F01 1 <#FROWN:F01\>Unearthing Dracula

F01 2 Tall, dark, and campy, vampires have long held sway over our F01 3 most sinister impulses. Here Herb Ritts photographs the stars on F01 4 the set of Francis Ford Coppola's new baroque Dracula, and F01 5 Mary Gaitskill dissects the power of this age-old gooey F01 6 nightmare

F01 7 He approaches slowly, with the grace and cold authority of an F01 8 expert seducer. His body is shrouded in black, and his eyes have F01 9 the paralyzing fascination of death. His victim, a frail beauty F01 10 reduced to incoherent high-pitched gasps of fright, waits in a F01 11 state of alertness and horror, yet she is swooning - her head F01 12 thrown back, her throat exposed in electrifying receptivity. There F01 13 is a pregnant moment, as if an unarticulated longing is about to F01 14 come to fruition. Then, sinking his fangs into her neck, he F01 15 penetrates and devours her.

F01 16 Really, it's too corny, not to mention too sexist, for F01 17 sophisticated people like you and me. But sexist corn F01 18 notwithstanding, there it is: the vampire myth persists with the F01 19 tenacity of a spider, continually reemerging in varying guises that F01 20 range from the dire to the erotic to the goofy and back again. Be F01 21 it Bela Lugosi standing mute and icy in the graveyard or Elvira F01 22 camping it up between ads for the greatest hits of the seventies, F01 23 the vampire lurks at a complex intersection of human dilemma; his F01 24 myth is a great dark jewel that reveals another facet with each F01 25 turn. And he is about to walk again in Francis Ford Coppola's F01 26 version of Bram Stoker's 1897 novel, Dracula, a sumptuous F01 27 retelling of the old, old story.

F01 28 This story is a bloody Kabuki comic about our fear of and F01 29 ambivalence toward our own nature, and the fragmentation that F01 30 results. It is a metaphor for maddeningly common human behavior; we F01 31 have all known (and been) psychic 'vampires,' people who, because F01 32 of their inability to internally 'get a life,' do all kinds of F01 33 things to feel more complete - like social climbing, marrying for F01 34 money, or augmenting hollow self-esteem by attacking someone F01 35 else's, to name a few. Today's pervasive celebrity worship is a F01 36 kind of mutual vampirism, in which the adoring masses and the F01 37 celebrity get their identity and power from each other, and thus F01 38 never fully become themselves. Almost all vampire movies, even the F01 39 silliest, deal with this stuff, playfully or intensely. Judging F01 40 from the screenplay for Bram Stoker's Dracula, written by F01 41 James V. Hart (author of Hook), Coppola is going for the F01 42 intense.

F01 43 One of literature's first vampires appears in Coleridge's F01 44 weird, unfinished narrative poem, Christabel, published in F01 45 1816. Camille Paglia, in an astute, erudite, and totally horny F01 46 essay, describes Coleridge's lesbian vampire Geraldine as nature's F01 47 own psycho slut from hell, "the chthonian mother who eats F01 48 her children." She's not the only one. In the old movies, F01 49 vampires hang out with swarms of insects, spiders, maggots, rats, F01 50 and bats - the deep-down ugly part of nature, lower-order F01 51 group-minded creatures that remind us of our connection with the F01 52 part of life that scares us: the brainless, monstrously gooey F01 53 primeval, the death-dealing predator, the heartless cycle of aging, F01 54 illness, death. In a word, the irrational, which is mirrored in our F01 55 emotions, and which typically overrides our brains.

F01 56 Cannily, Jim Hart included a scene from Stoker's original novel F01 57 that most other screen Draculas have omitted. In it, the virtuous F01 58 hero (Keanu Reeves! The ideal swooning beauty!) is swarmed and F01 59 bitten by Dracula's three 'brides' in a lush haunted bedchamber, a F01 60 realm of the undifferentiated primordial at which religion and F01 61 society shake their pale fingers in vain. These 'mothers' literally F01 62 do eat the young -Dracula feeds the brides by tossing them a live F01 63 baby. Winona Ryder, who stars as the film's heroine, Mina, says she F01 64 was grossed out by the scene: "These women are played by F01 65 beautiful models and it should be sexy... but they're horrible, F01 66 like insects or spiders." Exactly. At one point the film F01 67 reveals Dracula lying in his coffin as if it's a womb, covered with F01 68 placentalike slime, a perfect image of the conflation of life and F01 69 death and all that...stuff they entail.

F01 70 We may fear the deep-down ugly, but it is part of who we are; F01 71 in trying to deny it, we divide ourselves and the world into F01 72 opposing factions. That on which we shut the door will come F01 73 knocking in some truly skanky forms, and we will always let it in, F01 74 because 'it' is us. Harold Bloom has referred to Coleridge's F01 75 heroine Christabel as "a half-willing victim." No F01 76 kidding. As Coleridge describes her, she is Virtue on two legs. F01 77 This type of purity is compelling but unlivable. Since the lady F01 78 Christabel, the feminine ideal of her day, is not allowed to even F01 79 imagine the ugly, cruel, predatory slut within, she will secretly F01 80 long for it and be sensually transfixed when it appears in the form F01 81 of another person - especially another woman. The passivity of this F01 82 kind of 'victim' is deceptive, for it is not mere inertia or F01 83 failure of will. It is a convoluted attempt to imbibe the power of F01 84 the aggressor; it is unacknowledged power, fierce and resolute in F01 85 its own way. It would be better if such 'victims' felt free to F01 86 experience their own power more directly, in an ambience of mutual F01 87 respect and honor - but unfortunately, a lot of people don't know F01 88 how to do that.

F01 89 The female victims in the old vampire movies definitely don't. F01 90 Idealized expressions of ultrarefined femininity, they are weak, F01 91 flighty, Blanche du Boisesque. The dark, powerful vampire may be F01 92 nasty, but he represents an earthy solidity and strength that have F01 93 the potential to make them complete. And vice versa. In F.W. F01 94 Murnau's beautiful, silent 1922 Nosferatu, the vampire can be F01 95 destroyed only if a pure woman keeps him by her side until F01 96 daylight. The film ends with the heroine sacrificing herself to the F01 97 vampire to save the populace. It's as if the vampire, despite his F01 98 toothy might, is stuck in a purgatory; only when purity is made F01 99 freely available to him can he finally cut out.

F01 100 This Sturm und Drang is sexy, but it's not just about sex. F01 101 Whenever the full potential is thwarted, rage, possession, and F01 102 devouring rear their ugly heads. One of the most pathetic victims F01 103 in vampire lore is Stoker's hapless solicitor, Renfield, as F01 104 portrayed by Dwight Frye in the famous 1931 Tod Browning F01 105 Dracula. (In the Coppola film, he's played by Tom Waits, in a F01 106 less central but equally intense role.) Frye's Renfield is a F01 107 friendly, dapper, optimistic businessman who arrives at the F01 108 vampire's castle with a natty walking stick and a natty smile. F01 109 "Oh, the fire," he exclaims, seizing on the only F01 110 homey aspect of the vampire's gruesome castle; "it's so F01 111 cheerful!" It is both comic and painful to watch this F01 112 upbeat fellow become Dracula's morbidly degraded slave, on his F01 113 hands and knees eating insects. Comic because there is a grim F01 114 appropriateness in this silly, effete person being forced to eat F01 115 the earthiness that his ultracivilized persona implicitly denies. F01 116 Dracula's sadistic power is brutal but so, in a sense, is F01 117 Renfield's idiotic optimism and refinement. Consciously or not, F01 118 Renfield has coldly excised the guts from his insipid world, a F01 119 world in which the power and veracity of the extreme are not F01 120 allowed to exist. The extreme has returned in the form of Dracula, F01 121 and boy, is he pissed.

F01 122 These days, in movies and in the culture at large, it seems as F01 123 if everybody's eager to sling extremities and guts all over the F01 124 place, as if Dracula could be just another crank on the subway. But F01 125 the guts so garishly and routinely displayed are artificial; while F01 126 we seem to have acknowledged our extreme aspects, our discomfort is F01 127 actually as acute as ever.

F01 128 Modern vampires no longer represent biological dread; instead, F01 129 they seem a defiance of biology, reversing the symbolic meaning of F01 130 the grotty old monster. Agelessly beautiful, sexy, and glamorous, F01 131 they are far more dynamic than the dumpy mortals upon whom they F01 132 prey. Anne Rice's novels are filled with empathy for them. They do F01 133 bad stuff but they can't help it; they're lonely and full of angst. F01 134 In the old vampire story, the underlying frisson is the victim's F01 135 unspoken ambivalence and longing. In the current version it's the F01 136 anguish and longing of the vampire, who is, after all, a parasite F01 137 totally dependent on his/her weak prey. Today's vampires symbolize F01 138 the tyranny of the imagination and the mind as estranged from the F01 139 heart and the body. In the 1983 film The Hunger, a chic F01 140 lesbian (Catherine Deneuve) imprisons her victims not in an earthy F01 141 crypt but in an airy town house; instead of swarming rats and bugs F01 142 she is surrounded by flocks of white birds. In The Lost F01 143 Boys (1987), a gang of beautiful boy vampires terrorizes a F01 144 fantastical amusement park while, on the sound track, a seraphic F01 145 boys choir sings "thou shalt not grow," and the F01 146 camera pans up to a sky of preternaturally brilliant blue. High F01 147 style, soaring movement, ethereal height, unadulterated beauty, F01 148 perpetual adolescence, limitless power, and pleasure: these F01 149 vampires inhabit a realm utterly removed from the icky, crawly, F01 150 ugly forces of nature, free of relentless evolutionary flux.

F01 151 But this realm is arid, sterile, and, ahem, bloodless. The F01 152 vampires must feed, compulsively, endlessly. They can only borrow F01 153 life, they can never truly have it. As Dracula laments in Coppola's F01 154 film: "I am nothing." Although the vampire bites F01 155 and bites, he remains 'the undead' who cannot live.

F01 156 In the trashy but perceptive Vampire's Kiss (1989), F01 157 Nicolas Cage is a cruel, internally dessicated womanizer cut off F01 158 from his own emotionality - the kind of guy who, despite his F01 159 compulsive sex life, would fear a deep sexual experience. After a F01 160 hallucinatory one-night stand, he becomes convinced he is turning F01 161 into a vampire and before long is eating bugs, tearing at the flesh F01 162 of birds, and pursuing people while wearing plastic fangs. He F01 163 becomes increasingly sadistic to a female employee and finally F01 164 rapes her. The joke of the movie is that while Cage is not F01 165 physically a vampire, psychically he is and always has been. In a F01 166 pivotal scene he claws at a mirror, moaning, "Oh, Christ, F01 167 where am I?" having become invisible to himself. Geraldine, F01 168 Dracula, Nosferatu, and the rest may have great power, but there is F01 169 a terrible emptiness at its center, and Vampire's Kiss - F01 170 the product of a modern sensibility in an age pervaded by F01 171 expressions of disconnected, empty power - recognizes that dead-on. F01 172 It is appropriate that Cage becomes a rapist, for rape is another F01 173 vampiric act. A rapist longs to have whatever the female and the F01 174 feminine represent to him, and is driven to attack. Yet since he F01 175 violates and damages what he craves, he puts it even further out of F01 176 reach, creating an endless cycle of mutual torment not unlike the F01 177 vampire's.

F01 178 Among the many vampires walking among us today, perhaps the F01 179 most horrifying is not psychic but physical. AIDS divides the body F01 180 and causes it to attack itself with a method we still have no F01 181 understanding of and little defense against. In a sense, it is like F01 182 a horrible and horribly unfair mirror of our divided and warring F01 183 psychic selves - only in this case the horror is impossible to F01 184 ignore (although as a society, we have been trying hard to do just F01 185 that).

F01 186 Screenwriter Hart was very aware of this metaphoric connection; F01 187 his brother, who died of AIDS, had remarked to him that it is F01 188 "a vampire's disease," a comment that seems to have F01 189 haunted Hart. Indeed, Winona Ryder, who brought the script to F01 190 Coppola's attention, responded to it initially because she had just F01 191 lost a close friend to AIDS and thus found the script eerily F01 192 resonant.

F01 193 The script is juicy and operatic (possibly campy, depending on F01 194 how it's played), a combination of the old and modern vampire F01 195 modes. (The 1979 version starring super-sexy Frank Langella only F01 196 hinted at this.) Dracula (Gary Oldman) is both a snarling beastie F01 197 with hairy palms and the 'most handsome man on the street.' And his F01 198 victims are scarcely the 'pure' creatures of the past; they too are F01 199 conflicted and angsty. F01 200 F01 201 F01 202 F02 1 <#FROWN:F02>DOES JAPAN PLAY FAIR?

F02 2 While official protectionism is largely gone, Americans still F02 3 battle cartels, old-boy networks, and outright corruption. The U.S. F02 4 must keep the pressure on.

F02 5 by Edmund Faltermayer

F02 6 DOES JAPAN tilt its economic playing field against the rest of F02 7 the world? The question is crucial, for despite years of pressure F02 8 to open the world's No. 2 economy to foreign goods and investment, F02 9 Japan has amassed an unheard-of trade surplus now soaring above F02 10 $100 billion a year. If Japan's policies and business culture F02 11 really do deny foreign companies a fighting chance, what can be F02 12 done to set the balance right? Unless it is corrected, governments F02 13 around the world, including the U.S. President elected in November, F02 14 are sure to feel rising protectionist demands.

F02 15 This article examines specific markets and business practices F02 16 that shed light on Japan's openness. Sizing up a country's business F02 17 terrain is relative. Difficult or easy compared with what? In F02 18 making the assessment, FORTUNE judged access to markets in Japan in F02 19 relation to hardships Japanese companies face in the U.S.

F02 20 Overall, is the playing field level? In a word, no. F02 21 "The Japanese market is not as closed as Americans F02 22 think," says Akio Morita, chairman of Sony, "but F02 23 not as open as the Japanese think." The long answer is more F02 24 complicated, however - and more encouraging. Japan has changed F02 25 greatly since the mid-Eighties. In many markets today's tilt is F02 26 less steep than it was, and an official, orchestrated policy of F02 27 thwarting the gaijin (foreigner) is mostly gone. F02 28 Americans with high-quality goods and services can make a dent in F02 29 Japan. Because of remaining governmental roadblocks and a business F02 30 culture that can be extraordinarily inhospitable to outsiders, F02 31 however, U.S. companies still have to work harder than Japanese F02 32 companies in the U.S. And sometimes the Americans need diplomatic F02 33 pressure to help laissez faire along, particularly when they are F02 34 trying to penetrate industries dominated by entrenched F02 35 oligopolies.

F02 36 For those willing to take lots of bruises and stay in the game, F02 37 Japan has compensations. The customers the Yank wins are often more F02 38 loyal than those back home. Makoto Kuroda, managing director of F02 39 Mitsubishi Corp., tells an American visitor: "Your market F02 40 is easy to enter, but it's also easy to be kicked out. In Japan, F02 41 once in, your people may stay much longer." Depending on F02 42 the industry, the Americans may also reap outsize profits. Says F02 43 William Wheeler, who heads Asia-Pacific operations for FMC Corp.: F02 44 "The margins here are some of the highest in the F02 45 world."

F02 46 Many Japanese insist that their country's barriers have fallen F02 47 and that Americans have little to grouse about. "In terms F02 48 of formal government policies," asserts Noboru Hatakeyama, F02 49 vice minister for international affairs at the Ministry of F02 50 International Trade and Industry (MITI), "Japan is much F02 51 more open" than the U.S. Japan has cut average tariffs on F02 52 manufactured goods below America's (2.1% vs. 5%). The country may F02 53 also be one of the few in history to subsidize imports. For F02 54 the past three years, Japanese companies that substantially boost F02 55 imports of a wide array of manufactured goods can get a 5% tax F02 56 credit on the increase.

F02 57 Japan has some gripes about the U.S. too. In semiconductors, F02 58 for instance, Washington has resorted to managed trade with quotas, F02 59 demanding that Japan buy 20% of the chips it uses from foreign F02 60 companies. The U.S. has also leaned on Japan to curb exports of F02 61 such items as cars and machine tools, forcing a shift of production F02 62 to American transplants. Light pickup trucks from Japan face an F02 63 unusually high tariff of 25%. And let's not ignore recent F02 64 protectionist outbursts, as when opportunistic politicians in Los F02 65 Angeles canceled a subway car contract with Sumitomo in favor of F02 66 Morrison Knudsen.

F02 67 For Japanese executives running businesses in the U.S., life is F02 68 no Zen garden. They must often contend with a poorly educated, F02 69 ill-trained labor force. The U.S. used to be ranked among the F02 70 lowest-risk countries in which to do business, says Tachi F02 71 Kiuchi, CEO of Mitsubishi Electronics America, a sales subsidiary F02 72 of Mitsubishi Electric. But because of "all the F02 73 lawsuits," he says, "the U.S. is no longer in the F02 74 top five."

F02 75 Still, for all America's blemishes, one giant fact stands out: F02 76 Gaining entry is like falling out of bed compared with what a F02 77 foreign company confronts in Japan. Though formal barriers there F02 78 are mostly gone, a forest of others remains. Many impede any F02 79 newcomer to a particular market, Japanese or foreign, and in that F02 80 sense foreigners are getting what trade negotiators call national F02 81 treatment. But because Americans find conditions harder in Japan F02 82 than vice versa, they are handicapped in redressing the trade F02 83 imbalance.

F02 84 Topping the list of adverse conditions, according to U.S. F02 85 companies surveyed in 1991 by the A.T. Kearney consulting firm, is F02 86 "the high cost of doing business." The rise in the F02 87 yen against the dollar since the mid-Eighties has made a bad F02 88 situation worse. Kearney itself pays $160 a square foot for its F02 89 Tokyo office, nearly five times what equivalent space would command F02 90 in New York City. Assuming that an American company lands orders, F02 91 survival in the early years can resemble life in a piranha tank. F02 92 Unless the product is unique and can't be readily duplicated, says F02 93 Kearney vice president William Best, "you'll have F02 94 competition faster than you can believe."

F02 95 Americans who bend your ear about the perils aren't all F02 96 crybabies, for the Japanese themselves acknowledge that their F02 97 country is a rough go. Listen to Seiichi Takikawa, the jovial F02 98 president of Canon Sales, a marketing and importing offshoot of the F02 99 Japanese camera and copier company. He says that in the Seventies, F02 100 when he built up Canon's operation in the U.S. - "where F02 101 it's a much simpler task" - it took only six years to lift F02 102 sales tenfold. Returning to Japan, Takikawa needed 15 years to F02 103 achieve similar growth. Reason: a smaller market, fiercer F02 104 competition, and a government that, he says, "has a habit F02 105 of sticking its nose into everything it sees." And Takikawa F02 106 was born into the culture. For an American, he says, success in F02 107 Japan requires "two to three times as much as<&|>sic! F02 108 energy."

F02 109 Daunting as this sounds, it was worse when Japan practiced F02 110 flagrant protectionism. Edmund Reilly, president of Digital F02 111 Equipment's Japanese subsidiary, recalls that when he first went to F02 112 Japan for his company in 1970, the government was nurturing a F02 113 home-grown computer industry and "the odds really F02 114 were stacked against us." Overt discrimination against F02 115 foreign products is now limited, though Japan still keeps out rice. F02 116 The ban flies in the face of the free-market principles: The F02 117 home-grown variety costs seven times as much as imported rice F02 118 would.

F02 119 These days, when the Japanese government makes life difficult F02 120 for foreigners, it's mainly through regulatory moves that rarely F02 121 get headlines. Etak, a California company now part of Rupert F02 122 Murdoch's News Corp., was the first to begin electronic mapping of F02 123 Japanese cities in 1987, hoping to enable ambulance services and F02 124 others to find addresses on computer screens. But a year later the F02 125 government decided that Etak needed a license. By the time it came F02 126 through, the company's head start was gone and a Japanese F02 127 competitor had moved in.

F02 128 This is but one example. Says Clyde Prestowitz Jr., president F02 129 of the Economic Strategy Instate, a Washington research group: F02 130 "The procedures that you go through are typically not F02 131 transparent." He means they are neither open nor based on F02 132 criteria known to all who are affected. In that atmosphere, F02 133 American executives say, Japanese who have good entree with F02 134 bureaucrats can delay the entry of competitors. The effects are F02 135 sufficiently serious that Japan, in the latest round of talks with F02 136 the U.S. under the so-called Structural Impediments Initiative, has F02 137 agreed to reform its regulatory practices.

F02 138 What really leaves many foreign companies out in the cold is F02 139 the business culture. The word keiretsu suggests giant industrial F02 140 groups linked by cross-ownership, such as Mitsubishi or Sumitomo. F02 141 But the term can apply to longstanding business relationships F02 142 without financial ties. When Sony developed its videocassette F02 143 recorder in the early Seventies, Chairman Morita relates, it needed F02 144 a new, high-quality recording tape. At the time, a major U.S. F02 145 chemical company passed up Sony's invitation to supply the tape F02 146 because it was reluctant to invest new production equipment. Sony F02 147 enlisted two Japanese companies that, Morita says, F02 148 "invested money at their own risk." To this day F02 149 Sony holds no equity stake in these suppliers, he adds, F02 150 "but once they invest money and make a good product, that F02 151 situation is a keiretsu, and we feel some kind of F02 152 obligation."

F02 153 Outsiders sometimes fail to understand why they can't instantly F02 154 displace such suppliers by underselling them. As Morita explains: F02 155 "An American company says, 'Our product is good, our price F02 156 is good, why don't you buy?' But with an industrial product that F02 157 needs continuous improvement, you need a long-term F02 158 relationship." The U.S. company that originally declined F02 159 Morita's invitation now has some of the business, but less than it F02 160 might have had.

F02 161 Productive relationships are the good side of keiretsu, which F02 162 America has begun to emulate. But all too often, keiretsu exclude F02 163 new players or give preferential treatment to members. Says Reilly F02 164 of Digital Equipment, who is also president of the American Chamber F02 165 of Commerce in Japan: "Keiretsu links, bidding cartels, and F02 166 the old-boy network still present us with formidable obstacles that F02 167 Japanese corporations do not face in the U.S. market."

F02 168 Obstacles or no, more and more companies find they must be in F02 169 Japan. Applied Materials, a Silicon Valley company with sales of F02 170 $644 million a year, is one of the few flourishing American F02 171 manufacturers of chipmaking equipment. One reason: It gets valuable F02 172 customer feedback from Japan, which accounts for 35% of its F02 173 revenues. Tetsuo Iwasaki, CEO of Applied Materials Japan, explains F02 174 how the company benefits from working closely with Japan's F02 175 semi-conductor industry, the world's largest. Japan excels F02 176 in manufacturing DRAM memory chips, he notes, which require finer F02 177 circuitry than the microprocessors in which the U.S. has the F02 178 leading position. Says Iwasaki: "In production, DRAMs are F02 179 the technology driver."

F02 180 The examination that follows concentrates on markets where F02 181 Americans have a strong competitive edge or a chance to improve the F02 182 trade numbers dramatically - if only the playing fields were level. F02 183 One notable theme that emerges: It's relatively easy to sell to F02 184 Japanese consumers as opposed to the purchasing agents of big F02 185 companies. We also assess Japanese fairness in two important areas F02 186 that cut across many businesses - direct investment and patent F02 187 production.

F02 188 <*_>black-square<*/>CONSUMER ITEMS. The Apple F02 189 computers jumping off Tokyo store shelves and BMWs tooling down the F02 190 elevated express-ways dispel the notion that Japanese F02 191 citizens shun all foreign products. When it comes to marketing, F02 192 says Tokyo consultant George Fields, "American companies F02 193 have an advantage in anything related to youth and F02 194 lifestyle." Fields, the son of an Australian father and a F02 195 Japanese mother, spent time in each country in his youth. He notes F02 196 that Japan's No. 1 soft drink is Coca-Cola, the No. 1 fast-food F02 197 chain is McDonald's, the No. 1 theme park Disneyland, and the list F02 198 goes on.

F02 199 Many of the successful products are made in Japan rather than F02 200 exported from the U.S., but the earnings help America's balance of F02 201 payments. The main difficulty in marketing consumer goods is F02 202 penetrating the convoluted distribution system. Kodak's entry in F02 203 the mid-Eighties shows the unexpected routes a company might have F02 204 to take: It used a mail-order company to sell film and a F02 205 dry-cleaning chain as a collection point for developing.

F02 206 Distribution is an impediment for the supreme consumer item: F02 207 the automobile. When Japanese carmakers entered the U.S., they were F02 208 able to sell through existing American dealers, who have long been F02 209 allowed to offer more than one make. Japanese automakers own much F02 210 of the sales network in Japan, and dual dealerships are rare. F02 211 Bowing to pressure from Washington, Japanese carmakers are starting F02 212 to offer a few American models. But the only real answer may be a F02 213 direct stake in a distribution network. BMW carved out a F02 214 respectable niche in Japan's market after it bought an ailing chain F02 215 of showrooms in 1981 and expanded it. Ford, the most aggressive of F02 216 Detroit's Big Three in Japan, has just raised its ownership in the F02 217 Autorama sales chain from 34% to 36,5%, making it an equal partner F02 218 with Mazda.

F02 219 F02 220 F03 1 <#FROWN:F03\>AN INTRODUCTION TO ASTROLOGY

F03 2 Part 2: What the Chart Means.

F03 3 A popular astrologer shares knowledge of her science in a way F03 4 that is easy to understand. In the first part of this article F03 5 (FATE, February 1992) she wrote about the history of astrology. Now F03 6 learn about astrology from a practical point of view.

F03 7 By Linda Chamlee Black

F03 8 COMPILING A CHART

F03 9 If you were out in a boat at sea and wanted to find your F03 10 location, you'd look through a device called a sextant until F03 11 you found a star you could identify. Through another part of the F03 12 instrument you'd locate the horizon.

F03 13 A sextant is made so that you can determine the angle between F03 14 the horizon, a star and the point where you're located. By doing F03 15 this with two different stars, you get two different angles. Then, F03 16 by looking up the positions of the stars for that time in books F03 17 called ephemerides (ephemeris in the singular) and F03 18 performing a few mathematical computations, you can determine where F03 19 you are at that exact moment.

F03 20 An astrologer does the same thing - only backwards. We first F03 21 find the exact time and place of birth. Then we look in books that F03 22 give us the planets' positions, perform a little math and figure F03 23 out where things were in the sky at that birth time. Initially F03 24 astrologers had to physically see where the planets were located in F03 25 order to draw up a chart, although they've used mathematically F03 26 compiled tables of locations for quite some time. Now computers can F03 27 do the same work with less error in a matter of minutes or even F03 28 seconds.

F03 29 The circle of the zodiac, or astrological chart, represents the F03 30 heavens with the Earth being the spot in the middle. The point due F03 31 west (at the left of the chart) is actually the sign on the eastern F03 32 horizon. To understand this better, imagine that you're standing on F03 33 the Earth - the dot where all the lines intersect.

F03 34 The Ascendant (the sign on the eastern horizon at birth) F03 35 is at least as important as the positions of the Sun and Moon in F03 36 reading a chart. It also determines where to place the other lines F03 37 which cut the circle into 12 pie pieces. These are the houses, F03 38 each with a sign on the cusp (dividing line between two F03 39 houses). Thus, the signs overlap the houses on a chart.

F03 40 Each house represents a certain area of life. Although each is F03 41 actually much more complex, they basically break down as F03 42 follows:

F03 43 1) Ego, self-analysis

F03 44 2) Money and land

F03 45 3) Education and siblings

F03 46 4) Home and family

F03 47 5) Love affairs and adolescents

F03 48 6) Service to others

F03 49 7) Partnerships and beauty

F03 50 8) Life, death, secrets and other people's money

F03 51 9) Travel, philosophy and publications

F03 52 10) Career, area of greatest success

F03 53 11) Friends and creative solutions

F03 54 12) Spirituality, faith and institutions

F03 55 Each house (pie piece) is ruled (dominated) by the sign on F03 56 its left edge. That means, for example, if you have Scorpio on the F03 57 cusp of the second house you'll probably gain through inheritance F03 58 or have some other secret and plentiful source of income.

F03 59 Sometimes the same sign rules two houses and another sign F03 60 doesn't get an edge at all (if it is completely within one house F03 61 and not crossing a cusp). This happens more often when the birth F03 62 takes place farther north or south on the globe.

F03 63 SIGNS, PLANETS AND HOUSES

F03 64 The sign ruling each house also influences the planets that are F03 65 in that house. Each planet has its own characteristics which are F03 66 modified by the sign it's in, the house it's in and its F03 67 mathematical relationship (angle or aspect) to the other F03 68 planets. (Editor's note: the word planet means F03 69 'traveler.' Even though it has long been recognized that the Sun F03 70 and Moon are not planets in the modern, scientific sense, from our F03 71 earthly point of view they still appear to travel through the F03 72 sky. Hence, astrologers may refer to them as planets.)

F03 73 diagram

F03 74 This diagram shows the houses, Medium Coeli and Ascendant. The F03 75 Ascendant is marked by the heart-shaped wedge pointing to the left. F03 76 This is the sign that is on the eastern horizon for the moment that F03 77 the chart is drawn. It is determined by the time and location being F03 78 charted.

F03 79 The top of the chart, the Medium Coeli or Midheaven, is the F03 80 point directly overhead at the time for which the chart is cast. F03 81 This defines the separation between the ninth and tenth houses, F03 82 both indicators of success. The ninth implies that success will F03 83 come through good fortune while the tenth usually means that it's F03 84 going to take some hard work.

F03 85 In this illustration the pie pieces, called the houses, are F03 86 numbered. The sequence goes from the left in a counter-clockwise F03 87 direction.

F03 88 The cusps are the divisions between houses. These are F03 89 established by the latitude and longitude as well as the exact time F03 90 being charted. Signs are given to each cusp just as they are to the F03 91 first cusp, the Ascendant.

F03 92 The Earth is located in the center, where all of the lines F03 93 intersect.

F03 94 Here is an example: Assume that Mars is in Scorpio and in your F03 95 second house. Scorpio is on the cusp of the second house. In this F03 96 example Mars is squared (at about a 90<*_>degree<*/> angle to F03 97 Mars) to the planet Jupiter which is in the sign of Leo. According F03 98 to Western astrology, Mars represents aggression, Jupiter luck, Leo F03 99 fair play and Scorpio other people's money and secrets. The squared F03 100 relationship means that there is a block (or lesson to be learned) F03 101 represented by the planets, signs and houses at each end of the F03 102 angle.

F03 103 Interpreting an entire chart - as opposed to just one small, F03 104 isolated part of a chart - is called synthesis. In the example F03 105 described above we would say that a person born with the above F03 106 example in his or her chart would have a strong urge to grab other F03 107 people's money, but it will be blocked by their own sense of F03 108 decency and fair play. Or the person will find a game to play that F03 109 allows you to win other people's money in an honorable, although F03 110 private, manner.

F03 111 THE ASPECTS

F03 112 The aspects, or the angles between the different planets, F03 113 are very important. A difference of 30<*_>degree<*/>, called a F03 114 semi-sextile, is supposed to be mildly beneficial. A F03 115 sextile or 60<*_>degree<*/> angle is very beneficial. A F03 116 semi-square, found when planets are at 45<*_>degree<*/> is F03 117 upsetting while a square at 90<*_>degree<*/> is a difficulty F03 118 or barrier. Planets at 180<*_>degree<*/> are opposed, but can F03 119 actually be attractive (their effects enhance one another).

F03 120 THE MOST IMPORTANT PARTS OF A CHART

F03 121 The three equally dominant parts of any chart are the positions F03 122 of the Sun, the Moon, and the Ascendant and the signs that are on F03 123 their cusps. People who were born when the Sun was within five F03 124 degrees of the next sign should consider both, with the coming sign F03 125 slightly stronger. When the Sun is divided this way the influence F03 126 of the Moon and Ascendant signs are considered to be even more F03 127 important.

F03 128 The sign at the top of the chart, the Midheaven (also F03 129 known as the Medium Coeli or MC), is considered by F03 130 some to be very important too. That area of the chart is supposed F03 131 to indicate the individual's career and greatest success.

F03 132 The ascending sign changes completely every two hours. The Moon F03 133 takes two to three days to get through a sign and the Sun stays in F03 134 one sign for almost a month. You can see, then, why it's so F03 135 important to know the exact time of birth - the Ascendant changes F03 136 one degree for every four minutes of time and its position also F03 137 determines the positions of the Houses all the way around the F03 138 chart. Charts figures for 8:00 AM and 8:00 PM on the same F03 139 day and in the same location are completely different.

F03 140 ASTRAL TWINS

F03 141 Since all the planets are continually moving (at different F03 142 rates), the same configuration won't repeat for at least 26,000 F03 143 years (the length of time needed for the precession of the F03 144 equinoxes to complete one cycle. See the previous article in last F03 145 month's issue of FATE for details). You can have an astral twin - F03 146 somebody who has the same chart as you. This can result from F03 147 differences in birth locations. However, having an astral twin is F03 148 even more uncommon than having a fraternal twin. Incidentally, F03 149 fraternal twins aren't always astral twins.

F03 150 As you can see, the time is very important when setting up a F03 151 chart. Things can change considerably in only a few minutes. F03 152 Dramatic changes will usually occur in an hour or two. If you have F03 153 your chart done and find that it doesn't sound like you, don't F03 154 assume that astrology is wrong. Check the time of birth. Then check F03 155 the exact latitude and longitude. The reading of your accurate F03 156 natal chart will leave you feeling that you have been described F03 157 with uncomfortable precision.

F03 158 PREDICTIONS F03 159 To make predictions with astrology, the astrologer compares F03 160 where the planets are now to the natal chart (birth chart of the F03 161 subject). A progression of the natal chart (where each day in F03 162 the ephemeris equals a year in the person's life, starting at F03 163 birth) is also used. For example, if you're 30 years old your F03 164 progressed chart is for 30 days from your actual birth. This F03 165 implies that the person goes through phases in life. If the Sun has F03 166 progressed from Aries into Taurus, for example, the person will be F03 167 much less spontaneous and more interested in financial security F03 168 than when he or she was younger.

F03 169 The position of each of the planets and the Moon is also F03 170 progressed. For example, the Moon changes signs through this method F03 171 approximately every two to three years. Since the Moon sign is an F03 172 indicator of love and romance, this would suggest that people have F03 173 a tendency to change their romantic preferences every couple of F03 174 years. Consequently, a stable relationship has to be based on F03 175 something more than whether a couple agrees on everything, or even F03 176 whether they like each other at all. Both of those conditions would F03 177 be in a constant state of flux, even if the two people were born F03 178 with the Moon in the same sign.

F03 179 Finally, the astrologer making the predictions compares the F03 180 natal chart of the person involved, the progressed chart and a F03 181 chart of where everything in the sky is today, or for the date in F03 182 question for the prediction.

F03 183 As you can see, this can get very complicated! For example, if F03 184 you want to know the best time to make an investment you should F03 185 compare your natal chart, your progressed chart and the chart of F03 186 the time of incorporation of the business in which you want to F03 187 invest and its progressed chart. Then you'd look for a day in F03 188 the future when strong growth was indicated, such as one with the F03 189 Moon in Scorpio. You'd have to compare everything else on that day F03 190 to all of the other charts, though, in order to make sure you F03 191 weren't going to have favorable indications in one area and F03 192 unfavorable ones in another. You don't want to pick a date when the F03 193 business does fine - by growing strongly with your money - but F03 194 leaves you behind in the dust.

F03 195 COMPLICATIONS, COMPLICATIONS...

F03 196 As you see, this is a complicated game. When Jupiter, as it is F03 197 in the sky, now transits (crosses) the position of Jupiter in F03 198 your natal chart, things will be very favorable for you. Money will F03 199 come your way. This would be a good time to buy a lottery F03 200 ticket.

F03 201 When Saturn transits your natal Saturn (called a Saturn F03 202 return) you get a test. That's when you find out how well F03 203 you've learned the lessons life has dished out to you up to that F03 204 point. If you've been an open-minded and diligent scholar and have F03 205 learned from your mistakes, your Saturn return marks the beginning F03 206 of your period of greatest success. If you've continually avoided F03 207 facing up to your problems, however, you're in for a very rough F03 208 time. You may have the feeling you're repeating the same painful F03 209 thing that happened before. F03 210 F03 211 F04 1 <#FROWN:F04\>That's not done with antiemetic drugs, they explain, F04 2 because only 30 percent of postoperative patients become nauseous, F04 3 and they worry about side effects, such as excessive sleepiness F04 4 from a drug. With ginger, they found no side effects.

F04 5 Then there's garlic. In January of this year, we told you about F04 6 exciting research from Europe, where doctors found that doses of F04 7 garlic powder appear to have a marked beneficial effect on F04 8 cholesterol and blood pressure. Garlic research is proceeding in F04 9 the United States, as well.

F04 10 One area of interest is cancer prevention. At the UCLA School F04 11 of Medicine, researchers added aged garlic extract to test tubes F04 12 containing cancer cells from humans and mice. A week later, they F04 13 saw that the cells' growth had been inhibited. The growth of F04 14 healthy cells was not affected (Proceedings of the American F04 15 Association for Cancer Research, March 1991).

F04 16 At Pennsylvania State University, rats were fed garlic and also F04 17 subjected to a chemical known to turn normal mammary cells F04 18 cancerous. "In some studies," says the head of the F04 19 nutrition department, John Milner, Ph.D., "we observed a 70 F04 20 percent reduction in the number of tumors." Dr. Milner's F04 21 best theory is that garlic inhibits cancer-causing chemicals from F04 22 binding to DNA, the part of a cell that carries hereditary F04 23 information.

F04 24 In any event, Dr. Milner says, "this marked reduction F04 25 places new emphasis on the importance of this condiment in our F04 26 diet."

F04 27 Speaking of diet, there's always the question of how to eat F04 28 garlic. Some researchers advise eating your garlic raw, but now F04 29 evidence suggests this isn't the only way.

F04 30 Mahendra K. Jain, Ph.D., professor in the department of F04 31 chemistry and biochemistry at the University of Delaware, says his F04 32 work with Rafael Apitz, M.D., suggesting an antithrombosis role for F04 33 garlic, leads him to prefer cooked garlic. Cooking promotes the F04 34 formation of compounds that, in the lab, thin blood.

F04 35 Robert I-San Lin, Ph.D., who served as chairman of the 1990 F04 36 First World Congress of Garlic, says his two favorite forms are F04 37 cooked and aged. He told us "aging garlic in vinegar or F04 38 wine can drastically reduce the pungency and odor problem of raw F04 39 garlic, while boiling makes garlic sweet." F04 40 Saut<*_>e-acute<*/>ing garlic does not always eliminate the F04 41 pungency, and frying it can stink up your house.

F04 42 The experts we talked to say that no one should treat a serious F04 43 illness with garlic, but most are big believers in adding some to F04 44 your diet as a possible helper in warding off problems a lot worse F04 45 than garlic breath.

F04 46 F04 47 REVERSE DIABETES

F04 48 A 12-step, recommended-daily-action plan that can help you F04 49 drive the disease into retreat

F04 50 DON'T BE SO DEFENSIVE. RECENT RESEARCH suggests that most F04 51 people with diabetes would do well to assume an offensive F04 52 position. That is, to commit to an aggressive daily-action plan F04 53 designed not just to manage the disease and keep it from getting F04 54 worse but to actually shift the disease process into reverse. F04 55 <*_>black-square<*/>Imagine requiring less medication to control F04 56 your blood-sugar swings - or perhaps weaning yourself off F04 57 medication altogether - while preventing the often crippling and F04 58 deadly complications of diabetes. <*_>black-square<*/>In fact, not F04 59 only is this possible but, for people with non-insulin-dependent F04 60 diabetes (also known as type-II diabetes), the results can be F04 61 phenomenal. <*_>black-square<*/>In a recent study, 701 people with F04 62 type-II diabetes - all enrollees at the Pritikin Longevity Center F04 63 in Santa Monica, California - were asked to follow a challenging F04 64 diet-and-exercise regimen. They ate a diet high in complex F04 65 carbohydrates and fiber and very low in protein and fat. (The F04 66 therapeutic diet consisted of about 10 percent of calories from fat F04 67 compared with the typical American diet of 40 percent fat.) They F04 68 also walked about 45 minutes each day and participated in a F04 69 40-to-50-minute exercise class five times a week.

F04 70 At the outset, 207 of them were taking oral drugs to control F04 71 their blood-sugar levels. Another 214, who had more advanced cases F04 72 of diabetes, were on insulin injections. The rest were not on F04 73 medication of any kind.

F04 74 After three weeks on the aggressive program, however, 70 F04 75 percent of the group on oral agents were able to discontinue their F04 76 medication. Even those whose disease had progressed to the point F04 77 where they required insulin benefited; 36 percent of them were able F04 78 to go completely medication-free. Many in the study were F04 79 also able to at least reduce their medication requirements.

F04 80 In people with type-I diabetes, the pancreas produces no F04 81 insulin at all. Type-I diabetics are dependent on insulin, usually F04 82 from self-administered injections (although some are turning to new F04 83 insulin pumps that are surgically implanted under their skin) to F04 84 keep blood-sugar levels normal.

F04 85 F04 86 EARLY CATCH, BETTER RESULTS

F04 87 The implications are clear. An aggressive diet-and-exercise F04 88 program can have a major impact on the course of diabetes. And the F04 89 earlier in the disease process you start making these lifestyle F04 90 changes, the greater the potential benefits. "We know that F04 91 genetic factors predispose certain people to diabetes. But all of F04 92 the data suggest that lifestyle factors, particularly diet and F04 93 exercise, can determine whether those genetic factors actually F04 94 manifest in the disease," says James Barnard, Ph.D., F04 95 professor of physiological science at the University of California F04 96 at Los Angeles, one author of the study.

F04 97 "By committing yourself to certain lifestyle changes, F04 98 you may be able to reduce your need for medication - and possibly F04 99 get off and stay off diabetes drugs for the rest of your F04 100 life," he continues. "Plus, you may be able to F04 101 avoid any complications."

F04 102 The Pritikin-program participants saw all three of their F04 103 heart-disease risk factors - total cholesterol, LDL cholesterol and F04 104 triglycerides - drop dramatically. This is significant because F04 105 diabetes can double, triple, even quadruple your risk for heart F04 106 disease. In fact, it's the number-one cause of death among F04 107 diabetics.

F04 108 "Even type-I diabetics, who must rely on insulin F04 109 injections, may benefit from a lifestyle approach such as the one F04 110 described above," Dr. Barnard says. There's a chance that F04 111 they can reduce the amount of insulin they need to keep their F04 112 blood-sugar levels stable - and that may mean fewer daily F04 113 injections. And they may also reduce their risk of heart disease F04 114 and other complications.

F04 115 F04 116 TAKING CONTROL

F04 117 The trouble is, some people with diabetes believe they can F04 118 simply adjust their medications to compensate for dietary F04 119 indiscretions. That's their idea of being in control. In fact, says F04 120 Marie Gelato, M.D., Ph.D., associate professor of endocrinology at F04 121 SUNY Health Science Center at Stony Brook, "medications are F04 122 an adjunct to - not a replacement for - a good diet and exercise F04 123 program." Real control of diabetes comes from the ability F04 124 to redirect the course of the disease through a proactive F04 125 diet-and-exercise plan coupled with intelligent self-care.

F04 126 But before you do anything, talk with your doctor. With his or F04 127 her guidance, you can decide which of our 12 recommended daily F04 128 actions might best help you achieve your health goals.

F04 129 F04 130 OUR RECOMMENDED DAILY ACTIONS

F04 131 1. Monitor your blood-sugar levels throughout the F04 132 day. "It's absolutely imprudent to adjust your diet, F04 133 exercise schedule or medication simply on the basis of the way you F04 134 feel," says James Pichert, Ph.D., associate professor of F04 135 education in medicine at the diabetes research and training center F04 136 at Vanderbilt University School of Medicine.

F04 137 You can eliminate the guesswork about your diet by using F04 138 do-it-yourself, at-home blood-glucose meters that analyze a sample F04 139 of your blood (from a pricked finger).

F04 140 A once-a-day blood-sugar test, scheduled at the same time every F04 141 day, is the absolute minimum. Your doctor may also advise you to F04 142 check your blood sugar after meals, and before and after exercise, F04 143 too.

F04 144 Be sure to log the results of each test in a special book F04 145 (available from your doctor or at most drugstores). That allows you F04 146 and your doctor to analyze the highs and lows and adjust your diet, F04 147 exercise and medication accordingly, if necessary.

F04 148 2. Keep a careful eye on the fat grams you consume. F04 149 The American Diabetes Association recommends that you limit fat F04 150 intake to under 30 percent of calories to redirect the course of F04 151 the disease and prevent complications.

F04 152 For one thing, fat calories contribute more to excess body F04 153 weight than calories from any other source. And excess weight F04 154 contributes to the development of type-II diabetes. Overweight is F04 155 no small contributor, either. In early stages of type-II diabetes F04 156 (characterized by a malfunction of the body's insulin-receptor F04 157 cells), the loss of excess body weight is sometimes sufficient to F04 158 reverse the degenerative diabetic process and restore function to F04 159 the receptor cells.

F04 160 A number of studies also have suggested that overweight F04 161 diabetics are more likely to have associated risk factors, F04 162 including high blood pressure, high triglycerides and high F04 163 cholesterol. These factors, in turn, can lead to complications like F04 164 heart disease and kidney damage.

F04 165 In addition, dietary fat (especially saturated fat) with its F04 166 artery-clogging, heart-sabotaging abilities, puts an extra burden F04 167 on people with diabetes, who are already at higher risk for heart F04 168 disease.

F04 169 3. Aim for 40 grams of fiber from complex-carbohydrate F04 170 foods. Fiber-rich complex carbohydrates break down into F04 171 glucose more gradually and are slowly absorbed into the F04 172 bloodstream. So they don't hit your bloodstream all at once, like F04 173 simple sugars, preventing a postmeal blood-sugar surge. Combined F04 174 with exercise, they're also a great way to slim down, which is a F04 175 definite goal for many type-II diabetics.

F04 176 Among the best sources of complex carbohydrates are starchy F04 177 foods, like whole-grain breads, pasta and rice, or foods high in F04 178 water-soluble fiber, like legumes, oats and barley. Studies F04 179 indicate that these foods are especially slow-digesting. F04 180 Water-soluble fiber turns into a gel when it hits your digestive F04 181 system, increasing the time it takes for the sugar in food to be F04 182 absorbed by your body.

F04 183 4. Take a 45-minute exercise break every day, dividing F04 184 your time between aerobic conditioning and resistance F04 185 training. "Make exercise just as important and routine F04 186 as brushing your teeth. Do it every day," Dr. Barnard says. F04 187 Combined with a low-fat diet, there's no more powerful way to F04 188 strengthen your resistance to diabetes. Prevention recently F04 189 reported on a study of 5,990 men showing that, for every 500 F04 190 calories burned per week (the equivalent of walking just 5 miles), F04 191 the risk of developing type-II diabetes dropped 6 percent.

F04 192 But the big returns were for the men who had at least one risk F04 193 factor for the disease, like a family history of diabetes or excess F04 194 body weight. Men in that high-risk group who burned 2,000 calories F04 195 or more a week had 41 percent less risk compared with men who F04 196 burned only 500 calories a week. That's about 45 minutes of brisk F04 197 walking or stationary cycling.

F04 198 What's more, recent research suggests that resistance training F04 199 may help control blood-sugar levels even in type-I diabetics. F04 200 Muscles apparently take up glucose greedily. And there's some F04 201 evidence that when you build muscle, the muscle's insulin receptors F04 202 on the cells, which store glucose, may grow in number, and this may F04 203 enhance glucose utilization by the cells. That means you now have F04 204 more room to store glucose. With less glucose in circulation, it's F04 205 possible that insulin requirements may be reduced.

F04 206 One note of caution: Check with your doctor before beginning F04 207 any exercise program. And, if your program includes weight F04 208 training, have your eyes checked regularly. Resistance training may F04 209 cause surges in blood pressure, which could affect pressure in the F04 210 eyes.

F04 211 5. Consider supplementing your diet. A number of F04 212 studies suggest that diabetics tend to run low on certain vitamins F04 213 and minerals, particularly vitamins C and E. That's significant F04 214 because there's increasing evidence that these antioxidant vitamins F04 215 may protect diabetics from common complications, such as heart F04 216 disease and kidney, eye and nerve damage.

F04 217 "Because diabetics are prone to vascular disease, they F04 218 may need to increase their intake of vitamin C," says F04 219 Ishwarial Jialal, M.D., assistant professor of internal medicine F04 220 and clinical nutrition at the University of Texas Southwestern F04 221 Medical Center. Based on findings including his own, he believes F04 222 diabetics should be sure to get 120 milligrams of vitamin C a day - F04 223 twice the Recommended Dietary Allowance. "That won't cause F04 224 any side effects, and it could be beneficial," he says.

F04 225 Vitamin E may also prevent a process called protein F04 226 glycosylation (gleye-caw-sil-A-shun). In a diabetic, this F04 227 process may be involved in damaging proteins circulating in the F04 228 blood. F04 229 F04 230 F05 1 <#FROWN:F05\>Is There A Conspiracy To Keep Blacks Off F05 2 Juries?

F05 3 Recent cases have led many to believe that the American justice F05 4 system is still far from its color-blind ideal

F05 5 By Charles Whitaker

F05 6 FOR the vast majority of Black Americans - and many sympathetic F05 7 White Americans - the acquittal of the four White police officers F05 8 charged with the brutal beating of motorist Rodney King cast in F05 9 sharp relief the racist leanings of the nation's judicial system, F05 10 particularly the process F05 11 by which jurors are selected.

F05 12 While most of us were taught in grammar school civics classes F05 13 that the selection of a fair and impartial jury is the backbone of F05 14 American jurisprudence, the King case - and other splashy F05 15 court-room dramas that have recently held the nation's rapt F05 16 attention - confirmed for many the feeling that the law is applied F05 17 quite differently when either the defendant or the plaintiff/victim F05 18 is Black.

F05 19 Though the Supreme Court has attempted to address the issue of F05 20 race-based jury selection, most recently in a June ruling F05 21 that extended the ban on such practices to defense attorneys, some F05 22 continue to find ways around the law.

F05 23 Legal maneuverings in the King case, for example, helped the F05 24 odds of seating an all-White jury. The trial was moved from F05 25 ethnically diverse Los Angeles County (10.5 percent Black), where F05 26 the beating occurred, to overwhelming White Simi Valley in Ventura F05 27 County (only 2 percent Black).

F05 28 In the court of public opinion, the change of venue and other F05 29 high profile examples of under-representation or complete lack of F05 30 representation of Blacks on juries have the distinct smell of pure F05 31 racism.

F05 32 "In the King case, in particular, the racial overtones F05 33 are just shameful," says Miami attorney H.P. Smith, who has F05 34 conducted seminars and workshops in the art and philosophy of jury F05 35 selection for the National Bar Association. "In terms of F05 36 jury selection, Blacks are clearly losing ground when it comes to F05 37 being allowed to sit as the factual judges of innocence or guilt. F05 38 We are at a point when justice is still peeping from under the F05 39 blindfold that she is supposed to be wearing, and unfortunately F05 40 what she is seeing is a system that still shuts the door of F05 41 opportunity for Blacks to be involved in this great experiment F05 42 called a trial by jury."

F05 43 In barbershops and at lunch counters, the indignation is F05 44 expressed in more blunt terms. Many speculate about the existence F05 45 of a national conspiracy to keep Blacks out of the jury box, F05 46 particularly in racially tinged cases.

F05 47 Specifically, many courtroom watchers have expressed alarm at F05 48 the scant number of Blacks selected for such highly visible cases F05 49 as the Mike Tyson rape trial (in which there were only two Black F05 50 jurors) and the trial of mass murderer Jeffrey Dahmer (one Black F05 51 juror).

F05 52 While most attorneys and legal scholars are loath to subscribe F05 53 to conspiracy theories, they uniformly maintain that a degree of F05 54 racism continues to taint the jury selection process even in light F05 55 of recent Supreme Court rulings that prohibit the dismissal of F05 56 prospective jurors based on race.

F05 57 "Prejudice is so pervasive in our society, you really F05 58 don't need to look for a conspiracy," says Sharon McPhail, F05 59 immediate past president of the National Bar Association, in F05 60 explaining the persistence of race-based jury selection. F05 61 "Any system that depends upon the behavior of human beings F05 62 is going to be somewhat affected by the prejudices and biases of F05 63 those human beings. Frankly, I don't know that you could design a F05 64 process that would pull out the prejudices of the people selecting F05 65 the jury."

F05 66 Currently, the process works like this: A random and, in F05 67 theory, ethnically representative pool of prospective jurors - F05 68 culled in most jurisdictions from voter registration rolls - is F05 69 impaneled and interviewed by opposing counselors. During the F05 70 interview process, known as voir dire, the F05 71 opposing attorneys attempt to root out persons with biases, fears F05 72 or hostilities that would prevent a prospective juror from reaching F05 73 a fair and impartial decision based on the facts presented at F05 74 trial. Each side is allowed a specified number (depending upon the F05 75 jurisdiction) of peremptory challenges.

F05 76 What has traditionally happened in many criminal and personal F05 77 injury cases, however, is that prosecutors and attorneys for F05 78 deep-pocket defendants have sought, as a matter of course, to F05 79 eliminate prospective Black jurors under the racist assumption that F05 80 Blacks are, by nature, soft on criminals and quick to 'punish' F05 81 large firms.

F05 82 "For whatever reason, there is this perception that F05 83 Black jurors will give away the farm or somewhat are more F05 84 sympathetic to criminals," says McPhail. "And so F05 85 you have these challenges based on unacceptable reasons such as F05 86 race and gender."

F05 87 Yet in a 1986 ruling (Batson v. Kentucky), the U.S. F05 88 Supreme Court declared the use of race stereotypes in jury F05 89 selection for criminal cases unconstitutional and held that F05 90 prosecutors may be required to explain their objection to F05 91 prospective jurors.

F05 92 In 1991, the Court's ruling in Edmonton v. Leeville F05 93 Concrete Co. extended its condemnation of race-based F05 94 challenges to include civil suits as well. Then in June, the Court F05 95 ruled in Georgia v. McCollum that defense attorneys also F05 96 could not use race as a basis for peremptory challenges.

F05 97 Since the advent of Batson and its legal progeny, many F05 98 attorneys say they have, in the main, detected something of a F05 99 change in the air. "Before Batson, I could walk into F05 100 any courtroom in South Georgia and have a panel of 42 prospective F05 101 jurors and maybe half a dozen Black males and females, and I'd know F05 102 that the prosecutor, without thinking, would strike most of them F05 103 from the pool," says Atlanta attorney Tony Axam, a member F05 104 of the faculties of the National Institute for Trial Advocacy and F05 105 the National College of Criminal Defense Lawyers. "That was F05 106 both the philosophy and the practice of some sitting prosecutors F05 107 and their young assistants who were trying cases. Batson has F05 108 changed that."

F05 109 Not everyone agrees that the changes have been all that F05 110 significant, however.

F05 111 "We still have the problem of prosecutors using F05 112 peremptory challenges to strike Black jurors without a legitimate F05 113 explanation," says Julius Chambers, executive counsel of F05 114 the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund. "I don't know F05 115 how widespread this is, but we've seen enough instances of this F05 116 occurring to say that we should all be concerned about F05 117 improprieties in the way juries are constituted."

F05 118 Among the most common reasons used by prosecutors to exclude F05 119 prospective Black jurors is the reasoning that a would-be juror and F05 120 the defendant live in close proximity, making the juror F05 121 less-than-impartial, prosecutors say. It is a line of reasoning F05 122 that attorneys say defies all logic. "Who is going to be F05 123 more concerned about crime in a given area that someone who's from F05 124 the same neighborhood," says H.P. Smith. "If the F05 125 person is guilty, I would want him prosecuted and off the streets F05 126 where I live. If he's innocent, I'd want to see the right person F05 127 found, so the reasoning just doesn't make sense."

F05 128 That reasoning, particularly in light of the spate of F05 129 high-profile trials, has also raised the ire of some Black F05 130 Americans and heightened sensitivity to the jury selection process. F05 131 But observers of the fury say Black Americans must do more than get F05 132 angry; they must seize this opportunity to apply more pressure to F05 133 keep the system honest.

F05 134 "Batson is the vehicle the Supreme Court devised F05 135 for ensuring fairness, but you have to give it bite," says F05 136 Jackson, Miss., attorney Dennis Sweet, a lecturer at the F05 137 Introductory Trial Advocacy Program at Harvard University and a F05 138 member of the Jackson Board of Bar Commissioners. "Judges F05 139 have to take a closer look at these challenges and make prosecutors F05 140 and other attorneys give real reasons for excluding Blacks. Once F05 141 you start getting the same explanations over and over and you start F05 142 seeing a pattern of exclusion, then judges have to invoke F05 143 Batson and deny these strikes."

F05 144 Clearly, the racial tensions that continue to smolder in the F05 145 wake of the Los Angeles riots have, for the moment, had some affect F05 146 on judicial behavior. A Florida judge, for example, recently F05 147 shifted the highly publicized trial of a Hispanic Miami police F05 148 officer charged with the shooting death of a Black motorcyclist F05 149 from Orlando to Tallahassee which has a Black population closer in F05 150 number to that of Miami's.

F05 151 Still, <}_><-|>attorney's<+|>attorneys<}/> say, the real key to F05 152 courtroom fairness, however, is the seating of more Black judges. F05 153 "You've got to believe that Black judges would be less F05 154 likely to accept the legal mumbo jumbo that lawyers are likely to F05 155 give," says H.P. Smith.

F05 156 Similarly, many attorneys advocate changing the way jury pools F05 157 are selected. Rather than selecting potential jurors from voter F05 158 registration rolls or property tax rolls, some suggest impaneling F05 159 jurors from driver's license rolls, a register that more accurately F05 160 reflects the makeup of a community.

F05 161 And Black Americans must understand the significance of jury F05 162 selection and must be willing to serve. "We have to impress F05 163 upon the Black community how very important jury service F05 164 is," says Dennis Sweet. "You have to have people F05 165 registering to vote and getting involved. The issue here is F05 166 participation and fairness. Having Black people on juries brings F05 167 cultural sensitivity into the jury room that can be very useful. F05 168 When you have a jury that is representative, a decision can be F05 169 reached that's fair to everybody involved."

F05 170 F05 171 Why HYPERTENSION Strikes Twice As Many Blacks As Whites

F05 172 Racism and urban pressures may cause hypertension disparity F05 173 between Blacks and Whites

F05 174 By Karima A. Haynes

F05 175 LIKE a predator silently stalking its prey, hypertension, or F05 176 high blood pressure, strikes African-Americans at alarmingly higher F05 177 rates than it does Whites, prompting medical researchers to look at F05 178 environmental factors like racism, stress and diet as causes for F05 179 the disparity.

F05 180 For reasons that are hotly debated in medical circles, F05 181 hypertension, according to the American Heart Assn., strikes twice F05 182 as many Blacks as Whites. African-Americans also suffer from F05 183 chronic hypertension nearly five to seven times more often than F05 184 Whites. And interestingly, Black Americans have much higher rates F05 185 of high blood pressure than Blacks in Africa, leading researchers F05 186 to believe that the stress of living in America's inner cities F05 187 plays a major role in triggering high blood pressure in Blacks with F05 188 a genetic predisposition to the condition.

F05 189 The number of Blacks between the ages of 45 and 64 years with F05 190 chronic hypertension is 366.9 per 1,000 compared to 204.2 per 1,000 F05 191 among Whites in the same age group, according to a 1990 study by F05 192 the National Center for Health Statistics. Some medical experts F05 193 blame the hypertension disparity on the condition being passed on F05 194 from generation to generation. Others say African-Americans are F05 195 disproportionately exposed to urban pressures and racism. And still F05 196 others surmise that it is a combination of both factors.

F05 197 A strong case has been made that racism itself is a major cause F05 198 of hypertension among Black Americans. "There are many F05 199 environmental factors associated with high blood pressure," F05 200 says Dr. Robert F. Murray Jr., director of the division of medical F05 201 genetics at the Howard University College of Medicine. F05 202 "Because of the racism that exists in our society, people F05 203 of darker pigment are discriminated against more than those who are F05 204 fairer. Darker-skinned people undergo more streets because they F05 205 feel powerless over their condition, particularly people in the F05 206 inner city."

F05 207 Dr. Clarence E. Grim of Charles R. Drew University of Medicine F05 208 in Los Angeles theorizes that Black Americans are more susceptible F05 209 to high blood pressure because of a sensitivity to salt inherited F05 210 from some African slaves. The theory is that many slaves died on F05 211 the passage from West Africa to the Americas and the Caribbean due F05 212 to diarrhea and salt loss. Those slaves who carried genes that F05 213 helped them to retain water and salt survived the journey and F05 214 subsequently passed the genes on to their descendants.

F05 215 If the theory holds true, Grim asserts, some 75 percent of the F05 216 cases of hyper-tension among Blacks could be eliminated by F05 217 reducing salt intake. "The exciting thing is that we could F05 218 start wiping out this disease in the Black community by changing F05 219 dietary salt intake and by prescribing diuretics (drugs that reduce F05 220 salt and fluid retention)," Grim points out.

F05 221 Still, there is a third school of thought that says both F05 222 environment and heredity cause hypertension in Blacks. F05 223 F05 224 F06 1 <#FROWN:F06\>HALF A MOUNTAIN...

F06 2 The Matterhorn challenges our travel editor

F06 3 By Charles N. Barnard.

F06 4 I met Perrig in Switzerland more than two years ago. It was he F06 5 who tempted me to think I might climb a certain mountain. (Which F06 6 led to this adventure.) Perrig is not a climber himself; he is a F06 7 former ski instructor, now a government official. But anyone living F06 8 in Zermatt thinks inevitably of mountains. And of climbing them.

F06 9 "We are surrounded here by the greatest concentration F06 10 of 4,000-meter mountains in Europe," he said. F06 11 "Twenty-nine." One had only to look out any window F06 12 in town to see a great array of snow-frosted peaks - including the F06 13 Matterhorn - standing guard above and around the valley of Zermatt. F06 14 All had been conquered by climbers long ago, of course; F06 15 mountaineers have been coming to this picturesque Alpine village F06 16 for much more than a century. "All the same," said F06 17 my enthusiastic friend, "to climb a 4,000-meter mountain - F06 18 any one of them, even today - is a kind of F06 19 achievement...."

F06 20 My mind was doing funny, irresponsible things as Perrig talked. F06 21 I could hear what he was saying, but I was communing with myself at F06 22 the same time. Let's see. Four thousand meters? That's 13,200 F06 23 feet. That isn't impossible. You were higher than that in Peru. F06 24 You're in pretty good shape. You've even started lying about your F06 25 age because you discovered you can get away with it. So why not F06 26 think about a climb, you old coot? It might boost your F06 27 morale.

F06 28 "... Some of the fourthousanders are more difficult F06 29 than others, of course," Perrig was saying and I heard F06 30 myself answering, Of course, in an unfazed, age-39 tone. F06 31 "You could try, for example, the Breithorn. It is 4,160 F06 32 meters, but if you are quite fit, it should be no problem. I can F06 33 introduce you to a guide who has taken clients up the Matterhorn F06 34 more than 200 times. You couldn't be in better hands."

F06 35 My imagination was racing. An aphorism came flashing back F06 36 You don't stop playing because you get old. But you could get F06 37 old if you stop playing. (Admittedly this bit of wisdom was F06 38 meant to apply to romance, but why not mountain-climbing too?)

F06 39 "Well, think about it," Perrig said, shaking F06 40 hands as we parted. "If you ever want to give Breithorn a F06 41 try, let me know." Give Breithorn a try, give F06 42 Breithorn a try.... Hmmm. Time passed, as they say in stories, F06 43 but this visit to Switzerland - this idea - refused to fade. F06 44 Not because I believe Perrig really cares if I climb Breithorn or F06 45 not - or even remembers our conversation. Not (forfend) because I F06 46 think I have something to prove at this age - but there it is, the F06 47 shimmering, inextinguishable thought: I must climb a F06 48 4,000-meter mountain and have done with it. What's the big fear? F06 49 What would it take? A little extra conditioning. Then a day or so F06 50 and it will be over. For life.

F06 51 August, 1991

F06 52 Dear Amand<*_>e-acute<*/> Perrig:

F06 53 Great news! I will be coming back to Zermatt next month to do a F06 54 magazine story. Will be arriving via Glacier Express from St. F06 55 Moritz about the 15th. Do you remember the talk we had about doing F06 56 a bit of mountaineering? I think you said September would be an F06 57 ideal month. Can you set something up for me with that veteran F06 58 guide you said you knew?

F06 59 Oh, yes. In case you don't remember. The mountain we were F06 60 talking about is Breithorn ...

F06 61 I pack thermal underwear, sun goggles, sturdy gloves, a wool F06 62 hat, lip balm, sweaters, hiking boots. And my clipping file - all F06 63 the stories I have been saving about climbing in the Swiss Alps: F06 64 "FOUR DIE ON MATTERHORN" ... "OLDEST F06 65 MOUNTAIN GUIDE IS 88" ... THE CHALLENGE OF THE F06 66 PEAKS." Also a great calendar photo of climbers near the F06 67 summit of Breithorn, and a copy of Edward Whymper's classic F06 68 Ascent of the Matterhorn, the story of the first F06 69 successful climb to the summit of the famed mountain in 1865. Good F06 70 reading for tonight on the plane.

F06 71 I am early at the Swissair lounge. I find a cup of coffee, some F06 72 sweet Swiss biscuits and a guide book I have not seen before - all F06 73 about 'Alpinismo ... Bergsteigen ... Mountaineering.' It says most F06 74 Zermatt climbs take two days. ("First day, ascent to the F06 75 hut. Second day, climb in view.") It warns that good F06 76 physical condition and equipment are indispensable. It cautions F06 77 that fourthousanders should not be climbed without a guide. In a F06 78 list of "classical high-Alpine climbs" I find my F06 79 mountain: "Breithorn, ice-climbing, 4,164 meters, 45-degree F06 80 pitch."

F06 81 Well, I think, if I'm not ready now, it's too late to back out. F06 82 The plane leaves in 15 minutes.

F06 83 One cannot fly into Zermatt; there is no airport. Nor can one F06 84 arrive by tour bus or drive into the town itself in any motor F06 85 vehicle. Only the narrow-gauge trains of a private railroad arrive F06 86 here after a spectacular journey through vertiginous gorges and F06 87 mountain passes.

F06 88 A gathering of small battery-powered carts and horse-drawn F06 89 coaches meet each arriving train to pick up guests. The chauffeurs F06 90 have the names of the leading hotels embroidered in gold on their F06 91 caps: Mont Cervin, Schweizerhof, Monte Rosa, Alphubel. I signal my F06 92 man, he rushes to relieve me of my luggage and off we drive, F06 93 swiftly and electric-motor-silent, up half-mile Bahnhofstrasse, the F06 94 main street.

F06 95 If every weathered timber and stone of Zermatt - every Alpine F06 96 meadow and herd of black-and-white cows - had been assembled by a F06 97 theatrical set designer to represent the most idyllic of Swiss F06 98 mountain villages, the result would be - well, Zermatt. The F06 99 Sound of Music! Heidi-town! Geraniums tumbling from chalet F06 100 balconies! Small, quaint hotels! Sidewalk caf<*_>e-acute<*/>s! The F06 101 sweet scents of bratwurst steaming and pastries baking! The sound F06 102 of cowbells echoing down from the hills. Skiers in brilliant colors F06 103 striding back into town after a day on the slopes. Climbers in F06 104 knickerbockers, ropes coiled unaffectedly over one shoulder, ice F06 105 axes in hand. I take in the whole scene once again with F06 106 affection.

F06 107 To be a guest in a small Swiss hotel is to be a member of the F06 108 family. Inn-keeping is as much a proprietary Swiss occupation as F06 109 watch-, chocolate- or cheesemaking. Swiss hoteliers founded a F06 110 profession in the remote valleys of this mountainous country more F06 111 than a century ago. Now the Swiss manage great hotels in every F06 112 corner of the world. In Zermatt, a guest is still greeted as one F06 113 who has just survived an arduous and perhaps risky journey and F06 114 deserves the best of care: a bed smothered in down comforters; a F06 115 small, cozy lounge for a schnapps before dinner; a roaring log F06 116 fire; a dining room where you will have your own table for as long F06 117 as you stay. And a waitress who addresses you by name (but has the F06 118 good manners not to announce her own). And, yes, your very own F06 119 napkin ring.

F06 120 Zermatt is a small town in both population (about 3,500) and F06 121 style. I do not have to go looking for Perrig. A few minutes after F06 122 dropping my bags at the hotel, I meet him by chance on the main F06 123 street. "So! You have come for the Breithorn!" he F06 124 exclaims, as if not more than two weeks, rather than two years, had F06 125 passed. In this environment, under the shadow of the Matterhorn, I F06 126 suddenly feel a little like an imposter. Well, yes, I say, perhaps. F06 127 "No perhaps!" Perrig shouts. "We are F06 128 waiting for you! Breithorn is waiting for you! We meet with Biener F06 129 at five!"

F06 130 Emil Biener is the guide who has climbed the Matterhorn more F06 131 than 200 times. The three of us gather in a small restaurant. Three F06 132 glasses of sherry, a toast to success, and then it all becomes very F06 133 businesslike - the essential first discussion of "ze F06 134 program." A few days will be allowed, to become accustomed F06 135 to the altitude and to recover from jet lag. Perrig and Biener F06 136 agree on some moderate mountain hiking for me.

F06 137 I am conscious of Veteran Guide giving Greenhorn Client a F06 138 preliminary checkout: "How old is this American, how fit, F06 139 what temperament? He says he is here to climb Breithorn, but does F06 140 he seem like someone I would take up a mountain, any mountain? We F06 141 shall see."

F06 142 First meeting is a time for the client to make a preliminary F06 143 appraisal of the guide, too. Frankly, I am in awe of anyone who has F06 144 climbed the Matterhorn once, to say nothing of 200 times. (I later F06 145 learn even that figure is not extraordinary within the fraternity F06 146 of approximately 50 Zermatt mountain guides.) Biener is a small, F06 147 intense man with sharp blue eyes, thin gray hair and a leathery F06 148 face. He is about my age and very explicit. "Tomorrow we F06 149 walk," he says. "And I must see your F06 150 boots."

F06 151 From this moment and for the next few days, Emil Biener runs my F06 152 life and manipulates my emotions.

F06 153 It is raining this first morning and the day does not look F06 154 promising for mountain hikes, but Guide Emil shows up at my hotel F06 155 precisely on time. He examines my boots with displeasure. Too soft, F06 156 he says, but they will do for now. I am wearing a favorite jacket F06 157 that kept me warm even in Antarctica. Anxious to please, I point F06 158 out to my new father-figure that my jacket is waterproof. F06 159 "Nozzing iss vaterprooof!" Emil declares with a F06 160 snort. I am put off balance already; I am doing everything F06 161 wrong.

F06 162 The floor of the valley at Zermatt is at about 1,620 meters. F06 163 (One meter is three-feet-plus.) We give ourselves a 700-meter jump F06 164 on today's itinerary by taking a fast ride on a funicular railroad F06 165 tunneled through the mountains to a station named Sunnegga at 2,300 F06 166 meters. When we emerge into daylight, the weather has improved F06 167 slightly.

F06 168 When we begin to walk, Emil leads the way along a stony trail F06 169 through a treeless landscape. We are headed for a crossing of the F06 170 Findelgletscher; we follow the moraine left behind by the F06 171 retreating glacier over the past few centuries. It is like F06 172 scrambling along the rim of a crater.

F06 173 The sky remains overcast and there are occasional spits of F06 174 rain. Emil stops now and then to survey the weather in all F06 175 directions with binoculars. Once he points in the direction of the F06 176 partially obscured Matterhorn and announces, "It is snowing F06 177 at H<*_>o-umlaut<*/>rnlih<*_>u-umlaut<*/>tte." I take this F06 178 to be a remark full of portent, if only I understood what.

F06 179 Soon the glacial icefield begins to be visible several hundred F06 180 feet below on our right. We begin a diagonal traverse down the F06 181 inner slope of the moraine, stumbling through a boulder field. F06 182 There is no trail here, only gravelly spaces between big rocks, F06 183 rocks that move underfoot, and rocks that rumble.

F06 184 (This is no piece of cake, I am thinking. I really must stop F06 185 lying about my age - especially to myself.)

F06 186 When we reach the edge of the ice, the cold breath of the F06 187 glacier feels like the entrance to a frigid cave. Up close, F06 188 Findelgletscher is a little frightening - a huge, craggy mass that F06 189 makes groaning, growling sounds. Emil probes ahead with his ice F06 190 axe: There is a crevasse. He dislodges some big rocks and they F06 191 tumble into the void. After a pause, the stuff makes a big, muffled F06 192 splash below; it's like having dropped several cement blocks into a F06 193 deep well. Once we know where the crevasse is, we proceed.

F06 194 Now the rain begins in earnest and Emil says we must wait. We F06 195 find shelter under the overhang of a boulder about the size of a F06 196 small house. A gurgling river of glacial melt rushes by. We pull up F06 197 some flat stones and sit. A foggy vapor rolls off the glacier.

F06 198 "What is F06 199 H<*_>o-umlaut<*/>rnlih<*_>u-umlaut<*/>tte?" I ask while we F06 200 wait. Emil says it is the first climbers' hut on the way up the F06 201 Matterhorn; it's also the last. "At three-two," he F06 202 says. That means 3,200 meters - more than 10,000 feet.

