G01 1 <#FROWN:G01\>Love and/or War

G01 2 By W. D. Snodgrass

G01 3 WHAT was our teacher crying for - unashamedly, in front of us G01 4 all? What should she care if we finally were in the war? Nobody G01 5 thought fighting would come to this country, much less this town. G01 6 If it lasted, we might have to go to it; she never would. We G01 7 were used to war talk: year after year, our home radios had talked G01 8 about plebiscites, treaties, battles, countries fallen - other G01 9 peoples' war. We had heard the voices of Mussolini and Hitler. That G01 10 morning, we'd all been herded into the school auditorium where a G01 11 huge radio console had been rolled out to carry the voice of G01 12 Franklin Delano Roosevelt saying that the Japanese had bombed Pearl G01 13 Harbour. Could she be crying for us?

G01 14 Year by year, while I finished school and started college, that G01 15 war became a little less of a rumor, more a living presence. We had G01 16 blackouts, rationing, newsreels, patriotic songs on the radio. The G01 17 war, like love, was on every public tongue; we were expected to G01 18 have strong feelings - but what feelings? Men I knew got G01 19 drafted; a neighbor who'd played in Uncle Stew's tennis club died G01 20 in a training accident. A boy who had bullied me in the high school G01 21 band dropped out of school to join the Marines; he was killed. I G01 22 did not admit, even to myself, a feeling that this proved the G01 23 world's, even God's, justice.

G01 24 Our band director's name was Adolphe - Adolphe J. Pletincks, a G01 25 drill-master worthy of SS sergeantry, who wore, moreover, a G01 26 tiny mustache not unlike Hitler's. He, though, was Italian and wore G01 27 it to look like a nobler despot, Toscanini. Unceasingly he exhorted G01 28 us that, because of "our boys overseas," we must G01 29 march better, play better, win more competitions. To botch a G01 30 maneuver during the football half time would "let them G01 31 down." Absurdly, this worked; we took every prize in the G01 32 area.

G01 33 I once knew a man who, during World War II in the Soviet Union, G01 34 had served a sentence in Siberia - the best years of his life, G01 35 since 'free' men were in the army. The time I served in the tiny G01 36 hyper-Christian college a block from my home could have been as G01 37 delightful if I'd had sense or nerve. We were strictly forbidden to G01 38 smoke, drink, or dance, but a kindlier tolerance was turned toward G01 39 couples who slipped off nightly to the 'Big Rock' or the woods G01 40 behind the practice football field. I wrote a column in the campus G01 41 paper, helped write a musical comedy, acted in plays and skits, was G01 42 student conductor of the chorus. The older girls, who would G01 43 normally have scorned freshmen, sought us out, praised our G01 44 performances, took us to necking parties.

G01 45 So love and war, or sex and war, arrived in tandem; at times G01 46 they seemed equally daunting. When, at earlier parties, our G01 47 high-school gang had played spin-the-bottle or post office, I G01 48 abstained - though I had a heavy crush on one of the girls, a G01 49 frill, willowy blonde (aptly named Willa), outside whose house I G01 50 paced longingly late at night, whistling sad songs. Still earlier, G01 51 I had taken another girl, as pretty but less fashionable, to a barn G01 52 party. I think she liked me; in time she became a dancer, shared my G01 53 love of music, and proved superbly sexual with one of my friends. G01 54 Alas, while other couples kept disappearing into the hay mow, I not G01 55 only failed to vanish with, I vanished from her, seeking G01 56 noisier sports among the boys. Later, at school functions, I seldom G01 57 danced with girls, getting instead into athletic jitterbug contests G01 58 with other guys - much as young Hungarians and Romanians display G01 59 for their girls rather than dance with them.

G01 60 By the time I finished high school, though, the drives grew G01 61 stronger, even if my nerves did not. The few times I'd tried to G01 62 kiss a girl, I had shivered so heavily that I had to plea a sudden G01 63 chill and hurry home. Once into college, I did manage to try a G01 64 little petting with the older girls, though even then I was known G01 65 to deliver to a partner impromptu sermonettes on the subject of G01 66 French kissing.

G01 67 Meantime, I'd been attracted to a girl in my freshman class, a G01 68 minister's daughter whose name recalled the heroine of a G01 69 then-scandalous novel. She agreed, after our first movie or pizza, G01 70 to drive out somewhere and park; I tried not to betray that I had G01 71 no idea where one could. As soon as I kissed her she began to G01 72 moan and tremble, fumbling at my clothes. I backed out of our G01 73 woodland cranny in such panic that I stuck the car in a ditch - G01 74 embarrassing, but at least a crisis I could manage.

