastes and character of these G63 91 men. So perfect is the match in descriptions that both our man and G63 92 the Victorian fellow will answer in exactly the same way to G63 93 any question about 'Ike'. If that is the case then our serious G63 94 psychology would and should say that both men believe the same G63 95 thing. But we, as good folk psychologists, would say 'Rubbish'. Of G63 96 course they don't believe the same thing because their beliefs are G63 97 about men of completely different historical periods (there are G63 98 plenty more examples like these in the literature, cf. Putnam, G63 99 Burge, Kripke).

G63 100 But times and places are not the type of things that we find G63 101 inside one's skin. Thus, if we avail ourselves of such things when G63 102 identifying the content of our beliefs while doing folk psychology, G63 103 then we are not concerned principally with the internal causes G63 104 of behaviour while doing folk psychology. Therefore, argues G63 105 Stich, such things as beliefs and desires, which make use of these G63 106 external features of the world, have no business in a serious G63 107 psychology. The implication is, of course, that a serious G63 108 psychology will eventually replace our folk psychology even in our G63 109 ordinary speech.

G63 110 To avoid this consequence some philosophers have held that G63 111 reasons, that is, beliefs and desires, are not causes. Ironically, G63 112 that is the eliminativist conclusion, but unlike the eliminativists G63 113 these philosophers also hold that whether science recognises G63 114 beliefs and desires as real or not just doesn't matter and could G63 115 never really matter to us.

G63 116 But whether or not it is true that it wouldn't matter to us is G63 117 beside the point. Surely we want our reasons to be causes - G63 118 especially if cause is to mean, as it does in the OED, G63 119 "what produces an effect". Why did you hit that G63 120 man? I thought he was poking fun at me (and I wanted to G63 121 teach him a lesson). Why did you eat that cake? I wanted some G63 122 chocolate (and I thought the icing was chocolate). These are G63 123 paradigms of causal explanations if, by causal, we mean 'what made G63 124 something happen'. They are not paradigms of scientifically G63 125 respectable causal explanations, mechanistically conceived.

G63 126 So what would it be like if reasons were not causal? Given the G63 127 definition of cause (not my definition) we would have to answer G63 128 questions such as 'What made you do that?' by forever saying - G63 129 certainly not for a reason. For those types of question are, by G63 130 definition, causal questions. It won't do to change the 'what' to a G63 131 'why' if the 'why' is asking the same type of question. Let's not G63 132 be thwarted by surface grammar. The fact that we can give more than G63 133 one answer to these types of question does not make them any less G63 134 causal in nature. Consider these statements:

G63 135 (1) A chemical imbalance in his brain has depressed him.

G63 136 (2) The belief that his attentions were rejected has depressed G63 137 him.

G63 138 (3) Wilder Penfield's (a psychologist) firing of his neurons G63 139 for him has depressed him.

G63 140 Why should we think that only the second description in G63 141 non-causal? Surely this would be arbitrary and desperate. We should G63 142 not seek to protect reasons by claiming that they are non-causal; G63 143 to do so would be to completely undermine explanations in terms of G63 144 reasons.

G63 145 That we talk in this way and give these types of explanations G63 146 is, I think, beyond dispute. Consider a statement which is amenable G63 147 to the substitution of cause for reason.

G63 148 (4) I have (reason/cause) to believe.

G63 149 Some philosophers claim that a wider analysis will reveal cases G63 150 which do not lend themselves to this type of description. We might G63 151 find cases in which the words are not interchangeable such as G63 152 in the expressions:

G63 153 (5) Give me one good (reason/cause).

G63 154 But even if this is true, even if there are exceptions to this G63 155 common usage, it does not change the fact that our explanations in G63 156 terms of beliefs and desires are casual in just the way previously G63 157 described. One has but to examine the way in which the terms are G63 158 used in these cases. To argue against one ordinary piece of G63 159 discourse by having located a handful of others is to forego G63 160 description and to attempt a form of ordinary language G63 161 legislation.

G63 162 What's more, viewing reasons as causes is the only way to save G63 163 our belief/desire explanations from the charge of being explanatory G63 164 miracles and the only way to give them some hope of a respectable G63 165 account of their origin.

G63 166 We are left with a quandary: be true to our selves or our G63 167 science. Never the twain shall meet. Some, the scientific G63 168 realists, choose the latter path. Others, those who find the very G63 169 suggestion of eliminating of what is so obviously real, choose the G63 170 former. But I find both responses deeply unsatisfactory. Surely we G63 171 can do better than this.

G63 172 We must explain how the following three claims can all be true G63 173 together and yet harmless if we are to overcome the arguments of G63 174 the eliminativists and yet maintain that reasons are causes.

G63 175 Claim (i): Beliefs and desires will likely not appear as G63 176 entities at the level of physics (Paul Churchland's argument).

G63 177 Claim (ii): Beliefs require a principled way of tying external G63 178 features of the world to the internal causes of behaviour (Stich's G63 179 argument).

G63 180 Claim (iii): Explanations in terms of beliefs and desires are G63 181 causal explanations. (The Ordinary Language argument as I have G63 182 construed it).

G63 183 Let's look at claim (i). Why should beliefs and desires show up G63 184 at the level of physics? No one should expect to see them there. G63 185 This would be like doing algebra badly. It is analogous to reducing G63 186 only one side of the equation. The price of giving exact G63 187 physical definitions of our movements is that we no longer G63 188 enter into the picture. The only way to get these predictively G63 189 exact definitions is to reduce, on both sides, to a purely G63 190 physical vocabulary (i.e. in terms of electrons, protons, etc.). G63 191 Thus it is legitimate to ask whose actions will be uniquely G63 192 predicted. Ours? We, as agents, don't appear in the matter at G63 193 all.

G63 194 Fear not. This is also true of geology and meteorology (and a G63 195 host of other respectable sciences as well). The only way to G63 196 exactly predict the motions of a lightning bolt is to sacrifice G63 197 talk of it as a 'lightning bolt' altogether. And if that's correct G63 198 physics can never, even in principle, predict our (or the lightning G63 199 bolt's) actions. Thus physics does not compete with folk G63 200 psychology.

G63 201 Lots of ontologically real objects (tables, chairs, rocks, G63 202 etc.) don't exist in the language of mature physics. We don't G63 203 exorcise their causal powers because of it.

G63 204 But the scientific realist does not want to admit that chairs G63 205 and tables really exist either. G63 206 G64 1 <#FLOB:G64\>Industrial recruitment of chemistry students G64 2 from English universities: a revaluation of its early importance

G64 3 JAMES DONNELLY

G64 4 INTRODUCTION G64 5 In England, institutionalized locations for science in academe G64 6 and industry sprang up at approximately the same time, that is to G64 7 say, during the period from the mid-nineteenth century to the First G64 8 World War. By the latter date science was well established within G64 9 most academic institutions and, more rudimentarily, in many G64 10 industrial firms. Standardized forms of practice were to be found G64 11 in both sectors, and there existed mechanisms for the transfer of G64 12 personnel, knowledge and finance between the two. Both sites were G64 13 of course surrounded and sustained by a network of other G64 14 institutions and practices: scientific and technical societies and G64 15 journals, patent and company law, government agencies and so on. G64 16 Nevertheless, during the period just identified these two developed G64 17 as the key occupational sites (outside schoolteaching) for men G64 18 trained in science.

G64 19 Their relationship was self-evidently symbiotic. However, the G64 20 historical origins of that symbiosis remain sufficiently unclear to G64 21 give point to the question which underpins this paper: was the G64 22 institutional growth of academic science in England dependent on G64 23 'industrial demand' for scientifically trained employees? Some G64 24 twenty years ago D.L.S. Cardwell gave a negative answer to the G64 25 question:

G64 26 until the universities were producing the specialist, G64 27 industrial demand could not make itself felt - did not, in fact, G64 28 exist - and young men could not enter industrial research in large G64 29 numbers. This is a reversal of that theory which explains G64 30 professional scientific training by reference to industrial G64 31 demand.

G64 32 'Industrial demand' is commonly recognized to be more difficult G64 33 to investigate than the supply side represented by academic G64 34 provision. 'Demand' might be interpreted at various levels, ranging G64 35 from recruitment (the focus of the present paper) through pressure G64 36 on curricula and academic government, and ultimately as a directing G64 37 influence on research programmes. Quantitative work bearing on G64 38 supply has been published, notably on Germany by Peter Lundgreen, G64 39 and a number of qualitative accounts exist. Several studies have G64 40 indicated that industrial and other 'practical' influences on the G64 41 early growth of academic science were considerable. Meinel G64 42 suggested that in eighteenth-century Sweden academic chemists G64 43 devised the novel categories of 'pure' and 'applied' science to G64 44 exploit 'practical' support for their studies. Hufbauer traced the G64 45 formation of a community of chemists in Germany during the G64 46 eighteenth century to a shift towards a status both 'fundamental' G64 47 and utilitarian in relation to medicine, mining etc. Steven Turner G64 48 showed that the occupational destinations of nineteenth-century G64 49 chemistry students in Germany were largely in the fields of G64 50 industry, pharmacy and medicine, with schoolteachers ("this G64 51 most obvious of clientele") comparatively unimportant. G64 52 David Cahan has suggested that German physics, too, had a large G64 53 industrial element in its institutionalization. In France, Paul G64 54 showed the importance of the applied science institutes to the G64 55 growth of provincial science faculties during the late G64 56 nineteenth-century.

G64 57 The argument for a seminal industrial influence on modern G64 58 academic science has been pursued most vigorously within the G64 59 Marxist tradition represented by writers such as Gorz, Levidow and G64 60 Noble. Gorz has suggested that "in the United States G64 61 applied research ...has been more or less the only form of research G64 62 since about 1870". Characteristically he does not document G64 63 this statment. A key study from this perspective is David Noble's G64 64 America by Design, in which he traces the multiple G64 65 interactions between industrial capital and developing academic G64 66 institutions in the United States around the turn of the century. G64 67 He argues that interventions by industrialists in academic finance G64 68 and government influenced curricula and helped propagate forms of G64 69 academic activity which serviced the requirements of capitalist G64 70 industry. Some writers have questioned the empirical bases of parts G64 71 of Noble's approach. His argument fits within a wider Marxist G64 72 concern with the role of education in the capitalist economy. An G64 73 important element of this is Bowles and Gintis' 'correspondence G64 74 theory' of the social relations of industry and education. However, G64 75 this 'correspondence' refers to affective and hierarchical aspects G64 76 of the education system, rather than its cognitive dimension. Noble G64 77 himself is more convincing when dealing with the former aspects. G64 78 Marxist scholars have also been concerned to trace the industrial G64 79 utilization of trained men to further the real subordination of G64 80 labour. There is a large literature in this field, concerned with G64 81 such issues as the deskilling of manual workers, the separation of G64 82 mental and manual labour and the emergence of a G64 83 'professional-managerial class'. The limited attention to G64 84 substantive aspects of the role of science in this work stems G64 85 partly from a tendency to see the 'application' of science as G64 86 unproblematic, and partly from a neo-Marxist perception of science G64 87 and technology as different 'moments' of the same instrumental G64 88 appropriation of the world. The present paper is in part an G64 89 evaluation of the extent to which the Marxist approach is supported G64 90 specifically at the level of industrial recruitment.

G64 91 This Marxist canon is in some respects an alternative to the G64 92 larger literature which adopts what might be termed a 'science G64 93 policy' approach to the subject, and explores the variables which G64 94 conditioned the deployment of science in the promotion of G64 95 industrial development. The major distinction between these two G64 96 approaches is of course in the extent to which they question G64 97 underlying social and economic relationships, and the distribution G64 98 of power. In both the possibility of industrial pressure G64 99 stimulating the resourcing of academic science has a place, though G64 100 it is used to develop different lines of argument.

G64 101 Is there a major historical alternative to industrial 'demand' G64 102 as underpinning the growth of higher scientific education, that is, G64 103 in the sense of providing employment for students? The only real G64 104 possiblity in the context of the growth of a mass education system G64 105 in England around the turn of the century was, as Cardwell G64 106 recognized, recruitment into schoolteaching. The main purpose of G64 107 the present paper is thus to explore the balance of these two G64 108 possiblities. It focuses on students of chemistry, quantitatively G64 109 and institutionally the most developed of the sciences at that G64 110 time. It aims to show that industrial recruitment of students of G64 111 chemistry from English academic institutions was an important and G64 112 widespread phenomenon during the late nineteenth century, and not a G64 113 mere 'spin-off' from the supply of teachers. It will also suggest G64 114 that the more specialist<&|>sic! a student's interest in the G64 115 discipline the more likely he was to enter industry. Taking these G64 116 and other more ideological dimensions into account it can be argued G64 117 that industrial recruitment was a pivotal focrce in the growth of G64 118 higher education in chemistry. As a potential mechanism for the G64 119 transmission of industrial influence it was, at the least, strongly G64 120 in play from the mid-nineteenth century onwards.

G64 121 The remainder of the paper consists of five sections. The first G64 122 discusses the occupational destinations of chemistry students G64 123 around the mid-nineteenth century. The second considers the G64 124 situation at the turn of the century. The third evaluates evidence G64 125 on the employment of chemists by British firms at the turn of the G64 126 century, while the fourth looks at the balance between G64 127 qualifications and salaries in education and industry. The final G64 128 section of the paper draws together these strands and discusses the G64 129 origins of the industrial recruitment of chemists.

G64 130 THE MID-CENTURY

G64 131 The two major English foundations with a scientific orientation G64 132 around the mid-century were the Royal College of Chemistry (later G64 133 assimilated into the Royal School of Mines) and Owens College, G64 134 Manchester. Gerrylynn Roberts has explored the complex of interests G64 135 associated with the establishment of the former. Statistical G64 136 evidence about the destinations of early students has indicated G64 137 their largely practical motivations and the often casual nature of G64 138 their attendance. A list of students of known occupations up to G64 139 1870 was given by Edward Frankland to the Devonshire Commission, G64 140 and showed 54% whose motivations could be classified as practical G64 141 (industry, agriculture, medicine etc.) Only 12% entered G64 142 education.

G64 143 In 1857 Henry Roscoe replaced Edward Frankland as Professor of G64 144 Chemistry at Owens College. It appears that Roscoe's emphasis on G64 145 the industrial benefits which would stem from educating young men G64 146 in chemistry was crucial in revitalizing the chemistry course, and G64 147 perhaps the entire college, during the late 1850s. (Whether the G64 148 students were intended to be future employees or partners/owners it G64 149 is difficult to decide. There is evidence that a labour market in G64 150 'chemists' was developing in the Manchester area and elsewhere by G64 151 this time.) Roscoe gave evidence to the Devonshire Commission about G64 152 the intended occupations of his laboratory students in 1870-1. He G64 153 stated that 38 students intended to enter some form of industrial G64 154 activity, while 5 intended to become teachers.

G64 155 More anecdotal evidence is available about the two London G64 156 colleges, University and King's. At the former, practical chemistry G64 157 had for some years been studied mainly by medical students. G64 158 Alexander Williamson, Professor of Chemistry from 1849, told the G64 159 Devonshire Commission that many of the parents of students wished G64 160 their sons to learn only about specific industrial aspects of G64 161 chemistry. His own counter-arguments about the need for a general G64 162 chemical education, and the technical claims he made for such an G64 163 education, are of interest as reflecting the ideological landscape G64 164 then under construction. William Miller, Professor of Chemistry at G64 165 King's, told the Samuelson Committee that of only 12 to 14 students G64 166 in the 'Applied Science' department (the main active 'higher G64 167 education' department outside medicine) 8 to 10 were G64 168 "studying with the express view afterwards of entering G64 169 manufacturing works."

G64 170 The evidence for the mainly practical motivations of chemistry G64 171 students during the mid-century is therefore considerable. The G64 172 ideological contest, focused on chemistry, in the new foundations G64 173 has already been touched on. In sum it constituted a campaign by G64 174 the embryonic academic community of chemistry, and some of its G64 175 'lay' supporters, to exploit the utilitarian impetus for chemistry G64 176 education and 'research' while retaining control and independence G64 177 in relation to curricula and research. The contest was fought out G64 178 at a number of levels. The hostility of the Professor of Chemistry G64 179 at the Royal College of Chemistry, August von Hofmann, to William G64 180 Perkin's move into dyestuff manufacture is well known. Nevertheless G64 181 within a few years numerous students left the college to try their G64 182 fortune manufacturing synthetic dyestuffs. At the level of G64 183 publicly-articulated ideology a battle was fought to uncouple the G64 184 benefits of research and education from any immediate orientation G64 185 to technical problems. There was also a class dimension, as the G64 186 importance of chemistry for owners and managers, rather than manual G64 187 workers, was stressed. In their book Science versus G64 188 Practice Bud and Roberts argued that the development of G64 189 educational provision during the late nineteenth century can be G64 190 understood as the working out of a tension between 'polytechnic' G64 191 and 'science college' formulations of the science curriculum and G64 192 its industrial relevance: that is, between an attempt to embody G64 193 industrial knowledge (as 'applied science') in the curriculum and a G64 194 limitation to abstract science. I have argued elsewhere that G64 195 neither the protagonists' views nor the institutions and their G64 196 curricula can be dichotomized in this way. The negotiation of the G64 197 meaning of 'applied science' was itself complex, and the creation G64 198 of new stratifications of the industrial personnel, together with G64 199 professional and class interests, all contributed to the G64 200 process.

G64 201 The mid-nineteenth century activity under discussion here was G64 202 small-scale, loosely institutionalized and in receipt of very G64 203 limited public finance. By the turn of the century all of these G64 204 characteristics were changing. The following section turns to this G64 205 period.

G64 206 THE TURN OF THE CENTURY

G64 207 By the first decade of the twentieth century wide-ranging G64 208 public resourcing of education at the secondary level existed in G64 209 England. The arguments which were deployed to support this G64 210 continued in many cases to be economic in orientation, even when G64 211 focusing on 'general' education. Within higher education such G64 212 pressures had become increasingly intense. Overall, educational G64 213 provision had developed a qualitative resemblance to that of the G64 214 mid-twentieth century. The quantitative scale of higher education G64 215 may be judged from the fact that about 500 students were graduating G64 216 B.Sc. annually from publicly-aided institutions, that is, excluding G64 217 Oxford and Cambridge universities. Chemistry also had developed G64 218 much of the institutional and social apparatus of a mature G64 219 discipline.

G64 220 During the mid-century many students had attended institutions G64 221 on an ad hoc basis, without obtaining a formal G64 222 qualification. This practice continued much longer than is often G64 223 acknowledged. G64 224 G65 1 <#FLOB:G65\>GLASGOW: THE CREATION OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY G65 2 CITY OF CULTURE

G65 3 by Bernard Aspinwall

G65 4 "You do need to be very romantic to accept the G65 5 industrial civilisation," wrote G. K. Chesterton. G65 6 "It does really require all the old Gaelic glamour to make G65 7 men think Glasgow is a grand place. Yet the miracle is achieved and G65 8 while I was in Glasgow I shared the illusion". Glasgow to G65 9 American nineteenth century visitors was a similar striking G65 10 experience. Some believed they had never seen a city so beautiful. G65 11 The regular planned appearance of immaculate honey stone houses, G65 12 clean wide streets, the magnificent buildings by 'Greek' Thompson G65 13 and Charles Rennie Mackintosh, the impressive statues of great G65 14 citizens in George Square, not to mention the department stores G65 15 vastly superior to those of London: "The houses and streets G65 16 are elegant, the parks well laid out and finely cared for, the G65 17 streets wide and clean and the whole city has an elegance for which G65 18 I was wholly unprepared." To Grace Greenwood, Glasgow G65 19 "as a manufacturing town, masks a very handsome appearance. G65 20 Many of the public buildings are of a fine style of architecture; G65 21 and the planted squares, those fresh breathing spaces off the G65 22 crowded business streets are truly beautiful". Americans G65 23 invariably felt at home in the city. They found the people friendly G65 24 and interested in them rather than their lineage, in their talents G65 25 and abilities. They felt it was the most democratic and American G65 26 city in Europe. They readily compared it to their native cities, G65 27 Baltimore, New York, Philadelphia and even the levee at New G65 28 Orleans. To the imaginative son of the architect of the American G65 29 Capitol Building in Washington, the immensely high chimney of the G65 30 chemical works, Tennant's stalk, rivalled "the Pyramids or G65 31 Strasbourg Cathedral, and even some who were merely quietly G65 32 impressed felt a strong similarity between Paris and the city with G65 33 the fine bridges over the Clyde. The river made the city and the G65 34 city made the river. Deepened and developed the river was to be the G65 35 setting for the first British steamship, 'Comet', in 1812.

G65 36 An ancient city, Glasgow established its international G65 37 credentials and renown in the last century. It was arguably the G65 38 first industrial city in the first industrial land, Scotland, in G65 39 the world. Was not Adam Smith, the author of The Wealth of G65 40 Nations (1776), a Glasgow professor and had not James Watt G65 41 first realised his steam power in his G65 42 <}_><-|>appenticehip<+|>apprenticeship<}/> at the university? Its G65 43 professors and citizens had led the shift to enlightened modern G65 44 attitudes: the father of sociology, Adam Ferguson, the moral G65 45 philosopher, Francis Hutcheson and John Miller had queried the G65 46 staid Calvinist moral and social tradition. In their wake Scottish G65 47 Common Sense would prevail, combining the best of the old and new. G65 48 In the city Rev. Dr. Thomas Chalmers had developed more scientific G65 49 approaches to poverty, education and low attainments; Patrick G65 50 Colquhoun paved the way for the modern police service. With its G65 51 myriad societies for the abolition of slavery, drink and social G65 52 evils, Glasgow offered adjustment, self fulfilment, respectability G65 53 here and now and salvation in the hereafter. The millenarian G65 54 religion of the Godly Commonwealth was transformed by Scottish G65 55 practicality. With its concern for freedom abroad, liberalism had G65 56 an ideal home amid dedicated thrifty, sober, improving G65 57 entrepreneurs at every level of society. It was arguably, the first G65 58 'modern' city in the world. The city motto, 'Let Glasgow Flourish' G65 59 continues by 'the preaching of the Word': Christianity, G65 60 civilisation and the creation of wealth were the same providential G65 61 concern.