F06 203 The rain lets up after 20 minutes and Emil says it is time to F06 204 put on crampons, the steel-toothed footgear that make it possible F06 205 to walk or climb on ice. F06 206 F06 207 F07 1 <#FROWN:F07\>Waste vs. waste

F07 2 David Scott

F07 3 Three new products made from waste materials promise low-cost, F07 4 speedy cleanups for oil spills.

F07 5 At the University of Texas in Austin, two chemical engineering F07 6 professors have invented tiny glass beads, manufactured from fly F07 7 ash, that float on oil and stick to it. The hollow microbeads, F07 8 about the thickness of a human hair, are partially coated with F07 9 titanium dioxide - a nontoxic white pigment used in paint.

F07 10 The coating acts as a semiconductor: struck by sunlight, it F07 11 provides the energy needed to oxidize oil. The oxidized oil then F07 12 dissolves in the ocean, where it can be quickly consumed by F07 13 naturally occurring bacteria. Adam Heller, one of the inventors, F07 14 estimates that a ton of beads could dissolve about 35 tons of oil F07 15 per week.

F07 16 The oil-soaked beads, unlike thin layers of oil, can be ignited F07 17 for even faster cleanups. The end product resembles white sand and F07 18 is harmless, says Heller.

F07 19 A British farmer has devised another simple and inexpensive F07 20 means of countering oil spills. Ten years ago, Kenneth Frogbrook F07 21 discovered he could use straw to clean seabirds soaked with oil. F07 22 From this chance discovery, he invented Frogmat. "It's a F07 23 ribbon of compacted straw that is stapled between two skins of F07 24 nylon mesh," he explains.

F07 25 To hasten cleanup after an oil spill, mobile Frogmat factories F07 26 could be rushed to the scene of the accident. With funding from the F07 27 British government's Marine Pollution Control Unit, Frogbrook has F07 28 already designed and built several trailer-mounted machines that F07 29 chop baled straw, use a belt conveyor to feed the straw between F07 30 mesh coverings, and shape the straw into mats that are three inches F07 31 thick and four feet wide.

F07 32 "This ribbon is churned out continuously at the rate of F07 33 11 yards per minute, or nine miles a day. It can be coiled in F07 34 330-foot lengths weighing 560 pounds," says Frogbrook, F07 35 "then unrolled along the beach or on the water, where the F07 36 straw floats even when fully saturated." Used mats can be F07 37 rolled up to squeeze out the oil, and then they can be F07 38 incinerated.

F07 39 A comparable American system uses a sawdust to soak up oil - an F07 40 idea borrowed form saloon owners who sprinkle sawdust on floors to F07 41 absorb spilled beer. Heat-treatment of ordinary sawdust alters its F07 42 porous structure so it absorbs oil but repels water. The concept F07 43 was developed by Thomas B. Reed, a research professor at the F07 44 Colorado School of Mines.

F07 45 Called Sea Sweep, the treated sawdust is spread on the water F07 46 from a boat or aircraft. It can float indefinitely, storing 80 F07 47 percent of its own volume in oil while congealing into clumps. The F07 48 oily dust is recovered by a scoop or boom, or swept to a collection F07 49 point for removal by suction or mechanical means. Sea Sweep can be F07 50 processed to extract most of the crude, then burned as an F07 51 industrial fuel.

F07 52 F07 53 Laser watchdog

F07 54 P.J. Skerrett

F07 55 Barry Commoner's fourth law of ecology - there's no such thing F07 56 as a free lunch - definitely applies to burning solid waste instead F07 57 of burying it in overburdened landfills. Incineration may solve F07 58 disposal problems and generate electricity to boot, but it can also F07 59 create toxic emissions. Currently, emissions monitoring is a F07 60 time-consuming process that at best "gives you a good F07 61 snapshot of what happened a couple of weeks ago when you took the F07 62 samples," explains Terill Cool, a physics professor at F07 63 Cornell University who is developing a laser system that can spit F07 64 out results in less than two hours.

F07 65 The Cornell monitor uses a laser to excite incinerator gases, F07 66 but only after a sample of smokestack gases has been flash-cooled F07 67 to less than - 380<*_>degree<*/>F in a vacuum flask. The detector F07 68 searches for approximately two dozen chemicals that always form F07 69 along with dioxins and other suspected carcinogens, but in higher F07 70 concentrations.

F07 71 An even faster sensor designed at the Massachusetts Institute F07 72 of Technology (MIT) detects and tracks compounds called polycyclic F07 73 aromatic hydrocarbons (PACs) from the instant they form deep in an F07 74 incinerator's flame. The technique, called laser-induced F07 75 fluorescence, targets PACs because "they are the real F07 76 villains in emissions," says J<*_>a-acute<*/>nos F07 77 Be<*_>e-acute<*/>r, a professor of chemical engineering. Not only F07 78 are PACs carcinogenic, but their presence indicates that F07 79 hard-to-detect dioxins are being produced as the stack gases F07 80 cool.

F07 81 Through a tiny pie-shaped slit in MIT's huge test incinerator, F07 82 sparkling blue light from an argon-ion laser slices into the F07 83 roaring orange flame. Any PACs hit by the laser absorb some of its F07 84 energy, then release it at characteristic wavelengths. A detector F07 85 outside the incinerator filters out background radiation from the F07 86 2,200<*_>degree<*/>F flame and picks up the distinctive PAC F07 87 'signatures'.

F07 88 Under real operating conditions, a surge of these hardy F07 89 compounds could be destroyed by releasing a blast of oxygen or F07 90 hydrogen peroxide, says Be<*_>e-acute<*/>r. Or the incinerator F07 91 gases could be diverted through special scrubbers.

F07 92 An industrial-scale prototype is now under construction at a F07 93 municipal power plant in D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>sseldorf, Germany. F07 94 Be<*_>e-acute<*/>r expects the laser detector system to cost around F07 95 $100,000.

F07 96 F07 97 The Great (imported) Lakes

F07 98 Mark D. Uehling

F07 99 Beloved though they are, the Great Lakes have become great F07 100 aquariums: holding ponds for species introduced by humans. In a F07 101 report prepared for the Great Lakes Fishery Commission, a team led F07 102 by Edward L. Mills of the Cornell University Biological Field F07 103 Station has identified 136 species from Europe, the Pacific, and F07 104 elsewhere that thrive in the world's largest expanse of fresh F07 105 water.

F07 106 Some species were released accidentally by ships dumping F07 107 ballast water; others were introduced deliberately to provide good F07 108 fishing. "Probably most of the biomass in the Great Lake is F07 109 exotic," says Mills. "It's a very artificial system F07 110 now."

F07 111 Alewives, for example, decimated native yellow perch and F07 112 reproduced so well that they washed ashore by the millions in the F07 113 1960s. Today the same fish are struggling to survive - and fed at F07 114 public expense because they are the prey of choice for salmon, F07 115 another immigrant. New-comers themselves, the finicky F07 116 salmon may not have had enough time to evolve a taste for F07 117 indigenous species, Mills speculates.

F07 118 For the moment, the most despised import is the amazingly F07 119 fecund zebra mussel, each of which generates 30,000 eggs a year. F07 120 The small, clamlike pests are clogging intake valves at power F07 121 plants throughout the region. Their removal could cost $2 billion F07 122 annually. Unable to keep up by scraping off clumps of the mollusks, F07 123 some utilities treat nearby water with chlorine to kill the F07 124 creatures. But a company specializing in naval research seems to F07 125 have found a more environmentally sound approach. Sonalysts, Inc. F07 126 in Waterford, Conn., discovered that ultra-sound waves F07 127 shatter the mussels at a larval stage.

F07 128 Less notorious exotic species will have severe biological F07 129 ramifications in the Great Lakes too. A tall aquatic weed, purple F07 130 loosestrife, is edging out native cattails and marsh grasses. F07 131 Inedible to migrating birds, loosestrife is already impervious to F07 132 herbicides and expanding its range. And the ruffe, a fish that F07 133 flourishes at a variety of temperatures, is well established in F07 134 Lake Superior, where it is disrupting what is left of the natural F07 135 ecological balance. The ruffe is too spiny to be a tempting meal F07 136 for predators.

F07 137 F07 138 Biosphere J

F07 139 Dennis Normile

F07 140 First there was Biosphere - Earth. Then there was Biosphere II F07 141 - a small replica of Earth ['Inside Biosphere II,' Nov. '90]. And F07 142 soon there will be Biosphere J - the unofficial name of a research F07 143 project being planned by Japan's Science and Technology Agency.

F07 144 The project's purpose is to determine how radioactive elements F07 145 move through an ecosystem. Agency official Toshinori Kanno F07 146 emphasizes that there are no current plans to use radioactive F07 147 material at Biosphere J. The aim is to understand the food chain F07 148 more clearly and how elements move through it by studying closed F07 149 systems. Researchers may then infer how radioactive material could F07 150 move through a larger ecosystem. That understanding eventually F07 151 could lead to better safety measures at nuclear power plants.

F07 152 Kanno says the agency is not ruling out the possibility of F07 153 using trace amounts of radioactive elements in the future. Japan is F07 154 still committed to nuclear power, although the public is F07 155 increasingly uneasy about it.

F07 156 Unlike Biosphere II, which is a one-of-a-kind environment, F07 157 Biosphere J will probably contain two nearly identical closed F07 158 systems. One will serve as the experimental system while the other F07 159 will be a control system. The agency would like to be able to F07 160 manipulate the concentrations of atmospheric gases and other F07 161 environmental conditions to observe the response.

F07 162 Enclosed within Biosphere J will be a variety of small animals, F07 163 microorganisms, and plants. It is likely that humans will also be F07 164 enclosed for extended periods. Preliminary designs call for sealed F07 165 areas of up to 1,200 square yards. Biosphere J is expected to cost F07 166 approximately $30 million and is targeted for completion in F07 167 1995.

F07 168 F07 169 Third World wonder tree

F07 170 Robert Langreth

F07 171 This tree sounds too good to be true: Its twigs prevent tooth F07 172 decay, its oil is a strong contraceptive, its seeds produce a safe F07 173 pesticide, and it is so hardy that it grows even in F07 174 drought-stricken parts of the Third World.

F07 175 But the tree really exists, and it's called the neem. Indians F07 176 have recognized the neem's value for centuries, but only recently F07 177 have scientists begun to confirm the folklore about the tropical F07 178 evergreen, a relative of mahagony. Now "even the most F07 179 cautious of researchers are saying that the neem deserves to be F07 180 called a wonder tree," reports Noel Vietmeyer, the director F07 181 of a National Research Council study on the neem.

F07 182 In India, where the tree originated, it is used for so many F07 183 curative purposes that some call it "the village F07 184 pharmacy," the report says. Investigations show that F07 185 chemicals from the tree may kill athlete's foot-type fungi, block F07 186 ringworms, and prevent the spread of a crippling tropical parasite. F07 187 Brushing one's teeth with neem twigs seems to deter gum disease, F07 188 although scientists aren't sure why. And natural pesticides can be F07 189 extracted from the neem's seeds (see 'HNF,' this issue).

F07 190 Research on animals and humans indicates that neem oil is a F07 191 potent spermicide, according to the National Research Council. Such F07 192 a contraceptive offers several advantages for developing nations: F07 193 Neem oil is cheap, nontoxic and easy to extract.

F07 194 Yet another use for the neem tree is in reforestation. F07 195 "Planting neem on a large scale might ... improve the F07 196 declining ecosystems of many areas considered fairly F07 197 hopeless," the report says. The neem provides firewood and F07 198 shade and prevents erosion.

F07 199 F07 200 Strategic offense initiative

F07 201 M.D.U.

F07 202 Scientists have adapted high-energy weapons, originally F07 203 designed for Strategic Defense Initiative research, to zap F07 204 hazardous stews bubbling up at hundreds of industrial and military F07 205 installations where water is contaminated by solvents and organic F07 206 chemicals. The scientists are fighting waste with million-volt F07 207 electron beams and high-intensity X-rays.

F07 208 "We call this an equal opportunity destroyer - it F07 209 attacks a broad spectrum of wastes," says Louis Rosocha, a F07 210 physicist at Los Alamos National Laboratory in New Mexico. His F07 211 electron beam annihilates trichloroethylene, carbon tetrachloride, F07 212 phenols, and vinyl chlorides.

F07 213 In California, physicist Stephan Matthews has achieved similar F07 214 results with X-rays at the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory. F07 215 His machines can deliver radiation several hundred times more F07 216 intense than that used by doctors and dentists. Unlike electron F07 217 beams, the X-rays can penetrate steel drums used to store toxic F07 218 chemicals.

F07 219 Both beams shatter the chemical bonds in water. The resulting F07 220 molecular shrapnel then reacts with contaminants to form more F07 221 benign chemical debris. "We're hardening the water, F07 222 basically," Matthews says, because the main byproducts are F07 223 harmless salts.

F07 224 Though others physicists laid the groundwork for such research F07 225 with experiments using radioactive cobalt, today's beam machines F07 226 are safe when turned off. And neither produces any sludge that must F07 227 be treated or stored.

F07 228 In Miami one electron beam is already operating on a large F07 229 scale. It targets contaminated water cascading over a short ledge F07 230 at a rate of 120 gallons per minute. Bombarding the waterfall, the F07 231 beam can obliterate 99 percent of the most common solvents found at F07 232 Superfund sites.

F07 233 The only residues are minute levels of formaldehyde and formic F07 234 acid. "We found the concentrations are a hundred times F07 235 lower than those in a common cola and a recent Beaujolais," F07 236 explains Bill Cooper of Florida International University. F07 237 "I wouldn't drink this water, but I would have no F07 238 hesitation about using it for irrigation or releasing it into the F07 239 environment.

F07 240 F07 241 F08 1 <#FROWN:F08\>The Children

F08 2 I am five. The July sun shines on my shoulders. I am F08 3 wearing a dress I have never seen before, one I don't remember F08 4 putting on. The door opens and a little girl runs to me, her F08 5 face delighted. I have never seen her before. I am completely F08 6 terrified and try to hide behind my astonished and irritated F08 7 mother.

F08 8 "But she's your best friend!" my mother says, F08 9 and tells me that I played at the girl's house just yesterday. I F08 10 don't remember. When my mother tells me her name, I've never heard F08 11 it before.

F08 12 Other children arrive. I remember some of them, but from long F08 13 ago. They're older now. They've grown. Some have lost their F08 14 teeth.

F08 15 I pretend that everything is all right.

F08 16 At night I lie awake as I have for years, listening. I hear F08 17 footsteps coming down the hall. I hold my breath. I watch the edge F08 18 of the door to my bedroom. I watch for the hand that will push it F08 19 open. If it is my mother's hand or my father's, I am all right. For F08 20 now. If it is the hand of the woman who lives with us and sticks F08 21 things into me, I move out of my body. I disappear into a painting F08 22 on the wall, into my alarm clock with its rocking Gene Autry F08 23 figure, into imaginary landscapes. Usually I come back when the F08 24 woman leaves. But not always.

F08 25 I am eight. I have spoken French from the time I was three. I F08 26 attended a French kindergarten, and now the Lyc<*_>e-acute<*/>e F08 27 Fran<*_>c-cedille<*/>ais. I have just spent the summer in France. F08 28 My French is fluent when we leave Nice. Four days later, after my F08 29 return to the woman who hurts me, I can no longer understand or F08 30 speak a single word of French. Sitting at my gouged wooden desk, my F08 31 classmates sniggering around me, I feel terrified and ashamed, F08 32 certain that whatever is wrong is my fault.

F08 33 She told me she would cut out my tongue. She told me I would F08 34 forget. I remember how tall she was, how she wore her hair pulled F08 35 back with wisps breaking loose at the temples. I knew then that I F08 36 would never forget.

F08 37 I am 40. There are things I have always remembered, things I F08 38 have forgotten, things that exist in shadows only, that slip away F08 39 when I try to think about them. I can't remember all that she did F08 40 that sent me 'away.' Nor do I know what I was doing while I was F08 41 'away.' I only know that these episodes began with periods of abuse F08 42 so frightening, painful, and humiliating that I left my body and F08 43 parts of my mind.

F08 44 I rarely talk about what happened to me. I have never discussed F08 45 the details with my parents, my husband, or anyone else. Whenever I F08 46 think of telling, she returns in my dreams.

F08 47 I dream that I am a child and she chases me with a sharp knife, F08 48 catches me, and gouges out my eyes. I dream that I have to protect F08 49 little children at night, even though I am alone and a child F08 50 myself. I tuck in the other children and get into my bed. Her arm F08 51 reaches for me and pulls me down. I dream that I run for help, F08 52 enter a phone booth, hear a dial tone. When I reach up I see the F08 53 phone has been torn from the wall. I dream of animals skinned alive F08 54 while I scream.

F08 55 Sometimes when I sleep I stop breathing and can't make myself F08 56 start until I wake gasping, my fingers blue.

F08 57 Incest can happen to anyone: to rich and to poor; to whites, F08 58 blacks, Asians, Native Americans, Jews, Christians, and Buddhists. F08 59 It happens to girls and to boys, to the gifted and to the disabled. F08 60 It happens to children whose parents neglect them, and those - like F08 61 me - whose parents love and care for them.

F08 62 What exactly is incest? The definition that I use in this F08 63 article is: any sexual abuse of a child by a relative or other F08 64 person in a position of trust and authority over the child. It is F08 65 the violation of the child where he or she lives - literally and F08 66 metaphorically. A child molested by a stranger can run home for F08 67 help and comfort. A victim of incest cannot.

F08 68 Versions of this definition are widely used outside the F08 69 courtroom by therapists and researchers. In court, incest F08 70 definitions vary from state to state. In many states, the law F08 71 requires that for incest to have taken place, vaginal penetration F08 72 must be proved. So if a father rapes his child anally or orally he F08 73 may be guilty of child sexual abuse but may not, legally, be guilty F08 74 of incest.

F08 75 I believe that if incest is to be understood and fought F08 76 effectively, it is imperative that the definition commonly held F08 77 among therapists and researchers - the definition I have given here F08 78 - be generally accepted by the courts and public. I am not alone in F08 79 this belief. As therapist E. Sue Bloom, for one, writes in F08 80 Secret Survivors: Uncovering Incest and Its Aftereffects in F08 81 Women: "If we are to understand incest, we must look F08 82 not at the blood bond, but at the emotional bond between the victim F08 83 and the perpetrator. ... The important criterion is whether there F08 84 is a real relationship in the experience of the child."

F08 85 "The crucial psychosocial dynamic is the familial F08 86 relationship between the incest participants," adds Suzanne F08 87 M. Sgroi, M.D., director of the Saint Joseph College's Institute F08 88 for Child Sexual Abuse Intervention in West Hartford, Connecticut, F08 89 writing in the Handbook of Clinical Intervention in Child F08 90 Sexual Abuse. "The presence or absence of a blood F08 91 relationship between incest participants is of far less F08 92 significance than the kinship roles they occupy."

F08 93 Incest happens between father and daughter, father and son, F08 94 mother and daughter, mother and son. It also happens between F08 95 stepparents and stepchildren, between grandparents and F08 96 grandchildren, between aunts and uncles and their nieces and F08 97 nephews. It can also happen by proxy, when live-in help abuses or a F08 98 parent's lover is the abuser; though there is no blood or legal F08 99 relationship, the child is betrayed and violated within the context F08 100 of family.

F08 101 No one knows how many incest victims there are. No definite F08 102 random studies on incest involving a cross section of respondents F08 103 have been undertaken. No accurate collection systems for gathering F08 104 information exist. The statistics change depending on a number of F08 105 variables: the population surveyed, the bias of the researcher, the F08 106 sensitivity of the questions, and the definition of incest used. F08 107 This is an area "where each question becomes a dispute and F08 108 every answer an insult," writes Roland Summit, M.D., a F08 109 professor of psychiatry at Harbor-UCLA Medical Center in Torrance, F08 110 California, in his introduction to Sexual Abuse of Young F08 111 Children. "The expert in child sexual abuse today may F08 112 be an ignoramus tomorrow."

F08 113 As recently as the early '70s, experts in the psychiatric F08 114 community stated that there were only 1 to 5 cases of incest per F08 115 one million people. When I began work on this article, I thought F08 116 that maybe one person in a hundred was an incest victim. How wrong F08 117 I was. Sometimes called 'rape by extortion,' incest is about F08 118 betrayal of trust, and it accounts for most child sexual abuse by F08 119 far. To be specific: In 1977, Diana E.H. Russell, Ph.D., professor F08 120 emeritus at Mills College in Oakland, California, and author of F08 121 The Secret Trauma: Incest in the Lives of Girls and Women F08 122 and Sexual Exploitation: Rape, Child Sexual Abuse and F08 123 Workplace Harassment, questioned 930 San Francisco women and F08 124 found that 38 percent had been sexually abused by the time they had F08 125 reached the age of 18. She further found that of those women who F08 126 were victims, 89 percent were abused by relatives or family F08 127 acquaintances. Using Russell's figures as my guide - they are F08 128 widely cited by other authorities in the field and have been F08 129 duplicated in other studies - the estimate of the incidence of F08 130 incest that I came up with is one in three; which is to say that F08 131 incest happens to about one person in three before the age of F08 132 18.

F08 133 Incestuous acts range from voyeurism and exhibitionism to F08 134 masturbation, to rape and sodomy, to bestiality, to ritualized F08 135 torture in cults. Incest may or may not include penetration, may or F08 136 may not be violent. It may happen only once or continue for F08 137 decades. It usually exists in secret, but not always.

F08 138 Kim Shaffir was four and a half years old when her divorced F08 139 mother remarried. Her stepfather, John Hairsine, showed Kim F08 140 pornographic photographs and read aloud to her from pornographic F08 141 novels. He took Polaroids of himself and Kim's mother having sex F08 142 and showed Kim the pictures. He arranged for her to watch him and F08 143 her mother having intercourse; he told her when they would be doing F08 144 it and left the door open. Hairsine kept Kim quiet with the threat F08 145 that if she told anyone, her mother would send her away.

F08 146 From exhibitionism and voyeurism, Hairsine moved on to F08 147 fondling. He made Kim perform oral sex on him. Then he forced her F08 148 to have anal sex. As he had photographed himself with her mother, F08 149 he now photographed himself with Kim.

F08 150 When Kim was 13 her mother discovered the blurred backings of F08 151 the Polaroid pictures of her husband and Kim. She broke the camera F08 152 as a symbolic statement. "We're going to put it all behind F08 153 us," she announced. But she was wrong.

F08 154 Hairsine made peepholes throughout their Maryland house so he F08 155 could spy on Kim. He drilled through the bathroom door. Kim F08 156 repeatedly stuffed the hole with soap and toilet paper, which he F08 157 would remove and she would replace. For three years she tried to F08 158 avoid showering when her mother was out of the house.

F08 159 Every morning, under the guise of waking her for school, F08 160 Hairsine entered her room and masturbated in her presence. Kim, now F08 161 30 and living in Washington, D.C., says, "That's how I'd F08 162 wake up, to him coming into a dish towel as he stood by my F08 163 bed."

F08 164 One reason for the imprecise nature of the incest statistics is F08 165 that when children try to tell, they aren't believed. Another is F08 166 that many victims don't recognize certain behaviors as abusive. My F08 167 parents would never have let anyone abuse me - if they had known. F08 168 They didn't know because I didn't know to tell them.

F08 169 Small children understand very little about sex. Even kids who F08 170 use 'dirty' words often don't understand what those words mean. And F08 171 as little as they know about normal sex, they know less about F08 172 deviant sex. They simply trust that whatever happens to them at the F08 173 hands of those who take care of them is supposed to happen. F08 174 Children know that adults have absolute power over them, and even F08 175 in the face of the most awful abuse, they will obey.

F08 176 The victim who does tell is almost always asked: Why didn't you F08 177 tell sooner? The answers are:

F08 178 I didn't know anything was wrong.

F08 179 I didn't know it was illegal.

F08 180 I didn't know who to tell.

F08 181 I did tell and no one believed me.

F08 182 I was ashamed.

F08 183 I was scared.

F08 184 The abuser keeps the incest secret through threats:

F08 185 If you tell, I will kill you.

F08 186 If you tell, you'll be sent away.

F08 187 If you tell, I'll kill your little sister.

F08 188 If you tell, I'll molest your little brother.

F08 189 If you tell, I'll kill your dog.

F08 190 If you tell, it will kill your mother.

F08 191 If you tell, no one will believe you.

F08 192 If you tell, then you will go to the insane asylum.

F08 193 If you tell, I'll go to jail and you'll starve.

F08 194 If you tell, they'll give you to someone who will really hurt F08 195 you.

F08 196 If you tell, you'll go to hell.

F08 197 If you tell, I won't love you anymore.

F08 198 Many abusers make good on their threats, but most don't need F08 199 to. "Small creatures deal with overwhelming threat by F08 200 freezing, pretending to be asleep, and playing possum," F08 201 says Dr. Roland Summit, the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center psychiatrist F08 202 who, in a paper titled 'The Child Sexual Abuse Accommodation F08 203 Syndrome,' sets forth a widely accepted explanation of how children F08 204 behave when molested.

F08 205 F08 206 F09 1 <#FROWN:F09\>NO WOMAN'S LAND

F09 2 80 PERCENT OF THE WORLD'S REFUGEES ARE WOMEN AND CHILDREN. HOW F09 3 DO WE MAKE THEM VISIBLE? AND HOW DO WE CHANGE BAND-AID RESPONSES F09 4 INTO REAL SOLUTIONS?

F09 5 by Marcia Ann Gillespie

F09 6 IMAGINE THAT YOU ARE STANDING ON a mountaintop, looking out on F09 7 a vast plain where as many as 20 million people stand, bodies F09 8 touching. As far as your eye can see, there are people, their F09 9 numbers more than the combined populations of Los Angeles and New F09 10 York City. An estimated 20 million who have one thing in common: F09 11 they are all known as refugees. Now add the 23 million displaced F09 12 within their homelands. Homeless: Liberians fleeing civil war and F09 13 tribal persecutions, Cambodians who fled the killing fields. F09 14 Haitian and Vietnamese boat people running from hunger, running for F09 15 freedom. Muslims (and some Christians) forced out of Bosnia and F09 16 Herzegovina by Serbs calling for 'ethnic cleansing.' Palestinians F09 17 in limbo for more than 40 years. Somalis, Ethiopians, and Sudanese F09 18 driven out by war and drought. Afghans, from a country that became F09 19 a political pawn now warring against itself. Among this vast sprawl F09 20 of humanity are people belonging to ethnic and tribal groups few in F09 21 the industrialized world have ever heard of: the Hmong, the Karen, F09 22 the Mon, the Saharawi, the Afar, the Tutsi. People from countries F09 23 many of us might be hard-pressed to locate on a map: Rwanda, F09 24 Mozambique, Papua New Guinea, Guatemala, Eritrea.

F09 25 According to the United Nations Convention Relating to the F09 26 Status of Refugees, a refugee is a "person who owing to F09 27 well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, F09 28 religion, nationality, or political opinion, or belonging to a F09 29 particular social group, is outside the country of his [sic] F09 30 nationality." Developed in response to the upheavals of F09 31 World War II, that definition fails to define all the circumstances F09 32 that conspire to create refugees: political gamesmanship, civil F09 33 wars, tribal conflicts, patriarchal 'customs,' homophobic F09 34 persecution, repression, oppression, drought, famine, acts of F09 35 genocide, economics, a knock at midnight ...

F09 36 Bad enough that the definition fails to account for many of the F09 37 key reasons people must flee their homes; worse that the Western F09 38 nations that drafted the convention refused to incorporate the F09 39 universal right to asylum. As a result, politics plays a key role F09 40 in the decision-making process. For example, people fleeing F09 41 Communist regimes during the Cold War were almost automatically F09 42 welcomed by the West, particularly the United States - which F09 43 remains disinclined to grant asylum to those fleeing repressive F09 44 regimes it supports.

F09 45 While the West has reserved the right to pick and choose what F09 46 individuals and groups would legally be allowed to cross or remain F09 47 within its borders, the Organization of African Unity, an F09 48 organization representing some of the world's poorest nations, F09 49 adopted a convention in 1969 expanding the definition of refugees F09 50 and the reasons why they flee. Yet the United Kingdom and the F09 51 United States during the last 25 years have blatantly pursued F09 52 policies directed at keeping refugees out. Now Germany, once noted F09 53 for its open-door policy, has adopted a similar drawbridge F09 54 approach. Facing the task of rebuilding the East, its economy no F09 55 longer booming, Germany has moved to bar refugees and deport those F09 56 deemed illegal immigrants. Violence and hate campaigns directed F09 57 toward immigrants and refugees continue to rise in France, Germany, F09 58 and the U.K., and in the U.S., 'America firsters' cry for walls, F09 59 electrified fences, and shoot-to-kill polices to close off the F09 60 southern border.

F09 61 Yet the number of refugees continues to soar. And more than 80 F09 62 percent of them are women and children. Now you see them, now you F09 63 don't. Here, a Somalian woman, eyes numbed by grief and fear and F09 64 hunger. There, a Cambodian woman, walking cautiously down a Los F09 65 Angeles street with a white cane. She has witnessed loved ones F09 66 murdered before her eyes; in a form of self-protection, her F09 67 mind no longer allows her eyes to see. Rarely do these women ever F09 68 seem to speak for themselves, especially the vast majority who live F09 69 in the world's refugee camps. Those who do, tell terrifying stories F09 70 about the situations that forced them to flee, about the journey of F09 71 flight itself.

F09 72 "I first saw the Nicaraguan woman coming across F09 73 the lawn from the south security post. She walked quickly, at a F09 74 shopkeeper's purposeful pace. Her skirt, which was still wet at the F09 75 hem from crossing the river, was too long and her low-heeled pumps F09 76 were stretched out of shape by the journey, gapped at the instep F09 77 ....

F09 78 "In the security of white uniforms and the smell of F09 79 antiseptics, [she] told of her experience on the other side of the F09 80 border, of the men who had violated her, of how she had wept and F09 81 bled and wandered for a month, alone at first, then working here F09 82 and there while the physical wounds healed and the shame receded F09 83 and she made herself ready to try again to cross the river ....

F09 84 "The nurse's aide ... said that there are places in Mexico on F09 85 the way to the border where every woman who passes through is F09 86 raped." (Excerpted from 'Latinos: Biography of a People,' F09 87 by Earl Shorris; W.W. Norton, 1992.)

F09 88 When individuals, families, or groups are targeted, women's F09 89 bodies become the battleground. Women are routinely tortured and F09 90 maimed, and rape is often used as a primary terror tactic. At one F09 91 Bosnian refugee center, 40 Muslim women told a New York F09 92 Newsday reporter that they had been attacked by Serb forces F09 93 who were under orders to rape them. Females of all ages are preyed F09 94 upon by guards at borders and at refugee camps, armed men in and F09 95 out of uniform, officials, pirates, male refugees.

F09 96 All too often the volatile conditions that create refugees F09 97 occur in some of the world's poorest places. Neighboring countries F09 98 are often ill-equipped to provide for the large numbers of people F09 99 pouring across their borders. Some are unable or unwilling to F09 100 absorb them, or remain hostile to their presence. But the world's F09 101 wealthy nations are even less hospitable these days. In Geneva in F09 102 1989, 60 countries gathered to design the Comprehensive Plan of F09 103 Action. Taking their lead from British policy, the assembled F09 104 nations decided that some people were 'economic' rather than F09 105 genuine refugees - and as such could, in effect, be forcibly F09 106 returned if voluntary repatriation failed. Adapted specifically to F09 107 aid Singapore, Thailand, and Hong Kong (which wanted to reverse the F09 108 tide of Vietnamese refugees), this very calculated closed-door F09 109 policy has since been used by other nations. But the United States F09 110 took it one step further, when it moved to intercept and return F09 111 boatloads of Haitian refugees, unilaterally deciding - without F09 112 benefit of hearings - that all fleeing Haitians were automatically F09 113 'economic refugees.'

F09 114 If the door to asylum is closing in the industrialized world to F09 115 those classified as 'economic refugees,' it has never truly opened F09 116 to women fleeing gender persecution or those who break social F09 117 taboos, or refuse to honor certain 'cultural traditions.' Women's F09 118 well-founded fears of sexual abuse, of rape, and their knowledge F09 119 that these are frequent methods of gender-directed 'repression' are F09 120 not normally considered just grounds for asylum. Take the case of F09 121 Catalina Mejia. Accused of being a guerrilla in El Salvador, she F09 122 was raped by a soldier; twice more during an 18-month period she F09 123 was stopped at military checkpoints and accused of being a F09 124 guerrilla. But her application for political asylum in the United F09 125 States was denied by a judge who concluded that her being raped was F09 126 not an act of persecution. Last year, France's Commission for F09 127 Appeals of Refugees became the first in modern history to F09 128 acknowledge 'female circumcision' as a form of persecution under F09 129 the Geneva Conventions (which offer protection from 'torture' only F09 130 if it is administered by the state). But no asylum was given to F09 131 Aminata Diop (see Ms., January/February 1992), the woman who F09 132 filed the appeal. Diop, a Malian, was denied because she'd failed F09 133 to seek help form the very same authorities in her own country who, F09 134 by not outlawing it, effectively sanction female mutilation.

F09 135 Refugee camps are usually situated by the host country in F09 136 bleak, sparsely populated areas close to the border. The F09 137 prison-like settings of many camps serve as a constant reminder F09 138 that the people being housed are unwanted. Some camps are enclosed F09 139 compounds surrounded by barbed wire fencing, with armed guards at F09 140 the perimeters. Unrelated families, traditional enemies, F09 141 unprotected women and children, are forced to share sleeping areas. F09 142 The newer the camp, the harsher the conditions. Sanitation F09 143 facilities are often minimal; the stench from latrines and open F09 144 refuse trenches pollutes the air. The circumstances that forced F09 145 people to flee and the rigors of the journey itself often result in F09 146 refugees arriving at these camps severely debilitated. Many arrive F09 147 in advanced stages of starvation, as was the case this summer when F09 148 Somalian and Sudanese refugee children were literally dying while F09 149 waiting in food lines in camps in northern Kenya.

F09 150 More than half of the world's refugees are totally dependent on F09 151 relief agencies for the basic necessities. The remoteness of F09 152 campsites, the numbers of refugees and their rate of flight, F09 153 turmoil in the surrounding region, money, internal and external F09 154 politics - are all factors in the relief efforts. If refugees are F09 155 lucky, what they receive provides enough for bare subsistence. And F09 156 in today's world the largess of major donor countries has F09 157 diminished. Private funding of relief work relies heavily on the F09 158 compassion of the general public in the wealthy nations. Donor F09 159 fatigue is increasing in part because of economic fears at home, as F09 160 well as in reaction to the waves of appeals. Adding to the problem F09 161 is the spotlight effect that happens when media attention is F09 162 diverted from one refugee crisis to another. As funding shrinks, F09 163 agencies are hard-pressed to provide even minimal supplies. One F09 164 study this year indicated that the nutritional value of refugee F09 165 rations is less than what dogs are fed in the industrialized world. F09 166 Is it any wonder that the principal cause of death in refugee camps F09 167 is malnutrition?

F09 168 Even when food is available, women and children are often F09 169 malnourished. Given that food in these situations is a source of F09 170 power and control, it should come as no surprise to learn that F09 171 usually men are the ones consulted on food distribution. Women, who F09 172 traditionally do the cooking and are most aware of their families' F09 173 nutritional needs, are rarely consulted, much less put in charge. F09 174 If by tradition women and children are expected to eat after the F09 175 men do, and the supply is inadequate, they go without. It is not F09 176 uncommon to find women being forced to submit to sexual demands in F09 177 exchange for food.

F09 178 The health problems women and children routinely experience in F09 179 the 'developing world' are magnified here. Children are affected by F09 180 outbreaks of scurvy and pellagra. Anemic pregnant women are at high F09 181 risk of hemorrhaging during childbirth, and their infants often F09 182 have low birth weights and suffer from a host of deficiencies. F09 183 Sometimes babies just fail to thrive. And because women and F09 184 children are usually the water carriers, they are particularly F09 185 vulnerable to waterborne diseases, such as cholera and F09 186 dysentery.

F09 187 But because women's health needs are addressed mainly in the F09 188 context of pregnancy, childbirth, and mothering, other problems F09 189 often go undetected or ignored. It is not uncommon for sexually F09 190 transmitted diseases, precancerous and cancerous conditions, F09 191 infections, genital mutilations, and other traumas to go F09 192 undetected. AIDS education and testing, as well as rape counseling, F09 193 are virtually nonexistent in many refugee settings. Family planning F09 194 services and birth control are often unavailable, as are female F09 195 health providers.

F09 196 The most effective health programs focus on preventive medicine F09 197 and build a strong base of community programs. For example, the F09 198 United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) for Palestine F09 199 Refugees in the Near East has created programs that specifically F09 200 address maternal and child health care, provide immunization and F09 201 supplementary feeding, and family planning programs, as well as F09 202 health education and improved sanitation. Key to UNRWA's success F09 203 has been the emphasis on the needs of women and children, and its F09 204 involvement in empowering communities, and women specifically, to F09 205 speak, plan, and act in their own behalf.

F09 206 According to 'World Refugee Survey,' a study of 111 F09 207 Central American refugee women conducted by the International F09 208 Catholic Child Bureau in Washington, D.C., found "85 F09 209 percent to have been the victims of at least one traumatic event in F09 210 their home country, and the average woman to have experienced 3.3 F09 211 events. F09 212 F09 213 F10 1 <#FROWN:F10\>CHEATING FATE

F10 2 At death's door, some people mysteriously take a turn for the F10 3 better. What does the body know that medicine can't explain?

F10 4 BY STEPHEN S. HALL

F10 5 STANLEY GERBACICH staggered into the Veterans Administration F10 6 Medical Center in West Haven, Connecticut, one day in January 1967, F10 7 desperately ill with a raging fever of about 104 degrees. He was a F10 8 quiet, balding man of 52 years, a jewelry repairman, married with F10 9 one child, and, as he would soon learn, dying of a terrible F10 10 disease.

F10 11 His West Haven doctors poked him and prodded him and ran all F10 12 the usual tests. They quickly discovered that his blood count was F10 13 perilously low, and when they slipped a needle into his pelvic F10 14 bone, they found that the body's blood-making apparatus, the F10 15 marrow, was overrun with rogue cancer cells known as blasts. The F10 16 attending physician on the case was Rose Papac, and as she reviewed F10 17 all the test results, everything added up to a diagnosis of a quick F10 18 and deadly cancer of the blood known as acute myelomonocytic F10 19 leukemia. Papac, trained as a hematologist and oncologist, knew F10 20 only too well that Stanley Gerbacich's chances of survival were F10 21 nil.

F10 22 "Without response to treatment, three months was the F10 23 median survival rate," Papac recalled recently, sitting in F10 24 her office at the Yale University School of Medicine, where she is F10 25 a professor of oncology. "With a complete response to F10 26 treatment, the prognosis would be about one year."

F10 27 Papac decided to try to buy Gerbacich a little time with F10 28 chemotherapy. So the following day, the West Haven doctors started F10 29 him on two drugs considered the treatment of choice in those days, F10 30 6-mercaptopurine and prednisone - now known to be, at best, F10 31 minimally effective in slowing the disease.

F10 32 The orders were for 50 milligrams 'q.i.d.' (meaning F10 33 quarter in die, or four times a day), and no F10 34 one was terribly surprised when Gerbacich's condition failed to F10 35 improve the following week. Indeed, his disease was progressing F10 36 exactly as predicted - rapidly and lethally. But then there F10 37 occurred a serendipitous (and perhaps even irrelevant) turn of F10 38 events.

F10 39 "When a new intern took over the case ten days later, F10 40 he read the treatment orders as 'q.d.,' or once a day, instead of F10 41 four times a day," says Papac, recalling how, his doctors F10 42 unaware, Gerbacich ended up with one-fourth the recommended dose. F10 43 "But then his blood counts came up to normal, and he was F10 44 less anemic, and we became aware that he was getting F10 45 better." Over the next two weeks, his fever broke and color F10 46 returned to his face. The most startling transformation, however, F10 47 could be glimpsed only with a microscope: All those abnormal cells F10 48 choking Stanley Gerbacich's bone marrow had simply vanished. F10 49 "A once-in-a-lifetime experience," Papac says, F10 50 remembering the sight.

F10 51 Two months later, having received a quarter of the normal dose F10 52 of an almost useless medication for an incurable disease, Stanley F10 53 Gerbacich walked out of the VA hospital and embarked on the second F10 54 part of his life. "He has never relapsed," Papac F10 55 says. Twenty-five years later, Stanley Gerbacich is alive and well F10 56 and still exchanging Christmas cards with Rose Papac every year.

F10 57 Such rare and improbable medical reversals go by the name of F10 58 spontaneous regression or spontaneous remission. They are medical F10 59 flukes, unpredictable and inexplicable, bright isolated shafts of F10 60 sunlight cutting across the grim, gray statistical tables of F10 61 survival rates. To many doctors, they are distracting and F10 62 bothersome aberrations; says one prominent oncologist, "I F10 63 think you'd have a better chance of getting struck by lightning F10 64 than of having a spontaneous remission of cancer." To F10 65 others, they are "whispers of nature," infrequent F10 66 but tantalizing clues about the ways the human body can rally F10 67 itself to fend off mortal disease. If only we had the ears to F10 68 discern these whispers, goes the argument, we might discover F10 69 revolutionary new approaches to medical treatment and healing.

F10 70 But at this juncture in the popular re-telling of F10 71 cases, the plot typically takes one of two turns, both of them dead F10 72 ends. Many physicians simply dismiss the original diagnosis as F10 73 flawed; it wasn't a case of spontaneous remission, they conclude, F10 74 the doctors just blew the diagnosis. In the other direction lie the F10 75 "cancer quacks," as Rose Papac calls them, those F10 76 who precipitately attribute these miraculous cures to herbal F10 77 remedies or vitamin therapy or, all too often, a superhumanly F10 78 'positive' mental attitude displayed by the patient. To talk F10 79 seriously about spontaneous regression, Papac says, is to walk F10 80 "a thin line between doubt and quackery." Which is F10 81 precisely what Papac did when she gave a Grand Rounds talk on the F10 82 subject at the Yale School of Medicine a couple of years ago.

F10 83 Asked to prepare the talk in 1989, in part to refute some of F10 84 the more preposterous claims, Papac sorted through three decades of F10 85 her clinical practice and realized she had encountered at least F10 86 eight, and possibly ten, cases of spontaneous remission. The most F10 87 remarkable, in her opinion, was the story of Stanley Gerbacich. His F10 88 case not only embodied all the medical mystery that bedevils F10 89 spontaneous remission, it gives little comfort to either the F10 90 medical profession's reflexive skepticism or the charlatans' facile F10 91 explanations.

F10 92 "Lots of people doubted it and said, 'You must have F10 93 misdiagnosed the case in the first place,'" Papac recalls F10 94 with a smile. "But when they saw our evidence, they agreed F10 95 that the diagnosis of leukemia was correct."

F10 96 And how would Papac characterize Gerbacich's attitude? Was he F10 97 upbeat? Was he combative and feisty? Did he, in the words of F10 98 best-selling mind-body guru Bernie Siegel, see his disease not F10 99 "as a sentence but a new beginning?"

F10 100 "I wouldn't rank his attitude as the most positive of F10 101 any we've seen," she says after a pause, choosing her words F10 102 carefully. "He was a very frightened person, very fearful. F10 103 He was paralyzed by the thought that death was F10 104 imminent."

F10 105 MISS X, as she was called in the literature, suffered no less F10 106 dire a prognosis than Stanley Gerbacich. A woman of 31, she lived F10 107 in Baltimore, and her medical problems began, she believed, F10 108 following a tumble off a bicycle. She visited her physician, F10 109 complaining of a lump and pain in her right breast. Several weeks F10 110 later, the cancer-ridden breast as well as the nearby lymph nodes F10 111 were removed by surgeons at Johns Hopkins Hospital. Miss X remained F10 112 healthy for approximately one year. Then her condition began to F10 113 deteriorate.

F10 114 She started to lose vision in her right eye, a problem caused F10 115 by a second tumor apparently spread by the original. She lost more F10 116 and more weight. A lump developed in the other breast, and then a F10 117 new tumor poked up like a bony outgrowth from her sternum. F10 118 Bedridden with pain, barely able to breathe, Miss X had little to F10 119 look forward to beyond her six daily grains of morphine.

F10 120 "I saw her twice, and in May her condition seemed F10 121 really desperate," her physician later recalled. "I F10 122 left for England shortly afterwards, and, of course, did not expect F10 123 to find her alive on my return." But during the summer and F10 124 fall of 1899, Miss X steadily improved. The pains subsided, the F10 125 awkward tumor rising out of her breastbone just as mysteriously F10 126 melted away, and by October of 1900, Miss X had recovered enough to F10 127 drive the one and a half miles to the train station to meet her F10 128 very surprised physician. "She had improved," Sir F10 129 William Osler observed, "in every way."

F10 130 Just as Osler has been credited with ushering in the modern era F10 131 of American medicine, his account of Miss X is among the first 20th F10 132 century descriptions of what in fact is a very ancient phenomenon. F10 133 As he noted in a 1901 article, these cases are "among the F10 134 most remarkable which we witness in the practice of medicine, and F10 135 illustrate the uncertainty of prognosis, and the truth of the F10 136 statement that no condition, however desperate, is quite F10 137 hopeless." Spontaneous remissions have occurred - F10 138 "without any obvious reason," in Osler's perplexed, F10 139 faintly protestant phrase - for centuries.

F10 140 One of the earliest recorded anecdotes dates back 700 years, to F10 141 a time when a reformed politician and anti-papist in central Italy F10 142 named Peregrine Laziosi became a Servite monk and priest, traveled F10 143 far and wide doing good works, and ultimately developed a F10 144 debilitating and unsightly cancer on his foot. Facing amputation of F10 145 his foot, the monk prayed during the night before the operation and F10 146 dreamed that the tumor disappeared. He awoke to find it gone and F10 147 lived to the age of 80, dying in 1345. His miraculous recovery F10 148 earned him canonization as St. Peregrine, and he became known as F10 149 the patron saint of those with cancer and malignant diseases. F10 150 William Boyd, a prominent Canadian pathologist, later suggested F10 151 that cancerous masses that similarly regress without adequate F10 152 explanation be called 'St. Peregrine's Tumors.'

F10 153 But by what mysterious mechanism does spontaneous remission F10 154 occur? As Boyd would write in the 1950s, "A moment's F10 155 thought is sufficient to convince us that in biology, as in other F10 156 fields of science, nothing is really spontaneous, for every event F10 157 must have a cause." But the cause, the biology of F10 158 spontaneous regression, eludes researchers. Without it, spontaneous F10 159 remission might just as well be called St. Peregrine's Curse.

F10 160 AMONG THOSE who have tried to solve the puzzle were two F10 161 surgeons at the University of Illinois College of Medicine in F10 162 Chicago, Tilden Everson and Warren Cole. In the mid-1950s, Everson F10 163 and Cole began a landmark analysis of reports of spontaneous F10 164 remission of cancer, which they defined as "a partial or F10 165 complete disappearance of a malignant tumor in the absence of F10 166 treatment that ordinarily is considered capable of producing F10 167 regression." The two surgeons excluded lymphomas and F10 168 leukemias (cancers of the immune system and blood), as well as the F10 169 skin cancers known as squamous cell carcinomas, because all three F10 170 forms of cancer vary greatly in growth rates. Even so, Everson and F10 171 Cole compiled a total of 176 instances of spontaneous remission of F10 172 cancer and published the results in a famous 1966 monograph.

F10 173 One of the most remarkable cases was that of a 30-year-old F10 174 woman diagnosed with malignant melanoma, a particularly aggressive F10 175 form of skin cancer that nonetheless seems associated with F10 176 instances of spontaneous remission. When doctors attempted to F10 177 remove a grape-sized nodule from the woman's shoulder, it ruptured F10 178 and had to be taken out in pieces, with the likelihood that some F10 179 malignant material escaped removal. Even so, not only did the wound F10 180 heal, but all metastatic spread of her cancer disappeared. Four F10 181 years later, a 28-year-old male melanoma patient was purposely F10 182 given a transfusion of this woman's blood. Although the man F10 183 suffered from widely disseminated cancer in his head, thigh, F10 184 buttocks, and armpit lymph nodes, within six weeks all the F10 185 metastatic tumors disappeared.

F10 186 Like Osler and everyone since him, Everson and Cole were at a F10 187 loss to explain how these mysterious events occurred. They did note F10 188 that such cases have always been marked by intriguing, ambiguous, F10 189 and often contradictory factors that hint at biological mechanisms, F10 190 not miracles. Cole, a former president of both the American Cancer F10 191 Society and the American College of Surgeons whose every phrase and F10 192 sentence betrayed a reluctance to speculate, believed that F10 193 regression most likely occurs because the patient somehow marshals F10 194 a heightened immunologic response to malignancy.

F10 195 For instance, the disappearance of tumors has often been F10 196 accompanied by a concurrent bacterial or viral infection and fever, F10 197 a link that prompted William Coley, a surgeon at Memorial Hospital F10 198 in New York around the turn of the century, to experimentally F10 199 induce bacterial infections in cancer patients; those experiments F10 200 continue to this day, with mixed results. In the early experiments, F10 201 vaccines that were made up of killed bacteria, which became known F10 202 as 'Coley's toxins,' caused some tumors to shrink or disappear. F10 203 Suspecting that the vaccines triggered some natural anticancer F10 204 agent, researchers sought and ultimately discovered tumor necrosis F10 205 factor. Isolated in the early 1970s, the powerful tumor-killing F10 206 molecule is produced as part of the body's immune and inflammatory F10 207 response, and is now being tested against cancer.

F10 208 In many other cases, tumors seem to melt away following biopsy F10 209 procedures or similar surgical insult, possibly by prompting a F10 210 local immune response. F10 211 F10 212 F11 1 <#FROWN:F11\>SPECIAL HEALTH REPORT By Carl Sherman

F11 2 Is It Just a Mood or Real Depression?

F11 3 Barbara L., age 30, remembers the suffocating feeling that F11 4 descended on her as she struggled through her second year of F11 5 college. Plagued by a sense of utter worthlessness, she was F11 6 convinced that if she were gone, no one would miss her - no one at F11 7 all. "Someone might be standing right in front of me, F11 8 saying, 'I do care about you. I do love you,' but the F11 9 words couldn't reach me." Desperate and in unbearable F11 10 emotional pain, she attempted suicide with a handful of pills.

F11 11 For Millie G., 34, the downward spiral began with the end of a F11 12 relationship. Then her plans to buy a co-op fell through. She F11 13 started waking up at 4 A.M. with a terrible sense of doom. She F11 14 became 'abrasive' with everyone, lost friends and began to fear for F11 15 her job. "I was constantly crying in front of my staff. I F11 16 couldn't concentrate. Every memo I wrote was filled with F11 17 mistakes."

F11 18 Diana T. was 50 years old when her world caved in on her. Her F11 19 two sons were in college, and after an absence of 20 years she had F11 20 returned to teaching, a job she loved. Yet she felt constantly F11 21 oppressed by "a physical feeling, a sinking sensation in my F11 22 body that I couldn't stand. I stopped eating," she recalls. F11 23 "I couldn't sleep. I cried all the time." Nothing - F11 24 reading, watching TV - could distract her or give her the least bit F11 25 of pleasure. She thought about suicide. "I didn't have the F11 26 guts to do it. I hoped I would just die a natural F11 27 death."

F11 28 What these women have in common is depression. Not just a blue F11 29 mood, but an illness potentially more disabling than arthritis F11 30 or heart disease - an illness that in its severest form drives 15 F11 31 percent of its victims to commit suicide. (For a list of symptoms, F11 32 see 'Are You Depressed?' at right.) Five percent of F11 33 Americans suffer the mental and physical torments of depression - F11 34 and almost two out of three of them are women.

F11 35 Unfortunately, an estimated two-thirds of depressed people F11 36 never seek treatment, according to Robert Hirschfeld, M.D., F11 37 chairman of the department of psychiatry and behavioral sciences at F11 38 the University of Texas Medical Branch in Galveston. Because of the F11 39 fear and stigma that still surround mental illness, and the F11 40 hopeless, helpless feeling that "nothing can be F11 41 done," a lot of people end up suffering alone.

F11 42 What's worse, just half of those who do see doctors are F11 43 accurately diagnosed and adequately treated. People may seek help F11 44 for the fatigue and other physical symptoms - backaches, headaches, F11 45 stomach problems - that accompany depression, but they stop short F11 46 of talking about their feelings. The hurried doctor never hears F11 47 about the sleeplessness, the sadness, the oppressive thoughts. The F11 48 family physician or internist - the doctor most likely to see F11 49 depression - all too frequently misses the diagnosis, according to F11 50 Kenneth B. Wells, M.D., of Rand, a nonprofit research group in F11 51 Santa Monica, California; in prepaid health plans (like HMO's), F11 52 depression was spotted only 42 percent of the time. F11 53 "Patients have to take an active role," urges Dr. F11 54 Hirschfeld. "If you say, 'I think I may be depressed,' F11 55 you're more likely to get the attention you need."

F11 56 When should you suspect that you might be suffering from F11 57 depression? Blue moods come and go. It's natural to feel down if F11 58 you lose your job or to grieve when a loved one dies. But clinical F11 59 depression is another story. It's a mental and physical F11 60 illness that can disrupt sleep and appetite, inflict physical pain F11 61 and distort thoughts into a continuous night of helpless despair. F11 62 'Business as usual' becomes impossible: Work, friendships and F11 63 family life suffer.

F11 64 "I was devastated when my mother died," Diana F11 65 T. remembers. "But that was different. I had the same 'I F11 66 can't stand it' feeling, but it wasn't constant, and it gradually F11 67 went away."

F11 68 Diagnosing Depression

F11 69 Doctors have come to recognize several basic types of F11 70 depression. According to Darrel Regier, M.D., director of the F11 71 division of clinical research at the National Institute of Mental F11 72 Health (NIMH) in Washington, D.C., nearly 6 percent of the F11 73 population has suffered episodes of major depressive F11 74 illness. The primary symptoms are sadness, anxiety or F11 75 emptiness; hopelessness or pessimism; feelings of worthlessness, F11 76 helplessness or guilt; restlessness or irritability; a loss of F11 77 interest in activities; trouble sleeping; changes in appetite or F11 78 weight; fatigue and thoughts of death or suicide. Bouts of F11 79 depression often recur.

F11 80 About 1 out of 100 Americans has had episodes of bipolar, F11 81 or manic-depressive, illness, characterized by periods of F11 82 high energy and excitement - manic states - that may alternate with F11 83 depression.

F11 84 But depression isn't always disabling. "In its mildest F11 85 form, people say: 'I'm well fed, I'm well clothed ... and yet why F11 86 do I feel so awful?'" says Jay Amsterdam, M.D., the F11 87 director of the depression research unit at the University of F11 88 Pennsylvania. The same symptoms are there - and these often include F11 89 sleeplessness and a change in appetite - but in weaker form.

F11 90 A chronic kind of depression, dysthymia, is less daunting F11 91 than a major episode but persists for years. Its victims may spend F11 92 decades or a lifetime under a cloud, struggling constantly with low F11 93 energy and poor self-esteem. They get through life, but with little F11 94 joy. People affected by dysthymia can hold a job - they're F11 95 typically overconscientious employees - but a lack of drive causes F11 96 them to be permanent underachievers, says James Kocsis, M.D., F11 97 associate professor of psychiatry at New York Hospital-Cornell F11 98 Medical Center. Many don't date and never marry, or end up trapped F11 99 in bad marriages, without the energy to fix the relationship or get F11 100 out.

F11 101 No one knows for sure what causes depression, but it is now F11 102 recognized as both biochemical and psychological in nature. On the F11 103 biochemical level, suggests Karl Rickels, M.D., professor of F11 104 psychiatry at the University of Pennsylvania, it reflects an F11 105 imbalance among the neurotransmitters - chemicals that F11 106 regulate and harmonize activity throughout the brain. In F11 107 particular, the chemical serotonin appears to be in short F11 108 supply. The biochemical predisposition to depression can be F11 109 inherited; if a parent has suffered from it, your chances rise F11 110 fourfold.

F11 111 Depression can attack without apparent reason, but some F11 112 episodes appear to be triggered by emotional turmoil or high-stress F11 113 periods at home or work. In both men and women, "It may be F11 114 that there's an interaction," says Ellen McGrath, Ph.D., F11 115 chair of the American Psychological Association's National Task F11 116 Force on Women and Depression. "For someone who is F11 117 biologically vulnerable, enough accumulated stress may throw brain F11 118 biochemistry out of balance."

F11 119 Increasingly, experts believe that women may unintentionally F11 120 accelerate depression by focusing on their emotions, and may F11 121 also deepen it by sharing it with a sympathetic friend. According F11 122 to Bonnie Strickland, Ph.D., professor of psychology at the F11 123 University of Massachusetts at Amherst, it's good to unburden your F11 124 feelings, but sitting around and rehashing the sense of inadequacy F11 125 and self-blame that come with depression won't make you feel any F11 126 better. What can help, though, is taking action. If 'talking F11 127 it out' spurs you to make positive moves to develop new job skills F11 128 or start an exercise program, for example, it can be worth it, Dr. F11 129 McGrath says.

F11 130 Of course, depression is nothing you can snap yourself out of; F11 131 it requires treatment. Fortunately, says Dr. Hirschfeld, F11 132 "we now have a whole range of medications and F11 133 psychotherapies that have made a huge difference." With F11 134 today's arsenal, an estimated 85 to 90 percent of people with F11 135 depression - no matter how severe - can be treated successfully.

F11 136 Treatment Alternatives

F11 137 How can depression be most effectively treated - with therapy F11 138 or drugs or a combination of both? Interestingly, a recent National F11 139 Institute of Mental Health study showed that for relatively mild F11 140 depression, two short-term forms of therapy work as well as F11 141 medication. Cognitive behavior therapy teaches patients F11 142 how negative thinking habits promote and maintain depression, and F11 143 helps people replace them with other patterns that generate F11 144 positive feelings. Interpersonal psychotherapy helps to F11 145 explore relationships, resolve conflicts and teach the skills that F11 146 will strengthen bonds.

F11 147 For more severe depression, drug treatment has been found to be F11 148 more effective than psychotherapy, according to Dr. Amsterdam. Many F11 149 psychiatrists believe that antidepressants should be used whenever F11 150 a patient's symptoms (such as eating and sleeping problems, fatigue F11 151 and physical pain) suggest a true biochemical depression.

F11 152 Drugs also work well for chronic depression, which F11 153 was once considered too deeply rooted in the personality to change. F11 154 In a recent study of people who had remained chronically depressed F11 155 despite years of psychotherapy, nearly two-thirds got better with F11 156 an antidepressant. Some stayed well even after the drugs were F11 157 discontinued, Dr. Kocsis says.

F11 158 Nowadays doctors have a bagful of antidepressants to choose F11 159 from. The oldest ones, the tricyclics, include Tofranil, F11 160 Elavil and Sinequan, and generally are the most effective. F11 161 Monoamine oxidase inhibitors (MAOI's), such as Parnate F11 162 and Nardil, are frequently prescribed when tricyclics don't help. F11 163 Lithium works against both the manic and depressive episodes F11 164 of bipolar disorder.

F11 165 All drugs have their drawbacks, however. The side effects of F11 166 tricyclics - which may include dry mouth, sleepiness, dizziness, F11 167 constipation and weight gain - are difficult for some to tolerate. F11 168 MAOI's require strict diet control: Patients must avoid long lists F11 169 of foods, including cheese, wine, bananas and chocolate, that can F11 170 cause a dangerous interaction. "These older antidepressants F11 171 act on a number of brain chemicals at once, and may cause sweeping F11 172 physical effects - many unpleasant - throughout the body," F11 173 Dr. Rickels says.

F11 174 One new drug, fluoxetine (trade name: Prozac), appears to F11 175 represent a real advance because it only boosts serotonin. F11 176 Scientists believe that low levels of this neurotransmitter are F11 177 primarily responsible for depression. Prozac has fewer side effects F11 178 than previous therapies, although a few have been reported. F11 179 Recently, after investigating sporadic reports of Prozac-related F11 180 violence and suicide attempts, an advisory committee of the Food F11 181 and Drug Administration concluded that there is no evidence that F11 182 the drug is riskier than other antidepressants. But like all F11 183 powerful drugs, the committee stressed, it must be used with F11 184 care.

F11 185 Solid improvement usually takes two to four weeks, and is often F11 186 not dramatic. "I don't do somersaults all day, but I can F11 187 handle things better," says Millie G., who has been taking F11 188 Prozac for several months. "I'm not always fighting back F11 189 tears." Before, every day seemed like "climbing a F11 190 mountain without a foothold." With the antidepressant, F11 191 "I feel safer," she says.

F11 192 With thorough treatment - which usually means continuing on F11 193 medication for several months after symptoms are alleviated - F11 194 depression often disappears completely. But it may recur - two, F11 195 five or ten years later. If you're prone to recurrent attacks, you F11 196 may need to stay on a low 'maintenance' dose of antidepressants for F11 197 protection.

F11 198 Even the newest drugs don't work for all patients. If symptoms F11 199 remain dangerously severe despite treatment - the risk of suicide F11 200 is high, for example - doctors may consider electroconvulsive F11 201 therapy (ECT), inducing brain seizures with electricity, which (for F11 202 reasons that no one truly understands) is often effective against F11 203 depression where medication fails, according to Dr. Rickels. F11 204 Despite its frightening image, today's ECT is far safer than in the F11 205 past: Smaller doses of electricity are used, anesthetics and muscle F11 206 relaxants eliminate discomfort, and the only serious side effect - F11 207 memory loss - is almost always temporary.

F11 208 If you suspect you suffer from depression, start by talking to F11 209 your doctor. Now that easy-to-use medications are available, the F11 210 condition can often be treated by a family doctor or internist. F11 211 Before embarking on a treatment program, though, a physician will F11 212 probably want to rule out medical problems (certain thyroid F11 213 conditions, for example) that can cause similar symptoms.

F11 214 If you get no response from your doctor or see little F11 215 improvement after you've been treated for a month or so, it may be F11 216 time to call in a specialist. When consulting a mental-health F11 217 professional, bear in mind that psychiatrists, who are medical F11 218 doctors, are licensed to prescribe drugs, whereas psychologists, F11 219 social workers and other psychotherapists are not. A particularly F11 220 difficult case of depression may require the advanced skills of a F11 221 psycho-pharmacologist, a super-specialist trained to use F11 222 drug combinations that may succeed where standard treatments F11 223 fail.

F11 224 F11 225 F11 226 F12 1 <#FROWN:F12\>ETHICS

F12 2 A Matter of Survival

F12 3 By Rushworth M. Kidder

F12 4 Our ethical responsibilities are increasing as we wield ever F12 5 more powerful technologies. But ethical standards have suffered in F12 6 an age of tolerance.

F12 7 Several years ago, I was - as far as I can tell - the first F12 8 Western journalist to visit the Chernobyl nuclear power plant. I F12 9 was taken there on a tour in the company of several engineers F12 10 called in after the April 1986 explosion to clean it up. I learned F12 11 that, on the night of the accident, two electrical engineers were F12 12 "playing around" with reactor #4 in what the F12 13 Soviets later described as an unauthorized experiment. The two F12 14 engineers wanted to see how long a turbine would freewheel if they F12 15 took the power off it. That meant shutting down reactor #4.

F12 16 To do so, they had to override six separate computer-driven F12 17 alarm systems. The first system came on and said, "Stop, go F12 18 no further, terribly dangerous." And they shut off the F12 19 alarm rather than the experiment, and went on to the next level. F12 20 They even padlocked valves in the open position so that they would F12 21 not shut automatically and stop the experiment. Think for a minute F12 22 about who these people were. In the context of the Soviet Union, F12 23 jobs like those at Chernobyl were plum jobs. They went to the 4.0 F12 24 averages, the 800 SATs, the Phi Beta Kappas of the Soviet Union. F12 25 These men were not dumb. Then what was missing? What they F12 26 lacked, apparently, was the sense of responsibility, the moral F12 27 understanding, the sense of conscience, the understanding of ethics F12 28 - however you want to put it - that somehow would have prevented F12 29 them from going forward.

F12 30 Before you can override a computer-alarm system, you have first F12 31 got to engage some kind of an ethical override in your own F12 32 consciousness. You've first got to block out that little voice that F12 33 says, "Don't do this, it's dangerous!" Somehow, the F12 34 two engineers at Chernobyl were capable of turning aside and F12 35 shutting down that voice. And that shutdown is not a question of F12 36 technology. It's a matter of ethics.

F12 37 Technology and Ethics

F12 38 Think back to the nineteenth century. What do you suppose we F12 39 could have put two people in front of, saying "Do whatever F12 40 you want, in as unethical a way as you wish," that could F12 41 have produced the damage caused by Chernobyl? Suppose we loaded up F12 42 the biggest ship of the nineteenth century and put a drunken F12 43 captain in charge, so he could run it aground in Prince William F12 44 Sound; could it possibly do the kind of damage the Exxon F12 45 Valdez did? Where do you find in the nineteenth century a F12 46 financial structure as big and as complicated and as powerful as F12 47 today's savings-and-loan business in the United States that would F12 48 have allowed a group of unethical bankers to produce the damage the F12 49 current S&L crisis has produced?

F12 50 And we're still only in the twentieth century. Shift your F12 51 thinking forward into the early years of the twenty-first century F12 52 and ask yourself about the kinds of ethical questions that will F12 53 arise there. Perhaps the biggest and most complex arise from the F12 54 Human Genome Project - not because it will be a big medical F12 55 issue, but because it will be a big employment issue.

F12 56 Suppose your genetic 'book' can be read. It tells me, your F12 57 potential employer, that at such-and-such an age you are liable to F12 58 develop this-or-that problem, and I am going to have to foot the F12 59 bill for the problem. So what is my interest in hiring you as F12 60 compared with somebody whose book is a bit cleaner? How does F12 61 society cope with such an issue? We have no record at all as a F12 62 society of willingly choosing not to know what is knowable. So it F12 63 is inconceivable that we will choose not to know our F12 64 employees' genomes. This will be one of the largest privacy F12 65 questions that we will face in the twenty-first century, and it's F12 66 essentially a question of ethics.

F12 67 The point here is simply that our technology has leveraged our F12 68 ethics in ways that we never saw in the past. Why is that? Isn't it F12 69 largely because we spend tremendous amounts of effort in our F12 70 educational system teaching about the nature of technology - and F12 71 virtually no time at all talking about the moral, ethical F12 72 consequences of that technology?

F12 73 Yet, for all of our advanced systems and for all of our F12 74 artificial intelligence, the decision-making stream continues to F12 75 focus ever more pointedly, as it always has, on the thinking of one F12 76 or two or half a dozen individuals sitting at the apex of that F12 77 technology. That hasn't changed. What has changed is only the F12 78 capacity to do terrific damage because of that decision making.

F12 79 Fortunately, those structures can change - because the values F12 80 system underlying the social systems can change. Futurist Earl F12 81 Joseph suggests that, "as we gain new knowledge, values can F12 82 be improved. Therefore, on the average, the deeper we penetrate the F12 83 future, the better our values and ethics should become."

F12 84 Recapturing a Sense Of Standards

F12 85 In the nineteenth century, one of the highest goals of Western F12 86 nations was a sense of standards. We took our standards out into F12 87 the rest of the world, colonized other regions, and imposed those F12 88 standards. Were we tolerant of what we found there? Not at all. If F12 89 the people whom we were trying to 'civilize' didn't want to get F12 90 'civilized,' we went out and 'civilized' them anyway! At the end of F12 91 a gun, or however we had to do it, but we civilized them. Why? To F12 92 bring them up to our standards.

F12 93 By the 1960s, this attitude had shifted 180 degrees. Tolerance F12 94 was what mattered most. As long as somebody said, "Yes, F12 95 this is what I stand for, this is what I want to do," one F12 96 was expected to be wholly tolerant of any conceivable value F12 97 structure.

F12 98 The job of the twenty-first century is not to forget the F12 99 terrific progress we've made toward tolerance, because it has been F12 100 invaluable in creating and incorporating a pluralistic society. At F12 101 the same time, however, we must begin within that context to F12 102 recapture a sense of the standards that in many cases appears to F12 103 have been lost.

F12 104 One of the places this lack of standards shows up is in the F12 105 U.S. education system. Let me cite a few statistics. These are not F12 106 statistics that tell you how awful it is that the United States F12 107 somehow can't compete with the Japanese and the Germans on math and F12 108 literature. These speak to the ethical sense of American students. F12 109 Sixty-five percent of high-school students admit that they F12 110 would cheat to pass an important exam. A similar percentage are F12 111 ready to inflate their expense accounts when they enter the F12 112 corporate world, or lie to achieve a business objective.

F12 113 Remember, these are not merely students we're talking about. F12 114 They are, in fact, Western culture's middle managers in 2015 and F12 115 its CEOs in 2030. These are the people who are going to administer F12 116 your pension plans.

F12 117 A recent Louis Harris poll for the Girl Scouts asked 5,000 F12 118 American students where they would look to find the greatest F12 119 authority in matters of truth. Where would they turn for that sense F12 120 of authority? The answers that came back are very interesting. At F12 121 the bottom are the media and the sciences. A few percentage points F12 122 higher come parents and religion. Can you guess what the bulk of F12 123 those students say is the greatest authority in matters of truth? F12 124 "Me." The student himself or herself. These students tell F12 125 us that there is no source of authority beyond their own F12 126 experience. "I have not seen anyone out there that I can F12 127 trust," they're saying. "I've got to go by my gut F12 128 instinct. I've got to do whatever feels right, whatever turns me F12 129 on, whatever is situational, relative, negotiable." That F12 130 reply speaks volumes about the ethical standards that we are now F12 131 seeing.

F12 132 Tracking Value Shifts

F12 133 Fortunately, as the century closes, this entire subject of F12 134 ethics is becoming a very serious concern for an awful lot of F12 135 people. That's why the Institute for Global Ethics was recently F12 136 founded. It aims to track value shifts as we move into the next F12 137 century.

F12 138 The first issue of Insights on Global Ethics, our F12 139 monthly newsletter, leads with a story from Mexico, looking at the F12 140 Mexican public's changing attitude toward corruption. Mexico is no F12 141 longer the business-as-usual, corruption-as-usual place we've all F12 142 assumed it to be. There seems to be a groundswell of public opinion F12 143 saying, "We can't live this way. We must change." F12 144 Future issues will look at things like the question of marriage F12 145 versus cohabitation in Sweden, the work ethic in Japan, and values F12 146 education in Ukraine.

F12 147 Of course, we could wait until the twenty-first century, and F12 148 then we could read the results of these ethical changes in the F12 149 economic and social data. Or we can get at them now and begin to F12 150 track the values shifts that are already occurring. Why is that F12 151 important? Because any meaningful social and political and economic F12 152 change is preceded by a change in values. If we want to devote our F12 153 energies to looking into the changes that are most going to dictate F12 154 the future, we must look at the questions of ethics in the F12 155 twenty-first century.

F12 156 One thing seems clear: We will not survive the twenty-first F12 157 century with the twentieth century's ethics. The dangers are simply F12 158 too great - and the ethical barometer is simply too low.

F12 159 F12 160 Business in the 21st Century

F12 161 By Edith Weiner

F12 162 Businesses must master the 'forgetting curve' to cope with new F12 163 challenges such as environmentalism and an emerging 'cyberpunk' F12 164 society.

F12 165 Some years ago, I saw a marvelous cartoon depicting an alien F12 166 spaceship that had been observing life on Earth. The alien scouts F12 167 reported the following conclusions: Earth is inhabited by metallic F12 168 creatures called cars, and each car owns at least one two-legged F12 169 slave who cares for it. Each morning, the slave goes outside its F12 170 home and wakes up the car. The car is taken for its nourishment to F12 171 what is called a gas station, and then it goes to its social club F12 172 to be with other cars. The club is called a parking lot. Meanwhile, F12 173 the slave goes to work to earn money to take care of the car. At F12 174 the end of the slave's work day, the car bids farewell to its F12 175 friends at the parking lot and the slave takes it back to its home. F12 176 On days when the slave is not making money for the car, it washes F12 177 the car, or takes it for a drive and shows it a lot of different F12 178 places.

F12 179 This cartoon cleverly points out that, viewed by new eyes, F12 180 alien eyes, the world can be interpreted in very different ways. F12 181 Businesses that hope to thrive in the next decade and beyond must F12 182 seek out new perspectives. Too many enterprises are currently based F12 183 on outdated interpretations of the world, its inhabitants, its F12 184 social structures, and the ways that markets behave.

F12 185 Pretend for a moment that we are aliens - that we are not F12 186 loaded down with the baggage of memory, of experience, of F12 187 preconceived ideas about what is and what should be.

F12 188 Suppose we were to invent the financial-services sector today, F12 189 from scratch. This sector includes life insurance, disability F12 190 insurance, pensions, and savings and investment vehicles. What do F12 191 we see with our new eyes? We observe the huge numbers of working F12 192 women, and particularly single or divorced working mothers, and we F12 193 see the enormous numbers of women who outlive men in their very old F12 194 years. We also see many more women taking care of disabled men than F12 195 men taking care of disabled women. Thus, we conclude that the F12 196 primary market for all forms of financial services should be women, F12 197 and we start from there. The reality is, however, that the modern F12 198 financial-services business grew up over the course of 200 years F12 199 and evolved with a male-oriented market; only in the past 20 years F12 200 has it begun to recognize women as a serious market.