G01 75 Another night, we went to lie in the tall grass behind the G01 76 practice field; again I fled. My sermonettes could not even calm G01 77 her enough so that passion might shake her less than fear shook me. G01 78 One day, when she'd quite justly escaped to her room at the girls' G01 79 dorm, I got the nerve to follow upstairs, risking expulsion. I G01 80 dared climb or enter little else. Already weary, no doubt, of her G01 81 father's sermons on love and sex, she had no need of mine and soon G01 82 moved on to a college air cadet.

G01 83 Still, the draft loomed larger, closer. I felt unable to face G01 84 that war without someone to be in love with, someone to come back G01 85 to - a feeling shared, oddly enough, by most young men. And I soon G01 86 met another girl who fit, more or less, the romantic ideal of the G01 87 moment: slender, blonde, and rather timid both sexually and G01 88 personally. We started dating and quickly decided we were in the G01 89 grip of a great passion. We did feel something powerful, G01 90 wanted to call it love and to believe, since it would surely last G01 91 forever, that one could mitigate one's death, or build a life G01 92 around it.

G01 93 Getting drafted must be much like what a frog feels, being G01 94 taken into a larger organization - say, a heron. Instantly, you are G01 95 one in a line of naked men, examined, poked at, numbered, rushed G01 96 from place to place, questioned, insulted, shouted at, given G01 97 indecipherable but inexorable commands. Then, strange clothes are G01 98 hurled at you and you emerge, as from a new, more fearful birth G01 99 trauma, into an area of barracks and asphalt-covered, G01 100 phlegm-splattered drill yards. I have no way to convey how utterly G01 101 you become nobody, vulnerable, almost transparent. Instantly, no G01 102 world revolves around you, and there is no way to make one seem to G01 103 do so again.

G01 104 In school I had been one of the best students and also the G01 105 class clown - a role self-deprecating enough to make me more or G01 106 less acceptable to tougher, less studious classmates. In the Navy, G01 107 nothing I did, said, or could think up was funny. Music was no G01 108 help; after boot camp I kept a few scores with me, but how many G01 109 sailors care about Palestrina? Actually, a man two bunks away G01 110 did care, but he'd been second organist at St. Patrick's in G01 111 New York and found my learning less than impressive. I joined the G01 112 Bluejackets' Choir at each of several bases hoping to find a berth G01 113 as music specialist, but found, instead, others better prepared, G01 114 more experienced. I had no idea how to relate to the men around me G01 115 or how to give what had seemed the fact of my existence any hint of G01 116 significance.

G01 117 Randall Jarrell ends a fine little poem, 'Mail Call,' by saying G01 118 "the soldier simply wishes for his name," which, if G01 119 called, will bring him a letter and prove the person he once was, G01 120 possible - possibly even recoverable. The surest proof came in love G01 121 letters. Mail call was the best, or worst, moment of each day; you G01 122 approached carefully any man whose name had not been called. Only a G01 123 'Dear John' letter was worse - we felt, mawkishly no doubt, that G01 124 with no one to come back to, a man was less likely to come back. As G01 125 if wanting something more intensely could make it more likely to G01 126 happen!

G01 127 Evenings, when the others read, played cards, went to the G01 128 canteen, I stayed in the barracks to write my family or my girl. I G01 129 was determined to write her every night; once or twice, I refused G01 130 to leave the base on liberty lest I miss a day. My friends - G01 131 eventually I had some - were aghast. Though I had little to say G01 132 beyond the tritest lovers' formulae from movies or the radio, my G01 133 letters grew longer and longer. I cultivated enormous handwriting G01 134 to eat up more space on the page, making it all seem weightier, G01 135 bulkier.

G01 136 No doubt I hoped - in vain - to coerce more and longer answers, G01 137 more impassioned declarations. How else could I impress my less G01 138 romantic, less sublimated mates? My best friend at several G01 139 successive camps, known as 'J.C.,' got letters from his girl G01 140 signed, "Again, Johnny! Again!" Chastity had to go G01 141 far to match that! J.C.'s cynical cockiness often shocked me. When G01 142 an older platoon member and former lay preacher, Charles Birdey, G01 143 returned from liberty full of self-praise for his weekend spent G01 144 comforting his impoverished grandmother, J.C. shouted across the G01 145 barracks, "Hey, Birdey, did you get in her G01 146 pants?"