G65 62 Such impressions are not the product of the much criticised G65 63 hype of the revitalised city enjoying the well deserved title of G65 64 European city of culture 1990. They emphasise the rich Victorian G65 65 urban heritage lavishly praised by John Betjeman, and thanks to G65 66 local government and EEC <}_><-|>iniatiatives<+|>initiatives<}/> G65 67 recently rediscovered by historians, preservationists and tourists G65 68 alike. A Brazilian academic friend has visited me several G65 69 <}_><-|>time<+|>times<}/> in preference to the overcrowded, G65 70 impersonal, polluted and ever expensive south. The city free from G65 71 pretentiousness, as frequently noted by many travellers in the last G65 72 century, still retains a welcoming uninhibited outlook. As in the G65 73 last century Glasgow, with its nearby silicon glen, populated by G65 74 the serried ranks of the world's computer companies, is once more G65 75 at the cutting edge. Everywhere in the city there seems to be a G65 76 rediscovery of that old self-confidence and vitality: a new G65 77 international airport is developing with new hotels, office G65 78 buildings and a renovated refurbished inner city, allegedly G65 79 gentrified with luxurious appartments<&|>sic! in magnificent old G65 80 warehouses, up-market boutiques and wine bars. With the Whistler G65 81 collection in the University galleries, the substantial G65 82 Impressionist and Scottish colourists in the Kelvingrove Gallery G65 83 and the gigantic Burrell Collection in the grounds of Pollok House G65 84 the younger - and other generations - can rediscover the quality, G65 85 substance and taste of their nineteenth century predecessors. G65 86 Equally with Scottish Opera, Scottish National Orchestra and G65 87 Scottish ballet all based in the city, it is at the forefront of G65 88 artistic endeavour with solid foundations built in the last G65 89 century. Equally in its renowned Citizens' Theatre, its sparkling G65 90 new Concert Hall, its young artists and designers of international G65 91 renown cascading from the Glasgow School of Art, as well as its two G65 92 fine universities contribute to a new respect for the former G65 93 decaying old city. That one sidedness<&|>sic! that Sydney Checkland G65 94 described as the upas tree of heavy industry and Colum Brogan as G65 95 the static socialist dogma have gone. As in Andrew Young's Atlanta, G65 96 it is as if the pragmatic Labour dominated city in partnership with G65 97 business has rediscovered its forgotten tradition of innovation and G65 98 social justice.

G65 99 Glasgow then is a cosmopolitan city. As H. V. Morton observed G65 100 "Glasgow is the city of the glad hand and the smack on the G65 101 back; Edinburgh is the city of silence until birth or brains open G65 102 the social circle. In Glasgow a man is innocent until he is found G65 103 guilty; in Edinburgh a man is guilty until he is found innocent. G65 104 Glasgow is willing to believe the best of unknown quantity; G65 105 Edinburgh like all aristocracies, the worst! ... Glasgow is G65 106 cosmopolitan ... Glasgow is a mighty and inspiring story. She is G65 107 Scotland's anchor to reality. Lacking her Scotland would be a G65 108 backward country lost in poetic memories and at enmity with an age G65 109 where she was playing no part."

G65 110 Glasgow has played her part. Glasgow grew rapidly in the G65 111 nineteenth century. The 77,000 population of 1800 quadrupled by G65 112 1850 and reached a million by the First World War. The city had G65 113 well established links from colonial days with America through the G65 114 tobacco trade which later developed into a substantial emigrant G65 115 traffic. By 1930 America was home for almost fourteen per cent of G65 116 all Scots. More than a quarter of all Scots born in the half G65 117 century from 1871 emigrated. The first Mormon converts occurred in G65 118 1837: more than 5,000 followed them to America. Other emigrant and G65 119 trading links had been forged through Glasgow with British G65 120 possessions: India and the Far East, New Zealand from 1833, G65 121 Australia, Canada and South Africa as well as the thriving Scottish G65 122 engineering and farming enterprises in South America. In the G65 123 provision of material and manpower, Glasgow was deservedly known as G65 124 the 'Second City of the British Empire'. The city provided the G65 125 technicians and technology of modernity.

G65 126 In the last century the city was indeed the workshop of the G65 127 world. In the early period her textile industry boomed. It boomed G65 128 with the latest sophisticated technology, and cheap, often child G65 129 labour. The unparalleled quality and colour of Monteith's turkey G65 130 red materials attracted Russian imperial and European aristocratic G65 131 attention. Chemical industries naturally followed. The surrounding G65 132 coalfields, iron, later steel works further aided rapid expansion. G65 133 By mid century more than four fifths of all British shipping was G65 134 built on the Clyde. To one American visitor the Clyde seemed one G65 135 long twenty-four hour permanent shipyard. In 1913, three quarters G65 136 of a million tons were launched by the 60,000 workforce: with pride G65 137 in Fairfields, John Browns Lithgows, Henderson and the rest. With G65 138 such materials and skills, Glasgow with the huge north British G65 139 locomotive works was supplying vast numbers of engines at home and G65 140 abroad.

G65 141 The population flooding into the city was diverse. The city G65 142 grew at 'an American pace'. In the early nineteenth century Glasgow G65 143 matched the contemporary major American cities in rawness and G65 144 undisciplined development. In 1839 a parliamentary report on G65 145 housing was incredulous that "so large an amount of filth, G65 146 crime, misery and disease existed in one spot in any civilised G65 147 country". In 1842 the redoubtable sanitary reformer, Edwin G65 148 Chadwick in his report on the condition of British cities described G65 149 Glasgow as "possibly the filthiest and unhealthiest of all G65 150 British towns". The contemporary death and disability rate G65 151 among Catholic priests devoted to the poor was considerable. Infant G65 152 mortality was commonplace: in 1821 half the population would die G65 153 before the age of ten. In 1861 the worst slum area compacted some G65 154 583 people per acre.

G65 155 Twenty years later, Glasgow's pioneering Medical Officer of G65 156 Health J. B. Russell, found that three quarters of the population G65 157 lived in two-roomed apartments: only one in 20 lived in G65 158 five rooms or more. Even after zealous municipal initiatives, G65 159 Hector Bolitho, Cancer of Empire (1924) found two thirds G65 160 of the population still lived below minimum Board of Health G65 161 standards. Epidemics naturally flourished. In 1832 more than 3,000 G65 162 perished from cholera. It remained a scourge until 1866. Amid such G65 163 squalor, poverty, drunkenness, crime and vice flourished. In 1843 G65 164 William Logan estimated that Glasgow sustained 450 brothels with G65 165 some 1,800 girls. In 1871 the Glasgow Daily Mail claimed G65 166 that 200 brothels and 150 shebeens profitably traded in the inner G65 167 city. The trials and tribulations of the poor were movingly G65 168 portrayed by the self taught Glasgow based novelist, Patrick G65 169 Macgill especially in his The Children of the Dead End G65 170 (1914) and The Rat Pit (1915). Even as late as 1914, G65 171 Margaret Sanger, the pioneer American birth controller, estimated G65 172 the city contained tens of thousands of prostitutes among its poor. G65 173 Drunkenness was widespread among this displaced population. The G65 174 Saltmarket area was commonly refered<&|>sic! to as 'civilisation's G65 175 inferno' to which respectable visitors were escorted by high minded G65 176 citizens to be suitably outraged at the Saturday night degradation. G65 177 If morally repulsive, such activities showed the entrepreneurial G65 178 spirit at its worst and the need for social discipline.

G65 179 Discipline came from several sources: from the industrial work G65 180 ethic; from the churches; municipal government and respectable G65 181 public opinion. Labour, as Sydney G. Checkland argued, was largely G65 182 quiescent through much of the century. The firm, if not brutal G65 183 repression of popular unrest in 1811-2, the 1820 rising and the G65 184 1837 cotton strike influenced subsequent developments. A booming G65 185 local economy over time and the availability of allegedly cheaper G65 186 immigrant labour contributed to more rational, articulate protest. G65 187 Or rather alternative visions. Robert Owen had come to Glasgow, and G65 188 in partnership with leading businessmen, established his new moral G65 189 factory at nearby New Lanark. Some years later Chartists also G65 190 presented their cause in highly moralistic terms of Chartist G65 191 churches, temperance, public baths and self-improvement. That G65 192 outlook might be attributable to the foundation of the practical G65 193 Andersonian college, (now Strathclyde University), largely G65 194 developed from 1800 by John Birkbeck before his departure for G65 195 London and to the accessibility of Glasgow University to many sons G65 196 of the poorer classes: John MacDonald, the Scottish coal G65 197 miners<&|>sic! leader, graduated in between working shifts down the G65 198 pit in 1853. Again unlike contemporary Oxford and Cambridge, the G65 199 university did not demand a religious test. Skilled craftsmen might G65 200 also emigrate to more rewarding opportunities in England or abroad: G65 201 they were the exportable technicians of universal material G65 202 improvement. To a considerable degree, the existing social order G65 203 offered some prospects of improvement, provided status in the local G65 204 community and self fulfilment.

G65 205 The churches also provided a means of self discipline in the G65 206 traditional moral way. But in nineteenth century Glasgow they G65 207 provided many other means of self-discipline. Glasgow churches G65 208 performed an important role in giving an identity to the newcomers G65 209 to the city. As the quotation above by H. V. Morton implied, G65 210 Glasgow was a cosmopolitan city. It was like our contemporary G65 211 California: comparatively few citizens had been born within its G65 212 boundaries. G65 213 G66 1 <#FLOB:G66\>The Broadcasting Act 1990 and Communities of G66 2 Faith

G66 3 Rev Eric Shegog

G66 4 The Broadcasting Act 1990 which received the Royal Assent in G66 5 November last year has direct implications for religious G66 6 communities in three ways. These are religious programming, G66 7 ownership of licences and advertising.

G66 8 Programmes G66 9 In the Act, which is concerned almost exclusively with G66 10 commercially funded television and radio, religious programmes are, G66 11 for the first time explicitly mandated as a required programme G66 12 category on channels 3, 4 and also channel 5 when it arrives. Until G66 13 now, religious programmes gained a place in the schedules on the G66 14 basis they were deemed an essential element of the balanced G66 15 schedule demanded by previous legislation. Their inclusion in the G66 16 new Act reflects strong political lobbying during the drafting G66 17 stage and guarantees a place for religious broadcasting in the G66 18 foreseeable future on independent television's major channels. The G66 19 key passage is Section 16 (2) (e), which states:

G66 20 "that a sufficient amount of time is given in the G66 21 programmes included in the service (of channel 3) to religious G66 22 programmes."

G66 23 As in previous broadcasting legislation, the concept of G66 24 'religious' as opposed to 'Christian' has been retained, in spite G66 25 of a strong lobby to have it changed. One person's surfeit is G66 26 another person's deprivation. The new regulatory body, the G66 27 Independent Television Commission, has determined they expect a G66 28 minimum of two hours of religious programming a week on Channel 3 G66 29 which is roughly what ITV provides now.

G66 30 The two hours a week should include acts of worship and a range G66 31 of other programme types. The responsibility for this is laid, as G66 32 now on whoever gets the weekend franchise, currently London Weekend G66 33 Television. This means effectively, that in the main, religious G66 34 programmes which are networked nationally will stay as now, on G66 35 Sunday. What the ITC can not influence is the scheduling of the G66 36 programmes. It is odds on, that acts of worship will remain, for G66 37 obvious reasons on Sunday mornings. There is no requirement G66 38 however, for them to be live transmissions as now. It would clearly G66 39 be cheaper in an increasingly competitive environment to pre-record G66 40 services during the week when cheaper rates apply. The current G66 41 closed period agreement, whereby the BBC and ITV transmit Songs of G66 42 Praise and Highway, simultaneously at 6.40 pm, is unlikely to be G66 43 maintained, though given their relative popularity they may achieve G66 44 an early evening slot.

G66 45 Channel 4 will continue to provide a minimum of an hour a week G66 46 of religious programmes.

G66 47 Of interest to religious communities is the Act's requirement G66 48 that 25% of the output on BBC and Channel 3 (News and Current G66 49 Affairs excepted) will be given over to independent producers. For G66 50 the last two years the Church's TV and Radio Centre at Bushey, G66 51 initially funded by Lord Rank, has paved the way, co-funding and G66 52 co-producing a range of programmes with the BBC and others.

G66 53 Cable, Satellite and Radio

G66 54 The mandate for religious broadcasting does not include cable, G66 55 satellite nor local and community radio. Unquestionably there will G66 56 continue to be religious programming on these, as there has been in G66 57 the past. The deciding factor will be money. Just recently LBC, one G66 58 of London's major radio stations threatened to axe its religious G66 59 output unless pounds40,000 was found. The Baha'is came up G66 60 trumps.

G66 61 For years both BBC and Independent local radio have been G66 62 subsidised by local clergy and laity voluntarily producing or G66 63 presenting programmes. In the case of LBC's 'You don't have to be G66 64 Jewish' the programme is sponsored by a local travel agency. There G66 65 will be no payment for providing programmes for radio, cable or G66 66 satellite. Quite the opposite in fact, where a non-domestic G66 67 satellite channel is concerned. Groups will have to buy time. There G66 68 will be opportunities for faith-communities on local cable systems. G66 69 But only those with a capability to provide programming will stand G66 70 a chance.

G66 71 The Programme Code

G66 72 Irrespective of the medium, all religious programmes on G66 73 Independent television or radio will have to conform to a new code G66 74 drawn up by the ITC and, where radio is concerned, by the Radio G66 75 Authority.

G66 76 The code is based on Section 6 (1)(d) of the Broadcasting Act G66 77 which states:

G66 78 "That due responsibility is exercised with respect to G66 79 the content of any of its programmes which are religious G66 80 programmes, and that in particular any such programmes do not G66 81 involve-

G66 82 (i) any improper exploitations of any susceptibilities of those G66 83 watching the programmes, or

G66 84 (ii) any abusive treatment of the religious views and beliefs G66 85 of those belonging to a particular religion or religious G66 86 denomination."

G66 87 Interestingly, the ITC and the Radio Authority codes reflect G66 88 this requirement differently. On the whole the ITC's code for G66 89 religious programmes appears more rigorous than that of the Radio G66 90 Authority, though the latter's code has not yet been finalised. For G66 91 example, in line with the BBC, proselytising is forbidden on G66 92 Channels 3, 4, and 5 and only permitted on a specialist religious G66 93 channel where viewers deliberately opt in. There is no such embargo G66 94 for local or community radio. The philosophy here appears to be, G66 95 that the market will decide in the form of the listeners. If they G66 96 do not like it, they will not listen and since commercial radio G66 97 will be operating in a highly competitive market, in theory the G66 98 programme will come off. But since it will be possible to appeal G66 99 for funds for programme costs or to further the aims of the group G66 100 providing the programme, subject only to an overall balance of G66 101 charitable appeals being maintained, the market will be irrelevant. G66 102 There will always be some faithful who will stump up to keep the G66 103 show on the road. On TV, funds may only be solicited for G66 104 disadvantaged third parties. And what will happen in, say, Golders G66 105 Green or Finchley if Churches' radio groups evangelise, albeit G66 106 responsibly and properly and without denigrating the Jewish faith? G66 107 Is it likely to be less offensive to the local Jewish community? G66 108 Clearly, the Radio Authority is going to have its work cut out to G66 109 monitor the 400 new stations expected over the next 10 years. Given G66 110 its light touch and post hoc regulatory stance, this is not going G66 111 to be easy.

G66 112 Ownership G66 113 The second area of direct relevance to religious groups is G66 114 ownership. In the past, religious groups have not been allowed to G66 115 hold a licence for radio or television. Now, under the Act, they G66 116 may hold a licence for local or community radio, but not for one of G66 117 the three expected national stations. They may at the discretion of G66 118 the ITC be licensed to provide a cable or non-domestic G66 119 satellite service but they may not hold a licence for a channel 3 G66 120 region nor channel 5.

G66 121 Where radio is concerned, any religious group will have to G66 122 demonstrate that the service they offer is enlarging listeners' G66 123 choice more than a competitor, who may be offering a jazz station G66 124 or one devoted to sport, or better community service if the station G66 125 is directed at a local community. More significantly, they will G66 126 have to demonstrate they have a business plan which is reasonably G66 127 capable of ensuring survival.

G66 128 Already some local religious groups are expressing interest in G66 129 community radio licences. Wear FM in Sunderland is a new station G66 130 based on a cooperative model. Under the chairmanship of the local G66 131 Rural Dean, various community groups, including the Anglican G66 132 deanery, together with the local polytechnic and council, have a G66 133 stake in the action. In High Wycombe, the local Council of Churches G66 134 is putting together an application for a community radio licence. G66 135 Whatever form local churches' and synagogues' involvement in local G66 136 radio takes, training is paramount and only superseded in G66 137 importance by the need to harmonise with the overall station G66 138 sound.

G66 139 Advertising G66 140 The other area of relevance to religious groups is advertising. G66 141 For the first time the new legislation allows religious groups to G66 142 advertise. The scale of economy is such, that it is unlikely many G66 143 religious communities will be able to afford major advertising G66 144 campaigns, especially on TV. Radio, however is a different G66 145 proposition. It is cheaper to produce the ads and buy the space. G66 146 And, it can be <}_><-|>targetted<+|>targeted<}/> at local G66 147 audiences. The Anglican dioceses of Lichfield and Oxford recently G66 148 led the religious field with advertisements on local radio G66 149 reminding listeners it was Easter. All religious advertisements G66 150 must conform with the ITC and Radio Authority code which was drawn G66 151 up in consultation with a range of religious groups.

G66 152 Britain is now entering what a former BBC mandarin called G66 153 "The Third Age of Broadcasting." He was referring, G66 154 of course, to satellite and cable, where there is a projected G66 155 growth over the next 5 years of at least 40 channels and probably G66 156 more being available. There will also be an expansion of radio with G66 157 3 national commercial stations and 400 local and community radio G66 158 stations. Within the next three years, channel 5 will be on air, G66 159 though it will not, for technical reasons, be available to G66 160 everyone.

G66 161 How should we Respond?

G66 162 How can, how should religious communities respond to this G66 163 development? First, we must recognise that being on the air is no G66 164 substitute for the ministry of the church or synagogue at the local G66 165 level. Second, we must recognise the limitations of television and G66 166 radio, and that if we are to use them to communicate effectively, G66 167 we must learn their grammar and syntax. Third we need to consider G66 168 how we respond at different levels, national TV or radio, regional G66 169 TV or local radio and cable.

G66 170 Some will argue why should we bother at all, particularly when G66 171 the BBC and channels 3, 4 and 5 will continue to provide access to G66 172 major audiences for religious people at no cost to them. And G66 173 particularly, since the terrestrial channels will continue to G66 174 attract a major share of the audience, at least for the immediate G66 175 future. A counter argument to this is based on editorial freedom. G66 176 In religious programmes as in any other programme, editorial G66 177 responsibility lies with the broadcaster. Even where the originator G66 178 of the programme is a religious group, it has to abide by the G66 179 programme policy expressed in the programme code. This still, of G66 180 course, allows a considerable degree of freedom. In practical terms G66 181 however, it will be some time before mainstream religious bodies G66 182 are able to make the resources available to gain the experience G66 183 necessary for network television production. It is much more likely G66 184 that religious entrepreneurs will take the lead.

G66 185 My own view, is that religious communities should major at the G66 186 local level and build on their experience in local radio. This G66 187 allows any involvement in local cable or radio to be incorporated G66 188 into a wider strategy. Local involvement is also more viable.

G66 189 G66 190 Mixing Love and Faith

G66 191 Rabbi Jonathan Romain

G66 192 Twelve years ago Mary and Daniel fell in love with each other. G66 193 They shared everything, except religion. When they wanted to become G66 194 engaged Mary's parents refused to let her marry a non-Catholic, G66 195 whilst Daniel's parents were equally adamant that he should not G66 196 marry outside the Jewish faith. The couple split up.

G66 197 If their tail had ended there it would have been a relatively G66 198 common one, reflecting the fate of many couples from different G66 199 religious backgrounds. However, although Daniel went away and G66 200 married someone of his own faith it proved an unsuccessful match G66 201 and ended in divorce. He returned to his home-town and, to his G66 202 surprise, found Mary still living there.

G66 203 This time they allowed no external factors to impede their G66 204 togetherness, and they now have two children. Both regard the G66 205 marriage as blissfully happy, and only regret the twelve years that G66 206 they needlessly spent apart.

G66 207 Their story will be seen in some quarters as the triumph of G66 208 love over tradition. Others will view it as a religious disaster, G66 209 typical of the demise of the family unit sharing the same faith and G66 210 passing it on to the next generation. Curiously enough, even G66 211 secular parents feel alarmed when their offspring marry out of the G66 212 faith.