F12 201 Mastering the Forgetting Curve

F12 202 Let's look at retailing. F12 203 F12 204 F13 1 <#FROWN:F13\>Vaccination programs, procedures for producing F13 2 top quality pullets

F13 3 The purposes and methods of vaccination programs for pullets F13 4 are explained along with blood test results for evaluations.

F13 5 By George D. Boggan, V.M.D.

F13 6 Vaccinations of poultry flocks are carried out with the F13 7 intention to prevent serious disease outbreaks. Properly F13 8 administered, vaccinations help the chicken's immune system to F13 9 produce antibodies that greatly reduce or eliminate the chances of F13 10 disease. A proper vaccination is a relatively harmless and F13 11 inexpensive method of disease control and prevention. Vaccinations F13 12 also go a long way toward eliminating the spread of more virulent F13 13 forms of disease.

F13 14 How vaccinations work

F13 15 The mechanisms of action for most viral vaccines depends on the F13 16 normal immune system of the chicken. The goal of vaccination is to F13 17 fool the bird's immune system into believing that there has been an F13 18 actual viral exposure to a disease-causing virus. This process is F13 19 achieved by vaccinating with extremely mild 'avirulent' strains of F13 20 the virus or by using a virus which has been inactivated (killed). F13 21 In both situations, the bird's body recognizes the virus, or F13 22 antigen, and starts producing the appropriate antibodies to fight F13 23 off the infection.

F13 24 Antibody continues to be produced until the vaccine virus has F13 25 been completely inactivated or overwhelmed. The result of this F13 26 stimulation is the production of a reserve pool of F13 27 anti-bodies that is capable of immediate response in the F13 28 event of re-exposure to the same virus or the disease-causing agent F13 29 in this case.

F13 30 With time, however, antibody levels will naturally decline so F13 31 it is necessary to restimulate or boost the immune system with F13 32 subsequent vaccinations. The goal of maintaining the high antibody F13 33 levels (titers) is to allow a very quick immune response in the F13 34 event of a field exposure and subsequently resist infection.

F13 35 Inactivated or killed vaccines stimulate immunity even though F13 36 the killed virus cannot multiply. Since the killed virus is unable F13 37 to reproduce itself, a large amount of it must be present along F13 38 with an adjuvant (usually an oil emulsion). After administration of F13 39 the killed vaccine, some of the rival antigen causes an initial F13 40 immune response. The adjuvant then releases the remainder of the F13 41 antigen over a long period of time to allow the immune response to F13 42 continue.

F13 43 It should be noted that killed vaccines normally require a F13 44 'priming' or prior administration of a live vaccine for the disease F13 45 you are vaccinating against.

F13 46 Vaccination factors

F13 47 It is important to remember that vaccination is only one aspect F13 48 of disease prevention and should be used in conjunction with F13 49 optimal biosecurity, sanitation and good management and husbandry F13 50 practices. Care should also be exercised to avoid introducing live F13 51 vaccine viruses to areas where a particular disease problem is not F13 52 known to occur. Likewise, indiscriminate use of antibiotics and F13 53 drugs should be avoided. Vaccination schedules and disease control F13 54 programs should always be designed under the direction of a F13 55 qualified poultry veterinarian familiar with the disease problems F13 56 in your area.

F13 57 Your vaccination program must protect your flocks from diseases F13 58 that are common to your area. In many cases, these diseases would F13 59 include Marek's, IBD, Newcastle, bronchitis, and AE. However, this F13 60 situation varies between localities. For this reason, blanket F13 61 recommendations for vaccination programs are ill advised and F13 62 impractical.

F13 63 There are several basics on which to build your vaccination F13 64 programs. You must know the immune status or serology of the parent F13 65 stock from which your birds were hatched. This is an especially F13 66 important point in regards to IBD as we shall see later in this F13 67 discussion.

F13 68 Timing of vaccinations is also very important. We must view F13 69 vaccination as a stress on the flock. Thus, the stress of F13 70 vaccination should not be combined with other stresses such as beak F13 71 trimming or moving. We should also realize that in some cases F13 72 parental immunity may not dissipate until two to four weeks after F13 73 hatching. If vaccines (especially attenuated ones) are given while F13 74 strong parental immunity is still present the effectiveness of the F13 75 vaccination will be significantly reduced. In fact, it may not even F13 76 give the desired effect.

F13 77 Also, the age at which a flock is exposed to a certain disease F13 78 can be a determining factor. For example, chicks could be exposed F13 79 to fowl pox as soon as they arrive at the brooder house, making a F13 80 pox vaccination at the hatchery necessary.

F13 81 As with many products, it is important to always follow label F13 82 directions when using vaccines. Never try to 'stretch' or dilute F13 83 the vaccine. You should always strive to use one dose of vaccine F13 84 per bird. Anything less can be considered as 'penny wise and pound F13 85 foolish.' Finally, always vaccinate an entire house on the same F13 86 day.

F13 87 Once vaccination has been completed, destroy and discard all F13 88 empty vaccine bottles, caps, and unused vaccine. These materials F13 89 should never be left where there is a danger of chickens or people F13 90 coming in contact with them.

F13 91 Vaccination records

F13 92 Detailed record keeping plays an important part in a sound F13 93 vaccination program.

F13 94 Vaccination records should include:

F13 95 1. The disease the flock was vaccinated for.

F13 96 2. Method of administration (i.e., water, spray, wing web, F13 97 intraocular, injection, etc.).

F13 98 3. Quantity of doses used and the number of birds F13 99 vaccinated.

F13 100 4. Serial number and expiration date of the lot of vaccine F13 101 used. (Never use any vaccine beyond its expiration date as its F13 102 potency will be impaired and it may not produce the desired F13 103 effect.)

F13 104 5. Where the vaccine was purchased.

F13 105 6. Date and time of vaccination.

F13 106 7. The age of the flock.

F13 107 8. The flock's strain and/or breed.

F13 108 9. Farm and house numbers.

F13 109 10. Names of the people who performed the vaccination.

F13 110 11. Any reactions to the vaccination that have been F13 111 observed.

F13 112 All of this information will be especially useful in F13 113 troubleshooting any health problems that may arise.

F13 114 Emphasis on IBD

F13 115 A key to the effectiveness of your vaccination program is the F13 116 successful control of IBD or Gumboro disease. An outbreak of IBD F13 117 will severely damage the immune system of susceptible chicks. As a F13 118 consequence, IBD infected chicks won't respond properly to F13 119 vaccinations for other diseases. Egg producers should be especially F13 120 mindful of controlling IBD as this disease is generally more F13 121 serious in layers than it is in broilers. The point to keep in mind F13 122 above all is that prevention of IBD is a must, because attempting F13 123 to treat it will prove futile.

F13 124 There are several steps to producing immunity to IBD. The F13 125 process of achieving immunity in the offspring actually begins with F13 126 the parent flock. To protect their offspring, the breeders should F13 127 be vaccinated at approximately 18 weeks of age with a killed oil F13 128 emulsion vaccine. When such a vaccination is properly administered F13 129 to the breeder flock, it will produce a high level of antibodies. F13 130 This then provides for the passive transfer of maternal antibodies F13 131 to the chick. These maternal antibodies are essential to the F13 132 prevention of early IBD infections. Chicks from well immunized F13 133 breeders may resist these early infections for two to four F13 134 weeks.

F13 135 Even with the presence of maternal antibodies, this is just one F13 136 step in establishing an IBD resistant flock. It is also important F13 137 to provide good sanitation in the brooder house as a means of F13 138 reducing the level of IBD infection.

F13 139 As the chick's maternal antibodies begin to decline, we must F13 140 address the question of IBD vaccination for our young flock. The F13 141 vaccine to be used must be strong enough to overcome any residual F13 142 maternal antibodies, so a more attenuated vaccine may not be F13 143 effective. Therefore, it is important to wait until the point is F13 144 reached where the vaccine can overcome the maternal antibodies. In F13 145 most cases, this will occur at about three weeks of age. After the F13 146 dissipation of the maternal antibodies, vaccination with a live F13 147 virus IBD vaccine by way of drinking water or the intraocular route F13 148 is the best method of developing immunity in young chicks.

F13 149 Marek's disease

F13 150 For purposes of this discussion, let's assume that the Marek's F13 151 disease vaccination has been executed properly at the hatchery. F13 152 However, even when chicks have been vaccinated properly for F13 153 Marek's, the possibility of an out-break still exists.

F13 154 The trick to preventing Marek's out-breaks is to avoid F13 155 early exposure of the chicks to the Marek's virus. The first step F13 156 is to clean and disinfect the brooder house before the chicks F13 157 arrive. It is especially important to ensure that all dust and F13 158 dander be removed as the Marek's virus can survive for years in F13 159 this material. Single age brooding and strict biosecurity at the F13 160 brooder farm or complex will aid greatly in preventing Marek's F13 161 problems. Generally, careful sanitation and management in the early F13 162 stages of the flock's life will reduce the chances of a Marek's F13 163 infection.

F13 164 Water vaccination

F13 165 Water vaccination involves live virus vaccines, is fast and F13 166 cost effective, but may be the least reliable form. The major F13 167 points to successful water vaccination are proper distribution of F13 168 the vaccine and preventing the inactivation of the virus in the F13 169 vaccine.

F13 170 To avoid inactivation of the virus, store the vaccine F13 171 containers in a refrigerator at 45 degrees F (7 degrees C) until F13 172 ready to use. Vaccine containers shouldn't be exposed to heat or F13 173 left in the direct rays of the sun. Knowing the status of your F13 174 water quality in respect to hardness, pH, organic matter, heavy F13 175 metals, and chlorine content is also important. Powdered milk added F13 176 to the vaccine solution will act as a buffer against the materials F13 177 that may reduce the potency of the vaccine. Once the vaccine has F13 178 been prepared, it should be given to the flock within one hour. All F13 179 drinking vessels should be clean before the vaccine solution is F13 180 added.

F13 181 Spray vaccination

F13 182 Application by spray has replaced water vaccination in some F13 183 instances. Spray vaccination can be more effective than water F13 184 application provided it is executed correctly.

F13 185 The spray vaccine should be placed in a clean container that is F13 186 used only for vaccine application. The container should not be used F13 187 for other applications such as spraying pesticides. In addition, F13 188 the vaccine container should never <}_><-|>the<+|>be<}/> cleaned F13 189 with a sanitizer or possible damage to the vaccine may result. Be F13 190 sure to use a spray that produces the particle or droplet size F13 191 recommended for the particular vaccine.

F13 192 Close up the house for 20 to 30 minutes during and after a F13 193 spray vaccination to prevent the mist from escaping before it can F13 194 be inhaled by the birds. Of course, in very hot weather, the F13 195 duration of this closing will have to be lessened.

F13 196 Before mixing the vaccine, plan one dose per bird and use F13 197 approximately 120-130 cc's of distilled water per 1,000 doses of F13 198 vaccine. It is important that distilled water be used to avoid F13 199 impairing the potency of the vaccine. Spray the mist just above the F13 200 birds' heads and be sure to cover the entire house. For best F13 201 results, precede a spray vaccination by about three weeks with a F13 202 water vaccination for the same disease.

F13 203 Intraocular and intranasal

F13 204 These two vaccination applications can be very effective. F13 205 However, these are very time and labor intensive and experienced F13 206 crews are required for best results. The same precautions that F13 207 apply to other vaccination methods should be followed. Some F13 208 intraocular vaccines are supplied with their own diluent and this F13 209 is what should be used when preparing these vaccines.

F13 210 Each bird must be handled and no bird should be released until F13 211 it is certain that it has received its dose of vaccine. This can be F13 212 confirmed when the drop of vaccine disappears into the bird's eye F13 213 or into the nostril, as the case may be.

F13 214 Wing web vaccination

F13 215 Wing web vaccination is used mainly for fowl pox but can be F13 216 used for avian encephalomyelitis (AE) (in combination with fowl or F13 217 pigeon pox), reovirus or live fowl cholera vaccines.

F13 218 Always use the applicator needles that come with the vaccine F13 219 package. These applicators will have been sized properly by the F13 220 vaccine manufacturer for the job intended. Ensure that the F13 221 applicator needles remain clean. Avoid letting the applicators F13 222 contact dirty surfaces or contamination may result. To prevent F13 223 contamination of mixture, don't dip the applicator handle or other F13 224 foreign objects into the vaccine.

F13 225 Never allow pox vaccines to touch the eyes, mouth or feathers F13 226 of the birds as this may result in a case of wet pox. F13 227 F13 228 F13 229 F14 1 <#FROWN:F14\>The Burial Society

F14 2 By Daniel E. Troy

F14 3 IT IS a truism that we moderns are uncomfortable dealing with F14 4 death - and especially uncomfortable dealing with dead bodies. F14 5 Troubled by the very idea of our own mortality, we try to avoid its F14 6 reminders, among which an actual dead person is certainly the most F14 7 powerful. So it is no wonder that among modern Jews, knowledge of, F14 8 and interest in, the hevra kedisha (literally, F14 9 holy society) - the group of lay volunteers who prepare a Jewish F14 10 body for burial - has declined over time, or that membership in F14 11 such a society, although considered by Jewish religious law to be F14 12 among the most laudable of activities, is now often thought to be F14 13 exclusively the province of the black-garbed ultra-Orthodox.

F14 14 This is unfortunate, because Jewish law relating to the newly F14 15 dead has much to teach us, as I myself have learned from F14 16 experience. Ever since my best and oldest childhood friend died F14 17 suddenly eight years ago, my interest had been piqued by the F14 18 hevra kedisha. Until I married, however, my F14 19 inclination to join such a group was dampened by my general F14 20 squeamishness concerning medical matters, as well as by my F14 21 uncertainty about the level of religious observance required for F14 22 membership. (Although I attend an Orthodox synagogue, keep kosher, F14 23 and observe the Sabbath, I do not adhere to every jot and tittle of F14 24 Jewish law.)

F14 25 My wife's family, however, holds membership in the F14 26 hevra in high regard. Her maternal grandfather F14 27 participated in one in Germany, and her maternal grandmother was a F14 28 member in Kansas City. (Men are allowed to attend only to dead men. F14 29 Women technically are permitted to prepare both men and women for F14 30 burial but, as a practical matter, women attend to women F14 31 exclusively.) This heritage provided the impetus I needed, and thus F14 32 one day I found myself volunteering on what I told myself was F14 33 purely a trial basis. The rabbi assured me that one need not be a F14 34 tzaddik - an especially righteous person - to join, only F14 35 a committed Jew willing to do his best.

F14 36 This tolerant approach may reflect the relatively late F14 37 development of the shevra kedisha as an F14 38 organized institution. The earliest mention is in the Talmud, which F14 39 reports that Rav Hamnuna (ca. 290-320 C.E), arriving in a city F14 40 where someone had recently died, observed the inhabitants going F14 41 about their business. Irate, he threatened to excommunicate them F14 42 for violating the injection that burial of the dead takes F14 43 precedence over all else. But then, upon hearing that burial F14 44 societies existed in the town, Rav Hamnuna concluded that ordinary F14 45 citizens were indeed permitted to continue work. Rav Hamnuna's F14 46 ruling made the establishment of a hevra F14 47 kedisha a top priority in most European communities. When F14 48 Jews came to the United States, this was among the first F14 49 institutions they established.

F14 50 In Washington, where I live, many synagogues have their own F14 51 hevra, contacted when a member of the community dies. F14 52 Thus, a few weeks after my conversation with the rabbi, I was F14 53 called upon to assist in my first tahara, or F14 54 purification. When I arrived at the funeral parlor, I was told that F14 55 the sixtyish man we were to prepare for burial weighed over 350 F14 56 pounds, and had died of 'chronic obesity.' I guiltily squelched an F14 57 adolescent urge to grin, and was doubly chastened as I watched Ben, F14 58 our team leader, a physician in his early thirties, call around F14 59 asking for a few more volunteers to help us deal with the F14 60 difficulties created by the weight of the met (dead F14 61 person). His tone in discussing the met was intensely F14 62 respectful, and this set the stage for what I was to learn was the F14 63 paramount directive in this experience: to show reverence for the F14 64 person who has departed.

F14 65 Judaism has always considered burying deceased loved ones to be F14 66 a mitzvah, a religious duty and good deed, of supreme F14 67 importance. Traditionally this view is based on Abraham's actions F14 68 upon the death of his wife Sarah, when he turned to the neighboring F14 69 sons of Heth and said, "A stranger and a sojourner am I F14 70 with you; give me the possession of a burying place with you, that F14 71 I may bury my dead from before me." This verse, the rabbis F14 72 held, placed the responsibility for internment first on the family, F14 73 and from there on the community as a whole. By the period of the F14 74 Second Temple (ca. 465 BCE.-70 C.E.), according to the testimony of F14 75 Josephus, to "let anyone lie unburied" was F14 76 considered inhumane under Jewish law.

F14 77 Jews try to bury their dead immediately, as befits a people F14 78 whose origins were in the desert, where bodies decompose rapidly. F14 79 The rabbinic teaching is that, unless necessary for the honor of F14 80 the dead, "no corpse is to remain unburied F14 81 overnight." Today, in most cases, a Jew is buried within a F14 82 day after having died. This custom allows the family to begin F14 83 coming to terms with the loss as soon as possible. Anyone who has F14 84 experienced the death of a loved one knows that the time before F14 85 burial is essentially a period of 'limbo' (in Jewish tradition this F14 86 condition is called aninut), and that only after the F14 87 funeral can a family proceed with the difficult task of F14 88 mourning.

F14 89 AS WE walked to the room in the basement of the funeral parlor F14 90 where we were to perform the tahara, we passed the F14 91 shomer, or watcher, a man who stays with the recently F14 92 deceased at all times. There are both practical and religious F14 93 explanations for the constant presence of a shomer - as F14 94 there are, incidentally, for most of the hevra's ancient F14 95 procedures. Practically, the shomer was originally needed F14 96 to ward off mice and other animals that might inflict indignities F14 97 on the corpse. He also may have helped guard against thieves who F14 98 trafficked in dead bodies.

F14 99 Today, when such considerations are less pressing, the F14 100 shomer continues to serve a vital function. In the F14 101 interval right after death and before burial, the deceased is F14 102 especially vulnerable, having not yet reached a permanent 'resting F14 103 place' either in body or, so far as we know, in soul. (I well F14 104 recall that when my friend died, his mother begged me to ensure F14 105 that he was "not alone"; she did not want any further harm F14 106 to befall his mortal remains.) The hevra has thus F14 107 traditionally served to reassure the family that their loved one is F14 108 being protected and cared for, a function reinforced by the custom F14 109 of having the shomer be a respected and, presumably, F14 110 well-known member of the community.

F14 111 But this concern about the 'address' of the newly dead is not F14 112 solely for the sake of the surviving family. (Nor is it exclusively F14 113 Jewish, as we can see in the proliferation of lawsuits against F14 114 funeral parlors which confuse or switch bodies.) Judaism's regard F14 115 for the body itself lies behind the determination to ensure that F14 116 it, in its wholeness, be accorded a place after death. This is but F14 117 one of the many reasons why Jewish law prohibits cremation. Aside F14 118 from manifesting a disregard for God's handiwork, incinerating a F14 119 body leaves it without any definable, knowable location in the F14 120 world.

F14 121 Although I was aware of some of these Jewish laws and customs F14 122 concerning the body, I had never seen a dead person before. I was F14 123 therefore quite fearful as I followed Ben and the four other F14 124 members of our team down to the purification room in the funeral F14 125 room. The room in which the tahara took place was in the F14 126 basement, immediately adjacent to the embalming room. It was stark F14 127 and relatively small, with two sinks, a cabinet, a drain in the F14 128 middle of the floor, and a steel table that tilted for drainage F14 129 purposes. Ben noticed my trepidation and reassured me: nothing was F14 130 expected of a beginner other than to watch. I was free to do only F14 131 what I felt comfortable doing and to leave any time I wanted. Ben F14 132 warned us that smoking, eating, drinking, unnecessary talking and F14 133 praying near the body were all forbidden. Nothing was to distract F14 134 us from the primary task at hand - preparing the met for F14 135 eternal rest.

F14 136 We entered the room, and there was the met, covered F14 137 in a sheet, lying on a table. Ben explained the fundamental rules. F14 138 As much of the body as possible is to be kept covered at all times, F14 139 even while being washed. It is particularly important that the face F14 140 and the genitals be shielded. At no time is it permitted to place F14 141 the body face down. It is absolutely forbidden to pass anything F14 142 over the body - a sign of profound disrespect, and a violation of F14 143 the 'personal space' of the met; if we had to give an F14 144 item to someone on the other side of the table, we were to walk F14 145 around and hand it to him.

F14 146 The prohibition against passing objects over the met F14 147 affirms the humanity of the person whose body is lying before us; F14 148 it seeks to ensure that the members of the hevra continue F14 149 to accord a dead person the respect normally given to those still F14 150 alive. This consideration is by no means peculiar to Jews: for F14 151 essentially the same reasons, people visiting a cemetery are F14 152 reluctant to step directly on the spot where someone is buried. But F14 153 in Jewish tradition the space above a met is reserved for F14 154 him not only in the immediate vicinity but all the way "up F14 155 to the heavens," so that his path to the divine will not be F14 156 impeded. This suggests that we should respect a dead person even F14 157 more than we do a living one, precisely because, in death, the F14 158 met is thought to come face to face with his Maker and F14 159 Judge.

F14 160 After Ben's explanation of the procedures, we began by reciting F14 161 the hamol ('forgiveness') prayer, which asks God to take F14 162 mercy on the met, pardon his transgressions, and allow F14 163 him to rest with our fathers Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, as well as F14 164 the other righteous of Israel. Jewish prayers often characterize F14 165 God as the reviver of the dead (in the time of the messiah); F14 166 unusually, the hamol prayer adds that it is God Who F14 167 causes the living to die.

F14 168 Stealing glances during the prayer, I was surprised to observe F14 169 that the met had a large tatoo. Since Jews are expressly F14 170 forbidden by the Torah to tatoo their bodies, it seemed that this F14 171 man had been far removed from Judaism in his life. And the distance F14 172 became even more palpable when I heard his name - Yehudah F14 173 ben (son of) Herman. In other words, Yehudah's family did F14 174 not even know his father's Hebrew name. Yet here he was, tatoo and F14 175 all, being prepared for burial just as his ancestors had been for F14 176 millennia. The stark contrast between Yehudah's apparently F14 177 irreligious life and his choice to be buried in the ancient Jewish F14 178 manner, in a shroud and in a closed, plain pine box, moved and F14 179 confused me.

F14 180 BEN assigned me the simple task of filling buckets with F14 181 lukewarm water. The requirement that the water be set at the F14 182 temperature at which most people feel comfortable taking a bath F14 183 seemed yet another reminder that the met should be F14 184 treated as sensitively as possible. Ben explained that the goal in F14 185 a tahara is to replicate the immersion of the body in a F14 186 mikvah (ritual bath). There are, again, at least two F14 187 reasons for this ceremony. The first is ritual: to remove F14 188 symbolically any impurity which the met might have F14 189 brought upon himself during his lifetime. Humans can assist in F14 190 eliminating this type of pollution, because it has arisen at the F14 191 hand of man - i.e., the deceased. (The inherent impurity that comes F14 192 from being a dead body, however, can be removed only by God.) The F14 193 other reason is related to the vulnerability of the newly dead and F14 194 the role of the shomer. Death completes the cycle of F14 195 life. Practically the first experience of a baby is being washed F14 196 and wrapped in swaddling clothes. It is fitting that this F14 197 experience be mirrored in death.

F14 198 Performing the tahara is uncomplicated. First, the F14 199 entire body is fully washed, from head to toe, with water poured F14 200 from a ladle back-handed, to indicate the sadness of the situation F14 201 and that things are not 'normal.' F14 202 F14 203 F15 1 <#FROWN:F15\>IN THE WORLD OF OLD-BOY POLITICS, THIS WOMAN F15 2 CALLS THE SHOTS

F15 3 THE MATALIN FACTOR

F15 4 BUSH'S SECRET WEAPON

F15 5 In college, the girls would have called her a 'smart chick'; in F15 6 politics, the boys would say she's 'a guy's kind of girl'; in a F15 7 tough election year, she's exactly the person George Bush needs on F15 8 his side.

F15 9 "There's a little to-do about all this woman F15 10 stuff," concedes Mary Matalin, aware that her role as F15 11 national political director for the Bush campaign makes her not F15 12 only the top woman on the president's re-election team but also a F15 13 'peg' for the media. She is, in fact, a rare species in politics: a F15 14 woman who knows how a familiar story will get played out; a F15 15 behind-the-scenes force who comes quickly to the point. "It F15 16 doesn't matter if you're a Martian," she says of her F15 17 position, "as long as you perform."

F15 18 Matalin is sitting in her Washington office, in a swivel chair, F15 19 wearing a dark-green wool dress; the phone rings F15 20 constantly; her assistant Lisa Greenspan, reports on developments F15 21 in the South; her return-call list gets longer; and George Bush, F15 22 Jr., is arriving in an hour. Matalin calls, "Hey, Lisa? F15 23 Does Junior have a phone in his office?" Junior is one of F15 24 Matalin's closest allies - and his father's familiar F15 25 troubleshooter. "I only talk to Junior 17 times a F15 26 day," she says wryly, "but this is his first foray F15 27 into town. We're so bunked-in over here, there's not even a F15 28 cubbyhole for him."

F15 29 To listen to Matalin is to hear the voice of someone who came F15 30 out of the Midwest, who is happier in jeans than a dress, and who, F15 31 by some instinctive apprehension of the rudiments of old-boy F15 32 politics, figured out how to move within the system, rather than F15 33 oppose it solely on the assumption that power might be a white male F15 34 thing, and so, beyond her reach. That she might hit the glass F15 35 ceiling does not seem to have occurred to her.

F15 36 "For as long as I've worked, which is since age 11, F15 37 I've never liked the notion of anything coming to someone because F15 38 of gender. It's degrading to the recipient," says Matalin, F15 39 who is 38. "I don't come to the table with 'the woman's F15 40 point of view.' I come from a blue-collar family on the south side F15 41 of Chicago. And nobody at the table comes from what I thought F15 42 Republicans were."

F15 43 Indeed, in Matalin, the men in the Bush campaign may have found F15 44 their secret weapon: a woman whose candor deflects stereotypes of F15 45 nerdy Republicans; whose gut instincts for politics are so close to F15 46 the surface that she reacts decisively; and whose opinions, style, F15 47 and wit amount to a breath of fresh air in a hot-winded horse race. F15 48 "She has," says Tony Snow, a White House speech F15 49 writer, "a great b.s. meter."

F15 50 In early March, it's on full alert. Greenspan sticks her head F15 51 in the door, bringing primary news from one of the southern states. F15 52 Matalin frowns. "I need somebody in headquarters who has F15 53 two brain cells to rub together." She reaches for a F15 54 Marlboro Light.

F15 55 Since New Hampshire, the media has dogged the Bush camp with F15 56 criticism that its organization and ads have produced lackluster F15 57 primary results. "Today, for instance, I'm trying to F15 58 explain that 13,000 out of 199,000 Republicans voted for an F15 59 uncommitted slate of delegates," says Matalin on the F15 60 morning after the South Dakota primary. "This isn't a F15 61 lackluster performance. We have more than 200 delegates; Buchanan F15 62 has nine. Next week it's winner-take-all in four of the eight F15 63 states," she says, referring to Super Tuesday. F15 64 "What are we doing here? We're counting F15 65 delegates."

F15 66 It the media sees it differently, Matalin understands, having F15 67 weathered the 1988 campaign, when she organized the GOP's state-by F15 68 state 'ground war' of voter turnout - and having been the subject F15 69 herself of stories about her romance with James Carville, a F15 70 consultant to Governor Bill Clinton. Political reporters, she says, F15 71 "always pick out their Bruce Babbitt. They've already F15 72 picked out Clinton. They can always fall back on blind sources, as F15 73 in 'sources close to the president said.' They could be talking to F15 74 Millie the dog. So we know what kind of environment we're in. But F15 75 it's frustrating because I know the mechanics, and I know we're F15 76 winning."

F15 77 It's the mechanics - the nuts and bolts of campaigning - that F15 78 define her interest in politics. "What I have is the F15 79 ability to keep a lot of plates spinning," she explains. F15 80 That's a neat way of saying that when a campaign director in F15 81 Michigan has a problem or when Junior needs a solid opinion, they F15 82 call Matalin. "Politics always operates on the squeaky F15 83 hinge theory," she admits. "Whoever gets to me F15 84 first gets the job done."

F15 85 But if there's one thing she learned from her mentor, the late F15 86 Lee Atwater - campaign manager for Bush '88 - it is to spread the F15 87 power around to her staff. "I don't want to hear about a F15 88 problem unless there's blood on the floor," she says. F15 89 "And we've all worked together long enough to know the F15 90 difference between blood and a hang nail."

F15 91 Maybe what Matalin brings to the Bush camp is levity. She grew F15 92 up first near Chicago's 93rd and Commercial, later in suburban F15 93 Burnham; her mother was a Democrat in the Kennedy-Roosevelt F15 94 tradition and her father, the son of Yugoslavian immigrants, was a F15 95 "sort of anarchist-libertarian" who worked his way F15 96 up to superintendent at U.S. Steel - Matalin herself worked there F15 97 during school breaks. " I understand the language of real F15 98 people," she says. "If you read The New York F15 99 Times or The Washington Post every day, you get F15 100 sucked into the rhetoric of economics. But real people don't talk F15 101 about capital gains. They want to know what it means if they sell F15 102 their houses."

F15 103 Distrustful of big government, Matalin says it was her family's F15 104 work ethic that attracted her to the GOP. "Not to be corny, F15 105 but I believe in the notion of individual responsibility," F15 106 she says. And so, in 1980, while in graduate school, she took her F15 107 first crack at politics in the Illinois Senate race, working for F15 108 Republican David E. O'Neal. O'Neal lost but Matalin met the first F15 109 of several mentors, Maxene Fernstrom, then O'Neal's campaign F15 110 manager. "She is a great woman and a killer at F15 111 politics," says Matalin. It was Fernstrom, now a small F15 112 business consultant, who got Matalin a job in Washington at the F15 113 Republican National Committee (RNC). Two years later Matalin was F15 114 made executive assistant to Rich Bond, then deputy chairman of the F15 115 RNC. "I liked the cut of her jib," observes Bond, F15 116 now RNC chairman. "Mary can be charming. Mary can be F15 117 tough." Or, as Tony Snow says, "She is at her best F15 118 when things are going fast and you need quick F15 119 decisions."

F15 120 Perhaps no event defines Matalin's career better than the 1988 F15 121 Michigan caucuses, when Bush nearly lost to Pat Robertson. F15 122 "She stayed in Lansing for months," says Governor F15 123 John Engler. "She was the link between Michigan and F15 124 Washington." Michigan was also the unlikely beginning of F15 125 her deep friendship with Atwater - unlikely because Bond and F15 126 Atwater did not see eye-to-eye, and Matalin was Bond's deputy. F15 127 "But Michigan turned into such a Beirut, Lee had to talk to F15 128 me," she recalls. "We just clicked."

F15 129 In listening to Matalin, one develops a sense of how politics F15 130 works; that it isn't strictly about numbers and delegates but F15 131 loyalty, raillery - and something close to passion. In Atwater, F15 132 Matalin found her opposite and her mirror image. "He was F15 133 this wacky, iconoclastic guy," she says. "He loved F15 134 music and books... " She pauses. "I have never met, F15 135 and never will, a person who can crystalize human nature in a F15 136 phrase like he could."

F15 137 In Carville, another flamboyant Southerner, Matalin found F15 138 someone who spoke her language. Unfortunately, their bipartisan F15 139 romance - now on hold - provoked intense curiosity in the press. F15 140 Several articles suggested Matalin's involvement with Carville F15 141 posed a liability to the Bush campaign. "It's demeaning F15 142 that the authors of these stories professed to be writing them F15 143 because they thought I was getting pressured [into cooling the F15 144 relationship], which was untrue," says Matalin hotly. F15 145 "Yet they all cast me as a victimized female. And on a F15 146 personal level, it's nobody's damn business."

F15 147 In any event, she now has other things to worry about, not the F15 148 least of which is getting Bush re-elected. But if Matalins' F15 149 days extend into nights, if her pulse quickens on caffeine and F15 150 conflict, she has also begun to ponder what to do after the F15 151 campaign. "I've only thought this: that it's time to think F15 152 about it," she says. "About things I might have F15 153 considered sooner, like having kids and finding a real F15 154 man." She dismisses the notion that her job is preparing F15 155 her for a new role in government. "I know a lot of people F15 156 and I've got a gut. What does that prepare me for?" she F15 157 asks. "To have to wear panty-hose every day, put on F15 158 a dress, and set my hair..." She laughs. "That kind F15 159 of structure is too unproductive for me. My all-time favorite F15 160 position was my first field job, when I could sit at home in jeans, F15 161 smoke cigarettes, drink coffee, and just work the phone." F15 162 Somehow, she is not entirely believable. "Mary," F15 163 says Fernstrom, "is prepared for anything." F15 164 F15 165 PICASSO'S STILL CENTER

F15 166 DOMESTIC PLEASURES FROM THE GREAT MASTER. A MAJOR EXHIBITION F15 167 REVEALS THE PAINTER'S MANY MOODS.

F15 168 The cabbie driving me into Cleveland on a dank February F15 169 afternoon asked what I was in town for, and I said a show at the F15 170 Cleveland Museum of Art of Pablo Picasso's still lifes ('Picasso & F15 171 Things,' now at the Philadelphia Museum of Art through August and F15 172 to open at the Grand Palais in Paris in September). "I F15 173 gotta see them!" the cabbie said. "Those are what F15 174 he did before he went crazy, right?"

F15 175 Everybody in the world knows Picasso, though some might get his F15 176 myth cross-wired with Vincent Van Gogh's and construe 'still life' F15 177 as a type of art that is precariously levelheaded. I relayed the F15 178 remark to Jean Sutherland Boggs, the exhibition's main curator and F15 179 the author of its majestic catalog. "I hope you told him F15 180 Picasso was always crazy," she said, smiling. Yet another F15 181 cabbie during my three freezing days in Cleveland, which I spent F15 182 attending an international symposium convened for the occasion, F15 183 declared that he, too, would make a point of seeing the show. Why? F15 184 "Picasso is part of history," he explained solemnly F15 185 as we drove through falling snow.

F15 186 Picasso! Right up there with the Statue of Liberty and the F15 187 Eiffel Tower as a monument and must-see. Picasso, the 20th F15 188 century's other mascot genius, with Albert Einstein. Picasso, F15 189 "that great and proprietary Spaniard" - as art F15 190 historian Robert Rosenblum termed him in his lecture - who could F15 191 seem to consume most of modern art's oxygen, leaving other artists F15 192 gasping. Picasso, the Zeus-like lady-killer whose love life F15 193 retrospectively remains as exciting to gossip about as that of any F15 194 current Hollywood rou<*_>e-acute<*/>. Picasso, the academic F15 195 industry summoning busy scholars to freezing Ohio.

F15 196 John Richardson was on hand. Friend of the artist and singular F15 197 scholar-raconteur, fresh from the triumph of the first volume of F15 198 his projected four-volume biography, A Life of Picasso F15 199 (Random House). Richardson begged off giving a lecture, but his F15 200 presence lent some stardust to the proceedings. Eager professors F15 201 queried him about volume two. It is roughly half done, Richardson F15 202 said wearily, plainly daunted by the life sentence this mammoth F15 203 work has become for him.

F15 204 In the symposium, one professor related Picasso's Surrealist F15 205 period to academic theorists' latest fashion, the apocalyptic sex F15 206 and death thematics of Georges Bataille, the late French author of F15 207 Literature and Evil. It was heavy sledding, as was F15 208 another scholar's strenuous attempt to impute radical political F15 209 content to the self-absorbed anarchism of Picasso in the F15 210 years leading to cubism. Academe is academe, equal to muffling the F15 211 liveliest material. In context, flamboyant philosopher Lydia F15 212 Gasman's ecstatic speculations were refreshing.

F15 213 Curator Boggs told a suddenly captivated audience that Picasso F15 214 loved to watch professional wrestling on television.

F15 215 The legacy of Picasso is so intimidatingly grand that many of F15 216 us enjoy making light of him when not subjecting him to high-handed F15 217 analysis - but then we are back looking at his work and the game is F15 218 up. F15 219 F15 220 F16 1 <#FROWN:F16\>Coming Back To Religion:

F16 2 What It Can Add to Your Life

F16 3 BY DAN WAKEFIELD

F16 4 I joined church the week I turned 50, after studiously avoiding F16 5 any connection with organized religion since my sophomore year at F16 6 Columbia University. I had been one of those intense collegiate F16 7 atheists, a proud 'convert' to existential angst, Freudian F16 8 salvation through psychoanalysis, and Hemingway's brand of macho F16 9 courage (aided by booze) in the face of despair. But all those F16 10 systems that saw me through youth and early middle age seemed to F16 11 collapse in a midlife crisis of physical, professional and F16 12 emotional strain.

F16 13 In the course of one year, both my parents died, my F16 14 relationship with a woman I had loved for seven years came to an F16 15 end, I left the television work I had been doing in Los Angeles, F16 16 moved out of my home and found myself broke for the first time in F16 17 my life. Faced with a top-10 list of life's greatest stresses, I F16 18 found myself muttering the 23rd Psalm: "He leadeth me F16 19 beside the still waters. He restoreth my soul..." Those F16 20 words spoke more to my condition as I neared my own half-century F16 21 mark than anything by Hemingway, Freud or Sartre.

F16 22 When I look back at the past decade, one of the most fulfilling F16 23 times of my life thus far, I cannot imagine it without the richness F16 24 that has flowed from my return to church. Many of us who, in youth, F16 25 drifted away from our spiritual roots - whether Christian, Jewish F16 26 or any other faith of our forebears - have found the homecoming F16 27 especially rewarding. Most people are comforted by the framework of F16 28 the faith in which they were raised; hymns, prayers or chants F16 29 return with reassuring familiarity. Those who plug into some new F16 30 and different system of shared spiritual values also may find that F16 31 they can add a powerful new dimension to their mature years.

F16 32 My first intimations of mortality arose in my doctor's office, F16 33 where I was advised to lose weight and cut down on drinking to slow F16 34 a racing pulse. This light brush with reality brought me face to F16 35 face with the big questions I hadn't thought about since college F16 36 philosophy classes and late-night bull sessions: What F16 37 does it all mean? What am I here for?

F16 38 Although serious adult religious questing doesn't provide any F16 39 pat answers, it offers a context, a lens through which to look at F16 40 the mystery of the universe and our own infinitesimal part in it. I F16 41 began to view the stories and poetry of the Bible - like the psalm F16 42 I instinctively turned to in time of crisis - as a legacy that has F16 43 been passed down through thousands of years, speaking in language F16 44 that still addresses the deepest issues of the heart and soul.

F16 45 Looking anew at the oldest questions of existence can be an F16 46 invigorating and surprising experience. Religious concepts that F16 47 once seemed naive or irrelevant to the latest fashion in social F16 48 behavior may, with the hard-won wisdom of a half-century of F16 49 experience, suddenly strike one as remarkably helpful.

F16 50 As I started to study familiar and unfamiliar psalms, I found F16 51 that these ancient cries of anguish, triumph, love and loss echoed F16 52 my own experience, helping to heal my unresolved pain. Lines from F16 53 the 139th Psalm made me feel that even in direst despair, a guiding F16 54 force was with me; that God is as much in the pain as in the joy of F16 55 life and is with us in the dark as well as the bright times: F16 56 "Wither shall I go from thy Spirit? or whither shall I flee F16 57 from thy presence? ... The darkness and the light are both alike to F16 58 thee." As I reflected on the most turbulent years of my F16 59 life, that psalm calmed my memory, bringing peace and closure.

F16 60 My search grew deeper on a weekend retreat, when other F16 61 parishioners and I contemplated those dark nights of the soul. A F16 62 man my age who had also returned to church after a midlife crisis F16 63 wrote in one of our exercises: "I celebrate the darkness in F16 64 which I grope." He wondered if perhaps it is only in the F16 65 darkness that "we discover our true selves, because we are F16 66 too distracted in the light." His insight broadened my own F16 67 perspective, and I felt a camaraderie greater than "man to F16 68 man," of humans in a common quest for spiritual meaning.

F16 69 Prayer and contemplation in maturity can bring a sense of F16 70 harmony and connection with the natural world. After a class in F16 71 'spiritual direction,' I followed what seemed a simple, F16 72 child-like exercise: sitting down to look at a tree for 20 F16 73 minutes, considering why God created such a thing. I felt I F16 74 actually saw the tree for the first time, not as mere F16 75 background to my own personal soap opera but as an intricate, F16 76 miraculous creation. Returning to the same spot, I mediated on F16 77 grass, trees, flowers, insects, birds - the whole amazing web of F16 78 life around me - and experienced a deep and satisfying sense of F16 79 belonging to nature.

F16 80 Prayer often leads to action, in community service that is not F16 81 just perfunctory volunteerism but a vibrant opportunity to live F16 82 one's faith. When a friend in church remembered that I used to make F16 83 chili for small neighborhood gatherings, she asked me to prepare it F16 84 for 40 people at a congregation supper. ("All you have to F16 85 do is quadruple the recipe," she assured me.) The day I F16 86 shed onion tears and chopped tomatoes in the kitchen of the parish F16 87 house, a special sense of community permeated my flesh and bones as F16 88 well as my heart and mind.

F16 89 When I went with other church members to serve dinner at a F16 90 local homeless shelter, I was humbled by the realization that the F16 91 people who held out their plates were the same as me - it was only F16 92 a trick of fate that put me that night on the other side of the F16 93 table. Performing this small service, I viewed the dispensing and F16 94 sharing of food with those who needed it as a true expression of F16 95 communion.

F16 96 My belated spiritual journey has not consisted of lightning F16 97 flashes and thunderous voices from above but of the gradual, quiet F16 98 'turning' that comes with small steps. Accustomed to looking at F16 99 success in terms of bigness and high book sales, I was disappointed F16 100 when I turned up one rainy night for Bible study and found only our F16 101 seminarian and one other parishioner present. Then the words came F16 102 to mind, "Where two or three are gathered together in my F16 103 name, there am I in the midst of them." I smiled and F16 104 relaxed, enjoying an aura of warmth and light, made more precious F16 105 by the wind and rain outside. I was learning a serenity far removed F16 106 from the racing-pulse days of my late midlife crisis.

F16 107 I've found that the real fruits of the spirit tend to multiply F16 108 as the receiver passes them on. After taking a class in religious F16 109 autobiography, I designed a similar workshop that I now lead at F16 110 adult-education centers and churches across the country. In so F16 111 doing, I am learning the stories of other people revitalized by F16 112 their own spiritual quests.

F16 113 In a Seattle workshop, for example, Helen Stout wrote on the F16 114 eve of her 79th birthday, "My paintings grow smaller, my F16 115 dance steps slower, my words more and faster, my thoughts and F16 116 dreams richer."

F16 117 Dennis Dahill, who worked for a bank in Boston, described F16 118 feeling impatient at first when he went on a spiritual retreat and F16 119 was asked to recollect how God had worked in and through his life. F16 120 He eventually began to see patterns, and "by the second F16 121 night, as I lay on my bed, a great comfort and peace came over me. F16 122 I hadn't gone to sleep that easily in months." Reflection F16 123 and spiritual guidance had led him to affirmation and F16 124 appreciation.

F16 125 When I went back to church I was delighted to see people I F16 126 knew, neighbors and friendly acquaintances who I hadn't realized F16 127 followed any religious belief or practice. They weren't F16 128 proselytizers and so hadn't mentioned their involvement to me F16 129 (someone who had expressed no interest or even had showed hostility F16 130 toward religion). Now, whether I was among old or new friends, I F16 131 felt an unspoken bond with men and women I joined in prayer. We F16 132 gathered to worship (or simply to seek) God, to tune in to some F16 133 force greater than our own egos. The word 'amen' not only signified F16 134 the end of a prayer but also sealed a mutual understanding among F16 135 those who uttered it, a common acknowledgment of our own frailty F16 136 and our desire to look beyond ourselves for guidance and F16 137 sustenance.

F16 138 Tolstoy turned to religious in his later years: After becoming F16 139 the greatest novelist in Russia, he was left with the feeling F16 140 "So what?" The rewards of a lifetime's work did not F16 141 fill his spiritual yearning, the human hunger for that elusive F16 142 something more, other, beyond. That interior gap, often F16 143 covered over in the rush and clamor of the middle years, becomes F16 144 achingly apparent when the bustle of career and family raising is F16 145 over. Reflection suddenly becomes unavoidable.

F16 146 Thirst is what I felt when I finally sought the religious F16 147 experience I'd avoided for so many years. This was slaked by Sunday F16 148 worship services, classes, discussions and Bible study offered at F16 149 the parish house during the week. "I'm as eager to come to F16 150 these programs as I would have been twenty years ago if you were F16 151 throwing a series of free martini parties!" I wrote in a F16 152 note of thanks to the minister. (People like myself who once drank F16 153 to excess find that engaging in a spiritual search helps satisfy a F16 154 need we may have once blotted out with booze.)

F16 155 An editor friend who heard I'd gone back to church once told F16 156 me, with the unconscious condescension that men in their 30s F16 157 sometimes display for people past 50, "I can see why F16 158 someone of your age would get interested in religion." F16 159 But he didn't see at all. He thought I was preparing for death and F16 160 hoping to get in good with God.

F16 161 What I really sought and found through religion was not a F16 162 comfortable accommodation with death but a larger vision of life, a F16 163 fuller participation in it. Rather than lulling us with some misty F16 164 notion of the hereafter, religion can give us a greater engagement F16 165 with the challenges of living.

F16 166 In the ripeness of age, the spirit can bloom.

F16 167 F16 168 Ladies and Gentlemen:

F16 169 Gray is beautiful ...

F16 170 BY LINDA BURNHAM

F16 171 What is gray hair, anyway? As drab a prospect as the paint job F16 172 on a battleship? Not at all. The mix of white with your original F16 173 color is as individual and provocative as ever, so long as you F16 174 avoid those gray clich<*_>e-acute<*/>s and style it with F16 175 expression.

F16 176 MODERNIZING YOUR HAIRCUT

F16 177 Women and their hairstylists used to equate gray hair with F16 178 short hair. They also opted for permanents to control 'frizziness' F16 179 or to 'fluff up' baby-fine hair. The sad result was that too many F16 180 women looked too much alike, and most looked older than their F16 181 years.

F16 182 But as more women choose to show their graying hair, new F16 183 attitudes toward style and cut have emerged. For example, not F16 184 everyone's hair texture changes, and even when it does, the F16 185 newfound body or silkiness can allow for new hairstyles.

F16 186 For frizziness, stylist Carmine Minardi advises "the F16 187 least layering possible." He adds, "A lot of women F16 188 past sixty believe that their hair should be brushed upward, but F16 189 exposing the hairline, ears and nape of the neck is not always the F16 190 best thing to do." Minardi likes to see gray hair chin F16 191 length or longer, depending on your height: Women taller than 5 F16 192 feet 5 inches look good with hair an inch past the shoulder, cut F16 193 bluntly and set into waves for special occasions, he believes.

F16 194 Another nontraditional suggestion is bangs. "They bring F16 195 focus to the eyes, which only get more interesting with F16 196 age," says Minardi. "Just be sure the bangs are F16 197 soft and wispy, and long enough to be brushed to one side. The F16 198 mistake with bangs is cutting them too short, <*_>a-grave<*/> la F16 199 Mamie Eisenhower, or too straight, like Prince Valiant."

F16 200 F16 201 F17 1 <#FROWN:F17\>TRAVELER'S JOURNAL

F17 2 Carpe Your Diem In Harvard Square

F17 3 Here's a visitor's guide to Cambridge, Massachusetts, where F17 4 seldom is heard a politically incorrect word, and the zeitgeist is F17 5 not cloudy all day.

F17 6 by Patricia Harris and David Lyon

F17 7 LIKE PUBLIC Television, Cambridge, Massachusetts, is a F17 8 cross-roads of high culture and counterculture. Situated in F17 9 the upper lefthand corner of the American imagination near F17 10 Greenwich Village and the Land of Oz, it's easy to find. Just make F17 11 a left at every fork in the road. Or take the Red Line to Harvard F17 12 Square.

F17 13 When most people speak of Cambridge, Harvard Square is what F17 14 they mean. The 40-acre tract adjacent to the brick-and-ivy halls of F17 15 Harvard College is the urban counterpart of a tropical rainforest - F17 16 an ecosystem of unparalleled diversity. Every esoteric life-form - F17 17 and life-style - flourishes here. The sidewalks bustle with a F17 18 peculiar mix of patrician and plebeian, professor and panhandler. F17 19 The scene is American Fellini played out on a human-scale stage.

F17 20 But the Square is more than mere milieu. It's a habit of mind F17 21 that out-siders, frankly, find a little askew. This is F17 22 where cult movies begin, where restaurants refer to serving staff F17 23 as 'waitrons,' where volunteers seek petition signatures for F17 24 fifth-party candidates, where light poles are papered with lecture F17 25 announcements such as 'Deconstruction: Has It Fallen Apart?' Street F17 26 singers out-number boomboxes and people don't fight - they F17 27 challenge each other to chess duels. Eccentric as the city may F17 28 seem, it's open to converts - or even to day-trippers F17 29 sampling the local zeitgeist. The guiding ethic is that anything F17 30 worth doing is worth overdoing. Here's how to experience the F17 31 quintessential Cambridge:

F17 32 HOOF IT

F17 33 A DIORAMA OF THE Square in 1936 at Harvard's Widener Library F17 34 depicts a traffic jam; some of those cars still haven't budged. F17 35 Pedestrians own the streets, but first-time visitors should cross F17 36 against the walk light or dance through the traffic at midblock F17 37 only in the company of an experienced local.

F17 38 The Square was built for walkers, and if the crusading F17 39 conservationists of the Harvard Square Defense Fund prevail, it F17 40 will always be so. Says president Gladys 'Pebble' Gifford, F17 41 "Pedestrian life makes Harvard Square tick." The F17 42 fund fights for small-scale buildings, open patches of greenery, F17 43 and "sidewalk treatments" that encourage people to F17 44 "gather and interact." The architectural canyons of F17 45 down-town Boston are Gifford's worst nightmare: "If F17 46 you don't have sunlight, people stay away."

F17 47 The information booth at the mouth of the subway supplies maps F17 48 and tickets for walking tours.

F17 49 IGNORE HISTORY

F17 50 IN CAMBIDGE WHAT'S past is prologue. Sure, George Washington F17 51 slept here - when he took command of the Continental Army and F17 52 forced the British to evacuate Boston. He worshiped at Christ F17 53 Church, the modest Episcopal structure across from the Cambridge F17 54 Common. His headquarters was a confiscated Tory house, later owned F17 55 by the Good Gray Poet, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. The Longfellow F17 56 House (105 Brattle St.; $2 per person; 617-876-4491) offers an F17 57 out-standing interpretive tour.

F17 58 Harvard, too, has its Byzantine history (free guided tours F17 59 depart from Holyoke Center). Cambridge was the birthplace of the F17 60 player piano, and the first phone call over a distance was made F17 61 between Cambridge and Boston. But that was then, and this is now. F17 62 Carpe diem.

F17 63 HIT THE BOOKS

F17 64 THE 100,000 Discounted titles at WordsWorth Books (30 Brattle F17 65 St.) constitute a bibliophile's paradise with a checkout line - and F17 66 WordsWorth is only one of six large, full-service F17 67 book-stores in the Square. Given that dedication to the F17 68 life of the mind is de rigueur, as many as 17 other specialty book F17 69 dealers also thrive - often tucked away on side streets or upper F17 70 levels.

F17 71 At the Grolier Poetry Book Shop (6 Plympton St.), Louisa Solano F17 72 wedges 15,000 titles into a store the size of a front parlor. F17 73 Around the corner, Herb Hillman of Pangloss (65 Mount Auburn St.) F17 74 has supplied Cambridge academics with used and out-of-print books F17 75 since 1957. "Sooner or later every scholar in the world F17 76 worth his salt" comes to the Square, Hillman says. Science F17 77 fiction, horror, and fantasy are specialties at Pandemonium (8 JFK F17 78 St.), where Tyler Stewart subdivides the shelves because F17 79 "You know, some people are into werewolves and others like F17 80 vampires." Schoenhof's Foreign Books (76-A Mount Auburn F17 81 St.) services more worldly aliens with reading materials in 160 F17 82 languages.

F17 83 CONNECT WITH THE WORLD

F17 84 THE NEWS OF THE planet spills into the Out of Town News kiosk F17 85 in the center of Harvard Square: newspapers from 150 foreign F17 86 countries, nearly 200 from around North America. Out of Town is the F17 87 spot for Pravda and Mexican Vogue. The diminished Iron F17 88 Curtain has meant a flood of Eastern European journals too.

F17 89 LINGER OVER A CAFFE

F17 90 THE UNASSUMING Coffee Connection in the Garage mall between JFK F17 91 and Dunster streets may serve the best cup of coffee, but the true F17 92 Cambridge caffeine scene is Eurostyle: Caf<*_>e-acute<*/> Pamplona F17 93 (12 Bow St.), Caffe Paradiso (1 Eliot Sq.), Patisserie F17 94 Fran<*_>c-cedile<*/>aise (54 JFK St.), Caf<*_>e-acute<*/> Fiorella F17 95 (50 Church St.), and the Algiers Coffee House and Blacksmith House F17 96 Bakery and Caf<*_>e-acute<*/> (40 and 56 Brattle St., F17 97 respectively). At press time, those in the know were choosing caffe F17 98 latte and espresso over cappuccino.

F17 99 The Blacksmith House takes its name from Longfellow's F17 100 'under-the-spreading-chestnut-tree' poem, but the pastry is pure F17 101 Viennese. Au Bon Pain (Holyoke Plaza) is the closest thing to F17 102 golden arches permitted by the Square's restrictive zoning. The F17 103 out-door scene varies from a bustle of local 'types' to a F17 104 sometimes-abrasive tableau of hustlers and punk pretenders. For $2, F17 105 chessmaster Murray Turnbull will play anyone who can muster enough F17 106 concentration amid the commotion.

F17 107 CHOW DOWN OR DINE FINE

F17 108 Harvard Square eateries outnumber bookstores four to one and F17 109 exhibit the multinational range of Out of Town News. Some, like the F17 110 Wursthaus (4 JFK St.; 617-491-7110), are Cambridge institutions. F17 111 For a moderate meal, try the specialty pizzas at Bertucci's (21 F17 112 Brattle St.; 617-864-4748) or the excellent burgers from the F17 113 Casablanca and Harvest Bar menus.

F17 114 Tablecloth dining is a better choice. College parents treat F17 115 their offspring to continental cuisine at Peacock (5 Craigie F17 116 Circle; 617-661-4073), while hungry poets favor the hearty Iberian F17 117 fare of Iru<*_>n-tilde<*/>a (56 JFK, rear; 617-868-5633).

F17 118 The top dining rooms - Upstairs at the Pudding (10 Holyoke St.; F17 119 617-864-1933) and Rarities (at the Charles Hotel; 617-864-1200, F17 120 x1214) - are worth a splurge. Both are inventive proponents of New F17 121 American cuisine. Rarities is elegant and modern, Upstairs at the F17 122 Pudding often has a homey fire. The Pudding permits early diners to F17 123 assemble a light meal of appetizer, dessert, and glass of wine.

F17 124 CHOOSE SIDES IN THE ICE CREAM WAR

F17 125 HE OPENED HIS FIRST store in neighboring blue-collar Somerville F17 126 almost 20 years ago, but Steve Herrell remains the guru of F17 127 homemade-style ice cream. His name is separated in the F17 128 Square because he sold his company (Steve's, 31 Church St.) and got F17 129 out of the business for a few years, only to rejoin the industry F17 130 under his surname (Herrell's, 15 Dunster St.). Try both. F17 131 Cantabrigians debate ice cream the way Burgundians discuss wine.

F17 132 POWER TO THE PEOPLE

F17 133 PROGRESSIVE POLITICS is central to Cambridge's identity, F17 134 although Republican governor William Weld does reside near Brattle F17 135 Street. The city has one of the toughest smoking regulations F17 136 anywhere (if in doubt, don't light up) and requires bars and F17 137 restaurants to furnish condom machines in all rest rooms to slow F17 138 the spread of AIDS.

F17 139 The city has a paid Peace Officer and offers sanctuary to F17 140 political refugees. Although visitors can't vote on the numerous F17 141 local referenda, they can sign petitions to support political, F17 142 social, environmental, or animal rights. Just look for the earnest F17 143 people with clipboards.

F17 144 PUT A BUCK IN THE HAT

F17 145 CAMBRIDGE IS "ONE OF the five best cities in the world F17 146 for street performers," says Stephen Baird, political F17 147 puppeteer, musician, and founder/director of the international F17 148 Street Artist Guild - a task he calls "organizing F17 149 anarchists." The street scene really catches fire on warm F17 150 summer nights, but some stalwart entertainers ply their trade in F17 151 colder seasons as well. Singing in the Square is such a venerable F17 152 tradition that in 1990, the city council passed a resolution F17 153 honoring street performers - and an ordinance limiting their volume F17 154 to 80 decibels.

F17 155 The best spots are staked out early by performers from around F17 156 the globe, ranging from a Haitian tenor performing Piaf to an F17 157 Ecuadoran troupe with panpipes and armadillo-shell F17 158 mandolins. Tracy Chapman, Joan Baez, and Bonnie Raitt are all F17 159 alleged to have started their careers here. Among the more colorful F17 160 characters is Brother Blue, an erstwhile doctor of education who is F17 161 the Official Storyteller of Cambridge and Boston.

F17 162 HAVE A SERIOUS NIGHT OUT

F17 163 STREET SINGERS Sometimes come in from the cold to play Passim F17 164 (47 Palmer St.; 617-492-7679), a relic of the 1960s folk revival F17 165 and a top stop on the current acoustic music circuit. Old-timers F17 166 may recollect hearing an unknown Bob Dylan here, but take it with a F17 167 grain of sea salt.

F17 168 Other evening entertainment leans toward the highbrow. The F17 169 American Repertory Theater (64 Brattle St.; 617-547-8300) is an F17 170 avant-garde theater of international repute. Love it or hate it - F17 171 but argue passionately. Regattabar in the Charles Hotel (1 Bennett F17 172 St.; 617-661-5000/846-1200) is one of the top jazz rooms in the F17 173 Northeast, booking both classic club acts and up-and-coming F17 174 artists. The music, like ART's plays, requires focused attention. F17 175 Film buffs can analyze the stylistic flourishes of bygone directors F17 176 at the Brattle Theater (40 Brattle St.; 617-876-6837). Once a F17 177 performing stage for Hollywood and Broadway blacklistees, the F17 178 Brattle is a fine repertory film house and serves real butter on F17 179 the popcorn. The Bogart revival began here.

F17 180 SEE AND BE SEEN

F17 181 THE BAR AT Casablanca (below the Brattle Theater; 617-876-0999) F17 182 features murals of the movie scenes and is the place to spot local F17 183 celebs. Play the Cambridge version of naming the faces on the Sgt. F17 184 Pepper album jacket - the best-selling lawyer, the F17 185 detective novelist, the not-quite-famous actor, the Nobel laureate. F17 186 Look for the literati a few doors down at the Harvest Bar (44 F17 187 Brattle St.; 617-492-1119).

F17 188 SAMPLE THE TREASURES

F17 189 HARVARD'S MUSEUMS are as varied as the university's F17 190 scholarship, and not even Cantabrigians try to see them all at F17 191 once. The glass flowers at the Museum of Comparative Biology (26 F17 192 Oxford St.; 617-495-2248) are perennial favorites of visiting F17 193 great-aunts. These botanical teaching models represent the zenith F17 194 of the glassblower's art. Recent makeovers have thrust two other F17 195 museums into the spotlight. The Hall of the American Indian in the F17 196 Peabody Museum (down-stairs from the flowers) has been F17 197 renovated along politically correct, post-Dances with F17 198 Wolves lines.

F17 199 The Busch-Reisinger Museum's striking German Expressionist F17 200 artworks have a new home in Werner Otto Hall, which is grafted onto F17 201 Harvard's main art museum, the Fogg (32 Quincy St.; 617-495-9400). F17 202 Enter from above the Fogg's ever-impressive Italian Renaissance F17 203 courtyard. The Sackler Museum (485 Broadway; 617-495-9400) houses F17 204 Harvard's Classical and Asian art. It's isolated across Broadway F17 205 from the Fogg because Cambridge neighborhood groups blocked F17 206 construction of a connecting bridge. One ticket gains entry to all F17 207 the natural history museums, another to the art museums. All are F17 208 free on Saturday mornings; the natural history museums from 9:00 to F17 209 11:00; art from 10:00 to noon.

F17 210 BED DOWN IN STYLE

F17 211 GENERATIONS OF Parents visiting their Harvard and Radcliffe F17 212 progeny have favored the Sheraton Commander (16 Garden St.; F17 213 617-547-4800). But the overstuffed New England comforts of the F17 214 Commander gained a sleek and modern competitor in 1985 - the F17 215 Charles Hotel (1 Bennett St.; 617-864-1200). Last October saw the F17 216 debut of the Inn at Harvard (1201 Massachusetts Ave.; F17 217 617-491-2222), a small inn with rooms ringing an airy central F17 218 atrium. Windows in 25 of the rooms look down Mass. Ave. to the F17 219 Square. With the room key comes a venerable Harvard privilege: F17 220 Masquerade in rumpled tweeds and dine across the street at the F17 221 Harvard Faculty Club.

F17 222 F17 223 THE LONGEST-RUNNING STORY IN BOSTON

F17 224 This month, at the age of 84, Johnny Kelley will run in the F17 225 Boston Marathon for the 61st time.

F17 226 by Todd Balf

F17 227 I WAS AFRAID OF THIS. I LOOK at Johnny Kelley, in pink togs and F17 228 candy-cane tights, and he beams the charged look of a boy. It isn't F17 229 at all hard to imagine the Irish youngster from Watertown whose F17 230 mother always said he'd rather run than eat. F17 231 F17 232 F18 1 <#FROWN:F18\>FILM, RECEPTION, AND CULTURAL STUDIES

F18 2 By Janet Staiger

F18 3 ON THE AGENDA for understanding film or television as culture F18 4 is addressing the question of how spectators and social audiences F18 5 comprehend, respond to, and interpret cultural texts and events. As F18 6 has been pointed out in reception aesthetics or reader-response F18 7 theorizing (prevalent in literary studies), textual analysis is all F18 8 fine and good but people are not always versed in the subtleties of F18 9 unraveling ironies, finding latent pre-oedipal narrative F18 10 structures, or deconstructing fallacious binary oppositions which F18 11 structure propositions. People do not always read cultural texts F18 12 the way scholars do; audiences are not ideal readers. But for F18 13 understanding society and the effects of popular culture, knowing F18 14 how people read culture can be extremely important.

F18 15 One approach to considering how people actually read texts has F18 16 been the work of the British Cultural Studies scholars. As I shall F18 17 suggest, I find the ideas of these individuals extremely valuable. F18 18 However, I also will argue that certain of their assumptions have F18 19 inhibited the breadth of observations they might make. Instead, I F18 20 think that a revised historical materialist approach to reception F18 21 research can provide richer information, and perhaps some answers, F18 22 to understanding how people think and feel when they confront F18 23 cultural productions. Such an approach has at least the following F18 24 features: (1) Immanent meaning in a text is denied. (2) 'Free F18 25 readers' do not exist. (3) Contexts of social formations and F18 26 constructed identities of the self in relation to historical F18 27 conditions explain the interpretive strategies and affective F18 28 responses of readers. In this model, interpretations need to be F18 29 related to specific historical conditions rather than essentialized F18 30 (e.g., labeled conservative or progressive). (4) The means for F18 31 analyzing these interpretative strategies exist in F18 32 post-structuralist, feminist, and ideological analysis.

F18 33 Although much variance exists among the people associated with F18 34 British cultural studies research, in general these writers F18 35 emphasize that interpretations and uses of texts connect to F18 36 ideologies and cultural, social, and political power. Theories of F18 37 communication and cultural discourses are numerous. Some scholars F18 38 assume communication is neutral - the transmittal of messages which F18 39 may or may not hold ideological content (often called the F18 40 'transportation' model). Such a position is expressed in one strand F18 41 of communication theory deriving from the work of Paul Lazersfeld, F18 42 Kurt Lewin, Harold Lasswell, Carl Hovland, and Wilbur Schramm. This F18 43 model also occurs when formalist aesthetics separates form and F18 44 content.

F18 45 Other scholars of communication and culture such as James Carey F18 46 take the position that communication is a social or cultural F18 47 ritual, "a sharing, participation, association, F18 48 fellowship." Horace Newcomb and Paul Hirsch extend and F18 49 revise that notion by conceptualizing commercial broadcast F18 50 television as a "cultural forum" which provides F18 51 individuals not merely information but also a process for F18 52 "understanding who and what we are."

F18 53 Yet other theorists such as Lev Vygotsky and V. N. Volosinov F18 54 assume that communication is a tool. Like other means of F18 55 production, communication is produced by and for its users: F18 56 communication transforms reality for the benefit of human beings. F18 57 But as with other means of production, not everyone has equal F18 58 access to technology; thus, communication can function as a tool of F18 59 domination. Signs and their signifieds are not neutral but sites of F18 60 power. Representations are developed in social circumstances and F18 61 bear the ideological marks of the class or group that controls F18 62 meanings. This obviously has tremendous leverage in organizing F18 63 social existence for people. Thus, as Volosinov writes: the sign F18 64 "becomes an arena of the class struggle." F18 65 Controlling representations and meanings is as much a part of the F18 66 fight for equity as any political battle.

F18 67 This notion of communication as a tool does not imply a F18 68 functionalist theory of society, assuming a drift toward F18 69 equilibrium within a social formation. Instead it posits a Marxist F18 70 thesis that social orders are structured in contradictions and F18 71 overdetermination. Nor, however, does this model assume F18 72 conspiratorial repression by the dominant class; indeed, F18 73 communication systems may function so well for the dominant class F18 74 that hegemony often exists. Yet as advocates of this understanding F18 75 of language caution: the very 'common sense' or 'naturalness' of F18 76 discourses of meanings is a strong indicator of power at work. It F18 77 is this theory of communication and cultural discourses which I F18 78 shall consider to be held by those individuals working in British F18 79 cultural studies. In this essay, then, I shall be arguing against F18 80 the positivism of some of their cultural studies research and for a F18 81 contextual approach to understanding reception. While I believe F18 82 that the British cultural studies scholars offer important gains in F18 83 considering how audiences interpret cultural products, we need to F18 84 recognize that history creates the audiences as well as the texts F18 85 and both texts and readers need to be investigated in context.

F18 86 British cultural studies is a particular version of Marxism F18 87 developed through debates, mainly in Britain, from the mid-1950s. F18 88 Several histories exist, detailing a sequence of theoretical F18 89 problematics from orthodox Marxism through culturalist Marxism F18 90 (including the work of Raymond Williams and E. P. Thompson) and F18 91 structuralist Marxism (particularly Louis Althusser) to what F18 92 Richard Johnson calls "ideological-cultural" Marxism - a F18 93 label that never stuck. This problematic<&|>sic! is, though, a F18 94 combination of aspects of cultural and structural Marxism as F18 95 proposed by scholars at the Centre for Contemporary Cultural F18 96 Studies at the University of Birmingham. People associated with the F18 97 Centre's work include Johnson, Stuart Hall, Paul Willis, and John F18 98 Hartley. I shall also discuss the work of Charlotte Brundson, David F18 99 Morley, and John Fiske as having connections to these views. As is F18 100 common among scholars, much disagreement exists within the F18 101 propositions forwarded by the various people. However, several F18 102 general tenets have gained considerable following, and while many F18 103 members of the original group now work apart, the standard phrase F18 104 British cultural studies continues to describe the common aspects F18 105 of the work. I would underline that other Marxist theories of F18 106 cultures and their study also exist as well as non-Marxist cultural F18 107 studies.

F18 108 Generally, British cultural studies accept the advances of F18 109 structuralist Marxism as most notably proposed in Louis Althusser's F18 110 essay, 'Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses' (and in other F18 111 similar ways by other Marxists). Base and superstructure are F18 112 theorized as distinct concepts, with elements of the superstructure F18 113 having potential effect but also "relative F18 114 autonomy" from other determinants. In capitalism (and F18 115 perhaps other modes of production), the economic aspects of a F18 116 social formation "in the last instance" are causal, F18 117 but economic structures are not sufficient to explain many specific F18 118 features of a social formation. For one thing, development is F18 119 uneven. Because the economic base (the mode of production) is F18 120 contradictory, superstructural features display that history moves F18 121 through class struggle. Althusser splits the superstructural F18 122 features into two groups. Repressive state apparatuses (RSAs) F18 123 include the government, armies, police, courts, prisons. RSAs F18 124 function primarily on behalf of the dominant class and often F18 125 through violence or repression; they are public and generally F18 126 overdetermined in an effort to repress change disadvantageous to F18 127 the dominant class. Ideological state apparatuses (ISAs) are all F18 128 sorts of other institutions and groups such as religions, F18 129 educational systems, families, political parties, and communication F18 130 and cultural media. ISAs are plural and function primarily by F18 131 ideology. Consequently, contradictions and overdeterminations F18 132 proliferate among the competing discourses, with all classes F18 133 struggling through the ISAs. Ideology is defined relationally and F18 134 materially: it "represents the imaginary relationship of F18 135 individuals to their real conditions of existence" (162). F18 136 Ideology exists in the RSAs and ISAs; it exists in practices. The F18 137 structured relations invite or "interpellate" an individual F18 138 to take up a position as a "subject" in that imaginary F18 139 relationship: positions of occupation, social status, gender - F18 140 whatever constructed but imaginary sense of the self that is useful F18 141 for the reproduction of the mode of production and the maintenance F18 142 of the dominant class. This imaginary subject position has, F18 143 however, very real consequences for individuals.

F18 144 Interpellation is a tricky notion, often defined as F18 145 "hailing" the individual, calling out for the individual to F18 146 recognize him or herself as being the subject who belongs in a F18 147 role. For example, reverently singing 'The Star-Spangled Banner' is F18 148 taking up the ideological position of the nationality of being a F18 149 United States citizen. The song has interpellated, hailed its F18 150 subject to position him or herself into that constructed and, F18 151 hence, imaginary identity. Such an interpellation, however, may F18 152 produce an extremely contradictory condition for an individual who F18 153 is, of course, the site at which multiple subject positions may F18 154 concurrently exist. While one might accept the position of being a F18 155 citizen of the United States, one might also resist the policies of F18 156 the government in power. Interpellation as it is more closely F18 157 examined becomes a theoretical description of an activity or F18 158 process which is complicated by the difference between thinking of F18 159 a coherent theoretical notion such as a subject position but F18 160 recognizing that in reality people are not so neatly 'taken up' by F18 161 ideological discourse.

F18 162 This much of structuralist Marxism is relatively uncontested by F18 163 British cultural studies. Where disagreement develops is whether F18 164 the human individual has volition or a consciousness that is other F18 165 than 'false.' This is significant for Marxists' calls for political F18 166 action and change; the idea of struggle implies a need for F18 167 conscious actions on the part of people, and the issues of force F18 168 and consent are significant. Part of the dispute with structuralist F18 169 Marxism over this point derives from Althusser's use of Lacanian F18 170 psychoanalysis to describe interpellation. British cultural studies F18 171 scholars argue that Lacan presents a trans-historical and F18 172 universal theory of the development of the subject; furthermore, F18 173 that in Althusser's model, the psychoanalytical unconscious (rather F18 174 than economics) becomes the primary determinant developing F18 175 individuals. Such a model is unacceptable to these writers because F18 176 to them the model becomes ahistorical and change impossible to F18 177 explain.

F18 178 I believe, however, that at least some Freudian-based F18 179 psychologies can offer social and historical models of psychic F18 180 development. I also do not think Althusser's model conflicts with a F18 181 historical reading of Freudian theories. For one thing, in F18 182 Althusser, ISAs such as family relations are as ISAs F18 183 structured in contradiction; their ideologies have some (uneven) F18 184 relationship to the in-the-last-instance determinant of the mode F18 185 production. Family structures are social, historical, and F18 186 contradictory ideological sites, and some writers such as Charlotte F18 187 Perkins Gilman have made strong arguments connecting family F18 188 structures such as patriarchy to economic situations such as F18 189 capitalism. Thus, I do not agree that Althusser's use of Freudian F18 190 psychology necessarily produces a trans-historical, F18 191 universal, or totally determined subject. I would also emphasize F18 192 that Freudian psychology never suggested that the unconscious F18 193 constituted all of the subject; in fact, in Freud's theoretical F18 194 framework the ego is often in conflict with the id (or the F18 195 superego) because of social and public contradictions. A somewhat F18 196 more sympathetic reading of Freud is not at odds with concerns in F18 197 Marxism that historical events indicate the need to represent an F18 198 individual as also having conscious intentions, understandings, and F18 199 volition. Freudian psychologies just remind readers that the F18 200 consciousness is not all of what people as human organisms are and F18 201 that heterogeneity and conflict are part of people's psychological F18 202 dynamics. Freudianism is a historical theory of the individual as F18 203 individual and social being. In this matter, the issue of Lacan is F18 204 less clear, but while Althusser's original proposition employs F18 205 Lacanian language, I am not at all sure that Althusser's model F18 206 requires that language for it to work.