G01 147 I was shocked, too, when friends whose wives' or girl-friends' G01 148 fidelity was so crucial to them felt no constancy incumbent on G01 149 themselves. Of course, we demand more of the other's morals, G01 150 especially of those we love, than of our own; then, too, men were G01 151 expected to be sexually freer. And the fact of facing possible G01 152 death or injury made many feel driven to, and justified in, sexual G01 153 inconstancies. To me, all premarital sex was immoral; if I did not G01 154 dare have sex with my own girl-friend, I could scarcely imagine it G01 155 with anyone else. That seemed as preposterous to my friends as G01 156 their attitudes seemed scandalous to me.

G01 157 Still, some of my notions were changing. Home for ten G01 158 days' leave after boot camp, I became more urgent and the love-play G01 159 more intense. If she had been willing, I wonder what I'd have G01 160 done. She wasn't. And partly because of that - what might now seem G01 161 a strong deterrent - we got engaged.

G01 162 At the same time I found myself, to my surprise, darkly G01 163 resentful against my parents, as if they had somehow caused the G01 164 war. It might have made some sense to feel our lifestyle had been G01 165 one, at least, of the war's cause. Or that my upbringing had left G01 166 me woefully ill-equipped for the world I faced. What I did G01 167 feel was the spoiled child's sense that the parents, the gods of G01 168 his tiny cosmos, were to blame for all trials or dangers. My G01 169 feelings about God - the one in church - were as yet unchanged.

G01 170 And another attitude changed: I was finding that, in real need G01 171 or trouble, help seldom came from the appointed or promised G01 172 channels. In boot camp my greatest fear had been of the swimming G01 173 lessons; I could swim a little but had always dreaded the water. G01 174 Those 'lessons' consisted of ordering a shivering clump of thirty G01 175 or forty naked men to jump into the pool at once - then, arms G01 176 thrashing, bodies thumping and jostling, strike out for the far G01 177 end. As the last lesson, we had to step off a high wooden tower, G01 178 falling feet first into the pool. In the chow hall, the night G01 179 before that test, I went to pieces, hysterical.

G01 180 A boy my own age - vulgar, irreverent, a loudmouth I'd never G01 181 willingly have spoken to - took me in hand. "You come right G01 182 beside me," he said. "We'll go off together; it's a G01 183 snap." When we'd climbed the platform atop the tower, he G01 184 stepped out, whooping, comically kicking and flailing; then I, too, G01 185 stepped into the air. Falling for what seemed hours, I heard a G01 186 small, regretful voice I've heard again several times when I G01 187 thought my life about to end in a car crash or a fall, saying with G01 188 stupid sincerity: "Oh. I wish I was back up there." G01 189 Then I was in the water, splashing toward the edge. G01 190 G02 1 <#FROWN:G02\>Whither Europe?

G02 2 By RICHARD N. COOPER

G02 3 Europe of 1992 has arrived, almost. In 1985 the member nations G02 4 of the European Community launched an ambitious program to G02 5 eliminate intracommunity border delays for economic transactions, G02 6 so that intra-European trade would become like trade within the G02 7 United States. While tariffs and most quantitative restrictions had G02 8 been eliminated as long ago as 1968, a truck carrying commercial G02 9 goods still had to stop for an average of eighty minutes at G02 10 intracommunity borders in the late 1980s. This delay results from G02 11 the need both to ascertain whether the truck's goods violate the G02 12 importing country's health or safety or environmental regulations G02 13 and to complete the paperwork associated with adjusting for the G02 14 different indirect tax rates prevalent among European countries, G02 15 rebatable on exports and leviable on imports.

G02 16 Border stops are to be eliminated by the end of 1992. By G02 17 February 1992 all of the 282 directives required to achieve this G02 18 result had been submitted by the European Commission, the G02 19 community's executive arm, to the European Council of Ministers, G02 20 its decision-making body. Of these, 194 had been adopted by the G02 21 Council of Ministers, and thus formally became the law of the G02 22 European Community, although in practice most required implementing G02 23 legislation by national parliaments, and that process was much G02 24 delayed.