G66 213 Even within Christianity ancient theological divisions rear G66 214 themselves when it comes to marching down the aisle. Thus Sally, a G66 215 lapsed Catholic, is often referred to as a 'left-footer' by G66 216 Williams's lapsed Church of England parents. G66 217 G67 1 <#FLOB:G67\>Postmodernism, Subjectivity and the Question of G67 2 Value

G67 3 Kate Soper

G67 4 Within the circles influenced by and sympathetic to G67 5 postmodernism there has of late been discussion as to how long an G67 6 engagement with traditional criteria of truth and value can be G67 7 deferred. It has been suggested that the eclecticism and relativist G67 8 logic of postmodernism is inherently self-stultifying - or at least G67 9 incompatible with a defence of these modes of cognition as some G67 10 form of political and cultural enlightenment. Hence their advocates G67 11 are delivered into a condition of theoretical paralysis: they can G67 12 neither argue for the 'truth' or knowledge status of the forms of G67 13 argument they have employed to expose the mistakes and G67 14 self-delusions of foundationalist metaphysics, nor lay claim to any G67 15 emancipatory values in liberating a left politics from the G67 16 disquieting assimilations of identity concealed within its G67 17 collectivist and humanist 'grand narrative'.

G67 18 This 'impasse', it should be said, does not necessarily afflict G67 19 deconstructive strategies in themselves (except in the sense that G67 20 it can always be asked of their practitioners what motivates them G67 21 other than an impulse to get us to think aright about texts, or at G67 22 any rate to perceive what the text itself is blind to). For to G67 23 pursue the path of Derridean diff<*_>e-acute<*/>rance is, G67 24 strictly speaking, to pre-empt the appeal to the 'identities' whose G67 25 alleged occlusion by orthodox liberal or socialist discourse has G67 26 been invoked in justification of the Anglo-American use of G67 27 deconstructive methods. Thus it might be argued that Derridean G67 28 theory, in openly acknowledging its self-subverting quality (that G67 29 it can rely only on what it theorizes as non-reliable), is neither G67 30 self-subverting nor non-self-subverting - though I think it must G67 31 also be the condition of so arguing that it can lead itself neither G67 32 to this politics, nor to that, neither to value commitments nor to G67 33 their disowning.

G67 34 Some of my argument in what follows does bear on the general G67 35 question of the acceptability of the Derridean G67 36 position/non-position, though in so far as it does I present this G67 37 precisely as a question of 'which way to jump'; in other words, I G67 38 present it as a problem of the mutually exclusive character of G67 39 opposing modes of cognition and not as a problem of the internal G67 40 consistency of either. But what I shall be mainly addressing here G67 41 are certain issues concerning value and subjectivity that arise in G67 42 virtue of the attempt to have it both ways - to have, as it were, a G67 43 foot both in and out of deconstruction. They are issues that G67 44 present themselves, and that have recently become, a focus of G67 45 postmodernist self-criticism, as a result of the various ways in G67 46 which postmodernist ideas have been yoked into the service of a G67 47 left-wing politics or defended as emancipatory insights. G67 48 (And these ideas, I should add, are by no means of exclusively G67 49 Derridean origin, but often in fact owe more to theorists of whom G67 50 Derrida has been critical, such as Foucault, or to the scepticism G67 51 about progress and the ironic self-positionings recommended by G67 52 thinkers like Jean-Fran<*_>c-cedille<*/>ois Lyotard and Richard G67 53 Rorty).

G67 54 One, rather shorthand, way of talking about these issues has G67 55 been in terms of a postmodernist 'suppression' of values, and its G67 56 refusal to employ an associated vocabulary (in aesthetics - of G67 57 'judgement', 'artistic worth', 'intrinsic merit', etc.; in ethics - G67 58 of 'rights', 'freedom', 'duty', etc.; and in epistemology - of G67 59 'truth', 'verification', objectivity, etc). But in fact this is a G67 60 somewhat misleading shorthand, since postmodernist argument has G67 61 invited us not so much to suppress this vocabulary but to construe G67 62 it as directing us to nothing beyond or outside its own discourse. G67 63 According to this position, there are no transcendent, G67 64 extra-discursive qualities or experiences to which we can G67 65 appeal as the grounds for the talk of values and the G67 66 discriminations it offers, since these refer us only to what G67 67 discourse itself constructs. The dispute, in short, has to do with G67 68 how far we retain or sever a discursive-non-discursive G67 69 dialectic: how far the 'text' or 'discourse' of values is what it G67 70 is in virtue of how the 'world' is; how far we read the world to be G67 71 as it is only in virtue of the discourse or text. This means that G67 72 if the symptoms of a return of the 'repressed' of value are now G67 73 disturbing the psychic composure of certain postmodernist modes of G67 74 reflection, then this is not to do with the repression of a G67 75 vocabulary but rather with the repression or evasion of the realist G67 76 commitments that may be essential to sustaining any consistent G67 77 defence of broadly left-wing political values.

G67 78 If this, then, is the controversy or point of tension at issue, G67 79 it seems appropriate to begin by saying something about where I G67 80 stand in regard to it, and I shall do this - for strategic purposes G67 81 that should become clearer as I proceed - by invoking a caricature G67 82 of the dispute. The caricature presents us on the one side with the G67 83 dogged metaphysicians, a fierce and burly crew, stalwartly G67 84 defending various bedrocks and foundations by means of an G67 85 assortment of trusty but clankingly mechanical concepts such as G67 86 'class', 'materialism', 'humanism', 'literary merit', G67 87 'transcendence' and so forth. Obsolete as these weapons are, they G67 88 have the one distinct advantage that in all the dust thrown up by G67 89 their being flailed around, their wielders do not realize how G67 90 seldom they connect with their opponents. On the other side stands G67 91 the opposition, the feline ironists and revellers in relativism, G67 92 dancing lightheartedly upon the waters of G67 93 diff<*_>e-acute<*/>rance, deflecting all foundationalist blows G67 94 with an adroitly directed ludic laser beam. Masters of situationist G67 95 strategy, they sidestep the heavy military engagement by refusing G67 96 to do anything but play.

G67 97 Now, if I were allowed only the mirror of this caricature in G67 98 which to find a reflection of my own position, I would be feeling G67 99 pretty schizoid, but I suppose in the end I would have to recognize G67 100 something minimally less distorting of my own features in the G67 101 grotesque metaphysical Cerberus than in the ironical Cheshire grin. G67 102 In other words, if forced to align myself in terms of this G67 103 caricature, I am ready to do so, provided that in exchange G67 104 everything further I have to say be received as typical of the G67 105 growlings of the monstrous metaphysicians.

G67 106 The Postmodern Condition

G67 107 First, then, a few growlings about the equivocal feelings that G67 108 our post-modern times can induce - an equivocation which at G67 109 its most extreme could be compared to that of the third-century G67 110 Chinese poet, Chuang Chou, who tells us that one night he dreamt he G67 111 was a butterfly, but on awakening did not know whether he had G67 112 dreamt he was a butterfly or whether he was not now a butterfly G67 113 dreaming he was Chuang Chou. For at times it can seem as if we G67 114 stand at the interface of two incommensurable modes of thinking, G67 115 each of which, we know, should we yield to it, has the capacity to G67 116 constitute itself as reality and the other as its dream or myth. G67 117 Each, in other words, seems possessed of such a drug-like power to G67 118 reorchestrate our mental outlook that we hesitate to lend ourselves G67 119 as guinea pigs to either of its thought experiments.

G67 120 At one level - that at which we are called upon to decide our G67 121 general affective response to the 'postmodern' condition - we can G67 122 think of this equivocation in terms of the emotional tug between G67 123 two contrary invitations. One, that which asks us to keep a grip on G67 124 the horror and ugliness of our world, never to forget the extent to G67 125 which it is beset by war, famine, torture, loss of nature, G67 126 grotesque inequalities and intolerable oppressions; and which G67 127 therefore calls upon us to analyse all practice and historical G67 128 process in terms of the degree to which it promotes or detracts G67 129 from the realization of greater peace, equality, democracy, G67 130 ecological well-being and the future flourishing of our species and G67 131 its planet. The other is the invitation to view history as littered G67 132 with the victims of such well-intentioned visions and utopian G67 133 projects, and in the light of that to give ourselves over to a G67 134 pragmatic acceptance of the loss of values - an acceptance, G67 135 moreover, that we might as well feel as cheerful about as we can. G67 136 For if utopias are never to be realized, is there any more harm to G67 137 be done in accepting their loss than in lamenting it? This, then, G67 138 is the invitation to respond to dystopia by a consciously decadent G67 139 pleasuring in its awfulness. It is, as Elizabeth Wilson has G67 140 suggested, to convert 'left-wing' anxiety into a solution: to live G67 141 in a film-noir world.

G67 142 Now it is debateable<&|>sic! how far the flight into cinema and G67 143 the film-noir option has exerted any very real attraction even G67 144 among the more committed adherents of postmodernist G67 145 anti-progressivism. But if some have sensed the temptation of G67 146 decadence, but yet hesitated to succumb to it, they will be aware, G67 147 I think, that any ambivalence in this area is such as to draw them G67 148 back into the camp of the metaphysicians. If they hesitate, I G67 149 suggest it is because they know the allure of a pragmatic G67 150 dystopianism to be a fantasy in which it is much easier to cocoon G67 151 oneself if one is already enjoying comforts which figure only in G67 152 the utopian dreams of the African peasant, the street child in Rio G67 153 de Janiero<&|>sic! or the Iraqi political prisoner. They know, in G67 154 other words, that revelling in the loss of progress is a Western G67 155 metropolitan privilege which depends on living in a certain state G67 156 of grace, a condition where no-one is starving you, no-one G67 157 torturing you, no-one even denying you the price of a cinema ticket G67 158 or tube fare to the conference on postmodernism.

G67 159 My first point, then, is this. We should accept the implication G67 160 of any misgiving felt about yielding to postmodernist cynicism: G67 161 namely, that it reveals a certain sensitivity about the G67 162 self-indulgent quality of that reaction; an awareness of how G67 163 parochial it is to present the loss of hope or progress as a G67 164 universally available mode of adjustment to the ugliness of our G67 165 times. But to recognize this is in effect to be forced out of G67 166 equivocation back toward an open commitment to certain political G67 167 principles and values. It is to recognize certain objective G67 168 structures of oppression by reference to which we discriminate G67 169 between practices, dispute the wisdom of various emancipatory G67 170 strategies, and, indeed, engage in more than theory.

G67 171 But to come back now to the theoretical opposition whose G67 172 caricature I sketched in my opening remarks, where a similar point G67 173 holds. On the one hand, we have grounded theory, a cognitive G67 174 position that remains committed to truth and objectivity as the G67 175 condition of making sense of value preference. On the other hand, G67 176 we have deconstruction and difference theory, a perspective from G67 177 which all appeals to intrinsic quality as the ground of aesthetic G67 178 and cultural judgement, or to objectively verifiable needs and G67 179 sufferings as the justification of political and ethical G67 180 commitments, must be rejected as so many forms of logocentrism - as G67 181 resting their claims on appeals to concepts of truth and value G67 182 which are radically indecidable, unstable metaphors always G67 183 intruding between the presence or state of affairs they supposedly G67 184 grasp. Here too there is extensive equivocation, and precisely G67 185 because one can appreciate the measure of virtue in both G67 186 approaches. But again, I would want to argue that the very G67 187 reasoning that allows us to appreciate the attractions and G67 188 importance of discourse theory and deconstruction is such as to G67 189 commit the reasoner to defending certain values.

G67 190 Why, for example, lend ourselves to the politics of G67 191 'difference' if not in virtue of its enlightenment - what it G67 192 permits in the way of releasing subjects from the conflations of G67 193 imperializing discourse and the constructed identities of binary G67 194 oppositions? Why lend ourselves to the deconstruction of G67 195 liberal-humanist rhetoric if not to expose the class or racial or G67 196 gender identities it occludes? Why challenge truth if not in the G67 197 interests of revealing the potentially manipulative powers of the G67 198 discourses that have attained the status of knowledge? Why call G67 199 science in question if not in part because of the military and G67 200 ecological catastrophes to which the blind pursuit of its G67 201 instrumental rationality has delivered us? G67 202 G67 203 G67 204 G68 1 <#FLOB:G68\>Security: new ideas, old ambiguities

G68 2 Peter Mangold

G68 3 After months of speculation and discussion, the first pieces of G68 4 the new European security jigsaw puzzle are now in place. At their G68 5 November summit in Paris, the leaders of the 34-member Conference G68 6 on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) agreed to reductions G68 7 in military hardware. This should end decades of tension and G68 8 nervous anxiety associated with the Soviet Union's conventional G68 9 superiority in Europe. Other agreements included the establishment G68 10 of a Centre for the Prevention of Conflict. The leaders also G68 11 reaffirmed, this time with a sincerity notably absent when the G68 12 Helsinki Final Act was signed in 1975, their belief in democratic G68 13 values. Europe has thus taken a major step towards becoming a G68 14 militarily more stable region. It has also witnessed a critical and G68 15 quite novel conjunction of political and strategic objectives, G68 16 former ideological adversaries committing themselves to conditions G68 17 for regional security based on what had become common political G68 18 values. As security problems become diluted within the larger, more G68 19 benign politico-economic agenda, they should lose much of the G68 20 salience they have had over the last 40 years. However, before G68 21 attention is allowed to shift to what remains of the strategic G68 22 agenda - the future of NATO (see next article), the dissolution of G68 23 the Warsaw Pact and the security role of the European Community - G68 24 we need to ask certain questions. Have we simply been seeing a G68 25 shift in security arrangements in line with the political G68 26 revolution in the East? Or are we also witnessing something no less G68 27 momentous, namely a fundamental shift in the way we think about G68 28 security?

G68 29 What is security?

G68 30 Security has been one of the great obsessions of the twentieth G68 31 century but, like many obsessions, it has attracted more attention G68 32 than rigorous scrutiny. Those currently engaged in redefining G68 33 'security' away from traditional strategic-political concerns G68 34 towards global economic and environmental issues fall into at least G68 35 two traps. They confuse security with threats; they also assume G68 36 that it is possible to redefine a concept which has never been G68 37 satisfactorily defined in the first place. For the hard fact is G68 38 that national security has been allowed to remain what one critic G68 39 has described as a "modern incantation", a G68 40 catch-all term which can be expanded to embrace whatever concerns G68 41 happen to be strategically fashionable.

G68 42 The academic community has tended to steer clear of the task of G68 43 introducing precision into a notoriously amorphous concept, so that G68 44 while the number of books featuring security in their title or G68 45 subtitle would by now fill a small library, the theoretical G68 46 literature is sparse. It is both remarkable, and slightly G68 47 scandalous, that so little has been done to develop the ideas in G68 48 Arnold Wolfers' essay, National Security as an Ambiguous G68 49 Symbol, first published in 1952. Officials, by contrast, have G68 50 either preferred to maintain the rhetorical mystique with which G68 51 national security is so often invested, or have seen little point G68 52 in worrying about general ideas which are perceived as providing G68 53 few specific guides to policy.

G68 54 That view is shortsighted. Indirect it may often be, but I G68 55 would suggest that there is a link between conceptual precision and G68 56 the quality of policy. A clearer understanding of what does and G68 57 does not contribute to real security, of why states under- and G68 58 over-insure, may not have helped with the day-to-day G68 59 questions of budgeting or weapons procurement. But it might well G68 60 have made it much easier to retain that overview of the problem G68 61 which so often appeared to be lacking during the years of the Cold G68 62 War, when security was conceived in such narrow and expensive G68 63 military terms. The way we think about security, the extent to G68 64 which we allow that thinking to be determined by unexamined (albeit G68 65 often powerful and simplistic) assumptions, goes a considerable way G68 66 towards determining how much security we get and what it costs.

G68 67 The security structures established in the late 1940s owe much G68 68 to the traditional belief that security is an essentially G68 69 competitive business; it is something which states gain at one G68 70 another's expense. While the search for security was not quite G68 71 perceived as a zero-sum game, the prospect for regulating G68 72 competitive security strategies was never regarded as very G68 73 promising. However much effort may have been invested in arms G68 74 control, the net result was to 'limit' the increase in strategic G68 75 arms; conventional arms reduction never progressed beyond the years G68 76 of fruitless wrangling in Vienna. The great leap forward in the G68 77 mid-1980s by contrast is to be traced back to the reassertion of G68 78 the alternative view that security is something which states can G68 79 and need to 'share'. The hallmark of this latter approach is thus G68 80 agreement rather than competition, the management of a common G68 81 security environment rather than the maintenance of a balance of G68 82 power.

G68 83 Viewed in the context of the reversal of the trends of more G68 84 than four decades in which military factors came to play a uniquely G68 85 dominant role in security policy, the radical nature of this change G68 86 can hardly be exaggerated. But what is certainly new to Soviet G68 87 policy-makers is rather less so to those with a broader G68 88 geographical and historical perspective. The changes which have G68 89 taken place over the last few years need to be seen as part of a G68 90 much longer historical process. A conference which had as one of G68 91 its major themes the assertion of democratic values was hardly G68 92 likely to look too kindly on the precedent set by the 1815 Congress G68 93 of Vienna, which had concerned itself with the rights of rulers G68 94 rather than the ruled. Indeed, President Mitterand went so far as G68 95 to describe it as the "anti-Congress of Vienna".

G68 96 Yet those who look optimistically towards a new European order G68 97 should recall that the Congress system, which evolved in the wake G68 98 of the Napoleonic wars, did set an important precedent. For it G68 99 represented what one historian has described as a coalition of G68 100 states premised on the existence of a public law of Europe, for the G68 101 defence of that law. They may also care to recall that the G68 102 conference which met at Versailles in the wake of the First World G68 103 War, for all its horrendous imperfections, took the first steps in G68 104 fashioning the 'new' world order by establishing the blueprint for G68 105 the joint management of a common international security G68 106 environment. At its centre was, and remains, a set of rules G68 107 upholding the right of all states to security. These were to be G68 108 enforced by a system of collective security intended to operate in G68 109 a world in which levels of armaments were low and disputes dealt G68 110 with through arbitration. Despite its short-term failure, at least G68 111 during the 1919-39 period, the basic ideas have not gone away. The G68 112 prohibition on the use of force in the settlement of disputes laid G68 113 down in the Charter of the League of Nations has been reasserted G68 114 internationally by the United Nations, and at the regional level by G68 115 bodies such as the Arab League, the Organisation of American States G68 116 and the Organisation of African Unity. They are of course also G68 117 highly relevant in the context of Europe and the CSCE.

G68 118 The 1939-45 European watershed

G68 119 The extent to which these rules have been observed has depended G68 120 ultimately on one of two conditions: a radical increase in the cost G68 121 of force, or a reduction in the incentives for breaking them. It is G68 122 in this context that the Second World War proved a watershed (at G68 123 least for the Europeans and their superpower Allies). Whatever the G68 124 hopes initially invested in the League's successor-organisation, G68 125 the UN, the immediate emphasis shifted away from grand designs in G68 126 the direction of an innovative pragmatism centred on the economic G68 127 rather than the military bases of security. The Anglo-Saxons G68 128 concentrated their efforts on fashioning a working model of G68 129 economic internationalism, the major legacies of which remain the G68 130 International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the General G68 131 Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Their European counterparts looked G68 132 towards regional economic integration as the means of drawing the G68 133 sting out of assertive nationalisms. The European Coal and Steel G68 134 Community established conditions in which the countries of Western G68 135 Europe have 'shared' security in a quite unique way; indeed they G68 136 have shared it so closely that, following the establishment of the G68 137 European Economic Community, security is no longer an issue between G68 138 them. And at the risk of reiterating the obvious, it is the G68 139 Community which has helped make German reunification such a G68 140 relatively painless process.

G68 141 The third building-block of the new security order was the G68 142 product of the next great international conflict. Nuclear weapons G68 143 did indeed introduce a constraint on the use of force undreamed of G68 144 when the League was founded, but those engaged in the Cold War G68 145 failed to come to terms with the problems associated with the G68 146 credibility and controllability of deterrence. This helps explain G68 147 why the immediate impact of nuclear weapons was to reinforce rather G68 148 than ameliorate the older, competitive notions of security. For G68 149 nuclear weapons created a peculiar paradox. On the one hand they G68 150 generated the kind of fear on which worst-case scenarios thrived; G68 151 on the other, they encouraged a certain complacency among the rival G68 152 political leaderships who tacitly assumed of each other the very G68 153 rationality and restraint which their force planners and G68 154 strategists called into question. For it is difficult to believe G68 155 that arsenals would have been allowed to have been built up so G68 156 rapidly - or arms control allowed to proceed at such a leisurely G68 157 pace - if strategic competition had not been seen as a relatively G68 158 'safe' substitute for more direct conflict.

G68 159 The emphasis here is of course on 'relatively', for over the G68 160 longer term this situation was bound to trigger some kind of G68 161 reaction or reappraisal. The reaction is reflected in the peace G68 162 movements as a symptom of underlying unease rather than the G68 163 catalyst for change.

G68 164 The reappraisal came with the ideas of strategic stability G68 165 which emerged in the United States in the 1960s. In retrospect the G68 166 parameters of this new thinking seem rather narrow. The immediate G68 167 issues were deterrence and the stabilisation of the arms race, G68 168 rather than any wider attempt to rethink the problem of security. G68 169 It took another 20 years before the idea of common security entered G68 170 into general currency. The Palme Report, published at a time of G68 171 renewed East-West tension, is in many respects an unsatisfactory G68 172 document which at first sight does not add up to much more than the G68 173 sum of its many proposals. But if short on intellectual rigour (and G68 174 not particularly innovative), it sought to build in positive form G68 175 on the truth implicitly acknowledged in the famous or infamous G68 176 acronym MAD (Mutual Assured Deterrence), namely that nuclear G68 177 adversaries had to achieve security with rather than against one G68 178 another.