F18 207 In summary, the rejection of psychoanalytic theory by British F18 208 cultural studies may also reject a viable contribution to the F18 209 understanding of the subject and an explanation of some types of F18 210 affect and pleasure. In fact, some members of the group are now F18 211 considering the possibilities of Freudian psychologies, F18 212 particularly in relation to narration and subjectivity.

F18 213 At any rate, while temporarily eliminating psychoanalytical F18 214 theory, British cultural studies theorists paid particular F18 215 attention to Althusser's use of Gramsci's concept of hegemony to F18 216 account for the reproduction of ideologies without repeating the F18 217 universally automatic response they perceive existing in the F18 218 interpellation thesis. Thus, British cultural studies attempts to F18 219 synthesize Althusser and Gramsci. People are not tabula F18 220 rasa but exist in contradictory experiences so that while F18 221 ideological hegemony often exist, opposition or at least deviation F18 222 from the dominant does too. This can happen, they argue, because F18 223 the base is contradictory and class continues to be the most F18 224 significant determinant of human action.

F18 225 F18 226 F18 227 F19 1 <#FROWN:F19\>The Politics of Performance: From Theater F19 2 Licensing to Movie Censorship in Turn-of-the-Century New York

F19 3 DANIEL CZITROM

F19 4 Mount Holyoke College

F19 5 THE MOVIES WERE BORN IN THE CITY. WHILE HISTORIANS OF EARLY F19 6 film have begun to pay more attention to special issues such as F19 7 technology, patent wars, industrial practice, and the movie's F19 8 aesthetic debt to earlier forms of cultural expression, there has F19 9 been little analysis of the specifically urban world that made F19 10 motion pictures the most popular form of commercial entertainment F19 11 by World War I. The political, legal, and economic wrangles F19 12 surrounding the nascent movie business in New York City established F19 13 the template for the ownership and control of the mature industry, F19 14 as well as the basic pattern for film censorship. In the first F19 15 center of movie production and exhibition during the early part of F19 16 the century, the especially knotty issues involving the licensing F19 17 and censoring of movies -who could show them and what could they F19 18 show -were fiercely contested. These battles over the regulation of F19 19 representation need to be understood against the historical F19 20 backdrop of urban cultural politics.

F19 21 Movies reinforced and reconfigured a set of controversies that, F19 22 since the mid-nineteenth century, had been fought out largely over F19 23 the licensing and regulation of theatrical space. These issues F19 24 included the alleged dangers commercial entertainments posed to F19 25 children, disputes over Sunday blue laws, the licensing authority F19 26 of the police department, and the connections between plebeian F19 27 culture and the underworld. The process that determined which F19 28 entertainments were licensed and which were licentious had always F19 29 been fundamentally political and volatile. The continual F19 30 controversies over commercial enterprises loosely described as F19 31 'theatrical' involved complicated relations among entrepreneurs, F19 32 the licensing authority of the state, the police power, and F19 33 neighbourhood audiences.

F19 34 By 1908, the movie business faced a crisis of exhibition: the F19 35 older traditions of theater licensing proved inadequate for F19 36 regulating the emergent new medium. Progressive reformers, movie F19 37 exhibitors, and movie producers sought to split movies off from F19 38 such live urban entertainments as vaudeville, burlesque, and F19 39 concert saloons. Progressive social service agencies and activists F19 40 embraced movies as an alternative to older entertainment traditions F19 41 closely allied with machine politics and the urban vice economy. F19 42 Movie entrepreneurs cultivated the new alliance with reformers as a F19 43 way to shed the stigma of the street, attract a middle class F19 44 patronage, and increase their profits. For their part, reformers F19 45 saw that alliance as a way to achieve what John Collier, general F19 46 secretary of the National Board of Censorship, called "the F19 47 redemption of leisure." New York's movie wars -fought over F19 48 theaters and screens, in the courts and the streets -illuminate a F19 49 crucial transformation: the supplanting of locally based, F19 50 municipally licensed cheap theater by the nationally organized, F19 51 industrial oligopoly that came to dominate our popular culture.

F19 52 The whole question of what, precisely, constituted a theatrical F19 53 performance had remained ambiguous ever since the New York State F19 54 Legislature passed the first comprehensive licensing act in 1839. F19 55 That act, a response to intense lobbying by the Society for the F19 56 Reformation of Juvenile Delinquents (SRJD), had rested on the F19 57 strongly held belief in a direct, causal relationship between the F19 58 theater and delinquent or criminal behavior. It required any F19 59 "theater, circus, or building, garden or grounds, for F19 60 exhibiting theatrical or equestrian performances" in New F19 61 York City to obtain a license from the mayor, with all collected F19 62 fees to be forwarded to the SRJD. The law also set a penalty of F19 63 $500 for every violation, and it authorized the society, as an F19 64 agent of the state, to sue and collect on those penalties. During F19 65 the Civil War the city experienced a boom in 'concert saloons,' and F19 66 the explosive issue of separating prostitution and alcohol from F19 67 entertainment spaces led the state legislature in 1862 to pass a F19 68 new act to "Regulate Places of Public Amusement." F19 69 Its key features banned alcoholic beverages on the premises of a F19 70 performance and made illegal the employment of females to wait on F19 71 spectators.

F19 72 Over the next four decades, two kinds of regulation coexisted F19 73 in the highly profitable yet unstable world of New York popular F19 74 amusements. One was an internal supervision within the F19 75 entertainment business itself, led by the trade press and certain F19 76 entrepreneurs who sought to expand their audience by distancing F19 77 their attractions from associations with alcohol and prostitution. F19 78 The most influential figure in this process was Tony Pastor, often F19 79 called the father of American vaudeville. Although Pastor gained F19 80 his first notoriety during the concert saloon boom of the early F19 81 1860s, he soon moved to create a 'high class variety' by freeing F19 82 the entertainment from its earlier associations. By 1881 he had F19 83 become the leading variety theater manager in the city, as he moved F19 84 into his Fourteenth Street Theater located on the ground floor of F19 85 the new Tammany Hall. Pastor embodied the urge toward F19 86 respectability and wider commercial success, and his theater is F19 87 rightly viewed as the prototype for the mainstream vaudeville that F19 88 dominated the American popular stage from the 1880s until the rise F19 89 of radio. He regulated his theater with an eye toward increasing F19 90 profit, making special efforts to attract a female clientele.

F19 91 Yet there were hundreds of other entertainment entrepreneurs F19 92 who did not follow this path, retaining their ties to the concert F19 93 saloon traditions and struggling to survive within the competitive F19 94 world of New York amusements. An uneasy alliance of the police F19 95 department, the mayor's office, private moral reform societies, and F19 96 neighbourhood groups performed a continuous cultural surveillance F19 97 on entertainment spaces that included dime museums, concert F19 98 saloons, and vaudeville and burlesque houses. Success or failure in F19 99 obtaining and keeping a license from the mayor's office proved a F19 100 key not only to staying in business, but also for moving into a F19 101 more profitable realm in the continuum of amusement respectability. F19 102 To thrive, an entrepreneur had to negotiate a treacherous terrain F19 103 that included autocratic police captains, ever-vigilant moral F19 104 reformers, outraged clerics, and organized neighborhood citizens. F19 105 No one, finally, could say with any certainty what constituted a F19 106 theater, or what the difference was between a theater and a concert F19 107 hall. Indeed many entrepreneurs sought both theater and concert F19 108 licenses since the city charter authorized the police department to F19 109 permit the sale of liquor in concert halls.

F19 110 An 1875 'List of Theaters, Halls, Concert Rooms' counted F19 111 fifty-seven licensed places for that year, a figure that remained F19 112 basically constant for the next two decades. These were about F19 113 evenly divided between places presenting straight drama, opera, F19 114 music concerts, and circuses and the newer concert saloons and F19 115 variety theaters. They were clustered mainly in three entertainment F19 116 districts: the Bowery and the Lower East Side; Fourteenth Street F19 117 and Union Square; and 'the Tenderloin,' roughly from Twenty-third F19 118 to Fourty-second Streets, between Sixth and Eighth Avenues. By this F19 119 time several newer private groups, such as the Society for the F19 120 Suppression of Vice, the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to F19 121 Children, and the Society for the Prevention of Crime, had joined F19 122 the SRJD in making active interventions in the licensing F19 123 process.

F19 124 Consider, for example, the Belvidere Variety Theater at 23 F19 125 Bowery, licensed by the city since at least 1875. Its owner, John F19 126 Schroeder, probably opened it first as a saloon room, adding a F19 127 small stage with rough scenery facing tables and chairs. Upon F19 128 orders of the local police captain in early 1879, Schroeder erected F19 129 a seven-foot high wooden partition to separate the bar room from F19 130 the stage area, thus technically complying with the law requiring F19 131 separation of theatrical performance from the serving of alcohol. F19 132 In April 1879, two agents from the recently formed Society for the F19 133 Suppression of Vice (SSV), founded by Anthony Comstock, visited the F19 134 Belvidere and filed depositions with the mayor's office, protesting F19 135 against a renewal of license. One described the scene at the F19 136 Belvidere as follows:

F19 137 At the tables were seated about twelve girls and women F19 138 with a number of men, engaged in drinking and conversation .... On F19 139 entering the saloon deponent seated himself near the door and was F19 140 soon approached by one of the women and asked what [he] would have F19 141 to drink and if she could drink with him. Seating herself at the F19 142 table the drinks, lager beer and lemonade, were brought by a F19 143 waiter. While drinking the woman asked deponent to go with her to F19 144 one of the rooms on the side of the stage. Deponent consented and F19 145 going to the room was again asked to treat which he did. In the F19 146 course of the conversation which followed the woman urged deponent F19 147 to take her into one of the rooms up stairs, which was more private F19 148 and had better accommodations, and where they could have a bottle F19 149 of wine together and would only cost three dollars. Upon deponent's F19 150 remarking that it cost pretty high and whether anything else was F19 151 given for the money, the woman replied that they would have a good F19 152 time, that she would give him a nice diddle, pulled up her dress, F19 153 showed her leg above the knee, made use of every persuasion and F19 154 said she would get one dollar of the money and the other two F19 155 dollars would go to the proprietor -the whole of which offers the F19 156 deponent declined.

F19 157 In response, Schroeder vigorously denied the "false, F19 158 malicious, and untrue" statements in the SSV depositions, F19 159 claiming that "such practices are not permitted on the F19 160 premises." He defended the arrangements in his place, F19 161 stressing the makeshift wall separating bar room from theater as F19 162 "similar to the front partitions used at Miner's theater, F19 163 Volks Garden, and theaters of like character on the F19 164 Bowery." He admitted that "the greater portion of F19 165 the upper part of the building is let out weekly to male lodgers F19 166 and the balance thereof to transient lodgers of the same F19 167 sex." Schroeder also submitted a supporting petition from F19 168 eight neighboring businessmen. These clothing merchants, hatters, F19 169 and picture framers all affirmed that the Belvidere was not F19 170 disorderly, "nor is it a source of disturbance or annoyance F19 171 to us during the day or night or in our Judgment the cause of F19 172 annoyance or grievance to the travelling public." Like so F19 173 many other places on the Bowery, in Union Square, and in the F19 174 Tenderloin, the Belvidere continued to operate for years, a protean F19 175 urban space defined and redefined by various elements of the F19 176 metropolis. It qualified as a legitimate entertainment enterprise F19 177 as long as owner John Schroeder coughed up regular tribute to the F19 178 local police captain. He maintained the Belvidere as a legal and F19 179 moderately successful business, catering to local working people F19 180 and tourists, and providing employment for musicians and other F19 181 variety performers. At least some of the women found there earned F19 182 money by hustling drinks from customers and splitting the money F19 183 with Schroeder. Whether or not they received a wage is unclear. F19 184 Some of them may have also engaged in casual prostitution with F19 185 customers looking for that. But as both police and private F19 186 investigators found, one had to agree to move through a series of F19 187 coded encounters first: letting a woman sit with you, treating her, F19 188 moving to a side room, treating again, allowing her onto your lap, F19 189 moving upstairs to a private room. Even there, the real profit F19 190 resulted from using sex to sell liquor rather than the reverse. For F19 191 the Society for the Suppression of Vice, the Belvidere was a low F19 192 "dive," frequented only by thieves and prostitutes. It was F19 193 "disorderly" precisely because it blurred the boundaries F19 194 between respectable and unrespectable social behavior.

F19 195 During its infancy, roughly from 1896 to 1906, the motion F19 196 picture established itself largely within venues more respectable F19 197 than the Belvidere. Movies became the single most popular act in F19 198 American vaudeville, the latest in a long line of visual novelty F19 199 acts -'living picture' tableaux, lantern slides, shadowography F19 200 -that could be fit neatly into an established format organized F19 201 around discrete, unrelated 'turns'. Vaudeville managers F19 202 aggressively promoted brief travelogues, 'local actualities', news F19 203 films, and the occasional comedy or drama to gain an edge over F19 204 their competitors. Hundreds of vaudeville theaters across the F19 205 country provided the most important market for the fledgling, F19 206 mostly undercapitalised movie makers.

F19 207 Beginning around 1905 the rapid growth of nickelodeon theaters, F19 208 devoted exclusively to exhibiting motion pictures, created the F19 209 industry's first great boom. F19 210 F19 211 F19 212 F20 1 <#FROWN:F20\>Others, most of them, embraced the new trends and F20 2 tried to make the best of it in white-collar jobs, with more F20 3 education, in newer homes with larger yards out in the suburbs. But F20 4 both groups had a passion for the polka and wanted to hold on to F20 5 that. It could not be done individually. There were ample signs F20 6 that a fresh approach had to be found. Take the case of the missing F20 7 young people as an example. Those actively involved in keeping the F20 8 polka alive are always measuring their success not only by how many F20 9 people come out to a dance but also by whether the youth F20 10 participate. The falling off of polka interest among the young is F20 11 always pointed out as a sign that the polka is in trouble. F20 12 "We noticed that the youngsters did not go for polka F20 13 music," said Schafer. "Rock-and-roll was their F20 14 thing. When we were young, polka dancing was the big thing. We just F20 15 had a ball going to the dances and picnics. There was nothing F20 16 better. So, we've got to do something; we've got to get these kids F20 17 interested."

F20 18 It was a matter of realism. The IPA would promote the polka in F20 19 a constantly developing ethnic situation. Using a form that exists F20 20 throughout Polonia, the ever present not-for-profit organization F20 21 and club, the founders of the IPA moved to institutionalize fan and F20 22 industry cooperation because the polka and what kept it alive had F20 23 begun to decline, and individual promoters could not turn this F20 24 situation around.

F20 25 The seriousness and intensity with which the IPA pushed both F20 26 the convention and the polka business over the next decade are F20 27 reflected in the dense 84-page 1976 Souvenir Program of the F20 28 IPA Convention and Festival. Roughly the first third of the F20 29 booklet is devoted to the program of the festival, the schedule of F20 30 events, biographies and pictures of Hall of Fame and annual Polka F20 31 Music Award winners, and pictures of bands appearing in the F20 32 festival, followed by lists of their sponsors, both commercial and F20 33 fraternal. The rest comprises advertisements from businesses that F20 34 support the polka and in turn are supported by the fans. The F20 35 souvenir program is obviously another fund raiser. It advertises F20 36 polka bands, the famous ballrooms of the northern Midwest, the F20 37 equally legendary bars of the industrial heartland, the record F20 38 companies unknown to anyone but polka lovers, and a list of 247 F20 39 contributing 'Well Wishers.' But it also boosts commitment to the F20 40 polka field as a whole. An introduction to this field for budding F20 41 enthusiasts, it exudes solidarity and is full of information about F20 42 the small-scale economics (promotions, advertising, sponsorship), F20 43 status competition, and polka commitments on which the entire polka F20 44 world depends. It is a Who's Who of the polka world, F20 45 referred to by fans throughout the year.

F20 46 The program is especially informative in presenting the F20 47 organization. All the officers and directors of the IPA are F20 48 represented by individual photographs and their places of residence F20 49 given. Brief histories of the IPA and of the Polka Music Hall of F20 50 Fame are presented by Leon Kozicki, first president of the IPA, F20 51 acting chairman of the board of trustees of the Hall of Fame, and F20 52 generally acknowledged leading light of the IPA from its very F20 53 beginning. Listed also are all inductees since the Hall of Fame's F20 54 inception in 1968, and deceased members of the association (under F20 55 the title 'Lest We Forget'). This concern to explain to the public F20 56 what the IPA is and how it came about, and to celebrate its own F20 57 members and the work they do, suggests a self-reflective F20 58 and highly motivated organization. It is the first Polonian F20 59 volunteer organization focusing on the polka to make a serious bid F20 60 for a central place in the life of the ethnic community.

F20 61 Here is a summary of purposes as it appears in the language of F20 62 the charter and is reproduced in the souvenir program: The IPA is F20 63 "an educational and social organization for the F20 64 preservation, promulgation, and advancement of polka F20 65 music"; its goals are "to promote, maintain, and F20 66 advance public interest in polka entertainment; to advance the F20 67 mutual interests and encourage greater cooperation among its F20 68 members who are engaged in polka entertainment; and to encourage F20 69 and pursue the study of polka music, dancing and traditional F20 70 folklore." Through popular vote of its delegates, the IPA F20 71 also accepted "the challenge of responsibility" to F20 72 establish a professional academy and selection procedure and to F20 73 raise funds for the Polka Music Hall of Fame in order "to F20 74 bestow proper honor and recognition to performers, Djs, and others F20 75 who have rendered years of faithful service to the polka F20 76 entertainment industry."

F20 77 Without quite saying it, the program defines the IPA as a F20 78 professional association, a badge of pride and legitimacy. The role F20 79 of the polka musician in the Polish-American community is governed F20 80 largely by community rather than by professional standards, and F20 81 this relationship of tension and balance between the specialized F20 82 network of musicians, promoters, disc jockeys, bar owners, and the F20 83 ethnic community is reflected in the variety of terms used to F20 84 describe the polka complex: polka industry, polka field, polka F20 85 world, polka lover, polka people, polka entertainment, polka power. F20 86 Each term emphasizes a different aspect of the complex, and each F20 87 one remains unsatisfactory if taken alone. Some terms echo F20 88 populism; others point to professionalism and specialization - it F20 89 is the mix that is essential to the IPA. The fans are included F20 90 right next to the musicians: "engaged in polka F20 91 entertainment" is an identification broad enough to include F20 92 the entire polka-loving community and reflects the balance between F20 93 'professionalism' and 'community' that keeps the polka alive.

F20 94 Although musicians may be called 'artists' from time to time F20 95 and composers of popular new polkas are recognized as such, the IPA F20 96 does not generally glorify polka music as 'art' and polka musicians F20 97 as 'artists' or 'composers.' There is no fetishizing of 'music' and F20 98 'art,' only a pragmatic concern for the health of polka music. The F20 99 recognition that the polka needs serious study, however, responds F20 100 to the realities of the situation and is a message of F20 101 self-affirmation to bruised polka identities. The IPA seems to be F20 102 saying, "Chopin is fine, but our polkas are worthy of F20 103 serious study and honored preservation too." This F20 104 affirmation is aimed not only at the non-polka, non-ethnic F20 105 community but also at that image-conscious and 'gatekeeping' F20 106 section of the Polish-American community which, until quite F20 107 recently, has not wanted to acknowledge the polka people's F20 108 existence at all.

F20 109 The Polka Music Hall of Fame is part of the IPA's struggle F20 110 against the belittlement of polka music from both outside and F20 111 inside the ethnic community. The Hall of Fame is an appropriate F20 112 mark of seriousness and success, not only to those who make F20 113 unconscious or conscious comparisons with the acceptance, F20 114 popularity, and unassailability of baseball and country music but F20 115 also to the vast majority of Polonians who tend to recognize virtue F20 116 in an organization only when they see it materialize in a building, F20 117 a landmark of substance. In this desire to put the polka on the F20 118 map, the two themes of ethnic pride and class pride are F20 119 interwoven.

F20 120 A long-standing member of the IPA emphasizes this point:

F20 121 interview

F20 122 Museums and halls of fame, like other visible institutions, are F20 123 respected in Polonia, U.S.A. But respect never comes unadulterated. F20 124 By the time an organization is doing something clearly enough to F20 125 command respect, it has also crystallized an opposition that is F20 126 eloquent on the subject of its demerits. The Polish-American's deep F20 127 sense that nothing gets done without many people pulling together, F20 128 without organization, cooperation, communal work, and appropriate F20 129 institutions, is threatened by enduring rifts in the community. On F20 130 the one hand Am-Poles claim to love freedom and democracy so much F20 131 that they cannot compromise on such important issues; on the other, F20 132 they say they 'cannot agree on anything.' What Helena Znaniecki F20 133 Lopata calls 'status competition' is taken for granted. 'Jealousy' F20 134 is the word for it, and it is the most prevalent explanation for F20 135 unresolved disputes between people who are not divided by F20 136 substantial conflicts of interest. 'Jealousy,' assumed to motivate F20 137 any criticism, is deprecated when it seems to be the main F20 138 motivating force in a person's behavior. In fact, however, in a F20 139 community where status competition and having a pleasant time in a F20 140 companionable group are such prevalent motivations for social F20 141 activity, both jealousy and good common sense unite behind the F20 142 following crucial questions: What's the leadership in it for? F20 143 What's happening to the money? Is this a democratic, open F20 144 (noncliquish) organization with legitimate procedures? Are the F20 145 leaders active? Are they doing something for the community?

F20 146 These are perennial questions through which every old and new F20 147 organization is scrutinized in Polonia. The standards of F20 148 selflessness, scrupulous handling of money, and legitimate F20 149 procedures are extremely high. While leniency in these matters may F20 150 be possible toward an individual member, strict skepticism fuels F20 151 the examination of anyone who presumes to act in an official F20 152 capacity.

F20 153 Since polka activity is expected to pay for itself, those who F20 154 assume organizational positions are usually adept at handling the F20 155 economy that sustains the polka. Such talented individuals are F20 156 admired yet scrutinized. The fans are practical and accept as a F20 157 matter of course that in helping the music survive, polka F20 158 professionals are also working for their own futures; they point to F20 159 this interdependence as an intelligent compromise between private F20 160 and public welfare. Greed, however, is an ever present threat. F20 161 Concern for monetary profit only is completely out of place within F20 162 a polka ideal that demands cheerful service to the public. Sharp F20 163 gossip is constantly used to limit excessive profit seeking.

F20 164 While the IPA cannot avoid the skepticism that readily F20 165 accompanies financial success, it has managed to put its best foot F20 166 forward. Most of its functions are benefits for the Polka Music F20 167 Hall of Fame and Museum. The IPA makes contributions to charitable F20 168 organizations such as the March of Dimes. Through a calendar of F20 169 such affairs the IPA ensures adequately paid work and good F20 170 publicity for the polka businesses of its members (bands, halls, F20 171 bars, caterers, and so on). Such moderate compensation, however, F20 172 falls within the limits of what the practical polka public consider F20 173 reasonable. And there is nothing like donating money to the F20 174 community to allay suspicions of personal gain. Furthermore, the F20 175 IPA is run completely by volunteer labor, and the IPA F20 176 Bulletin maintains a high standard of open information about F20 177 finances and meetings. Nonetheless, there are jokes. Elections are F20 178 greeted by a jovial response: "Fixed - do it F20 179 again!" Most of the time, these jokes are good-humored - F20 180 people poking fun at themselves and exorcizing the ever present F20 181 suspicion and danger of crookedness - but may include a pointed F20 182 challenge to the legitimacy, the fairness of selection: F20 183 "How come your cousin won, Stan?" This is why the F20 184 broad membership in the academy of electors for the Annual Polka F20 185 Music Awards and the professionalism of the consulting firm that F20 186 tabulates the votes represent a solid base from which the F20 187 legitimacy of the IPA decisions can be defended.

F20 188 Although the association's purpose and activities are F20 189 remarkably coherent, there is one gnawing inconsistency in its F20 190 stated goal. The IPA proclaims itself international, yet in many F20 191 important ways it has always been a Polish-American organization. F20 192 Some fans see this contradiction as an indication of bad faith in F20 193 the very nature of the organization, but most ignore it or F20 194 interpret it as a pious wish that for practical reasons has not yet F20 195 been fulfilled. The feeling in polkaland is always 'the more, the F20 196 merrier,' and everyone within the polka world is aware that the F20 197 polka is a true international phenomenon.

F20 198 Like other active members of the IPA, Chet Schafer accepts this F20 199 dual nature of the association as a pragmatic reality, the way F20 200 things have actually worked out. The IPA came to life out of the F20 201 experience of the polka people in Chicago's Polonia; hence, it is F20 202 not only a Polish organization in its membership, its leadership, F20 203 and the cultural ideals it embodies but, more specifically, a F20 204 Chicago Polonian organization. Nevertheless, as Schafer puts it, F20 205 irrespective of the original and present membership, "the F20 206 idea is to unite all the ethnic groups interested in preserving the F20 207 polka." F20 208 F21 1 <#FROWN:F21\>When the many greenhouse gases are introduced into the F21 2 free atmosphere, they begin to combine with one another, thereby F21 3 producing another set of complicated interactions with the F21 4 radiation balance of the system. Scientists recognize that a full F21 5 representation of each gas is needed to properly account for the F21 6 radiative effects of the many trace gases. But in an attempt to F21 7 simplify this complex situation, the equivalent CO2 values remain F21 8 in wide use by climatologists working with the greenhouse F21 9 effect.

F21 10 Equivalent CO2 levels were approximately 290 ppm at the F21 11 beginning of the Industrial Revolution; by 1900, the equivalent CO2 F21 12 had risen to about 310 ppm. Although the estimates in the F21 13 scientific literature vary (e.g., Tricot and Berger, 1987; F21 14 Sch<*_>o-umlaut<*/>nwiese and Runge, 1991), the best estimate of F21 15 equivalent CO2 for 1990 is over 430 ppm - since the beginning of F21 16 the Industrial Revolution, we have increased the equivalent CO2 by F21 17 approximately 50 percent (Houghton et al., 1990). And over the past F21 18 100 years, we have seen the equivalent CO2 levels increase by 40 F21 19 percent. Given the pattern of the past 100 years, we can expect to F21 20 reach the 600 ppm equivalent CO2 value (often used as the value for F21 21 a doubling of CO2) between 2035 and 2040.

F21 22 The concept of equivalent CO2 is a critical component to much F21 23 of this book. Most of the predictions associated with the 'popular F21 24 vision' are for a time when we have doubled CO2 (or equivalent F21 25 CO2). Yet, as can be seen in Figure 10, we have already gone F21 26 halfway to an equivalent CO2 doubling, and in the past 100 years, F21 27 we have witnessed a 40 percent increase in this value. We are lucky F21 28 that over the same 100-year period, relatively good records have F21 29 been kept regarding the climate of the earth. If large, F21 30 catastrophic changes in climate are going to occur for a doubling F21 31 of equivalent CO2, we should expect to see some of these changes F21 32 being revealed for a 40-50 percent increase in the equivalent CO2. F21 33 Understanding how our climate responded to the observed increase in F21 34 equivalent CO2 will certainly provide insight into how the climate F21 35 will ultimately respond to a doubling of CO2.

F21 36 3

F21 37 THE NUMERICAL MODELS OF GLOBAL CLIMATE

F21 38 It is widely recognized that the atmospheric concentrations of F21 39 the various anthropogenic greenhouse gases are increasing and that F21 40 they will continue to increase into the next century. As we saw F21 41 earlier, the doubling of equivalent CO2 (actually, when we reach F21 42 600 ppm) will likely occur near the year 2040; obviously, any F21 43 number of social, technological, political, and economic unknowns F21 44 can alter the exact time. However, most scientists agree that some F21 45 time in the middle of the next century, the earth's atmosphere will F21 46 reach the 600 ppm level for equivalent carbon dioxide.

F21 47 For a long time, climatologists have attempted to determine F21 48 what the climate of the earth would be like in a world of doubled F21 49 CO2. Toward the end of the nineteenth century, many scientists were F21 50 conducting research on the radiative and absorptive properties of F21 51 gases in the atmosphere. Following in this trend, Svante Arrhenius F21 52 presented a paper to the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences in 1895 F21 53 that showed a doubling of CO2 would lead to a rise in global F21 54 temperature of about 6.0<*_>degree<*/>C (10.8<*_>degree<*/>F); the F21 55 paper was later published by the Philosophical Magazine F21 56 (Arrhenius, 1896). By the 1930s, G. S. Callendar, of London's F21 57 Imperial College of Science, had calculated the amount of CO2 F21 58 humans had emitted into the atmosphere. Callendar (1938) concluded F21 59 that the observed rate of CO2 increase could lead to a F21 60 1.1<*_>degree<*/>C (2.0<*_>degree<*/>F) warming per century. F21 61 Several decades later, Johns Hopkins University scientist Gilbert F21 62 Plass (1956) determined that a doubling of CO2 would force the F21 63 planetary temperature to rise by 3.6<*_>degree<*/>C F21 64 (6.5<*_>degree<*/>F). By the early 1960s, M<*_>o-umlaut<*/>ller F21 65 (1963) was developing very simplistic models of the atmosphere; his F21 66 research led to an estimate of a 1.5<*_>degree<*/>C F21 67 (2.7<*_>degree<*/>F) rise in temperature for a 300 ppm rise in F21 68 atmospheric CO2. The calculations were becoming increasingly F21 69 intricate and complex by the end of the 1960s; the modern numerical F21 70 models of global climate were becoming an important part of the CO2 F21 71 research. Nonetheless, the early 'pioneering' work by Arrhenius, F21 72 Callendar, Plass, and M<*_>o-umlaut<*/>ller led them to conclusions F21 73 that are remarkably consistent with the predictions of some of the F21 74 most complex climate models.

F21 75 WHAT ARE NUMERICAL CLIMATE MODELS?

F21 76 Models are idealized representations of reality, and in the F21 77 context of numerical global climate models, they are mathematical, F21 78 theoretical, deductive, and deterministic representations of the F21 79 climate. The goal of the numerical modelers is to generate models F21 80 that are based on the physics governing the mass, momentum, and F21 81 energy flows and exchanges in the atmospheric system. For example, F21 82 in Chapter 1 an equation was given for calculating the effective F21 83 temperature of the earth. In a very simplistic form, that equation F21 84 could be considered a numerical model of climate. The equation was F21 85 obviously mathematical, it can be derived from relatively simple F21 86 theory, and its derivation was deductive. We started with the F21 87 theory, then built the equation, as opposed to measuring the solar F21 88 constants and various effective temperatures of the planets and F21 89 moons and then finding an equation that matched our observations. F21 90 The effective temperature equation is also deterministic - the most F21 91 basic forcing functions of global temperature are explicitly F21 92 represented in the model. If we were to calculate the effective F21 93 temperature for the various planets and moons of the solar system, F21 94 and then compare the estimated effective temperature with the F21 95 actual mean temperatures of these bodies, we would be close in many F21 96 cases and quite in error in other cases. Nonetheless, we would F21 97 still have a numerical model capable of simulating, with some F21 98 limited degree of accuracy, the mean global temperature of bodies F21 99 in the solar system.

F21 100 The effective temperature 'model,' which is clearly at the F21 101 lower end of the spectrum of model complexity, is an example of a F21 102 zero-dimensional model (Schneider and Dickinson, 1974; F21 103 Fraedrick, 1978). It is called zero-dimensional because it does not F21 104 resolve any of the latitudinal, longitudinal, or vertical patterns F21 105 in the climate system. Given the extreme limitations in using such F21 106 a zero-dimensional model, one may conclude that the only useful F21 107 climate models must be three-dimensional. However, a number F21 108 of one-dimensional models have proved useful in CO2-climate F21 109 research.

F21 110 Imagine a vertical line running from the surface of the earth F21 111 straight out to the very top of the atmosphere. At many points F21 112 along the line, we could specify various physically based equations F21 113 that could simulate the transfer of solar energy, the transfer of F21 114 infrared energy from the earth and atmosphere, the vertical F21 115 movement of air via convective processes, and even some basic cloud F21 116 physics (e.g., Manabe and Wetherald, 1967; Manabe, 1983). The F21 117 influence of various gases could be carefully specified in such a F21 118 radiative-convective model, and as the concentrations of these F21 119 gases are altered, the effects on energy transfers, temperatures, F21 120 convection, and clouds could be determined. Such a one-dimensional F21 121 model is surprisingly well suited to the greenhouse problem, and F21 122 although its one-dimensional character would seem very limiting, F21 123 these models have been used successfully in green-house F21 124 research (e.g., Manabe and Wetherald, 1967; Schneider, 1975; Watts, F21 125 1980).

F21 126 Another type of popular one-dimensional model resolves F21 127 latitudinal differences in climate as opposed to the vertical F21 128 structure of the atmosphere. Sellers (1969) and Budyko (1969) F21 129 independently developed two of the most widely used one-dimensional F21 130 energy balance models that have been applied to the greenhouse F21 131 question. However, these models are largely used in classroom F21 132 exercises, and have not continued to be utilized in many recent F21 133 greenhouse experiments. Two-dimensional models (e.g., Sellers, F21 134 1973) combining a vertical coordinate with latitude or including F21 135 only longitude and latitude are uncommon, and have not played a F21 136 significant role in the greenhouse research.

F21 137 Within the hierarchy of models (Schneider and Dickinson, 1974; F21 138 Gal-Chen and Schneider, 1976), the three-dimensional models are F21 139 clearly at the top, and these three-dimensional models are central F21 140 to the greenhouse debate. These models attempt to resolve the F21 141 latitudinal, longitudinal, and vertical components of the F21 142 earth-atmosphere system. To visualize how many of these models F21 143 operate, think about a grid of points over the earth's surface. F21 144 Although the models vary in terms of spatial resolution, a grid of F21 145 approximately 500 km by 500 km (300 by 300 miles) is common. Even F21 146 at the rather sparse spatial resolution of the 500-km squares, one F21 147 should realize that several thousand of these squares are needed to F21 148 cover the globe. Because the three-dimensional models F21 149 contain a vertical component, these several thousand squares F21 150 defined at the surface have layers of boxes above. Most of the F21 151 modern three-dimensional models have approximately ten vertical F21 152 layers, and therefore, the earth-atmosphere system is represented F21 153 by over 20,000 boxes.

F21 154 An intricate and complex set of equations is solved for each F21 155 grid point or box to determine time and space changes in mass, F21 156 energy, and momentum. The equations are written to carefully F21 157 simulate changes in atmospheric pressure, fluxes of incoming solar F21 158 energy, outgoing infrared radiant energy, thermal patterns, wind F21 159 vectors, moisture levels, precipitation, clouds, ice and snow, and F21 160 on and on. If there is not enough complexity already, the models F21 161 should simulate oceanic circulations and allow a coupling between F21 162 the oceans and the atmosphere. Because many of the F21 163 three-dimensional models are based fundamentally upon the equations F21 164 governing the wind patterns of the planet, these three-dimensional F21 165 models are often referred to as general circulation models or F21 166 GCMs.

F21 167 All modelers are confronted with finding a balance between the F21 168 physical representation of the climate elements and speed of F21 169 computation (in fact, to maximize computational efficiency, some F21 170 'spectral' models do not have grids and boxes, but rather produce F21 171 all calculations for a series of harmonic waves). Ideally, modelers F21 172 seek to represent all of the processes with theoretically based F21 173 equations generated from the underlying physics. However, this goal F21 174 is compromised at times to allow the computer program making up the F21 175 model to run more quickly.

F21 176 Many processes operating within the earth-atmosphere system can F21 177 be represented with more simplified equations that are based on F21 178 observed statistical relations. These simplified equations may have F21 179 great accuracy in representing some process in the atmosphere, but F21 180 they are not equations that reflect the physics of the process. F21 181 These 'fast physics' relations are referred to as F21 182 parameterizations. They keep the computation time down, but the F21 183 parameterizations reduce the scientific purity of the model. Many F21 184 parameterizations used in the earlier models are fortunately being F21 185 replaced by more explicit and physically based equations in the F21 186 latest generation of climate models. Convective processes, heat F21 187 flow in the soil, sea ice processes, and the structure of the cloud F21 188 deck are examples of recent improvements in the models. However, F21 189 sub-grid-scale phenomena, such as thunderstorms operating at a F21 190 scale less than the 500 km grid spacing, continue to be F21 191 parameterized in the models.

F21 192 Imagine that the computer program is written and ready for a F21 193 climate simulation. The surface conditions, including basic F21 194 geography and topography, are specified along with starting F21 195 conditions in the atmosphere; obviously, detailed information about F21 196 the sun and the orbit of the earth can be specified in the model. F21 197 The equations that make up the model are written in a form that F21 198 allows the change in surface and atmospheric conditions to be F21 199 calculated for a given change in time (time steps near 30 minutes F21 200 are common). The models are started or initialized with the surface F21 201 and atmospheric conditions, and all equations are solved for the F21 202 change in the atmospheric and surface components over one time-step F21 203 interval. This produces a new set of conditions, and the model F21 204 equations are once again solved for another time step. After F21 205 several years of simulated time in the model, the calculations F21 206 stabilize, and outputs can be generated for a large number of F21 207 simulated surface and atmospheric conditions (Meehl, 1984).

F21 208 These models represent enormously complex computer programs F21 209 that are tremendous achievements in computing, applied mathematics, F21 210 and atmospheric physics. Many of the best minds in climatology have F21 211 been used to construct these models, which require the power of the F21 212 world's biggest and fastest computers. In the late 1960s and early F21 213 1970s, the climate models were typically constructed by just one or F21 214 two investigators (e.g., Sellers, 1969; Budyko, 1969; Manabe and F21 215 Wetherald, 1975). F21 216 F21 217 F22 1 <#FROWN: F22\>Writing 'True' Crime: Getting Forensic Facts F23 1 Our Disappearing Common Culture

F22 2 Right

F23 2 THE FORBIDDEN TOPIC

F22 3 by Steven Scarborough

F23 3 Some conservatives don't want to know about the link between F22 4 THE STORY READS LIKE THIS: Mitch Sharp, the skillful detective, F23 4 multiculturalism and immigration

F22 5 solves the 'Casino Slasher Case' by tracing cloth fibers and a drop F23 5 Lawrence Auster

F22 6 of saliva found at the murder scene to the stealthy criminal.

F23 6 ACROSS the country, America's mainstream identity is being F22 7 What's wrong with the facts in this scenario? This simply can't F23 7 dismantled in the name of 'inclusion.' Half of last summer's New F22 8 be done. The evidence is scien-tifically dubious. When is a F23 8 York City Shakespeare Festival was given over to Spanish and F22 9 case plausible, and when does it stretch reality? A writer can know F23 9 Portuguese translations of Shakespeare. Christmas has been replaced F22 10 only by examining the type of forensic evidence necessary for the F23 10 in many schools by a non-denominational Winterfest or by the new F22 11 events of the story and then by doing the appropriate research.

F23 11 African-American holiday Kwanza, while schools in areas with large F22 12 Fingerprints F23 12 Hispanic populations celebrate Cinco de Mayo. The exemplary figures F22 13 Fingerprints are the most conclusive form of forensic evidence; F23 13 of American history have been excised from school textbooks, F22 14 they are the only type of evidence that does not require F23 14 replaced by obscure minorities and women. Despite massive additions F22 15 corroborative proof. Though the probability of finding that elusive F23 15 of material on non-Western societies, school texts are still being F22 16 fingerprint or that single strand of hair is low, it can be woven F23 16 stridently attacked as 'Eurocentric,' and much more radical changes F22 17 into your story if you include the proper background. Fingerprint F23 17 are in the works.

F22 18 pro-cessing of a toenail and an eyeball of a murder victim F23 18 Yet even as the multiculturalist revolution rolls through the F22 19 in The Red Dragon is not only technically correct, but it F23 19 land, there is still profound disagreement about its meaning, its F22 20 also lends a gritty credence to Thomas Harris' novel.

F23 20 aims, and most of all its origins. Mainstream media and F22 21 Fingerprints command the most attention in court, and they F23 21 educationalists describe the diversity movement as, in part, an F22 22 should get equal billing in our crime story. In a city of about F23 22 effort to be more inclusive of America's historic minorities; in F22 23 300,000, finger-prints lead to the identification, arrest, F23 23 its larger dimensions, however, they see it as a response to the F22 24 or con-viction of nearly one person every day.

F23 24 prodigious changes that are occurring in America's ethnic F22 25 While fingerprints are readily retrieved from glass, shiny F23 25 composition. America is rapidly becoming multi-racial and F22 26 metal, and paper, they are difficult to recover from fabric, F23 26 white-minority, and, these observers say, our national identity is F22 27 textured objects, or fin-ished furniture. Surface to F23 27 changing in response. If that is true - and it is stated or implied F22 28 surface, the methods to recovery differ, so the writer should know F23 28 in almost every news story on the subject - then it is also true F22 29 the proper processes for recovering incriminating fingerprints. It F23 29 that the massive Third World immigration is itself the ultimate F22 30 will make a story both interesting and accurate.

F23 30 driving force behind multiculturalism.

F22 31 In Presumed Innocent, Scott Turow gives us an F23 31 Virtually alone in resisting these assumptions is the F22 32 impressive account of the questioning of a fingerprint witness in F23 32 conservative establishment, particularly the neoconservatives. F22 33 court. His only lapse is in describing blue fingerprints developed F23 33 Liberals, who support both unrestricted immigration and F22 34 on glass with ninhydrin powder. Ninhydrin, a liquid chemical F23 34 multiculturalism, do not hesitate to point out a causal link F22 35 brushed on paper, produces a purplish fingerprint. The common F23 35 between the two; indeed, they appeal to the inevitability of F22 36 graphite powder method is used on slick surfaces such as glass.

F23 36 continued Third World immigration as an unanswerable argument for F22 37 A dramatic punch to your story might be to recover prints from F23 37 multiculturalism. Traditional conservatives like Pat Buchanan, who F22 38 one of your victims, and it can be done. Iodine fumes are blown F23 38 with equal consistency oppose both multiculturalism and Third F22 39 over the body with a small glass tube and a silver plate is pressed F23 39 World immigration, also have no difficulty in seeing the causal F22 40 against the skin to lift the print. However, at this time prints F23 40 connection. Neoconservatives, by contrast, have dissociated these F22 41 can be recovered only within two hours from a live person and F23 41 two issues, leading the fight against multiculturalism while F22 42 within about twelve hours from a deceased one.

F23 42 passionately clinging to the ideal of unrestricted immigration. F22 43 Is your antagonist trying to incriminate some-one else? F23 43 Their pro-immigration stand, based on a conviction of both its F22 44 Maybe he has considered forging a fingerprint? Forget it, his F23 44 economic necessity and its political morality, compels them to F22 45 attempts are sure to be futile. It is nearly impossible to recreate F23 45 ignore - or ritually dismiss - the mounting evidence that the F22 46 an ac-curate die of someone's fingerprint. A cast can be F23 46 sea-change in America's ethnic identity is fueling the F22 47 made, provided he has a willing or dead hand to cast. Yet, even the F23 47 cultural-diversity movement. To keep immigration from coming under F22 48 resulting print will be reversed or backward if transferred to an F23 48 attack, they are forced to hunt for alternative explanations for F22 49 object.

F23 49 multiculturalism.

F22 50 A fingerprint expert cannot testify to how long a fingerprint F23 50 This approach was brought into focus last summer in articles by F22 51 will last on an object. General rules suggest that a fingerprint F23 51 Irving Kristol in the Wall Street Journal, by Nathan F22 52 will last days, not weeks, outside in the weather; weeks but not F23 52 Glazer in The New Republic, and by Midge Decter in F22 53 months in a residence; and a month would not be long for a F23 53 Commentary. Despite wide differences on the effects of F22 54 fingerprint left on a mirror, especially if en-cased in a F23 54 multiculturalism (Kristol thinks it's a threat to the West equal to F22 55 drawer or a safe. Fingerprints have been chemically recovered years F23 55 Nazism and Stalinism; Glazer thinks it's no big deal), they reached F22 56 later on the pages of a book.

F23 56 startlingly similar conclusions about its causes.

F22 57 When tracing someone from latent fingerprints, the investigator F23 57 Multiculturalism, they argued, has essentially nothing to do F22 58 must have the suspect's name and fingerprint record on a file to F23 58 with America's increasing ethnic diversity; at bottom, it is a F22 59 make a positive match. Lawrence Block captures the essence of F23 59 desperate, misguided attempt to overcome black educational F22 60 fingerprints in The Burglar Who Painted Like Mondrian:

F23 60 deficiencies - an effort that radicals have opportunistically F22 61 ... you can't really run a check on a single print F23 61 seized upon to advance their separatist and anti-West agenda. F22 62 unless you've already got a suspect. You need a whole set of F23 62 "Did these black students and their problems not exist, we F22 63 prints, which we wouldn't have, even if whoever it was left prints, F23 63 would hear little of multiculturalism," Irving Kristol F22 64 which they probably didn't. And they'd have to have been F23 64 declared. Assimilation, he believes, is proceeding apace: F22 65 fingerprinted anyway for a check to reveal them ....

F23 65 "Most Hispanics are behaving very much like the Italians of F22 66 Historically, fingerprints have been filed using a ten-print F23 66 yesteryear; most Orientals, like the Jews of yesteryear." F22 67 classification system; without recover-ing latent F23 67 Nathan Glazer agreed: "[I]t is not the new immigration that F22 68 fingerprints of all ten fingers, a per-son could not be F23 68 is driving the multicultural demands."

F22 69 identified. In the 1980s, the AFIS (Automated Fingerprint F23 69 Down with Eurocentrism

F22 70 Identification System) computer was introduced, enabling F23 70 IRONICALLY, on the same day Irving Kristol was denying that F22 71 jurisdictions with access to the computer to link a single latent F23 71 Hispanics are pushing for multiculturalism, the New York F22 72 fingerprint to a suspect previously fingerprinted. Writers should F23 72 Times ran this typical item: "Buoyed by a growing F22 73 remember the AFIS computers cost over a million dollars, and your F23 73 population and by a greater presence on local school boards, F22 74 quaint Ver-mont village will not have one. The F23 74 Hispanic Americans have begun pressing text-book publishers F22 75 well-connected fictional investigator should know someone F23 75 and state education officials to include more about Hispanic F22 76 at a large agency or the FBI for a record check.

F23 76 contributions in the curriculums of public schools," as F22 77 Body fluids

F23 77 well as to correct 'stereotypes' - a familiar code for the F22 78 Fingerprints may be the most positive form of identification, F23 78 elimination of Eurocentrism.

F22 79 but what if your perpetrator does not leave any? In the absence of F23 79 A spate of letters to the Wall Street Journal F22 80 fingerprints, body fluids are a common type of evidence found at a F23 80 protesting Kristol's view offered a revealing glimpse into F22 81 crime scene. If an intact sample of adequate size is recovered, F23 81 mainstream opinion on the subject. The chief factor in F22 82 body fluids can be analyzed to ob-tain a DNA genetic F23 82 multiculturalism, wrote Martha Farnsworth Riche of the Population F22 83 profile that can be compared with the suspect's or examined for F23 83 Reference Bureau, is that "racially and ethnically, F22 84 blood type.

F23 84 America's school-age population is increasingly unlike its F22 85 Blood, semen, and saliva are all excellent media for F23 85 past generations. ... This ensures that the school-age population F22 86 determining a DNA match. DNA (deox-yribonucleic acid) is F23 86 will become even less a product of what we call 'Western F22 87 the blueprint of a person's genetic makeup and is absolutely unique F23 87 civilization' in the future." Multiculturalism, said F22 88 for each individual. Contrary to common belief, hair will not F23 88 another correspondent, "is not an attempt to address the F22 89 reveal a person's DNA pattern. Have your victim yank out a clump of F23 89 social problems of African-Americans. Latin Americans and F22 90 hair with the skin cells to make a DNA match.

F23 90 Asian-Americans have been equally involved." From the F22 91 The equipment necessary to analyze DNA is highly specialized F23 91 cultural Left, Gregory K. Tanaka said that as a result of the F22 92 and costly. Again, if your story is set in a quaint village, it may F23 92 increasing proportion of non-whites in America, "it is F22 93 not be feasible to run a DNA check. It also may take months to get F23 93 becoming clear that our Western 'common' culture no longer works. F22 94 results from one of the few laboratories that do DNA analysis. This F23 94 What Mr. Kristol overlooks is that this decline of Westernism F22 95 need not be a negative; think of the desperation, the agony, of F23 95 leaves us no surviving basis for social order."

F22 96 waiting for results while your killer still stalks.

F23 96 While it might be tempting to dismiss these views as F22 97 Body fluids can be analyzed by the local crime lab to help your F23 97 multiculturalist propaganda, the clincher is that Nathan Glazer F22 98 detective. An important factor associated with body fluids, F23 98 himself, after at first denying that the increase of non-European F22 99 including blood types, is secretor status. A secretor puts out, F23 99 groups is propelling multiculturalism, turned around and admitted F22 100 i.e., secretes, his AB0 blood types into peripheral body fluids F23 100 it: "I do not see how school systems with a majority of F22 101 such as semen, perspiration, etc. It is possible for your fictional F23 101 black and Latino students, with black or Latino F22 102 serial rapist to avoid any link to his body fluids by being one of F23 102 leadership at the top ... can stand firmly against the F22 103 the 15 per cent that are non-secretors.

F23 103 multiculturalist thrust ... demographic and political F22 104 What does blood type tell the investigator? Normally a blood F23 104 pressures change the history that is to be taught." F22 105 type places a person in a broad por-tion of the general F23 105 (Italics added.) It was in this same article that Glazer, to the F22 106 population. A community might have 45 per cent of its members with F23 106 great consternation of his neoconservative allies, announced his F22 107 0 blood, 20 per cent with A blood, and so on. Therefore, if F23 107 reluctant support for Thomas Sobol's radical curriculum reforms in F22 108 standard AB0 typing is done, the results are of little value F23 108 New York state. That Glazer subscribed to the F22 109 because of the large population with that blood type.

F23 109 demographics-multiculturalism link in the very act of surrendering F22 110 Additional blood grouping techniques, specifically enzyme and F23 110 to the new curriculum supports my point that once multiculturalism F22 111 protein analyses, enable the forensic chemist to assign a suspect F23 111 is accepted, the key role of immigration and ethnic diversity in F22 112 to a nar-rower population. Your fictional crime lab should F23 112 driving multiculturalism loses its stigma and can be freely F22 113 not give your detective a match on blood from the crime scene. They F23 113 acknowledged.

F22 114 can limit only the number of people in your town that have that F23 114 To this, conservatives reply that Glazer is not admitting a F22 115 type of enzyme blood groups.

F23 115 forbidden truth but is simply adopting the multiculturalists' F22 116 The special equipment needed for thorough blood group analysis F23 116 fallacious 'demographic inevitability' argument. In The New F22 117 is costly, and it is probable that numerous crimes go unsolved F23 117 Criterion, Heather McDonald agrees that demographic changes F22 118 because suf-ficient testing is either too expensive or F23 118 are "fueling" multiculturalism, but criticizes Glazer for F22 119 neglected.

F23 119 "[mistaking] the actual for the inevitable." In F22 120 Other evidence

F23 120 other words, neoconservatives will concede that multiculturalism F22 121 Hair can be of forensic value. Strands found at the scene of F23 121 has been adopted because of our society's increasing diversity; F22 122 the crime can be compared to a suspect's for similarities in color, F23 122 but, they insist, this was not 'logical.' Since immigration is only F22 123 shape, and tex-ture, but it is difficult to determine race F23 123 the 'actual' cause and not the 'logical' cause, we should leave F22 124 or even sex. An author can write that some of the suspects were F23 124 immigration alone.

F22 125 eliminated because analysis concluded that their hair was not F23 125 One can't help being reminded of the people who say that the F22 126 similar or consistent with the hair found at the crime scene.

F23 126 failures of Marxism do not prove its theoretical unsoundness. F22 127 Footwear prints, recovered photographically, fall into the F23 127 Just as one cannot persuade a devoted Marxist that Marxism must F22 128 class category. Except for the excep-tional case, F23 128 lead to tyranny and poverty, one cannot logically demonstrate to an F22 129 shoeprints can only be said to be made by the same type of shoe. F23 129 open-borders conservative that precipitately changing an F22 130 Footwear, or any class type evidence (hair, fiber, AB0 blood type) F23 130 historically European-majority country into a multi-racial, F22 131 by itself would normally not be enough to convict your suspect in a F23 131 white minority country must result in a breakdown of the common F22 132 court of law.

F23 132 culture. Nevertheless, whether logical or not, that is what is F22 133 Handwriting cases rarely get into court. A handwriting expert F23 133 happening.

F22 134 renders an opinion after ex-amining several varying F23 134 Here neoconservatives fall back on the familiar argument that F22 135 factors, such as letter height ratio and slant. If the writing is F23 135 it is only the ethnic activists, not the great bulk of the F22 136 similar, then degrees of match probability are reported.

F23 136 immigrant groups, who are pushing for multiculturalism, a case F22 137 Criminals usually disguise their writing. It is unlikely that a F23 137 advanced most recently by Linda Chavez in Out of the F22 138 kidnappers's ransom note, written in block letters, will lead to F23 138 Barrio. But as Tamar Jacoby has pointed out, Miss Chavez's own F22 139 the identity of your brutish villain. Words in blood dribbled on a F23 139 evidence suggests quite the opposite conclusion: that Hispanics of F22 140 wall may provide a strong clue and add color to your story but they F23 140 all classes are eagerly embracing the call to cultural separatism. F22 141 will not enable a handwriting ex-aminer to point to your F23 141 According to one study cited by Miss Chavez, a large and rising F22 142 murderer.

F23 142 percentage of Hispanics describe themselves as 'Hispanic F22 143 Striations on a bullet are unique, much like the ridges of a F23 143 first/American second' - a preference made clear by the Hispanic F22 144 fingerprint. Therefore, a bullet can be traced to a gun using the F23 144 majority in San Jos<*_>e-acute<*/>, California, who angrily F22 145 scratches or lands and grooves imprinted on it by the barrel of a F23 145 protested, as a 'symbol of conquest,' a statue commemorating the F22 146 gun. Unfortunately, if the barrel is damaged or changed, or if the F23 146 raising of the American flag in California during the Mexican F22 147 bullet is mangled, the examina-tion will be inconclusive. F23 147 War.<&|>sic!

F22 148 Careful scrutiny is necessary before including a firearms match in F23 148 But even if it were true that most of the new ethnics didn't F22 149 your murder mystery.

F23 149 'want' multiculturalism, it is undeniable that their swelling F22 150 Thomas Harris was very skillful in weaving his forensic F23 150 numbers empower the group-rights movement by adding to its F22 151 research throughout his novel. FBI Agent Will Graham explores the F23 151 clientele. Scott McConnell has pointed out in the New York F22 152 gamut of forensic evidence from fingerprints to blood typing to F23 152 Post that as soon as minority immigrants arrive in this F22 153 bite marks. The Red Dragon could be used as a F23 153 country, they become grist for the affirmative-action mill, F22 154 foren-sic model for crime writers.

F23 154 eligible for an elaborate web of preferences. To imagine that we F22 155 The increasing sophistication of today's readers is a two-edged F23 155 can turn back the multiculturalist and group-rights ideology by F22 156 sword: Readers are no longer satisfied with, 'He was the only one F23 156 persuasion alone, while continuing the large-scale immigration that F22 157 tall enough who had a motive.' A Writer trying to add more realism F23 157 feeds that ideology, is like pouring liquor down a man's throat F22 158 to a story need not shy away from scien-tific evidence, but F23 158 while 'advising' him to stay sober.

F22 159 he must check his forensic facts for accuracy. Credibility is the F23 159 Apart from ideology, it is important to understand that massive F22 160 key to a successful crime novel. Just as a character's action may F23 160 deculturation is occurring as a direct result of the demographic F22 161 lead the reader to say, 'He wouldn't do that,' an F23 161 changes themselves. Commenting on the impact of the huge Hispanic F22 162 er-roneous forensic fact can turn off the reader. Do your F23 162 presence in California, an Hispanic academic tells the New F22 163 research well, and readers will be clamoring for your next F23 163 York Times: "What is threatened here is intellectual F22 164 authentic crime story.

F23 164 life, the arts, museums, symphonies. How can you talk about F22 165 Writing A Publishable Health Article

F23 165 preserving open space and establishing museums with a large F22 166 by JOAN LIPPERT

F23 166 undereducated underclass?" The program director of the F22 167 "Your very lack of expertise in the health field makes F23 167 Brooklyn Academy of Music speaks matter-of-factly about the F22 168 you ideal as a health writer."

F23 168 inevitable displacement of Western music as the Academy gears its F22 169 IF ONLY YOU WERE A doctor, researcher, dietitian, or other F23 169 programs to the cultural interests and traditions of Brooklyn's F22 170 health professional - you would be truly qualified to write about F23 170 intensely heterogeneous, Third World population.

F22 171 health, right?

F23 171 Another consequence of this profound population shift is an F22 172 If you're none of these, you have a delightful surprise coming: F23 172 intensification of white guilt. Since in our emerging multi-racial F22 173 Your very lack of expertise in the health field makes you ideal as F23 173 society any all-white grouping is increasingly seen as F22 174 a health writer. You wonder about the same things your readers F23 174 non-representative (and presumptively 'racist'), the same F22 175 wonder about, and you express the answers in simple words the F23 175 assumption gets insensibly projected onto the past. The resulting F22 176 reader can understand. Consider well-known health writer Jane F23 176 loss of sympathetic interest in Western historical figures, lore, F22 177 Brody. She is not a doctor, nor does she have a doctorate in any F23 177 and achievements creates a ready audience for the multiculturalist F22 178 medical subject: she's just a journalist like you and me, a very F23 178 rewriting of history. When we can no longer employ traditional F22 179 thorough reporter who knows how to translate the esoterica of F23 179 reference points such as 'our Western heritage' because a critical F22 180 medicine into language that Aunt Enid in Hicksville can understand. F23 180 number of us are no longer from the West; when we cannot speak of F22 181 She is a professional writer who thinks of her audience first. It's F23 181 'our Founding Fathers' because the expression is considered F22 182 qualities like these that can endear you to editors.

F23 182 racially exclusive; when more and more minorities complain that F22 183 What besides a sense of your audience will you need to write F23 183 they can't identify with American history because they F22 184 about health? With an objective and intense interest in the way the F23 184 "don't see people who look like themselves" in that F22 185 body works, a good medical dictionary, and the pointers that F23 185 history, then the only practical way to preserve a simulacrum of F22 186 follow, you can probably find an opening in the F23 186 common identity is to redefine America as a centerless, F22 187 health-writing field.

F23 187 multicultural society.

F22 188 Start small. If you have not written about health F23 188 Multiculturalism, in sum, is far more than a radical ideology F22 189 before, consider a short news item as your first project. F23 189 or misconceived educational reform; it is a mainstream F22 190 Fortunately, proposing one health news item or even a group of them F23 190 phenomenon, a systematic dismantling of America's unitary national F22 191 does not have to mean a big investment of your item or the time of F23 191 identity in response to unprecedented ethnic and racial F22 192 a busy doctor. You can write a few sentences about a medical F23 192 transformation. Admittedly, immigration reform aimed at stabilizing F22 193 advance - enough to get a go-ahead from an editor - simply F23 193 the country's ethnic composition is no panacea; the debunking of F22 194 from reading a health journal, an abstract (article F23 194 multiculturalism must also continue. But if immigration is not cut F22 195 sum-mary or preview), press release or speech. Once you F23 195 back, the multiculturalist thrust will be simply unstoppable.

F22 196 have a go-ahead from an editor for the sub-ject you F23 196 What explains the conservatives' refusal to face the F22 197 propose, you can go after the interview. (Many doctors will not F23 197 demographic dimensions of multiculturalism? Martha Farnsworth Riche F22 198 take the time to speak with you until you have an actual F23 198 believes the reason is psychological: "The older white F22 199 assignment, and many editors prefer a short query to an unsolicited F23 199 academics are facing a shift in power. They're denying that reality F22 200 submission.) Magazines typically pay little for news items, and F23 200 by saying, in effect, that minorities 'should' assimilate; they F22 201 newspapers even less, but it is a good place for a novice to F23 201 don't want to face the fact that their world is F22 202 start.

F23 202 disappearing." More to the point, they are evading the F22 203 Another way to break into the health-writing field is with a F23 203 uncomfortable necessity of dealing with the racially charged F22 204 personal experience piece: how you lost the weight, climbed the F23 204 immigration issue.

F22 205 mountain, figured out what was ailing you, for example. A number of F23 205 Indeed, the conservatives' greatest reason for not allowing a F22 206 magazines publish first-person articles. On the down side, you will F23 206 fundamental debate on immigration is their understandable fear of F22 207 probably need good photog-raphy to illustrate your story, F23 207 opening up a forum for racist attitudes. But as last year's F22 208 and most of us do not have a leica loaded with slide film as a F23 208 election in Louisiana suggests, the establishment's refusal to take F22 209 constant companion. F23 209 seriously Middle America's legitimate concerns about cultural F22 210 F23 210 displacement only makes it more likely that those concerns will be F22 211 F23 211 taken up by extremists. If opposition to racism is not to become a F22 212 F23 212 destructive ideological crusade, then racism must be defined F23 214 in this world. Understood in a non-utopian sense, racial justice F23 215 means that the majority in a country treats minorities fairly and F23 216 equally; it does not mean that the majority is required to turn F23 217 itself into a minority. If it does mean the latter, then F23 218 nation-states, in effect, have no right to preserve their own F23 219 existence, let alone to control their borders.

F23 220 The immigration restrictions of the early 1920s, discriminatory F23 221 though they plainly were (and against the group to which this F23 222 writer belongs), reduced ethnic hatreds, greatly eased the F23 223 assimilation of white ethnics, and kept America a culturally F23 224 unified nation through the mid twentieth<&|>sic! century. The F23 225 falloff in cheap immigrant labor also encouraged capital-intensive F23 226 investment and spurred the great middle-class economic expansion of F23 227 the 1920s. It is ironic, therefore, that our open-borders advocates F23 228 constantly appeal to the turn-of-the-century immigration as a model F23 229 for us to follow today, since one of the key reasons the earlier F23 230 immigration turned out, in retrospect, to be such a remarkable F23 231 success was that it was halted. The same caveat applies even F23 232 more strongly to our present, uncontrolled influx from the Third F23 233 World.

F23 234 F23 235 F23 236 F24 1 IN BIKINI LAGOON LIFE THRIVES IN A NUCLEAR F24 2 GRAVEYARD

F24 3 Text by JOHN L. ELIOT

F24 4 NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC SENIOR WRITER

F24 5 Photographs by BILL CURTSINGER

F24 6 Blasted to the bottom like a steel guinea pig, the U.S. F24 7 submarine Pilotfish was among 21 vessels sunk during two F24 8 atomic tests at the end of World War II. This nuclear ghost fleet F24 9 belongs to the people of Bikini, still marooned far from their F24 10 radioactive Pacific island. Could these longtime symbols of F24 11 destruction become a marine park to attract sport divers and aid F24 12 the Bikinians?

F24 13 As if worshiping a higher power, sailors drill on the flight F24 14 deck of the U.S. carrier Saidor (opposite) for a momentous F24 15 test: code name, Able. Later that day, July 1, 1946, a B-29 would F24 16 drop an experimental weapon over a fleet of ships moored amid the F24 17 tranquil waters of Bikini Lagoon. These support personnel practice F24 18 protecting their eyes from the ungodly incandescence to be created F24 19 by an explosion equal to 20,000 tons of TNT.

F24 20 Less than a year earlier, the first wartime atom bombs had laid F24 21 waste Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Now, military analysts wanted to F24 22 know, what would happen to a navy attacked by this seemingly F24 23 irresistible force? So a massive exercise called Operation F24 24 Crossroads brought some 42,000 men, 242 ships, and 10,000 F24 25 instruments to Bikini. There two nuclear blasts were unleashed, the F24 26 first of 23 such tests performed at Bikini through 1953. The first, F24 27 Able, was detonated in midair. Three weeks later a second test, F24 28 Baker, was touched off underwater.

F24 29 To permit the dawn of the nuclear age there, a painful F24 30 sacrifice had been made earlier by the 167 Bikinians who lived on F24 31 that tropical atoll. A devout and trusting people, they agreed to F24 32 give up their home for a project that they were told was for the F24 33 good of mankind. Thus began their woeful saga as nuclear nomads F24 34 repeatedly relocated to other Pacific islands, where they have F24 35 found only unhappiness.

F24 36 With the Bikinians removed, the military assembled more than 90 F24 37 vessels, including landing craft, as targets. Many of the ships, F24 38 among them a few Japanese and German war prizes, had fought crucial F24 39 battles in the just ended war, and a few had served in the previous F24 40 one.

F24 41 The five battleships included Arkansas, a World War I F24 42 veteran. In 1944 she supported the Allied invasion of Normandy, as F24 43 did Nevada, heavily damaged at Pearl Harbour but raised and F24 44 repaired to fight again. Nagato, the Japanese battleship that F24 45 coordinated the Pearl Harbour attack, was berthed at Bikini out of F24 46 vengeance. A dozen destroyers and eight submarines with Pacific F24 47 battle scars from Midway to Guadalcanal were added.

F24 48 Of four cruisers, Germany's Prinz Eugen had sortied F24 49 with the famed battleships Bismarck and Scharnhorst - F24 50 both sunk in the Atlantic theater - before being surrendered to the F24 51 U.S. But the sentimental star was Saratoga, completed in 1927, F24 52 one of the first U.S. carriers. She survived Able but was doomed by F24 53 Baker. Its bomb hangs suspended 90 feet under a landing ship F24 54 (below) between Saratoga, background, and Arkansas, both F24 55 nearly in final position.

F24 56 BIKINI LAGOON

F24 57 In the path of a staggering force that would blow her 800 yards F24 58 away atop a 43-foot wave, Saratoga sits at the edge of the F24 59 Baker blast a half second after detonation.

F24 60 Seven and a half hours later "she died like a queen - F24 61 proudly," eulogized a New York Times F24 62 correspondent. Six other large ships were also lost, including the F24 63 battleships Arkansas and Nagato and submarines F24 64 Pilotfish and Apogon. Some were sunk by the two million F24 65 tons of water and sediment that was hurled more than a mile upward, F24 66 then fell to batter the ships.

F24 67 Yet the bombs' most insidious danger was revealed in the ships F24 68 that remained afloat or were salvaged: They seethed with radiation. F24 69 Bewildered men improvised decontamination efforts against an F24 70 invisible enemy. Permitted aboard some ships for only minutes, F24 71 sailors washed, scrubbed, foamed, and painted 'hot' steel, with F24 72 little effect. "In the end the Navy ... is going to feel a F24 73 lot like Br'er Rabbit when he got mixed up with the Tar F24 74 Baby," physician David Bradley, a Crossroads veteran, F24 75 observed at the time.

F24 76 Of 12 large vessels sunk by Able and Baker, most lie within a F24 77 thousand yards of the blasts (above). Just as radiation exiled the F24 78 Bikinians, it also caused a confused exodus of the surviving ships. F24 79 After initial decontamination efforts failed, most were towed 200 F24 80 miles to Kwajalein Atoll - where the Prinz Eugen F24 81 foundered - for further countermeasures. When those didn't work, F24 82 many of the derelicts were sunk in target practice off Kwajalein, F24 83 Hawaii, and the U.S. West Coast.

F24 84 SARATOGA F24 85 She had survived two torpedoes and five kamikazes and had F24 86 served in bloody Pacific campaigns at Wake Island, Guadalcanal, and F24 87 Iwo Jima, but Saratoga could not survive nuclear fission. In F24 88 1945, before the Bikini tests, the beloved carrier took part in F24 89 Operation Magic Carpet (left), ferrying 29,204 veterans home from F24 90 the Pacific.

F24 91 Nearly 50 years later Saratoga's massive bow dwarfs the F24 92 U.S. National Park Service divers who invited me along. Their team, F24 93 the Submerged Cultural Resources Unit (SCRU), spent several weeks F24 94 drawing the ships in great detail and evaluating their park F24 95 potential. Saratoga would be the centerpiece.

F24 96 The world's only aircraft carrier accessible to divers, the F24 97 ship's depth ranges from 50 feet at the top of its island - the F24 98 tallest structure, which includes the bridge - to 180 feet on the F24 99 lagoon's bottom. In between lie fascinating relics such as a Navy F24 100 Helldriver aircraft (left) and 500-pound bombs (below) 130 feet F24 101 deep on the hangar deck.

F24 102 Although much ammunition is live, both Navy experts and SCRU F24 103 team leader Dan Lenihan feel that the risk to divers is minimal - F24 104 "unless they attack the ordnance with a hammer," F24 105 says Lenihan. And there is essentially no danger from radiation in F24 106 the water, according to William L. Robinson, a scientist at the F24 107 Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory in California.

F24 108 Some of the atomic violence is shocking. Saratoga's F24 109 starboard side, which faced the Baker blast, is dented six feet F24 110 deep in places. The gargantuan funnel, as tall as a four-story F24 111 building, collapsed and spewed sections writhing with internal F24 112 pipes. Even more amazing is the aft half of the flight deck. It is F24 113 no longer flat. Through it runs a canyon 200 feet long, 70 feet F24 114 wide, and 12 to 20 feet deep, probably created by seawater and F24 115 sediment hurtling back down from the sky. Said my diving partner, F24 116 naval historian Jim Delgado, "It's like Godzilla stomped on F24 117 the flight deck."

F24 118 NAGATO F24 119 Dreaded warlord of the Pacific, Nagato (left) was the only F24 120 Japanese battleship still afloat when the war ended - nine others F24 121 had been sunk. "In less than four years, this great war F24 122 machine fell from glory to oblivion," wrote naval historian F24 123 Masanori Ito. After Japan bowed in 1945, U.S. forces symbolically F24 124 captured Nagato in Tokyo Bay to mark the final surrender of F24 125 the Imperial Japanese Navy. She was taken to Bikini - her death F24 126 sentence.

F24 127 In 1941 Nagato served as flagship for Adm. Isoroku F24 128 Yamamoto, who planned and directed the attack on Pearl Harbour F24 129 aboard the battleship from distant Japanese waters. Pacing her F24 130 bridge on December 7, Yamamoto heard one pilot's electrifying radio F24 131 transmission - to ra, to ra, to ra! - surprise F24 132 achieved.

F24 133 Nagato, the first battleship armed with 16-inch guns F24 134 (below), may have played an additional role at Pearl Harbor. Some F24 135 of Yamamoto's carrier-launched aircraft were equipped with F24 136 Nagato's 16-inch shells, specially modified to be dropped as F24 137 bombs- and some historians believe that one of them sank the F24 138 battleship Arizona.

F24 139 If so, then the Baker bomb repayed Nagato. Upside down on F24 140 the bottom, she raises one of her four screws as if in F24 141 capitulation.

F24 142 A frenzy of gray reef and other sharks feed near photographer F24 143 Bill Curtsinger's boat. Such dizzying numbers of predators suggest F24 144 that, despite man's worst efforts at annihilation, marine life has F24 145 returned to normal.

F24 146 It was not so after the tests. "Our first netful of F24 147 sand ... proved to be so radioactive that in a panic I had the F24 148 whole catch thrown overboard," wrote Crossroads physician F24 149 David Bradley in his best-seller, No Place to Hide. F24 150 "Small reef fish feed on coral ... predatory fish eat more F24 151 and more of the smaller fish who are sick with the disease of F24 152 radioactivity."

F24 153 Within weeks most radiation had dissipated from the lagoon. But F24 154 in the topsoil of Bikini Island, the fallout remains, especially a F24 155 dangerous substance called cesium 137. Little of it actually came F24 156 from the Cross-roads bombs. They were nuclear popguns F24 157 compared with Bravo, a 1954 hydrogen explosion 750 times stronger, F24 158 set off on the lagoon's northwest side. A wind shift rained fallout F24 159 on Bikini, including cesium. Its levels remain too high for the F24 160 Bikinians to return permanently, because it is absorbed by the F24 161 coconuts and pandanus they grow for food. However, a test using F24 162 potassium compounds to block cesium uptake by plants on the island F24 163 has been successful.

F24 164 Could a marine park of warships draw recreational divers to F24 165 Bikini? Not all the diving would be deep - shallow reefs laden with F24 166 giant clams and coral (left) beckon even snorkelers. In F24 167 recommending the concept, Dan Lenihan of SCRU says, "We F24 168 hope that the Bikinians someday can take the source of their F24 169 problems - the ships - and make them a source of F24 170 income."

F24 171 The Bikinians have expressed some interest, but their main F24 172 concern is to escape Kili, the island 500 miles to the southeast F24 173 where they were relocated in 1948. Many, like Joji Laijo (right), F24 174 visit Bikini to work at its field station, operated by the F24 175 Department of Energy. But there has long been a cloud over these F24 176 people, and they have heard many conflicting stories from many F24 177 different experts. Last November they declared their intent to have F24 178 all 1.3 million cubic yards of radioactive topsoil scraped from F24 179 Bikini, somehow disposed of, and somehow replaced.

F24 180 Liabilities and logistics may well dim that plan, but not their F24 181 desire to return. Visiting his father's grave on Bikini, Kilon F24 182 Bauno, an aged iroij lablab, or paramount chief, said F24 183 "I don't want anyone to stay on Kili. If we hear this F24 184 island is safe to live on, we will swim from Kili to the big F24 185 boats to take us back."