G02 25 Whatever happens in detail, however, the European Community G02 26 will unquestionably have entered a new phase, completing the common G02 27 market begun in 1958. Business firms have already anticipated the G02 28 new arrangements; in the past few years there has been a spate of G02 29 cross-border mergers, acquisitions, and weaker forms of association G02 30 among firms to take advantage of the new possibilities and G02 31 intensified competition, for example, with respect to government G02 32 procurement. Cross-border investments within Europe formerly were G02 33 mainly by non-European, and especially American, firms; now they G02 34 also involve many European firms.

G02 35 Ironically, Europe may not achieve the full benefits of 'Europe G02 36 without borders' in the near future. These were estimated in 1988 G02 37 at 4.5 percent of Europe's gross domestic product (GDP), to be G02 38 achieved over the six years following 1992, roughly 0.7 percent a G02 39 year, a significant addition to a region's growth rate. The reason G02 40 for the delay is the European Council agreement in December 1991 at G02 41 Maastricht to introduce a European Monetary Union (EMU) by 1999 and G02 42 the conditions attendant to that aim.

G02 43 A Europe without (commercial) borders will represent the G02 44 attainment of one of the objectives laid down in the Spaak Report G02 45 of 1955, whose adoption led to the Treaty of Rome in 1957, G02 46 achieving a true common market among the (originally six, now G02 47 twelve) members of the European Community. What was not agreed in G02 48 the mid-1950s, but was foremost in the minds of some European G02 49 statesmen, was the eventual creation of a United States of Europe, G02 50 politically linking all member countries. (A minor achievement of G02 51 the period pointing in this direction is that the Treaty of Rome, G02 52 like a constitution but unlike most treaties, contains no G02 53 provisions for withdrawal from or dismantling of the European G02 54 Community.) That objective remains alive and controversial G02 55 thirty-five years later.

G02 56 Europe is once again at a crossroads, usually formulated as G02 57 facing a strategic choice between 'widening' the community or G02 58 'deepening' it. Those who would deepen it want to extend the scope G02 59 of the community to encompass a unified currency, a common foreign G02 60 policy, and a common defense, leading eventually to a confederation G02 61 or even a federation of European states, although that ultimate G02 62 objective is rarely discussed explicitly. Many Europeans are not G02 63 prepared to contemplate a federation yet, but they are willing to G02 64 continue, gradually, down a path that may eventually lead to G02 65 federation. Other Europeans see no reason for further change from G02 66 existing arrangements, although that view, too, is rarely voiced G02 67 explicitly, not being respectable in informed circles. Still other G02 68 Europeans believe the community should be widened by taking in G02 69 additional countries that are ready to join. Austria, Finland, G02 70 Sweden, Cyprus, Malta, and Turkey have officially applied for G02 71 membership, and others, including Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and G02 72 Poland, have indicated their likely desire to apply in the future. G02 73 The three Baltic states may not be far behind. The Swiss and G02 74 Norwegian publics are debating the issue seriously. Under the G02 75 Treaty of Rome, anyEuropean country can aspire to G02 76 membership.

G02 77 Political considerations reinforce the economic arguments for G02 78 enlargement in the case of the three central European countries, G02 79 and eventually also possibly for the Baltic states. The European G02 80 Community is made up exclusively of democratic countries, a G02 81 political if not a formal condition for membership. Some argue that G02 82 membership in the community will in practice rule out a reversion G02 83 to authoritarian government. This consideration played a role in G02 84 the admission of Greece, Portugal, and Spain during the 1980s.

G02 85 Although widening and deepening are not logically incompatible, G02 86 in reality there is considerable tension between them, even though G02 87 in the end they may actually reinforce each other. The admission of G02 88 new members creates substantial problems of adjustment both for G02 89 existing members and especially for new members, who may call for G02 90 financial assistance and special transitional arrangements lasting G02 91 for many years. The all-important details of entry preoccupy G02 92 officials, diverting their attention from other tasks. Some G02 93 prospective members would have great difficulty adhering G02 94 comfortably to a common currency, thus either delaying that route G02 95 to deepening or leading to two classes of membership. Close G02 96 cooperation in foreign or defense policy is difficult enough among G02 97 existing members, all of which (except Ireland) have much G02 98 experience with both through the North Atlantic Treaty Organization G02 99 (NATO). Admission of countries with traditions of neutrality would G02 100 probably impede progress on those fronts.