G68 179 What really put common security on the map was Mikhail G68 180 Gorbachev with the 'new Soviet thinking'. Exactly how much the G68 181 latter owes to the crisis of Communism, and how much to an G68 182 incipient crisis of confidence in deterrence which can be detected G68 183 in the Western debate of the same period, is still unclear. But it G68 184 is evident that the broader re-conceptualisation of security on G68 185 which Soviet thinkers engaged in the 1980s was part of an G68 186 historical process which went well beyond any specially strategic G68 187 reassessment. The 'new thinking' helped a new generation of Soviet G68 188 leaders re-think the country's domestic and external policies. G68 189 Soviet security policy, like the country's economic policy, was G68 190 finally acknowledged to have reached a critical impasse. Far from G68 191 increasing security, the over-insurance in which the country had so G68 192 conspicuously engaged had actually diminished it. Geographically G68 193 and economically overextended, the Soviet Union needed new concepts G68 194 which would allow it to put the arms race into reverse and shift G68 195 the fulcrum of security policy away from the military towards the G68 196 political sphere. Only this way would it be possible for the Soviet G68 197 Union to accept intrusive forms of verification and to make the G68 198 asymmetrical concessions which have facilitated the agreements over G68 199 Intermediate Nuclear Forces (INF) and Conventional Forces in Europe G68 200 (CFE), as well as putting up with the collapse of its strategic G68 201 glacis in Eastern Europe. Contrary to some initial Western G68 202 scepticism, the Soviet Union did not only preach common security, G68 203 but practised it in a way which made it possible for its G68 204 adversaries to follow suit.

G68 205 G68 206 G68 207 G69 1 <#FLOB:G69\>Marriage breakdown and the law

G69 2 Brenda Hoggett

G69 3 Divorce statistics are steadily rising, with Britain heading G69 4 the European league. Politicians, social scientists, the Churches - G69 5 all are concerned at the threat to the family. But what should be G69 6 the response? Below, a member of the Law Commission expounds the G69 7 arguments for further legislative reform.

G69 8 To many people the whole idea of a 'good' divorce law is a G69 9 contradiction in terms. It is not only committed Christians who G69 10 believe that, ideally, marriage should be for life. The problem has G69 11 been how to reconcile the need to release some people from that G69 12 commitment with the desire to keep the others together.

G69 13 The law has known for a long time that it cannot force couples G69 14 to live with each other. Nevertheless, it was thought that it could G69 15 encourage them to do so by restricting the grounds for divorce to G69 16 the so-called 'matrimonial offences'. The would-be 'guilty' party G69 17 might be kept in order by the possible penalties of being divorced G69 18 against his or her will, losing the children, having to pay or G69 19 losing the right to maintenance. The 'innocent' party could choose G69 20 whether or not to inflict these penalties on the guilty, but the G69 21 hope was always that, as a Christian, he or she would forgive the G69 22 one who had sinned.

G69 23 By 1966, however, the upward trend in divorce was already G69 24 established and this approach no longer made sense. Logically, it G69 25 denied divorce to a great many marriages which had obviously broken G69 26 down, because both parties had committed an 'offence' or wanted a G69 27 divorce or had been living apart for so long that they were G69 28 obviously never going to live together again. Many of these couples G69 29 obtained their release by pretending that one of them had committed G69 30 adultery. In 1966 a group set up by the Archbishop of Canterbury, G69 31 in their report Putting Asunder - a Divorce Law for G69 32 Contemporary Society, declared themselves to be "far G69 33 from convinced that the present provisions of the law witness to G69 34 the sanctity of marriage, or uphold its public repute, in any G69 35 observable way, or that they are irreplaceable as buttresses of G69 36 morality, either in the narrow field of matrimonial and sexual G69 37 relationships, or in the wider field which includes considerations G69 38 of truth, the sacredness of oaths, and the integrity of G69 39 professional practice".

G69 40 When the Divorce Reform Act 1969 was passed, most people G69 41 thought it an improvement, but many of the criticisms of the G69 42 hypocrisy of the old law apply almost as much to the new. First, it G69 43 is confusing and misleading, even downright dishonest. It tells G69 44 people that the sole ground for divorce is that the marriage has G69 45 irretrievably broken down, which looks like a neutral and objective G69 46 fact, rather than a judgement upon their behaviour. But then it G69 47 insists that this can only be proved in one of five ways, three of G69 48 which look remarkably like the old matrimonial offences: that one G69 49 partner has committed adultery and the other finds it intolerable G69 50 to live with him or her; that one partner has behaved in such a way G69 51 that it is not reasonable to expect the other to live with him or G69 52 her; or that one partner has deserted the other for at least two G69 53 years. The only truly 'no-fault' ways of proving that the marriage G69 54 has irretrievably broken down is if the partners have lived apart, G69 55 either for two years if the other party agrees to a divorce, or for G69 56 five years if he or she does not. In practice nearly three-quarters G69 57 of cases are based on adultery or behaviour and only a handful are G69 58 defended. The vast majority are decided under the so-called G69 59 'special' procedure, where a district judge scrutinises the written G69 60 evidence and the circuit judge simply rubber-stamps the decision. G69 61 The basis upon which one party obtains a divorce may have little to G69 62 do with the real reason why the marriage broke down.

G69 63 This is discriminatory and unjust. The Law Commission's public G69 64 opinion survey found that most people now think it a good thing G69 65 that couples who do not want to blame each other do not have to do G69 66 so. But in practice only those who can afford to live apart for two G69 67 years can choose to have a 'civilised' divorce. The rest, G69 68 particularly low-income families with dependent children, have to G69 69 make hostile allegations whether they want to or not. In practice G69 70 such assertions are almost impossible to contradict: not only are G69 71 the financial costs of any defence considerable (and a drain on the G69 72 resources which will be needed by the most vulnerable members in G69 73 the future) but the chances of saving the marriage in this way are G69 74 very slim. There can be few things better calculated to drive a G69 75 couple further apart than the necessity to pick over each and every G69 76 incident of their married life, with one of them looking for every G69 77 opportunity to find fault and the other one trying to deny or G69 78 explain away any criticism, whether or not it is justified.

G69 79 Defended or undefended, the process can produce a great deal of G69 80 the unnecessary "embarrassment, humiliation and G69 81 bitterness" which the Law Commission in 1966 thought it so G69 82 important to avoid. People now expect much more out of their G69 83 marriages than they used to. This may mean that they are more G69 84 willing to bring them to an end if their expectations are G69 85 unfulfilled. Women, in particular, are much less likely to tolerate G69 86 violence or other forms of abuse and ill-treatment. Both men and G69 87 women may be more inclined to seek happiness elsewhere, whether G69 88 with other partners or on their own. But the greater the G69 89 expectations of marriage, the greater the sense of pain, loss and G69 90 failure when it comes to an end. By seeking to apportion blame, the G69 91 law can serve to make the personal crisis worse.

G69 92 This might be an acceptable price to pay if there were any G69 93 reason to suppose that it helped to preserve those marriages which G69 94 ought to be preserved. There is none. The law obliges a couple G69 95 whose marriage is in difficulties either to separate for a lengthy G69 96 period or to make hostile allegations against each other. In G69 97 undefended cases a decree can be obtained in a very short time, G69 98 giving them little opportunity or encouragement to think again. It G69 99 is a troubling possibility, even probability, that the greatest G69 100 pressure to think again is felt by the very people who are most in G69 101 need of a remedy: those victims of domestic violence who have young G69 102 children to care for, no money, and nowhere else to go. A divorce G69 103 may be their only way out of an intolerable situation, but such is G69 104 the emotional and material dependence created within an abusive G69 105 relationship that their resolve may crumble at the first hint of G69 106 opposition, whereas a determined but much less deserving person G69 107 will battle on. It is remarkable how many divorcing couples, G69 108 particularly where behaviour is alleged, are still living under the G69 109 same roof when the proceedings begin. It is equally remarkable how G69 110 many of these cases fail to proceed. It is comforting but difficult G69 111 to believe that these are always the unmeritorious or genuinely G69 112 reconciled.

G69 113 Perhaps the worst feature of the present law, however, is that G69 114 by its ineffectual attempts to keep some marriages alive it can G69 115 hinder any attempt by the couple to think positively and G69 116 constructively about the future. It can certainly make things worse G69 117 for the children. Most of them would no doubt prefer their parents G69 118 to stay together. But if they part, and are forced either to G69 119 separate for a long time or to make hostile allegations, the G69 120 children's suffering can only be increased, partly because of the G69 121 uncertainty and animosity generated by the divorce itself, and G69 122 partly because this makes it so much less likely that the parents G69 123 will be able to co-operate in bringing up their children in the G69 124 future.

G69 125 What, then, might be done to improve matters? Some have argued G69 126 that it would be better to leave things as they are, however G69 127 unsatisfactory, because any change is likely to make them even G69 128 worse. In 1988 the Law Commission published a discussion paper, G69 129 Facing the Future, which set out the problems and G69 130 canvassed the possible solutions in some detail. Most of those who G69 131 replied thought that things were now so bad that an attempt at G69 132 improvement should be made. Respondents included an impressive G69 133 variety of people and organisations, particularly those with G69 134 day-to-day professional experience of the present system and of G69 135 work with separating and divorcing couples and their children.

G69 136 Looking at what is wrong with the present law, therefore, the G69 137 commission tried to devise a system which would:

G69 138 - provide solid proof that the marriage had indeed broken down G69 139 irretrievably before it could be dissolved;

G69 140 - give every opportunity to preserve any marriage which could G69 141 and should be preserved;

G69 142 - avoid making worse any pain, distress and bitterness suffered G69 143 by the parties or their children;

G69 144 - encourage both parties to think constructively about the G69 145 practical arrangements to be made if the marriage is to be G69 146 dissolved and to resolve these as amicably as possible; and

G69 147 - provide proper protection for the interests of the children G69 148 and an economically weaker spouse.

G69 149 First, according to the Commission's proposals, it would remain G69 150 the sole ground for divorce that the marriage had irretrievably G69 151 broken down. There would no longer, however, be five different ways G69 152 of proving it, three of which appear to require a finding that the G69 153 behaviour of the other spouse had caused the breakdown. Instead, G69 154 there would only be one method of proof which should be clear, G69 155 straightforward and objective, leaving no room for argument or G69 156 expensive litigation. Although a fixed minimum period of separation G69 157 would fulfil most of these criteria, it would have the disadvantage G69 158 of discriminating against those who cannot afford or agree to live G69 159 apart. It is proposed, therefore, that breakdown should be proved G69 160 by the lapse of a fixed minimum period of time, beginning with the G69 161 lodging of a formal, sworn statement that the marital relationship G69 162 has broken down and ending with an order for separation or G69 163 divorce.

G69 164 Secondly, that fixed minimum period should be long enough to G69 165 show clearly that the relationship has broken down. Even under the G69 166 present law a surprising proportion of couples do not proceed to G69 167 divorce after they have begun proceedings. Plenty of time should G69 168 therefore be allowed for them to think again, nor should they be G69 169 committed to a divorce or a separation until the end of the period. G69 170 This should also enable them to think about and sort out all the G69 171 practical arrangements before they are divorced, rather than G69 172 afterwards as so often happens now. The chances of reconciliation G69 173 may even be increased, not decreased, by concentrating on these G69 174 considerations, rather than on the need to separate or recriminate G69 175 each other. A minimum period of one year (which is substantially G69 176 longer than many divorces take at present) would seem to do all G69 177 these things.

G69 178 Thirdly, there should be an orderly but unhurried timetable G69 179 during the year for making the practical arrangements which will be G69 180 necessary if the separation or divorce is to take place. Often the G69 181 parties will be able to negotiate these between themselves or their G69 182 solicitors in the usual way. Sometimes they will benefit from the G69 183 help of a neutral conciliator or mediator who can help them to G69 184 resolve their disputes and to reopen lines of communication between G69 185 them in their children's interests. Sometimes, of course, the court G69 186 will be required to decide upon issues which cannot be resolved in G69 187 other ways or where decisions are urgently needed. The principles G69 188 relating to these so-called 'ancillary' matters would not be G69 189 changed: if the way in which the parties have behaved is relevant G69 190 to the financial settlement or to their children's upbringing under G69 191 the present law, it would continue to be relevant under the new. G69 192 Generally, however, the court would not interfere if the parties G69 193 are capable of resolving things for themselves.

G69 194 Fourthly, the court would have power to protect the interests G69 195 of the children and weaker parties. G69 196 G70 1 <#FLOB:G70\>Blood on his hands

G70 2 If reform is finished under Gorbachev, the West should be G70 3 looking for a better man to help

G70 4 IT IS a January for the history books. In the rain-drenched G70 5 sands of northern Arabia a great question is being put to the test. G70 6 Are the Arabs to be dominated by men like Saddam Hussein, or can G70 7 they at last be helped to break out into a freer and more rational G70 8 future? On frosty Baltic streets another great question seems to be G70 9 getting a coldly unwelcome answer. No, Mikhail Gorbachev is not, G70 10 unless he swiftly proves otherwise, the potential saviour of the G70 11 Soviet Union, and therefore not a man the free world should wish to G70 12 support.

G70 13 The Gorbachev test has always been fairly simple. The first G70 14 part of the test was whether Mr Gorbachev would change the politics G70 15 and economics of his country radically enough to create a better G70 16 life for the people who live in it. The second part was whether he G70 17 would tell his diplomats and generals to do the things the western G70 18 democracies hoped they would do. There was nothing cynical about G70 19 this second part, so long as it does not involve shutting one's G70 20 eyes to what is happening inside the Soviet Union. Alas, unless Mr G70 21 Gorbachev reverses what has happened in the Baltic countries in the G70 22 past week, it will seem clear that he has failed on the first G70 23 count, the need for fundamental change at home; and that his G70 24 usefulness to the West, though it has not ended, is getting G70 25 steadily smaller, and will soon no longer justify any attempt at G70 26 closed eyes.

G70 27 On the home front, every component of what used to be G70 28 Gorbachevism is a casualty. Glasnost lies wounded: Moscow G70 29 television has reverted to mere propaganda on the Baltic issue; the G70 30 excellent Interfax news service survives only because it is now G70 31 under the protection of Boris Yeltsin and the Russian republic; Mr G70 32 Gorbachev has talked of suspending all press freedom: G70 33 Perestroika is a stretcher-case: after almost six years of G70 34 failure by Mr Gorbachev to make the leap to a market economy, the G70 35 man he this week appointed as his new prime minister, Valentin G70 36 Pavlov, probably does not even understand what that leap would G70 37 involve. The tanks in Vilnius may have crushed the hope of a looser G70 38 Soviet confederation. For all the good things Mr Gorbachev has done G70 39 since 1985, too much of his country's old communist apparatus is G70 40 still in place. The Soviet Union, at bottom, remains G70 41 unrestructured.

G70 42 Mr Gorbachev cannot clear himself by saying it was all the G70 43 fault of an excitable general in Vilnius. That is most unlikely to G70 44 be true: the timing of the army's entry into Vilnius, just before G70 45 the climax of the Gulf crisis, bears the master-politician's stamp. G70 46 The plea of ignorance would anyway mean that Mr Gorbachev had lost G70 47 control of the army, in which case the near-dictatorial powers he G70 48 demanded and got last month from his parliament become G70 49 meaningless.

G70 50 Mr Gorbachev can make himself respectable again in only one G70 51 way. He can say the Baltic intervention was a mistake, punish any G70 52 officers who clearly exceeded their instructions, and return G70 53 matters in the Baltic countries to where they were before last G70 54 week: which means evacuating the occupied buildings, pulling out G70 55 the paratroops, and leaving the Balts in their previous G70 56 constitutional limbo, neither independent states nor fully part of G70 57 the Soviet Union.

G70 58 This is unlikely to happen. But, if it does not happen, Mr G70 59 Gorbachev will have lost most of his old claim to admiration. He G70 60 will be trying to preserve the Soviet Union in its present shape G70 61 and size at the cost of putting political and economic G70 62 liberalisation into the freezer. It is likely to stay in the G70 63 freezer for a long time, since the allies Mr Gorbachev will need to G70 64 keep the union intact are mostly enemies of liberalisation. He may G70 65 have acted as he did because the reactionaries frightened him into G70 66 it. More likely, he never really understood how big a change that G70 67 liberalisation requires. He never restructured himself. Either way, G70 68 he will no longer be the Gorbachev people thought he was.

G70 69 No longer Mr Essential

G70 70 Western democrats must then decide whether Mr Gorbachev's G70 71 foreign-policy usefulness makes it necessary to ignore this fact. G70 72 If the forthcoming battle in Arabia goes quickly and well, the G70 73 answer will pretty clearly be no.

G70 74 A year ago the world thought it needed Mr Gorbachev for the G70 75 liberation of Eastern Europe. That job is done, apart from some G70 76 unfinished business in the Balkans; the only other loose end is the G70 77 Soviet garrison in eastern Germany, and no sane government in G70 78 Moscow, Gorbachev or post-Gorbachev, is going to leave the best G70 79 part of its army to disintegrate abroad. Since August Mr Gorbachev G70 80 has been immensely helpful in building up the coalition against G70 81 Saddam Hussein. That help is still welcome, to steady the Arab part G70 82 of the coalition when the fighting starts; but it is not G70 83 indispensable, and when the fight is over it will not be needed at G70 84 all.

G70 85 The foreign usefulness of Mr Gorbachev will then be reduced to G70 86 his blessing for the two great arms-control deals, nuclear and G70 87 conventional, that he has worked out with the West. It would indeed G70 88 be a pity to lose these agreements, especially the clauses that G70 89 entitle the democracies to go and peer inside the Soviet military G70 90 establishment. Yet the stern fact is that the continuing G70 91 disintegration of the Soviet economy - which will get worse, the G70 92 longer reform is put off - is going to make almost any Soviet G70 93 government want to spend less on arms. It will therefore want the G70 94 West to spend less too. The arms deals may thus survive. If the G70 95 democracies want to draw back from Mr Gorbachev, this need not stop G70 96 them.

G70 97 They must be clear, however, what they are trying to achieve. G70 98 The aim is not just to express disillusionment with Mr Gorbachev. G70 99 It is to help the emergence of a better Soviet Union. A better G70 100 Soviet Union, let it be repeated, is not only a place in which a G70 101 genuine free-market democracy can take root. It is also a place G70 102 that will release its grip on those parts of the country which do G70 103 not want to belong to any Soviet Union, however it is run. The G70 104 events of the past week make it clear that the two aims, pluralism G70 105 and national freedom, are now inextricably mixed up with each G70 106 other. This helps the democracies to see how they should use the G70 107 only instrument of persuasion they possess.

G70 108 That instrument is the offer of economic help - not just the $1 G70 109 billion-worth the European Community held out last month, the $3 G70 110 billion-worth of trade credits America has been talking about, and G70 111 the even bigger gleam in German eyes, but potentially far more. G70 112 There are few better things for the democracies to spend money on G70 113 than the right sort of future for the huge stretch of the world G70 114 that lies east of Poland and Romania. But 'the right sort of G70 115 future' now requires a clear decision from those who might provide G70 116 the money. No help, except perhaps some food aid, should go to a G70 117 government following Mr Gorbachev's present course. The money G70 118 should be released only to men willing to resume the march to G70 119 democracy, a free market, the right to independence.

G70 120 This might, just possibly, persuade Mr Gorbachev to change his G70 121 mind. If he breaks under the strain, it might help the next Soviet G70 122 leader to retreat from Mr Gorbachev's mistake. But its biggest G70 123 effect would undoubtedly be to encourage politicians in the G70 124 component parts of the Soviet Union - above all in its Russian G70 125 part, half of the whole country - to defy the forces of reaction G70 126 now in control of the Kremlin.

G70 127 It is in Russia that the issue will probably be decided. The G70 128 new Gorbachevism can be beaten if a majority of Russians go on G70 129 supporting Boris Yeltsin in his opposition to it. Only the Russian G70 130 republic is big enough and economically powerful enough to stand up G70 131 to the power of the Soviet apparatus, the chief remaining G70 132 stronghold of the conservatives. Only Russian resistance can G70 133 paralyse the Soviet army, which would mean less danger of civil G70 134 war. In alliance with other unhappy republics, the Russians could G70 135 yet save the day. It is not enough for the democratic world to say G70 136 that it will withhold aid from the wrong people in what may soon be G70 137 the ex-Soviet Union. It should help the right people, the ones who G70 138 will try to do better than, alack, Mr Gorbachev has done.

G70 139 THE GORBACHEV RECORD

G70 140 The rise and fall of perestroika

G70 141 The crackdown in the Baltic republics has dealt a body-blow to G70 142 Mikhail Gorbachev's attempts to liberalise and democratise the G70 143 Soviet Union. Where did it all go wrong, and why?

G70 144 "COMRADE democrats ...you have scattered. The reformers G70 145 have gone to ground. Dictatorship is coming." Nobody can G70 146 say he had not been warned. When the normally soft-spoken Soviet G70 147 foreign minister, Edward Shevardnadze, announced his resignation in G70 148 an emotional speech to the Soviet parliament last month, even he G70 149 might not have guessed that the six-year odyssey of reform G70 150 in the Soviet Union was to founder so abruptly, so soon.

G70 151 Of the original team who set out on the venture, Mr G70 152 Shevardnadze was one of the last to quit. Of those around Mr G70 153 Gorbachev now, most have been chosen to confirm his own judgment, G70 154 not to challenge it. Although on paper the most powerful president G70 155 the Soviet Union has ever had, Mr Gorbachev has seen his political G70 156 authority (as opposed to his military clout) dwindling alarmingly. G70 157 The modern, apparently open-minded man who set out to G70 158 remake the Soviet Union into a modern, open, competitive superpower G70 159 now sits brooding in the Kremlin with only his troops to order G70 160 about (and even they take violent liberties). He is either out of G70 161 touch with or resentful of the changes that his reforms have G70 162 brought. How did his endeavour founder?