F24 186 RUSSIA'S LAKE BAIKAL

F24 187 The World's Great Lake

F24 188 Crown jewel of Russia's natural inheritance, Baikal is the F24 189 world's oldest and deepest lake - an environmental battleground and F24 190 a godsend in hard times.

F24 191 By DON BELT

F24 192 NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC SENIOR STAFF

F24 193 SERGEI VASILIEV, captain of the Albatross, still wonders F24 194 if he would have found the courage to speak his mind that fateful F24 195 July in 1954. But not once during their mysterious two-week cruise F24 196 around Lake Baikal did the government official ask his opinion of F24 197 their plan - and to volunteer one would have been unthinkable. F24 198 Barely a year had passed since Stalin's death, and the dictator's F24 199 lifeless hand still lay heavy on the land.

F24 200 All this came up one afternoon as Vasiliev, a slight and F24 201 gentle-spoken man widely known as the greatest of the Lake Baikal F24 202 ship captains, was reminiscing about his career on Albatross, F24 203 a scientific-research ship. In the middle of a long, hair-raising F24 204 story about a great storm south of the Ushkani Islands, his memory F24 205 turned a corner, taking his narrative into deeper and more F24 206 troubling waters than he had intended.

F24 207 "I remember too clearly for my own good," he F24 208 said sadly, shaking his head.

F24 209 And he began to explain. He knew little about those officials F24 210 at first - only that they were "very serious, very powerful F24 211 men," who had arranged to use his vessel for their first F24 212 look at Lake Baikal. They were, of course, well informed about the F24 213 great lake in south-central Siberia. All Soviet schoolchildren were F24 214 taught that Baikal is special: It is the most ancient lake on earth F24 215 and the deepest, measuring 1,637 meters from top to bottom, more F24 216 than a mile. It holds one-fifth of the planet's fresh water and 80 F24 217 percent of the former Soviet Union's - more water than all of North F24 218 America's Great Lakes combined. In school these men traced the F24 219 lake's elegant shape, like a sliver of moon, and learned to call it F24 220 the Pearl of Siberia or the Sacred Sea, as Russians have for F24 221 generations. F24 222 F24 223 F25 1 Women and Literacy: Promises and Constraints

F25 2 By Nelly P. Stromquist

F25 3 ABSTRACT: In almost every country, illiteracy rates are higher F25 4 among women than among men. This gender disparity can be explained F25 5 in terms of (1) the sexual division of labor that assigns women F25 6 many domestic tasks, especially, among poor and rural families, F25 7 time-consuming chores, and (2) men's control of women's sexuality, F25 8 which creates both physical and psychological constraints in F25 9 women's lives. Research has identified various benefits of literacy F25 10 for women, such as better maternal behaviors regarding child health F25 11 and child rearing, and effective family planning. Although women F25 12 could use literacy to increase their access to new knowledge, most F25 13 literacy programs do not encourage this because their curricula are F25 14 still designed along sexually stereotyped lines that emphasize F25 15 women's roles as mothers and household managers. This article F25 16 argues that these messages do not convey emancipatory knowledge and F25 17 may solidify values and attitudes that cause women to accept F25 18 current gender relations rather than to question them.

F25 19 ILLITERACY is generally considered to be a major impediment to F25 20 the understanding of one's world and to the securing of a good F25 21 place in it. The role of literacy as a prerequisite for the F25 22 acquisition of other skills and the development of more rational F25 23 attitudes is universally accepted. In today's rapidly advancing F25 24 technological society, the written word has become the dominant F25 25 mode of complex communication; those without the ability to read F25 26 and write will be condemned to the lowest roles in society.

F25 27 And yet illiteracy is far from being eliminated throughout the F25 28 world. It is estimated that in less than 10 years from now, the F25 29 world will have 1 billion illiterates, 98 percent of whom will be F25 30 in developing regions.

F25 31 Illiteracy is far from being a mere technical problem, that is, F25 32 the inability to decode and encode the written word. It is linked F25 33 to contextual factors in which social-class distinctions, F25 34 linguistic affiliations, general levels of socioeconomic F25 35 development, and marginalization of certain groups play important F25 36 and mutually supportive roles.

F25 37 While there is diversity in the causes operating in any given F25 38 country, a persistent phenomenon observed in most societies is that F25 39 women constitute the majority of illiterates. Moreover, the numbers F25 40 of illiterate women have been increasing not only in absolute but F25 41 also in relative terms: according to data from the United Nations F25 42 Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), they F25 43 represented 63 percent of the illiterates in 1983, up from 58 F25 44 percent in 1960. Two of every three adult women in Africa and one F25 45 of every two in Asia are illiterate. In the African and Asian areas F25 46 there is a literacy gap of 21 percentage points in favor of men F25 47 (Table 1), a gap that clearly spells out economic and social F25 48 inequality for many women.

F25 49 UNDERSTANDING THE SUBORDINATION OF WOMEN

F25 50 Observers of literacy programs note that neither adult literacy F25 51 studies nor 'women in development' studies have focused on women's F25 52 literacy. From a theoretical perspective, the conditions of women's F25 53 illiteracy can be easily explained in the context of women's F25 54 overall inferior status in society. For a variety of historical and F25 55 technological reasons, industrialization brought with it a division F25 56 of social life into public and private spheres. Soon, a patriarchal F25 57 ideology that defined women as inferiors and subordinate to men F25 58 developed in most countries. This ideology was promptly codified in F25 59 the laws of the emerging nation-states through regulations F25 60 affecting institutions such as the family, work, landownership, and F25 61 voting rights. Although these institutions have undergone F25 62 modification over time, the two essential mechanisms for the F25 63 persistence of patriarchal ideologies - the sexual division of F25 64 labor and the control of women's sexuality by men - continue in F25 65 effect. Although these forces are substantially modified by class F25 66 position, the country's level of technological development, and F25 67 cultural beliefs, the influence of gender is strong and remarkably F25 68 stable across societies.

F25 69 The sexual division of labor

F25 70 According to statistics of the International Labor F25 71 Organization, women account for two-thirds of the working hours in F25 72 the world. Poor women in rural areas perform heavy and arduous F25 73 tasks daily to ensure family subsistence. In Africa, women provide F25 74 60 to 80 percent of the labor in food production and a considerable F25 75 contribution to cash agricultural production. In Asia and Latin F25 76 America, men contribute a greater share than in Africa to F25 77 agricultural work, but the domestic burden of women remains F25 78 considerable. Given the demands of rural domestic life in many F25 79 developing countries - which includes walking long distances to F25 80 obtain water and wood for fuel, growing subsistence crops and F25 81 processing foods that require a considerable investment of physical F25 82 energy and time, and facing pregnancy and related illnesses with a F25 83 minimum of medical technologies - women and girls in rural areas F25 84 face a daily existence that is indisputably more demanding than F25 85 that experienced by men. Social beliefs that women should take care F25 86 of children and home lead poor social groups to consider education F25 87 - even literacy - an element less crucial than others to the F25 88 everyday survival of the family.

F25 89 Control of women's sexuality

F25 90 In addition to the sexual division of labor that places poor F25 91 women in inescapable domestic servitude, men's control of women's F25 92 sexuality places additional constraints on women's lives. This F25 93 sexuality control, which operates mainly in Asian and Latin F25 94 American countries, is manifested in strict supervision of women's F25 95 movement outside the home and of the friendships they develop with F25 96 members of the opposite sex. In many societies, it is also F25 97 manifested by the withdrawal of daughters from school as soon as F25 98 they reach puberty for fear that the young girls may lose their F25 99 virginity.

F25 100 A more serious manifestation of the control of women's F25 101 sexuality is wife beating, which creates among women an attitude of F25 102 conflict avoidance, which in turn produces a reluctance to engage F25 103 in any action that might trigger the husband's attack. That this F25 104 may have a bearing on decisions such as attendance in literacy F25 105 classes has been documented through life-history methods. The F25 106 existence of intensive domestic work coupled with conflictual F25 107 family dynamics renders literacy an unattainable dream for a large F25 108 number of women and merely a dream for some of their children - F25 109 particularly their daughters, who early in life tend to be assigned F25 110 the same domestic and subsistence roles that their mothers F25 111 perform.

F25 112 Control of women's sexuality affects their participation in F25 113 literacy programs because often the places available for classes F25 114 are considered unsuitable in terms of safety and accessibility for F25 115 women. Reports from India indicate that obstacles imposed by family F25 116 members, particularly husbands and in-laws, prevent women from F25 117 participating in literacy programs. The experience of a recent F25 118 national literacy campaign in Ecuador detected similar effects.

F25 119 These two fundamental causes, the sexual division of labor and F25 120 the control by men of women's sexuality, are socially constructed F25 121 realities. They exist by virtue of social understandings rather F25 122 than because they are the only ways in which societies can exist. F25 123 In traditional societies and, to a surprising degree, even in F25 124 modern nations, women are defined primarily as mothers and wives F25 125 rather than as autonomous citizens or workers. Women attain F25 126 legitimacy when they marry and form families. Subsequent legitimacy F25 127 is gained when they produce children, especially sons.

F25 128 Patriachal ideologies are generally supported by F25 129 religiocultural norms, even though within a given religion F25 130 variations may be found as a result of historical differences that F25 131 have led to different interpretations of sacred texts. Islam and F25 132 Hinduism tend to be more gender restrictive than either F25 133 Christianity or Buddhism regarding social norms. In India, for F25 134 instance, the traditional laws of Manu make women noneligible for F25 135 all scholastic activities. The three countries in West Asia with F25 136 the lowest rates of female literacy and the highest gender gap in F25 137 literacy are Muslim: Yemen, Syria, and Afghanistan. Confucianism, a F25 138 cohesive set of moral precepts, is also highly oppressive of women, F25 139 and its legacy is still evident in rural areas of today's socialist F25 140 China.

F25 141 WOMEN AND LITERACY

F25 142 Not only is illiteracy higher among women than men, but it is F25 143 higher in less industrialized and in agrarian societies than in F25 144 urban societies. One explanation for the low levels of literacy F25 145 among women in nonindustrial societies is that in these societies F25 146 the maternal roles do not require high levels of education. F25 147 Literacy indeed may not be necessary if the main reproductive and F25 148 productive tasks that women carry out - having babies, raising F25 149 children, managing a low-budget household, growing subsistence F25 150 crops - can be learned through informal, oral-tradition methods. In F25 151 all countries, illiteracy rates are higher in rural than in urban F25 152 areas. UNESCO data for 15 Latin American countries show that rural F25 153 areas have greater levels of illiteracy than urban areas regardless F25 154 of sex, although women have a slightly greater disadvantage F25 155 compared to men - a 27.5 percent illiteracy gap exists between F25 156 urban and rural women compared to a 25.4 percent gap between urban F25 157 and rural men. It is striking, however, to observe that the gender F25 158 gap in rural areas is almost double that in urban areas - 12.0 F25 159 versus 6.3 percentage points. The disadvantage of rural women is F25 160 most likely due to the sexual division of labor that places upon F25 161 them major burdens for domestic work, subsistence production, and F25 162 various family responsibilities.

F25 163 With the expansion of schooling, poor families today are more F25 164 inclined than former generations to allow their daughters to be F25 165 educated. Girls' enrollment rates in primary school are gradually F25 166 reaching parity with those of boys in many developing countries. F25 167 Yet the early withdrawal of girls from school, as happens in many F25 168 African and Asian countries, does not allow the retention of F25 169 literacy skills. Three or four years of schooling characterized by F25 170 numerous absences do not amount to much education for the girls; F25 171 thus a significant loss of literacy skills follows. As adults, F25 172 their limited physical mobility, their contacts mostly with women F25 173 of their own community - who tend to be illiterates like them - and F25 174 their own socialization into accepting the norm that women do not F25 175 need as much education as do men create a strong mind-set F25 176 among women that further prevents them from seeking basic literacy F25 177 skills.

F25 178 BENEFITS OF LITERACY FOR WOMEN

F25 179 Do women benefit from access to literacy? There have been F25 180 relatively few studies measuring the impact of literacy per se - as F25 181 opposed to levels of schooling - and even fewer studies focusing on F25 182 literacy while controlling for other, confounding variables.

F25 183 We have substantial evidence about the positive effect of F25 184 education on a number of individual and maternal outcomes, but such F25 185 studies are based mainly on examinations of the impact of years of F25 186 schooling. Nonetheless, it could be inferred that literacy - a F25 187 critical component of formal education - also offers the same F25 188 benefits. Several findings support this inference. First, mother's F25 189 schooling has been found to have a monotonically negative F25 190 relationship with infant and child mortality rates and fertility F25 191 rates. This suggests that every amount of additional schooling - of F25 192 which literacy represents the first step - makes a difference. F25 193 Second, because education makes a difference even in places where F25 194 the quality of education is low, the effects of schooling are F25 195 probably less due to the curriculum or the instructional program F25 196 than to "something very general about schooling." F25 197 This general factor could be literacy since most schooling F25 198 experiences at least provide literacy skills. Third, if we F25 199 conceptualize adult literacy as the precursor to the establishment F25 200 of literate practices - that is, regular access to the printed word F25 201 - then the effects of literacy should be akin to those of the F25 202 number of years of schooling.

F25 203 In numerous countries, education is so strongly associated with F25 204 reduced fertility and decreased infant and child mortality that it F25 205 is accepted now as a causal factor. Some of the critical mechanisms F25 206 that account for the literacy-fertility relationship have been F25 207 found to be knowledge of and access to birth control and increased F25 208 husband-wife communication. Not surprisingly, the level of F25 209 education of women has an effect on fertility that is three times F25 210 stronger than that of men. Regardless of social class, the more F25 211 educated a woman is, the fewer children she will have; this effect F25 212 seems to be stronger in urban than in rural areas. Education seems F25 213 to have more positive effects when the society in which people live F25 214 is also literate; Cochrane's review of data for 23 countries found F25 215 that the inverse relation between education and fertility was F25 216 strongest in societies where the aggregate literacy was at least 40 F25 217 percent. F25 218 F25 219 F26 1 <#FROWN:F26\>'The Jell-O Syndrome': Investigating Popular F26 2 Culture/Foodways

F26 3 SARAH E. NEWTON

F26 4 Research in American foodways can lead one into sometimes F26 5 strange and exotic byways, and the subject of this paper - the F26 6 folklore and cultural meanings of the popular gelatin food product F26 7 Jell-O - is one of them. Questions of cultural dynamics as well as F26 8 many kinds of lore - from children's folklore to personal F26 9 narratives to food contamination stories to jokes and folk F26 10 performance - are evoked by the amazingly versatile Jell-O. Thus F26 11 study of the folklore of Jell-O as it intersects popular culture F26 12 can give insight into this food's cultural presence and meaning for F26 13 the American folk. Further, the case of Jell-O suggests a possible F26 14 model for the investigation of that intersection of folklore and F26 15 culture via the vector of popular commercial American foods.

F26 16 Certainly little work, aside from nutritional studies, has been F26 17 done on popular foods. In the case of Jell-O, this F26 18 "national" food, this "princess in the fairy tale F26 19 ... as good as it is beautiful" (Today ... What F26 20 salad n.p.) has attracted virtually no serious notice from F26 21 folklorists, social historians, anthropologists, cultural F26 22 commentators, or even home economists. Although Jones, Giuliano & F26 23 Krell (1981) give a brief nod to the ordinary Oreo cookie in their F26 24 ground-breaking Foodways and Eating Habits, the much more F26 25 dynamic and interesting Jell-O is ignored. Other important foodways F26 26 studies continue this oversight. For instance, Jell-O plays no role F26 27 in Brown and Mussel's (1984) study of ethnic and regional foodways; F26 28 nor have Humphrey and Humphrey (1989) yet studied the significance F26 29 of Jell-O as an important symbolic and social factor in small group F26 30 festive gatherings (such as potlucks and birthdays). And reference F26 31 to Jell-O does not appear, as far as this writer can determine, in F26 32 Charles Camp's American Foodways: What, When, Why and How We F26 33 Eat in America (1989). Indeed, if Jell-O is not the what, F26 34 when, why and how of America, what is?

F26 35 Jell-O is in many ways the ideal subject for seeing some of the F26 36 rich connections between folklore and popular culture. For one F26 37 reason, Jell-O is perhaps the one commercial food in America that F26 38 has not only crossed all regional and ethnic lines but continues to F26 39 ignore them. Certainly enough documentation exists to argue F26 40 convincingly that Jell-O holds place as perhaps America's one F26 41 'national' commercial food. A survey of compiled cookbooks F26 42 (fund-raising cookbooks) from across the nation and both north and F26 43 south supplies proof of Jell-O's national citizenship. Across F26 44 America Jell-O is a major ingredient in innumerable salads and F26 45 desserts (so much so that to most American cooks the F26 46 folk/vernacular term and spelling 'Jello' or 'jello' has come to be F26 47 synonymous with the generic term 'gelatin'). Thus the sheer number F26 48 of recipes is unequivocal evidence of immense popularity F26 49 nationwide. For example, in Recipes for Making Your Honeymoon F26 50 Last (1987), a compiled cookbook published by the National F26 51 Bridal Service, 33% of the salad recipes use Jell-O; in The F26 52 Stan Hywet Cook Book (n.d. Akron, Ohio) 20 of 37 salads, or F26 53 54%, cite Jell-O as an ingredient. Other evidence abounds. In 1989, F26 54 Grand Rapids, Michigan, was declared America's Jell-O Capital for F26 55 consuming 82% more Jell-O than the average American marketing area F26 56 (that was 25.5 servings per household per year versus the average F26 57 of 13.5 servings) (Viets 1989:50). And over the years, the test F26 58 kitchens of General Foods have "developed no fewer than F26 59 1,733 ways to prepare Jell-O" (Kleiman 1989:C 1). It would F26 60 seem that America has pretty much an insatiable appetite for the F26 61 salad/dessert that jiggles.

F26 62 Thus a second reason for using Jell-O to study the connections F26 63 between folklore and popular culture is that virtually every F26 64 American has had some experience with the "ubiquitous F26 65 Jello" (Ireland 1981:108). Some Jell-O recipe is very often F26 66 an essential ingredient in our national festive life, both public F26 67 and private. Jell-O dishes, from a simple sheet of lime Jell-O with F26 68 bananas to towering, layered, whipped-creamed creations, have F26 69 signaled to countless Americans times of gathering or celebration - F26 70 funerals, potlucks, family re-unions, church suppers, baby F26 71 and wedding showers, Christmas and Thanksgiving. It is no accident F26 72 that Garrison Keillor stars a Jell-O dessert (cherry Jell-O with F26 73 mandarin oranges and tiny marshmallows) in the Lake Wobegon story F26 74 of Mrs. Lena Johnson and 'Bruno the Fishing Dog,' at the baptism of F26 75 Bob and Marlette Johnson's little girl Lindsey (of which more F26 76 later). To many of us, Jell-O is America - or certainly at F26 77 least the Mid-West, which to food marketing executives may amount F26 78 to the same thing.

F26 79 That people have a strong emotional bond with this otherwise F26 80 commercial and corporate product has not escaped the notice of F26 81 Jell-O's manufacturer, Kraft General Foods. In the 1970s, General F26 82 Foods' advertising agency, Young & Rubicam, interviewed consumers F26 83 and discovered, not surprisingly, that "Jell-O's appeal lay F26 84 in its emotional connotations rather than its cost or F26 85 versatility." As the president of Young & Rubicam U.S.A. F26 86 stated, "There's a lot of affection for Jell-O. It's the F26 87 name. It's Jack Benny (a longtime Jell-O advertiser). It's your F26 88 mother serving it." And of course it is also fun, as the F26 89 subsequent Young & Rubicam campaign emphasized: ads showed F26 90 "large, middle-class families gathered together for F26 91 either a reunion or an anniversary. To the beat of spunky F26 92 background music, the whole clan - from toddlers to grandparents - F26 93 downs endless, multi-hued mounds of Jell-O. 'We're not going to F26 94 have dessert,' exclaims one jovial character. 'We're going to have F26 95 fun!'" (Wallach 1981:206)

F26 96 The original 'target consumer' for Jell-O was the American F26 97 housewife who was assured that this product would please her family F26 98 (be both tasty and 'fun'), make her somehow a better wife and F26 99 mother, and allow her to exercise kitchen creativity. Certainly F26 100 Jell-O's invention is tied with wholesomeness, purity, and F26 101 domesticity. Although gelatin had been used by housewives for F26 102 years, Jell-O's origin is usually put at 1897 in the LeRoy, New F26 103 York, kitchen of Pearl B. Wait and his wife May. May, so the story F26 104 goes, complained that the old-fashioned sheets of gelatin F26 105 were difficult to use. Couldn't they be powdered? Pearl B., a cough F26 106 syrup inventor, took the problem in hand: May named it Jell-O; they F26 107 sold out to a neighboring entrepreneur for $450.00 and the rest is F26 108 history (Whitman and Schmidt 1966:13; Kato 1989:B 6). By the turn F26 109 of the century, Jell-O was on its way to being a million-dollar F26 110 business and a way for women to show creativity in the kitchen, F26 111 nurturance of the family, and a clever if innocent sophistication. F26 112 A 1933 Jell-O cookbook titled "What Mrs. Dewey did with the F26 113 NEW JELL-O!" begins with Mrs. Dewey simply amazed at the F26 114 rapid setting up of the pretty Jell-O dessert she, good mother that F26 115 she is, made for little Nancy (this was because the 'new' Jell-O F26 116 could be dissolved in warm rather than boiling water). The little F26 117 book ends with the recipes for "Mrs. Dewey's smartest F26 118 salads!" and a color illustration of well dressed and F26 119 coiffed ladies - Mrs. Dewey and her friends - sitting at a luncheon F26 120 table and facing shiny molded lime green salads. Obviously Mrs. F26 121 Dewey, in addition to being the ideal mother, is quite the F26 122 "smart" up-to-date lady, and Jell-O is the culmination of F26 123 sophisticated elegance. All of these points were important messages F26 124 to American women.

F26 125 Informants today confirm the importance of Jell-O as the F26 126 one-time culinary centerpiece of woman's creativity. Says F26 127 one, "When I was a young woman, it [molded Jell-O] really F26 128 was the most sophisticated thing you could do. There wasn't F26 129 anything as elegant. It was the center of the table." And F26 130 over the years dozens of the well-known Jell-O cookbooks, most F26 131 often titled the Joys of Jell-O, have helped women create F26 132 such dishes as 'Under-the-Sea Salad,' 'Ring-Around-the-Tuna,' and F26 133 'Broken Window Glass Cake' - just three of those 1,733 recipes - to F26 134 the awe and perhaps astonishment of their families. Housewives can F26 135 play, too.

F26 136 In contrast to this past, Young & Rubicam's 1990 advertising F26 137 campaign for Jell-O targeted children directly. Young & Rubicam F26 138 developed a new animated character, a cartoon hero named Agent LL-O F26 139 (that's double L-O) who, with his canine sidekick Wobbly, champions F26 140 the rights of kids to eat Jell-O, particularly when their dessert F26 141 has been made off with by bullies or jealous sisters (Dale 1990:7). F26 142 This advertising raises the eating of Jell-O to drama. Jell-O, the F26 143 food of Democracy, is added to the Bill of Rights, at least of F26 144 children. Enemies of Jell-O and Jell-O-eating kids are to be F26 145 frustrated by a hero modeled on James Bond's 007. American F26 146 television carries the message that eating Jell-O is not only fun F26 147 but patriotic, and advertisers are well aware of the power of F26 148 television to affect our tastes as well as beliefs. As one F26 149 informant says in a parody of commercial rhetoric, F26 150 "Wiggily, jiggily, cool and fruity, television tells us F26 151 everything about Jello. Just ask Bill [Cosby]" (Stevenson F26 152 1990).

F26 153 Since Jell-O, then, connects folklore and popular culture, any F26 154 number of these interstices could lead to insights about the food F26 155 behavior of Americans vis <*_>a-grave<*/> vis this undeniably F26 156 national food. What follows here is a brief survey of some of those F26 157 connections and some hints of the cultural and folkloric F26 158 implications. Although I have segregated my data into categories, F26 159 the alert reader will see that, like Jell-O itself, the categorical F26 160 boundaries are sometimes shifting and permeable.

F26 161 Children's Folklore

F26 162 As Mechling, Sutton-Smith and others have convincingly shown, F26 163 children form a significant folk group within which important F26 164 cultural data is communicated face to face. Children share jokes, F26 165 techniques of forbidden play, and other traditional rules or F26 166 beliefs that allow them to come together as group. Playing with F26 167 food - by learning the 'rules' for eating Oreo cookies or spaghetti F26 168 or Jell-O - quickly becomes part of a child's repertoire of play F26 169 behavior. Although this food play is not approved of in most F26 170 households, often adults and children have a tacit understanding F26 171 about Jell-O: Jell-O for dessert is license to play. How children F26 172 both learn and practice play techniques with food is most generally F26 173 from one another. Comments from a survey of college students F26 174 emphasize the shared joy of Jell-O play. As one informant says, F26 175 "Jell-O is neat because it's like looking through colored F26 176 glasses. You can see the bottom of the bowl but it's a different F26 177 color. It's also fun to see how much you can shake a plate of it F26 178 without it losing its shape." Many informants described F26 179 shared techniques for eating it. One informant recollected, it was F26 180 "fun to squish Jell-O between your teeth," and F26 181 another says, "I used to swish it around in my mouth to F26 182 liquify it and then swallow it. It drove my mother crazy." F26 183 Children also learn what does not work as play, as in this case: F26 184 "My friend Laurie once tried to stick it [Jell-O] up her F26 185 nose but found it was impossible (in jellied form)" F26 186 (Stevenson 1990). Every child or adult interviewed shared similar F26 187 traditional 'forbidden' techniques for playing with and eating F26 188 Jell-O and indicated that often they had learned the practices from F26 189 brothers or sisters or other children.

F26 190 Personal memories and recollections have also had an important F26 191 role in persuading people to see Jell-O as a traditional food. F26 192 Virtually every child and grown-up to whom one mentions Jell-O has F26 193 some nostalgic if sometimes sheepish childhood memories of the food F26 194 product. This by a female college junior is typical:

F26 195 Jello is one of my fondest childhood memories .... F26 196 When I see or think of jello, I remember back to my pre-school F26 197 days. I saw on TV the other day a commercial with Bill Cosby and F26 198 some kids, eating Jello that were [sic] in different shapes, like F26 199 stars and fish. I said, 'Wow, I want to get some.' I love F26 200 jello (Stevenson 1990).

F26 201 These recollections often trigger descriptions of traditional F26 202 family customs, such as these: "My grandma used to make it F26 203 for me when I was sick, with Cool Whip on top," or F26 204 "When I would get sick when I was little, my mother would F26 205 mix up some red jello and put it in the freezer. She didn't let it F26 206 congeal - she gave it to me in a glass with one of those funky F26 207 loopy straws to drink it with. F26 208 F26 209 F26 210 F26 211 F27 1 <#FROWN:F27\>Imagery, Reality, and Policy Principles

F27 2 At the end of the 1980s, the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas F27 3 City reported that over half (56 percent) of government farm F27 4 program payments went to farmers with net profits in excess of F27 5 $100,000 (Duncan 1989). Even more striking, a report issued by the F27 6 Economic Research Service of the U.S. Department of Agriculture F27 7 stated that in 1988, some 18 percent of the farms of the nation F27 8 (the larger farms producing program crops) received approximately F27 9 90 percent of direct government payments; another 18 percent of the F27 10 farms (smaller farms producing program crops) received only 10 F27 11 percent of direct government payments; and some 64 percent of the F27 12 farms of the nation received no government payments at all (USDA F27 13 1990). This highly skewed system of commodity and income price F27 14 support is one of the least understood mechanisms of public policy F27 15 in the U.S.government. It has existed for years, continuing to F27 16 reward those farmers (and nonfarm landowners) the most who bought F27 17 or inherited large tracts of farmland, and who agree to produce F27 18 those crops for which the government pays large subsidies through F27 19 the commodity price and income support programs

F27 20 Sadly, the American public is largely unaware of how different F27 21 farming is from the imagery of the past. A great gap exists between F27 22 these images and the reality of farm activity today. In this F27 23 chapter, we discuss five images that mask the reality of how the F27 24 commodity programs really operate.

F27 25 Imagery F27 26 The New Yorker magazine several years ago depicted an F27 27 East Coast perspective on the continental United States. The great F27 28 middle of the country was essentially a blank. It began somewhere F27 29 after the Hudson River, with Iowa vaguely centered between the F27 30 foreground of Manhattan and the distant point of Los Angeles. The F27 31 myopia depicted was at once accurate and self-congratulatory. A F27 32 similar cartoon soon appeared on the West Coast, showing the same F27 33 view, but with Los Angeles in the fore-ground.

F27 34 The concentration of population, media influence, and popular F27 35 culture on the East and West Coasts creates a sort of informational F27 36 dumbbell, in which what goes on in between appears in narrower and F27 37 less accurate terms in many journalistic and media accounts. F27 38 Scholarly studies have confirmed the existence of this bias. John F27 39 Borchert, the distinguished geographer, reports that the upper F27 40 Midwest "is a blank on the mental maps of most F27 41 Americans" (Borchert 1987). The major metropolitan area of F27 42 Minneapolis-St. Paul becomes "a vague, inexplicable anomaly F27 43 amid the wastelands, glaciers, and boondocks." This lack of F27 44 awareness about America between the coasts has a stifling effect on F27 45 treatments of farming and farm policy, giving rise to a variety of F27 46 false images about how it really operates.

F27 47 The first image is that there exists an undifferentiated land F27 48 mass of red barns and tall corn or golden wheat growing in flat, F27 49 featureless landscapes collectively described as 'farm states.' F27 50 While some areas conform to type (making them favorite visuals for F27 51 the occasional nightly news story on farm policy), the reality is F27 52 strikingly different. Obviously, the great middle is a highly F27 53 diverse landscape. In addition to the flat, fertile soils of Iowa F27 54 and Illinois, which are the prototypical agricultural landscapes, F27 55 there is also great diversity, from the rolling hills and woodlands F27 56 of southwest Wisconsin or the Ohio Valley to the wet, humid F27 57 semi-tropics of the Mississippi delta; from the arid High Plains of F27 58 Kansas and Nebraska to the uncropped grazing lands of the F27 59 mountainous West. In this vast land area a wide range of crops and F27 60 livestock are grown and raised, although it is less diverse, as we F27 61 shall see, than in the past.

F27 62 Each state's agriculture is sufficiently different that very F27 63 broad generalizations are needed to sustain any picture of a F27 64 'typical' farm state. Perhaps more importantly, the economies of F27 65 the great middle of America, while heavily dependent on F27 66 agriculture, are less so today than ever before. The Federal F27 67 Reserve Bank of Kansas City reported in 1987, for example, that F27 68 fewer than 12 percent of rural families received the majority of F27 69 their income from farming (Drabenstott, Henry, and Gibson 1987). In F27 70 the upper Midwest, a pattern of regional service centers has F27 71 emerged, focused on medium-sized cities such as Rochester, F27 72 Minnesota; Iowa City, Iowa; or Billings, Montana. Although farming F27 73 itself serves as a diminishing source of employment, agricultural F27 74 processing, finance and services are substantial employers, F27 75 including international companies headquartered in 'farm states' F27 76 like Hormel, International Multifoods, Pillsbury, and General F27 77 Mills.

F27 78 The first image, then, is that commodity programs are the F27 79 product of general farm state interests, with benefits that are F27 80 widely distributed to the residents of this undifferentiated land F27 81 mass. In reality, the interests (and politics) of farm programs F27 82 break down along lines of specific commodities and regions, each F27 83 with its own features and peculiarities. Farmers are a distinct F27 84 minority in every 'farm state,' and in every congressional district F27 85 in these states. The most 'agricultural' congressional district in F27 86 the country, Minnesota's second, has only 25 percent of its F27 87 population engaged in full-time farming. Reliance on F27 88 agriculture has increasingly come to mean part-time F27 89 reliance, with other employment in processing or service sectors. F27 90 It is a particular irony of the midwestern 'farm state' illusion F27 91 that California is the biggest farm state of all, with net farm F27 92 income of $6.0 billion in 1989, compared with $2.4 billion for F27 93 Iowa, $2.1 billion for Nebraska, and $1.1 billion for Kansas F27 94 (USDA/ERS 1991a).

F27 95 To understand agricultural policy, therefore, it is not enough F27 96 to understand 'typical' farm state interests. The student of policy F27 97 must grasp an intricate web of specific commodity and geographic F27 98 interests, and a complex historical evolution of farm programs. F27 99 Faced with this complexity, it is easy to see why the urbane F27 100 President Kennedy is reported to have said to his newly designated F27 101 secretary of agriculture, Orville Freeman, "I don't want to F27 102 hear about agriculture from anyone but you .... Come to think of F27 103 it, I don't want to hear very much about it from you F27 104 either."

F27 105 A second image characteristic of many treatments is what might F27 106 be called the picture of a 'Little House on the Prairie.' This F27 107 soft-focus view of rural life, while conceivably part of a romantic F27 108 past, is not of the present. Laura Ingalls Wilder's own life F27 109 history, on which the recent television series was based, suggests F27 110 that her rootless frontier experiences in Wisconsin, Minnesota, and F27 111 the territories was anything but bucolic. The image of a 'family F27 112 farm' associated with the little house is reinforced by a F27 113 democratic conception of a majority of farmers providing a stable F27 114 basis for an agrarian republic. This Jeffersonian idealism, despite F27 115 its powerful hold on the political traditions of our nation, began F27 116 a long decline in its actual relevance to American political life F27 117 as early as Jefferson's own time, when the Hamiltonian conception F27 118 of a manufacturing-based economy began to take hold.

F27 119 Today, the majority of families who farm are incorporated as F27 120 businesses and file farm income form F-1040 with the IRS. A large F27 121 share of the profits in this business, including government F27 122 commodity payments, go to a small percentage of those categorized F27 123 as 'farmers.' As we shall see, the commodity programs tend to F27 124 aggravate this skewed distribution of benefits. Those farmers who F27 125 do live on relatively smaller farms, because of the way these F27 126 government programs are structured, receive the least in payments. F27 127 Earl Butz, President Nixon's secretary of agriculture, was famous F27 128 for his proclamation that to survive, farmers had to 'get big or F27 129 get out.' Yet it is the commodity programs, as well as market F27 130 forces, that have rewarded the bigger land owners. Their reward is F27 131 not just for efficiency, but because they own more acres. This F27 132 contributes, as we shall document, to the cannibalization of the F27 133 small by the big. This reality is a far cry from the Jeffersonian F27 134 ideal, or the symbolism of Laura Ingalls Wilder.

F27 135 The third image, related to the first two, is that farmers in F27 136 general are 'stewards of the land,' and that agriculture is an F27 137 environmentally benign and naturally healthy activity. In reality, F27 138 agriculture is increasingly dependent on chemical and mechanical F27 139 inputs that, when left uncontrolled, have contributed in major ways F27 140 to environmental pollution of lakes, streams, and groundwater. As F27 141 more and more farmers have left the land, the fewer, bigger farmers F27 142 that remain increasingly rely on larger and larger machinery to F27 143 till their soil and chemicals to maintain its fertility and protect F27 144 it from weeds and pests. Commodity programs have rewarded the F27 145 specialized cultivation of crops that are particularly prone to F27 146 erosion, and encouraged heavy use of fertilizer and chemicals to F27 147 keep yields high so that larger government payments can be F27 148 garnered. Heavy equipment, long hours, and steady exposure to F27 149 hazardous materials also make modern agriculture one of the F27 150 riskiest businesses in America, with accidents and occupational F27 151 mortality and morbidity rates among the highest of any major F27 152 occupational category. Some of the most dangerous features of F27 153 modern agriculture, we shall argue, are aggravated and encouraged F27 154 by commodity programs that reward behavior which is inconsistent F27 155 not only with the health and safety of farmers, but with the health F27 156 of the larger consuming population that eats what these farmers F27 157 produce.

F27 158 The fourth image is that American agriculture remains a F27 159 domestic industry, for which domestic policies, such as the F27 160 five-year farm bill, are most important. In reality, American F27 161 agriculture in the postwar period has emerged as the quintessential F27 162 export industry, highly dependent on foreign markets and F27 163 international market forces over which domestic commodity and F27 164 economic policies have comparatively little influence. Far from F27 165 being isolated between two coasts, the great middle of America F27 166 depends upon, and looks to, global markets for its survival and F27 167 livelihood. Part of what New Yorkers and Los Angeleno's miss when F27 168 they look west or east is that vast quantities of American F27 169 agricultural exports are moving south to New Orleans on Mississippi F27 170 barges, or north through the Port of Duluth and Great Lakes, to F27 171 destinations all over the world. Nearly half of many fields of F27 172 corn, wheat, and soybeans in the Midwest are destined for these F27 173 markets. Farm incomes and assets of Iowa and Nebraska farmers F27 174 depend, daily, on the quoted prices in Rotterdam. The modern farmer F27 175 is thus increasingly a global trader, with an increasingly F27 176 sophisticated grasp of international commerce, logistics, and F27 177 transport. A major trading firm located in Minneapolis and serving F27 178 this market is estimated to be the largest privately held company F27 179 in the world.

F27 180 The fifth and final image is that the number of farmers leaving F27 181 the land is so great, and the remaining survivors so beleaguered by F27 182 debt, crop failure, and hardship that farmers amount to an F27 183 endangered species. In this view, no expense is too great to F27 184 preserve and protect them from the hostile march of corporate F27 185 takeovers. They must be preserved by farm programs so that the F27 186 other images cited above can also be maintained. The reality is F27 187 that farm programs have actually hurried the exodus of farmers from F27 188 the land, by encouraging large farmers to buy up their smaller F27 189 neighbors. In records kept of farmland purchases in Minnesota going F27 190 back to 1910, the distinguished economist Philip M. Raup has F27 191 observed a consistent and steady pattern of farm enlargement, not F27 192 of corporate takeovers from outside, but of neighbors buying out F27 193 neighbors. During the period 1981-88, 89 percent of all farmland F27 194 purchases in Minnesota were made by buyers living within 50 miles F27 195 and 74 percent within 10 miles of the land they purchased. In the F27 196 same period, 75 percent of all purchases were to expand existing F27 197 farms, and only 12 percent were bought by investors (Schwab and F27 198 Raup 1989).

F27 199 It is true that millions of farmers have left the land, and F27 200 those remaining constitute only about 1.5 percent of the American F27 201 electorate. But those that remain are hardly poor. And farm F27 202 programs, as currently structured, do almost nothing to help those F27 203 who are the poorest and most disadvantaged.

F27 204 Related to this endangered species image of American farmers, F27 205 is the fear on the part of many urban consumers that their food F27 206 supply may in some way be impaired. The idea is often expressed: F27 207 'If farmers keep going out-of-business who will produce our food?' F27 208 F27 209 F28 1 Sleeping with Ghosts: Myth and Public Policy in F28 2 Connecticut, 1634-1991

F28 3 By Christopher Collier

F28 4 Statement of the Case

F28 5 Central to the image of New England - in the eyes not only of F28 6 New Englanders themselves but of Americans generally, perhaps of F28 7 all the world - is the independent town. The "township," F28 8 proclaimed Alexis de Tocqueville in 1835, "seems to come F28 9 directly from the hand of God" and "forms the F28 10 common center of interests and affections of the [New England] F28 11 citizens." After describing the constitutionally limited F28 12 sphere of town activity, the French observer then went on to F28 13 express the central myth: "I believe that not a man is to F28 14 be found who would acknowledge that the state has any right to F28 15 interfere in their town affairs." But in Massachusetts and F28 16 Connecticut the colony/state government constantly regulated town F28 17 affairs and had since the 1630s. The constitutional and legal F28 18 history of the relations between periphery and center, village and F28 19 commonwealth, was always one of agent and principal. Thus in 1864 F28 20 the Connecticut Supreme Court declared that town powers F28 21 "instead of being inherent or reversed, have been delegated F28 22 and controlled by the supreme legislative power of the state from F28 23 its earliest organization."

F28 24 This split between constitutional reality and popular F28 25 perception is as alive today as it was when Tocqueville wrote in F28 26 1835. But today myth and reality collide with increasing regularity F28 27 and greater public confusion, as modern life permits no islands and F28 28 all social problems cross town boundaries. Matters of waste F28 29 disposal land use and zoning, mass transportation, segregated F28 30 housing and schools, and environmental protection, to name a few, F28 31 routinely create inter-town conflicts that call for state F28 32 intervention. And every time a town discovers anew the limits of F28 33 its range of independent activity, some one is sure to protest F28 34 state intrusion.

F28 35 In our generation the myth frequently extends beyond popular F28 36 impression to breathe life into the actions of municipal officials F28 37 and their deputies at the bar who prepare briefs asserting the F28 38 inherent authority of towns to perform - or refuse to perform - F28 39 this or that public function. That lawyers on the state's side are F28 40 still required to demonstrate that towns in Connecticut not only F28 41 have no inherent powers today but never have had them reveals a F28 42 good deal about the power of ideological tradition.

F28 43 Over and over again state and national courts have driven what F28 44 they hoped was the final stake through the specter of the myth of F28 45 New England town autonomy. But specters do not die, especially when F28 46 riven with stakes. So popular perception and legal determination F28 47 travel often parallel but frequently colliding paths into the F28 48 twenty-first century.

F28 49 Even those individuals who recognize the juridical 'truth' F28 50 often have hearts committed to the idea of town autonomy. This F28 51 prevailing dichotomy - it is more than mere ambivalence - was F28 52 nicely summed up by a delegate to the abortive Connecticut F28 53 Constitutional Convention of 1902. "Connecticut towns are F28 54 not independent units," he admitted. "The modern F28 55 historian has proved that to his satisfaction, and the Supreme F28 56 Court has announced such to be the law. But, sir, 'As a man F28 57 thinketh, in his heart so is he.'... I suppose we must admit we are F28 58 not little states in ourselves. But the towns believed that they F28 59 were... and to this day we ourselves feel that the towns are F28 60 miniature commonwealths."

F28 61 From their interception in 1634, the Connecticut towns were F28 62 continuously subject to superior government, but before the F28 63 twentieth century most citizens were so remote from the seat of F28 64 colony and state government that few had any concrete relations F28 65 with it. And for a couple of generations in the ante-bellum era, F28 66 the General Assembly was so apt to let towns go their own ways that F28 67 intrusion from the legislature came as a surprise to the insular F28 68 farmer. When the state supreme court spoke on the issue over the F28 69 course of the nineteenth century, Connecticut citizens heard and F28 70 understood but did not absorb its judgments. Thus conflicting views F28 71 of towns' rights continue to endure side by side, one serving the F28 72 constitutional needs of a modern state, the other serving the F28 73 emotional needs of a conservative and provincial society, and both F28 74 serving the needs of politicians who, like necrophiliacs, lie down F28 75 with the ghost to give body to public policy.

F28 76 The Historical Evidence

F28 77 There is today a universal consensus among academic historians F28 78 that Massachusetts towns were the creation of the General Court in F28 79 the first years of settlement after 1630. The initial settlement of F28 80 Connecticut between 1634 and 1636 was carried out under the F28 81 umbrella of the Massachusetts government and under the same F28 82 institutional assumptions. The three River Towns were treated as a F28 83 collectivity; Connecticut was a settlement of people, not towns.

F28 84 Before 1639, when the Fundamental Orders codified the F28 85 governmental structure of the colony, Connecticut passed through F28 86 three organizational stages: six months under the administration of F28 87 William Westwood, a constable appointed by the Massachusetts F28 88 government; a year under the Massachusetts Bay Commission; and F28 89 nearly two years under the Connecticut General Court, nominally F28 90 under Massachusetts jurisdiction but de facto unregulated. During F28 91 this entire period, the settlements on the river were treated as a F28 92 single unit; the towns at no time exercised any authority F28 93 independent of the colony government.

F28 94 The adoption of the Fundamental Orders in 1639 did not alter F28 95 but only made explicit the towns' relationship to the General F28 96 Court. The towns were to serve as administrative units for the F28 97 election and jurisdiction of constables and the election of F28 98 deputies to the General Court. The orders proclaimed that the F28 99 General Courts shall be "the supreme power of the F28 100 Commonwealth, and only they shall have power to make lawes or F28 101 repeal them, to graunt levyes, to admitt of Freemen, to dispose of F28 102 lands undisposed of, to severall Townes or F28 103 <}_><-|>prsons<+|>persons<}/>... and also may deale in any other F28 104 matter that concerns the good of this common welth."

F28 105 In 1662 a royal charter legitimated the government established F28 106 by the Fundamental Orders. The charter mentions towns only as F28 107 electoral districts for the General Court and vests all F28 108 governmental authority in the "Governour and Company of the F28 109 English Collony of Connecticut in New England" to F28 110 "Make, Ordaine and Establish All manner of wholesome and F28 111 reasonable Lawes Statutes, Ordinances, Directions and F28 112 Instructions."

F28 113 During the colonial period the General Court delegated most F28 114 local administration to the towns and concerned itself largely with F28 115 regulating relations among the towns as well as with other colonies F28 116 and the imperial government. It interfered in local affairs only F28 117 when town activities had wider ramifications. Though it intruded F28 118 into town affairs quite often in the Revolutionary and federal F28 119 eras, the state relaxed that practice in the early nineteenth F28 120 century, when there was no longer a need for the statewide F28 121 coordination required to free and establish the nation. Towns F28 122 settled into rustic isolation and the General Assembly adopted a F28 123 laissez-faire attitude. Only when towns took actions that had no F28 124 legal basis or when their activities impinged on state policy or F28 125 administration did the General Assembly intrude to maintain order F28 126 or administrative coherence.

F28 127 The constitution of 1818 did not in any way alter the functions F28 128 of towns or their relationship to the state. Towns figure in that F28 129 document, as they did in the Fundamental Orders and Charter of F28 130 1662, only as electoral districts and the demographic basis for F28 131 representation in the General Assembly. The first revision of the F28 132 statutes under the Constitution of 1818, that of 1821 by Zephaniah F28 133 Swift, the state's leading jurist acting at the behest of the F28 134 General Assembly, included the great body of law allowing and F28 135 obligating the towns to perform numerous acts of local F28 136 administration. But, as always, these acts were privileges and F28 137 duties, not rights.

F28 138 Though the General Assembly, the lower house of which was made F28 139 up of representatives from the towns, was lax in its oversight of F28 140 town responsibilities and often legitimated deviations from the F28 141 law, the courts acted otherwise. In the federal era and the early F28 142 nineteenth century, courts compelled the assembly to enact F28 143 legislation authorizing activities in which the towns had been F28 144 engaged for generations. For instance, in 1796, the state supreme F28 145 court insisted that the General Assembly authorize the towns to F28 146 establish ordinances regulating wandering livestock, though such F28 147 local by-laws had been in effect for a century and a half by then. F28 148 Judges' opinions laid down the policy that only the state had F28 149 rights of eminent domain; it could order selectmen to lay out local F28 150 highways and require towns to tax themselves to indemnify owners F28 151 for land seized even over the protests of the selectmen and the F28 152 town. Selectmen, declared the court, were agents of the state, not F28 153 of the towns. Furthermore, town and city charters were no different F28 154 from private incorporations and must be strictly interpreted.

F28 155 The Myth Rises and Is (Temporarily) Defeated

F28 156 As the courts began to restrict the authority of town meetings F28 157 and town officials, the proponents of town autonomy - the folk F28 158 version - rose to defend what they thought was the legitimate F28 159 tradition. Out of the experience of two or three generations of F28 160 parents and grandparents, who pursued the simple life in F28 161 Connecticut's isolated antebellum towns, grew the defenders' F28 162 perception that their towns were at least semi-autonomous. From F28 163 among these defenders would soon arise Connecticut's new F28 164 mythmakers.

F28 165 The popular offensive against the historical bulwark of state F28 166 supremacy, buttressed after 1818 by an awakening judiciary, began F28 167 in 1855. In that year Gideon Hollister, himself a lawyer and F28 168 politician, sent to press the first solid history of Connecticut to F28 169 be published since the 1790s. Hollister described towns as F28 170 "recognized and independent municipalities. They are the F28 171 primary centres of power, older than the Constitution [i.e., the F28 172 Fundamental Orders] - the makers and builders of the F28 173 state." Hollister continued: the towns "have given F28 174 up to the State a part of their corporate powers, as they received F28 175 them from the free planters, that they may have a safer guarantee F28 176 for the keeping of the rest. Whatever they have not given up, they F28 177 hold in absolute right."

F28 178 Hollister's confederation theory of Connecticut's origins was F28 179 developed in an era dominated nationally by the debate over states' F28 180 rights. Though Hollister's assertions had no basis in historical F28 181 fact, they provided what looked like grist for the brief of a young F28 182 lawyer, Charles B. Andrews, hired by the town of Harwinton to F28 183 defend it against charges of illegal activity. Webster v. F28 184 Harwinton grew out of the town practice, common throughout the F28 185 North during the Civil War, of offering bonuses to local sons who F28 186 enlisted or were drafted into the Union army. Taxpayers in several F28 187 towns challenged the right of their town meetings to tax for this F28 188 purpose. Andrews's fundamental theory was "That as in a F28 189 democratic government ultimate sovereignty resides with the people, F28 190 the simplest municipal organization, viz., the towns, being the F28 191 most purely democratic and voluntary, possess all power with which F28 192 they have not expressly parted."

F28 193 The judicial mill ground Andrews's hulks and spit them out. The F28 194 court, dominated by Republicans in the midst of a war fought at F28 195 least in part against confederation theories, could not accept F28 196 Andrews's logic. The provision relating to towns in the Fundamental F28 197 Orders, wrote Chief Justice Thomas Butler for the court,

F28 198 was both a grant and a limitation of vital power, and F28 199 was intended to embrace towns thereafter created (as they were in F28 200 fact) by law, and is utterly inconsistent with the idea of a F28 201 reserved sovereignty, or of any absolute right in the towns, and F28 202 constituted the towns corporations, and the continuance of it has F28 203 continued them so; ...and thus their powers, instead of being F28 204 inherent or reserved, have been delegated and controlled by the F28 205 supreme legislative power of the state from its earliest F28 206 organization.

F28 207 This, then, is the defining statement of town powers in the F28 208 constitutional system of Connecticut. No court majority has F28 209 contested it since its articulation in 1864.

F28 210 In the decades after Webster, voters at town meetings must F28 211 have been surprised to learn that they had no inherent power to tax F28 212 but must receive state permission for each kind of tax they chose F28 213 to levy. And they must tax whether they chose to or not in order to F28 214 fulfill local obligations imposed by the state. F28 215 F28 216 F28 217 F29 1 <#FROWN:F29\>Lexical Lasagna and Semantic Stew

F29 2 BY RON GLOWEN

F29 3 Like the person who was surprised to learn that he had been F29 4 speaking prose all his life, I've discovered that I'm a F29 5 technologist with the appropriate skills to perform my particular F29 6 craft. No, it has nothing to do with changing spark plugs or F29 7 fathoming the cosmic implications of differential gears; nor do I F29 8 require the intervention of any Neo-Luddites to rid me of my F29 9 afflictions. Rather, the nature of my talent was revealed to me in F29 10 the course of my - ahem - professional activities of research and F29 11 writing. Technology derives from the Greek techne F29 12 (an art or pertaining to art) and logos (word or F29 13 discourse); therefore technology means to write or talk about art, F29 14 or perhaps to write or talk artfully. Skill means F29 15 "discernment, knowledge, reason." Craft means F29 16 "device, artifice or expedient." Art in its F29 17 original Latin means "to fit" or "to F29 18 join"; in Greek it means "to arrange." (All F29 19 definitions in this case come from the Oxford Universal F29 20 Dictionary.)

F29 21 Needless to say, that's not how we define or use these terms F29 22 today, particularly in a colloquial sense. My idle pursuit of word F29 23 origins, which resulted in the discovery of the true meaning of F29 24 technology (Eureka!), was not without some purpose, because I now F29 25 have a new word to lay on you, if you haven't heard it already.

F29 26 Craftart. If ever there was a word that defines itself, F29 27 this is it. Two root words expediently joined, or as we say in F29 28 Greek, 'arranged.' I cannot, nor do I want to, claim authorship of F29 29 this neologism, however. It was extracted from the title of a F29 30 conference I attended recently, the First National Symposium on F29 31 Criticism in the Craftarts held at New York University. Certainly F29 32 there have been other conferences on criticism and the crafts (I F29 33 recall the 1985 Oakland gathering Art/Culture/Future F29 34 sponsored by the American Craft Council). But maybe with a new term F29 35 for the designation of the former crafts (or medium-based F29 36 art, which incidentally means "an intervening F29 37 substance"), a whole new light might be shed on this musty F29 38 subject.

F29 39 It was not to be. In fact, the panel of critics and editors who F29 40 convened for the purpose of Getting Our Terms Straight: The F29 41 Language of Criticism completely missed the mark. The only F29 42 solid proposal was put forth on another panel by sculptor Winifred F29 43 Lutz, who urged the replacement of 'craft' with 'work' (taking her F29 44 cue from a book by Russell Pye, with the word "Workmanship" F29 45 in the title). Etymologically speaking, this put us on firmer F29 46 ground - work means "something that is done" - F29 47 but the desire here for substitution in hopes of erasing the old F29 48 'art and craft' dichotomy is just as prone to the language problems F29 49 of existing colloquial usage. In fact, Harold Rosenberg published F29 50 an essay entitled 'Art and Work' in 1965, an expanded version of a F29 51 talk he gave at the First World Congress of Craftsmen in 1964 (so F29 52 much for staking a claim to being first!), which addressed the very F29 53 same issue.

F29 54 In his essay, Rosenberg made the prescient remark that F29 55 "art criticism seems to be much slower than art itself in F29 56 casting off the spell that identifies the artist with making and F29 57 the maker." To most makers, and the audience at NYU was F29 58 filled with those who regard 'making' as a high calling [make: F29 59 a matched fit; to do or act], this statement amounts to heresy. F29 60 From all indications, what is desired is the reversal of the F29 61 present state of affairs; quoting again from Rosenberg, F29 62 "... art goes against its past as a making of things and F29 63 takes on the characteristics of action," by which he meant F29 64 "... the primitive motive of art as magic and F29 65 celebration." Action, in Rosenberg's lexicon, meant F29 66 self-development; and he concluded his essay by declaring F29 67 that "... self-development shall [ideally] be the motive of F29 68 all work," and when that prevails "... the F29 69 distinction between the arts and other human enterprises will F29 70 become meaningless."

F29 71 While there are 'art workers' who oppose the identity of F29 72 'artist' on the basis of ideological, social or cultural F29 73 difference, virtually all of the 'crafters,' 'craft workers' or F29 74 'craftartists' that I've encountered seek the meaningful F29 75 distinction of being called an 'artist.' Perhaps in the future, the F29 76 crafters will become the artists, and artists will become ... F29 77 something else. How strange that this hierarchical separation, F29 78 still enforced in some quarters, was cooked up from the semantic F29 79 stew that has given us an inverted lexical lasagna in which one F29 80 thing originally meant its opposite. Unfortunately, I have not F29 81 offered much clarity to the matter. But I am going to start calling F29 82 myself a 'technologist' rather than an 'art writer' so that I can F29 83 apply for grants from 'industry' (industria: diligence, F29 84 skill, a crafty expedient).

F29 85 F29 86 The Last Romantic: Part II

F29 87 BY FRED MARTIN

F29 88 Scheherazade said, "come back tonight ..." and F29 89 disappeared in the middle of a sentence during my early morning F29 90 reverie at the National Council of Art Administrators last November F29 91 in Minneapolis, disappeared with "You [Romantics like me] F29 92 are all as far from a worthwhile work ... as you were a hundred and F29 93 fifty years before. ..." I knew that Scheherazade never F29 94 finished anything and always reappeared when night came. So, when F29 95 night did fall in that gloomy Minneapolis hotel room, I was not F29 96 surprised when Scheherazade reappeared and went right on as if F29 97 nothing had happened:

F29 98 As it had been for the post-Impressionists, the F29 99 C<*_>e-acute<*/>zannes, Gauguins and van Goghs, certain of the F29 100 first generation Abstract Expressionist artists were taken up by F29 101 perceptive dealers and sold to a 1950s version of the same audience F29 102 that had bought C<*_>e-acute<*/>zanne during the early twentieth F29 103 century. And, as C<*_>e-acute<*/>zanne et al. were followed by the F29 104 Picassos and Matisses, so the Abstract Expressionists were followed F29 105 by the Warhols, the Stellas, the Olitzkis and the Rauschenbergs. F29 106 And also, as it had been ever since the early nineteenth century, F29 107 these mid-to later-twentieth century artists worked for the F29 108 'cultural elite,' the art world of a couple thousand influential F29 109 'tastemakers,' while all of the other image-makers in F29 110 society worked for everyone else, the 250 million people who F29 111 constituted society as a whole.

F29 112 The fine artist worked for the art world; the popular artist F29 113 worked for the people. The fine artists' work reached its audience F29 114 through the art dealer and museum curator; the work of the popular F29 115 artist reached its audience through the recording company and the F29 116 radio station, the film studio and the movie theater or television F29 117 set. And as time passed, the work of visual fine art, largely F29 118 static and more cult object of social status than guiding vision of F29 119 human life, gave way in power and influence to popular art, which F29 120 was vital, engaged all the senses, moved in time and, like F29 121 television and the movies, brighter than life, or like recordings, F29 122 louder and with no wrong notes.

F29 123 That is why [Scheherazade said] you fine artists have come at F29 124 the end of the twentieth century to the question of your place and F29 125 the place of your work in a world that is evolving today and F29 126 tomorrow. As the art world has continued to evolve in its own F29 127 isolation from the major needs of the society in which you exist, F29 128 you speak more and more only to one another, in a dialogue ever F29 129 more distant from the great issues of human life, ever more F29 130 representative of those issues only as they may exist in the F29 131 individual experience of you artists yourselves, for yourselves, to F29 132 yourselves.

F29 133 When the Romantics began in the early nineteenth century, they F29 134 were leisured aristocrats who had lost their role in society. You F29 135 are the same. You are only Romantics, two hundred years too late. F29 136 "And, dear boy," Scheherazade concluded, F29 137 "that is the end of your story. You are worthless. The F29 138 world has no use for you nor any place for your works. Get F29 139 lost."

F29 140 Months passed after those last words from the woman who had F29 141 after all finished my story, and she had gone off to amuse a sultan F29 142 before I could strangle her with her veil, stab at her heart. Then F29 143 one day recently I saw a headline in a local tabloid: THE F29 144 PROSECUTION OF THE LYRIC POET. I think Scheherazade was the F29 145 Prosecutor: "Brought before the bar of justice, accused by F29 146 a society in chaos of the crime of self-indulgence when the F29 147 services of every person are needed to promote the general welfare F29 148 and pursue the common good, the Lyric Poet was questioned by the F29 149 Prosecution:

F29 150 Q. What is your service?

F29 151 A. My service is speaking.

F29 152 Q. Why were you chosen?

F29 153 A. Because I have the talent.

F29 154 Q. For whom do you speak?

F29 155 A. I speak for the mute.

F29 156 Q. What do you say?

F29 157 A. Because I am a child, I speak for the vulnerable, the F29 158 frightened, the abused. I speak for the children who dream and F29 159 those who played the fairy stories of long ago, who play Barbie and F29 160 Ken and GI Joe and Transformer today ...

F29 161 Because I am an outcast, I speak for the rejected, the sinners, F29 162 the publicans, the whores; I speak for the poor and the homeless F29 163 because I am that ...

F29 164 Because I am male, I speak for men the words they cannot say: F29 165 the caring their machismo hides, the raging phallicism their fear F29 166 of homosexuality hides, the fear of age their youth disguises, the F29 167 fear of failure each knows but never admits ...

F29 168 Because I am female, I speak for women the rage at their F29 169 impotence and servitude, their repression for three hundred F29 170 centuries; I speak for their care for children and a love so deep F29 171 that it can nurture or smother, sustain or kill ...

F29 172 Because I am man/woman-woman/man, I speak all hungers of the F29 173 flesh for the other that is itself, I speak all lusts that are the F29 174 statements of despair ...

F29 175 Because I am of color, I speak all rage against the whites F29 176 where I project the power over my weakness; because I am white, I F29 177 speak all fear of the energy and sensuality which I project upon F29 178 the dark ...

F29 179 Because I am all, multivalent, every-faced, all age and all F29 180 life ... desert and mountain, breaking surf and clouds of every F29 181 kind, you hear me in the surging of the shore, and in hands cupped F29 182 hollow to your ears ...

F29 183 And because the child, the out-cast, the man, the F29 184 woman, the gay and lesbian, the dark and light, the desert even and F29 185 the mountain, sea and sky, because they are all in you, Mr. F29 186 Prosecutor, I speak for you ...

F29 187 Today and yesterday, tomorrow and in all days to come, I speak F29 188 what you cannot say; I say the world you live but cannot make - F29 189 until beyond the dust of now, when other times other worlds, other F29 190 languages other lives, your need forever remains and my service F29 191 forever is called.

F29 192 The Prosecution rested; the Lyric Poet had given a defense; the F29 193 Judge passed sentence:

F29 194 "To the Lyric Poet: Yes, show your work, speak your F29 195 poem, make your gift however, whenever you can. But also, return to F29 196 your origin to help those who begin as you once did, help children F29 197 learn to sing in the free chorus of the world. Show at the local F29 198 art festival and be proud when your work hangs on the walls of F29 199 lovers' bedrooms; teach at the local school and be proud when F29 200 second graders paint their first world. The Romantic Artist is F29 201 dead, long live the Lyric Poet."

F29 202 F29 203 Blame It on Columbus

F29 204 Beyond 1992 at the Berkeley Art Center

F29 205 BY BRUNO FAZZOLARI

F29 206 During the course of this year just about every sector of the F29 207 art and media worlds will perform a ritual homage and analysis of F29 208 the Columbus Quincentennial. That such institutions as F29 209 Newsweek have raised doubts about the heroic stature of F29 210 Columbus indicates more about the current cultural climate than F29 211 about Columbus himself, however. To take an example from F29 212 Beyond 1992, currently at the Berkeley Art Center, the F29 213 image of Columbus readily calls forth the man and his entire F29 214 colonial legacy, but it is unlikely that the man himself would F29 215 recognize his own likeness, for the portrait we know was produced F29 216 long after his death.

F29 217 F29 218 F29 219 F30 1 <#FROWN:F30\>Delegation of educational authority, then, is a F30 2 product of specialization, but it is equally a function of the F30 3 extrinsicality of an important purpose of the major. The success of F30 4 a department that regards itself as preparing students for practice F30 5 or further study is measured by the relevant success of its F30 6 students, a fact that has an effect on its decisions. One such F30 7 external influence on the major is informal and often subjective, F30 8 consisting as it does of the sum total of departmental beliefs F30 9 about how success is achieved out there in the world, with the F30 10 evidence fragmentary and anecdotal. The upshot tends to be the F30 11 principle, when in doubt, include, since the failure of F30 12 even a small number of students to reach their goal is vastly more F30 13 obvious than the harm of a one-sided education for a much larger F30 14 number.

F30 15 The aim of a second influence is more precise and steady. F30 16 Often, graduate departments, professional schools, employers, and - F30 17 especially for professional majors - accrediting and licensing F30 18 agencies are quite explicit in their demands, to the point of F30 19 specifying courses. Entrance requirements or preferences, personnel F30 20 officers' guidelines to school placement officers, or conditions F30 21 for accreditation all leave their mark on the curricula of majors. F30 22 The prerogatives of expertise and the demands of external agencies F30 23 thus tend to crowd out the determination of majors by faculties of F30 24 particular institutions. And because these forces also suppress F30 25 attention to potentially intrinsic pedagogic values of the major, a F30 26 closer look at the relationship between the stage that prepares and F30 27 those it prepares for is important.

F30 28 For many students, of course, the undergraduate major is F30 29 followed by related advanced study or by employment that calls for F30 30 the knowledge and skills acquired. Undoubtedly, this orderly F30 31 sequence occurs more consistently in job-related undergraduate F30 32 professional programs, such as engineering, nursing, or education, F30 33 than for arts and sciences majors, though there will be differences F30 34 among the latter. That the major prepares is not fiction. Insofar F30 35 as undergraduate education in America can be regarded as a bridge F30 36 from variability of talent and schooling to postbaccalaureate F30 37 education and professional employment (where relatively uniform F30 38 professionwide standards prevail), majors are the main girders of F30 39 that bridge.

F30 40 Accordingly, it is quite appropriate for undergraduate F30 41 institutions to look outside for guidance in the design of certain F30 42 of their programs. But for educational institutions with pedagogic F30 43 goals of their own, some modes of looking are more fitting than F30 44 others. Even the few broad principles to be suggested here, F30 45 however, will call for different policies in different professions F30 46 and fields.

F30 47 One must distinguish, to begin with, between students making F30 48 their entrance into that next stage and functioning within it once F30 49 inside. To the ears of a faculty, the keepers of portals have by F30 50 far the most audible voices: campus recruiters, personnel officers, F30 51 deans of admission, licensing agencies. And while these F30 52 representatives speak for their institutions, they nevertheless F30 53 bring to their tasks special perspectives of their own. The success F30 54 of company recruiters and personnel officers, for example, is F30 55 measured primarily by the degree of satisfaction of the first F30 56 supervisors of the new employees, whether or not this forecasts a F30 57 longer-run flourishing of the employee. Admissions officers, given F30 58 their task of dealing with large numbers of applicants, tend toward F30 59 the use of indicators that permit decisions to be made efficiently F30 60 - that is, relatively rapidly, and without too much 'subjective' F30 61 discretion by the decision makers.

F30 62 Since the accomplishments of students who do not get through F30 63 the door will not then be further tested, the preparing faculty F30 64 must, of course, pay heed to such entrance requirements. But, as F30 65 educators, they must also look beyond that portal to the F30 66 functioning of their students over a longer career. Just as we F30 67 expect a law school to prepare students for a career in the law F30 68 (and not just for the bar exam), so the faculty in charge of an F30 69 undergraduate program must base its curricular decisions on an F30 70 understanding of a longer and deeper trajectory. Bluntly put, F30 71 faculties must make the educational decisions, not recruiters F30 72 and admission officers.

F30 73 A bureaucratic point that has considerable pedagogic F30 74 consequences corroborates this fundamental principle. For the sake F30 75 of convenience, requirements are often stated in the language of F30 76 courses. Required: one semester of calculus; one year of F30 77 accounting; one course in design; a year of organic chemistry; and F30 78 so on. But what is actually needed on the job or in advanced study F30 79 is never a course but certain substantive knowledge and F30 80 certain broad or specific skills, expected to be acquired in F30 81 those courses.

F30 82 No doubt they usually are, and no doubt much more is, as well. F30 83 Courses are packages, with the selection of contents a function of F30 84 the structure of the field, of habit, history, and convenience. It F30 85 remains open as to whether, when a course is specified, what is F30 86 substantively needed includes all that is required. Where a F30 87 discipline's internal organization does not dictate the package's F30 88 components, it can easily happen that a broader educational F30 89 decision is made for the sake of a narrower admissions need. F30 90 When a conventional course is required for the sake of a certain F30 91 ability or quality of mind, an educational decision might suggest a F30 92 quite different road toward that goal.

F30 93 This theme - that the faculty responsible for a major must F30 94 translate external demands into decisions of its own - becomes F30 95 central when the issue of the major as preparation is placed in the F30 96 broadest perspective. We are moving in realms in which much more is F30 97 to be learned in preparation for the next stage than there is time F30 98 for. As a result, on-the-job training and continuing education F30 99 within the workplace have become very big business, indeed. Such F30 100 activities range from informal (but time-consuming) on-the-job F30 101 training, to instruction in company-specific practices, to F30 102 technical courses and workshops that closely resemble those of the F30 103 academy, to instruction that is indistinguishable from that F30 104 provided in colleges and universities, right up to F30 105 degree-granting corporate institutions. In short, F30 106 everywhere the growth of knowledge has been such that students must F30 107 embark on that next stage before being fully prepared for it.

F30 108 At best, the undergraduate major can only do part of the job of F30 109 preparing, even if it had no other goals; the faculty cannot avoid F30 110 selecting what is to be included and what will be left to be F30 111 learned later. Three broad principles should govern such choices; F30 112 the fact that they are virtually self-evident most certainly does F30 113 not assure that they are observed. First, where learning one thing F30 114 builds on the prior knowledge of something else, that dependency F30 115 dictates an order of learning. Because this simple logic has F30 116 immediate pedagogic consequences, it is in general, though by no F30 117 means always, adhered to. But since the adverse consequences of F30 118 violating either of the other two principles do not become manifest F30 119 until long after the undergraduate years, an equivalent F30 120 simpleminded logic does not have analogous coercive force.

F30 121 Institutional setting may make a big difference as to how F30 122 adequately some material is taught or whether it can be taught at F30 123 all. Some teaching should take place in colleges and universities, F30 124 asserts this second principle, because it can only be taught there F30 125 or can be taught much better there than elsewhere. Other knowledge F30 126 or skills are more readily acquired in the environment of the F30 127 postbaccalaureate stage. Where needed as part of preparation, the F30 128 first of such subjects should be included in the major, in place of F30 129 subjects that might be acquired elsewhere, while one ought to omit F30 130 those in the second category, even in the face of pressures from F30 131 students who want to get there faster.

F30 132 A recent study of professional education analyzes the notion of F30 133 professional competence into six components, to take a single F30 134 example. One, called "contextual competence," F30 135 "signifies an understanding of the broad social, economic, F30 136 and cultural setting in which the profession is practiced." F30 137 Since it is unlikely that all six components can be adequately F30 138 acquired in the course of an undergraduate professional program, it F30 139 makes sense to include material that takes advantage of the F30 140 availability, at an institution of higher education, of such F30 141 departments as economics, sociology, anthropology, say, not to F30 142 mention broad library holdings. On the other hand, and for a number F30 143 of reasons, if the intention is indeed to focus history and the F30 144 social sciences on the profession being studied, such F30 145 "contextual competence" is much more difficult to F30 146 acquire 'on the job.' Suitability of place, absolutely or F30 147 comparatively, suggests that "contextual F30 148 competence" be given some priority in the design of a F30 149 major.

F30 150 On the other side, the point has been made with some force that F30 151 schools will never succeed in educating teachers in such a way that F30 152 they are good teachers when they start teaching. Programs that F30 153 aim at preparing teachers should therefore teach how to learn F30 154 to teach and leave the job of actually becoming good teachers F30 155 to the years of beginning practice. Wherever such an observation is F30 156 taken seriously, important curricular decisions follow.

F30 157 Finally, there is the power of time. Some things not learned F30 158 early are later learned with much greater difficulty at best. The F30 159 "interpersonal communication competence" called for F30 160 in that study on professional education is surely best acquired F30 161 when young. For reasons rooted in psychological, if not biological F30 162 truths about human development, the cost of postponement can be F30 163 high. Other studies are best engaged in earlier rather than later F30 164 for economic or sociological reasons. For what one is free to F30 165 explore at an earlier stage may later be precluded by increasing F30 166 pressure to specialize and by economic constraints. Options open in F30 167 youth that might, in principle, be recaptured later tend, in F30 168 practice, to remain out of reach.

F30 169 That these truths have long been known is no assurance that F30 170 they are incorporated in educational programs. They are, however, F30 171 of particular relevance to the design of majors, insofar as they F30 172 are intended to provide an adequate preparation for stages beyond F30 173 the undergraduate years.

F30 174 THE PEDAGOGICAL PURPOSES OF THE MAJOR

F30 175 We have been concerned up to now with the educational F30 176 effectiveness of the major as preparation for specific future F30 177 stages, without attending to the educational function of the F30 178 undergraduate major for those who do not take that road. While F30 179 there is a paucity of statistical evidence on the careers of F30 180 students after college, it is widely known that for many of them, F30 181 the major is not at all followed by related advanced study or F30 182 employment.

F30 183 First, quite a few undergraduate majors simply do not prepare F30 184 for some designated next step. Often this is obvious to students F30 185 and faculty alike, but at times both groups, especially students, F30 186 suffer from misapprehensions. Many interdisciplinary majors have no F30 187 graduate counterparts, nor are there specific jobs for someone who F30 188 has completed a program in ancient civilizations, say. But, more F30 189 insidiously, some professional-sounding majors are wrongly believed F30 190 to qualify the graduate for a position in that profession. Many F30 191 bachelors in journalism, for example, will be disappointed not to F30 192 be hired as reporters; the fact that some undergraduate economics F30 193 majors like to call themselves economists does not make it so when F30 194 they are on the lookout for jobs. This perspective on the major not F30 195 only raises questions about effective communication with students F30 196 but about the very ethos of the major as preparation.

F30 197 Second, for at least two reasons, numerous students who intend F30 198 to use the major as a road to relevant advanced study or employment F30 199 never get there. Even where a program prepares, many F30 200 individual students simply do not do well enough to make it. In F30 201 some areas, the standards for success are so high that the number F30 202 who fail to reach the next stage is large. Think of the biology F30 203 majors who are not admitted into a medical school or a Ph.D. F30 204 program! On the other hand, a program can be well designed to F30 205 prepare students for a career, and they might complete it admirably F30 206 but may find that the number of openings in the world of work is so F30 207 small that there is no room for them. At different times, this F30 208 disproportion has held for every profession for which F30 209 undergraduates prepare: education, engineering, music, library F30 210 science, pharmacy, and social work, to give a few prominent F30 211 examples.