G02 101 New membership would also greatly complicate theprocess of G02 102 decision-making within the European Community, and extensive G02 103 widening would certainly require major revisions in the voting G02 104 provisions of the European Council (which still requires unanimity G02 105 on matters of tax, environment, and labor policies, and a heavy G02 106 majority on other issues), and would probably lead to greater G02 107 authority gravitating toward the Commission, thereby increasing the G02 108 so- called democratic gap within the community, since the G02 109 Commission is not politically responsible to electorates or, except G02 110 very indirectly, to national governments. A natural solution to G02 111 these problems would be to enlarge the powers of the directly G02 112 elected European Parliament, a step toward deepening.

G02 113 During the 1960s the members concentrated on completing the G02 114 customs union and the common agricultural policy - a process of G02 115 deepening. French President Charles de Gaulle vetoed additional G02 116 members, notably Britain. During the 1970s Britain, Denmark, and G02 117 Ireland joined the community, a process of widening. In the early G02 118 and mid-1980s three additional members joined, and in the late G02 119 1980s the community passed the Single European Act, which embraced G02 120 the objective of Europe-92 and streamlined the decision-making G02 121 process - some widening and some deepening for the decade as a G02 122 whole. In recent years the emphasis has been on deepening. G02 123 Europe-92 in particular required joint decisions on thousands of G02 124 details concerning regulation and taxation that are at the heart of G02 125 domestic policy-making in every country.

G02 126 What comes next? Extensive consultation on extra-European G02 127 foreign policy questions has taken place for several years, but no G02 128 one is yet prepared to embark on joint foreign policy-making on all G02 129 issues. Sharp disagreements over how to handle a disintegrating G02 130 Yugoslavia simply dramatized the difficulty.

G02 131 That leaves money and defense. European defense for the past G02 132 forty years has been closely associated through NATO with the G02 133 Unites States and Canada and two nonmember nations on Europe's G02 134 important flanks, Norway and Turkey. Although NATO needs to G02 135 redefine its role in light of the demise of the Warsaw Pact and the G02 136 dismantling of the Soviet Union, many Europeans do not yet want to G02 137 abandon NATO, at least until it becomes clear how the dust settles. G02 138 Former Soviet republics still have nuclear weapons capable of G02 139 devastating Europe. Moreover, Russia will no doubt emerge with a G02 140 powerful military capability and with intentions toward Europe that G02 141 cannot now be foreseen. Thus a European-only defense policy is not G02 142 widely desired. No method has yet been found to forge a common G02 143 European defense policy that still permits close cooporation with G02 144 NATO, and many Europeans fear opening that particular route because G02 145 NATO, precarious since the disappearance of the Warsaw Pact, might G02 146 unravel at the American end.

G02 147 By elimination, that leaves monetary cooperation, which indeed G02 148 has been on the European agenda since the late 1960s. The meeting G02 149 at Maastricht took a major step toward the European Monetary Union, G02 150 while advancing very little on the directly political front. The G02 151 details of the EMU were agreed, and the timing and conditions of G02 152 its introduction outlined. Specifically, some time after 1996 but G02 153 no later than 1999, exchange rates of the participating countries G02 154 (which may but need not be the same as members of the European G02 155 Community) will be irrevocably fixed, a common currency in all but G02 156 name. Such an arrangement requires a common monetary policy, and G02 157 much of the Maastricht agreement is devoted to spelling out the G02 158 institutional structure for determining that monetary policy and G02 159 the powers and responsibilities of the institutions to be G02 160 established.

G02 161 Monetary policy under the EMU will be determined by a Eurofed, G02 162 modeled in part on the Federal Open Market Committee of the U.S. G02 163 Federal Reserve System. It is a council to consist of governors of G02 164 the participating national central banks, who will vote as G02 165 Europeans without government instruction, augmented by six G02 166 individuals appointed for eight-year terms by the European Council, G02 167 also to serve as Europeans rather than as national representatives. G02 168 This body would determine the rate of monetary expansion in the G02 169 EMU, and thus also short-term interest rates, with the primary but G02 170 not exclusive objective of maintaining price stability.

G02 171 The Eurofed would be obliged to report to the public but would G02 172 act independently of governments. Governments would have no direct G02 173 access to the money-creating powers of the EMU, and because G02 174 national central banks would cease to create national money, G02 175 governments would have to go to the capital market to finance any G02 176 budget deficits, as governments in the United States do. These G02 177 arrangements would mark a dramatic change from present G02 178 arrangements.