G70 163 Until recently, the conventional wisdom had it that of the G70 164 three big reform projects - 'new thinking' abroad and democracy and G70 165 perestroika at home - Mr Gorbachev had two more or less down G70 166 and only one to go (the economy was clearly going to be the hardest G70 167 of the three). The optimism abroad about Mr Gorbachev's chances was G70 168 always a bit overdone. Now the conventional thinkers must think G70 169 again. Suddenly Mr Gorbachev's achievements look as uncertain as G70 170 his failures are obvious.

G70 171 The world as his mirror

G70 172 This week's appointment of Alexander Bessmertnykh, an avowed G70 173 'new thinker', as Mr Shevardnadze's replacement is a signal from G70 174 the Kremlin that no foreign-policy reversal is intended. It is easy G70 175 to see why. Leaving aside any financial or practical help that Mr G70 176 Gorbachev may forfeit if he continues his crackdown, his authority G70 177 at home would have evaporated all the faster, without the change in G70 178 the image of the Soviet Union over these past six years, from G70 179 marauding bear on the fringes of Europe to constructive partner in G70 180 the post-cold-war world.

G70 181 Above all, his decision after eight years of bloody and G70 182 inconclusive war to pull the Soviet army out of Afghanistan pleased G70 183 not only the Americans, who took it as an earnest of even bigger G70 184 changes to come, but also many, if not quite all, of his own G70 185 generals. For some time the value of Afghanistan as a place to test G70 186 the mettle of Soviet soldiers and the reliability of their G70 187 equipment had been outweighed by the damage being done to army G70 188 morale by a dirty and unwinnable war. The casualties - officially G70 189 16,000 dead and 50,000 injured - had begun to take their toll on G70 190 Soviet society, too.

G70 191 A second valuable foreign-policy change was the reduction in G70 192 'fraternal assistance' to the third world, from Central America to G70 193 the Middle East, from Angola to Vietnam. Revealing the real cost of G70 194 such assistance and weighing it against the meagre returns made it G70 195 easier for the new thinkers in Moscow to argue against the old G70 196 meddling. There was also a new political incentive: the greater G70 197 influence that the Soviet Union was able to win where it could G70 198 really work to Soviet advantage, in the political and financial G70 199 councils of the West.

G70 200 G70 201 G71 1 <#FLOB:G71\>JOHN NEWSINGER

G71 2 Ulster and the downfall of the Labour government 1974-79

G71 3 The Ulster conflict has presented an intractable problem for G71 4 Labour governments since the late 1960s, and one that serves to G71 5 highlight the inadequacy of reformism as a political strategy. G71 6 Faced with a Protestant sectarian state that was confronted by an G71 7 insurgency supported by a large section of the Catholic G71 8 working-class population, Labour governments have consistently G71 9 failed to accomplish any fundamental reform. Instead, they have, G71 10 with grim inevitability, ended up endorsing the state and being a G71 11 party to the repression of the Catholic minority. This failure is G71 12 rooted in the Labour Party's reformism, in its focus on the G71 13 capitalist state as the means whereby change can be accomplished - G71 14 a focus that has always involved Labour politicians taking on the G71 15 job, when in office, of defending that state against its enemies, G71 16 both internal and external. In Ulster, this focus on the capitalist G71 17 state has involved the quite utopian expectation that a state whose G71 18 very foundation was a sectarian act can somehow be reformed and can G71 19 become something different. The limitations of Labour reformism are G71 20 dramatically exposed by the particularly uncompromising reality of G71 21 Ulster where, with varying degrees of willingness and enthusiasm, G71 22 Labour governments and Labour ministers have become the agents of G71 23 sectarian rule and the architects of repression. This article G71 24 examines the experience of the last Labour government with regard G71 25 to Ulster and the important part that its performance in this arena G71 26 played in its downfall.

G71 27 In opposition

G71 28 During the period of the Heath government, the Labour G71 29 opposition pursued a policy of bipartisanship that involved only G71 30 minor criticism of Tory repression in the province. Merlyn Rees, G71 31 opposition spokesman on Northern Ireland, routinely called for G71 32 control of security policy to be transferred to Westminster. At the G71 33 time, responsibility for security policy was shared with the G71 34 Faulkner government at Stormont, and, according to Rees, all would G71 35 be well if only British politicians, Tory or Labour - it did not G71 36 really matter which - were put in sole charge. There was nothing G71 37 wrong with the repressive apparatus as such, only with the Unionist G71 38 politicians and officials who were mishandling it. Rees had no G71 39 serious objection to the British army's performance as an army of G71 40 occupation in Catholic working-class areas, engaged in routine G71 41 day-to-day confrontation with the local people, in the 'low level' G71 42 task of intimidating opposition and suppressing resistance. He had G71 43 every confidence in the army's impartiality and professionalism: G71 44 'our boys' were beyond reproach and above criticism.

G71 45 Predictably, the Labour opposition welcomed the prorogation of G71 46 the Stormont parliament and gave its full support to the G71 47 introduction of direct rule in March 1972. When William Whitelaw G71 48 was appointed secretary of state at the newly established Northern G71 49 Ireland Office all was well and the policy of bipartisanship could G71 50 flower as never before. Rees, in his Ulster memoir, pays fulsome G71 51 tribute to Whitelaw's efforts at establishing power-sharing between G71 52 Protestant and Catholic politicians:

G71 53 I congratulated Willie in the House of Commons for his G71 54 role in bringing about a power-sharing administration. He had G71 55 shown, I said, an understanding of the Irish situation and a G71 56 realistic flexibility in all the negotiations he undertook. This G71 57 was not parliamentary flannel. He is a man of complete integrity G71 58 ... It was easy to work with Willie.

G71 59 As far as Rees was concerned, "policy in Northern G71 60 Ireland was too important for normal inter-party wrangles". G71 61 And, of course, Whitelaw reciprocated these sentiments, describing G71 62 the Labour politician as "a particular friend of mine then G71 63 and now".

G71 64 After Operation Motorman and the ending of the no-go G71 65 areas at the end of July 1972, Whitelaw adopted a policy of limited G71 66 concessions to the Catholic middle class in an attempt to build up G71 67 the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) as the dominant force G71 68 in the Catholic community, so as to marginalise the Provisional G71 69 IRA. This policy had the unfortunate side-effect of further G71 70 alienating Protestant opinion, already outraged by the ending of G71 71 Stormont, thereby continuing the break-up of the Official Unionist G71 72 Party which had controlled Ulster for so many years. This locates G71 73 the central contradiction confronting British politicians in their G71 74 efforts to defend the Ulster state: they try to undermine support G71 75 for the Provisionals by concessions to the Catholic middle class, G71 76 only to find that this alienates the Protestants who are the very G71 77 bedrock on which the Ulster state was founded and without whose G71 78 support it is not viable. Once Protestant hostility reaches a G71 79 certain level, then the advantages gained through a policy of G71 80 concessions become outweighed by the disadvantages, and the policy G71 81 collapses. Such a cycle is built into any reformist policy that has G71 82 as its fundamental premise the defence of the Ulster state. It is G71 83 only the Protestant community that supports the continued existence G71 84 of the Ulster state and attempts to reform it that alienate them G71 85 are sooner or later doomed. So much was made clear by Whitelaw's G71 86 Northern Ireland assembly and power-sharing executive G71 87 initiatives.

G71 88 Whitelaw established the Northern Ireland assembly in the G71 89 summer of 1973 and then proceeded to the more difficult task of G71 90 establishing a power-sharing executive from among its members. G71 91 Agreement was finally reached at a four-day conference at G71 92 Sunningdale in Berkshire in December. The executive, headed by the G71 93 leader of the Official Unionists, Brian Faulkner, took office on 1 G71 94 January 1974.

G71 95 From the very beginning, the executive met with considerable G71 96 Protestant hostility. Even in the assembly itself, Faulkner could G71 97 only command the support of a minority of the Unionist members, G71 98 with a significant proportion of his own party aligning with G71 99 Paisley's Democratic Unionists and Craig's Vanguard Unionists. He G71 100 was reliant for his majority on the support of the Catholic SDLP G71 101 and the Alliance Party. Within a matter of days, the Ulster G71 102 Unionist Council met to reject the Sunningdale Agreement, whereupon G71 103 Faulkner resigned as leader of the Official Unionists and formed G71 104 his own break-away pro-Sunningdale Unionist Party of Northern G71 105 Ireland. He still had his assembly majority, however, which might G71 106 have allowed him to hold out until fresh assembly elections were G71 107 held. He was not to have even this long.

G71 108 At the end of February 1974, Edward Heath, embroiled in his G71 109 second miners' strike, called a general election and Faulkner found G71 110 himself somewhat prematurely compelled to test Protestant support G71 111 for Sunningdale at the polls. He faced the combined and coordinated G71 112 opposition of all three major Unionist parties, now joined together G71 113 in the United Ulster Unionist Council (UUUC). In the general G71 114 election, the UUUC candidates received 366,703 votes (51 per cent) G71 115 capturing eleven of the province's twelve Westminster seats. The G71 116 pro-Sunningdale Unionists polled only 94,301 votes (13.1 per cent). G71 117 This was a massive blow to Faulkner, even though he still had his G71 118 assembly majority and was able, as late as 14 May, comfortably to G71 119 defeat an anti-Sunningdale resolution by forty-four votes to G71 120 twenty-eight. His Unionist enemies were now confident that they had G71 121 the necessary support to wreck the executive and their hand was G71 122 strengthened by the emergence of a new force among the plethora of G71 123 Protestant political and paramilitary initials, the Ulster Workers' G71 124 Council (UWC). They confronted a new Labour government at G71 125 Westminster, headed by Harold Wilson, and a new secretary of state G71 126 at Stormont, Merlyn Rees.

G71 127 The UWC strike

G71 128 Rees took office pledging full support for Sunningdale and the G71 129 power-sharing executive, but, in reality, the general election G71 130 result in Ulster had convinced him that the experiment was doomed. G71 131 Sunningdale was, he admits, "the keystone of our policy in G71 132 Northern Ireland, but keystone or not ... I soon found that there G71 133 was little support for Sunningdale in the majority G71 134 community". What Rees was not prepared to countenance was G71 135 the unconstitutional manner of its overthrow.

G71 136 The UWC called for strike action against the executive on 14 G71 137 May, the day Faulkner won the Sunningdale vote in the assembly. The G71 138 following day, there were limited strikes in the power stations, G71 139 cutting output to 60 per cent of normal, and the Protestant G71 140 paramilitaries began attempting to enforce a stay-at-home, blocking G71 141 streets, hijacking vehicles and erecting barricades. According to G71 142 the army, there were thirty-seven roadblocks in Belfast and the G71 143 suburbs by the next day. Could the strike have been broken? An G71 144 unusual question for a marxist<&|>sic! to ask perhaps, but the UWC G71 145 strike is very much an instance where the capitalist state adopted G71 146 the celebrated pose of 'the dog that did not bark in the night'. G71 147 The question requires asking precisely because no attempt was made G71 148 to defeat it.

G71 149 Quite incredibly, neither the RUC nor the army took any steps G71 150 to put a stop to the intimidatory activities of the Protestant G71 151 paramilitaries. Rees seems to have decided not to confront the UWC G71 152 and its allies, but to let the strike take its course in the hope G71 153 that it would run into the ground. The security forces were G71 154 ordered, although not in writing it seems, not to interfere with G71 155 the barricades, but effectively to surrender the streets to the G71 156 paramilitaries. The failure to intervene immediately and decisively G71 157 to dismantle the barricades and clear the streets can be seen in G71 158 retrospect to have been fatal for the Executive. As Paddy Devlin, G71 159 then minister of health and social services, subsequently G71 160 complained, failure to take action "created the impression G71 161 in the minds of the loyalists that the police, the military and G71 162 Merlyn Rees acquiesced in their illegal actions". It was G71 163 this, he argues, that "caused thousands of law-abiding G71 164 people who had earlier given support to the Executive to switch G71 165 loyalties". The UWC was, at the start of the strike, far G71 166 from confident that it could carry through a full-scale G71 167 confrontation successfully, and decisive action might well have G71 168 resulted in the strike assuming a 'token' character. The failure of G71 169 the security forces to intervene gave the UWC increased confidence G71 170 and indicated that the British intended to let the executive sink G71 171 or swim unaided. On Monday, 20 May, the strike dramatically G71 172 gathered momentum with nearly 200 barricades being erected G71 173 unhindered in the Belfast area alone, effectively cutting the city G71 174 off from the rest of the province. Similar action by the G71 175 republicans would, of course, have brought an immediate forceful G71 176 response.

G71 177 Robert Fisk provides a superb first-hand account of the G71 178 situation:

G71 179 From ten miles away it was possible to see long columns G71 180 of brown and jet-black smoke twisting wearily into the dawn sky G71 181 over Belfast as UDA men set fire to stolen lorries, cars and even G71 182 bicycles on makeshift barricades ... Masked UDA men told the driver G71 183 of a grain lorry in Great Victoria Street to leave his cab, then G71 184 they swung the vehicle and its trailer across the road - normally G71 185 one of the busiest in Belfast - between a motor showroom and the G71 186 regional office of the AA. Beside York Road railway station in G71 187 north Belfast, where trains normally left for Coleraine, Derry and G71 188 the towns of western Ulster, Protestants set fire to overturned G71 189 cars and effectively cut off the Shore Road and part of the docks. G71 190 A gang of youths stood shoulder-to-shoulder behind the fires lest G71 191 anyone should be brave enough to try and make his way past the side G71 192 of the station.

G71 193 Everyone of these incidents was watched, sometimes from only a G71 194 few yards away, by policemen and soldiers. But the people of G71 195 Belfast found that they did little or nothing to stop the G71 196 demonstrations of Protestant lawlessness. Perhaps worse (from the G71 197 government's point of view) they actually went through the ghostly G71 198 routine of their ordinary security duties as if nothing untoward G71 199 was happening or as if they were silently acquiescing with the UWC. G71 200 The army in their dark green landrovers drove slowly through the G71 201 streets, discreetly avoiding the human barricades and gingerly G71 202 squeezing through the gaps in the road-blocks. Soldiers on foot G71 203 patrol walked the pavements of east Belfast and Sandy Row but made G71 204 no attempt to interfere with the uniformed UDA men. Sometimes they G71 205 even stopped and talked to youths on the barricades and on at least G71 206 two occasions, once in Albion Street in Sandy Row and again in the G71 207 east of the city near Dee Street, they were seen offering round G71 208 cigarettes. When confrontation seemed almost inevitable, it was the G71 209 army who withdrew.

G71 210 G71 211 G72 1 <#FLOB:G72\>A BACKGROUND OF PRIVILEGE, M'LUD

G72 2 Just one in 26 judges are women, and four-fifths were educated G72 3 at Oxford or Cambridge. Labour Research analyses the G72 4 background of Britain's judiciary.

G72 5 When Judge Clarence Thomas was elected to the Supreme Court of G72 6 the USA, all of America, and indeed the world, knew that it was G72 7 happening. Yet, in the same week that Thomas was declared elected, G72 8 Lord Justice Browne-Wilkinson became the newest member of the House G72 9 of Lords, the UK's equivalent of the Supreme Court. As one of the G72 10 10 most senior UK judges, Browne-Wilkinson will exercise an G72 11 enormous power over the lives of UK citizens. He will be the final G72 12 arbiter of the law. His views will determine the guilt or innocence G72 13 of all who appear before him.

G72 14 Yet the UK public knows nothing about Browne-Wilkinson, or G72 15 indeed any of our judges. They are appointed by the Lord G72 16 Chancellor, Lord Mackay, after internal and secret investigations G72 17 within the legal profession itself.

G72 18 Inevitably those who are selected reflect the views and G72 19 prejudices of the judicial hierarchy. They share their background G72 20 and education. They drink in the same clubs and enjoy the same G72 21 sports. The UK judiciary is one of the most powerful of all the old G72 22 boy networks.

G72 23 Labour Research has examined the background of the 10 G72 24 judges who make up the House of Lords, the 28 judges and three G72 25 senior officiators in Court of Appeal, the 82 High Court judges and G72 26 the 404 Circuit Court judges - a total of 527. The findings are G72 27 compared with a similar survey carried out five years ago (see G72 28 Labour Research, January 1987).

G72 29 The survey's main findings are:

G72 30 <*_>black-square<*/>there are fewer senior female judges than G72 31 there were five years ago;

G72 32 <*_>black-square<*/>there is no change in terms of the G72 33 privileged backgrounds enjoyed by today's judges;

G72 34 <*_>black-square<*/>judges are not getting any younger: 165 are G72 35 over 65, including nine of the 10 House of Lords judges and 15 of G72 36 the 31 from the Court of Appeal;

G72 37 <*_>black-square<*/>a sizeable proportion have been involved in G72 38 politics, one in 16 having held or stood for political office.

G72 39 There are 10 judges in the House of Lords, the highest appeal G72 40 court in the UK. Six of the 10 come from families which were titled G72 41 or otherwise exceptionally privileged. All went to public schools G72 42 and nine of the 10 went on to Oxford or Cambridge. One did not make G72 43 it to either of these two privileged institutions, but not for lack G72 44 of an appropriate family background. Lord Bridge, whose father was G72 45 a commander in the Royal Navy, was sent to Marlborough public G72 46 school before war interrupted his education.

G72 47 The youngest law lord is a mere 61 years old - Lord G72 48 Browne-Wilkinson who was elevated to the House of Lords just last G72 49 month. The oldest, at 74, is Lord Bridge, who has been in the House G72 50 of Lords since 1980. Their overall average age of 69 is four years G72 51 over men's state retirement age. In fact Browne-Wilkinson is the G72 52 only one under 65.

G72 53 Under the House of Lords is the Court of Appeal. It has G72 54 currently 31 judges including the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Lane, G72 55 the Master of the Rolls, Lord Donaldson, the President, Sir Stephen G72 56 Brown, and the newly appointed Vice Chancellor Sir Donald G72 57 Nicholls.

G72 58 The oldest was born in 1918 and the youngest in 1934. Their G72 59 average age is 66. Less than half (15) are aged under state G72 60 retirement age.

G72 61 Of the 31, 25 went to Oxbridge colleges, with Cambridge leading G72 62 slightly at 14 against 11 for Oxford.

G72 63 Two have stood as Conservative Party candidates (see table), G72 64 including the only woman on the Court of Appeal, Dame Butler G72 65 Sloss.

G72 66 Their fathers include four army captains, two doctors, one Lord G72 67 Chief Justice, Lieutenant Colonel, a QC (senior barrister) and a G72 68 CBE.

G72 69 Even at High Court level there is a remarkable number of judges G72 70 aged over 65. In all a quarter of them fall into this category. The G72 71 oldest is Mr Justice Hodgson, born in 1917, who was appointed a G72 72 High Court judge in 1977. (It may be the case that the title of G72 73 oldest judge should actually go to Mr Justice Leslie Boreham, G72 74 appointed to the High Court nearly 20 years ago. However, a certain G72 75 coyness seems to prevent him from revealing his age in his G72 76 biographical details.)

G72 77 Five High Court judges went to Eton, as did four from the Court G72 78 of Appeal and one from the House of Lords. The next most popular G72 79 schools are Shrewsbury and Charterhouse (five judges each) and G72 80 Winchester, Marlborough, Haileybury and Ampleforth (four each). G72 81 Claiming three old boys were Radley, Harrow and Oundle. In all, 70 G72 82 of the 123 judges from the High Court and above went to public G72 83 school.

G72 84 When it comes to choice of university their backgrounds are G72 85 even more similar. A remarkable 82% went to either Oxford or G72 86 Cambridge. Even within these universities they continue to G72 87 congregate together. Nineteen judges, including seven of the 31 G72 88 Court of Appeal judges, went to Trinity Hall, Cambridge and eight G72 89 went to Brasenose, Oxford (including three from the Court of G72 90 Appeal).

G72 91 In case it might be thought that change is on its way with a G72 92 new generation of judges coming up, Labour Research G72 93 checked out the 404 circuit judges beginning their judicial career. G72 94 The results were disappointing. There is no information on 22 of G72 95 the 404 judges, but of the remaining 382 over a quarter (112) are G72 96 past state retirement age, including nine selected in the last five G72 97 years. Despite the fact that the rules suggest they should retire G72 98 at 72, 19 are that age or more. Two-thirds (240) went to G72 99 Oxford or Cambridge.

G72 100 Unlike the system of selection in the USA, there is little to G72 101 be discovered about the personal lives of the UK judges, other than G72 102 what they themselves choose to reveal. What they show is a tendency G72 103 to gather together in the same clubs and to spend their free time G72 104 engaged in a narrow range of leisure pursuits.

G72 105 Generally these are sporting rather than cultural activities. G72 106 Only one in six enjoy music, one in 15 like the theatre, and a mere G72 107 eight of the top 123 enjoy reading.

G72 108 Top sporting pursuits are golf (22), sailing (13), fishing G72 109 (13), and cricket (10). Shooting, once popular, seems to be on the G72 110 wane for the tops judges. Only eight now claim it as one of their G72 111 sports, with at least a couple, Mr Justice Nolan in the Court of G72 112 Appeal and Mr Justice Harman in the High Court, no longer listing G72 113 it as a pastime. Mr Justice Harman spends his time fishing and G72 114 watching birds. This is the same judge who confessed that he didn't G72 115 know who Bruce Springsteen or 'Gazza' were. He also in court G72 116 recently refused to recognise the term 'Ms', saying women fall into G72 117 only three types - "wives, mistresses and G72 118 whores".