F30 212 F30 213 F31 1 <#FROWN:F31\>There can be no natural explanation for the origin F31 2 of this cancer-fighting wonder other than past heavy losses of F31 3 juveniles to cancer.

F31 4 Because it was activated only after healthy cells were F31 5 converted into the deadly cancer state, the increasingly efficient F31 6 immune system enabled many species to weaken, or even abandon, F31 7 first line defenses. The animals were still, from the gene's view, F31 8 disposable vehicles, and every act of somatic cell creation in a F31 9 developing animal was still a threat to the germ line. But the F31 10 'fail safe' nature of immune systems liberated the gene pools. F31 11 Released from the restrictions imposed by risk-aversive cancer F31 12 defenses, many of these emboldened invaders of the sun-drenched F31 13 land surfaces could do what would be unthinkable with only a single F31 14 line of defenses:

F31 15 F31 16 Increase the length of prereproductive life.

F31 17 Lengthen total life spans. The aging process was attenuated.

F31 18 Invest more cells in each organism. Giant animals - dinosaurs F31 19 at an earlier time, humans now - came to dominate life on earth.

F31 20 Externalize soft tissue as the need for noncellular external F31 21 hard coverings were reduced or eliminated.

F31 22 Because of that externalization of tissue, develop greater F31 23 flexibility and mobility.

F31 24 Eliminate, in some species, body hair, a noncellular covering F31 25 with proven cancer-defense properties. (I say more about hair later F31 26 in the chapter.)

F31 27 Reduce skin pigmentation in many humans and in a few species of F31 28 domestic animals - some pigs and some rabbits have white-pink F31 29 skin.

F31 30 In many species, spend entire days in direct sunlight.

F31 31 F31 32 In most immunologically-equipped lineages the animals increased F31 33 in size. That is because immune systems not only permitted F31 34 larger animals, they encouraged them. With an effective immune F31 35 defense in place additional cells actually protect against F31 36 cancer.

F31 37 But if fewer cells were cancer defensive in insects, how F31 38 could more cells be cancer defensive in vertebrates? To F31 39 understand this apparent paradox, consider two vertebrates with F31 40 cells of similar size. One is a mouse whose liver is no larger than F31 41 the eraser at the end of a pencil. The other is a whale, and it's F31 42 liver is the size of a small automobile. If cancer were to start in F31 43 one liver cell in each animal and proliferate at the same rate of F31 44 speed, which animal would be the first to die? Obviously, the mouse F31 45 would go first. Because of its smaller size, the mouse's liver F31 46 would stop functioning before the whale's. And the whale's immune F31 47 system, with more time to organize a counterattack against the F31 48 killer cells, would have a better chance of winning its fight F31 49 against the killer cells and might save the animal.

F31 50 (In his 'Phylogeny and Oncogeny' Clyde J. Dawe pointed out that F31 51 although whales have many more cells at risk than mice and might be F31 52 expected to have higher lethal cancer rates they in fact have far F31 53 lower rates. He speculated that certain physical characteristics of F31 54 whales [he mentions higher levels of fatty tissue] might explain F31 55 the whale's lower death rate. He seems not to have considered F31 56 time-to-kill versus time-to-react as a factor.)

F31 57 F31 58 The terrestrial vertebrates include among their number the only F31 59 large animals that regularly expose themselves to intense F31 60 sunlight. Vertebrates are also the only animals known to have F31 61 cancer specific immune systems. And they have yet another unique F31 62 characteristic: they are the only animals that sleep.

F31 63 Sleep is a major evolutionary mystery. Land vertebrates spend F31 64 one-third of their lives in an unconscious state, utterly F31 65 defenseless against attack by predators. Natural selection would F31 66 have worked against the selection of this defenseless state unless F31 67 it offered other life-or-death benefits. My theory looks at all the F31 68 facts and asserts that sleep's primary function is to defend F31 69 against cancer.

F31 70 To begin my case, consider that the greatest risk of cancer F31 71 initiation occurs during mitosis. That delicate process of passing F31 72 genetic material from one mother cell to two daughter cells is, in F31 73 organisms with oncogenes, nothing less than death-defying. It is F31 74 also an incredibly frequent occurrence in large animals. Cells F31 75 divide ten quadrillion times during a human lifetime. That's F31 76 350 thousand million cell divisions every twenty-four hours! F31 77 If just one of those divisions went awry, the mishap could F31 78 kill the organism. And any cell divisions that misfired in F31 79 juveniles would imperil the lineage.

F31 80 Significantly, these highly dangerous acts occur in vertebrates F31 81 during sleep. Human skin cells, for example, divide F31 82 mostly between the hours of midnight and 4 AM. The connection with F31 83 sunlight is obvious. Cells divide at night in animals that are F31 84 active during daylight and during the day in most nocturnal F31 85 animals. Bats and mice sleep during the day, but they sleep, and F31 86 their cells divide (<}_><-|>its<+|>it's<}/> been observed and F31 87 measured in mice) in places sheltered from sunlight; bats sleep in F31 88 caves and mice in burrows.

F31 89 Using the 'cause of death' rule, the universality of sleep in F31 90 land vertebrates (all mammals, birds and reptiles sleep) leads to F31 91 the question, what killed animals that did not sleep? The F31 92 facts - mitosis during sleep, sunlight avoidance while sleeping - F31 93 point to cancer.

F31 94 Another set of facts that supports this idea is the age-related F31 95 sleep pattern in our own species. Humans sleep most during infancy F31 96 - newborns sleep 18 or more hours a day - when new cell production, F31 97 and the risk of cancer initiation, is at its highest level. After F31 98 infancy sleep decreases steadily with age, but with one significant F31 99 exception. Adolescents sleep more than pre-adolescents. Again, F31 100 there is a correlation with growth and increased cell division: F31 101 rates of increase in height and weight during adolescence are F31 102 second only to infancy. Cancer experience also correlates. F31 103 Adolescents are especially vulnerable to cancer related to growth. F31 104 Leg bones grow rapidly during adolescence and cancer in those bones F31 105 almost exclusively occurs in teenagers.

F31 106 Another medical fact pointing toward sleep's function as a F31 107 cancer defense: the increase in sleep following severe trauma. F31 108 Persons recovering from major surgery or other trauma - when cells F31 109 division increases to repair damaged tissue - sleep more than F31 110 normal.

F31 111 There is still more evidence. The pituitary gland secretes F31 112 growth hormone when we sleep. According to Yasuro Takahashi, F31 113 "...the highest peak of [growth hormone] concentrations in F31 114 a 24-hour period always occurs during ...sleep."

F31 115 How does sleep enhance cancer-free cell division? I don't know. F31 116 This is a black box proposal. I suspect, however, that the state of F31 117 unconsciousness was selected to enforce physical inactivity and F31 118 that inactivity provides an internal somatic environment conducive F31 119 to the successful division of cells.

F31 120 F31 121 I have said that insects shield their larvae from solar F31 122 radiation as a cancer defense. The terrestrial vertebrates also F31 123 protect their embryos from radiation, but they didn't put them F31 124 under rocks.

F31 125 Most vertebrate fish embryos were not protected by their F31 126 parents. They reproduced with external fertilization and external F31 127 gestation; many fertilized eggs develop in open water. But when F31 128 some of the fishes' descendants migrated to land they moved toward F31 129 greater embryo protection. This is evident in the earliest land F31 130 animals, the amphibians. Although some amphibians use the fish F31 131 system of external fertilization and external gestation, other use F31 132 internal fertilization followed by external gestation. And a few F31 133 species use both internal fertilization and internal gestation.

F31 134 In the next big evolutionary step, the emergency of true F31 135 terrestrials, the reptiles and birds, fertilization became internal F31 136 and all embryos were protected in hard-shelled eggs, some of which F31 137 were buried by the parents.

F31 138 Embryo protection was further intensified in mammals. Both F31 139 fertilization and gestation are internal.

F31 140 That progression from exposed fertilization and exposed F31 141 gestation to shielded fertilization and shielded gestation implies F31 142 unrelenting selection pressure. Such long term trends in many F31 143 lineages are best explained, again applying Occam's Razor, by a F31 144 single selection mechanism working throughout the long F31 145 transformation period, rather than by a melange of assumptions.

F31 146 Increased protection of embryos occurred in lineages that F31 147 underwent great transformation and my theory says transformation F31 148 itself could not occur without lots of juvenile cancer, including F31 149 embryo cancer. The intensification of cancer selection pressure as F31 150 the animals moved away from the protection of the sea would also F31 151 explain the change to internal fertilization and internal F31 152 gestation.

F31 153 As my theory would predict, no comparable intensification of F31 154 protection of very young offspring occurred when plants moved F31 155 from marine to terrestrial habitats.

F31 156 F31 157 Despite the fact that many mammals have discarded heavy F31 158 external protection against sunlight, all land vertebrates continue F31 159 to shield mitotic cells from natural radiation.

F31 160 Blood cells in humans and other vertebrates, which divide more F31 161 rapidly than other cells, divide inside large bones. As X-ray F31 162 images demonstrate, bone tissue protects against radiation.

F31 163 In four-legged animals, the soft organs, which are made up F31 164 mainly of dividing cells, are protected from exposure to sunlight F31 165 by layers of cells that do not divide; muscles and, to a lesser F31 166 extent, nerve cells.

F31 167 The observation that pre-mitotic cells are routinely shielded F31 168 by cells that do not divide suggests that cancer selection explains F31 169 one of the great mysteries of recent evolution, the origin of the F31 170 human brain.

F31 171 Paleontologists have established, with the 1974 discovery in F31 172 Ethiopia of the hominid fossil 'Lucy,' that our ancestors first F31 173 became bipedal about 3.5 million years ago. They stood up before F31 174 they acquired their large brains. The big brains - they more than F31 175 doubled in size from Lucy's - did not appear until about 2 million F31 176 years ago. That sudden appearance - and in evolution 1.5 million F31 177 years is a short time - is a puzzle. So quickly did the new brain F31 178 appear that biologist Anthony Smith estimates that it grew at an F31 179 average rate of 90,000 cells in each generation!

F31 180 All previous ideas about that sudden origin revolve around the F31 181 supposed survival value of human intelligence. They ignore several F31 182 powerful signs pointing to cancer selection.

F31 183 The locale where our ancestors were living when the big F31 184 brains first appeared is highly significant. It was in the Rift F31 185 Valley, which runs from North to South, dividing central Africa in F31 186 half. West of the valley the land is covered with heavy foliage; F31 187 it's mostly deep, dark jungle. To the east it's savanna; open land F31 188 bombarded by fierce tropical sunlight. The valley itself, where F31 189 Lucy lived, is now one of the hottest places on earth. It is risky F31 190 to assume that current climatic conditions obtained millions of F31 191 years in the past, but I make no such assumption. According to a F31 192 1984 article in The New York Times, specialists are F31 193 convinced that humans appeared when the area changed from shady F31 194 forest to sun-drenched savanna.

F31 195 Suddenly spending entire days with the blazing African sun F31 196 beating down on the top of their heads (thanks to their recent F31 197 adaptation of bipedalism), early humans suffered losses from brain F31 198 cancer. But - and this is essential - most brain tumors do not F31 199 start in functioning brain cells, not in neurons. They start in F31 200 glial cells, dividing non-nerve cells that circulate inside the F31 201 cranial vault. Neurons are postmitotic; they never divide, not once F31 202 the brain has been constructed. And brain construction is completed F31 203 in early childhood.

F31 204 If glial-cell cancer killed many human children, selection F31 205 would have favoured the placement of additional neurons on the top F31 206 of the mammalian brain we inherited from Lucy and our other F31 207 protohuman ancestors. Those additional nondividing cells, placed F31 208 between the dividing cells and that harsh African sun, would have F31 209 blocked the carcinogenic solar radiation.

F31 210 Certain observations support this idea:

F31 211 F31 212 Cancer is the second leading cause of death among American F31 213 children. And the second leading site of lethal cancer in F31 214 children is brain cancer; it accounted for 14% of childhood cancer F31 215 deaths in a recent year. (The leading cause of death is accidents F31 216 and leukemia is the most common cancer.)

F31 217 F31 218 Children have thick hair only on the top of their heads. F31 219 Humans lost their thick body hair, and biologists are F31 220 convinced that they shed it to survive in the heat of the African F31 221 plain. But most of our body heat escapes through our heads. (It's F31 222 why most people wear hats in cold weather.) If we got rid of body F31 223 hair to keep cool in the African heat, its retention by juveniles F31 224 (remember, their welfare was essential to lineage survival) in the F31 225 one place where it would most interfere with body-cooling suggests F31 226 that something else was also involved. I think childrens'<&|>sic! F31 227 hair protected them against sunlight-caused brain cancer. F31 228 F31 229 F32 1 <#FROWN:F32\>The argument could legitimately be made that F32 2 virtually all coverage of national government is primarily the F32 3 drama surrounding the president - from the story of the initial F32 4 policy proposal through the Congress's handling of the issue to the F32 5 president's subsequent reaction to Congress. It may even extend to F32 6 the role of interest groups, the states and localities, the federal F32 7 bureaucracy, and the Supreme Court. Energy programs, budget cuts, F32 8 anti-inflation plans all receive elongated coverage if they emanate F32 9 from the White House and are considered top priorities of the F32 10 president.

F32 11 Not only does the president get a lot of press coverage, but F32 12 most of it is favorable, or at worst neutral. Although the number F32 13 of unfavorable stories has increased since the late 1960s and early F32 14 1970s (Vietnam and Watergate) the president still receives more F32 15 favorable than unfavorable press.

F32 16 MANAGING THE NEWS

F32 17 The president's media coverage is generally positive primarily F32 18 because of White House efforts to manage the news. The White House F32 19 usually does not need to solicit the press's attention (although it F32 20 cannot take such attention for granted), but the president's staff F32 21 does try to affect the content that is transmitted. A vital and F32 22 time-consuming job of the president and his senior advisors is the F32 23 shaping of news coverage to the president's advantage.

F32 24 Former White House Communications Director David Gergen aptly F32 25 describes this preoccupation:

F32 26 We had a rule in the Nixon [presidency] that F32 27 before any public event was put on his schedule, you had to know F32 28 what the headline out of that event was going to be, what the F32 29 picture was going to be, and what the lead paragraph would F32 30 be.

F32 31 Image-Making

F32 32 The White House works to create an image of the president which F32 33 supports the president's policy objectives and creates a reservoir F32 34 of political capital (that is, popular support), for the president F32 35 in his battles with Congress and others. This imagemaking is F32 36 especially crucial in the first year of a new administration when F32 37 the new president seeks to translate an electoral mandate into F32 38 congressional and public support for the administration's F32 39 proposals. The president not only can be more successful in F32 40 accomplishing policy objectives, but he also can draw an image of F32 41 himself which will form the first strong impression in the public F32 42 mind. Fortuitously, the press also concentrates on the personality F32 43 of the new president in this first year. (See Table 8.1.) Since F32 44 such information is new, it is considered newsworthy. The White F32 45 House, aware of this emphasis, seeks to take advantage of it F32 46 through imagemaking. According to Grossman and Kumar, the image F32 47 created generally encompasses the president's personal F32 48 characteristics, leadership ability, and policy.

F32 49 The President Is Human. The White House attempts to F32 50 'humanize' the president, particularly in the first year of a new F32 51 administration. Reporters are quick to pick up on such stories, F32 52 since they appeal to a natural human interest in an important F32 53 personality and his family.

F32 54 Typically, the White House portrays the president as one who is F32 55 close to the concerns of the citizenry, whether that be through an F32 56 emphasis on Jimmy Carter's small-town roots, his experiences as a F32 57 farmer and small businessman, and his preference for staying in F32 58 voters' homes during campaign trips, or on George Bush's F32 59 predilection for pork rinds, backyard barbecues, and playing F32 60 horseshoes. The public flap over Nancy Reagan's designer dresses F32 61 was the other side of this coin. The press is vital in F32 62 communicating this image to the public: the president as common F32 63 man.

F32 64 The First Family. The president's family is used to F32 65 demonstrate his compassion as well as a model home life. The First F32 66 Lady's involvement in noncontroversial causes such as Barbara F32 67 Bush's work on adult illiteracy aid the president's image as a F32 68 concerned individual. In the case of Barbara Bush, her matronly F32 69 figure and grey hair has reinforced an image as a typical woman, F32 70 particularly by comparison with Nancy Reagan, who was petite and F32 71 dressed in fashionable designer clothes. Children, particularly F32 72 younger children, can soften the public image of the president. F32 73 Even animals, when presidential offspring are adults, can serve a F32 74 similar role, as evidenced by the attention to Millie, the Bush's F32 75 pregnant spaniel who was featured on the cover of Life F32 76 magazine.

F32 77 Emphasis on family can backfire, however, given inappropriate F32 78 context or behavior. Jimmy Carter's mention during the 1980 F32 79 presidential debate that he had discussed nuclear arms policy with F32 80 his 13-year-old daughter Amy was met with derision, since it F32 81 implied he received policy advice from his teenage daughter, and F32 82 Carter's brother Billy became involved in an embarrassing scandal F32 83 over his role as a lobbyist for Libya. Ronald Reagan's children F32 84 undercut both his 'family man' image and his positions on moral F32 85 issues; son Ron appeared on Saturday Night Live in his F32 86 underwear, and daughter Patti wrote a derogatory novel based on her F32 87 relationship with her father.

F32 88 Leadership. Our expectations for the presidency today F32 89 demand presidential leadership, or at least the appearance of such. F32 90 In fact, the president is severely hampered by the Constitution, by F32 91 statute, and by the resistance of the Congress in his F32 92 decision-making role. Hence, the White House concentrates F32 93 on projecting an image of leadership in order to gain public and F32 94 congressional support. Grossman and Kumar identify several F32 95 components of the image as a leader.

F32 96 Military Decisiveness. The president must appear F32 97 militarily decisive. Early in his presidency, George Bush's use of F32 98 the military in Panama and the Middle East successfully reinforced F32 99 this image. However, Jimmy Carter's failed attempt to rescue the F32 100 Iran hostages and the Reagan administration's inability to oust F32 101 Panamanian leader Noriega in 1988 contributed to a perception of F32 102 military impotence.

F32 103 Control of Subordinates. The president also is F32 104 expected to demonstrate leadership by firing disruptive F32 105 subordinates. The continued presence of a subordinate who F32 106 challenges the president or politically damages him is viewed as a F32 107 sign of weakness. President Reagan's firing of the air traffic F32 108 controllers in 1981 projected a strong, decisive image, but his F32 109 later refusal to remove his embattled chief of staff Donald Regan F32 110 in 1986-1987 conveyed the opposite impression.

F32 111 Intellectual Ability. The president is expected to F32 112 show leadership through his command of the issues and his overall F32 113 intellectual ability. Presidents Kennedy, Nixon, and Carter F32 114 projected images of highly knowledgeable experts on complex F32 115 matters, although their expertise usually was demonstrated in F32 116 controlled settings. Ronald Reagan lacked this intellectual or F32 117 technical ability, but successfully lowered expectations of F32 118 presidential expertise by drawing the analogy of a corporate F32 119 chairman of the board rather than a hands-on manager. George Bush, F32 120 however, has restored the practice of showing leadership through F32 121 intellectual command of the issues.

F32 122 World Leader. Finally, Grossman and Kumar argue that F32 123 the president must show leadership through his role as a world F32 124 figure. Presidents have often turned to foreign policy - and F32 125 particularly to foreign travels - to boost sagging popularity at F32 126 home. Richard Nixon's visit to the Soviet Union and later to the F32 127 Middle East in the midst of Watergate and the Camp David Summit F32 128 arranged by Jimmy Carter to bring together the leaders of Israel F32 129 and Egypt in 1978 are two examples.

F32 130 Foreign travel can also backfire. Gerald Ford's tumble down an F32 131 airplane stairway on a trip to Austria reinforced an F32 132 already-established image of incompetence, and Ronald Reagan's F32 133 failure to achieve an arms agreement with the Soviet Union at the F32 134 Iceland Summit in 1986 initially attracted critical stories from F32 135 the press, which the White House sought to manage by sending a F32 136 phalanx of top officials to the major news organizations. Even that F32 137 trip finally confirmed the image-building value of foreign travel F32 138 as Reagan's public approval rating jumped eleven points.

F32 139 Foreign travel generally reaps benefits for presidential image. F32 140 A study of fifteen presidential trips abroad between 1953 and 1978 F32 141 found overwhelmingly favorable news coverage.

F32 142 Activity. Another component of image-making is the F32 143 illusion of activity. As the president moves about with speeches, F32 144 ceremonies, travel, he leaves in his wake a plethora of news F32 145 stories. Such reporting sustains the image of an active president, F32 146 even when such activity may be more symbolic than real.

F32 147 Moreover, all of these stories serve to direct the attention of F32 148 the press toward favorable presidential news and away from F32 149 investigative reporting.

F32 150 Policy. The tactics to improve the president's image with F32 151 the press and the public are designed primarily to lay the F32 152 groundwork for congressional and public support of the president's F32 153 policy objectives.

F32 154 The president himself specifically presses his policy agenda F32 155 through the news media. Presidents use speeches to various F32 156 audiences to push policy initiatives. These include the State of F32 157 the Union addresses, televised 'fireside chats,' and speeches to F32 158 the numerous groups offering him invitations to speak. The F32 159 selection of the audience is done with the press coverage in mind. F32 160 The setting for the speeches is fitted with the particular policy F32 161 objective in order to provide the backdrop and visual reinforcement F32 162 of the verbal message. For example, in 1988, Ronald Reagan used a F32 163 visit to the U.S. Coast Guard Academy to press for formation of a F32 164 bipartisan executive-legislative commission on drug F32 165 interdiction.

F32 166 Press Access

F32 167 As Reagan's presidency emphasized, one recurring point of F32 168 contention between the press and the White House has been access to F32 169 the president. While nearly all members of Congress, including the F32 170 leadership, are readily available for questioning, the president F32 171 has sometimes maintained an aloofness from the press.

F32 172 Historically, the White House has gone to great lengths to F32 173 encourage reporters and offer access. Presidents have provided F32 174 office space within the walls of the White House for the press's F32 175 operations, and those facilities have gradually improved. F32 176 Ironically, Richard Nixon moved the press even closer to the Oval F32 177 Office by covering over the swimming pool and moving the press into F32 178 the West Wing. In addition to office space, the White House F32 179 arranges for press access to the president as he travels.

F32 180 But press access nevertheless is controlled by the F32 181 administration. The press is kept in a confined environment at the F32 182 White House, and reporters are prohibited from wandering at will. F32 183 Formal access to senior officials is granted at the F32 184 administration's descretion, and presidents have discouraged, F32 185 although usually unsuccessfully, unauthorized contacts between F32 186 staff and the press.

F32 187 Access is extended when it serves the administration's purposes F32 188 and denied when it does not. Favored reporters and columnists are F32 189 granted private interviews with the president and exclusive F32 190 stories, for example, while others who are viewed as unfriendly are F32 191 denied such access.

F32 192 According to Reagan press secretary Larry Speakes, favorites F32 193 during the Reagan years, for example, included columnists James J. F32 194 Kilpatrick and George Will, Hugh Sidey of Time, Bill Plante F32 195 and Gary Schuster of CBS. But other reporters were accorded F32 196 different treatment. For example, during the Reagan presidency, F32 197 reporters for the Washington Times were shunned by the F32 198 White House Press Office for printing stories about Nancy Reagan's F32 199 dislike for Larry Speakes.

F32 200 Speaking for the President

F32 201 Managing the news about the presidency means controlling the F32 202 statements emanating from the White House. Such control eludes F32 203 presidents since not all who speak about the president, or even F32 204 those who speak for him, are saying what he would want said. F32 205 Presidential spokespersons include the president himself, and also F32 206 a wide array of persons ranging from the press secretary to a lowly F32 207 White House staff member.

F32 208 According to Colin Seymour-Ure, there are six types of F32 209 spokespersons who are differentiated on the basis of their F32 210 regularity in meeting with the press, their authorization to speak F32 211 to the press, and their specialization as public relations F32 212 professionals.

F32 213 Presidential press secretaries, authorized specialists, meet F32 214 with the press routinely. The press secretary speaks formally for F32 215 the president in daily (and sometimes more often) briefings with F32 216 the press. Some of the most effective press secretaries have been F32 217 individuals who have had close personal relationships with the F32 218 president, such as Jody Powell to Jimmy Carter and Bill Moyers to F32 219 Lyndon Johnson. However, other secretaries have included government F32 220 public relations professionals such as Larry Speakes (Reagan F32 221 presidency) and Marlin Fitzwater (Reagan and Bush), and former F32 222 White House reporters such as Jerry Terhorst and Ron Nessen in the F32 223 Ford presidency.

F32 224 Although the press secretary is the spokesperson usually most F32 225 visible to the press and the public, presidential assistants such F32 226 as the White House Chief of Staff, the National Security Advisor, F32 227 assistants, deputy assistants, and special assistants to the F32 228 president also meet with the press routinely, though usually for F32 229 background purposes. F32 230 F32 231 F32 232 F33 1 <#FROWN:F33\>The populists also had attacked big business. But F33 2 they had concentrated on providing more economic leverage for small F33 3 farmers and other members of the 'toiling masses' in the F33 4 marketplace. The progressive Republicans emphasized the threat to F33 5 democratic institutions posed by unchecked business power. In 1897 F33 6 the Wisconsin Progressive Republicans, led by LaFollette, issued a F33 7 platform of eleven planks, eight of which were primarily political F33 8 or governmental, including promises to "nominate candidates F33 9 by Australian ballot at a primary election"; to F33 10 "enact and enforce laws to punish bribery in every form by F33 11 the lobby"; to "prohibit the acceptance by public F33 12 officials of railroad passes" (a standard means through F33 13 which the railroads won favor with state legislators); and to F33 14 "enact and enforce laws making character and competency the F33 15 requisite for service in our penal and charitable F33 16 institutions." Of the three planks that were primarily F33 17 economic, two dealt with foreign trade, calling, ambiguously, for F33 18 both "reciprocity" and "protection for the F33 19 products of the factory and the farm"; the third F33 20 forthrightly endorsed conservative Republican monetary policy: F33 21 "Sound money, a dollar's worth of dollar."

F33 22 Progressives at the state level fought against patronage-based F33 23 state machines, whose coffers were filled by unreported F33 24 contributions from corporations. Like the municipal reformers, many F33 25 of the state progressives came to feel that organized parties were F33 26 impediments to democratic government.

F33 27 The anti-party measures instituted by Hiram Johnson in F33 28 California to help break the power of the Southern Pacific Railroad F33 29 epitomized the remedies to which many state progressives were F33 30 drawn. In the early years of the twentieth century the Southern F33 31 Pacific controlled both California party organizations and F33 32 "secretly fostered new factions to keep the old ones in F33 33 check." The railroad's money, according to Abe Rueff, F33 34 Republican boss of San Francisco, "was the power behind F33 35 almost every political throne and behind almost every insurgent F33 36 revolt." The Southern Pacific's Political Bureau maintained F33 37 "a railroad political manager in every county in the state. F33 38 This manager might be a Republican boss in a Republican county, or F33 39 a Democratic boss in a Democratic county; in important or doubtful F33 40 counties he was merely the railroad boss, with whom both Republican F33 41 and Democratic bosses had to deal." The state was usually F33 42 competitive in national elections, but in Sacramento, the state F33 43 capital, the Southern Pacific was king.

F33 44 In 1910, Hiram Johnson (whose father was a Republican state F33 45 legislator and a stalwart defender of the railroad) entered the F33 46 Republican primary for governor. Running on the slogan Kick F33 47 the Southern Pacific out of politics, he won a sweeping F33 48 victory. Johnson received some support in the primary from urban F33 49 liberals in the San Francisco Bay area, but his strongest backing F33 50 came from socially conservative middle-class Protestants in F33 51 southern California, particularly Los Angeles and Orange counties, F33 52 apparently attracted in part by his identification with puritanical F33 53 moral reform. In the general election, Johnson again swept the F33 54 south but was closely contested by his Democratic opponent in the F33 55 north.

F33 56 As governor, Johnson persuaded the legislature to establish a F33 57 public utility commission which subjected the Southern Pacific and F33 58 other railroads to fairly strict regulation. Johnson's main F33 59 legislative effort, however, was devoted to enacting a far-reaching F33 60 program of electoral and party reform, including the introduction F33 61 of the referendum, initiative, and recall, which he claimed would F33 62 assure popular control of government. The parties were reduced to F33 63 little more than shells. Johnson also secured passage of a F33 64 cross-filing law, which permitted candidates for state and F33 65 congressional offices to enter primaries of both parties without F33 66 naming their own party on the ballot. The cross-filing law not only F33 67 helped wreck California parties but contributed to the development F33 68 of an almost totally candidate-oriented brand of state electoral F33 69 politics.

F33 70 The 'New Nationalism.' America's quick victory in the F33 71 Spanish-American War of 1898 produced a wave of enthusiastic F33 72 support for an expanded role for the United States in world F33 73 affairs. Theodore Roosevelt, who had been assistant secretary of F33 74 the navy when the war began, and others drew on the expansionist F33 75 doctrines of Admiral Alfred Thayer Mahan, who called for an F33 76 enlarged navy and the acquisition of bases and colonies all over F33 77 the globe, particularly in Latin America and on the Pacific rim. F33 78 "God has not been preparing the English-speaking and F33 79 Teutonic peoples for a thousand years for nothing but vain and idle F33 80 self-contemplation and self-admiration," Republican Senator F33 81 Albert Beveridge of Indiana declaimed in 1900. "No! He has F33 82 made us the master organizers of the world to establish system F33 83 where chaos reigns .... And of all our race He has marked the F33 84 American people as his chosen nation to finally lead in the F33 85 regeneration of the world. This is the divine mission of America, F33 86 and it holds for us all the profit, all the glory, all the F33 87 happiness possible to man ...."

F33 88 Aggressive pursuit of America's national interest abroad was to F33 89 be accompanied by rededication to 'national purpose' at home. F33 90 "The promise of American life," Herbert Croly wrote F33 91 in 1909, "is to be fulfilled not merely by a maximum amount F33 92 of economic freedom but by a certain measure of discipline; not F33 93 merely by the abundant satisfaction of individual desires but by a F33 94 large measure of individual subordination and self-denial." F33 95 American capitalism was to be brought more into the service of F33 96 national destiny. "The true friend of property, the true F33 97 conservative," Roosevelt said in a widely acclaimed speech F33 98 he called 'The New Nationalism' in 1910, "is he who insists F33 99 that the creature of man's making shall be the servant and not the F33 100 master of the man who made it. The citizens of the United States F33 101 must effectively control the mighty commercial forces which they F33 102 themselves have called into being."

F33 103 Many businessmen were alarmed by the degree of government F33 104 regulation of the economy that Roosevelt's program seemed to F33 105 envision. But some leaders of the business community, as Gabriel F33 106 Kolko and other historians have shown, welcomed the new F33 107 nationalism, in both its international and domestic aspects, with F33 108 open arms. The Republican ideology had never required complete F33 109 nonintervention by government in the economy. The protective F33 110 tariff, which most Republicans supported, was after all a massive F33 111 intrusion by government into the 'natural' operation of the market. F33 112 And Republicans carried on the Hamiltonian and Whig traditions, F33 113 calling for federally financed internal improvements to promote F33 114 economic growth.

F33 115 By the first decade of the twentieth century some American F33 116 businessmen with broad horizons, particularly among Wall Street F33 117 financiers, had concluded that unrestrained competition was F33 118 undercutting maximization of profits. Private efforts to control F33 119 competition were coming unstuck, and in any case such efforts might F33 120 now be subject to prosecution under the Sherman Anti-trust Act, F33 121 which had been enacted in 1890. The financial panics of 1903 and F33 122 1907 persuaded growing numbers of businessmen that the federal F33 123 government should take a hand in stabilizing and rationalizing F33 124 markets. Observing the effects of cutthroat price competition in F33 125 the steel industry, Andrew Carnegie commented in 1908: "It F33 126 always comes back to me that Government control, and that alone, F33 127 will properly solve the problem." Carnegie was in many ways F33 128 an exceptional businessman, and his view cannot be taken as F33 129 representative. But his opinion was echoed by so hardbitten an F33 130 entrepreneur as Judge Elbert Gary, chief executive of U.S. Steel, F33 131 who in 1911 told a congressional committee: "I believe we F33 132 must come to enforced publicity and governmental control ... even F33 133 as to prices."

F33 134 Gabriel Kolko has identified George Perkins, partner in the F33 135 Morgan bank and close adviser to Roosevelt, as the principal F33 136 pointman in bringing a portion of the business elite into the F33 137 progressive movement. "Federal regulation is F33 138 feasible," Perkins told an audience of businessmen in 1909, F33 139 "and if we unite and work for it now we may be able to F33 140 secure it; whereas, if we continue our fight against it much F33 141 longer, the incoming tide may sweep the question along to either F33 142 government ownership or socialism."

F33 143 The sources feeding progressivism pursued differing, in some F33 144 cases incompatible, social goals. But they had in common certain F33 145 assumptions and themes: government should play an active role in F33 146 promoting the public good; political life is best seen as a moral F33 147 struggle between good and evil; public confidence requires honest F33 148 elections and effective government; the existing party system is a F33 149 major barrier to political reform; and government should serve the F33 150 public interest rather than advancing particular interests to the F33 151 exclusion of others or acting chiefly as broker between competing F33 152 special interests. All these themes came together in the F33 153 pronouncements and personality of the charismatic leader who became F33 154 the progressive movement's virtual embodiment: Theodore F33 155 Roosevelt.

F33 156 THE ROOSEVELT FACTOR

F33 157 Through most of his career, except during his third-party F33 158 campaign for the presidency in 1912, Roosevelt described himself as F33 159 a "conservative." Looking back in 1916 on his leadership of F33 160 the progressive movement, he claimed that his approach had F33 161 represented "not wild radicalism ... [but] the highest and F33 162 wisest form of conservatism."

F33 163 Roosevelt was drawn to politics as a young man in the early F33 164 1880s by ambition and an itch for public service - and perhaps by a F33 165 desire to settle scores with machine bosses like Tom Platt whom he F33 166 held responsible for his father's humiliation in the fight over the F33 167 New York collectorship in 1877. He began attending meetings of his F33 168 local Republican organization in midtown Manhattan, which he found F33 169 manned by "cheap lawyers, saloon keepers, and horsecar F33 170 conductors ...." Asked by friends in the social elite why F33 171 he was associating with such dreadful people, he replied F33 172 "that the people I knew did not belong to the governing F33 173 class, and that the other people did - and that I intended to be F33 174 one <}_><-|>ofthe<+|>of the<}/> governing class; and if they proved F33 175 too hard-bit for me I supposed I would have to quit, but that I F33 176 certainly would not quit until I had made the effort and found out F33 177 whether I really was too weak to hold my own in the rough and F33 178 tumble."

F33 179 Though a reformer from the start, Roosevelt resolved to operate F33 180 within the structure of the Republican party. His fellow delegates F33 181 to his first Republican national convention, in 1884, he observed, F33 182 included "some scoundrels, but for the most part good, F33 183 ordinary men, who do not do very much thinking, who are pretty F33 184 honest themselves, but who are callous to any but very flagrant F33 185 wrongdoing in others, unless it is brought home to them F33 186 forcibly." Under pressure to join the mugwumps who were F33 187 deserting Blaine to vote for Cleveland in 1884, he denounced the F33 188 bolters as suffering "from a species of moral myopia, F33 189 complicated by intellectual strabismus." He took over F33 190 leadership of the municipal reform movement in New York but had F33 191 nothing but scorn for 'ultra independents' who refused to work F33 192 within the limits set by political reality. "The Goo-Goo F33 193 and Mugwump idiots," he said, "are quite as potent F33 194 forces for evil as the most corrupt politicians." In his F33 195 dislike for economic and social radicals he at times exhibited an F33 196 almost Tory sensibility: he once declined to be introduced to the F33 197 radical Governor John Altgeld of Illinois because he thought he F33 198 might some day have to "meet him at the head of F33 199 troops."

F33 200 Returning from the Spanish-American War in the fall of 1898 a F33 201 highly publicized hero, Roosevelt, obeying his sense of what was F33 202 practical, went to Tom Platt's 'Sunday School' - the sessions the F33 203 boss held in New York's Fifth Avenue Hotel to confer party F33 204 endorsements and other political favors. Following his own sense of F33 205 what was practical, Platt backed Roosevelt for the governorship. F33 206 This alliance of convenience proved unhappy. Before becoming F33 207 governor, Roosevelt had viewed reform as a matter of throwing out F33 208 corrupt politicians and installing leaders motivated by dedication F33 209 to public service. "We were still accustomed," he F33 210 later recalled, "to talking of the 'machine' as if it were F33 211 something merely political, with which business had nothing to F33 212 do." But experience in Albany convinced him that support F33 213 from big business was "the most important element" F33 214 in Platt's "strength." Roosevelt concluded that the F33 215 political system was permeated by the influence of irresponsible F33 216 corporate wealth. He set out to break the power that the alliance F33 217 of big business and machine politicians exercised over the state F33 218 legislature. Unlike LaFollette and Hiram Johnson, however, he F33 219 sought not to dismantle the parties but to make the Republican F33 220 party the instrument of reform.

F33 221 F34 1 <#FROWN:F34\>After premium hikes, owners become 'insurance F34 2 literate' and more safety-conscious

F34 3 Company execs learn the hard way the importance of safety F34 4 programs and insurance claims management.

F34 5 <*_>black-square<*/>Safety is on everybody's mind as 1992 gets F34 6 into full swing. With the economy the way it is, it's especially F34 7 important to reduce insurance costs.

F34 8 David Frank says that between 1986 and 1988 his company's F34 9 insurance premiums doubled each year after a series of F34 10 uncharacteristic workmen's compensation, auto, property and F34 11 liability claims.

F34 12 He says it was then that he realized the close relationship F34 13 between insurance premiums and accident history.

F34 14 Frank, president of David J. Frank Landscape Contracting, F34 15 Germantown, Wisc., says the company's first concern was safety.

F34 16 "We began an active safety and loss program," F34 17 recalls Frank. Apparently, Frank's efforts are paying off, as the F34 18 company recently had 120 days of no lost-time accidents, and good F34 19 records in property as well.

F34 20 He estimates the company saved $100,000 in claims and premium F34 21 charges in 1991.

F34 22 Like Frank, David Minor, president of Minor's of Ft. Worth, F34 23 Texas, says it only took one incident to convince him of the need F34 24 for better claims management and accident reduction at his F34 25 150-person company.

F34 26 "We were hit with a $17,000 surcharge in workmen's F34 27 comp," remembers Minor. "The comp rate had not been F34 28 promulgated: we had gotten a base rate, but we had not received a F34 29 'modifier.'"

F34 30 Minor became a self-admi<}_><-|>t<+|>tt<}/>ed 'student of F34 31 insurance,' and learned all he could about reducing workmen's comp F34 32 premiums.

F34 33 Both men enacted extensive safety programs to be followed by F34 34 all employees. Frank's program is divided into workmen's comp, F34 35 workplace safety, property safety and auto safety.

F34 36 Safety is also influenced by proper selection and training of F34 37 employees, and safety procedures are reviewed weekly.

F34 38 Other plan elements at Minor's:

F34 39 <*_>checkmark<*/>a 'get-back-to-work-soon' program;

F34 40 <*_>checkmark<*/>self-insurance on closed-end or F34 41 first-aid-type claims;

F34 42 <*_>checkmark<*/>safety contests;

F34 43 <*_>checkmark<*/>better claims management; and

F34 44 <*_>checkmark<*/>adoption of safety standards established by F34 45 the Associated Landscape Contractors of America (ALCA).

F34 46 Minor's company became "obsessed with safety," F34 47 and as a result saved "tons of money."

F34 48 Under Minor's safety program, foremen receive a $35 per month F34 49 safety bonus based on accident-free periods. Safety-related F34 50 meetings are held every two weeks. Every new employee has to read F34 51 and sign-off on the safety program.

F34 52 A safety manual for claims management geared for safety F34 53 'officers' describes how to respond to a wide variety of F34 54 accidents.

F34 55 And instead of raises for returning assistants, recent F34 56 incentive safety bonuses were based on good safety records.

F34 57 Frank awards 10 cents per hour for crew leaders who have F34 58 accident-free periods between April 1 and November 30.

F34 59 Brian Janek, an agent with the Van Gelder Co. of Denver, Colo., F34 60 knows what saves companies money:

F34 61 <*_>bullet<*/>Find an agent and company with proven landscape F34 62 industry experience. Otherwise, uncovered claims, pollution F34 63 liability or worker comp problems will be overlooked.

F34 64 <*_>bullet<*/>Initiate a loss control program.

F34 65 <*_>bullet<*/>Initiate a safety program; use financial F34 66 statements and driving records to prove insurability.

F34 67 <*_>bullet<*/>If your state allows you to use deductibles for F34 68 workmen's comp or general liability, do it. The less the prior F34 69 record inhibits renewal, the better.

F34 70 "It's gotten to the point where you're at the mercy of F34 71 the insurance company," says Minor, and a company must F34 72 'sell itself' to an insurer.

F34 73 According to Minor, his company's stellar safety program earned F34 74 a workmen's comp policy, when, as he says, no landscapers in Texas F34 75 were getting them.

F34 76 "Involve yourself in the insurance process," F34 77 advises Minor. "If you let somebody else do it, you're F34 78 doing yourself a disservice."

F34 79 Don Brown, a loss-control specialist with the CNA Insurance F34 80 Co., thinks company owners are doing very little to address medical F34 81 cost containment, reduce litigation or manage claims.

F34 82 "Those are the two areas that make availability of F34 83 coverage at affordable prices the critical problem today," F34 84 says Brown. "Once the claim is filed, business owners tend F34 85 to leave it up to a third party to manage the claim. The bottom F34 86 line is, these folks are managing your business. Take charge as the F34 87 owner. Work out a relationship with insurance professionals and F34 88 physicians.

F34 89 "Basically, you've got to provide the finest medical attention F34 90 to an injured worker as you can. If not, they will go to an F34 91 attorney and you lose control of that claim and costs will F34 92 multiply."

F34 93 He suggests:

F34 94 <*_>bullet<*/>Developing 'modified work' to bring injured F34 95 workers back as soon as possible, doing alternative part-time work F34 96 until they are back in top form, and

F34 97 <*_>bullet<*/>Filing accident reports within 24 hours, to keep F34 98 costs down.

F34 99 Minor's concern for the injured worker includes having a F34 100 mid-level manager drive him to the hospital, the pharmacy and home F34 101 if necessary.

F34 102 "If they are standing, and can walk, we want them in F34 103 the office the next day," insists Minor. "We don't F34 104 want them home watching TV commercials from personal injury F34 105 attorneys."

F34 106 Brown thinks that concern must include genuine concern for the F34 107 family.

F34 108 F34 109 Mulch: perfect for beauty in landscapes

F34 110 Beware how mulch you use! Experts says it's not hard to F34 111 actually over-mulch around trees and shrubs.

F34 112 <*_>Black-square<*/>Mulch is an integral part of most F34 113 award-winning landscapes - not merely for its practicality, F34 114 but also for its appearance. In combination with the trees and F34 115 shrubs around which it's used, mulch provides another way for F34 116 designers to break up large areas in the landscape.

F34 117 "Mulching started out as being purely F34 118 practical," notes Al Rickert, owner of Wholesale Landscape F34 119 Supply in Bradenton, Fla.. "It's now become a part of the F34 120 aesthetics."

F34 121 The term 'mulch' is defined by Dr. Donald Rakow of Cornell F34 122 University as "any ground treatment that differs from the F34 123 substrate (soil beneath), either physically or F34 124 biologically." Many different types are available (see F34 125 Table 1).

F34 126 Rakow says wood chips are the most-often-used mulch. F34 127 "They can serve a valuable role in the landscape if used F34 128 properly," he notes.

F34 129 The phrase "if used properly" is key.

F34 130 "Piling too much organic mulch can rot the base of the F34 131 tree and kill it," says Bonnie Lee Appleton of the Virginia F34 132 Tech Cooperative Extension Service. "Back off! In most F34 133 cases, we see no reason to exceed two to three inches. If you need F34 134 more, put a well around the tree base, keeping the mulch away from F34 135 the tree.

F34 136 "The finer the particles of organic material you use, the less F34 137 you should use," she continues. "Weeds have a field F34 138 day if you're using mulch over fabrics or polypropylene because it F34 139 acts as a substrate."

F34 140 Rickert says the types of mulch available to landscapers and F34 141 golf course superintendents vary according to region.

F34 142 "Cypress mulch is very popular from Kansas east F34 143 because of favorable shipping rates. It dominates the market in the F34 144 Midwest," he notes. "Pine bark is the old standby F34 145 in the South, Southeast and Central Atlantic. Pine straw is more F34 146 regionalized in the Southeast, but that's changing."

F34 147 Though mulches have numerous benefits (see Table 2), there are F34 148 disadvantages.

F34 149 "Most mulches also make a wonderful winter home for F34 150 mice," says Dr. Bill Fountain of the University of F34 151 Kentucky. "And when warm spring weather arrives, they F34 152 awaken with the hunger of a 16-year-old male. The closest food F34 153 source is often the trunks of young trees."

F34 154 Fountain says that raking the mulch away from the trunk for six F34 155 to eight inches will discourage feeding by mice without reducing F34 156 the mulch's benefits. "Hardware cloth around the trunk is F34 157 also a very effective barrier to mice and rabbits," he F34 158 notes.

F34 159 F34 160 Barefoot's stature as 'national' company grows with F34 161 acquisitions

F34 162 Management team headed by Pat Norton sees continued expansion F34 163 of Worthington, Ohio-based company through development of F34 164 franchises, 'branchises' and buy-outs.

F34 165 <*_>black-square<*/>Convinced the lawn care business no longer F34 166 offers any entrepreneurial excitement? Shhh ... don't let Patrick F34 167 Norton know it.

F34 168 He still thinks - silly him - that there's opportunity to grow F34 169 a lawn care company. A really big company. A national company.

F34 170 "I think that good operators - and we don't think we're F34 171 the only good operators - will continue to prosper and F34 172 grow," says Norton.

F34 173 "There are a lot of markets still out there in the F34 174 development stages. I think that portends well for the F34 175 industry."

F34 176 Say what?

F34 177 What does Norton know? After all, Barefoot Grass Lawn Service, F34 178 which he's helping to grow, has, since 1979, only spread from F34 179 central Ohio into and across the Mideast and Midwest. Barefoot is F34 180 now also represented on both coasts as well as in Florida, Colorado F34 181 and Texas. Company revenues increased from about $2 million in 1979 F34 182 to about $52 million in fiscal year 1991.

F34 183 Reasons why the public is, seemingly, so eager to accept F34 184 Barefoot services include: its clean yellow and green vans F34 185 (Barefoot's main competition uses larger, tanker-type trucks), its F34 186 well-trained technicians, it's customized<&|>sic!, predominantly dry F34 187 application program.

F34 188 Just as significantly, Barefoot is adept in targeting its F34 189 considerable direct mail and in-house telemarketing efforts to F34 190 homes in neighborhoods that are able and willing to pay a premium F34 191 price for the delivery of granular fertilizer and control F34 192 products.

F34 193 It's this attention to detail that's characterized the Barefoot F34 194 management team which has been headed by Norton since the F34 195 mid-1980s.

F34 196 Briefly: Pat Norton joined Barefoot in 1979 as its director of F34 197 finance and administration. In 1981 he, and other top company F34 198 managers, bought Barefoot from Toro. Norton became company F34 199 president in 1986. In 1989 the Chicago-based investment firm F34 200 Golder, Thoma & Cressey bought a majority share of the F34 201 privately-held company. This past October Barefoot went F34 202 public.

F34 203 Barefoot Grass is now the third largest lawn care company in F34 204 the United States, and still growing at an annual double-digit F34 205 rate.

F34 206 Norton says it's attracting new customers for each location. F34 207 "We are still growing in Columbus, Ohio," says F34 208 Norton. "If that's not the most competitive lawn care F34 209 market in the United States, it's certainly one of the most F34 210 competitive."

F34 211 But mostly it's growing because of the proliferation of its F34 212 market-targeted franchise and 'branchise' operations - and, most F34 213 recently, its acquisition efforts. (A 'branchise' is a Barefoot F34 214 franchise which is owned by a separate corporation but nonetheless F34 215 managed by Barefoot through a management agreement.)

F34 216 Barefoot is definitely in a buying mood. Says Norton, F34 217 "we would have growth without acquisition, but to maintain F34 218 the level of growth we want, we have to look at F34 219 acquisitions."

F34 220 On January 3, Barefoot bought lawn care operations in F34 221 Cleveland, Wooster, Akron and Canton - former properties of F34 222 Lawnmark which generated 1991.

F34 223 To make that deal work, Barefoot Grass also bought its Canton F34 224 franchise. Otherwise the company would have found itself competing F34 225 against one of its own franchise operations.

F34 226 "The ideal acquisition for us is going to be in a F34 227 market where we already have a presence so that when we add F34 228 revenues, we can do it profitably," says Norton, F34 229 "where we already have existing facilities, where we're F34 230 making money, where we can add revenues without adding too much F34 231 overhead."

F34 232 In separate transactions in 1991, Barefoot purchased its F34 233 'branchise' in Newark, N.J., (for about $1 million), and will F34 234 likely purchase 'branchises' in Fort Lauderdale, Long Island, F34 235 Harrisburg, Pa., and Boston by the end of 1992. This past year also F34 236 saw the opening of 'branchise' operations in Portland and Norfolk, F34 237 Va., and the opening of franchises in Topeka, Kans., and Cedar F34 238 Rapids, Iowa.

F34 239 For the past several years about 88 percent of the company's F34 240 net service revenues have come from standard lawn care services, F34 241 and 12 percent from add-on services such as tree & shrub care, lawn F34 242 aeration, liming and seeding.

F34 243 F34 244 10 easy steps in gaining a friend and supporter in the F34 245 legislature

F34 246 These suggestions from two experienced lobbyists can guide you F34 247 to a successful meeting with your lawmaker.

F34 248 <*_>black-square<*/>Here's a recipe for meeting with and F34 249 seeking the cooperation of your elected representative.

F34 250 It's a step-by-step recipe built from the comments of Ed Graves F34 251 and Norm Goldenberg. The two men advised lawn professionals who had F34 252 gathered in Washington D.C. prior to meetings with their U.S. F34 253 Senators and Representatives. More than 100 lawn professionals F34 254 participated in these 'Day on the Hill' events Feb. 23-24.

F34 255 Graves is a senior consultant with Capitoline International F34 256 Group, an issues management firm headquartered in Washington D.C. F34 257 He's been lobbying on Capitol Hill the past eight years. Capitoline F34 258 is employed the green industry <&|>sic! to present its case in the F34 259 Capital.

F34 260 F34 261 F34 262 F35 1 <#FROWN:F35\>When mounds were built or hillsides terraced, people F35 2 were following the directives of spirits familiar with the best F35 3 uses of those terrains.

F35 4 Members of these bands and tribes tended wild foods such as F35 5 plants, trees, vines, and berries. Every year, they burned over F35 6 large sections of land to encourage fresh growth and unobstructed F35 7 passage. Some tended seafoods and shores, building huge traps to F35 8 impound live fish during low tides. Others gave their attention to F35 9 herds of animals like mammoths and bison. In the North, people F35 10 cared for a variety of animals who lived apart, such as moose. F35 11 Humans and animals kept track of each other and lived off their F35 12 kills. Both died, but with mutual respect.

F35 13 In time, the specialized tending of plants developed into a F35 14 more intensive tilling of the soil. New species were fostered, F35 15 encouraged by the human hand. The spirits of particular species F35 16 appeared in visions and in stories to explain what people needed to F35 17 do. Sunflowers, amaranth, sunroot, and various local seeds began F35 18 the process of specialization, while corn, beans, squash, manioc, F35 19 and potatoes brought it to fruition.

F35 20 All of these interactions were recorded in stories, each of F35 21 them making clear that underneath the outer forms of these species F35 22 there was an essential human form with arms, legs, and hands. This F35 23 common, underlying humanity provided the basis for a system of F35 24 beliefs shared across the diverse regions of the Americas.

F35 25 Starting with the hunting and harvesting pattern of the F35 26 migrants from Asia, a variety of adaptations were developed by F35 27 Native Americans as they made the continent their own.

F35 28 These 'cultural areas' have come to be defined in terms of F35 29 their staple foods, housing styles, family arrangements, and, F35 30 particularly, organizing rituals.

F35 31 For Tenders, these regions, from north to south, are the F35 32 Arctic, Subarctic, Northwest Coast, California, and F35 33 Intermontane.

F35 34 Initially the last haven of the big game hunting tradition, F35 35 interacting with enormous herds of bison, the Plains added farming F35 36 as people settled in sheltered river valleys. With the F35 37 reintroduction of the horse into the Americas by Spanish explorers, F35 38 the Plains again emphasized hunting as it became populated by F35 39 tribes from many other regions who came to live with the bison F35 40 herds.

F35 41 For the Tillers, the Southwest and East relied on farming, F35 42 located at the frontiers of Mexican empires and religious F35 43 movements. The economies of the valley of Mexico were fueled by F35 44 trade goods and foodstuffs from the far-flung reaches of the F35 45 Americas.

F35 46 As an introduction to North America, each of these culture F35 47 areas will be considered in turn to provide a context for F35 48 appreciating the variety of stories throughout the continent.

F35 49 ARCTIC F35 50 While much of the Arctic year consists of cold, white winters, F35 51 there are a few months of long days and wet terrain. Almost unique F35 52 on the earth, its Inuit (Eskimo) inhabitants stretch along a F35 53 coastal zone and share a similar appearance, language, culture, and F35 54 environment. This is not often the case because looks, language, F35 55 and locale do not often coincide.

F35 56 Tundra is the predominant landform, covered with ice fields all F35 57 winter long. With little vegetation, hunting was the basis for F35 58 life. Living on the land are musk-ox, caribou, fox, bear, and wolf, F35 59 along with hare, marmots, and lemmings. Birds include ptarmigan, F35 60 owl, plover, and seagull. Coastal rivers abound with fish, while F35 61 the ocean has seals, whales, walrus, and sea lions.

F35 62 Among the strongest Inuit taboos is the prohibition on mixing F35 63 food from the sea with that from the land. Seal meat must be served F35 64 separately from caribou. Winter houses were made of sod, stone, and F35 65 timbers, while camping used tents and igloos.

F35 66 Men and women had separate but equal responsibilities. Only F35 67 married couples could survive. Men did the hunting, while women F35 68 processed and cooked the food that fed the family. Men used kayaks, F35 69 while the umiaks that moved families and household gear were F35 70 associated with women. In Alaska, villages also had a separate F35 71 men's house.

F35 72 Usually, a house was occupied by a married couple and their F35 73 children, together with a grandparent or other stray relative. A F35 74 superb hunter or shaman might have more than one wife, but this was F35 75 rare. Every house had a men's and a women's domain. Usually, the F35 76 hard floor, used as a work surface, and the cold outer storage F35 77 compartment belonged to men, while the fur-covered sleeping F35 78 platform where the family spent the day and slept at night belonged F35 79 to the women. The wife was especially equated with the soapstone F35 80 lamp that lit and warmed the house, using oil rendered from animals F35 81 killed by her husband.

F35 82 During seasons of plenty, families might gather together to F35 83 form kindreds or 'bands,' but these lasted only a few days until F35 84 provision ran low. Leaders emerged only long enough to coordinate a F35 85 particular task, such as net fishing or caribou hunting, and then F35 86 submerged back into the crowd. While respected at all times, these F35 87 men only led during situations when everyone needed to work F35 88 together.

F35 89 Community sentiments were expressed through a series of formal F35 90 arrangements confirmed by the brief exchange of wives, F35 91 good-natured insults, trade goods, names, and hunting F35 92 partnerships. People conformed to public expectations through the F35 93 application of subtle pressures expressed by means of ridicule, F35 94 songs, and snide remarks. If there was no improvement, slugging F35 95 contests might be tried, to be followed by ostracism, which was F35 96 tantamount to death, or, in the worst of antisocial behavior, F35 97 sanctioned murder.

F35 98 Shamans were individuals, often men but sometimes women, who F35 99 had special relationships with the supernatural. Often, certain F35 100 families produced effective shamans generation after generation. F35 101 Shamans cured both the illness of a person and the social ills of F35 102 the community.

F35 103 In the most dramatic of all cures, a shaman mystically F35 104 journeyed to the ocean bottom to comb tangles out of the hair of F35 105 Sedna, the woman in charge of all the animals. Taboo violations, F35 106 abuse of animals, and ill-will by humans caused these tangles, and F35 107 the shaman undertook to soothe Sedna so she would send the animals F35 108 back to the hunters. He could only apply the comb to Sedna after F35 109 someone had confessed to the breaches that caused these problems. F35 110 With this personal confession came absolution for the entire F35 111 community.

F35 112 The major public ritual came at midwinter when people gathered F35 113 to feast on stored and frozen foods, engage in games, and learn F35 114 from their stories. In Alaskan men's houses, elaborate mask F35 115 enactments were held.

F35 116 SUBARCTIC F35 117 Evergreens such as pine, spruce, hemlock, and fir dominate the F35 118 forests that cover this huge area. Along broad streams where moose F35 119 thrive are willow, tamarack, birch, alder, and poplar. Other F35 120 inhabitants are wolf, lynx, wolverine, bear, and caribou, along F35 121 with the snowshoe rabbit, martin, and great horned owl. In high F35 122 alpine meadows lives the pika, a rabbit relative who sun dries and F35 123 stores grass twigs for winter feeding.

F35 124 Regional staples include caribou, along with salmon in the F35 125 west, wild rice in the Great Lakes, and moose and deer in the F35 126 east.

F35 127 Married couples formed the basic unit of every community. Men F35 128 engaged in hunting, trapping, and tool making. Women did the F35 129 cleaning and storing of fish and game, tended the household, and F35 130 raised the children. Fishing provided an opportunity for men and F35 131 women to work together, otherwise the genders worked apart. F35 132 Families generally lived together under the influence of a parent F35 133 or older sibling. Leadership depended on the task at hand, but the F35 134 pool of respected elders who might serve as leader consisted of F35 135 those individuals known for their hunting success, good character, F35 136 sensible decisions, spirit allies, and generosity. Individuals F35 137 communicated with their spirit partners via dreams, which provided F35 138 help or warnings about upcoming activities. In all situations, F35 139 elders led by example, never by command.

F35 140 When trading posts and the fur trade came to the north, larger F35 141 groupings into bands and tribes were encouraged. People along the F35 142 same drainage often cooperated so that some could hunt for food F35 143 while others trapped furs. It was difficult to do both and F35 144 survive.

F35 145 Only shamans had a recognized position in the community. He or F35 146 she healed the sick, prayed for successful hunts, and directed F35 147 puberty ceremonies for girls on the verge of womanhood. The health, F35 148 number, and stability of their own families served as testimony for F35 149 their abilities.

F35 150 Tribes often traced the origin of the world to an Earth Diver. F35 151 Among the Beaver or Dunne-za tribe, Muskrat retrieved the dirt that F35 152 became the earth, while Swan had the more prophetic role of F35 153 establishing the cultural rules and social conventions. Among his F35 154 greatest contributions was stealing fire for humans. Throughout the F35 155 western section, the Give Away was the communal ceremony, much like F35 156 the Potlatch of the Northwest Coast. Families celebrated their own F35 157 prestige and gained honor by being generous to others.

F35 158 Among Great Lake tribes, the Midewiwin or Grand Medicine Lodge F35 159 had the most distinctive rituals in the region. Emphasizing a F35 160 belief in rebirth, initiates were symbolically killed and revived F35 161 in order to achieve membership. After physical death, members were F35 162 inducted into a ghost lodge.

F35 163 In the west, the Shaking Tent provided a means for special F35 164 shamans to hold a seance in which members of the audience outside F35 165 the conical tent could ask questions and receive a reply from F35 166 visiting spirits, particularly Turtle and Owl. As each spirit F35 167 entered the tent, it shook violently, even though no one could make F35 168 it budge before the start of the ritual.

F35 169 NORTHWEST COAST

F35 170 Rain and mountains characterize this region, thickly covered by F35 171 evergreen forests and drained by many waterways. Red cedar was a F35 172 particular gift of the Creator, providing the straight-grained F35 173 planks that became the sides of houses, and the logs that were used F35 174 to form molded canoes, bentwood boxes, and tools of local tribes. F35 175 Travel was by water because the dense undergrowth of thickets and F35 176 brambles made land routes few and far between, except along F35 177 riverbanks.

F35 178 Salmon was the staple, gathered by men and women during huge F35 179 runs during the spring and summer months. Candlefish in the north F35 180 and acorns in the south augmented the diet. Food grew in abundance F35 181 and variety, taken by means of an elaborate technology. Men were F35 182 concerned with animals and fish, while women devoted considerable F35 183 time to plant foods, from the fresh greens of spring to the berries F35 184 and nuts of autumn.

F35 185 Winter towns included a row of big plank houses facing the F35 186 beach, each house inhabited by related families. In the north, F35 187 kinship was traced through women of various clans; in the central F35 188 zone, it was traced through both parents, while in the south, the F35 189 father's side was given more emphasis. Northern towns were also F35 190 divided into halves, variously Orca and Raven or Eagle and Raven, F35 191 which included different clans.

F35 192 A 'house' was the dwelling place of three ranks of people. At F35 193 the rear of the house, beside its sacred treasures of masks, F35 194 costumes, and carvings, lived the nobles who owned the house. The F35 195 eldest man was the leader of the household, but his wife (in the F35 196 middle) or sister (in the north) provided links among the members. F35 197 Along the sides were families of commoners who attached themselves F35 198 to the house as kin or workers. Beside the door were slaves, taken F35 199 in war or the children of such captives, whose lives belonged to F35 200 their owner, along with all their labor.

F35 201 Families kept their own fires along the sides of the house F35 202 where they lived. In the middle, however, was a large hearth used F35 203 to cook meals for the noble owners or for guests attending a F35 204 celebration.

F35 205 Houses owned stories, sacred histories, naming the people, F35 206 places, and resources claimed by ancestors. Some of these house F35 207 histories can be related to regional patterns in existence for over F35 208 two thousand years. These involved the location of fishing, F35 209 berrying, seaweeding, and hunting sites claimed by a specific F35 210 house. Most stories in the Northwest, therefore, are owned and F35 211 copyrighted by households. Only a few are phrased in such general F35 212 terms that they were widely known and used to teach a moral.

F35 213 The major event throughout this region was the Potlatch, an F35 214 elaborate feast when a noble family dramatized their clan crests F35 215 and treasures (via songs, dances, masks, effigies, and natural F35 216 rarities) inside of a house filled with invited guests. F35 217 F35 218 F35 219 F36 1 <#FROWN:F36\>Ginsberg also claims jazz as an important model F36 2 for his work and that of his contemporaries: "The whole F36 3 point of modern poetry, dance, improvisation, performance, prose F36 4 even, music, was the element of improvisation and spontaneity and F36 5 open form, or even a fixed form improvisation on that form, like F36 6 say you have a blues chorus and you have spontaneous F36 7 improvisations, so in 'Howl' or 'Kaddish' or any of the poems that F36 8 have a listeny style, 'who did this, who did that, who did this,' F36 9 you start out striking a note, 'who,' and then you improvise, and F36 10 that's the basic form of the list poem or, in anaphora, when you F36 11 return to the margins in the same phrase, 'Or ever the golden bowl F36 12 be broken or the silver cord be loosed or the pitcher be broken at F36 13 the fountain,' as in the Bible or as in some of Walt Whitman's F36 14 catalogues or in Christopher Smart's 'Rejoice in the Lamb' poem or F36 15 the surrealist example of Andr<*_>e-acute<*/> Breton's free union, F36 16 'my wife with the platypus's egg, my wife with the eyes of this, my F36 17 wife with that and that ...'

F36 18 "It [jazz] was a model for the dadaists and it was a model for F36 19 the surrealists and it was a model for Kerouac and a model for me F36 20 and a model for almost everybody, in the sense that it was partly a F36 21 model and partly a parallel experiment in free form. The F36 22 development of poetics, as well as jazz and painting, seems to be F36 23 chronologically parallel, which is to say you have fixed form, F36 24 which then evolves toward more free form where you get loose from F36 25 this specific repeated rhythm and improvise the rhythms even, where F36 26 you don't have a fixed rhythm, as in bebop the drum became more of F36 27 a soloist in it too. So you find that in painting, the early de F36 28 Koonings have a motif or a theme, the woman or something like that, F36 29 but it gets more and more open, less dependent on the theme, and in F36 30 poetry, where you have less and less dependence on the original F36 31 motifs and more and more John Ashberyesque improvisational free F36 32 form flowing without even a subject matter, though I always kept a F36 33 subject matter like the old funky blues myself. It was partly a F36 34 parallel development within each discipline: painting, poetry, F36 35 music. There were innovators who opened up the thing after F36 36 Einstein, so to speak - you know, relative measure, as Williams F36 37 said - which is in a sense something that happened with bebop: not F36 38 the fixed measure but a relative measure. It was both F36 39 inter-influential and parallel, also integrating."

F36 40 If jazz opened up Ginsberg to "the awakening of Afric F36 41 slave sensibility, of black sensibility, black funk as distinct F36 42 from white, clean Doris Day ethic, and mind funk instead of F36 43 well-combed, academic, button-down poetry," some F36 44 jazz musicians, as Cruz comments, were also "interested in F36 45 learning about all of it." Many, however, were not. F36 46 After all, there were still plenty of clubs in black neighborhoods F36 47 until the mid-sixties, and for lots of jazzmen, a job F36 48 downtown - at Caf<*_>e-acute<*/> Bohemia, the Village Vanguard, the F36 49 Five Spot, or wherever - was just another gig. When I asked Walter F36 50 Bishop, Jr., about his take on the lower Manhattan avant-garde F36 51 twenty-five years ago, he replied that at the time he'd F36 52 "had blinkers on," that for him it had been F36 53 "bebop or bust" - in other words, that he'd had no F36 54 artistic interests outside jazz.

F36 55 Others, however, like Jackie McLean, were intensely curious F36 56 about the worlds around them. McLean found his way into painting F36 57 and (to a lesser degree) literature through his "friendship F36 58 with guys who were doing this, for instance Harvey Cropper, who was F36 59 the first painter that I knew. He was the one that introduced me to F36 60 Bart<*_>o-acute<*/>k, to a lot of painters, the style of F36 61 C<*_>e-acute<*/>zanne. He introduced me to Hieronymus Bosch and F36 62 that opened another world. That was the painter that had the F36 63 greatest influence on me, Bosch, because my world was so horrible F36 64 at that time that I could understand his paintings. I could look at F36 65 the horror in some of his paintings and feel it when I was sick F36 66 [from lack of narcotics], and then when I met Bob Thompson in F36 67 'sixty-one and we became very close, I learned a great deal about F36 68 painting from Bob, being around him and talking about music and F36 69 painting and what not. And of course Leroi Jones was around in F36 70 those days, and we were all hanging in the Village together during F36 71 that time."

F36 72 McLean's period (1959-1963) with the Living Theatre also F36 73 widened his interests. During these years he evolved from a F36 74 promising journeyman bebopper, described by Steve Lacy in The F36 75 Jazz Review in 1959 as having "the most rhythmic F36 76 vitality and, so far, the least discipline" of major F36 77 saxophonists, into the brilliant experimentalists we hear on F36 78 records from the early sixties like Let Freedom Ring and F36 79 Evolution. The intensity of McLean's experience in the Living F36 80 Theatre comes through in his reminiscences about the troupe: F36 81 "I thought they were great people. I thought they were F36 82 people who were looking far into the future, for a better way. You F36 83 had to love them to be with them, because the Living Theatre was F36 84 like a big commune. Mostly everybody lived together, ate together, F36 85 and were together working out each person's problems. I didn't live F36 86 with them because I had my wife and kids, but I was part of it F36 87 because certainly I lived with them when we left New York, when we F36 88 went to Europe.

F36 89 "It was weird because the day that we left, there was a big F36 90 snowstorm in Manhattan and all the transportation was stopped. It F36 91 was the biggest snowstorm I ever saw. The night before there was no F36 92 snow. I wake up the next day, we're supposed to leave for Europe, F36 93 and the phone rings. The guy says 'Jackie, this is Hacker.' So I F36 94 said 'Yeah, I know. We're not going. We can't get there,' so he F36 95 says 'No. An ambulance is coming to get you. We had to hire F36 96 ambulances to pick everybody up.' I said 'Jesus Christ, man,' and I F36 97 was so strung out, so sick, so my wife walked me to the hallway and F36 98 we stood there with my bags and my horn and my children and this F36 99 ambulance came and I went downstairs and put my bags in the F36 100 ambulance and two arms came out and helped me in. We went and F36 101 picked up the next guy and went to where the ship was, the Queen F36 102 Elizabeth, and the whole cast was coming in in ambulances, a sick F36 103 group coming in ambulances, but when I say 'sick,' I mean sick in F36 104 terms of having a better understanding of what life is supposed to F36 105 be about. They were very hip people, Judith and Julian and the F36 106 whole crowd. They were humanists. They were all into every aspect F36 107 of art and their idea of theater was brand-new in terms of F36 108 how they wanted to present it."

F36 109 Bohemianism, of course, is not all purity and innocence. Ever F36 110 since the concept was invented, it has also meant pleasure, doing F36 111 what feels good, and rebellion, surreptitious or open, against F36 112 constraints of all sorts. Another aspect of jazz's attraction for F36 113 Village types was its renegade connotations. Again in Emilio Cruz's F36 114 words: "Jazz became the heretic art form. What we call F36 115 'gutbucket' has not to do so much with the guts or the bucket but F36 116 it has to do with heresy. So what is unique in modern culture is F36 117 the heretic form. Everything that is created, in truth, outside of F36 118 the sciences which deal directly with a mechanistic culture, comes F36 119 out of heresy, so that Allen Ginsberg was involved in a kind of F36 120 heresy. Charlie Parker was also involved in a kind of heresy. There F36 121 is the idea of violation, and that violation would attract those F36 122 people that were searching for that heretic tradition."

F36 123 At on extreme, such heresy and will to violation leads artists F36 124 to flirt with or embrace the most perilous vices. While jazz was F36 125 the banner of a kind of fresh and Edenic newness in the arts, it F36 126 was also a path into the lower depths, as implied by Sukenick's F36 127 comment on underground rebels of the 1950s: "Where are you F36 128 in the mid-fifties? Are you fighting your way up the heart-burning F36 129 ladder of career, or have you finally decided there's no place to F36 130 go but down? Burned out into a dead-end underground. Into the F36 131 shadow world emblemized above all by Bebop. Digging Bop is one of F36 132 the main ways subterraneans can express their cultural F36 133 radicalism."

F36 134 Jazz's "shadow world" was the kingdom of the F36 135 hipster, a stereotype partly mythical and partly based on reality, F36 136 but far more cynical than the flower-child, love-and-peace F36 137 'hippies' of the late 1960s. A furtive, jive-talking sociopath, the F36 138 hipster was supposedly alert only to his own whims and his craving F36 139 for intense experiences. In 'The White Negro' (1957), which remains F36 140 an intriguing and annoying essay, Norman Mailer wrote that F36 141 "the source of Hip is the Negro for he has been living on F36 142 the margin between totalitarianism and democracy for two centuries. F36 143 But the presence of Hip as a working philosophy in the sub-worlds F36 144 of American life is probably due to jazz, and its knifelike F36 145 entrance into culture, its subtle but so penetrating influence on F36 146 an avant-garde generation - that postwar generation of adventurers F36 147 who (some consciously, some by osmosis) had absorbed the lessons of F36 148 disillusionment and disgust of the twenties, the depression, and F36 149 the war."

F36 150 Mailer's piece drew heavy criticism from those in the jazz F36 151 world who read it. They faulted it for presenting a series of F36 152 caricatures. So it does - not necessarily much of a defect in an F36 153 essay whose tone is so exaggerated and polemical anyway - but many F36 154 of them fit, at least partly, the jazz scene at that time.

F36 155 What Mailer perhaps did not emphasize enough was the centrality F36 156 of drugs and particularly heroin among hipsters. As Leonard Feather F36 157 noted in 'Jazz in American Society' (published as a foreword to his F36 158 Encyclopedia of Jazz, 1960): "A serious effect of F36 159 the use of drugs, quite apart from the medical, is its creation of F36 160 a sub-society in which all the users are 'hip' and the rest of the F36 161 world is 'square.'" "Hip talk" itself was F36 162 partly a necessary camouflage for discussions of drugs, what Mailer F36 163 called "the cunning of their language, the abstract F36 164 ambiguous alternatives in which from the danger of their oppression F36 165 they learned to speak ('Well now, man, like I'm looking for a cat F36 166 to turn me on ....')."

F36 167 The mysterious, hedonistic yet cooled-out universe of junkies F36 168 in pursuit of what Balzac called "quiet, inner F36 169 enjoyment," and their profound alienation from society as a F36 170 whole - an alienation often compounded by race - were perceived as F36 171 deeply attractive by some bohemians. Even as fire-breathing F36 172 a revolutionary as Amiri Baraka, who has often railed against F36 173 drugs, surrenders to their sinister glamour when describing (in F36 174 The Autobiography of Leroi Jones) his use of heroin with F36 175 painter Bob Thompson in the early sixties - this despite the fact F36 176 that Thompson's very promising career was cut short by an overdose: F36 177 "I walked all the way back to Avenue C, not to see Lucia, F36 178 but to find a friend of mine, Bob Thompson, a black painter. Bob F36 179 lived in a huge loft on Clinton Street. He was there with a couple F36 180 of bohemians, getting high, shooting heroin. I didn't know he used F36 181 it, but he was sending one of the bohemians out to cop. I dropped F36 182 some money in the mitt and meanwhile used some of Bob's 'smack' and F36 183 we took off together, down, down, and right here! Bob and I were a F36 184 number after that."