G02 179 A decision is to be made before 1997 whether to go ahead with G02 180 the EMU in 1997, and if so with what membership. Four presumptive G02 181 conditions for membership were established at Maastricht: (1) a G02 182 country should have a rate of inflation that does not exceed by 1.5 G02 183 percentage points the rate of inflation of the three community G02 184 countries with the lowest rates of inflation; (2) government G02 185 borrowing to cover deficits should not exceed 3 percent of GDP, and G02 186 outstanding government debt should not exceed 60 percent of GDP, or G02 187 at least should have declined substantially; (3) a country's G02 188 currency should not have been devalued for at least two years; and G02 189 (4) a country's long-term interest rates should not exceed by 2 G02 190 percentage points the long-term interest rates of the three G02 191 countries with the lowest rates of inflation.

G02 192 These are stiff conditions. At the end if 1991 only France and G02 193 Luxembourg among the twelve member countries could meet them. G02 194 During the remainder of the 1990s countries that do not want to be G02 195 left out of the EMU will strive to attain them, on the grounds that G02 196 adequate striving may in the end be sufficient for admission. (The G02 197 numerical target on outstanding debt, in particular, will be G02 198 virtually impossible for several countries to meet without G02 199 repudiation - notably Belgium, Greece, Ireland, and Italy.) The G02 200 process of attempting to reduce inflation (which has come down G02 201 substantially in many European countries during the past five G02 202 years) and budget deficits will result in deflationary pressure G02 203 being exerted by fiscal and monetary policy in the coming years. G02 204 Moreover, it is widely recognized that currencies within Europe are G02 205 out of line in 1992, and in particular that the German mark should G02 206 be appreciated against several other currencies. The Maastricht G02 207 agreement does not prevent currency realignments before the EMU. G02 208 But under existing arrangements currency realignments involve a G02 209 collective decision, and in their efforts to establish their G02 210 anti-inflation credentials, most European countries will strive to G02 211 avoid currency evaluation, as they have done since early 1987. A G02 212 corollary is that monetary and fiscal policies will have to be G02 213 relatively tight also to protect the balance of payments of these G02 214 countries. G02 215 G03 1 <#FROWN:G03\>CANDICE BERGEN: SWEET SUCCESS

G03 2 The nice girl who grew up with a piece of wood for a brother G03 3 may not fit the character of Murphy Brown precisely but close G03 4 enough to know that she is 'home at last.'

G03 5 By Maynard Good Stoddard

G03 6 What is a nice girl like Candice Bergen doing in the acerbic G03 7 character of Murphy Brown, a 42-year-old television journalist who G03 8 is single and pregnant and refuses to marry the father, her G03 9 ex-husband?

G03 10 An obvious answer is that she's enjoying the success of this G03 11 popular CBS series, which has survived its fourth season in the G03 12 sudden-death jungle of TV sitcoms. A look behind the scenes, G03 13 however, reveals Candice Bergen as a most un-Murphy-like person who G03 14 is happily married and loves living quietly.

G03 15 The daughter of famous ventriloquist Edgar Bergen, Candice grew G03 16 up in the Hollywood limelight contending not only with fame, but G03 17 also with a unique sibling rivalry - her wooden 'brother,' Charlie G03 18 McCarthy, got more attention than she did.

G03 19 "Candy never knew a day without Charlie, which was a G03 20 bizarre relationship for a little girl," Candice's mother, G03 21 Frances Bergen, says. "How do you explain why this piece of G03 22 wood was as important as a live, little girl? She was photographed G03 23 with Charlie in her cradle when she was an infant."

G03 24 In her teen years, Bergen rebelled. She went through some G03 25 pretty colorful phases beginning at age 14 when her parents sent G03 26 her to a school in Switzerland. They later yanked her out upon G03 27 learning that she had bleached her hair and was majoring in Bloody G03 28 Marys. "When Candy was 15, I was ready to give her G03 29 away," Frances says. At 17 Candice enrolled at the G03 30 University of Pennsylvania, but spent so much time modeling that G03 31 she flunked out.

G03 32 Today, her mother can laugh when asked if Candy and Murphy are G03 33 one and the same person. "They are not entirely different G03 34 at all," she says. "That's one reason Candy is G03 35 having so much fun doing the series." Bergen herself G03 36 confesses it's the kind of "flat-out comedy I've been G03 37 wanting to do in the movies for years and didn't get a chance to G03 38 do.

G03 39 "My father kept pushing me toward comedy," she says. G03 40 "He would have loved this kind of show."