G72 119 After a hard day's golfing or sailing it's time for the judges G72 120 to relax in their clubs. Still firm favourite is the traditional G72 121 legal bolthole, the Garrick, boasting nearly a quarter of the G72 122 senior judges among its members. Next in popularity is the G72 123 exclusive cricketing haunt, the MCC. The club whose members until G72 124 this year refused to admit women, hosts 15 of the top judges, G72 125 including two from the House of Lords.

G72 126 But discrimination in their clubs' entry rules is perhaps of G72 127 little concern to judges, since all the evidence shows that G72 128 discrimination, on the grounds of both gender and race, is rampant G72 129 within the legal profession. The Labour Research survey G72 130 shows there are only 20 women judges out of the 527 surveyed, a G72 131 miserable 4% and an increase of only three over the last five G72 132 years. There is only one woman judge in the Court of Appeal and one G72 133 in the High Court. The Labour Research survey of five G72 134 years ago revealed three female High Court judges.

G72 135 As for black judges, the situation is even worse. In 1986 Mr G72 136 Justice Mota Singh, a circuit judge, was the only black judge in G72 137 the country. Five years on, still a circuit judge, he remains the G72 138 only one.

G72 139 A Law Society internal committee in early 1991 produced two G72 140 reports on discrimination in judicial appointments, highlighting G72 141 two main problems. The first was that there was too much reliance G72 142 by the Lord Chancellor's office on taking the word of other judges G72 143 and no clear job specification existed to say what was required of G72 144 a judge.

G72 145 The other problem was that there was a bias in appointment G72 146 towards barristers rather than solicitors, where there would be G72 147 greater opportunity to select from a more varied background. The G72 148 committee proposed the setting up of appointment panels staffed by G72 149 lawyers, judges and lay people and the use of established selection G72 150 methods.

G72 151 Researcher Sally Hughes, who produced one of the reports, G72 152 The circuit judge - a woman's place, actually found that G72 153 the chance of women sitting on the bench had declined since the G72 154 1970s.

G72 155 The publication of the Law Society reports and an article by G72 156 barrister Geoffrey Bindman, which said that the current method of G72 157 word of mouth appointment was discriminatory, led the Lord G72 158 Chancellor to take the almost unheard of step. He commissioned a G72 159 barrister to prepare a legal opinion on the issue. Perhaps not G72 160 surprisingly, the opinion backed up the Lord Chancellor's view that G72 161 there was no discrimination.

G72 162 One of the most surprising results of the Labour G72 163 Research survey is to find how political the judges are. G72 164 Contrary to the popular view that our judges are somehow above G72 165 politics, a number have pursued political ambitions at some time in G72 166 their career. The survey reveals 32 judges with political G72 167 backgrounds. Although it is not always possible to determine their G72 168 political affiliation, they include two Conservative MPs and one G72 169 Labour MP. Of those who indicate their politics there are seven G72 170 Conservatives compared to three Labour (see table).

G72 171 The overwhelming majority of judges come from the ranks of G72 172 barristers who have been appointed as QC (Queen's Counsel). These G72 173 appointments are made every Easter. The Sunday Telegraph G72 174 recently described how one unnamed barrister had eventually been G72 175 appointed: "he had, he confided, cut down on all that nasty G72 176 crime, kept well away from unsavoury people like IRA bombers, G72 177 cultivated a couple of High Court judges to champion his cause and G72 178 increased his earnings."

G72 179 And indeed the traditional background of the judges, in G72 180 addition to that of schooling and family, is that they are likely G72 181 to have been a prosecutor or alternatively working in a G72 182 non-criminal practice.

G72 183 EURO-SUMMIT: THE ISSUES AT STAKE

G72 184 This month's well-trailed European summit is of critical G72 185 importance to the Labour movement. Labour Research G72 186 explains why.

G72 187 The decisions taken at this month's summit of European G72 188 Community leaders at Maastricht in the Netherlands will have G72 189 enormous effects in the years ahead. Labour Research G72 190 explains what is being discussed and answers some key questions.

G72 191 What is being discussed at Maastricht and why is it G72 192 important?

G72 193 The Maastricht summit is the culmination of a year of G72 194 negotiations on two separate documents - a Treaty on economic G72 195 and monetary union and a Treaty on political union. G72 196 The two documents together propose changes in the relationship G72 197 between the European Community and the individual member states on G72 198 a range of issues - from government spending to environmental G72 199 policies. What is broadly being proposed is that more decisions G72 200 should be taken by the Community as a whole and the summit is being G72 201 asked to agree this.

G72 202 This makes Maastricht important because once this shift in G72 203 decision-making has happened it will be very difficult if not G72 204 impossible to reverse.

G72 205 Two treaties are being discussed at Maastricht. What does G72 206 each one say?

G72 207 The draft treaty on economic and monetary union (EMU) deals G72 208 primarily with the measures needed to introduce and maintain a G72 209 single currency - the ECU - for the whole Community. This will G72 210 start in 1997 provided at least seven countries agree and are close G72 211 enough to one another economically in terms of inflation, interest G72 212 and exchange rates and in the relationship between government G72 213 income and expenditure.

G72 214 States which are not economically strong enough to join EMU in G72 215 1997, probably at least Greece and Portugal, will have 'derogation' G72 216 until their economies are close enough to the rest. G72 217 G73 1 <#FLOB:G73\>The view adopted here is that the study of politics G73 2 is appropriately regarded not so much as a discipline with a G73 3 distinctive method but more as a field of study which is amenable G73 4 to various approaches. In the real world political activity G73 5 connects with history, law, culture, society and so on. It is G73 6 necessary to take these phenomena into account in any explanation G73 7 of politics and to use other approaches, where they can be helpful. G73 8 To argue for the usefulness of the historical approach does not G73 9 involve a claim that it is the only or the best approach. This G73 10 paper suggests that the contribution of history, as the systematic G73 11 study of the past, to political science has been more as a body of G73 12 knowledge than as a set of methods. The concepts and models of G73 13 sociology and economics are more evident in contemporary political G73 14 science methods. In considering the advantages of the study of G73 15 history to political science the paper first explores the factors G73 16 that led to tensions between the two. It then reviews some of the G73 17 ways in which historical approaches have been constructively G73 18 employed. Finally, it considers some areas which illustrate the G73 19 fruitfulness of the relationship between history and political G73 20 science.

G73 21 Political Science Versus History

G73 22 More than most other fields - history certainly - politics has G73 23 been preoccupied with its status as a science. As a field of G73 24 academic study in the late nineteenth century, politics was closely G73 25 related to history; historians often doubled as authorities on G73 26 politics and political institutions were often studied as evolving G73 27 over time. This fashion was challenged in the US in the interwar G73 28 years. The behaviouralists, inspired by Charles Merriam at the G73 29 University of Chicago in the 1920s, sought to emulate the G73 30 developments in other social sciences, particularly psychology. G73 31 History was dropped, emphatically as a source of methods and partly G73 32 as a body of knowledge. Being 'scientific' entailed the search for G73 33 more observable and measurable data, hypothesis testing, model G73 34 building and, eventually, predictability. There was, G73 35 understandably, an emphasis on contemporary political behaviour. G73 36 The early behaviouralists also hoped that the new political science G73 37 would serve as a tool for encouraging practical G73 38 problem-solving, civic education, and social and G73 39 institutional reform. History appeared to have little to offer to G73 40 the early behaviouralists. Another reason for encouraging divorce G73 41 was that political science was striving to establish its status as G73 42 a discipline in its own right. One can leave aside the naive view G73 43 of science which lay behind the original behavioural thrust but G73 44 acknowledge that the reformers were also fired by an understandable G73 45 impatience with the chronological, descriptive and formal approach G73 46 of much legal institutional work. There was an undoubted need for G73 47 greater rigour in defining concepts and a need for collecting data. G73 48 Much so-called political theory had degenerated into G73 49 antiquarianism.

G73 50 Those of a more cautious bent warned that politics ran the risk G73 51 of losing touch with history (as well as with philosophy and law) G73 52 and becoming impoverished in the process. According to one scholar, G73 53 who is at home in both fields, political science "abandoned G73 54 the study and use of history until what began as a cognate field G73 55 had become as distant as astrophysics". More recently, G73 56 Nevil Johnson, representing a typical strand of the British G73 57 approach, has mourned the separation of political science and G73 58 history. History, he claims, is now rarely used except as G73 59 "dignified background", as students have pursued a G73 60 misconceived quest for science. I do not think that this is a fair G73 61 assessment of British political science and at present it is G73 62 probably less true of the work of Americans than at any time in the G73 63 post-war period.

G73 64 In adopting so-called scientific approaches (largely defined in G73 65 terms of the behaviouralism in the US) Britain and Western Europe G73 66 lagged behind the US. As a university subject in Britain, politics G73 67 was until the mid-twentieth century taught largely by historians G73 68 and philosophers. As late as 1966 a third of the 400 or so G73 69 university teachers of the subject had still taken a first degree G73 70 in history, and in Germany and France the links with law were even G73 71 more secure. In no West European country were the links of G73 72 political science with sociology and psychology and its status as a G73 73 social science as strong as in the US.

G73 74 The reaction to behaviouralism (post-behaviouralism) in the G73 75 1970s included calls for work to be relevant to practical problems, G73 76 rejection of the extreme 'methodism' borrowed from the natural G73 77 sciences and reaction against the uncritical acceptance of G73 78 pluralist democratic values. The decline of scientism and doubts G73 79 about how 'rational' and disinterested the research methods of the G73 80 natural sciences actually were, undermined the scientific G73 81 pretensions of the behaviouralists. The demand for the study of G73 82 politics to be seen as part of the humanities has helped the G73 83 revival of history and political theory.

G73 84 Types of History

G73 85 There are, of course, different historical approaches. Many G73 86 (perhaps most) historians would claim that their task is to advance G73 87 understanding of past events and behaviour, primarily through study G73 88 of original documents. Historians, according to J. H. Hexter, G73 89 describe, narrate and deal "not with why-questions at all G73 90 but what-questions (and also, one might add, parenthetically who-, G73 91 when- and where-questions)". Such history contributes to an G73 92 understanding of particular events, rather than producing hard G73 93 scientific statements of relationships between variables or G73 94 law-like generalizations. For Ranke, if the historian was guided at G73 95 all times by his sources then the truth would emerge from a serious G73 96 study of all the documents. No room here for mass opinion surveys, G73 97 conceptual frameworks, log-linear analysis or elite interviews! In G73 98 fact, much history has gone beyond Ranke. The French Annales G73 99 School reacted against what it regarded as an excessive interest in G73 100 l'histoire G73 101 <*_>e-acute<*/>v<*_>e-acute<*/>nementielle', particularly G73 102 political and constitutional history. In studying 'total history' G73 103 and turning to social and economic factors, it embraced social G73 104 science methods, stressed the influence of such durable forces as G73 105 climate and geography. It studied 'forgotten' subjects like G73 106 marriage, childhood or death. The 'macro' philosophies of history, G73 107 with their universal theories of progress and decline, are perhaps G73 108 the nearest to 'scientific' history. Such historians perceived G73 109 phenomena being interconnected in a seamless web and history as G73 110 unfolding in a particular direction. It was claimed that in the G73 111 past certain principles of universal validity could be detected G73 112 which enabled one to make predictions about the future. Popper's G73 113 attack on historicism discredited such philosophies of history:

G73 114 An approach to the social sciences which assumes that G73 115 historical prediction is achieved by discovering 'the G73 116 rhythms', or 'the patterns', or 'the laws', or 'the trends' that G73 117 underline the revolution of history.<&|>sic!

G73 118 Despite different conceptions of history, for present purposes G73 119 we understand an historical approach to politics to be studies G73 120 which systematically describe and analyse phenomena that have G73 121 occurred in the past and which explain contemporary political G73 122 phenomena with reference to past events. The emphasis is on G73 123 explanation and understanding, not on formulating laws. By G73 124 contrast, political science uses generic concepts to study patterns G73 125 of relations, which are assumed to recur over time and across G73 126 place, between, for example, institutions, groups, individuals, G73 127 events and states. The distinction is not a sharp one. Some G73 128 historians increasingly use generic concepts (such as feudalism, G73 129 totalitarianism, liberalism and fascism) and the work of, for G73 130 example, Michael Mann, Perry Anderson or Ferdinand Braudel, G73 131 formulates propositions about the past. Much political science is G73 132 concerned more with descriptions and analysis than developing G73 133 'laws'. But as a general statement the claim here is that there is G73 134 a basic preoccupation with the particular in history and with the G73 135 general in political science.

G73 136 Uses of History to Political Science

G73 137 In the real world of scholarship, the distinction between the G73 138 work of professional historians and political scientists often G73 139 breaks down. Apart from specialists in history and in political G73 140 science, there are political scientists who write history or draw G73 141 on the work of historians (for example, W. D. Burnham, Kenneth G73 142 Wald, Sammy Finer and S. M. Lipset) as well as historians who do G73 143 political science (such as Charles Tilly and Lee Benson). The sheer G73 144 amount of work which uses the past as a body of knowledge on which G73 145 to ground theories about politics is impressive. Much of it can G73 146 properly be termed interdisciplinary. The historical approach to G73 147 the study of politics is many-sided. In an attempt to order the G73 148 relevant material I have considered it under five headings: history G73 149 as a source of material or data; as an aid to understanding the G73 150 links between the present and past; as a body of knowledge within G73 151 which to test theories and frameworks; as a means of analysing G73 152 political ideas and texts; and as a source of lessons.

G73 153 History as Source of Material

G73 154 All of the material used by political scientists is derived G73 155 from the past, distant or immediate. We rely on historians to tell G73 156 us about the causes, events and immediate effects of the French G73 157 Revolution, of the 1832 Reform Act, of the 1914-18 war and so on, G73 158 but we also rely on them to give meaning to the past. In so far as G73 159 we have collective memories of the past, they are largely shaped by G73 160 historians and attempts to impose patterns and typologies on G73 161 political phenomena will rely on that work. I have in mind as G73 162 examples Wittfogel's Oriental Despotism, Linz and G73 163 Stephan's The Breakdown of Democratic Regimes, G73 164 Huntingdon's Political Order in Changing Societies, G73 165 Lipset's The First New Nation, or the works of Ian G73 166 Kershaw on Nazi Germany. Few would doubt that such work shows G73 167 significant gains from combining the approaches of political G73 168 science and history, but the use of history does raise both G73 169 methodological and substantive problems. One concerns the status of G73 170 contemporary history, the other concerns the attempt to 'break' G73 171 history into relevant and not so relevant periods.

G73 172 In Britain, simply because of the 30-year rule limiting access G73 173 to government documents, one tends to think of contemporary history G73 174 as covering events which have occurred within the last 30 years. G73 175 Pending the release of official documents one makes do with G73 176 biographies and memoirs of key participants, media coverage, or G73 177 oral history. Historians can be dismissive of such sources, as they G73 178 can be about newspaper accounts of politics. A more serious point G73 179 is that the passage of time, apart from releasing more official G73 180 documentation, also allows a perspective on the present to develop G73 181 and for the longer-range outcomes of events to be perceived, the G73 182 historicisation of experience as it were. Thus, if the Labour Party G73 183 returns to office in the 1990s, then the 1980s and the years of G73 184 Thatcherite hegemony may look very different from how they looked G73 185 in 1989. The return of 30 Labour MPs in 1906 looked more G73 186 significant after 1918 than it did before.

G73 187 There may be different 'rational' approaches to contemporary G73 188 history. In Germany, the term applies to history post-1914. In G73 189 France, whereas<&|>sic! the term was for long applied to all G73 190 history since the outbreak of the French Revolution, there has - G73 191 despite the 50-year rule - been a strong emphasis recently upon G73 192 twentieth-century history. In the US, recent events are widely G73 193 regarded as suitable for either history or political science. There G73 194 is no 30-year rule to contend with and they have written many G73 195 rigorous studies of post-1945 events and Presidencies. In Britain G73 196 more historians object to contemporary history, but the objections G73 197 are not confirmed to historians. Johnson has complained about G73 198 "the fallacy of misplaced history", in which the G73 199 present "passing show" of actors and activities is G73 200 described and analysed by political scientists without a full G73 201 understanding of the outcome. We may, for example, study the G73 202 premiership of Gladstone or Lloyd George but not that of Mrs G73 203 Thatcher. We may study the decline of the Liberal Party between G73 204 1914 and 1931 but not that of the Labour Party in the 1980s. The G73 205 events and practices concerning, say, Lloyd George, have been G73 206 completed and settled, but this is not so for Mrs Thatcher. We G73 207 should not study a topic "when the actor is still at work, G73 208 nor even when the events or circumstances in which he or she played G73 209 a part lie in the recent past, and therefore, project themselves G73 210 into the present".

G73 211 G73 212 G73 213 G73 214 G74 1 <#FLOB:G74\>One way to avoid this mixing of systems is to deny G74 2 that deterrence involves a conditional intent to retaliate at all, G74 3 thus simplifying its intent structure. However the attempt to take G74 4 intent out of a consideration of deterrence faces formidable G74 5 obstacles. A strategy based on bluff, for example, involves two G74 6 conditions that appear to be very difficult to guarantee in G74 7 practice. One is that the state in question must have decided, G74 8 should the bluff be called, not to act on the threat. The G74 9 other is that such a position has to be maintained through time. G74 10 More importantly, a policy of uncertainty (such as the reality of G74 11 the bluff) would seem to be potentially damaging where it extended G74 12 to others' ability to evaluate a state's will to defend itself . It G74 13 is for this very reason that states choose to institutionalize G74 14 retaliatory threats in order to make them credible.

G74 15 Therefore it is the state's decision to externally bind itself G74 16 to retaliation which distinguishes a 'conditionally intent' G74 17 deterrent posture without reference to which we cannot fully G74 18 describe the strategy itself. The strategy is differentiated by its G74 19 structure of threats, most particularly the conditional intent it G74 20 embodies. A description in these terms is thus warranted by that G74 21 feature that accounts for its distinctiveness. In other words, G74 22 intent cannot be abstract. Bluff cannot be the basis of deterrence G74 23 and deterrence without the intent to retaliate is not deterrence at G74 24 all but rather a policy of possession. It is the possibility of use G74 25 of nuclear weapons in this conceptualization of deterrence which G74 26 justifies the move to examine the principles of a tradition G74 27 covering the rules of war. This move will be justified more fully G74 28 below, but first it is necessary to explicate the principles of the G74 29 tradition.

G74 30 Just War Tradition: Principles and Problems

G74 31 There are three features of the tradition which are worthy of G74 32 preliminary note. First, the meaning of 'just' in the tradition G74 33 implies that both sides cannot be pursuing a just war in terms G74 34 which we understand to conform to the conditions above. They cannot G74 35 both claim to be responding to aggression, for example, or both G74 36 claim to be putting right a wrong or preventing an imminent wrong G74 37 from arising within the terms of the tradition. This may not, of G74 38 course, prevent either or both from believing themselves to G74 39 have just cause.

G74 40 The second interesting feature is that the tradition thus works G74 41 from the premise that war can be justified provided that G74 42 certain conditions are fulfilled. In this sense it represents a G74 43 compromise between pacifist thinking and a more thorough-going G74 44 militarist attitude to war, itself rooted in a compromise made G74 45 between the Christian church and the Roman state in order for the G74 46 former to secure the protection of the state from the fourth G74 47 century. Thirdly, the tradition is notable for a diversity which, G74 48 in part, is accounted for by the disposition of those who have G74 49 contributed to its development to see the tradition as practically G74 50 based. This 'fund of practical moral wisdom' does not work from G74 51 identifiable theoretical foundations but from actual problems that G74 52 have been encountered in war throughout the history of its G74 53 development.

G74 54 What then are the principles embodied in this tradition? We can G74 55 identify two groups known as Jus ad Bellum and G74 56 Jus in Bello. The former specifies on what G74 57 conditions it is right to go to war, whilst the latter governs the G74 58 conduct of war itself. The requirement of Jus ad G74 59 Bellum is that a state can wage war only in order to G74 60 right a specific wrong (which <}_><-|>provide<+|>provides<}/> it G74 61 with 'just cause' and 'right motive'). This occurs most frequently G74 62 where a state has been the object of aggression and where no other G74 63 measures are left open to that state to seek a remedy. War must be G74 64 declared by the legal authority in the state and only where there G74 65 is a reasonable chance of success, so as to satisfy the condition G74 66 that hostilities are not permissible as an end in themselves. In G74 67 addition, the good to be obtained must outweigh the harm that such G74 68 a war will bring. War should also be just in the observation of G74 69 those conditions attaching to the second group of requirements, G74 70 those of Jus in Bello. These latter specify G74 71 that the principles of discrimination (or non-combatant G74 72 immunity) and proportionality be observed in the conduct of war G74 73 itself.

G74 74 The manner in which we establish the link between the G74 75 principles incorporated in Jus ad Bellum and G74 76 those laid down by Jus in Bello is likely to G74 77 prove of particular importance. This is because there is an G74 78 ineluctable tension between the requirements demanded by the two G74 79 sets of principles whereby no state is likely to accept limitations G74 80 on how it may conduct a war in which it believes itself to the G74 81 justly engaged. The acceptability of any such rules will depend, G74 82 ironically, on their not impinging on the very process they are G74 83 supposed to control. In this respect the conduct of war may be both G74 84 just and unjustified or unjust and justified, according G74 85 to the adherence of a state to the requirements set out in the two G74 86 parts of the tradition. Whilst it might seem consistent to argue G74 87 that it is only when both sets of conditions are fulfilled that a G74 88 war can be declared just within the tradition, this is nowhere G74 89 clearly stated. Indeed, at no other point does the tradition G74 90 identify itself more clearly as a tradition of disagreement than on G74 91 the issue of which of its principles are to be treated as primary. G74 92 This problem also extends to the ordering of the principles G74 93 incorporated in the Jus in Bello G74 94 requirements.