F36 185 There can be no doubt that heroin use was widespread among jazz F36 186 musicians. As Leonard Feather pointed out in 'Jazz in American F36 187 Society': "Of the 23 individuals listed as winners in a F36 188 recent Down Beat poll, at least nine were known narcotics F36 189 users, five of them with a record of arrest and conviction. F36 190 F36 191 F36 192 F37 1 <#FROWN:F37\>Thus, while citizens are busy pursuing their private F37 2 desires, the sovereign is doubly a natural person. He acts as F37 3 himself, as well as for others, and he acts without a framework of F37 4 constraints.

F37 5 The legal tradition of artificial persons is guided by a F37 6 certain gestalt, the linked figures of master and slave or servant, F37 7 respectively models of power and powerlessness. But how can such a F37 8 model apply to modern relations between fully competent and equal F37 9 humans, professionals and their clients, government and the F37 10 citizens? How does it harmonize with our moral tradition? The moral F37 11 difficulties of the slave-and-master relation are plain enough, but F37 12 the interpretation of these difficulties in modern descendents of F37 13 that relation is not similarly clear. They need to be ferreted out F37 14 and addressed.

F37 15 TWO

F37 16 Who Is Responsible?

F37 17 In virtue of my membership in some larger whole or F37 18 wholes, how can I reasonably be expected to take responsibility for F37 19 what these bodies do in circumstances where I could have no F37 20 conceivable influence on their actions?

F37 21 W. H. Walsh, 'Pride, Shame, and Responsibility'

F37 22 IN THEIR VARIOUS forms, artificial persons make decisions that F37 23 commit other people. At the same time, the power to speak and act F37 24 for another makes responsiblity problematic, for common sense wants F37 25 to ask who really did what was done, who is responsible. The F37 26 answer is difficult to find.

F37 27 I F37 28 Lawyers provide a clear case of the difficulty, and from both F37 29 within and without the legal profession is the focus of much moral F37 30 criticism. The reason is this: a lawyer's position requires him to F37 31 act, but to act not as himself or for his own purposes and F37 32 sometimes not on his own judgement. The cause he pleads - even F37 33 eloquently and passionately - and may appear to endorse is not his, F37 34 and his expressions of indignation and sympathy, his praise of his F37 35 client and expressions of scorn for the opposing client are also F37 36 not personally his. Thus, to the problems that apply to other F37 37 artificial persons is added a large component of dissembling.

F37 38 It is clear why responsibility for actions that a lawyer F37 39 undertakes for a client should be ambiguous. It is not the client F37 40 who does what is done, but the lawyer. However, since the F37 41 lawyer acts on behalf of and in the name of his client, the action F37 42 isn't strictly his either. The responsibility must then be the F37 43 client's; he is the one who brings suit, who wins or loses, and who F37 44 may pay the judgment or even go to jail. We go back and forth - the F37 45 lawyer acts for the client, not himself; the client is detached but F37 46 stands to benefit or suffer.

F37 47 A lawyer's immunity from criticism is defended in this way by F37 48 one writer:

F37 49 We must distinguish between what lawyers do and what F37 50 clients do through their lawyers .... The content of a F37 51 lawyer's action, focused by intentions solely on the legal F37 52 lever-pulling, may be entirely unproblematic, morally speaking, F37 53 although what the client seeks to do through the actions of the F37 54 lawyer may well be morally problematic. And ... since all that one F37 55 must take responsibility for are one's own actions and their F37 56 (intended) consequences, there is no bad faith in refusing to face F37 57 aspects of professional activity that are not properly attributable F37 58 to one's own agency.

F37 59 On this account the lawyer simply performs suitable legal F37 60 moves; she isn't responsible for the ends that guide them. She F37 61 serves as an instrument of someone else, and her standards are F37 62 those of competent lawyers - of knowing how to use legal rules and F37 63 practices for a client's advantage. She files papers, prepares F37 64 forms, sends letters to appropriate officers; she gives persuasive F37 65 argument in or out of court and in general displays the knowledge F37 66 and skills she is trained in. At the conclusion she is paid.

F37 67 But then the question arises: what difference is there between F37 68 a lawyer and a county clerk whose job is to fill out forms, say, or F37 69 a bookkeeper who balances books, or a pharmacist who fills a F37 70 prescription? The clerk may assist in a dispossession, the books F37 71 may contain evidence of mismanagement, the prescription may cause F37 72 harm. Like lawyers, they do as they are trained and fill their F37 73 positions; but unlike lawyers, they don't suffer moral criticism. F37 74 If they aren't responsible for the consequences they bring about in F37 75 their work, why should lawyers be?

F37 76 Indeed, according to the American Bar Association code, a F37 77 lawyer is not culpable in her pursuit of a client's interests so F37 78 long as no law is violated. She is no more responsible for her F37 79 client's purposes than a pharmacist is for a physician's diagnosis. F37 80 One hesitates to accept this argument, because lawyers generally F37 81 know quite well what is behind the actions they are involved in; F37 82 they are unlike most clerks and pharmacists, who may not be privy F37 83 to the whole purpose and plan, who see only their detached F37 84 contributions. Thus the lawyer's defense would be strenghtened if F37 85 it had the additional stipulation that she doesn't know what the F37 86 likely effects of her actions will be. Then her excuse would fairly F37 87 resemble that of clerks, accountants, and pharmacists: we only do F37 88 what we are told. A lawyer would say, "I had no idea why I F37 89 was bringing this suit or what would happen as a result." F37 90 Or if she were incompetent or deceived by her client, we would F37 91 sympathize with her: "Poor person, she was F37 92 used" - without her understanding or consent.

F37 93 However, the lawyer's nonaccountability can't depend on F37 94 ignorance or incompetence; lawyers take pride in knowing how they F37 95 can be most helpful, claim to know better than clients how to F37 96 achieve their ends, and are pleased to lend their talents and F37 97 skills to be maximally helpful. Single-mindedness in helping the F37 98 client is a professional virtue, the English jurist Lord Brougham F37 99 writes: "an advocate, in the discharge of his duty, knows F37 100 but one person in all the world and expedients, and at all hazards F37 101 and costs to other persons, and, among them, to himself, is his F37 102 first and only duty."

F37 103 II F37 104 Moral questions about the legal profession - and their answers F37 105 - are often cast in terms of roles. Thus Richard Wasserstrom, F37 106 himself a lawyer, is concerned with how an action done in a F37 107 professional role can be "morally different from what it F37 108 would have been if the role were not in the picture." F37 109 "Appeal to the ... role becomes a central part of the F37 110 reasoning about the right thing to do"; this is shown by F37 111 the way certain roles justify partiality. Thus a parent should F37 112 be partial to the interests of her child, simply because she is a F37 113 parent; the general should be more concerned about his own troops F37 114 than the enemy's; and "it is thought to be ... permissible F37 115 and probably obligatory, once the lawyer has entered into the role F37 116 of ... lawyer for some client, ... to do any number of things that F37 117 otherwise might very well be morally criticizable." But F37 118 this power of roles makes Wasserstrom uneasy: "the problem F37 119 ... is that behavior that is potentially criticizable on moral F37 120 grounds is blocked from such criticism by an appeal to the F37 121 existence to the actor's role .... Appeal to the ... role seems to F37 122 distort, limit, or make irrelevant what might otherwise be morally F37 123 relevant."

F37 124 Appealing to roles is attractive, Wasserstrom thinks, F37 125 "because roles provide a degree of moral simplification F37 126 that makes it much easier to determine what one ought to do .... F37 127 Psychologically, roles give a great power and security because they F37 128 make moral life much simpler, less complex, and less vexing than it F37 129 would be without them." The demands of a role answer F37 130 questions - which might otherwise be difficult - about what to do F37 131 in given circumstances.

F37 132 If one views the moral hazards of a professional in a framework F37 133 of roles, it is understandable why those hazards are often F37 134 addressed in terms of professional codes of ethics. The assumption F37 135 is that if the code is tightened and the professional community F37 136 made more aware, ethical problems can be corrected without altering F37 137 the overall shape of the profession. Of course, by suggesting that F37 138 any moral problem can be answered by adjustments in role F37 139 requirements, this approach works against radical change, against a F37 140 deeper examination of what morality means. The shape of the F37 141 profession is allowed to remain intact. Col. Anthony Hartle says of F37 142 the military, for example, that "examining professional F37 143 ethics in terms of role differentiation seems to be a reasonable F37 144 way to reveal the moral structure within which military F37 145 professionals work." He finds nothing problematic about the F37 146 idea of a code that "consists of a set of rules and F37 147 standards governing the conduct of members of a professional F37 148 group." The military code determines what they should do as F37 149 members of the military.

F37 150 Concerned with the gravity of many military decisions, Gen. F37 151 Maxwell Taylor noted the absence of an explicit ethical code F37 152 for the military and proposed that each officer should work one out F37 153 on his own. He might begin with the idea that "an ideal F37 154 officer is one who can be relied upon to carry out all assigned F37 155 tasks and missions and, in doing so, get the most from his F37 156 available resources with minimum loss and waste." Such an F37 157 ideal person "would be deeply convinced of the importance F37 158 of the military profession and its role, ... [and] view himself as F37 159 a descendant of the warrior, who, in company with the king, the F37 160 priest, and the judge," has helped civilization survive. In F37 161 the end Taylor believes that professional requirements must F37 162 condition the moral ones and not the reverse.

F37 163 This is, of course, the central issue. Richard de George argues F37 164 the other side, promoting the preeminence of moral understanding. F37 165 The point of an ethical code is to raise the profession's standard F37 166 above what is normally demanded: "Any profession ... is F37 167 appropriately given respect and autonomy only if it lives up to a F37 168 higher moral code than is applicable to all." In particular F37 169 this applies to the military, because "society places in F37 170 [its hands] a monopoly on the use of the major instruments of F37 171 force." Society's trust is consequently "enormous, F37 172 and the corresponding burden on those who assume the trust and have F37 173 custody of the monopoly of force is likewise enormous," he F37 174 argues. But in view of that trust, there should be a commitment to F37 175 peacefulness and a cultivation of restraint in the use of that F37 176 force. This brings out the potential for conflict between a code F37 177 and the basic military duties to obey and respect authority, duties F37 178 of one piece in a large organizational machine.

F37 179 A professional code, then, is a way of capturing the sum of F37 180 duties of someone in that profession. But the question of where F37 181 morality fits in remains. Gerald Postema wonders "whether, F37 182 given the need for ... a [professional] code, it is possible to F37 183 preserve one's sense of responsibility" when professional F37 184 responsibilities are detached from ordinary moral ones. His answer F37 185 is no: "I contend that a sense of responsibility and sound F37 186 practical judgment depend not only on the quality of one's F37 187 professional training, but also on one's ability to draw on the F37 188 resources of a broader moral experience ... [which] in turn, F37 189 requires that one seek to achieve a fully integrated moral F37 190 personality." Unless a person integrates his professional F37 191 and nonprofessional life, he cannot fully satisfy his professional F37 192 role, cannot be a good lawyer, Postema argues. This means that a F37 193 code's claim to morally simplify a person's life is F37 194 spurious.

F37 195 Using the code as a guide or formula for making moral decisions F37 196 may be simplifying, when as Wasserstrom says, roles and their F37 197 obligations are substituted for decisions that demand the balancing F37 198 of competing moral claims, a balancing that may be complex and F37 199 difficult. Role obligations and role moralities may thus contribute F37 200 to simplicity in decision making if they exclude ordinary F37 201 moral considerations - but in that case they add to the moral F37 202 obscurity and complexity of whatever is done. The question is F37 203 whether we should grant them this power to exclude.

F37 204 III F37 205 Emile Durkheim argues, in support of role-defined moralities, F37 206 that they are inevitable and morally beneficial. He uses the term F37 207 'role' broadly. F37 208 F37 209 F37 210 F38 1 <#FROWN:F38\>This, in itself, is a radical departure for F38 2 winegrowing - more so even than for wheat, corn, or cattle.

F38 3 The difference with winegrowing is that it is a long-term F38 4 venture. Expensive to establish, vineyards traditionally are not F38 5 easily tinkered with. Given the expense, grape growers F38 6 traditionally have been unsympathetic to change. This is especially F38 7 so with fine wine vineyards, as their tradition is more than simply F38 8 monetary. With fine wine, the challenge is to push grapevines to F38 9 their limits: How cool or warm before it's too cool or warm? How F38 10 dry before it's too dry? How extreme a soil type? All this is F38 11 characterized as 'stress.'

F38 12 Until California's fine wine ambition, stress was achieved F38 13 largely from naturally occurring conditions. In Europe, grapevines F38 14 were planted in a nonmethodical fashion along a wave-length F38 15 of locations, as if tuning a radio until you lock onto the F38 16 strongest signal. The 'signal' is not just flavor. It also includes F38 17 grape yields, disease resistance, winter hardiness, summer heat, F38 18 drought resistance, and soil suitability. Hindsight makes the F38 19 process seem deliberate, but much of it was haphazard. Over the F38 20 centuries, the tradition congealed into articles of hard faith.

F38 21 This approach was challenged when California bulk F38 22 wine-growing began anew immediately upon Repeal in 1933. F38 23 What became the transforming vision of California winegrowing - F38 24 agriculture shaped by the machine - arrived through the agency of F38 25 California's preeminent agricultural college, the University of F38 26 California at Davis. Located in a small farming town about twenty F38 27 miles east of Sacramento, the state capital, UC Davis expanded on F38 28 the efforts of the state's first college of agriculture, F38 29 established in 1868 at UC Berkeley. There, a viticulture and F38 30 enology department was created in 1880. Only in the late 1930s did F38 31 the program gradually drift from the Berkeley campus to Davis, F38 32 where the wine and grape-growing program is known as the School of F38 33 Viticulture and Enology.

F38 34 This new vision of winegrowing was itself an outgrowth of a F38 35 larger social and academic movement. Agricultural colleges F38 36 everywhere were locked in a battle with farmers. Professors at F38 37 agricultural colleges were dedicated to applying to agriculture the F38 38 same principles of 'systemization' that were the F38 39 id<*_>e-acute<*/>e fixe of America from the 1870s to the F38 40 1920s. The idea of systemization was applied to virtually all F38 41 business and social endeavors. Farming was no exception. F38 42 "These systematic agriculturists ... assumed that farming F38 43 was composed of numerous discrete operations and that success was F38 44 the consequence of rationally conceived and pursued F38 45 methods."

F38 46 The shock troops of this systemization movement were F38 47 agricultural colleges. They, in turn, were subsidized by those F38 48 businesses with an interest in the benefits to be reaped by F38 49 large-scale farming performed with mechanical reliability and F38 50 predictability. As Marcus and Segal point out, "The F38 51 bestowal of collegial sanction often led others to adopt the F38 52 practices, which tended to standardize farm operations. Application F38 53 of systematic farming techniques only sometimes increased farm F38 54 profits and reduced drudgery, but its partisans always identified F38 55 themselves as progressive." When bulk winegrowing returned F38 56 to California's vast, flat, irrigated Central Valley, the F38 57 systemization of American agriculture and the dominance of F38 58 agricultural colleges were already in place. Of all the major crops F38 59 in America, wine grapes were one of the last to be addressed.

F38 60 For their part, agricultural college professors had a point, F38 61 nowhere more so than with winegrowing. Precisely because of its F38 62 ancient heritage, winegrowing practice in Europe changed F38 63 grudgingly, if at all. Although it was exclusively Europeans who F38 64 first established that yeasts caused fermentation (Louis Pasteur in F38 65 1859); that bacteria in the presence of oxygen caused wine to turn F38 66 to vinegar (Louis Pasteur in 1866); and that enzymes were the F38 67 agency by which the fermentation was achieved (Eduard and Hans F38 68 Buchner in 1897), European wine-growing practices were F38 69 mostly unmoved by the revelations.

F38 70 In this, America had its one advantage. Because of Prohibition, F38 71 no ingrained tradition presented resistance. The UC Davis enology F38 72 and viticulture professors could fashion a new 'scientific' vision F38 73 of how and where grapes should be grown and, even more importantly, F38 74 how wine should be made. Their influence was assured not only F38 75 because of the ignorance caused by the wholesale collapse of F38 76 winegrowing during the thirteen years of Prohibition, but also F38 77 because by then the authority of agricultural colleges was F38 78 unchallenged.

F38 79 The absence of a fine wine ambition was a benefit to UC Davis. F38 80 Otherwise, the pull of European tradition would have weakened the F38 81 sway of the college professors. (Which is precisely what occurred F38 82 in the 1980s). Where such as Leland Stanford looked automatically - F38 83 and longingly - to Europe, those concerned with bulk wines felt no F38 84 such pull. Their interest was proper farm management in order to F38 85 extract the highest yields and the healthiest vines. Stress, so F38 86 called, was not the issue, as the finer gradations of quality that F38 87 emerge from it are of no concern to bulk wine production.

F38 88 Just how basic winegrowing in California was after Prohibition F38 89 is revealed by the enormous influence of the notion of 'heat F38 90 summations' or 'degree-days,' a vision of the land propounded by UC F38 91 Davis. The idea of degree-days for crops is not new. But its F38 92 application to grapevines, although discussed in Europe as far back F38 93 as 1872, was largely academic. By then Europe was covered in vines F38 94 and mired tradition.

F38 95 The degree-day concept is straightforward. With grapevines, F38 96 growth proceeds only when the temperature achieves 50 degrees F38 97 Fahrenheit. Every degree above that is counted as one degree-day. F38 98 When these degree days are totaled over the F38 99 <}_><-|>several-month<+|>several-months<}/> span between the F38 100 beginning of vine growth and the harvest of ripe grapes, the total F38 101 is called temperature summation. At a glance, one can establish the F38 102 coolness or warmth of a site or district.

F38 103 Building on the work of Frederic T. Bioletti, the influential F38 104 director of the UC Berkeley wine science program, viticulturist A. F38 105 J. Winkler embarked upon a statewide investigation of temperature F38 106 summations in the 1920s. Subsequently, his student and later F38 107 distinguished colleague Maynard A. Amerine, in collaboration with F38 108 Winkler, categorized these heat summations in brackets labeled F38 109 Regions I (the coolest) through V (the hottest). To this day, F38 110 California winegrowers still talk about their vinyards as being F38 111 "high Region I" or "low Region II." F38 112 This simple but useful scale was made more graphic, literally, by a F38 113 map of the entire state showing various pools of temperature, each F38 114 categorized as Region I through V. It was first published in F38 115 1944.

F38 116 For the first time, vineyards could be established not by F38 117 unthinking tradition or gut instinct, but by scientific F38 118 methodology. It was rational; it was systematic. And it provided a F38 119 basis upon which to proceed to revitalize an industry. Above all, F38 120 it became the basis of an American vision of winegrowing: F38 121 qualitative; methodical; verifiable. For bulk winegrowing, this F38 122 vision was sufficient. That the university never subsequently F38 123 offered a methodology of greater nuance speaks volumes: The bulk F38 124 winegrowers who funded its research had no need for one.

F38 125 For the fine wine ambition, degree-days are crude. They measure F38 126 only heat and that only in the aggregate. What if a site is hot in F38 127 the morning but cooled rapidly by fogs or winds in the afternoon? F38 128 Numerically, the site may be considered warm or cool, depending F38 129 upon the degree-day total for the growing season. But it tells us F38 130 little about how the grapevine reacts to the swings in F38 131 temperature. Or about sunlight intensity. Or about the effects of F38 132 wind, rain, humidity, or night temperatures on the grapevine. The F38 133 insight extends only to how well and regularly a grape variety is F38 134 likely to ripen its grapes properly. What the ripe grape delivers F38 135 in terms of the flavor shadings that distinguish fine wine from F38 136 ordinary is another matter entirely.

F38 137 It should be noted that vineyard plantings in California, to F38 138 this day, are not entirely rational, despite the veracity of the F38 139 degree-day vision, however limited. Rationality has to compete with F38 140 the marketplace. With Chardonnay, the most lucrative grape variety, F38 141 the competition is almost one-sided. As late as 1988, there still F38 142 were 2,164 acres of Chardonnay planted in grossly too warm Regions F38 143 IV and V, according to the California Agricultural Statistics F38 144 Service. More telling yet is that 10,380 acres are planted in F38 145 Region III sites, which is warm for Chardonnay. The lure of F38 146 Chardonnay in the market-place clearly is too enticing to F38 147 be resisted. Nevertheless, the influence of degree-day vision is F38 148 strongly felt. Three quarters of California's Chardonnay vineyards F38 149 are planted in areas classed as Region I (3,077 acres) or Region II F38 150 (26,249 acres).

F38 151 The surprisingly small acreage of Region I sites is revealing: F38 152 What California considers as cool is relative - and limited. Region F38 153 I is 2,500 degree-days or fewer. Burgundy's C<*_>o-circ<*/>te d'Or F38 154 registers 2,120 degree-days, which would put it just barely above a F38 155 hypothetical Region 0. (Each climate region is delineated by five F38 156 hundred degree-days.)

F38 157 That the UC Davis scale effectively begins at 2,500 F38 158 degree-days tells us not only how warm are many of California's F38 159 traditional vineyard areas, but also the limitation of the vision F38 160 that places so much emphasis on climatic zones. Precisely because F38 161 grapes do not ripen regularly or easily in cool sites, to identify F38 162 such sites was to legitimize them. This was not possible, as those F38 163 sites can never achieve the machine regularity fundamental to F38 164 scientific winegrowing.

F38 165 This commitment to machine regularity is further evidenced by F38 166 the vast labor of Harold P. Olmo, a UC Davis professor with a Ph.D. F38 167 in genetics who for decades specialized in creating new wine-grape F38 168 hybrids. Nearly all of his twenty-five hybrid varieties were F38 169 invented to deliver decent acidity and flavors while baking in hot F38 170 Region V climates. By 1989 only two Olmo-created high-yielding F38 171 hybrid varieties occupied significant acreage in the San Joaquin F38 172 Valley: Ruby Cabernet (7,037 acres) and Rubired (7,030 acres). F38 173 Nearly all of the others have fallen into disuse, partly because of F38 174 a decline in bulk wine consumption and partly because of an embrace F38 175 of traditional 'classic' varieties such as Chardonnay and Cabernet F38 176 Sauvignon.

F38 177 For the machine in the mind, it is a far better thing to add F38 178 acidity to a 'flabby' wine grown in a too-warm location - or to F38 179 laboriously 'design' a new grape variety - than to plant a grape F38 180 variety in place where it might not ripen fully every vintage. More F38 181 than economics is at work here. Equally powerful is a determined F38 182 interventionism. The offense of European winegrowing was its F38 183 passivity. The machine in the mind offers a more muscular F38 184 approach.

F38 185 A special contempt is reserved by the machine in the mind for F38 186 the influence of soil on wine. The importance of soil for fine wine F38 187 has been so abundantly demonstrated by the wines F38 188 themselves in Europe, most convincingly in France, that it F38 189 would seem evident that soil plays a significant role. One need F38 190 only taste a great Meursault or Chablis to be convinced. But soil, F38 191 more than even climate itself, cannot easily be altered. The only F38 192 practical intervention is of the most superficial sort, such as F38 193 fertilizer or topsoil. (Even here, the machine in the mind is F38 194 tempting. Randall Graham of Bonny Doon Vineyard in Santa Cruz F38 195 decided that Burgundy's limestone-rich soil was indispensable for F38 196 growing Pinot Noir. So he 'planted' the soil of his vineyard with F38 197 ten tons of limestone per acre.)

F38 198 Reproducible 'scientific' verification of the role of soil is F38 199 unavailable: Soil is far more ambiguous than neatly quantified F38 200 temperature summations. That its role cannot be pinpointed, let F38 201 alone measured, wrenches the machine in the mind. The degree of F38 202 discomfort, even scorn, is displayed by Maynard A. Amerine and F38 203 Philip M. Wagner in their chapter 'The Vine and Its Environments,' F38 204 in The University of California/Sotheby Book of California F38 205 Wine (1984):

F38 206 Many popular commentators and almost all vineyard F38 207 owners attribute some magical property to vineyard soils. As F38 208 indicated in the preceding sections, there are differences between F38 209 regions and localized areas (exposures, valley floor versus F38 210 hillsides, and so forth). Some of these differences are due to F38 211 variations in temperature, some perhaps also to moisture (and thus F38 212 related to soil temperature), soil microorganisms, and vineyard and F38 213 ecological practices. How many of the differences are due purely to F38 214 soil factors has not, to our satisfaction, been scientifically F38 215 determined.

F38 216 F38 217 F38 218 F39 1 <#FROWN:F39\>

Private Life and Public Scandal: The 'New F39 2 Moralism' Then and Now

F39 3 To their credit, most Americans have not been willing to cut F39 4 the public world entirely loose from moral or ethical surveillance F39 5 or to evaluative public figures on their feelings or motivations F39 6 instead of on their behavior. But when people abandon hope of F39 7 judging public figures by stringent political ethics, periodic F39 8 personal expos<*_>e-acute<*/>s become the main weapon for F39 9 controlling their ambitions and actions. In the 188Os and 189Os, F39 10 the removal of moral intensity from public relations and its F39 11 concentration on private ones made family relations a tempting F39 12 target for public disclosure. As public standards and political F39 13 vocabulary faded, debate by scandal and expos<*_>e-acute<*/> became F39 14 the rule.

F39 15 The preacher Henry Ward Beecher was one of the first to F39 16 discover the threat that hangs over those who encourage a F39 17 concentration of public debate on private values. To demonstrate F39 18 Beecher's hypocrisy in denouncing her 'free love' movement, social F39 19 reformer Victoria Woodhull leaked to the newspapers his alleged F39 20 affair with one of his parishioners; the resultant scandal was at F39 21 least as widely debated as the Jim Bakker affair in the 1980s and F39 22 the Clarence Thomas hearings in 1991. American politics has been F39 23 wracked by periodic scandals and moral crusades for 200 years, but F39 24 they were especially virulent in the late nineteenth century, when F39 25 private morals were first elevated above public virtues in F39 26 mainstream ideology. Their reemergence in the last decade has F39 27 similar origins, following the decline of 1960s and early 1970s F39 28 social and political debate.

F39 29 lt is in this context that we must place America's 'New F39 30 Moralism.' Recently, we have seen a series of celebrated scandals F39 31 over issues that were once considered part of private life. Public F39 32 figures have been dethroned by revelations about their personal F39 33 relationships; private nonentities have become public figures by F39 34 making such revelations. Politicians who courted our votes by F39 35 touting their home lives rather than their ides now complain that F39 36 their families are being invaded by the press, even though their F39 37 campaign managers regularly leak information to the press about F39 38 their opponents' personal lives. The confusion has reached the F39 39 point that some enterprising 'sinners' have been offered to reform F39 40 their private lives in return for public office: The late Senator F39 41 John Tower promised to quit drinking if confirmed as Secretary of F39 42 Defense; William Bennett declared he would stop smoking if given a F39 43 chance to run the nation's health agency. Perhaps Gary Hart's F39 44 campaign staff should have hinted that if he was put in the Oval F39 45 Office, he could be kept out of a lot of bedrooms.

F39 46 There has been much debate over how to evaluate the new F39 47 scrutiny of public figures' personal lives. Does it represent a F39 48 break-down of the double standard that once allowed the F39 49 wealthy in general and men in particular to run roughshod over the F39 50 lives of others, exploiting and discarding women with impunity? F39 51 Does it signal a growing concern about the public consequences of F39 52 private acts, a more stringent insistence on ethical behavior? Or F39 53 have we become, as political analyst Harrison Rainie charges, a F39 54 "culture of hackers," breaking into people's F39 55 personal lives and reprogramming their reputations? Is this a new F39 56 McCarthyism, resting on pillory by innuendo? Are the women who F39 57 recount their sexual misuse in the popular press exposing male F39 58 hypocrisy, or are they a new kind of gold digger? Are we forging F39 59 new definitions of public accountability or destroying important F39 60 distinctions between people's private peccadilloes and their public F39 61 contributions?

F39 62 Speaking as a historian, l would have to answer "all of F39 63 the above." On the one hand, we should beware of F39 64 romaticizing older divisions between public and private life. Too F39 65 often, Enlightenment thinkers established 'civilized' limits to F39 66 public debates by defining social inequities as subordinate private F39 67 matters. Early republican politics, for example, rested on the neat F39 68 assumption that extermination of Native Americans and enslavement F39 69 of blacks were prepolitical issues, almost domestic matters. F39 70 Southerners declared that it was as "impertinent" to F39 71 criticize slavery as to tell a white man how to treat his wife and F39 72 children. Native Americans were often referred to as children F39 73 protected by the 'Great White Father' in Washington. Women's claims F39 74 for justice were dismissed as family spats.

F39 75 Some of the 'private' scandals we see today represent a F39 76 challenge to such inequities. Power, money, and sex are bound up in F39 77 our society in very unsavory ways. To leave these connections F39 78 unexamined is to ignore the hidden mechanisms reproducing injustice F39 79 in a nominally democratic society. Isn't it important to know how a F39 80 public figure uses power at home, how likely his or her judgment is F39 81 to be warped by personal appetites? Should the compulsive, F39 82 cold-blooded womanizing of President Kennedy really have gone F39 83 unreported, especially since some of it apparently linked him to F39 84 prominent figures in organized crime? Is it totally irrelevant that F39 85 the Reagans apparently did not find it as easy to "just say F39 86 no" as their public policies assumed it would be for the F39 87 poor?

F39 88 Clearly, many private issues have a political component, while F39 89 public issues spill over into private life. That is what makes it F39 90 so problematic, as l will show in chapter 6, to make hard-and-fast F39 91 generalizations about privacy and state intervention. Private F39 92 family relations take place against a background of rules set by F39 93 public authorities; public inequities of gender, race, or class get F39 94 transferred into private relations; and family norms affect the F39 95 ability of individuals to exercise public rights. There is, for F39 96 example, much more public tolerance of violence within the family F39 97 than there is of violence among strangers - and this toleration can F39 98 deprave women or children of their civil rights, or even of life F39 99 itself.

F39 100 Too often, however, the scrutiny of private life threatens to F39 101 swamp all other issues. Precisely because sex and power are bound F39 102 so tightly in American society, which is asocial problem, F39 103 almost all public figures are vulnerable to at least the appearance F39 104 of sexual impropriety, so that the personal attacks become F39 105 frighteningly arbitrary. Distinctions fade between appearance and F39 106 reality, between single transgressions and patterns of deceit. The F39 107 lines between victim and perpetrator also blur. When Jessica Hahn F39 108 and Donna Rice pose for men's magazines or for skintight jeans ads F39 109 and women institute million-dollar paternity suits over F39 110 one-night stands, it obscures the legitimate reasons for exposing F39 111 cases of male sexual coercion or irresponsibility: Most sexually F39 112 abused women have such low self-esteem that they cannot promote F39 113 themselves so assiduously; most unwed mothers get no support F39 114 payments from the fathers of their children.

F39 115 Preoccupation with personal morality and sex reveals above all F39 116 that, like our predecessors in the first Gilded Age, we lack a F39 117 clear set of public ethics and political standards of behavior. We F39 118 focus on private vices because we cannot agree on the definition of F39 119 a public vice. The confirmation hearings for John Tower generated F39 120 far more discussion about his drinking and womanizing than about F39 121 his attitudes toward peace and war or his apparent conflicts of F39 122 interest in the military-industrial complex. In the Oliver North F39 123 case, his evasion of constitutional checks and balances was totally F39 124 overshadowed by the suspicion that one of his improper expenditures F39 125 was for silk stockings for his secretary, Fawn Hall. When committee F39 126 members discovered he had only bought tights for his daughter, they F39 127 were almost completely routed. In the Clarence Thomas hearings, the F39 128 real debate came over Anita Hill's testimony, not over his F39 129 qualifications, his oath that he had never discussedRoe v. F39 130 Wade, or his misrepresentation of his sister's welfare F39 131 experience.

F39 132 ln one sense, then, the new moralism about sex and family F39 133 represents the bankruptcy of our political life. Public policy F39 134 failures take second place to family irregularities; a political F39 135 issue such as the status of women is reduced to courtroom brawls F39 136 over palimony; rampant social ills such as childhood poverty F39 137 receive far less attention than tales about prominent men who F39 138 videotape young girls in sex acts.

F39 139 The answer to the new moralism, however, is not the old F39 140 hypocrisy. In the 186Os and again in the 196Os, people suggested F39 141 alternative definitions of the public good that included the F39 142 personal issues facing women, minorities, working people, and the F39 143 poor. Toward the end of each period, though, the old narrow F39 144 definition of the public splintered, but no new political F39 145 institutions, values, or processes were developed to reconnect its F39 146 fragments. Instead, dominant opinion ceased to claim that any F39 147 overarching standards for public life could be agreed on. Questions F39 148 of morality were displaced onto the private sphere.

F39 149 The conflation of public morality with private values leads to F39 150 inevitable oscillations between a repressive, divisive moralism F39 151 and, in reaction, an extreme, even perverse, 'tolerance' of all F39 152 private behavior, whatever its social consequences. Most of us, F39 153 unhappy with either extreme, grasp our family values even more F39 154 tightly, as the one anchor that can protect us from being swept F39 155 away by the tides of repression and permissiveness. But an anchor F39 156 does not work in the open ocean. The same factors that erode public F39 157 life and political standards tend, in the long run, to set personal F39 158 life and family values adrift. While the antisocial tendencies of F39 159 Gilded Age privatism were not immediately apparent within the F39 160 family circle, the collapse of public life in that period paved the F39 161 way for many recurrent strains in twentieth-century families.

F39 162 The Fragility of the Private Family

F39 163 Without the ballast provided by the public sphere, the family F39 164 began its long slide toward subjectivism, feeding the very F39 165 individualism that family morality was supposed to counter. It is F39 166 not that the spread of individualism threatens to destroy the F39 167 traditional privacy and intensity of family life, as is sometimes F39 168 claimed; as we have seen, familial privacy and intensity were in F39 169 many wayscreated by the spread of individualism. But it is F39 170 certainly true that individualism constantly undermines the very F39 171 family life that it originally fostered.

F39 172 When obligation and reciprocity were banished from public life F39 173 and confined to the nuclear family, their continued existence F39 174 became very problematic, especially once the same-sex networks and F39 175 community associations that formerly diffused the tensions of F39 176 family life began to disintegrate. The effective adult, at work and F39 177 in public, is independent, individualistic, rational, and F39 178 calculative. The effective family member, by contrast, shares, F39 179 cooperates, sacrifices, and acts nonrationally. The character F39 180 traits that keep families together are associated in all other F39 181 arenas of life with immaturity and nonrationality; family F39 182 interdependence is now the only thing that stands in the way of F39 183 'self-actualization.' At the same time, the family becomes F39 184 over-burdened with social expectations as well as psychological and F39 185 moral ones. Ifthe family would just do its job, we wouldn't F39 186 need welfare, school reform, or prisons. And if my family F39 187 would just do its job, l would be perfectly happy. The obvious next F39 188 step, of course, is that if l amnot perfectly happy, it's my F39 189 family's fault.

F39 190 Figuring out whether a family is doing its job, however, F39 191 becomes progressively more difficult when external moral and F39 192 political reference points for judging the quality of love or F39 193 parenting disappear. "The world of intimate F39 194 feeling," remarks Richard Sennett, "loses any F39 195 boundaries" - and therefore loses any core. Where is the F39 196 center of infinity? As education professor Joseph Featherstone F39 197 argues:"A vision of things that has no room for the inner F39 198 life is bankrupt, but a psychology without social analysis or F39 199 politics is both powerless and very lonely."

F39 200 The triumph of private family values discourages us from F39 201 meeting our emotional needs through mutual aid associations, F39 202 political and social action groups, or other forms of public life F39 203 that used to be as important in people's identity as love or F39 204 family. So we must rely on love. If we fail to attain love, or even F39 205 if we do attain it and still feel incomplete, we blame our parents F39 206 for not having helped us outgrow such neediness - as though it is F39 207 only 'the child within' who could be needy. We may postpone F39 208 confronting the shallowness of our inner life by finding one F39 209 special person to love us or for us to love, yet when the love F39 210 disappears, and our needs, inevitably, do not, we feel betrayed. We F39 211 seek revenge, or at least contractual relief, demanding public F39 212 compensation for the failure of private life to meet our social F39 213 needs. F39 214 F39 215 F39 216 F39 217 F39 218 F40 1 <#FROWN:F40\>INTRODUCTION

F40 2 The Black Knights of Baseball

F40 3 Before Jackie Robinson hit his first crisp line-drive single F40 4 into the closely cut green grass in the outfield of Brooklyn's F40 5 Ebbets Field in April of 1947, the game of baseball was black and F40 6 white. No black ballplayer had ever played in the American or F40 7 National Leagues in the game that had become the national pastime. F40 8 Baseball was a game as segregated as movie theaters in the north, F40 9 bus depots in the midwest, restaurants in the west, and rest rooms F40 10 in the south.

F40 11 Blacks couldn't play baseball in the major leagues before 1947, F40 12 but they played the game nonetheless. They played it on sandlots, F40 13 in city parks, at fairgrounds, and in mill yards. They played on F40 14 factory teams and in summer leagues. They played in South Carolina F40 15 and they played in New York. They played in Santo Domingo and F40 16 Mexico City. The very best of them played in the Negro National F40 17 League, the Negro American League, and the Eastern Colored League, F40 18 the 'major leagues' of black America.

F40 19 The teams of the Negro National, Negro American, and Eastern F40 20 Colored Leagues played the same dazzling baseball as the teams of F40 21 the white major leagues, with enormously talented stars who were F40 22 just as good - giants of the game, now in the Baseball Hall of F40 23 Fame, like Satchel Paige, Josh Gibson, Ray Dandridge, Monte Irvin, F40 24 Cool Papa Bell, Judy Johnson, Pop Lloyd, Martin Dihigo, and Oscar F40 25 Charleston. Their teams had wonderful names like the Monarchs, F40 26 Grays, Eagles, Royal Giants, Crawfords, Barons, and Buckeyes. They F40 27 played their games against each other in major-league ballparks and F40 28 with major-league hustle. Then they piled into beat-up old buses F40 29 with peeling paint, poor ventilation, uncomfortable seats, and bad F40 30 engines, and barnstormed all over America to play some more. The F40 31 Negro League stars took on both lower-level black professional F40 32 teams and white semipro teams, playing clubs in the United States, F40 33 South America, Central America, and Canada. Some even went to Japan F40 34 and played all comers there. They also challenged and played white F40 35 major-league teams like the Philadelphia Phillies, the Detroit F40 36 Tigers, and all-star teams led by the likes of Dizzy Dean, Babe F40 37 Ruth, and Lou Gehrig. And often they beat them.

F40 38 The Negro League stars never gained the fame and glory of the F40 39 white ballplayers in those years from the late nineteenth century F40 40 until 1947, when the color line and Jim Crow laws kept them out of F40 41 the white major leagues. None of them made the cover of Life, F40 42 did ads for Wheaties, or rode in parades with governors. They F40 43 didn't for one reason and one reason only: they were black.

F40 44 During the glory days of the Negro Leagues, from 1920 to 1946, F40 45 America was two countries - one white and one black - and they F40 46 didn't mesh. The two nations had been stumbling, politically, F40 47 socially, and culturally, toward a single America since the Civil F40 48 War had freed the slaves more than fifty years before. But they F40 49 weren't there yet.

F40 50 Nothing symbolized the inability of the white and black F40 51 countries to merge more than major-league baseball. American F40 52 baseball was never just a game, it was the passion of the nation, F40 53 and as long as it was segregated the entire nation would be. F40 54 Generations of black ballplayers tried to end that segregation, but F40 55 after knocking at the major-league doors and being ignored, they F40 56 played baseball where they could.

F40 57 They were the forgotten men, at least by white culture. F40 58 Mainstream white newspapers ignored them, refusing to cover their F40 59 games and often referring to them as 'coloreds' to denigrate them, F40 60 so black newspapers covered them with glory. White sports magazines F40 61 ignored them, too, so black sports magazines were started and the F40 62 Negro League stars graced their covers. Black teams couldn't play F40 63 in the white World Series, so in 1924 they started the black World F40 64 Series. Likewise, since they weren't invited to the white All-Star F40 65 Game, in 1933 they started their own.

F40 66 It never mattered what was written about the Negro League F40 67 stars, because everybody knew who they were and how very good they F40 68 were. More than 46,000 fans, black and white, filled Yankee Stadium F40 69 in 1946 to see Satchel Paige duel Bob Feller in a F40 70 black-versus-white all-star game. One of the Negro League East-West F40 71 All-Star Games in Chicago's Comiskey Park drew 51,000 fans. White F40 72 factory workers and store merchants all over the United States F40 73 could chip in a dollar or two so that the local white semipro team F40 74 in some little hamlet could bring in the legendary Pittsburgh F40 75 Crawfords for a Sunday afternoon game to see how the locals would F40 76 fare against these heralded black stars. Home-run-bashing catcher F40 77 Josh Gibson, 'the Black Babe Ruth,' was mobbed by autograph-seeking F40 78 kids, black and white, wherever he went.

F40 79 The white major-league stars themselves played against them F40 80 over the years more than four hundred times in the off-season and F40 81 respected their skills. Back in 1910, the Detroit Tigers toured F40 82 Cuba, playing against a Cuban team that included Home Run Johnson, F40 83 imported with others from a black team in Brooklyn. Johnson F40 84 out-hit the Tigers' Ty Cobb on the tour, .500 to .371. In F40 85 1915, three weeks after the Philadelphia Phillies won the National F40 86 League pennant, the black Lincoln Giants beat them, 1-0. In 1934 F40 87 Satchel Paige's All-Stars beat the Dizzy Dean All-Stars four times F40 88 in a six-game series. Dean himself told everyone that Satchel Paige F40 89 was the greatest pitcher in the country.

F40 90 Some of the players who began their careers in the Negro F40 91 Leagues moved into the majors when the color line was broken in F40 92 1947 and became instant all-stars. In addition to Hall-of-Famer F40 93 Jackie Robinson, they included Hank Aaron (who broke Ruth's career F40 94 home-run record) Monte Irvin, Don Newcombe, Larry Doby, Ernie F40 95 Banks, Roy Campanella, Joe Black, and a skinny kid from Birmingham, F40 96 Alabama, named Willie Mays. They and the Negro Leaguers before them F40 97 paved the way for all the other blacks and Latinos who played the F40 98 game in the 1960s and 1970s and who play the game today. All those F40 99 men who put up with sixty years of segregation and bigotry opened F40 100 the door for Doc Gooden, Cecil Fielder, Rickey Henderson, Frank F40 101 Thomas, Reggie Jackson, Kirby Puckett, Kevin Mitchell, Barry Bonds, F40 102 Terry Pendleton, Tony Gwynn, and Daryll Strawberry.

F40 103 They were folk heroes who for a century were forbidden to play F40 104 what was a white man's game. But most were never bitter about it, F40 105 then or now. "That's just the way it was," shrugged F40 106 the Philadelphia Stars' Gene Benson. He and his colleagues never F40 107 filed a lawsuit, demonstrated, called a press conference, or wrote F40 108 letters to their congressmen: America during those years wouldn't F40 109 have heard. Instead they played baseball, and on the most F40 110 extraordinary level.

F40 111 Paige, Gibson, Bell, Robinson, and hundreds of others traveled F40 112 from city to city, town to town, county fair to county fair, to F40 113 play the game they loved for millions of people who loved it too. F40 114 They played in front of white people and black people, brown F40 115 people, Japanese, Chinese, rich, poor, educated, and illiterate. F40 116 They were the black knights of baseball, heroes who kept jousting F40 117 against racism, and, after all those generations, finally won, F40 118 making baseball at long last the national pastime for a whole F40 119 nation.

F40 120 CHAPTER ONE

F40 121 Diamonds in the Rough

F40 122 Long straight lines of large square tents were stretched out as F40 123 far as the eye could see, thousands of them, a city of white tents. F40 124 It was a between-battles camp of the Union Army in Virginia during F40 125 the hot summer of 1864, and soldiers were walking slowly to the end F40 126 of the tents toward a large grassy field. There, hundreds of black F40 127 and white soldiers and three generals on horseback were watching F40 128 two of the camp's baseball teams battle each other. The diamond F40 129 consisted of a hastily hewn square with large boards for bases and F40 130 a batter's box roughed out with rifle butts. The day was bright and F40 131 peaceful - no rumbling of deadly cannon in the distance, no fatal F40 132 clatter of rifle shots, no terrifiying yells of Confederate troops. F40 133 Nothing but the sound of a bat hitting a ball and the roar of a F40 134 weary and battle-hardened crowd cheering at a baseball game under F40 135 the gentle Virginia sun.

F40 136 Despite the racism and segregation that came to be associated F40 137 with baseball in America, ironically it was during the Civil War, F40 138 fought in part to free blacks from slavery, that blacks were first F40 139 introduced to baseball. Over 180,000 freed slaves fought for the F40 140 north in the war, and the two chief forms of recreation in army F40 141 camps during these years were boxing and baseball. Those who held F40 142 their health in high esteem played baseball, so like everyone else F40 143 in Union Army camps, black soldiers watched and played endless F40 144 baseball games. It was a long and bitter war, and it was also a F40 145 boring war. For every day of death and destruction on the F40 146 battlefield there were ten days of boredom in camp. To pass the F40 147 time, everybody played baseball.

F40 148 The game grew to such popularity that large army camps had F40 149 their own baseball leagues. On Hilton Head Island in South F40 150 Carolina, a permanent Union Army camp was home to a total of 50,000 F40 151 soldiers, camp followers, and freed slaves living on the F40 152 ten-mile-long island. By 1862 the camp had become as large as a F40 153 major American city and had its own theater, two daily newspapers, F40 154 and a baseball league that was so popular its championship game F40 155 drew 40,000 people.

F40 156 The sport of baseball boomed all over the country after the F40 157 Civil War as soldiers who had played or watched it during the F40 158 conflict brought the game home to their cities and small towns. F40 159 Since most of the troops came from larger cities, the sport F40 160 flourished there. Most of the black Americans who fled slave F40 161 plantations wound up in large cities, too, where there were jobs F40 162 for unskilled laborers. Blacks formed teams in different cities and F40 163 by 1867 New York teams were traveling to Philadelphia to play black F40 164 teams there.

F40 165 The number of black teams grew in the 1870s and 1880s, usually F40 166 in large cities where northern blacks lived. Freed slaves, looking F40 167 for economic and cultural support from other blacks, moved to those F40 168 cities, just as many black soliders who served in the war together F40 169 moved to black neighborhoods in northern cities. These growing F40 170 black population centers soon had their own cultural networks, with F40 171 black churches, black theaters, and black newspapers. Black F40 172 baseball was a natural extension. The players came from the F40 173 community, which also provided the fan base, particularly in big F40 174 cities.

F40 175 Numerous all-black teams banded together in informal inter- and F40 176 intracity all-black leagues and carved out a rich niche in American F40 177 sports history. Players came from all walks of life, neighborhoods, F40 178 and jobs. Many competed on all-black factory teams, a handful F40 179 played on integrated teams, and some teams played schedules against F40 180 all-black, all-white, and integrated teams. The teams were so F40 181 successful that by 1887 a professional minor league, the League of F40 182 Colored Base Ball Clubs, was founded with teams in Cincinnati (the F40 183 Browns), Washington, D.C. (the Capital Citys), Louisville (the Fall F40 184 Citys), Pittsburgh (the Keystones), Baltimore (the Lord F40 185 Baltimores), Boston (the Resolutes), Philadelphia (the Pythians), F40 186 and New York (the Gorhams).

F40 187 Smaller semipro black teams consisting of freedmen had been F40 188 playing throughout northern cities since 1858, but in the 1870s F40 189 they became extremely active and organized. A top team from one F40 190 city would often travel to play a top team from another, and the F40 191 game was usually preceded by a parade in the black community, with F40 192 children racing along the streets to get a look at their very own F40 193 athletic heroes.

F40 194 The identification of blacks with their baseball teams was F40 195 strong, so strong that by 1906 cartoonists in black weekly F40 196 newspapers were putting caricatured black politicians in baseball F40 197 uniforms and on the diamond to poke fun at them.

F40 198 Games were well-attended by snappily dressed black men and F40 199 women who saw baseball as a weekend entertainment like theater and F40 200 music. Black ballplayers were revered and many were given the F40 201 better jobs at factories where owners were looking for a mill hand F40 202 who could hit .300.

F40 203 F41 1 <#FROWN:F41\>INTRODUCTION F41 2 A collection of forty-five bicycle trips in Northwestern F41 3 Oregon, principally in the Willamette Valley from the Portland area F41 4 south to Eugene, this book includes routes from 12 to 178 miles in F41 5 length. Mostly loops, the routes are designed to bicycle in a few F41 6 hours. Also included are a few tours in the Columbia Gorge area, F41 7 one along the Oregon Coast, and some linear trips. Four rides in F41 8 the book are for multiday journeys. These are the Oregon Coaster, F41 9 Mount Hood Loop, Three-Ferry Figure Eight, and Scaponia.

F41 10 Strike out along the county and rural roads, bicycle lanes, or F41 11 secondary highways of Oregon. Pedal into rolling hills, flatlands, F41 12 or deep gorges. The people and life-styles are as varied as the F41 13 terrain and weather patterns. The history stems from hardy pioneers F41 14 who sought a better life in the West. Visit parks, old soda F41 15 fountains, festivals, country stores, historic buildings, lakes, F41 16 and covered bridges decorating foothills, farmland, forests, side F41 17 valleys, small towns, and ethnic settlements. Your miles of F41 18 pedaling will enhance physical fitness and your appreciation of F41 19 Oregon. We wish you all the enjoyment we have found pedaling the F41 20 beautiful, bountiful backroads of Northwest Oregon.

F41 21 The Trip Descriptions

F41 22 Each ride in the book includes a capsule summary. Use the F41 23 summary to match rides to your abilities and interests, paying F41 24 particular attention to both visual and narrative information F41 25 provided.

F41 26 Elevation and distance graphs illustrate the route's altitude F41 27 profile, but don't be put off by a route that first appears too F41 28 long or hilly. Almost every route has shortcuts or shorter options. F41 29 Tailor the ride's length and difficulty to your needs by reviewing F41 30 the accompanying text, mileage logs, and map sketches. Some options F41 31 are described in the text and logs, and others may be readily F41 32 apparent in the sketch maps.

F41 33 Starting and en route times are estimated and should not be F41 34 considered rigid. Based on averages for the novice cyclist, these F41 35 assume a fairly slow pace with frequent stops at points of F41 36 interest. Strong riders or seasoned racers may complete the routes F41 37 in half the estimated times.

F41 38 Starting times are recommended to permit riders to complete the F41 39 routes by mid- to late afternoon. Consider, however, the advantages F41 40 of starting very early in the morning. Traffic is almost F41 41 nonexistant, permitting the cool morning air to be enjoyed in F41 42 solitude, and leaving the hot afternoon riding to the late risers. F41 43 Cyclists who can stand the initial agony of crawling out of the bed F41 44 at dawn will find their efforts rewarded. In winter, the opposite F41 45 advice may be better: Wait for the day to warm up a bit, then F41 46 choose a short ride that will end well before the chilly late F41 47 afternoon.

F41 48 Each route also includes a map and a mileage log. In theory, F41 49 either one should be sufficient for a selected route. In practice, F41 50 both the map and the mileage log should be followed, particularly F41 51 in unfamiliar territory or on routes with frequent turns or F41 52 numerous intersections.

F41 53 Mileage logs in this book describe the routes in tenths of a F41 54 mile. Used in tandem, maps and logs provide adequate information F41 55 for following the exact route. These can be followed with a F41 56 cyclometer (bicycle computer), but don't expect an exact match to F41 57 distances printed in the book. Bicycle computers vary, partly F41 58 because of differences in wheel and tire sizes.

F41 59 A watch and a compass are two other pieces of optional F41 60 equipment that can assist in following a mileage log. With F41 61 experience, most riders develop a feel for how fast they are riding F41 62 and, using a watch, can estimate distances traveled with a F41 63 surprising degree of accuracy. In this book, maps have a scale of F41 64 miles and a north arrow, while mileage logs frequently mention F41 65 compass directions. When in doubt about intersections where road F41 66 signs are missing, twisted, or otherwise confusing, check both the F41 67 log and the map. Then consult a compass, if necessary.

F41 68 The mileage logs describe each of the loop trips in a F41 69 particular direction, i.e., clockwise or counterclockwise. Any F41 70 route may be ridden in the opposite direction, but some that pass F41 71 through cities and towns may require slight modification when F41 72 one-way streets are encountered.

F41 73 The mileage logs usually mention bike lanes or paths, when F41 74 available along the routes. These are recommended in the interest F41 75 of safety. Throughout the book, a bike route on the shoulder of a F41 76 road, whether designated by a painted line or protected by small F41 77 cement dividers, is referred to as a bike lane. A paved path F41 78 separate from the roadway is referred to as a bike path.

F41 79 Accurate road and street names often are difficult to F41 80 determine. Especially in rural areas, many roads are unmarked, or F41 81 are signed with names different from those on local maps. Although F41 82 Oregon Department of Transportation maps purport to show the F41 83 correct official name for every road in the state, those may not F41 84 appear on street signs. In this book, the road and street names F41 85 usually are the ones on local signs. Be cautious, however. Signs F41 86 can be missing, altered, or, through the efforts of local F41 87 pranksters, twisted ninety degrees. Where signs conflict with F41 88 available maps, or where more than one name appears on different F41 89 signs, the mileage log shows alternate names in parentheses. Maps F41 90 show the most commonly used names. To avoid losing the route, F41 91 consult both the map and the mileage log.

F41 92 A turn onto a gravel road is a signal that you are probably F41 93 off-route. Few of these rides involve gravel roads, and the ones F41 94 that do are marked clearly on both the map and the mileage log.

F41 95 To take shortcuts or side trips away from the itineraries F41 96 described here, consult the map. It shows whether nearby roads are F41 97 paved or gravel. On recommended variations, the roads have been F41 98 inspected. In other cases, the pavement status is based in part on F41 99 information derived from Oregon Department of Transportation maps, F41 100 which are generally accurate.

F41 101 Also keep in mind that roads and intersections are changing F41 102 constantly as highway departments fiddle with the landscape. Don't F41 103 be surprised to find roads realigned, intersections rearranged, or F41 104 new highways built. A close eye on the map and the mileage log F41 105 should make most changes readily apparent and wrong turns F41 106 avoidable. The others will make for interesting stories.

F41 107 Facilities available along the routes are described for rider F41 108 enjoyment. Stores, and sometimes restaurants, are mentioned when F41 109 they appear in rural locations, but no attempt is made to list F41 110 their hours. Carrying food is always a good idea when cycling.

F41 111 Public parks are mentioned whenever they appear along the F41 112 routes or within striking distance. Nearly all have rest rooms, if F41 113 only outhouses, but many of those facilities are open solely during F41 114 summer months. Drinking water and camping facilities are mentioned F41 115 in the mileage logs, but again, water often is disconnected and F41 116 campgrounds closed in the off-season. Carry a water bottle F41 117 and refill it at every opportunity.

F41 118 Choosing a Bicycle

F41 119 Almost any bike can be used to ride the routes described here. F41 120 It doesn't have to be fancy or expensive. A forty-pound F41 121 balloon-tired bike will get you to your destination just as surely F41 122 as a twenty-pound racing bicycle, but it may take a bit longer. If F41 123 you've got an old bike gathering dust in the garage, get it out, F41 124 dust it off, make sure it is safe to ride, and start pedaling. You F41 125 eventually may want to graduate to a better bike, but don't stay F41 126 home for want of it now.

F41 127 When it's time for a new or upgraded bicycle, here is a tip: F41 128 Concentrate on lightness and the frame. A good, light bike really F41 129 isn't as fragile as it may appear. Extra weight is mostly located F41 130 in nonfunctional places. Once you have a good frame, you can vary F41 131 components to suit your riding style and needs.

F41 132 When considering bike lightness, the frame is a good example. F41 133 Most stress is at the joints where frame tubes come together. On F41 134 expensive 'double-butted' frames, the tube wall's thickness is F41 135 greatest at each end, where strength is needed, and narrower in the F41 136 midsection, where the stress is much less. Significant weight is F41 137 thus saved without loss of strength.

F41 138 Bicycle choices are abundant in today's marketplace. Before F41 139 selecting a bike, consider your riding style, the length and type F41 140 of trips, and the need to carry gear. Road frames are designed for F41 141 touring, racing, or a combination of the two. Hybrid bicycles F41 142 primarily meet the demands of commuters and mountain cycles are F41 143 designed for off-pavement use.

F41 144 Touring frames are more stretched out and flexible than their F41 145 racing counterparts, and thus produce a smoother ride. Extremely F41 146 responsive, a stiff racing frame would be less comfortable on long F41 147 rides and unable to carry much gear. Sport-touring frames absorb F41 148 some of the road shock of a racing frame without sacrificing the F41 149 benefits of responsiveness, and can be equipped with panniers F41 150 (saddlebags). Mountain bikes can be ridden on pavement, but their F41 151 weight and bigger tires require more effort than touring and racing F41 152 frames.

F41 153 Bicycle frames are graduated to fit different-size bodies. F41 154 Measured in inches or centimeters from the spindle (the axle on F41 155 which the pedals rotate) to the point where the seat post enters F41 156 the frame, most frames are sized between 18 and 25 inches.

F41 157 To determine if a particular frame fits, straddle the bike, F41 158 standing between the handlebars and the seat. If the bike fits, you F41 159 should be able to lift the front wheel an inch or two off the F41 160 floor. Frames may also be measured by standing in a wide, F41 161 equidistant stance over the top tube. Clearance between you and the F41 162 top tube should be 1 to 2 inches on a road bike, but as much as 4 F41 163 inches on a mountain bike. (Some say 3 inches is ideal.) This extra F41 164 mountain-bike clearance allows for more responsiveness and for F41 165 sitting behind the saddle to hold down the back wheel on steep F41 166 descents.

F41 167 Frame and wheel sizes should not be confused. While frame sizes F41 168 vary, nearly all road or hybrid bicycles with gearing use F41 169 27-inch-diameter wheels, or their slightly smaller metric F41 170 equivalent, 700-millimeter wheels. Mountain bikes and some youth or F41 171 inexpensive adult bikes use 26-inch wheels.

F41 172 Bicycle fitting is not complete with selection of the correct F41 173 frame size. Competent advice from someone who can examine the bike F41 174 and the rider at the same time is advised.

F41 175 Saddle height on all bikes is generally adjusted by balancing F41 176 on the bike. With the ball of the foot on a pedal, the leg should F41 177 bend slightly when the pedal is at its lowest position.

F41 178 Handlebars can also be adjusted, and should generally be F41 179 slightly lower than the saddle. Long- or short-armed riders might F41 180 also consider changing the length of horizontal extension of the F41 181 handlebar stem. This change requires a new stem, but helps avoid F41 182 undue strain on the neck or hands.

F41 183 After properly fitting the frame to the rider, examine the F41 184 bike. Rims, handlebars, pedals, cranks, and front sprockets on a F41 185 heavy, inexpensive bike will all be steel. A light bike uses F41 186 aluminum (actually aluminum alloy) for these parts. Frames also can F41 187 be constructed from either steel or aluminum alloy. On a light F41 188 bike, parts commonly made of steel, with the exception of the F41 189 frame, are the axles, spokes, parts of the saddle, and a few F41 190 others. If you can't tell the difference between aluminum and F41 191 steel, carry a small magnet when shopping for a bike.

F41 192 Remember, the finest, lightest components can't make up for a F41 193 heavy frame and vice versa. Nevertheless, don't focus so much on F41 194 weight that you lose track of components and how they work F41 195 together. Components on most bikes can be exchanged for lighter or F41 196 higher-quality parts. If your budget limits your choice of bikes, F41 197 buy the best frame - the bicycle's heart and soul. Components can F41 198 be added or switched as your finances and technology advancements F41 199 in the industry allow, watching for compatibility with existing F41 200 equipment.

F41 201 A key component is the crankset. This consists of front F41 202 chainrings (sprockets), cranks (the arms on which the pedals are F41 203 mounted), and bearings that attach to the bottom bracket of the F41 204 frame. F41 205 F42 1 <#FROWN:F42\>Maxine Waters, on the other hand, has a style that F42 2 grew out of being the fifth of 12 children. "We were not F42 3 taught diplomacy as much as how to fend for ourselves," F42 4 Waters recalls, before modifying slightly: "To defend F42 5 ourselves is really what it was. You had to make sure you shared in F42 6 the opportunity, be it dinner or something going on in the family F42 7 or the neighborhood." Undaunted by the unflattering F42 8 adjectives she has attracted, Waters recognizes that the woman she F42 9 is evolved naturally from the girl she was in St. Louis: "I F42 10 didn't know [what I was doing] was 'assertive' behavior. I didn't F42 11 know that was 'aggressive' behavior. I didn't know women weren't F42 12 supposed to act like that."

F42 13 Bill Boyarsky, a columnist on the Los Angeles Times, F42 14 called Maxine Waters "the conscience" of the F42 15 current Speaker of the California Assembly and, accordingly, rued F42 16 the day that Waters was elected to Congress. "She'll just F42 17 chew you out if she thinks you're wrong," Boyarsky says: F42 18 "I know, because she's done it to me." To be the F42 19 conscience of any Speaker is a hefty job, but when the Speaker is F42 20 Willie Brown - a man so brilliant and irreverent that he dominates F42 21 every conversation, and so quick on the draw that virtually every F42 22 politician in California is wary of him - the job becomes very F42 23 nearly herculean.

F42 24 Waters laughs at the notion that she kept Willie Brown in line, F42 25 but she doesn't take exception to Boyarsky's description of her F42 26 style. "I have not attempted to be liked by my male F42 27 colleagues or to pamper them," she says, "I have F42 28 not tried to be male enough for them to like me. I simply am F42 29 what I am; I care about what I care about. I'm me! So F42 30 I've had fights and I've had good moments." People work F42 31 best together when they respect each other, Waters insists, and F42 32 since she tries to be fair, she expects fairness in return. When F42 33 she doesn't get it "I let 'em know. I'm not going to F42 34 practice disguising my feelings. I'm not socialized in being F42 35 subtle: I just say it!"

F42 36 Unlike Willie Brown, Thomas S. Foley, the Speaker of the U.S. F42 37 House of Representatives, is a decorous, understated man. The F42 38 Congress's rituals derive from the 18th century, and its rhetorical F42 39 traditions run to the baroque. Foley's legislative assistant, F42 40 Melinda Lucke, was therefore startled, but not surprised, when the F42 41 new member from Los Angeles, whose reputation had preceded her, F42 42 walked saucily into his office and said, "I need one hot F42 43 minute with the Speaker!"

F42 44 "This place is so steeped in custom and tradition that F42 45 [the members] don't really do the work people expect them to F42 46 do," Waters says with exasperation. As a freshman member on F42 47 a Veterans' Affairs subcommittee, Waters was told that the F42 48 chairman, G.V. 'Sonny' Montgomery from the Mississippi Delta, did F42 49 not look kindly on amendments to his legislation. Congresswoman F42 50 Waters was not impressed. "They said 'That's the way he F42 51 operates.' I said, 'These people are elected to serve, and if F42 52 they've got something to offer, they should be allowed to offer F42 53 it.'" She had something to offer - an amendment that would F42 54 allow veterans to hire private legal counsel and have their F42 55 attorneys' fees paid by the government - and when the pro forma F42 56 call for amendments came, she offered hers. "This is not a F42 57 good time for people who purport to support their government to F42 58 oppose helping veterans return to their jobs," Waters F42 59 observes cannily, and after some modest finagling, she got a F42 60 unanimous vote in support of her amendment. "I respect F42 61 custom and tradition that gets the job done," Waters F42 62 insists, but "if it thwarts the process or throws up F42 63 obstacles to your being able to represent your district, I'm not F42 64 going to go along with it."

F42 65 Younger political women are more likely to have had female F42 66 models and teachers in the ways of politics - many of them the F42 67 women of that key transitional generation. Among those whom Ann F42 68 Richards has mentored, Lena Guerrero has already become something F42 69 of a star in her own right. She was Richards's political director F42 70 in her campaign for the Democratic gubernatorial nomination, and F42 71 Richards's initial act as governor-elect was to appoint Guerrero to F42 72 the Texas Railroad Commission.

F42 73 Since Guerrero is a full generation younger than the other F42 74 women we interviewed, she could be expected to have had a somewhat F42 75 different experience, and indeed, like so many Texan women her age, F42 76 she was inspired by Barbara Jordan. Guerrero was 13 when Jordan F42 77 struck her imagination, along with the nation's, during the F42 78 televised Watergate impeachment hearings. "I thought 'that F42 79 is exactly what I want to do.'" Guerrero remembers: F42 80 "I read everything that anybody wrote about that woman. I F42 81 cut out newspaper articles. I wanted to be a member of Congress, F42 82 and I never thought what that meant for an Hispanic woman. After F42 83 all, she [Jordan] was black!"

F42 84 In 1976, while Jordan gave her keynote address to the F42 85 Democratic National Convention, Guerrero "watched her like F42 86 I was delivering it. Most people don't remember that she F42 87 co-keynoted it with John Glenn. He was so boring - she was the F42 88 keynote. 'What's new? What's different?' [Jordan intoned:] 'Barbara F42 89 Jordan is keynoting this Convention!' It was so great!"

F42 90 Guerrero credits the Sisters of Mercy who ran the school she F42 91 attended with her strong belief in conscience, which is at the root F42 92 of her pro-choice position on abortion - an irony the nuns might F42 93 not appreciate. "I was educated by nuns," Guerrero F42 94 recalls, who "were extremely independent, bright, F42 95 conscientious, demanding women. They taught me to think. They F42 96 taught me that someday I was going to be judged for my actions F42 97 - not somebody else's." And she learned her basic F42 98 leadership skills in the Catholic Church: in the late 1960s, when F42 99 boys still monopolized virtually all the helping roles in the F42 100 Church, she was actually an altar girl. "My church was two F42 101 blocks from my house," Guerrero remembers, "and I F42 102 did a lot of helping around the back and during the service. But I F42 103 also led in the choir. Mexican boys don't sing in the choir! They F42 104 grow up to be famous singers, but they don't sing in the F42 105 choir!"

F42 106 Nonetheless, Guerrero's first explicitly political mentoring F42 107 came from a man, Gus Garcia, the first Hispanic to be president of F42 108 the Austin school board and a principal plaintiff in the suit that F42 109 finally broke down Texas school segregation for Mexican American F42 110 children. When Guerrero was a student at the University of Texas at F42 111 Austin, Garcia took her aside and told her "something F42 112 extremely visionary." His generation of Hispanic leaders in F42 113 Austin, he told her, had "spent the better part of the last F42 114 15 years in a movement that has taught us basically where the F42 115 hinges on the door are. We've popped the damn thing open. Now they F42 116 invite us to the table. Your generation of leadership - men and F42 117 women - is going to be required to know parliamentary procedure, to F42 118 know how to read budgets, and to eat your lunch at the negotiating F42 119 table." When you find a door that's closed, he insisted, F42 120 "you call me, because we'll knock that sucker right down! F42 121 We know how to do that. But that's not your job. Your job is to be F42 122 substantively good!" Garcia made her focus on what she F42 123 might do, according to Guerrero, and it was at his prompting that F42 124 she mastered Robert's Rules of Order.

F42 125 Will women in politics do things differently from men? The F42 126 question is tantalizing - even haunting - but for the moment we F42 127 have no sure answer. In a world in which almost all the rules have F42 128 changed, and the information is as yet sparse, we can make only F42 129 tentative generalizations.

F42 130 We do know that women will not all take the same stands, even F42 131 on war. Although the first woman elected to Congress, Jeannette F42 132 Rankin, is the only member ever to vote twice against taking F42 133 America to war - she voted against our entering both the First and F42 134 the Second World Wars, and lost her seat in Congress each time as a F42 135 result - women have always swelled the numbers of wartime patriots. F42 136 When asked to name her toughest decision, Nancy Kassebaum first F42 137 inclined to name her vote to give President Bush the authority to F42 138 take the United States into war in the Persian Gulf. But then she F42 139 corrected herself: that decision, ultimately, was not hard because F42 140 she thought it the only possible, since the country "had to F42 141 do it." Although Kassebaum speculates that her office got F42 142 75 calls opposing the use of force in the Gulf for every one that F42 143 supported it, she believed the president's policy was the only way F42 144 to stop Saddam Hussein. "You have to weigh the calls you F42 145 get with the larger constituency out there that you don't hear F42 146 from," Kassebaum says, "and then you have to use F42 147 your own judgment."

F42 148 Maxine Waters agrees with Kassebaum on the process: neither F42 149 takes polls or lets them influence her vote. On the issue, however, F42 150 she disagrees fundamentally with the senator. A woman who considers F42 151 war "an obsolete means of resolving conflict," F42 152 Waters was one of the Persian Gulf War's most unrelenting F42 153 opponents. Although she was only a neophyte member of Congress and F42 154 emotions were volatile, no one tried to influence her to mute or F42 155 modify her stand: "People know I have strongly held F42 156 positions." When asked whether she thought her vote F42 157 expressed the will of her district, she replies, "I don't F42 158 legislate that way. I try to let people know who I am all the time, F42 159 so they will understand where I'm coming from on issues. I don't F42 160 pull very many surprises. I think the people voted for me because F42 161 they kinda liked where I was coming from."

F42 162 Waters will keep on opposing policies like those that led to F42 163 the Persian Gulf War - even though they gave President Bush the F42 164 highest poll ratings of any president in history. In the aftermath F42 165 of the war, as the Kurds were fleeing toward the Turkish and F42 166 Iranian borders, she insisted that "we should not only F42 167 provide humanitarian aid, we should be absolutely honest with the F42 168 American people about what we're doing there. They need to know F42 169 that this administration is supporting Saddam Hussein's staying in F42 170 office."

F42 171 If women disagree on fundamental issues, there is nonetheless F42 172 some evidence that they do approach public office differently from F42 173 the way men do. Mayor Kathryn Whitmire of Houston, Texas has F42 174 suggested, for starters, that women are usually ready to try new F42 175 things: since each was once the new kid on the block, innovation F42 176 does not set them to trembling. Whitmire herself demonstrated a F42 177 positive relish for breaking precedent when she appointed Lee Brown F42 178 to be Houston's chief of police - the first white mayor to appoint F42 179 a black to that office. Long after Brown had left Houston to head F42 180 New York City's police department, Whitmire remembered one letter F42 181 to the editor at the time he first came that said, Well, it could F42 182 have been worse: she could have appointed a woman. And indeed, in F42 183 1990, Houston's chief of police was the first in the country to F42 184 need maternity uniforms for herself.

F42 185 Although Senator Nancy Kassebaum does not expect women's F42 186 burgeoning political presence to change policy significantly F42 187 because she suspects they are not "that different" F42 188 from men, she agrees with the common perception that women bring F42 189 "a certain perspective and sensitivity" to bear. F42 190 Kassebaum herself, for instance, will not play "political F42 191 hardball" - a game at which "some of my colleagues F42 192 are masters." She recognizes that refusing to play that F42 193 game can put her at a disadvantage, but feels that it is simply F42 194 "against my nature." Convinced that women can be F42 195 firm in their resolve without resorting to trickery, Kassebaum F42 196 associates political hardball with "innuendo, F42 197 vindictiveness ... threats," and a willingness "to F42 198 use everything that's out there in order to get your own F42 199 way."

F42 200 In Texas, on the other hand, political hardball is a synonym F42 201 for politics. In his Pulitzer-prizewinning The Making of the F42 202 President 1960, Theodore White described that state's F42 203 political tradition as among the most "squalid, corrupt, F42 204 and despicable" in the nation. F42 205 F42 206 F43 1 <#FROWN:F43\>Costume drama

F43 2 Adventures served to satiate the public lust for violence, but F43 3 historical dramas appealed to different desires. Again we see the F43 4 divergence between elite and mass opinion. Critics heartily F43 5 despised the costume dramas and attacked them vigorously, but F43 6 audiences made their views known at the box-office - and films like F43 7 The Palace and the Fortress (Aleksandr Ivanovskii, 1924), F43 8 Stepan Khalturin (Ivanovskii, 1925), and The Wings F43 9 of a Serf (Iurii Tarich, 1926) were demonstrable commercial F43 10 successes. For the purpose of this chapter, however, I have F43 11 selected the two historical films which were the 'most' of F43 12 everything - most popular, most expensive, and most controversial: F43 13 The Decembrists (Ivanovskii, 1927) and The Poet and F43 14 the Tsar (Vladimir Gardin and Evgenii Cherviakov, 1927).

F43 15 Complaints about the "bourgeoisification" of F43 16 revolutionary history had been levelled against the historical F43 17 films since The Palace and the Fortress, a film which set F43 18 the tone for the costume drama by using the revolutionary epoch as F43 19 a vehicle for exploring the lives and loves of the gentry. It F43 20 enjoyed the distinction of attracting Politburo member Grigorii F43 21 Zinovev's ire for its excessive emotionality. The critical F43 22 controversy over the bourgeois cooption of the past reached a F43 23 crescendo with the appearance of The Wings of a Serf, F43 24 quite an atypical Soviet historical picture set during the reign of F43 25 Ivan IV. This film, which was reported to do well abroad although F43 26 its audience reception at home is uncertain, was charged with being F43 27 "counterrevolutionary" in a scandal manufactured by F43 28 opponents of its producer, Sovkino.