G03 41 At 24 Bergen was referred to as the most beautiful woman on the G03 42 screen. Her romances included affairs with a Brazilian radical and G03 43 an Austrian count, a date with Henry Kissinger, and a more serious G03 44 involvement with record producer Terry Melcher, son of Doris G03 45 Day.

G03 46 The real thing finally came along, however, after photographer G03 47 Mary Allen Mark suggested that Candice and Louis Malle, known for G03 48 directing Atlantic City and My Dinner with G03 49 Andr<*_>e-acute<*/> might be a perfect match. He was 14 years G03 50 her senior, divorced with two children, and Bergen at first looked G03 51 the other way. But ten years later, in the summer of 1980, she and G03 52 Malle married. Currently their home is Malle's 18th century chateau G03 53 in Lagagnac, France, as well as a duplex in Paris and an apartment G03 54 in New York. But nine months of the year Bergen resides in Los G03 55 Angeles - home of her mother and brother - where 'Murphy Brown' is G03 56 filmed.

G03 57 Bergen is proud of her role as devoted stepmother to Malle's G03 58 children - Cuote, 17, and Justine, 14 - and mother to Chloe, their G03 59 6-year-old daughter. When not on the set, Bergen is at home with G03 60 Chloe playing games or watching 'Sesame Street.' Of course, on G03 61 Monday nights they settle down to watch - what else - 'Murphy G03 62 Brown.'

G03 63 The 'Murphy Brown' role was not presented to Bergen on the G03 64 proverbial silver platter; she lobbied hard to become this G03 65 outspoken broadcast celebrity - said to look like Diane Sawyer and G03 66 behave like Mike Wallace. After the first three years home with G03 67 Chloe, Bergen decided she was not comfortable away from her work. G03 68 And when she read the pilot script, she was hooked. Although not G03 69 one of creator Diane English's original choices for the part, she G03 70 arranged a dinner with English and emerged with the role. And two G03 71 Emmys now prove that her talent has at last come home.

G03 72 Although her father would have liked the show, complete with G03 73 things like a whoopee cushion and 'kick me' sign on someone's back G03 74 - how would he, and perhaps millions of faithful 'Murphy Brown' G03 75 fans, embrace the character of a pregnant single woman who refuses G03 76 to marry the baby's father? "Candice and I both went G03 77 through a very long period in our early lives when we were just G03 78 good girls," English says. "And this character has G03 79 helped us to get to another level. We are not afraid for everyone G03 80 not to like us, either."

G03 81 A hard and fast rule among compositors is to 'follow the copy G03 82 if it goes out the window.' An actor also follows the script even G03 83 though it may occasionally conflict with his or her moral G03 84 principles, trusting in the writer's judgement to present an G03 85 entertaining version of real life that will reach the audience.

G03 86 Script-writer English and actress Bergen agreed that having G03 87 Murphy come down with a case of pregnancy while single was worth G03 88 the risk. They felt the situation to be topical, pointing out the G03 89 publicity given the babies of TV personalities such as Katie G03 90 Couric, Deborah Norville, and Meredith Viera. And hadn't Connie G03 91 Chung taken leave to try to get pregnant? All of this Candice G03 92 Bergen leaves on the set when she comes home to play with her G03 93 daughter, read, and spend a quiet evening with her husband. G03 94 "I can't think of anything greater than that," she G03 95 says.

G03 96 Declared to be the least pretentious of Hollywood's G03 97 celebrities, Candice Bergen is perhaps quietest when G03 98 "giving something back."

G03 99 "When I see people losing their families, their homes - even G03 100 farmers - I have to find a way to do something more," she G03 101 says. She is now working with the Starlight Foundation, involved in G03 102 granting wishes to dying children. Her best friends all say that G03 103 she cares very deeply. So exactly what is Candice Bergen doing in G03 104 the role of Murphy Brown? She's having fun, speaking out, cashing G03 105 in, bettering the lives of those around her, and finding joy in the G03 106 work that makes life complete.

G03 107 TIME TO PREVENT OSTEOPOROSIS

G03 108 The best defense against bone loss is a good offense, so start G03 109 by understanding these six principles of calcium absorption.

G03 110 By Kenneth H. Cooper, M.D., M.P.H.

G03 111 There's no question that calcium is absolutely necessary in G03 112 building and maintaining a good, solid bone mass - or what I call G03 113 'tough bones.' Unfortunately, however, the average person consumes G03 114 far less than needed in his or her daily diet.