G74 95 For example, if discrimination is regarded as a categorical or G74 96 absolute principle, this implies that all wars must be equally G74 97 condemned and that the just war tradition should be abandoned G74 98 altogether. This follows because, by an absolutist reckoning, the G74 99 intended death of only one non-combatant is required to prove a war G74 100 unjust and hence immoral. It is argued by way of rebuttal that a G74 101 categorical principle of discrimination must be rejected on two G74 102 fronts. The practical, more general, objection is that the G74 103 treatment of discrimination as an absolute principle at the central G74 104 core of the tradition is implicitly rejected by the Church's G74 105 continued acknowledgement of the state's right to legitimate G74 106 self-defence. The more theoretical objection is that the attempt to G74 107 absolutize one principle from the tradition is mistaken since each G74 108 is a prima facie duty only, neither of which can be G74 109 abstracted from the relevant 'moral context'. If these objections G74 110 hold good, then it must be admitted that discrimination is not G74 111 properly founded as a categorical principle at all, and since the G74 112 tradition is predicated on certain justified uses of force, that G74 113 the principle of discrimination must be described in instrumental G74 114 terms. However, if this is the case, a 'threshold' of value at G74 115 which the principle becomes operative requires to be established. G74 116 Since the only terms available are those which the tradition itself G74 117 provides, this means defining discrimination in terms of G74 118 proportionality, the other major Jus in Bello G74 119 principle. Yet the effect of so doing is to reduce one principle G74 120 (discrimination) to another (proportionality), such that any prior G74 121 limiting conditions to the permissibility and conduct of war, whose G74 122 discovery we most precisely wish to achieve, cannot be established, G74 123 for

G74 124 "Proportionality whilst more severe a constraint ... G74 125 does not categorically exclude certain kinds of acts, for any form G74 126 of violence is permissible if it is supported by the correct G74 127 cost-benefit calculations. And, of course, the principle of G74 128 proportionality does not itself tell us what is to count as a cost G74 129 and what as a benefit in making these calculations."

G74 130 The adoption of an absolutist principle ends inevitably in the G74 131 condemnation of all war and thus a denial of the relevance of the G74 132 tradition; yet a relative principle fails to provide decision rules G74 133 that could guide the application of that tradition.

G74 134 If both these positions are as intractable as they appear, how G74 135 has the tradition been able to proceed over the years? As far as G74 136 the Christian element is concerned, use has been made of the G74 137 principle of 'double effect', which separates the intended effects G74 138 of an action from effects that are merely foreseen in consequence G74 139 of that action. Thus

G74 140 ... unintended side effects are permissible even if G74 141 they are foreseen, as long as the intention is good in itself and G74 142 permitted evils are not disproportionate to the intended G74 143 benefits."

G74 144 For the principle to apply requires that four conditions be G74 145 fulfilled. First, the two effects - the intended and the 'merely G74 146 foreseen' - must flow from an act which is morally good. Secondly, G74 147 the good effect must arise immediately from the act and not flow G74 148 from any evil effects of that act. Thirdly, the intention must be G74 149 directed at obtaining the good but only 'allowing' the evil effect. G74 150 Fourthly, the allowed evil should not be disproportionate to the G74 151 good intended.

G74 152 Given these conditions, the doctrine of double effect can be G74 153 viewed as the attempt to rescue some 'workable' notion of G74 154 absolutism without which the Christian ethic 'goes to pieces'. G74 155 However, the application of the doctrine is highly problematic. It G74 156 is full of operational obscurities and lacks adequate definitions G74 157 (of disproportionality, for example). A further G74 158 difficulty involves the distinction between acts and their G74 159 consequences (and of means and ends), particularly where the G74 160 applicability of the doctrine may depend on the description of the G74 161 act to which we adhere. The danger is one of isolating intent from G74 162 act so as to 'secure purity of intent by an interior act of mind G74 163 which could be produced at will'. Given this, it is not clear that G74 164 the distinction between the intended and the foreseen is one which G74 165 is morally relevant. To put it differently, how can it be the case G74 166 that an act, which it is morally impermissible to perform G74 167 intentionally, could be permissible where those same G74 168 consequences are a foreseen but unintended product of G74 169 that same act? These problems arise as a direct consequence of the G74 170 burden placed on the principle of double effect to resolve G74 171 incongruities within the just war tradition. Not even the G74 172 application of double effect lets the tradition off the hook; it G74 173 cannot hope to retrieve absolutist insights from 'politically G74 174 relevant' principles by an increasingly heavier reliance on the G74 175 concept of proportionality. Indeed, if there is anything that is G74 176 held too distinguish the central insight of the Christian ethical G74 177 tradition, it is that it holds that some acts are absolutely evil G74 178 in intent. If these are, by definition, disqualified as morally G74 179 correct acts, the descriptive niceties of double effect threaten to G74 180 bring the writing of those who adhere to it into ethical G74 181 disrepute.

G74 182 Just War Principles applied to a 'Morally Commendable' G74 183 Deterrent Strategy

G74 184 Prior to trying to apply a tradition with such weaknesses to G74 185 the 'design' of a deterrence strategy, it is necessary to deal more G74 186 fully with two objections. It may be objected that a tradition G74 187 concerned with the rules of war is not applicable to G74 188 strategies designed to prevent war. However, deterrence must, by G74 189 definition, involve some risk of use and it is this risk which G74 190 allows the application of the tradition to deterrence. Following on G74 191 from this, it may be objected that deterrence is actually designed G74 192 to prevent a greater wrong from arising (the 'unconditional' intent G74 193 mentioned above) and thus that it could represent a strategy chosen G74 194 to prevent nuclear use.

G74 195 These objections are answered here with four assumptions which, G74 196 for reasons of space, are more extensively explicated elsewhere. G74 197 The first of these is that morality is obligatory to human G74 198 existence, such that the apparent options of treating it as G74 199 superfluous or as inoperable by reason of the imperative of G74 200 circumstances, are not so much alternatives to, as subsets of, the G74 201 position which is adopted here. Those who believe that states have G74 202 interests and values to defend are actually stating their belief in G74 203 the need to postulate concepts of the 'good' by which the state G74 204 should be obliged to abide. Secondly, the possibility of G74 205 alternative means for defending the state weakens the case for G74 206 seeing the right to practise deterrence as automatic and thus as G74 207 the only means to ensure the possibility of the good life. G74 208 G74 209 G74 210 G75 1 <#FLOB:G75\>The hole truth

G75 2 Laurie Taylor on the art of good taste - or putting bubbles in G75 3 beer and chocolate

G75 4 It is academic conference time again. And good to see that the G75 5 1991 British Criminology Conference at the University of York will G75 6 be holding its plenary session on 'Criminal careers' in the G75 7 university's Sir Jack Lyons Concert Hall. Maybe plain Jack, as the G75 8 Queen now calls him, could find time to offer the assembled G75 9 delegates a few words on how he himself got started.

G75 10 Ten years ago, there would have been a bit of a scandal over a G75 11 university having links with someone like naughty Jack. But not G75 12 today. Nowadays, even philosophers, medieval historians and G75 13 theologians can be found turning ethical somersaults in their G75 14 endeavours to attract the attention of business and industry. Not G75 15 easy in a place like York, where the only sizeable local business G75 16 is devoted to nothing more intellectually resonant than the G75 17 manufacture of Kit Kat, Aero, Toffee Crisp and Caramac.

G75 18 But today's dons are nothing if not entrepreneurial. Take Dr G75 19 Ashley Wilson of York University's Centre for Cell and Tissue G75 20 Research. His speciality is electron microscopes, instruments that G75 21 can resolve very tiny molecular structures with a depth of focus G75 22 that gives the images an almost three-dimensional appearance. these G75 23 days, though, they are trained on nothing more substantial than G75 24 bubbles. Bubbles are important at Rowntree. They first came to G75 25 centre stage back in 1935, when the company invented Aero as a G75 26 challenge to Cadbury's domination of the chocolate market with its G75 27 "glass and a half" Dairy Milk bar. But the bubbles G75 28 in Aero are now regarded as pretty gross affairs compared to those G75 29 Cadbury has managed to squeeze inside its Wispa bar. So precise is G75 30 the Wispa machinery that it can turn out 1,680 bars a minute G75 31 without a single bubble falling outside the 0.2mm to 0.3mm G75 32 range.

G75 33 What makes bubbles so important is that they help to determine G75 34 the texture of a foodstuff or drink. Now that flavourings are G75 35 so easily manipulated, now that your bag of crisps, your soft G75 36 drink, your tub of yoghurt, can so readily be made to taste of G75 37 almost anything, what matters most is getting the right 'feel in G75 38 the mouth'.

G75 39 Wilson and his team know, for example, that northern brewers G75 40 want a pint of bitter with a strong, persistent, stable head that G75 41 will last right down the glass. What is more, the head must display G75 42 'good lacing': nice rings of foam that stick to the sides of the G75 43 glass as the pint is drunk. To get that sort of head, you have to G75 44 keep a close check on the protein content of the beer, because G75 45 proteins form a ring round each bubble and prevent small bubbles G75 46 suddenly coalescing to form larger ones and also stop the foam G75 47 simply breaking down and dropping to the bottom of the glass like G75 48 raindrops on a window pane.

G75 49 At this very moment, doctoral theses are being produced on G75 50 bubbles and foam, on the subtle biological ways in which the G75 51 microstructure of food and drink can be manipulated so as to alter G75 52 the degree to which we find them smooth, creamy, chunky or crisp. G75 53 And because it can be presented as 'natural' biological change - G75 54 not at all like adding all those nasty artificial flavours - it G75 55 arouses less concern within the 'pure food' lobby. Otherwise, we G75 56 might have seen mass protests this year about our Easter eggs. For G75 57 it seems that Cadbury's Creme Eggs - the most popular egg of all, G75 58 with sales this Easter of around 165 million - do not begin their G75 59 lives stuffed with that familiar runny yolk: initially the centre G75 60 is as solid as the chocolate that surrounds it. But the rumour in G75 61 the scientific community is that the insertion of a jolly little G75 62 natural enzyme ensure that, over time, the sugar breaks down into G75 63 that sticky gunge that apparently drives the British wild.

G75 64 But although Wilson and his team probably know as much about G75 65 the science of food structures as anyone else on earth, they do not G75 66 have any idea at all about the type of textures that might make a G75 67 new brand of chocolate, or beer, or mousse, or ice-cream, an G75 68 instant hit. Texture research is, as they say, "in its G75 69 infancy". Despite one ingenious attempt to quantify texture G75 70 by fitting a motor and a pressure sensor to a set of false teeth G75 71 (honestly), there is apparently no reliable way to know the exact G75 72 degree of 'smoothness' or 'crunchiness' or 'crispness' we would G75 73 find acceptable.

G75 74 There are, though, a few helpful hints on the subject in G75 75 semiology. Back in 1957, in Mythologies, Roland Barthes had G75 76 some words on foam and bubbles; arguing that, symbolically, they G75 77 were regarded as luxurious because they were so obviously useless. G75 78 Whether in the form of tulle and muslin, or the bubbles in a film G75 79 star's bath, they made matter seem so wonderfully G75 80 "insubstantial". And Gilbert Adair, in Myths and G75 81 Memories, is magnificent on the texture of fish and chips, on G75 82 the way they form into a "composite paste that enters the G75 83 mouth without surprise and without friction, almost as though G75 84 pre-digested, as though the palate were its proper habitat, the G75 85 passage a mere formality".

G75 86 What are needed now to add to the sum of human happiness are G75 87 bio-technical semiologists. Rather than analysing existing G75 88 products, they would work alongside Wilson to produce substances G75 89 that were texturally attuned to the times: perhaps a confection G75 90 designed for the Labour Party, which starts off crisp, but, with G75 91 the first bite, collapses into a gooey mush; or even a G75 92 postmodernist chocolate bar that would juxtapose different kinds of G75 93 substances with wildly different viscosities.

G75 94 And if Rowntree or Cadbury want any help on the vocabulary of G75 95 textures - ways of getting beyond such ubiquitous terms as G75 96 "chunky", "smooth", or "creamy" - they G75 97 could always go looking for the man who shared my table in a Dublin G75 98 pub some years ago. "What do they taste like," I G75 99 asked as he religiously bent over his plate of oysters. G75 100 "Don't taste like anything very much. It's not a question G75 101 of taste really." "What then?" "More texture." "Texture?" "That's G75 102 right." "So what is texture like?" He held up the shell to G75 103 his mouth, extended his lower lip, and gave a deep slurping suck. G75 104 "Like God's come," he said, ecstatically.

G75 105 G75 106 Flesh and blood

G75 107 Father has left the family, but he has been replaced by the G75 108 ideal macho man.

G75 109 Jeremy Seabrook on the decline of parenting

G75 110 The exuberant and unambiguous images of machismo displayed in G75 111 footage of the Gulf war, and reinforced by the popular press, have G75 112 given new prominence to stereotypes of men that have never been far G75 113 below the surface in our culture, but which had been eclipsed in G75 114 recent years by a milder imagery of maleness.

G75 115 The older version was always present, of course, transmitted by G75 116 films, videos, television, comics, magazines. Indeed, these G75 117 artefacts have become a powerful agent of socialisation for many G75 118 young men, particularly those whose lives have been without male G75 119 role models because of the absence, desertion, or simple G75 120 indifference, of flesh-and-blood fathers.

G75 121 Ideal types, filtered through culture, are the more effective G75 122 for being extreme - examples impossible to emulate. But they do G75 123 embody values and norms that exert a powerful influence on the G75 124 course of adolescent lives. They offer promptings, inspiration, G75 125 even a sense of identity, to many confused adolescents. They allow G75 126 for a sort of do-it-yourself masculinisation, enabling individuals G75 127 to acquire responses and characteristics no longer available to G75 128 them through direct experience, but which reach them nonetheless, G75 129 over and above the deficient or missing beings who nominally occupy G75 130 the father role.

G75 131 With the growing number of fragmented families and single G75 132 parents (mostly mothers, naturally), young men are often left to G75 133 fend for themselves, scavenging scraps of male identity where they G75 134 can. One has only to cast an eye on the picture-covered walls of G75 135 young people's rooms, the images, photos, pin-ups, icons: all of a G75 136 barely human perfection, rarely known personally, a beckoning, G75 137 seemingly tangible abstraction. Of course, these powerful images G75 138 are the property of major industrial conglomerates - the G75 139 communications, entertainment or pop industries, purveyors of G75 140 fantasy to the people. What they offer is a form of industrialised G75 141 parenting, an area of rich rewards to those prepared to invest in G75 142 it. This is perhaps why so many parents admit themselves powerless G75 143 in the presence of their children's development. "I don't G75 144 know where he gets it from." "God knows who he mixes with." "They G75 145 don't listen to me." "You can't tell them anything." In G75 146 such phrases they record the passing of their function to those so G75 147 much better qualified to do it.

G75 148 The traditional male iconography, then, has been modified G75 149 somewhat by the decorative androgynes of the pop world and soap G75 150 opera. These allow for certain embellishments and departures from G75 151 the fundamental stereotype, as is only to be expected where freedom G75 152 of choice is paramount. But what relief when the traditional images G75 153 can reassert themselves with such vigour and force. No wonder army G75 154 recruiting offices have reported such a surge of applicants, G75 155 impelled by a media-crafted resuscitation of models of military G75 156 heroics.

G75 157 For all the proclaimed dedication of the Conservatives to G75 158 family values, it is clear that this is mere window-dressing, an G75 159 appeal to irrevocable nostalgias. It could not be more remote from G75 160 the experience of millions of young people. The family of G75 161 Conservative mythology is widely recognised to be a figment; its G75 162 personnel embalmed, even mummified lay-figures; an archaism, G75 163 stranded, ironically, by the realities of an extreme individualist G75 164 ideology, of which the Conservatives are themselves the most ardent G75 165 promoters. Individualism does not obediently confine itself to the G75 166 realm of economic endeavour: it busily invades social life, too, G75 167 rearranging relationships, fracturing and dispersing those cosy G75 168 family units that the Conservatives claim to cherish. The truth is G75 169 that there is only one thing they cherish even more highly, and G75 170 that is the profits to be made out of the dissolution of the G75 171 family.

G75 172 Capitalist industrial society long ago destroyed more spacious G75 173 and ample family structures. Reduced to its nuclear state, the G75 174 family has become depleted and claustrophobic. It is too cramped; G75 175 one or two individuals - mostly women - must bear impossible G75 176 burdens; feelings and passions have insufficient scope to express G75 177 themselves without inflicting great damage on the small number of G75 178 people it contains. Should it surprise us if so many families G75 179 collapse in anger, violence and recrimination? It may be that the G75 180 nuclear family is destined to follow the path of the extended G75 181 family into extinction; if so, the primary cause of this benign G75 182 evolution will be found in the same agent of those earlier G75 183 dissolutions. Already one quarter of households in Britain consist G75 184 of a single person; this is forecast to rise to one in three early G75 185 in the next century. An executive of Ford UK admitted some time ago G75 186 that the break-up of families benefited car sales: it is no longer G75 187 a question of who will have the car; each must have one.

G75 188 No wonder the Conservatives project themselves as friends of a G75 189 superseded model of happy families. Theirs is a major work of G75 190 concealment, and they set about it with the vigour and high moral G75 191 tone of which long practice has made them supreme masters.

G75 192 Parenting has become far too important to be left to mere G75 193 parents, unqualified personnel. It is far too arduous a task to be G75 194 undertaken by individuals in the vast division of labour within G75 195 rich western societies. The handing over of the raising of children G75 196 to experts and professionals is only half the story; the other half G75 197 is the role of the television as childminder and instructor, the G75 198 function of the advertising industry as solicitous mother, G75 199 monitoring their needs and wants, and the shopping malls as G75 200 consoling universal nanny.

G75 201 The usurping of these functions is reflected in popular G75 202 discussion of family relationships. How many young men talk of G75 203 their father with regret or contempt. "I never knew him." G75 204 "He was never there." "He didn't have time for me." "He pissed G75 205 off." "He wasn't interested." "He didn't care." G75 206 G76 1 <#FLOB:G76\>The BBC's legal monopoly on sound broadcasting was G76 2 broken only on 8 October 1973, with the launch of LBC. The public G76 3 appetite for commercial radio had, however, been whetted over a G76 4 period of years, firstly by Radio Luxembourg (which could be heard G76 5 in the UK as long ago as 1933) and later by 'pirate' stations such G76 6 as Radio Caroline and Radio London which broadcast in the 1960s G76 7 from ships anchored outside UK territorial waters. The pop-oriented G76 8 content of these stations attracted a large following among younger G76 9 listeners, providing a strong challenge to the BBC.

G76 10 Legal independent radio was placed under the control of the G76 11 Independent Television Authority (ITA), which became the G76 12 Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA) prior to the launch of the G76 13 first three independent local radio (ILR) stations in 1973.

G76 14 The BBC has so far retained its monopoly on the provision of G76 15 national broadcasting services; independent radio has provided G76 16 local services only. This is to change following the passing G76 17 of the Broadcasting Act 1990 on 1 November 1990. As well as G76 18 allowing for an increase in independent local radio broadcasting, G76 19 the Act also paves the way for the introduction of independent G76 20 broadcasting on a national basis (Independent National Radio, or G76 21 INR).

G76 22 Under the new Broadcasting Act the Independent Broadcasting G76 23 Authority was abolished from 1 January 1991. It was replaced by two G76 24 newly established public bodies, the Radio Authority and the G76 25 Independent Television Commission (ITC); their function is to G76 26 license and regulate the provision of the broad range of G76 27 independent, non-BBC broadcasting services which the Act allows.

G76 28 The Act defines the various categories of service central to G76 29 the future development of radio broadcasting in the UK through the G76 30 coming decade. These include broadcasting services provided from G76 31 places within the UK (i) for any minimum area determined by the G76 32 Authority (national services), (ii) for a particular area or G76 33 location (local services), (iii) for a particular establishment, G76 34 location or event (restricted services) and (iv) programmes other G76 35 than ones provided by the BBC which are transmitted by satellite G76 36 (satellite services).

G76 37 The Radio Authority regulates these services by granting G76 38 licences subject to certain requirements. The Authority has wide G76 39 discretion in interpreting these requirements and it is intended to G76 40 have a generally 'lighter touch' than the IBA which it replaced.

G76 41 Under the Broadcasting Act, the Radio Authority will licence G76 42 three new independent national radio services. It is required to do G76 43 all it can to secure a diversity of services, each catering for G76 44 distinctive tastes and interests. One of the services must be a G76 45 predominantly speech based programme ("the broadcasting of G76 46 the spoken word", to use the jargon of the Act) and another G76 47 must consist wholly or mainly of music other than 'pop music'. No G76 48 requirements have yet been laid down for the third service.

G76 49 The well known definition of pop music finally adopted by the G76 50 Act within the context of a national broadcasting service is G76 51 "rock music and other kinds of modern popular music which G76 52 are characterised by a strong rhythmic element and a reliance on G76 53 electronic amplification for their performance, whether or not, in G76 54 the case of any particular piece of rock or other such music, the G76 55 music in question enjoys a current popularity as measured by the G76 56 number of recordings sold".