F43 29 Perhaps unaware of the gathering storm, Aleksandr Ivanovskii F43 30 and historian Pavel Shchegolev had spent nearly two years preparing F43 31 their blockbuster, The Decembrists. (Shchegolev, a F43 32 well-known specialist on the populist movement, served as scenarist F43 33 on all three of Ivanovskii's historical films - as well as others, F43 34 like The Ninth of January.) The Decembrists was F43 35 probably the costliest picture produced in the USSR in the silent F43 36 period. Two sources confirm that it came in at 340,000 rubles, F43 37 while another claimed that its colossal expense had led to the F43 38 bankruptcy of the Sevzapkino studio, which then became the F43 39 Leningrad Sovkino studio. To a certain extent The F43 40 Decembrists does support the old saying that there are virtues F43 41 in economy. Costing nearly twice as much as its predecessor, F43 42 Stepan Khalturin (an overlong dramatization of one of the F43 43 unsuccessful plots to assassinate Alexander II led by the People's F43 44 Will), it was twice as flawed.

F43 45 Ivanovskii and Shchegolev made little pretense at recreating F43 46 the Decembrist uprising of 1825, focusing almost exclusively on the F43 47 love affair between the Decembrist Ivan Annenkov (Boris Tamarin) F43 48 and Pauline Geueble (V. Annenkova). Social commentary was minimal F43 49 (though the Decembrists did not seem particularly admirable - and F43 50 Grand Duke Konstantin and his Polish wife certainly were not). F43 51 Ivanovskii paid loving attention instead to details of costume and F43 52 set, emphasizing glamour, heavy-handed irony, and coy brutality. F43 53 Despite the participation of a bona fide historian as F43 54 scenarist, the uprising appears to be no more than a badly staged F43 55 afterthought.

F43 56 There was no chance that the Soviet critics, with their F43 57 stiletto pens and critical acumen, would miss this oppotuntiy. The F43 58 most scathing review appeared in Cinema unsigned, a practice F43 59 which became more common as cultural politics become more F43 60 uncivilized. In it The Decembrists was charged with being F43 61 a film designed to appeal to the superficiality of the:

F43 62 continental public ... but for people raised on F43 63 contemporary cinema, this cine-opera with its agonizingly long and F43 64 theatrical montage elicits only unpleasant memories of the F43 65 'psychological' fairy-tales of the time of Ermolev and F43 66 Drankov.

F43 67 In other words, The Decembrists was an 'export' film F43 68 constructed on the principles of the pre-revloutionary cinema, an F43 69 accurate assessment. Vladimir Nedobrovo was equally harsh, accusing F43 70 Ivanovskii of using his material "expoitatively, F43 71 extravagantly, stupidly"; Vladimir Korolevich called for an F43 72 end to pictures about "St. Petersburg"; Arsen F43 73 charged it with historical inaccuracy. Pravda's Boris Gusman F43 74 concurred that it was "literary-theatrical" but predicted F43 75 it would be a big hit for that very reason. Gusman's prediction was F43 76 borne out in the Troianovskii-Egiazarov survey where it was listed F43 77 as fourth among the ten most popular pictures. And yet it was F43 78 asserted in 1929 in Soviet Screen that the film had F43 79 recouped only 64 percent of its production costs. Given The F43 80 Decembrists' apparent popularity, which would have translated F43 81 into paid attendance of well over 1 million at ticket prices F43 82 ranging from 0.60 to 1.50 rubles, this seems unlikely.

F43 83 The Poet and the Tsar had the misfortune to appear F43 84 the same year as The Decembrists ,but after it, at F43 85 precisely the moment when the backlash against "bourgeois" F43 86 cinema was gathering force. It also did not help that the picture's F43 87 cavalier tratment of Pushkin attracted the ire of the poet Vladimir F43 88 Maiakovskii, a formidable force in Soviet cultural circles and an F43 89 outspoken critic of Sovkino and its politics. Indeed, The Poet F43 90 and the Tsar became his personal cause in 1927, and he used it F43 91 as an example of everything that he perceived to be wrong with F43 92 Soviet cinema. At the ODSK-Komsomol-Komsomolskaia Pravda F43 93 conference in October 1927 which laid the polemical groundwork for F43 94 the Party Conference on Cinema Affairs the following spring, F43 95 Maiakovskii said with a flourish: "Take the film The F43 96 Poet and the Tsar. You may like the picture ... but if you F43 97 think about it, what rubbish, what an outrage this picture F43 98 is."

F43 99 Perhaps The Poet and the Tsar is not worth F43 100 "thinking about" (certainly its appeal was not F43 101 intellectual), but it is not an "outrage." Vladimir Gardin F43 102 and actor Evgenii Cherviakov collaborated on the screenplay and F43 103 co-directed, and Cherviakov starred as Pushkin. Cherviakov looked a F43 104 fine Pushkin, but unfortunately the screenplay, which centers on F43 105 the last year of Pushkin's life, is as uncinematic as it is F43 106 melodramatic. The narrative focuses on Pushkin's unhappy marriage F43 107 to his unworhty wife (I. Volodko), and Gardin and Cherviakov gave F43 108 full credence to the old story that Nicholas I (K. Karenin) F43 109 engineered Pushkin's duel with the nefarious d'Anth<*_>e-grave<*/>s F43 110 (Boris Tamarin). When Cherviakov's Pushkin is not glowering F43 111 disapprovingly at various social gatherings, he is wandering about F43 112 "reading" poems, letters, and so on (and on). Gardin lived F43 113 up to his reputation as one of the leading directors in both the F43 114 pre-revolutionary and Soviet cinemas in the well-staged F43 115 duel scene, but then ruined the dramatic tension by having poor F43 116 Pushkin linger on forever.

F43 117 Maiakovskii was not alone in his scathing denunciation of the F43 118 film, although a fairly judicious review appeared in Cinema in F43 119 which P. Neznamov concentrated on formal attributes, criticizing F43 120 the static tempo and other technical weaknesses. More typical of F43 121 the tenor of the reviews was the solemn setpiece in Soviet F43 122 Screen, where Pushkin scholars were assembled to rail against F43 123 The Poet and the Tsar's "completely F43 124 false" protrayal of Pushkin. Adrian Piotrovskii labelled F43 125 The Poet and the Tsar a film which epitomizes the F43 126 "petty-bourgeois belief" that history translates F43 127 into "poeticalness" and "beauty."

F43 128 This beauty had a high price - at 200,000 rubles not only was F43 129 the movie four times more expensive than the typical Soviet film, F43 130 but it had overrun its budget by nearly 25 percent. The Poet F43 131 and the Tsar was therefore not just part of a "front" F43 132 of reactionary pictures, but also touted as proof of the existence F43 133 of a "commercial deviation" in cinema which F43 134 involved Sovkino as well as Mezhrapbom. The public, however, did F43 135 not share these jaundiced opinions of the picture, and it was F43 136 apparently a commercial success.

F43 137 The Poet and the Tsar marked the turning-point in the F43 138 development of the Soviet costume drama. The final major historical F43 139 dramas of the silent period appeared in 1928 - Iurii Tarich's F43 140 The Captain's Daughter (about the Pugachev Rebellion) and F43 141 Konstantin Eggert's The Ice House (concerning the F43 142 scandalous reign of Anna Ivanovna) - but their swift demise was a F43 143 foregone conclusion. After the Party Conference on Cinema Affairs, F43 144 the film press focused on promoting "economical," F43 145 "contemporary," and "ideological" works. Historical F43 146 pictures certainly could not be contemporary, and their ideological F43 147 content was superficial at best. Because of the costumes and sets F43 148 needed to recreate the past "accurately," it was highly F43 149 unlikely that a "good" historical picture could ever be F43 150 made as economically as a film about Soviet life. Consequently, F43 151 only sixteen costume dramas were made in the five-year period from F43 152 1929 to 1934 (and none in 1935), accounting for a mere 3 percent of F43 153 total production.

F43 154 What the historical film could do better than any other popular F43 155 genre (because of the constraints of the censorship) was give F43 156 Soviet audiences a way to enjoy "high life" F43 157 vicariously - beautiful clothes, lavish homes, plentiful food, F43 158 leisure time. Despite the romanticization of the Soviet twenties, F43 159 life during the NEP was not particularly easy; while a few lived F43 160 well (notable NEPmen and apparatchiki), most did not. The F43 161 costume drama, therefore, served much the same function in Soviet F43 162 society in the twenties as did those movies about millionaires that F43 163 were so popular in the US during the Great Depression of the F43 164 thirties.

F43 165 Melodrama F43 166 The costume dramas had many melodramatic elements, but the F43 167 melodrama without any historical window-dressing had a distinctive F43 168 set of problems and imperatives. Adrian Piotrovskii wrote that F43 169 while melodrama in and of itself was not intrinsically anti-Soviet, F43 170 most Soviet makers of melodramas had revealed themselves F43 171 "slaves to bourgeois art" in their focus on the F43 172 inner workings of private life. If Piotrovskii were correct, then F43 173 the best-known "slave to bourgeois art" had to be F43 174 the Commissar of Enlightenment, Anatolii Lunacharskii, for the F43 175 melodrama in early Soviet cinema is inextricably linked to his F43 176 name.

F43 177 Lunacharskii co-authored the screenplays for The Bear's F43 178 Wedding and two other infamous variations on melodrama - F43 179 Poison and The Salamander. Until 1928, Lunacharskii F43 180 managed to rationalize his involvement with these films and avoid F43 181 undue criticism, but his role was not a passive one. According to F43 182 Georgii Grebner's contract with Lunacharskii for The F43 183 Salamander, Lunacharskii wrote a librettto which Grebner then F43 184 translated into a shooting script. Lunacharskii also stipulated in F43 185 this contract that his wife, Natalia Rozenel, be given the female F43 186 lead - at a time when directors were being fired for nepotism.

F43 187 The Bear's Wedding (co-directed by veteran filmmaker F43 188 Vladimir Gardin and by its star, Konstantin Eggert, 1926) was F43 189 easily the most sensational Soviet film of the twenties. Critics F43 190 found very little good in it, but it enjoyed an enormous following F43 191 and was the number two title in Troianovskii and Egiazarov's 'top F43 192 ten' chart. Its popularity with mass audiences was confirmed in F43 193 numerous other sources, one viewer writing to Cinema that it F43 194 was a "colossal victory on the cinema front." It F43 195 was apparently successful abroad as well, and from 1926 on, F43 196 "bears' wedding" becomes a synonym for the F43 197 so-called 'export' films.

F43 198 Why did Soviet audiences find this screen adaptation of Prosper F43 199 M<*_>e-acute<*/>rim<*_>e-acute<*/>e's variation of the vampire F43 200 story so appealing? It is not up to the standards of filmmaking F43 201 which earned Soviet silent cinema its international reputation. But F43 202 it is certainly one of the most defiantly apolitical productions of F43 203 the period, and its emphasis on perversion places it squarely in F43 204 the pre-revolutionary tradition. Co-director Eggert played the F43 205 deranged Count Shemet, cursed to have seizures which transform him F43 206 into a bear on the prowl. The count falls in love with an innocent, F43 207 awkward young girl (the very popular Vera Malinovskaia, in a part F43 208 which provides a little comic relief, at least at first). The F43 209 wedding of the doomed pair is followed by an uncontrolled, sexually F43 210 charged celebration which becomes more sinister as the night F43 211 progresses. Tension mounts. The film climaxes in a frightening and F43 212 gruesome scene in which Count Shemet, besotted by passion and F43 213 madness, savagely mutilates his bride in their wedding-bed. When he F43 214 comes to his senses, the count is overcome with anguish, but he F43 215 attempts to flee the vengeful mob of villagers all the same. F43 216 Eventually he is murdered by his sister-in-law, and his castle is F43 217 torched.

F43 218 The Bear's Wedding had the usual ingredients of F43 219 popular entertainment - love, sex, violence, action, horror - but F43 220 in baroque excess. The film is so extreme that this synopsis makes F43 221 it sound like a parody of melodrama, but it was not. Eggert managed F43 222 to make the improbable believable in his protrayal of Count Shemet, F43 223 and he and Gardin pulled this cinematic pastiche off with style. F43 224 F43 225 F44 1 <#FROWN:F44\>Five

F44 2 Cultural Illiteracy

F44 3 At first glance, E. D. Hirsch's Cultural Literacy F44 4 seemed as unlikely a bestseller as The Closing of the American F44 5 Mind. Originally a lecture given before the Modern Language F44 6 Association, it was published as an essay in the American F44 7 Scholar in 1983. "I received a letter from Robert F44 8 Payton, president of the Exxon Education Foundation," F44 9 Hirsch wrote in the introduction to his book, "encouraging F44 10 me to start acting on my perceptions rather than just writing them F44 11 down."

F44 12 Spurred on by an Exxon grant, Hirsch began to compile his F44 13 now-famous list of the 'items' that, if known and mastered, would F44 14 enable this and future generations of students to attain cultural F44 15 literacy. In 1987 he published his book, which instantly made the F44 16 bestseller list; for forty weeks it was second only to Bloom's. The F44 17 paperback has sold 600,000 copies. Hirsch, a professor of English F44 18 at the University of Virginia and a scholar of eighteenth-century F44 19 literature, has become the latest representative of that new F44 20 American type, the academic celebrity.

F44 21 What is cultural literacy? The answer is simply put in the F44 22 subtitle of Hirsch's book: What Every American Needs to F44 23 Know. By 'culture' Hirsch doesn't mean 'high culture,' but F44 24 'basic information,' the names and events that enable us to F44 25 decipher the world. In order to function in society, to work and to F44 26 communicate, he argues, people need to possess a certain number of F44 27 facts about their own history. The key events in our past, the key F44 28 phrases in our literature, are in themselves a kind of language, a F44 29 code that educated people decipher in their daily lives without F44 30 even knowing it. Hirsch reminisces about his father, an F44 31 old-fashioned businessman who used to quote Shakespeare in his F44 32 correspondence and often used the phrase "There is a F44 33 tide" - shorthand for "There is a tide in the F44 34 affairs of men / Which taken at the flood leads on to F44 35 fortune" from Julius Caesar - to illustrate how F44 36 one knows intuitively when to buy or sell. "To persuade F44 37 somebody that your recommendation is wise and well founded, you F44 38 have to give lots of reasons and cite known examples and F44 39 authorities," wrote Hirsch. "My father accomplished F44 40 that and more in four words, which made quoting Shakespeare as F44 41 effective as any efficiency consultant could wish."

F44 42 For Allan Bloom, the decline of educational standards can be F44 43 traced to the decline of philosophy (a word he uses to mean the F44 44 humanities in general); to ignore the classics is ultimately to F44 45 weaken the very foundations of our society. Hirsch is more F44 46 pragmatic. For him, the purpose of education isn't to produce a F44 47 handful of Greek scholars who can preserve the great intellectual F44 48 traditions of the West, as Bloom would have it, but to prepare us F44 49 for the complex social transactions of everyday life. It's not a F44 50 nation of English professors that Hirsch aspires to create, but a F44 51 nation in which ordinary people are literate enough to negotiate F44 52 effectively in the world. "High stakes," he writes, F44 53 are involved in the curriculum debate:

F44 54 ... breaking the cycle of illiteracy for deprived F44 55 children; raising the living standard of families who have been F44 56 illiterate; making our country more competitive in international F44 57 markets; achieving greater social justice; enabling all citizens to F44 58 participate in the political process; bringing us closer to the F44 59 Ciceronian ideal of universal public discourse - in short, F44 60 achieving fundamental goals of the founders at the birth of the F44 61 republic.

F44 62 There's nothing abstract about this imperative. Behind Hirsch's F44 63 high-minded rhetoric is a pretty straightforward message: You can't F44 64 expect people to grasp the basic principles of democracy unless F44 65 they know what those principles are. And you can't expect them to F44 66 function effectively in the world unless they're literate.

F44 67 Hirsch's book was notably even-tempered and unpolemical; he F44 68 sounded like a guy who was trying to help. And he had actually F44 69 done something. He had gone around speaking before state F44 70 boards of education; he had founded a Cultural Literacy Foundation, F44 71 publishing a newsletter and circulating to schools around the F44 72 country a provisional list of what students at every grade level F44 73 ought to know; he had produced a Dictionary of Cultural F44 74 Literacy and a six-volume textbook (still in the works) F44 75 designed to teach the rudiments of American history, the major F44 76 works of English and American literature, and the natural sciences. F44 77 But in academic circles, Cultural Literacy kindled almost F44 78 as much fury as The Closing of the American Mind. At a F44 79 conference on 'Liberal Arts Education in the Late Twentieth F44 80 Century' held at Duke University in 1988, Barbara Herrnstein Smith F44 81 rose and delivered a vitriolic diatribe, 'Cult-Lit: Hirsch, F44 82 Literacy, and the 'National Culture,'' that enumerated in harsh F44 83 language the magnitude of Hirsch's sins. What did he mean by F44 84 shared culture? Smith wanted to know. There was no such F44 85 thing, and any efforts to define one represented, in Smith's words, F44 86 "context-specific, pragmatically adjusted negotiations of F44 87 (and through) difference." Hirsch was trying to F44 88 homogenize and oppress minorities by making them conform to F44 89 his idea of culture. Nor did Smith have a whole lot of F44 90 sympathy for Hirsch's idealized vision of what our nation is all F44 91 about. "Wild applause; fireworks; music," she noted F44 92 with heavy sarcasm after quoting his invocation to the F44 93 "fundamental goals" of the Founding Fathers: F44 94 "America the Beautiful; all together, now: F44 95 Calvin Coolidge, Gunga Din, Peter Pan, spontaneous F44 96 combustion. Hurrah for America and the national culture! F44 97 Hurrah!"

F44 98 Okay, so there are flaws in Hirsch's argument: his definition F44 99 of a 'literate national culture' is vague; his list of 'What Every F44 100 American Needs to Know' is biased. But his basic indictment - that F44 101 we're in the midst of a crisis with long-range social consequences F44 102 - seems to me beyond dispute. Americans know less than ever. In a F44 103 1988 survey of high school students' scientific achievement level F44 104 prepared by the International Association for the Evaluation of F44 105 Educational Achievement, the United States ranked third-to-last out F44 106 of fifteen developed nations; in a 1970 survey, the U.S. had ranked F44 107 seventh. It's not that other nations have improved in terms of F44 108 education; we have deteriorated. U.S. Scholastic Aptitude Test F44 109 (SAT) scores have declined precipitously over the last decade: from F44 110 1972 to 1984, 56 percent fewer students scored over 600 and 73 F44 111 percent fewer scored over 650. A 1983 report by the National F44 112 Commission on Excellence in Education stated, "For the F44 113 first time in the history of our country, the educational skills of F44 114 one generation will not surpass, will not equal, will not even F44 115 approach those of their parents."

F44 116 Hirsch's book is full of frightening statistics: Two-thirds of F44 117 seventeen-year-olds weren't aware that the Civil War occurred F44 118 between 1850 and 1900. Nearly half couldn't identify Stalin; nearly F44 119 one-fourth couldn't identify Churchill. When Hirsch's son, a high F44 120 school Latin teacher, asked his class to name an epic poem by F44 121 Homer, one student volunteered "The Alamo?" F44 122 Another, informed that Latin was no longer spoken, asked, F44 123 "What do they speak in Latin America?" At a F44 124 conference of college deans, Hirsch reported in the New York F44 125 Review of Books, he was regaled with "a chorus of F44 126 anecdotes" about the decline in literacy among entering F44 127 freshmen: "To these administrators, the debate over F44 128 Stanford University's required courses seemed interesting but less F44 129 than momentous when compared with the problem of preparing students F44 130 to particiapte intelligently in any university-level F44 131 curriculum."

F44 132 It's just as much a problem in the Ivy League as anywhere else. F44 133 Jerry Doolittle, an English instructor at Harvard, designed a quiz F44 134 for his freshmen students to determine their level of literacy. F44 135 They were given twenty statements and asked to fill in the blanks. F44 136 Among the sample questions were the following:

F44 137 I think that I shall never see a poem <*_>blank<*/> (four F44 138 words)

F44 139 Quoth the raven, <*_>blank<*/> (one word)

F44 140 A jug of wine, a loaf of bread and <*_>blank<*/> (one word)

F44 141 The average score was seven out of twenty - a figure somewhat F44 142 inflated, Doolittle confessed, by two statements that everyone in F44 143 the class completed correctly:

F44 144 "Winston tastes good, like a <*_>blank<*/>" F44 145 (two words) and "This Bud's for <*_>blank<*/>" (one F44 146 word). And this was Harvard!

F44 147 According to Richard Marius, director of Harvard's Expository F44 148 Writing Program, arriving freshmen are so woefully deficient in the F44 149 basic skills of reading and writing that a remedial course is F44 150 required just to get them to the point where their peers would have F44 151 been a generation ago. "This generation does not F44 152 read," Marius laments in Teaching Literature: What Is F44 153 Needed Now. They're unfamiliar with the Bible, Shakespeare, F44 154 Milton; they don't even know the Gettysburg Address: "They F44 155 are strangers not only to those points of reference that might help F44 156 them navigate the literary sea, but also to the underlying cadences F44 157 that have governed the development of written English. They cannot F44 158 write because they have not read and they cannot hear."

F44 159 The poet and essayist Katha Pollitt offers telling F44 160 corroborative evidence. In her modern poetry seminar at Barnard, F44 161 Pollitt reports, none of her students had even a bare familiarity F44 162 with any poems published more than a decade ago. "Robert F44 163 Lowell was as far outside their frame of reference as Alexander F44 164 Pope." They didn't see how a knowledge of earlier poetry F44 165 was necessary to their work; in fact, they found the work of F44 166 earlier poets discouraging, for it showed up their own F44 167 deficiencies. A new way to deal with the potentially smothering F44 168 effects of one's precursors: Don't have any.

F44 169 One could argue that our indifference to literature - and to F44 170 literacy - is a function of our distracted culture, but a F44 171 contributing factor, I suspect, is the virtual abolition of F44 172 requirements that so many colleges embraced in the late sixties and F44 173 seventies (a development that quickly replicated itself in public F44 174 secondary schools). It's all very well to talk of the F44 175 character-building sustenance that books provide, but most people F44 176 don't read unless they're compelled to; and higher education was F44 177 designed to serve that purpose. School once was, "and might F44 178 frankly be," Pollitt reminds us, "the place F44 179 where one read the books that are a little off-putting, that have F44 180 gone a little cold, that you might overlook because they do not F44 181 address, in reader-friendly contemporary fashion, the issues most F44 182 immediately at stake in modern life but that, with a little study, F44 183 turn out to have a great deal to say."

F44 184 In the 1980s, a reaction set in to the laissez-faire F44 185 education that characterized my college days, and a number of F44 186 colleges moved to reinstate some semblance of a core. (Some had F44 187 never abandoned it: the Great Books course instituted at Columbia F44 188 after World War I survives in recognizable form to this day.) At F44 189 Harvard, where the general education program - created to provide F44 190 students with "the common knowledge and the common values F44 191 on which a free society depends" - had fallen into F44 192 disrepair, a core curriculum was once again proposed, and a task F44 193 force was convened to consider the matter. It found<&|>sic! in F44 194 favor of establishing such a curriculum, but weaseled out of F44 195 actually trying to impose one. What it came up with was a set of F44 196 courses divided into ten categories - Social Analysis, Moral F44 197 Reasoning, Foreign Cultures, Literature and Arts, and so on. But F44 198 the Core's architects, eager to avoid the charge of ethno- or F44 199 Eurocentricism<&|>sic!, threw in a potpourri of courses from other F44 200 disciplines and fields: 'Building the Shogun's Realm: The F44 201 Unification of Japan (1560-1650)'; 'Caribbean Societies: F44 202 Socioeconomic Change and Cultural Adaptations'; 'Individual, F44 203 Community, and Nation in Japan.' Since you only have to choose one F44 204 course from each area, it's possible to graduate, notes Caleb F44 205 Nelson in a strongly argued condemnation of 'Harvard's Hollow F44 206 'Core,'' without ever having read any nineteenth-century British F44 207 novels; without having read Virgil, Milton, or Dostoyevsky; without F44 208 having taken a course on the Enlightenment or the Renaissance or F44 209 the American Civil War. One section leader editorialized in the F44 210 Crimson: "Most Harvard students taking Core courses F44 211 are no more likely to have read and seriously understood the F44 212 philosophical, political, or cultural foundations of their own F44 213 United States than if they selected thirty-two random courses from F44 214 the catalogue."

F44 215 But that was never the Core's intent. "There are simply F44 216 too many facts, too many theories, too many subjects, too many F44 217 specializations to permit arranging all knowledge into an F44 218 acceptable hierarchy," reasoned its founders. F44 219 F45 1 <#FROWN:F45\>When coupled with computers, synthesizers make the F45 2 exploration, composition, and performance of electronic music an F45 3 inexpensive art medium.

F45 4 A technology called the musical instrument digital F45 5 interface (MIDI) interconnects electronic music instruments F45 6 and computers. When coupled with a sequencer - software that F45 7 can capture, edit, and play back music - complex electronic F45 8 arrangements are made possible through a wide variety of editing F45 9 options. Just as a word processor can replace a writer's typewriter F45 10 or pencil and paper, sequencer software can replace a composer's F45 11 pencil and paper score.

F45 12 In live performances, such as rock concerts, live and recorded F45 13 sound are often indistinguishable, thanks to the use of F45 14 computerized backing tracks. Promoters defend the use of F45 15 preprogrammed music, arguing that fans want to see a perfect F45 16 reenactment of an MTV video or a recording. However, some F45 17 legislators believe the practice is deceptive and propose F45 18 legislation that would require promoters to inform ticket buyers in F45 19 advance whether preprogrammed music will be used in a live F45 20 performance.

F45 21 DESIGN AUTOMATION

F45 22 Designers in professions such as clothing, publications, F45 23 architecture, and industrial products use electronic drawing boards F45 24 extensively to help automate the mechanics of creativity. Borrowing F45 25 from the techniques of computer-aided design that were pioneered in F45 26 the manufacturing disciplines, a variety of designers are using F45 27 computer software to increase productivity and help speed up the F45 28 design process.

F45 29 Architects, for example, used to design buildings manually. The F45 30 design process began when an architect drew a rough sketch, which F45 31 is the high-level design of what the building is supposed to look F45 32 like, and how it interfaces with the surrounding environment. Then, F45 33 a scale model was hand built, critiqued, and modified. After client F45 34 approval, blueprints and specifications were created for the F45 35 contractor.

F45 36 Today's architects use computer-aided design methods F45 37 extensively. In much the same way that power tools increase the F45 38 productivity of the carpenter, CAD increases the productivity of F45 39 the architect. In addition to automating the drawing process, CAD F45 40 enables the architect to build computer models of the building, F45 41 rotate the design to view the building from various angles, allow F45 42 the client to take a simulated walkthrough of the building, F45 43 simulate its heating and cooling sub-system performance F45 44 under various climatic conditions, and create blueprints and F45 45 specifications for the building.

F45 46 Clothes designers in large corporations such as Esprit, Levi F45 47 Strauss, and Benetton use CAD to design patterns, colors, and F45 48 clothing shapes. In addition, designs, patterns, and colors can be F45 49 archived in databases. The designer can call up a previously F45 50 designed pattern, for example, modify it slightly, and feed the F45 51 design to automated machinery that cuts patterns out of fabric.

F45 52 F45 53 COMPUTERS IN GOVERNMENT, MILITARY, AND LAW

F45 54 Professionals in government, military, and law have become some F45 55 of the most sophisticated users of information systems. They F45 56 quickly learn the importance of intelligent information gathering F45 57 and manipulation and, as a result, information systems are the F45 58 lifeblood of these professions.

F45 59 GOVERNMENT F45 60 Federal, state, and local government professionals, as well as F45 61 their adversaries (e.g., lobbying groups such as the National Rifle F45 62 Association and the Sierra Club), are concerned with developing F45 63 public policy, enforcing laws, and protecting the well being of F45 64 citizens.

F45 65 Politicians rely heavily on their constituent databases and F45 66 lobbying groups on their membership databases to track peoples' F45 67 profiles, contribution histories, topics of concern, and levels of F45 68 experience with specific issues. In their effort to sway public F45 69 policy, for example, special interest groups can extract specific F45 70 members' names and addresses and send out letters to inform them of F45 71 pending legislation.

F45 72 In recent years, the public has become more aware of the damage F45 73 being done to the environment as a result of society's actions. F45 74 This is, of course, a broad and complex set of problems that defies F45 75 simple solutions. But one technology called geographical F45 76 information system (GIS) is lending a helping hand.

F45 77 Geographical information system data include digitized maps and F45 78 images of distributions of statistical data such as populations of F45 79 humans, plants, and animals. Geographical databases can help F45 80 planners set up displays of watershed areas, soil and water F45 81 districts, property lines, school and tax districts, and zoning F45 82 boundaries. For example, if planners need to know how new F45 83 development will affect a watershed area, they can view the F45 84 watershed area and zoning boundaries simultaneously, in order to F45 85 make more informed decisions about the impact of the development on F45 86 the environment.

F45 87 Other GIS applications include viewing population and school F45 88 district boundaries simultaneously to redraw district lines and F45 89 plan school bus routes. Fire departments can study patterns of F45 90 streets and traffic flows along them at various hours of the day F45 91 and plan the fastest route to a fire.

F45 92 Government agencies, such as police departments, sheriff's F45 93 offices, emergency medical services, and fire departments, leverage F45 94 technology with computer-aided dispatch, communications, record F45 95 keeping, and jail-management functions.

F45 96 And technology is beginning to find its way into the F45 97 legislative branch. Recently, the Michigan State Senate installed a F45 98 legislative information system that puts a personal computer at F45 99 every senator's desk. Using computers, the lawmakers can review and F45 100 vote on bills and, during slack periods, write letters and F45 101 communicate with their offices via electronic mail.

F45 102 MILITARY F45 103 Ever since the late 1950s, the U.S. military has used computers F45 104 for defense. The nation's first air-defense system, a network of F45 105 computers linked to radar stations, the Semi-Automatic Ground F45 106 Environment, or SAGE, pioneered the use of real-time interactive F45 107 graphics. (See Appendix A under 1950, 'Whirlwind.') Today, the F45 108 North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD) performs a similar F45 109 defense function by guarding the United States against missile F45 110 attack.

F45 111 On the drawing boards is the Strategic Defense Initiative or F45 112 SDI, a computer-controlled system that will use satellites to F45 113 detect and lasers to destroy enemy missiles. SDI is very F45 114 controversial, because it will be so complex and will rely so F45 115 heavily on unproven, untested hardware and software. Critics, for F45 116 example, point out the possibility of a false alarm, thus F45 117 triggering a U.S. attack or even a nuclear war.

F45 118 On a smaller scale, weapon systems, such as those found in F45 119 submarines, tanks, and aircraft, use sophisticated technology for F45 120 navigation, tracking, and control. The person using such systems F45 121 has at his or her disposal graphic representations of landscapes F45 122 with grids marking optimal paths to targets. Eye-tracking devices F45 123 help aim the weapons at the target at which the person is F45 124 looking.

F45 125 One of the most impressive military computer applications F45 126 involves training pilots with flight simulators. A simulation F45 127 is a computerized representation of a real-world event or series of F45 128 actions. Although flight simulators also help train civilian F45 129 pilots, the most sophisticated versions can be found in the F45 130 military.

F45 131 A pilot, seated in a replica of a cockpit, views realistic F45 132 simulated images displayed on the cockpit windows. As the pilot F45 133 flies the simulator, the view changes immediately in response to F45 134 altitude, speed, and position. Realistic special effects such as F45 135 fog, airplane malfunctions, or enemy attack can be added to the F45 136 simulation. Such realism is made possible by drawing on an immense F45 137 visual database that contains data digitized from scale models, F45 138 photographs, and topological maps. Special-purpose computers F45 139 generate and display images in real time, in order to create the F45 140 illusion of motion.

F45 141 Although the cost of military flight simulators is enormous, a F45 142 simulation costs less than its real-world counterpart. By having F45 143 pilots practice with simulators rather than real airplanes, the F45 144 military avoids the risk of losing an expensive plane and worse, F45 145 losing an irreplaceable life - that of the pilot. And, of course, F45 146 without simulators, training astronauts for a space shuttle mission F45 147 would probably be out of the question.

F45 148 What does the military do to prevent the details of its newest F45 149 Stealth bomber from being leaked to the KGB? Preventing compromises F45 150 in national security and defense depends on limiting access by F45 151 unauthorized people. Photographs, signatures, and fingerprints have F45 152 been used for identification purposes long before the advent of F45 153 computers. But the problem of verifying a person's identity has led F45 154 to an interesting high-technology solution.

F45 155 Biometric devices are instruments that perform F45 156 mathematical analysis of biological characteristics. An F45 157 individual's speech, handwriting, fingerprints, or even eye retina F45 158 features can serve as <}_><-|>a<+|><}/> unique patterns for F45 159 identification purposes. Biometric identification systems that can F45 160 digitize, store, and compare these patterns can be used to verify a F45 161 person's identity.

F45 162 Biometric identification systems are still in the experimental F45 163 stage, but when they become reliable enough, they are expected to F45 164 provide a more accurate means of verifying peoples' identity at F45 165 classified and secret locations throughout the military and F45 166 government.

F45 167 LAW F45 168 Today's law firms are characterized by the need to manage, F45 169 process, and interpret large and complex amounts of information. F45 170 Legal documents, such as briefs, transcripts, notes, laws, codes, F45 171 and rules are increasingly available in electronic versions. Court F45 172 reporters, for example, routinely make their transcripts available F45 173 as text files than can be directly input to a word processor.

F45 174 A wealth of historical legal data are available in the form of F45 175 on-line databases. Law firms can subscribe to Westlaw and Lexis, F45 176 firms that specialize in publishing precedents, decisions, F45 177 administrative rulings, trade regulations, and laws governing F45 178 securities and taxes. In addition, some information providers are F45 179 starting to offer similar information on CD ROM databases.

F45 180 Another type of database software that is particularly useful F45 181 for attorneys and paralegal professionals is called full-text F45 182 retrieval software. It allows text to be indexed, edited, F45 183 annotated, linked, and searched for in an electronic document. In a F45 184 trial, for example, attorneys may need to review, track, and F45 185 cross-reference the testimony of witnesses. Through use of F45 186 full-text retrieval software, the transcripts for the trial can be F45 187 indexed, annotated, and searched to verify the consistency of a F45 188 witness's testimony right in the courtroom.

F45 189 During the courtroom portions of trials, attorneys use desktop F45 190 presentations to illustrate complex ideas to the jury in cases such F45 191 as patent infringement or medical injury.

F45 192 F45 193 COMPUTERS IN EDUCATION

F45 194 The potential of new computers and new software developments in F45 195 education is highly intriguing and compelling. Computers are one of F45 196 the newest and most versatile tools of the teaching trade. Computer F45 197 and communication technology are making possible imaginative F45 198 approaches to teaching traditional subjects and are motivating F45 199 teachers and students to try new ways of information gathering and F45 200 learning.

F45 201 LEARNING F45 202 The oldest instructional application of computers is F45 203 computer-assisted instruction (CAI), which provides F45 204 instruction and drill-and-practice in basic computation and F45 205 language skills. The basic philosophy of CAI involves a direct link F45 206 between student and software and the transfer of basic F45 207 instructional decisions from teacher to curriculum developer.

F45 208 By using CAI, information is presented on the computer's F45 209 display, students are asked to respond, and their responses are F45 210 evaluated. If the student is correct, he or she moves on; if F45 211 incorrect, similar problems are given until the correct response is F45 212 elicited.

F45 213 Advocates of CAI argue that students who have not mastered F45 214 basic skills can benefit from drill and practice and that the F45 215 computer helps to motivate students and frees the teacher to F45 216 provide individual instruction. Critics of CAI argue that F45 217 drill-and-practice tasks can be done just as easily without F45 218 computers, using, for example, flash cards or some other form of F45 219 drill. Hundreds of studies have been conducted to determine the F45 220 effectiveness of CAI, and while the results concerning the effects F45 221 of CAI are generally favorable, the research conducted provides F45 222 little insight into how, what, and why students learn when they use F45 223 CAI.

F45 224 In response to such criticism, educators have developed F45 225 intelligent CAI programs in which students interact with F45 226 the computer rather than respond to it in a predefined manner. F45 227 Intelligent CAI can generate and solve problems, store and retrieve F45 228 data, diagnose students' misconceptions, select appropriate F45 229 teaching strategies, and carry on dialogs with students. Most of F45 230 these programs incorporate simulations and games that allows F45 231 students to try out their evolving models of knowledge in a F45 232 particular area.

F45 233 ELECTRONIC BOOKS

F45 234 New software tools and new ideas for user interfaces make F45 235 possible the presentation of materials that are manipulable in F45 236 several different ways. One such example is the electronic book, in F45 237 which the reader manipulates computer technology instead of printed F45 238 pages.

F45 239 For example, Sony Corporation of Japan uses a palm-sized CD F45 240 player for reading books recorded on 3-inch compact disks. Each F45 241 disk can store approximately 100,000 pages of text, the equivalent F45 242 of 300 paperback books. F45 243 F45 244 F45 245 F46 1 <#FROWN:\F46>What that required was for the United States and F46 2 its allies to "maintain sufficient flexible military F46 3 capabilities, and firmness of policy, to convince the Communist F46 4 rulers that the U.S. and its allies have the means to ensure that F46 5 aggression will not pay and the will to use military force if the F46 6 situation requires." The West should, however, forgo F46 7 "actions which would generally be regarded as F46 8 provocative," and "be prepared, if hostilities F46 9 occur, to meet them, where feasible, in a manner and on a scale F46 10 which will not inevitably broaden them into total nuclear F46 11 war." These cautions were necessary "to assure the F46 12 support of our allies against aggression and to avoid risks which F46 13 do not promise commensurate strategic or political gains." F46 14 The distance separating the architect of 'massive retaliation' from F46 15 what would later come to be known as the doctrine of 'flexible F46 16 response' was, it seems, less than one might have thought.

F46 17 The basic policy the United States had followed through the end F46 18 of 1954, Dulles admitted, had been "pretty good," F46 19 even if "it hasn't got us into war." Not getting F46 20 into a war, after all, was no bad thing. The positions the United F46 21 States had taken with regard to the German question, Indochina, and F46 22 the Chinese offshore islands could hardly be described as 'craven': F46 23 "it would be difficult to argue that our policies are not F46 24 strong, firm, and indicative of a willingness to run risks. But our F46 25 policy was none the less one which fell short of actually provoking F46 26 war."

F46 27 That policy had assumed, though, continued American nuclear F46 28 superiority. The great difficulty Dulles saw on the horizon was F46 29 "the forthcoming achievement of atomic plenty and a nuclear F46 30 balance of power between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R." It was F46 31 not at all clear how the United States could prevent the Russians F46 32 from achieving that 'nuclear balance' without going to war with F46 33 them. More active policies in such areas as Indochina or China, of F46 34 the kind the Joint Chiefs of Staff had advocated, would not solve F46 35 that problem.

F46 36 Dulles expanded on this argument at a National Security Council F46 37 meeting later in December, 1954. He could not help but have some F46 38 sympathy for the Joint Chiefs' call for "greater F46 39 dynamism" in American policies toward the Russians and the F46 40 Chinese Communists; he himself had campaigned on just this point in F46 41 1952. "However, experience indicated that it was not easy F46 42 to go very much beyond the point that this Administration had F46 43 reached in translating a dynamic policy into courses of action, and F46 44 in any case we had been more dynamic than our F46 45 predecessors." Preventive war was "of F46 46 course" ruled out. Strong and forceful efforts to change F46 47 the character of the Soviet system, or to overthrow communist F46 48 regimes in Eastern Europe and China, or to detach those countries F46 49 from the Soviet bloc "would involve the United States in F46 50 general war." Even if the United States could somehow break F46 51 up Soviet control over Eastern Europe and China, "this in F46 52 itself would not actually touch the heart of the problem: Soviet F46 53 atomic plenty." And although these more aggressive F46 54 policies, if successful, "might result in the F46 55 disintegration of the Soviet bloc, they would almost certainly F46 56 cause the disintegration of the free world bloc, ... for our allies F46 57 would never go along with such courses of action as F46 58 these."

F46 59 In the end, Dulles concluded, the only real solution for the F46 60 problem of expanding Soviet nuclear capabilities might be nuclear F46 61 abolition. It was true, he admitted, that if the United States F46 62 should agree to eliminate nuclear weapons alone, "we would F46 63 be depriving ourselves of those weapons in which the U. S. was F46 64 ahead and would not be taking action in the area of Soviet F46 65 superiority, the conventional armaments field." It was F46 66 unlikely that the means would ever be developed to monitor F46 67 conventional force disarmament. But "it could be argued F46 68 that atomic weapons are the only ones by which the U. S. can be F46 69 virtually destroyed through a sudden attack, and if this danger of F46 70 destruction should be removed by eliminating nuclear weapons this F46 71 would help the U. S. by enabling retention intact of our industrial F46 72 power which has acted both as a deterrent against total war and as F46 73 a principal means of winning a war."

F46 74 A year later, almost on the eve of the famous Life F46 75 magazine interview with James Shepley in which he had extolled the F46 76 virtues of going to the brink of war as a means of preserving F46 77 peace, Dulles discussed the future of nuclear deterrence with a F46 78 recuperating Eisenhower - the President had suffered his heart F46 79 attack three months earlier - in the White House. As Dulles himself F46 80 recorded the conversation: "I said that I had come to the F46 81 conclusion that our whole international security structure was in F46 82 jeopardy. The basic thesis was local defensive strength with the F46 83 backing up of United States atomic striking power. However, that F46 84 striking power was apt to be immobilized by moral repugnance. If F46 85 this happened, the whole structure could readily F46 86 collapse."

F46 87 Dulles went on to say that he had come to believe "that F46 88 atomic power was too vast a power to be left for the military use F46 89 of any one country." Its use, he thought, should be F46 90 "internationalized for security purposes." The F46 91 United States might well consider calling together the forty-two F46 92 nations with which it had security treaties, placing before them a F46 93 proposal for an international group that would decide "when F46 94 and how to use atomic weapons for defense - always reserving of F46 95 course the right of the United States, in the event that it was F46 96 directly attacked, to use whatever means it had." If and F46 97 when the Soviet Union was prepared to forego the right of veto, the F46 98 group might then transfer this responsibility to the United Nations F46 99 Security Council, "so as to universalize the capacity of F46 100 atomic thermonuclear weapons to deter aggression." F46 101 Eisenhower's response, somewhat neutrally, was that the idea was F46 102 "an interesting one."

F46 103 Encouraged by the President to develop his ideas, the Secretary F46 104 of State prepared a long memorandum early in 1956, in which he F46 105 noted that Soviet nuclear capabilities might well grow, within a F46 106 few years, to the point at which they could "at a single F46 107 stroke, virtually obliterate our industrial power and ... F46 108 simultaneously gravely impair our capacity to retaliate." F46 109 That retaliatory capacity would then lose its deterrent effect, and F46 110 "the United States might become endangered as never F46 111 before." Indeed, the psychological loss of superiority F46 112 might well precede its actual loss, because "it would F46 113 be generally assumed that the use of our nuclear power is so F46 114 restricted by constitutional and democratic processes and moral F46 115 restraints that we would never be able to use it first; and F46 116 conditions could be such that only the first use would have great F46 117 significance. ... Repugnance to the use of nuclear weapons could F46 118 grow to a point which would depreciate our value as an ally, F46 119 undermine confidence in our 'collective defense' concepts, and make F46 120 questionable the reliability of our allies and the availability to F46 121 SAC of our foreign bases."

F46 122 All of this only reflected the fact that "there is F46 123 throughout the world a growing, and not unreasonable, fear that F46 124 nuclear weapons are expanding at such a pace as to endanger human F46 125 life on this planet. ... The peoples of the world cry out for F46 126 statesmanship that will find a way to assure that this new force F46 127 shall serve humanity, not destroy it." This responsibility F46 128 very largely fell to the United States, but meeting it would F46 129 require more than the "Atoms for Peace' or 'Open Skies' proposals F46 130 that had already been put forward. If the nation failed to meet F46 131 that responsibility, "our moral leadership in the world F46 132 could be stolen from us by those whose creed denies moral F46 133 principles."

F46 134 The ultimate solution, Dulles suggested, would be to vest a F46 135 veto-less United Nations Security Council with control "of F46 136 sufficient atomic weapons, and means of delivery, as to overbalance F46 137 any atomic or other weapons as might be surreptitiously retained by F46 138 any nation." Prior to this, the United States might seek F46 139 commitments from nations possessing nuclear capabilities to use F46 140 them only in accordance with recommendations from the General F46 141 Assembly. Regional groups, too - NATO would be the model - could be F46 142 set up "to study and plan the means whereby nuclear weapons F46 143 could most effectively be used to deter armed attack and to F46 144 preserve peace in each region." The critical task would be F46 145 to get the United States away from its "present vulnerable F46 146 position [of having] virtually the sole responsibility in the free F46 147 world with respect to the use of nuclear weapons, ... a F46 148 responsibility which is not governed by any clearly enunciated F46 149 principles reflecting 'decent respect for the opinions of F46 150 mankind'."

F46 151 Although nothing came of Dulles's sweeping proposals, he F46 152 continued throughout the rest of his term as Secretary of State to F46 153 reiterate with Eisenhower the concerns he had articulated. For F46 154 example, in December, 1956, in the immediate wake of the Suez and F46 155 Hungarian crises, Dulles warned that in his view "a F46 156 'showdown' with Russia would not have more than one chance in three F46 157 of working, and two chances out of three of making global war F46 158 inevitable." But the Russians too would have difficulty F46 159 translating nuclear strength into political advantage. In November, F46 160 1957, in connection with a discussion of Strategic Air Command F46 161 vulnerabilities, Dulles dismissed the possibility of a Soviet F46 162 surprise attack as "remote" on the grounds that F46 163 "such an attack without provocation involving casualties of F46 164 perhaps one hundred million would be so abhorrent to all who F46 165 survived in any part of the world that [he] did not think that even F46 166 the Soviet rulers would dare to accept the F46 167 consequences."

F46 168 In April, 1958, Dulles again raised with Eisenhower F46 169 "the question of our national strategic concept." F46 170 The difficulty was that "this too much invoked massive F46 171 nuclear attack in the event of any clash anywhere of U.S. with F46 172 Soviet forces." There were, Dulles argued, F46 173 "increasing possibilities of effective defense through F46 174 tactical nuclear weapons and other means short of wholesale F46 175 obliteration of the Soviet Union, and ... these should be developed F46 176 more rapidly." It was a vicious circle: "so long as F46 177 the strategic concept contemplated this, our arsenal of weapons had F46 178 to be adapted primarily to that purpose and so long as our arsenal F46 179 of weapons was adequate only for that kind of a response, we were F46 180 compelled to rely on that kind of a response." It was, of F46 181 course, the case that "our deterrent power might be F46 182 somewhat weakened if it were known that we contemplated anything F46 183 less than 'massive retaliation' and therefore the matter had to be F46 184 handled with the greatest care."

F46 185 What this new evidence suggests, then, is that the traditional F46 186 view of Dulles as an uncritical enthusiast for strategies based F46 187 solely on nuclear deterrence is profoundly wrong; that, indeed, the F46 188 Secretary of State himself anticipated many of the criticisms F46 189 advocates of 'flexible response' would later make of such F46 190 strategies; and that he even contemplated, as a long-range goal and F46 191 on both geopolitical and moral grounds, the abolition of nuclear F46 192 weapons altogether.

F46 193 F46 194 International Communism

F46 195 A second area where the documents suggest we need to revise our F46 196 thinking about John Foster Dulles has to do with his understanding F46 197 of international communism. In his first televised address as F46 198 Secretary of State only a week after the Eisenhower administration F46 199 took office, Dulles had dramatically unveiled a map showing the F46 200 "vast area" stretching from Central Europe to F46 201 Kamchatka and including China, "which the Russian F46 202 Communists completely dominate." In the few years since the F46 203 end of World War II, the number of people under their rule had F46 204 expanded from 200 to 800 million, "and they're hard at work F46 205 to get control of other parts of the world." The strategy F46 206 was one of "encirclement": "Soviet F46 207 communists" would seek to avoid all-out war but would work F46 208 "to get control of the different areas around them and F46 209 around us, so they will keep growing in strength and we will be F46 210 more and more cut off and isolated. And they have been making very F46 211 great progress."

F46 212 At first glance, the tone and content of this speech appear to F46 213 fit the widely held view of Dulles as an ideological literalist, F46 214 convinced - as were many other people at the time - that adherence F46 215 to the doctrines of Marx and Lenin automatically meant subservience F46 216 to Moscow. F46 217 F46 218 F46 219 F47 1 <#FROWN:F47\>There were further adverse effects of the mergers F47 2 and acquisitions mania. These included the socially sterile rewards F47 3 received by those who traded with inside information on the offers F47 4 to be made for a specific stock. And there were the losses, in some F47 5 instances perhaps salutary, of those who were attracted by the F47 6 prospect of high return and who bought the securities, principally F47 7 the high-risk, high-interest junk bonds, that financed the F47 8 operations and that went eventually to discount or default as the F47 9 full consequences of the aberration became evident. From these F47 10 losses there was further effect on productive investment and, at F47 11 least marginally, on consumer spending and the functioning of the F47 12 economy as a whole. With all else, in the oldest tradition of F47 13 economic life, the mentally vulnerable, those at one time more F47 14 obtrusively denoted as fools, were separated, as so often before, F47 15 from their money.

F47 16 Yet all was wholly plausible, given the corporate structure and F47 17 the approved profit-maximizing motivation of the system. All, to F47 18 repeat, was under the benign cloak of laissez faire and the F47 19 market.

F47 20 Legislative or executive action to limit or minimize the F47 21 destruction - for example, holding hearings to require the approval F47 22 on economic grounds of the regulatory agency for any large-scale F47 23 substitution of debt for equity - went all but unmentioned. And F47 24 such mention would have been met, in any case, with rejection F47 25 verging on indignation and ridicule. The free enterprise system F47 26 fully embraces the right to inflict limitless damage on itself.

F47 27 The mergers and acquisitions mania was, without doubt, the most F47 28 striking exercise in self-destruction of the culture of F47 29 contentment. There have, however, been two other highly visible F47 30 manifestations of this deeply inborn tendency.

F47 31 The first of these was the real estate speculation of the F47 32 1980s, centering on commercial office space in the cities, but F47 33 extending out to expensive dwellings, in particular condominiums, F47 34 in the suburbs and resort areas and going on to architecturally F47 35 questionable skyscrapers in New York City and admittedly hideous F47 36 gambling casinos in Atlantic City.

F47 37 As ever, the admiration for the imagination, initiative and F47 38 entrepreneurship here displayed was extreme. Of those receiving the F47 39 most self- and public adulation, the premier figure was Donald F47 40 Trump, briefly and by his own effort and admission the most F47 41 prestigious economic figure of the time.

F47 42 The admiration extended to, and into, the nation's biggest F47 43 banks. Here the loans were large and potentially dangerous, and so, F47 44 in the nature and logic of modern banking, they were handled with F47 45 the least care and discretion. The security of the small borrower F47 46 is traditionally examined with relentless attention; the claims of F47 47 the large borrower go to the top, where, because of the enormous F47 48 amounts involved, there is an assumption of especially acute F47 49 intelligence. The man or woman who borrows $10,000 or $50,000 is F47 50 seen as a person of average intelligence to be dealt with F47 51 accordingly. The one who borrows a million or a hundred million is F47 52 endowed with a presumption of financial genius that provides F47 53 considerable protection from any unduly vigorous scrutiny. This F47 54 individual deals with the very senior officers of the bank or F47 55 financial institution; the prestige of high bureaucratic position F47 56 means that any lesser officer will be reluctant, perhaps fearing F47 57 personal career damage, to challenge the ultimate decision. In F47 58 plausible consequence, the worst errors in banking are regularly F47 59 made in the largest amount by the highest officials. So it was in F47 60 the great real estate boom of the age of contentment.

F47 61 Here the self-destructive nature of the system, if more F47 62 diffused than in the case of the mergers, acquisitions and F47 63 leveraged buyouts mania, was greater in eventual economic impact. F47 64 Excessive acreages of unused buildings, commercial and residential, F47 65 were created. The need for such construction, given the space F47 66 demands of the modern business bureaucracy, was believed to be F47 67 without limit. In later consequence, the solvency of numerous F47 68 banks, including that of some of the nation's largest and most F47 69 prestigious institutions, was either fatally impaired or placed in F47 70 doubt. The lending of both those that failed or were endangered and F47 71 others was subject, by fear and example, to curtailment. The F47 72 construction industry was severely constrained and its workers left F47 73 unemployed. A general recession ensued. Any early warning as to F47 74 what was happening would have been exceptionally ill received, seen F47 75 as yet another invasion of the benign rule of laissez faire and a F47 76 specific interference with the market.

F47 77 However, in keeping with the exceptions to this rule, there F47 78 could be eventual salvation in a government bailout of the banks. F47 79 Insurance of bank deposits - a far from slight contribution to F47 80 contentment - was permissible, as well as the assurance that were a F47 81 bank large enough, it would not be allowed to fail. A preventive F47 82 role by government was not allowed; eventual government rescue was F47 83 highly acceptable.

F47 84 Ranking with the real estate and banking aberration was the F47 85 best publicized of the exercises in financial devastation: the F47 86 collapse of the savings and loan associations, or, in common F47 87 parlance, the S&L scandal. This, which was allowed to develop in F47 88 the 1980s, had emerged by the end of that decade as the largest and F47 89 costliest venture in public misfeasance, malfeasance and larceny of F47 90 all time.

F47 91 Again the basic principle was impressively evident and pursued: F47 92 laissez faire combined with faith in the benignity of market F47 93 enterprise. The short-run view took precedence over the more F47 94 distant consequences. And there was an infinitely vast and F47 95 obligatory public intervention as those consequences became F47 96 known.

F47 97 Starting well back in the last century, the savings and loan F47 98 associations, under various names, played a small, worthy and F47 99 largely anonymous role in the American economy. Attracting for F47 100 deposit the savings of the local community, they then made these F47 101 available in the form of home loans to the immediately adjacent F47 102 citizenry. There was strict regulation by federal and state F47 103 governments as to the interest they could pay and charge and the F47 104 purpose for which they could make loans. Home ownership being a F47 105 well-established social good, the S&Ls were eventually given public F47 106 encouragement and support in the form of a modest government F47 107 guarantee of their depositors' funds.

F47 108 Then, with the age and culture of contentment, there came the F47 109 new overriding commitment to laissez faire and the market and the F47 110 resulting movement toward general deregulation. The commercial F47 111 banks, once released from regulation, greatly increased the F47 112 interest rates there available to depositors, which meant that if F47 113 the similarly deregulated S&Ls were to compete, they would need to F47 114 pay higher rates to their depositors. Sadly, however, these F47 115 payments would have to be met by the low rates then in place on a F47 116 large and passive inventory of earlier mortgage loans. The highly F47 117 improvident solution was to accord the S&Ls freedom to set rates of F47 118 interest on the insured deposits and then to go beyond home loans F47 119 to the widest range of other investments, or what were F47 120 imaginatively so designated. Also, faithful to principle, F47 121 government action in the interest of contentment was not curtailed. F47 122 Instead, the once modest insurance of deposits by the federal F47 123 government was raised to $100,000 on each S&L account. The F47 124 selective view of the role of the state was never more evident.

F47 125 The foregoing changes were variously enacted or instituted F47 126 mainly in the early 1980s. They set the stage for what was by far F47 127 the most feckless and felonious disposition of what, essentially, F47 128 were public funds in the nation's history, perhaps in any modern F47 129 nation's history. Deposits guaranteed by the federal government and F47 130 thus having behind them the full faith and credit of the government F47 131 were brokered across the country to find the highest rate of F47 132 return. Such interest was, normally, offered by the institutions F47 133 most given to irresponsible or larcenous employment of the funds F47 134 involved. Efforts at correction or restraint, palpably small, were F47 135 deliberately restricted as being inconsistent with the broad F47 136 commitment to deregulation. Those still subject to the skeletal and F47 137 ineffective regulation took their case, not without success, to the F47 138 Congress. Funds from the publicly guaranteed deposits were thus F47 139 recycled back to support congressional races in an innovative, if F47 140 perverse, step toward the public financing of electoral F47 141 campaigns.

F47 142 In the latter years of the 1980s, the whole S&L experience came F47 143 explosively to an end in the first and, in many respects, most F47 144 dramatic exposure of the public principles implicit in the age of F47 145 contentment. The prospective cost, perhaps $2,000 for each American F47 146 citizen were it equally assessed, was regarded as impressive. Less F47 147 impressive, perhaps, was the understanding of what underlay the F47 148 debacle. Here, first of all, was the general commitment to laissez F47 149 faire, the specific commitment to the market, which had led to the F47 150 deregulation. But here too was the highly selective character of F47 151 that commitment. As far as the culture of contentment was F47 152 concerned, responsibility to find a solution for the shortfall F47 153 remained firmly with the state. The depositors, large and small - F47 154 the comfortable rentier community - were at risk; thus the F47 155 necessity for the continuing role of the government. The whole S&L F47 156 scandal was, to repeat, one of the clearest displays of the F47 157 controlling principles of contentment, and certainly it was the F47 158 most immediately costly.

F47 159 The Bureaucratic Syndrome

F47 160 Thought for many is hard work, which is why it often commands F47 161 high pay. It also, alas, is compulsively delegated.

F47 162 NO ONE should be in doubt: one of the inescapable features of F47 163 life in the late twentieth century is the great, complicated and F47 164 multilayered organization. With all else, it is the source of much F47 165 present-day innovation. The latter is no longer the F47 166 distinctive product of one acutely inspired brain, although this F47 167 source of invention is still celebrated; normally it is the result F47 168 of the cooperative effort of diversely competent specialists, each F47 169 making his or her uniquely qualified contribution to the common F47 170 goal. As economic and public operations become more complex, it is F47 171 necessary to unite varying skills, different experience, different F47 172 education, resulting specialization and different degrees of F47 173 intelligence, or, at a minimum, its confident outward F47 174 expression.

F47 175

Out of this need for both number and diversity of talents comes F47 176 the need for supervision, coordination and command. This, in turn, F47 177 and depending on the size and complexity of the job at hand, can F47 178 involve numerous levels of authority, or what is so described. F47 179 Further, since the requisite knowledge and intelligence derive in F47 180 large measure from those whose contributions are brought together F47 181 and coordinated, so in no slight measure does the power in the F47 182 organization. The modern corporation or public agency has an F47 183 internal intelligence and authority of its own; these are to some F47 184 extent independent of, or superior to, those of the persons who are F47 185 seen, and who see themselves, as in command. The latter point F47 186 should not go unremarked. The power attributed to the cabinet F47 187 secretary recently arrived in office with no previous experience in F47 188 his or her now-assigned task or to the corporate chief executive F47 189 officer now rewarded for an orderly and disciplined performance in F47 190 the ranks is subject to an exaggeration to which those so F47 191 celebrated happily and even diligently contribute.

F47 192 Not surprisingly, the culture of the great organization is F47 193 enormously influenced by the pursuit of contentment. This is F47 194 evident in two important ways, both proceeding from the discomforts F47 195 associated with original or dissenting thought. Also involved is a F47 196 deeply ingrained, much invoked distinction between private F47 197 organization and public organization - between the great private F47 198 bureaucracy and its large public counterpart. In the culture of F47 199 contentment the former is perceived as efficient and dynamic, while F47 200 the latter is thought to be mentally moribund, seriously F47 201 incompetent and, on frequent occasion, offensively arrogant.

F47 202 In any large organization there must, first of all, be a F47 203 well-developed sense of common purpose. This is informally, and F47 204 sometimes formally, articulated in the large modern firm as company F47 205 policy; in the public organization it is called official or F47 206 departmental policy. "We are committed this year to big, if F47 207 somewhat less fuel-efficient cars; that is what the American F47 208 customer wants." "The Communist threat may no F47 209 longer exist, but our policy still calls for a strong F47 210 defense."

F47 211 Individual contentment, all are aware, is powerfully served by F47 212 acceptance of this formally stated or commonly assumed purpose. F47 213 F47 214 F48 1 <#FROWN:F48\>To now permit the patenting of animals subjected to F48 2 genetic alteration, principally by means of genetic engineering, F48 3 could have several adverse consequences. From a scientific F48 4 perspective, these include the following concerns.

F48 5 1. No regulation. The floodgates will be opened F48 6 wide once genetic engineering research on animals is patent F48 7 protected, because biotech companies will have the protection they F48 8 need to secure a monopoly over new 'intellectual property' (i.e., F48 9 genetically engineered animals). This will mean a dramatic increase F48 10 in animal experimentation for agricultural, biomedical, and other F48 11 industrial purposes, which cannot be effectively regulated. The F48 12 outcome of many genetic experiments cannot be predicted in relation F48 13 to the animals' health and welfare or in relation to the long-term F48 14 social, economic, and environmental impact. In many instances F48 15 animals will be abnormal at birth, and generations will suffer F48 16 until techniques are perfected and accidents prevented.

F48 17 2. Monopoly. Patenting could result in monopoly of F48 18 genetic stock and predominance of certain genetic lines of animals F48 19 over others, with an ultimate loss of genetic diversity within F48 20 species. This could have a significant impact on agriculture as F48 21 well as adverse social, economic, and ecological consequences. And F48 22 if farm animals are patented, will farmers have to pay a user fee F48 23 for offspring and crossbreeds, and how would this be enforced?

F48 24 Lynn McAnelly, a technology analyst with the Texas Department F48 25 of Agriculture, Austin, sent out over 1,700 letters to livestock F48 26 producers in Texas, asking them whether patenting animals would F48 27 increase or decrease their costs. Of about 500 responses, 96 F48 28 percent predicted that costs would go up. The consensus was that F48 29 only patent holders and large agribusinesses would benefit. It was F48 30 also felt that animal patenting would provide increased opportunity F48 31 for large corporations and syndicates to gain control of the F48 32 industry and that any cost advantages of patented animals would F48 33 wind up in the pockets of big agribusiness. As a result of the F48 34 survey, Texas Agriculture Commissioner Jim Hightower asked the F48 35 Texas congressional delegation in Washington to support a F48 36 patent-moratorium bill.

F48 37 3. Effect on wildlife. Patenting would also F48 38 cloud the ownership of wild animals. In the United States, wildlife F48 39 is held by governments, both state and federal, as a common public F48 40 trust. If a deer is altered genetically, can it be patented? Will F48 41 people be disenfranchised of ownership of their wild animals? F48 42 America's wildlife is far too precious to get caught or lost in a F48 43 discussion about patenting and ownership. The American people own F48 44 wildlife, to the extent that anyone does, and patenting would mean F48 45 a very real threat to such ownership.

F48 46 The biomedical industry will play upon public fear to block all F48 47 attempts to prohibit the patenting of animals. It will tell us that F48 48 the march of modern medicine will stop dead in its tracks without F48 49 patent protection. The fact remains that medical advances have been F48 50 made in the past without the patenting of genetic engineering F48 51 techniques and of animal models. And we should recognize that F48 52 patenting in this area could actually inhibit medical progress F48 53 since, for proprietary reasons, research findings of privately F48 54 funded laboratories and university research institutions would not F48 55 be shared. There would also be considerable unnecessary and costly F48 56 duplication of research, because the patenting of animal models F48 57 would encourage a competitive, rather than a collaborative, F48 58 research atmosphere, to the ultimate detriment of the public's best F48 59 interests.

F48 60 Patent Ethics

F48 61 From an ethical perspective, the patenting of animals reflects F48 62 a cultural attitude toward other living creatures that is contrary F48 63 to the concept of the sanctity of being and the recognition of the F48 64 interconnectedness of all life. The patenting of life reveals a F48 65 dominionistic and materialistic attitude toward living beings that F48 66 denies any recognition of their inherent nature.

F48 67 Left unopposed, the patenting of animals will mean the public F48 68 endorsement of the wholesale exploitation of the animal kingdom for F48 69 purely human ends. Since humans are also animals, then logically F48 70 there should be no legal constraints on the patenting of techniques F48 71 to genetically alter human beings for the benefit of society. But F48 72 there are ethical constraints (as well as the Thirteenth Amendment F48 73 to the U.S. Constitution, which prohibits the ownership of one F48 74 person by another) that protect the sanctity and dignity of human F48 75 life. To permit the patenting of animals will effectively eliminate F48 76 ethical constraints on genetically altering other animals, and F48 77 eventually humans, for the purported benefit of society. Such a F48 78 utilitarian attitude toward life is a reflection of the ethical F48 79 blindness of the times.

F48 80 Supporters of animal patenting have argued that if the F48 81 patenting of animals is prohibited, companies engaged in the F48 82 genetic engineering of animals will fall back on trade secrecy to F48 83 protect their investments in research and development. The Trade F48 84 Secrecy Act, they reason, would make it difficult for those F48 85 concerned about animal welfare to know what had been done to F48 86 genetically engineered animals. If patenting were approved, all F48 87 details would be available to the public in the patent application. F48 88 In reality, however, public access to such information would be of F48 89 little help in protecting animals' rights and welfare. With or F48 90 without the patenting of animals, the genetic engineering of F48 91 animals is being done. And by the time a patent application is F48 92 filed, all the research on the animals has already been completed. F48 93 Thus rigorous ethical guidelines concerning the welfare of animals F48 94 subjected to genetic engineering are needed before the onset of new F48 95 research projects. Knowing what has happened to them after a patent F48 96 has been granted is of little avail.

F48 97 It should also be remembered that the U.S. Patent and Trademark F48 98 Office does not, as a rule, consider the ethical, moral, and social F48 99 consequences of patent applications. The essentially amoral and F48 100 objective role of this governmental agency is dramatically F48 101 illustrated by the granting of patent number 4,666,425 to attorney F48 102 and engineer Chet Fleming for his 'discorporation' life-support F48 103 system. This system, which Mr. Fleming has never actually used, is F48 104 designed to keep the isolated head of an animal alive. This patent F48 105 application was apparently filed to provoke greater concern for the F48 106 future of new technologies and for their moral, ethical, and social F48 107 consequences, which Mr. Fleming requested the Patent Office to F48 108 consider in his application. But apparently, it did not. The office F48 109 granted him a patent without further question.

F48 110 The primary reason for the patenting of genetically engineered F48 111 animals is to protect private interests, and opposition to animal F48 112 patenting is clearly a threat to the biotechnology industry. Animal F48 113 patenting is an issue quite distinct from genetic engineering per F48 114 se. It is an issue that is linked with private interests and F48 115 monopoly on the one hand, and the public endorsement of animals as F48 116 patentable commodities and inventions on the other. As such, the F48 117 patenting of animals is an ethical issue, supported primarily by F48 118 economic concerns and an attitude toward nonhuman creatures that is F48 119 contrary to the mainstream cultural traditions of reverence for F48 120 life and respect for animals and the natural world. Patent F48 121 protection will do nothing to protect the rights and welfare of F48 122 animals and will serve to further undermine those cultural F48 123 traditions that opponents of animal patenting value so highly.

F48 124 Chronology of Animal Patenting

F48 125 <*_>bullet<*/>On 7 April, 1987, the U.S. Patent Office F48 126 interpreted patent law to allow for future patents on animals F48 127 changed or altered through genetic engineering or similar F48 128 techniques. Relying on the Supreme Court decision in Diamond F48 129 v. Chakrabarty, 447 U.S. 303 (1980), which held that F48 130 microorganisms could be patented, the Patent Office determined that F48 131 such genetically altered animals were nonnaturally occurring F48 132 'manufactures' and 'compositions of matter' and thus could be F48 133 included under section 101 of the Patent Act as patentable subject F48 134 matter.

F48 135 <*_>bullet<*/>The Supreme Court decision made no mention of F48 136 animals, and Congress has never approved the patenting of living F48 137 things except for certain specified plants in legislation passed in F48 138 1930 and in 1970.

F48 139 <*_>bullet<*/>On 17 April, the Humane Society of the United F48 140 States (HSUS), the Foundation on Economic Trends, and a coalition F48 141 of animal-welfare organizations representing five million people F48 142 petitioned the Patent Office to rescind its controversial decision. F48 143 The coalition included 11 national farm groups, 24 religious F48 144 leaders, 21 animal-welfare organizations, and 8 environmental and F48 145 public interest groups. It was concerned about long-term ethical, F48 146 animal-suffering, environmental, economic, and governmental F48 147 consequences of the patenting of animals.

F48 148 <*_>bullet<*/>In 1987, the Senate passed a Hatfield (R-Ore.) F48 149 amendment to the continuing resolution, which would have F48 150 temporarily blocked patenting. But the amendment was dropped in F48 151 conference when Commissioner Donald Quigg stated that the Patent F48 152 Office would not be able to act on animal patent applications F48 153 before the end of the fiscal year on 30 September 1987. Patent F48 154 Office officials later stated that they might be able to issue F48 155 patents as soon as 1 April 1988.

F48 156 <*_>bullet<*/>Chairman Robert Kastenmeier (D-Wis.) of the House F48 157 Judiciary Subcommittee on Courts, Civil Liberties, and the F48 158 Administration of Justice held a series of four hearings on the F48 159 issue. No further action was taken. John Hoyt, president of the F48 160 HSUS, testified on 11 June, 1987, stating that patenting is F48 161 "inappropriate, violates the basic ethical precepts of F48 162 civilized society and unleashes the potential for uncontrollable F48 163 and unjustified animal suffering."

F48 164 <*_>bullet<*/>On 5 August 1987, Rep. Charlie Rose (D-N.C.) F48 165 introduced H.R. 3119 to impose a moratorium on the patenting of F48 166 animals so that the potential adverse implications of such F48 167 patenting could be carefully studied. The HSUS and others wrote to F48 168 Rose pledging to conduct studies during the moratorium period. On F48 169 29 February, 1988, Sen. Mark Hatfield introduced a moratorium bill, F48 170 S. 2111, in the Senate.

F48 171 <*_>bullet<*/>On 13 April 1988, the U.S. Patent Office issued F48 172 the first patent on a genetically engineered animal. Harvard F48 173 University researchers had developed the 'oncomouse,' a genetically F48 174 engineered, cancer-prone mouse. Funding for this research F48 175 came from DuPont Chemical Co., one of the world's major producers F48 176 of carcinogenic chemicals.

F48 177 <*_>bullet<*/>Rep. Kastenmeier drafted legislation to make F48 178 patent-user exemptions for family farmers and scientists in order F48 179 to quell some of the increasing public opposition. Meanwhile, steps F48 180 were taken in Europe by the European Economic Community to change F48 181 existing laws that prohibited the patenting of selectively bred F48 182 plant and animal varieties so that all genetically engineered life F48 183 forms might be patented.

F48 184 <*_>bullet<*/>On 13 July 1988, under pressure from the State F48 185 Department of Commerce, which insisted that a moratorium on animal F48 186 patenting would harm U.S. industrial competitiveness, Rep. F48 187 Kastenmeier's subcommittee voted 8 to 6 against Rep. Rose's F48 188 moratorium. This established the United States as the first nation F48 189 to officially endorse the patenting of all life forms subjected to F48 190 genetic engineering.

F48 191 <*_>bullet<*/>On 2 August 1988, the House Judiciary Committee F48 192 approved Rep. Kastenmeier's legislation on animal patenting, which F48 193 would have exempted farmers from paying royalties on the offspring F48 194 of patented transgenic animals. According to opponents in the F48 195 biotech industry this would have removed many economic incentives F48 196 for developing genetically engineered animals. Supporters of the F48 197 exemption saw it as vital to the survival of family farms. (It F48 198 never became law, most likely as a result of pressure from the F48 199 inner circle that is now the Council on Competitiveness.)

F48 200 <*_>bullet<*/>Since the patenting of the oncomouse in the F48 201 United States there have been no further animal patents awarded.

F48 202 <*_>bullet<*/>Some 145 animal patent applications are now F48 203 awaiting approval at the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office. F48 204 Approximately 80 percent of these have medical utility, and the F48 205 remainder involve agricultural animals.

F48 206 <*_>bullet<*/>A new bill was introduced in the Senate (S. 1291) F48 207 by Sen. Hatfield on 13 June, 1991 to impose a five-year moratorium F48 208 on the granting of patents on invertebrate and vertebrate animals, F48 209 including those that have been genetically engineered. I supported F48 210 this bill with the following statement published in the F48 211 Congressional Record on that day (pp. 7818-7819).

F48 212 In order for society to reap the full benefits of F48 213 advances in genetic engineering biotechnology, the social, F48 214 economic, environmental, and ethical ramifications and consequences F48 215 of such advances need to be fully assessed. Considering the rapid F48 216 pace of developments in this field, which will be spurred on by the F48 217 granting of patents on genetically altered animals, a 5-year F48 218 moratorium on the granting of such patents is a wise and necessary F48 219 decision. A moratorium will enable Congress to fully assess, F48 220 consider, and respond to the economic, environmental, and ethical F48 221 issues raised by the patenting of such animals and in the process, F48 222 establish the United States as the world leader in the safe, F48 223 appropriate, and ethical applications of genetic engineering F48 224 biotechnology for the benefit of society and for generations to F48 225 come.