G76 57 With regard to local services the Radio Authority is required G76 58 to grant licences in such a way as to provide a range of services G76 59 which as a whole (i) are of high quality, (ii) offer a wide range G76 60 of appeal to a variety of tastes and interests and (iii) ensure G76 61 fair and effective competition.

G76 62 The coverage of radio in the UK

G76 63 BBC radio currently has five fully national network services in G76 64 the UK (Radios 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5). Regional broadcasting is divided G76 65 into seven services (Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland, North, G76 66 Midlands, South & West and South & East) which together are G76 67 responsible for some 50 local radio stations. As a result of cost G76 68 cutting measures, some plans for further fully fledged BBC local G76 69 radio stations have been abandoned in favour of providing a limited G76 70 output (up to six hours per day) of local news and events within G76 71 the programming of existing local stations and under their G76 72 management.

G76 73 There has been a dramatic growth in independent radio since G76 74 1973, largely achieved by exploiting the gap in the market not G76 75 covered by the BBC during its fifty years of otherwise unsuccessful G76 76 broadcasting. In less than two decades independent radio has grown G76 77 from nothing to over one hundred services covering 95 per cent of G76 78 the country (table 2.2) and accounting for more than one third of G76 79 all listening (table 2.12). Most but not all of the independent G76 80 local radio companies are members of the Association of Independent G76 81 Radio Contractors (AIRC).

G76 82 Incremental services have been an important feature of the G76 83 development of independent local radio since the first contracts G76 84 for such services were awarded in April 1989. The phrase was coined G76 85 by the IBA to cover services broadcasting in addition to and within G76 86 the service areas of existing ILR contractors. Incremental stations G76 87 have pioneered services directed at a wide range of ethnic, G76 88 religious and cultural minority interest groups, including G76 89 specialist musical tastes. The IBA felt that a different term was G76 90 necessary to signify that these new services would not be required G76 91 to provide the broad range of programming required of "full G76 92 service" ILR contractors under the terms of the 1981 G76 93 Broadcasting Act.

G76 94 There were 163 applications for the first 21 incremental ILR G76 95 franchises advertised, together with a further 40 applications for G76 96 two extra London-wide franchises. The first incremental service on G76 97 the air was Sunset Radio in Manchester on 22 October 1989. Among G76 98 the many others now broadcasting, Jazz FM caters to a specific G76 99 musical taste in London, Radio Harmony provides programmes for G76 100 Asian listeners in Coventry and Galaxy does the same for the G76 101 Afro-Caribbean community in Bristol. Spectrum Radio offers G76 102 programmes for a number of different ethnic communities in London G76 103 at particular times each day, and Airport Information Radio is G76 104 dedicated to providing information about air travel.

G76 105 The Broadcasting Act 1990 abolished the distinction between G76 106 full service and incremental ILR from 1 January 1991. Existing G76 107 stations of both types have renewed their contracts under the same G76 108 "promises of performance" and are now simply known G76 109 as ILR companies. Future applications for ILR licences will be G76 110 invited on the basis of either wider or minority interest G76 111 programming, as deemed appropriate by the Radio Authority.

G76 112 Split frequency broadcasting is also an increasingly common G76 113 feature of ILR broadcasting, allowing existing operators to provide G76 114 two or more services on different frequencies (normally one on FM G76 115 and one on AM), where previously there had been only one. Twelve G76 116 ILR stations were operating split frequency broadcasting by March G76 117 1989; one year later the number had increased to 24.

G76 118 Splitting frequencies generally allows ILR contractors to G76 119 increase their total audience. For example Capital Radio reached 30 G76 120 per cent of its target audience before splitting frequencies in G76 121 1988, when it already had the largest independent radio audience. G76 122 Since splitting, it now reaches an even larger audience. Capital FM G76 123 alone reaches 31 per cent of its target audience (roughly on a par G76 124 with BBC Radios 1 and 2 in London) and Capital Gold AM reaches 21 G76 125 per cent. The two frequencies together reach some 40 per cent of G76 126 their target audience (Independent Radio Network Survey - 4th G76 127 quarter 1990). But LBC, London's all-news station, lost ground G76 128 following its split into LBC Newstalk (FM) and London Talkback G76 129 (AM). The two frequencies together reached some 18 per cent of G76 130 their target audience during the last quarter of 1990, some 2 G76 131 percentage points lower than in 1989.

G76 132 The current tendency is for radio stations to segment their G76 133 output and audience by using AM frequencies to broadcast 'classic G76 134 hits' of the 1950s and 1960s (so called 'golden oldies', hence the G76 135 term 'AM Gold' services) while reserving their FM frequencies for G76 136 current chart/dance music. This policy allows the stations to G76 137 retain their 35 to 50 age group listeners while at the same time G76 138 encouraging younger listeners. It also has the advantage of being G76 139 in line with the older listeners' preference for the AM spectrum of G76 140 frequencies (with which they tend to be more familiar) and the G76 141 younger listeners' preference for FM. To some extent however, the G76 142 practise of splitting frequencies is making a virtue of necessity; G76 143 ILR stations were under the threat of losing the allocated G76 144 frequencies they were not fully utilising (known colloquially as G76 145 the 'use it or lose it' policy).

G76 146 Splitting frequencies is not confined to the independent radio G76 147 operators. For example in the past BBC Radio 3 has regularly split G76 148 frequencies during summer months to allow coverage of major G76 149 sporting events, and Radio 4 has split frequencies at certain times G76 150 of the day for schools broadcasting. Since the advent of radio 5, G76 151 the only regular national radio frequency split is on Radio 4 for G76 152 parliamentary broadcasting, although it has also split to provide G76 153 coverage of special events, such as the all-day news service (Radio G76 154 4 News FM) during the Gulf War. Indeed this proved so successful G76 155 that the BBC is considering launching a permanent all-news radio G76 156 service. Like ILR, BBC local radio stands to lose frequencies it G76 157 does not utilise by split frequency broadcasting.

G76 158 G76 159 The audience for radio

G76 160 Unlike television, where switching between channels is a well G76 161 established feature of viewing habits, radio listeners have G76 162 traditionally been known for their loyalty to one station. G76 163 Incremental stations and frequency splitting both provide G76 164 increasing opportunities for switching stations according to mood, G76 165 thus enhancing the possibilities for niche marketing. Pre-set G76 166 tuning (especially on car radios), which makes changing stations G76 167 far easier, might also be seen as encouraging this change of G76 168 habit.

G76 169 However this may not happen in practice, if the American G76 170 experience is any guide. According to the AIRC, research in America G76 171 indicates that in spite of a choice of some 50 local radio G76 172 stations, the average number of services listened to each week is G76 173 just 2.7. The equivalent figure in the UK is 1.7 services from a G76 174 far smaller choice. This suggests that increased choice does not G76 175 necessarily lead to a much wider range of listening.

G76 176 In this context, one of the main current concerns of both BBC G76 177 and ILR broadcasters is whether the increasing choice offered by G76 178 the proliferation of independent radio stations is generating a G76 179 genuine increase in radio listening, or is tending merely to G76 180 fragment an already fully developed audience - drawing audiences G76 181 from the BBC or, worse still, from other ILR stations.

G76 182 The problem is the same for both the full service and G76 183 incremental independent stations. The latter do not want listeners G76 184 who switch to their services only for brief periods to hear a G76 185 particular programme, then switch back to their main listening G76 186 station. Now that the distinction between full and incremental G76 187 service has disappeared, all stations are anxious to achieve the G76 188 same gaol, namely a loyal audience who will stay tuned in for G76 189 extended periods. That is what the advertisers are ready to pay G76 190 for. The only exceptions are services such as Spectrum Radio which G76 191 have very specific audience objectives.

G76 192 The introduction of Radio 5 in August 1990, with the G76 193 reorganisation of the BBC's other broadcasting output, was a G76 194 carefully planned move to provide a clearer identity for its G76 195 various stations, thus providing a more effective challenge to G76 196 independent services. It was also a means of securing the future of G76 197 sports and educational broadcasting on the AM frequency, against G76 198 the time when the BBC loses other AM frequencies to new independent G76 199 national services. The BBC also announced other moves to challenge G76 200 the independent services. For example there are plans to move G76 201 Woman's Hour from its sacred 2.00 pm slot to morning G76 202 hours, in order to attract listeners to the BBC during what has G76 203 been shown to be a peak listening time (BBC research for the fourth G76 204 quarter of 1990 indicates that around one third of all radio G76 205 listening typically takes place between 9.00 am and noon.)

G76 206 On the basis of the BBC's summary of listening for the fourth G76 207 quarter of 1990, Radio 5 audience figures were hailed as the first G76 208 signs of regular listening by children to radio plays and stories G76 209 since the end of Children's Hour in 1964. G76 210 G76 211 G76 212 G77 1 <#FLOB:G77\>MERLIN JAMES

G77 2 Satellite Airwaves

G77 3 Jules Olitski was first acclaimed over a quarter of a century G77 4 ago as a leading practitioner of so-called 'colour field' G77 5 abstraction in America. Now in his sixties, he has been enjoying an G77 6 intercontinental retrospective in America, France, Spain, and G77 7 Britain. At the London show, the Francis Graham-Dixon Gallery G77 8 featured the artist's recent disconcerting pictures, extremely G77 9 thick surfaces of gel whose whipped troughs and peaks are G77 10 oversprayed with clouds and bruises of colour. Gold, black, G77 11 shocking pink and metallic green are powdered over purple passages G77 12 of pigment, suspended in amber. They would look nothing reproduced G77 13 in black and white.

G77 14 Certain concerns have clearly remained constant. Olitski's G77 15 paintings in the past often contrasted weight with G77 16 insubstantiality, density with <}_><-|>diapanous<+|>diaphanous<}/> G77 17 illusion, playing with the protean matter of paint - solid, liquid, G77 18 gas. Spraying, dripping, staining, and cropping of the final G77 19 segment of canvas to size - all these took emphasis of delineation G77 20 or notation of any imagery. Again in the new pictures the G77 21 outrageous textures are belied by a hightech sheen, as if G77 22 inspection might reveal that they are huge photographs - G77 23 illusionistic relief maps of a volcanic, planetary landscape. And G77 24 once again emphasis on how the paint is put on diverts us from any G77 25 thoughts of to what purpose (expressive or depictive) it is put. G77 26 The paintings simply consist of the consistency of paint - the G77 27 florid swirls and whiskings of the surface. And yet there would G77 28 seem to have been a real change of sensibility. At first glance at G77 29 least these pictures appear to court - indeed embrace - vulgarity. G77 30 They rival the crassest department-store kitsch, as if G77 31 painted by some smart young ironist sneering at cultured G77 32 colour-field taste and abstract expressionist 'authenticity'. Where G77 33 once Olitski gave us the lustrous refinement of incandescence on G77 34 ancient Roman glassware or oriental pottery glaze, now he offers a G77 35 heavy opulence suggestive of art nouveau, even Victorian ornament. G77 36 The works have an atmosphere, almost a bouquet, that is heavy, G77 37 over-rich. The curious flavour, the suggestion of 'expressive' G77 38 brushwork being magnified (hence sent up), and wilful slickness G77 39 have inevitably brought the description 'postmodern'. Yet a talk by G77 40 Olitski at the Courtauld Institute, pithy and amusing, revealed no G77 41 fundamental change of philosophy. The aim of art is still to G77 42 delight, affirm, elevate us to a heaven on earth, a near-mystical G77 43 realm. It is Rembrandt, more than any other perhaps, whom Olitski G77 44 looks to. The artist must animate, must bring the work alive, not G77 45 as a Frankenstein's monster - a being with no 'moral centre' - but G77 46 as an inspired creation. "Quality" and G77 47 "Spirituality", two "unfashionable words", G77 48 are those he stands by. Asked if he believed in the reality of G77 49 spiritual phenomena, he replied that what concerned him was not the G77 50 truth but the usefulness of such a notion, "if it works for G77 51 me". And as to the meanings of the works? Nothing can be G77 52 said, and thereof one must remain silent. (But why Olitski asks, G77 53 must critics always bring up Wittgenstein?) The artist must G77 54 "get out of the way" in the creative process, and G77 55 let the painting happen "through" him. When the painting G77 56 takes control, then Olitski trusts it to be of value, even - or G77 57 especially - when the results are surprising and perhaps G77 58 unpalatable.

G77 59 Hence the new work, then. But Olitski did not broach the G77 60 problem of how radically different are people's ideas of what kinds G77 61 of art manifest that uplifting vitality and inspiration. The artist G77 62 may trust the creative forces which he taps to make good art, but G77 63 when Clement Greenberg asserts in the catalogue that Olitski is G77 64 "the best painter alive", with the proof that, G77 65 well, "his art is there to bear me out", this will G77 66 not do. The "unfashionable" values of "quality and G77 67 spirituality" are also those, for example, claimed by the G77 68 late Peter Fuller for a totally different kind of art. (It has yet G77 69 to be assessed whether that critic's advocacy of certain artists G77 70 and dismissal of others amounts to more than another unsupported G77 71 assertion: "their art is there to bear me out".) G77 72 Support for Olitski, anyway, needs to be carefully argued. If G77 73 there is a "moral centre" to this, in some ways, G77 74 intentionally empty work, surely part of the point would have to be G77 75 that it is a ghost conjured in a machine of uncompromisingly G77 76 artificial parts. The work's character would be one created against G77 77 all odds, through the most literal melodrama and the most G77 78 theatrical gestures. It needs to be argued that beyond the artex G77 79 finish the pictures have sustaining complexity and individuality, a G77 80 more than superficial richness and nuance.

G77 81 It is interesting to read that facing the death of a pet G77 82 animal, Jules Olitski's impulse is to draw the creature. Ultimately G77 83 the major debate may still be whether life on Earth is best G77 84 enhanced by art works that do not represent its forms. One artist G77 85 who will not be persuaded is Timothy Hyman, spokesman for the G77 86 revival of narrative figuration in Britain in recent years, whose G77 87 paintings and drawings were getting a major showing at G77 88 Austin/Desmond through October. Hyman's paintings take us on a kind G77 89 of hectic piggy-back through the artist's world. Countries, cities, G77 90 streets and faces swoop by. Horizons tilt, walls and floors tip up, G77 91 a goldfish-bowl universe surrounds us. We join a bus queue in G77 92 Islington, get on buses, into houses, gain vantage points over G77 93 sprawling townscapes. We seem to see through the artist's eyes, G77 94 except that so often his profile edges into the periphery of the G77 95 scene, reminding us that we are seeing over his shoulder. At times G77 96 he steps more fully into view. He is captured, in the pin-hole G77 97 camera, a kind of wayfaring Everyman, shown 'Coming Across Blake's G77 98 Grave', proposing marriage in Great Pultney Street, sitting at 'A G77 99 Table in Covent Garden', keeping vigil at a hospital bed. The G77 100 vindication of the 'literary' in painting is part of Hyman's G77 101 project, and certainly many writers come to mind; Eliot's unreal G77 102 city, Larkin's "where bridal London bows the other G77 103 way", and there are touches of Betjeman - his G77 104 self-depreciation, his helpless crushes, his London backdrop. Among G77 105 artists one senses that there are many with whom Hyman has G77 106 affinities. Spencer may be one. Less encouragingly, for some, G77 107 Anthony Green may be another. But the painter also finds precedent G77 108 for his distortions, abbreviations and juxtapositions in the wider G77 109 world of popular imagery, medieval art, carnival and folk culture G77 110 and fairytale.

G77 111 Teeming with tell-tale incident, Hyman's images are often G77 112 constructed of thin paint, scrubbed, wiped down or runny, and G77 113 notation is often loose, with elements of G77 114 <}_><-|>caracature<+|>caricature<}/>, except in more formal G77 115 portraits, which are close to Kokoschka's portrait manner. G77 116 Occasionally an interaction of colours sings out, a combination of G77 117 shapes meshes, the touch smoulders, visual texture bristles. Not G77 118 least in the largest, most fantastical picture in which the artist, G77 119 striding across Primrose Hill, reaches up beyond the mundane shell G77 120 of London skyline into a realm crazy-paved with mythological and G77 121 psychological archetypes. It is as if the scale and intricacy of G77 122 this painting demanded a degree of formal organization (and hence G77 123 perhaps a distancing <}_><-|>betweeb<+|>between<}/> artist and G77 124 subject matter) absent in the other pictures.

G77 125 By and large, though, Timothy Hyman is deliberately G77 126 anti-formalist, and such a different artist from Olitski that it is G77 127 almost unseemly to mention them together. Olitski once defined the G77 128 progress of modern art as one of "style warfare" - G77 129 each new style defeating the last. Hyman's world picture may indeed G77 130 envisage the obsolescence of abstraction. Olitski for his part has G77 131 the odd rearguard skirmish with new postmodern challengers whom he G77 132 charges with academicism - with not being a 'real' avant-garde. He G77 133 thinks Schnabel possibly "our Meissonier", while G77 134 for Greenberg Keifer is a Carri<_*>e-grave<*/>re to Olitski's G77 135 C<*_>e-acute<*/>zanne (a slightly unfortunate choice of parallels, G77 136 because it is Olitski who, questions of stature apart, is close to G77 137 Carri<*_>e-grave<*/>re in sensibility.)

G77 138 But clearly in recent years the style wars process has been G77 139 modified. There are no longer any decisive defeats; no style falls G77 140 from favour entirely, and all kinds of art exist side by side. We G77 141 have a kind of cable TV range of art. Flip from Olitski to Hyman. G77 142 Flip channels again, you find, say, the Ian Davenport show at G77 143 Waddington - big classy abstracts made with poured streaks, G77 144 splatters, swathes of paint. Gloss on matt, black on black, browns G77 145 with creams and beiges cross-woven. This was sophisticated interior G77 146 decoration, superb fabric design. The exhibition's runaway success G77 147 is primarily to do with the particular mood and temperature of the G77 148 moment in the art world. A few years ago the pictures would have G77 149 been run of the mill. Shifting attitudes and tastes, and ever more G77 150 knowing perceptions and interpretations of painting styles have G77 151 made this sort of literal yet latent abstraction look for a moment G77 152 less familiar, more considerable. With these pictures we are almost G77 153 back with Olitski's colleagues of the 'fifties and 'sixties. And G77 154 ironically, far from ousting such styles, new figuration has G77 155 contributed to their revival, simply by providing a foil against G77 156 which their discipline can once again appear refreshing.

G77 157 Switch channels again, to find sub-new-German-expressionism G77 158 still getting good viewer ratings. Margaret Hunter at Vanessa G77 159 Devereux, digging deep into her subconscious with Baselitz's G77 160 trowel; Ian McKeever at Whitechapel, doing Keifer over again, but G77 161 from Nature. There are any number of Artists in similar mode to G77 162 these.

G77 163 Flick channels one more time. Harry Weinberger at Duncan G77 164 Campbell, depicting his motifs - landscapes or exotic still-life G77 165 objects (carved animals and figurines) in a patchwork of clear, G77 166 pale colours. Watch this a while. The pictures are more than G77 167 decorative: neither form nor colour is naturalistic, yet this is G77 168 not expressionism. Another kind of artifice is at work. There is G77 169 little overpainting, as if the pictures, with their zoning of flat G77 170 areas of tone and colour, are drawn out in advance and 'painted in' G77 171 in quite a calculated way. Weinberger's is a European rather than G77 172 English sensibility. Born in Berlin in 1924 and moving to England G77 173 in 1939, in the past his work has been close to Martin Bloch or G77 174 Josef Herman. The recent pictures have striking affinities with the G77 175 French painter (too little known here) Charles Lapique. G77 176 Weinberger's concerns - with subjecting a motif to a painterly G77 177 treatment governed by formal logic - are in many ways the very G77 178 stuff of modernism, concerns with which so many painters have grown G77 179 bored. Now and again, as in the chalky or suddenly bright paint-box G77 180 hues in the jigsaw clouds and hills of 'Ilfracombe Harbour' or G77 181 'Fishing Boat, Barmouth', one senses the pictures launching out G77 182 into the genuinely inexplicable. The challenge is clearly to take G77 183 such concerns to a level of ambition beyond the familiar and the G77 184 easily assimilable, not by adopting grander scale or more G77 185 provocative subjects as is so common, but by following the clues G77 186 thrown up by the formal means.

G77 187 An artist like harry Weinberger may have additional problems G77 188 presenting his work to the world (the art world anyway) in a way G77 189 that demands the level of sophisticated consideration given to, G77 190 say, an Ian Davenport. On reflection, though, the current climate G77 191 creates problems for any artist seeking to cut through the G77 192 Babel-babble of styles. While the old 'style wars' pattern was G77 193 oppressive, dogmatically excluding anything outside present trends, G77 194 so too is the new free-for-all in which every kind of art is G77 195 welcomed on to the endless satellite airwaves.

G77 196 G77 197 JOHN SYNGE

G77 198 Driftwood

G77 199 Margaret Mellis/ Albert Houthuesen

G77 200 Commenting on two of her relief constructions in Glasgow's G77 201 'Great British Art 1990' exhibition Margaret Mellis denies as G77 202 irrelevant any distinction between the abstract and figurative G77 203 content of her work. "Hovering above the two," she G77 204 claims, "allows double scope and freedom - construction and G77 205 colour lock together. This is what I have been groping towards G77 206 since the beginning." Mellis has hovered between rather G77 207 than above and has now landed, anyway in her own mind, on the G77 208 figurative shore. She knows quite well that she cannot, as she G77 209 suggests in the Glasgow catalogue, "both have her cake and G77 210 eat it."

G77 211 The beginning for Mellis was in the late 30s when, married to G77 212 Adrian Stokes, she settled with him in Carbis Bay just round a G77 213 small headland from St Ives. G77 214