G03 115 Calcium by itself - especially in the form of certain G03 116 supplements - won't necessarily help you develop the tough bones G03 117 you need to fight osteoporosis. But in general, if you consume your G03 118 calcium wisely, you'll most likely strengthen your defenses against G03 119 bone loss. The following principles will help you get the calcium G03 120 you need.

G03 121 Principle 1. Each day's menus should contain 1,000 to G03 122 1,500 mg of calcium.

G03 123 The U.S. Recommended Daily Allowance for calcium is 800 mg. But G03 124 I prefer to go with the higher 1,000-to-1,500 range, which has been G03 125 endorsed by the National Institutes of Health, as well as by my G03 126 consultant Dr. Charles Pak and other osteoporosis experts.

G03 127 The reason for choosing the higher amount is that it's G03 128 important to be certain that you reach at least a 'zero calcium G03 129 balance' in your body. That is, you should be retaining at least as G03 130 much calcium as you're losing. If you're consuming only the average G03 131 amounts of 450 to 550 mg a day that many Americans take in, you're G03 132 in danger of losing bone mass. Furthermore, you are putting G03 133 yourself at greater risk for osteoporosis.

G03 134 In addition, recent studies have shown that under some G03 135 circumstances, increasing your calcium consumption may lower your G03 136 risk of hypertension. For example, one study of pregnant women G03 137 suggested that high blood pressure was associated with low calcium G03 138 intake. Also, nationwide surveys and clinical studies have G03 139 indicated that as a group, those who have high blood pressure take G03 140 in less calcium than do those who have normal blood pressure. G03 141 Specifically, one study revealed that people who consume fewer than G03 142 300 mg of calcium daily have a two to three times greater risk of G03 143 developing hypertension than do those consuming 1,500 mg a day.

G03 144 Of course, hypertension is a complex disease, and there's no G03 145 one solution to it for everybody. But the general trend of G03 146 scientific investigation points toward a definite link between low G03 147 calcium intake and the risk of high blood pressure.

G03 148 Principle 2. It's best to take your calcium on an G03 149 empty stomach.

G03 150 Admittedly, there is some disagreement on this point. One group G03 151 of researchers feels that calcium supplements - and, by G03 152 implication, calcium contained in foods - should be taken with G03 153 meals because they're absorbed better that way. This contention is G03 154 based on the fact that certain foods, such as meats, will stimulate G03 155 secretions such as hydrochloric acid, and thereby enhance the G03 156 solubility of calcium salts. In this way, more calcium supposedly G03 157 is absorbed into the system and becomes available for use in bone G03 158 formation.

G03 159 A second group, which includes Dr. Charles Pak, takes the G03 160 opposite position. They feel that calcium is best consumed on an G03 161 empty stomach because some other foods may interfere with its G03 162 absorption. For example, the oxalates or organic salts in foods G03 163 such as spinach may tie up the calcium so that it never gets into G03 164 the bloodstream. A similar process may occur with certain types of G03 165 fiber, which 'bind' the calcium and cause it to be excreted from G03 166 the body before it can get to the bones. Also, these scientists G03 167 fear that taking calcium with other foods may interfere with the G03 168 body's absorption of certain minerals such as phosphate and iron. G03 169 Remember: Phosphate, as well as calcium, is needed for G03 170 hardening!

G03 171 On balance, I believe that the arguments of this second group G03 172 are the strongest. Obviously, however, for you to get the necessary G03 173 amounts of calcium, often you must consume your calcium at G03 174 mealtimes as well.

G03 175 Principle 3. Divide your calcium consumption into at G03 176 least two separate 'doses' each day.

G03 177 It's a well-established fact that the more you can spread out G03 178 your calcium intake over the day, the more likely it is that you'll G03 179 absorb maximum amounts. Most people who take supplements find that G03 180 it's most convenient to take a tablet or other form of calcium G03 181 before breakfast and a second one at bedtime.

G03 182 On the other hand, if you're including your calcium as snacks G03 183 in the middle of the day or as part of your regular meals, you can G03 184 spread it out into even more 'doses.' That approach will promote G03 185 even better absorption by your body.

G03 186 Principle 4. Limit the sodium in your diet - G03 187 especially if you're a post-menopausal woman.

G03 188 In general, it's best to limit your salt intake for your G03 189 overall good health. But there's a particular reason for you to pay G03 190 attention to this principle if you're a woman who has gone through G03 191 menopause: You'll put yourself at greater risk for lower calcium G03 192 absorption and the development of osteoporosis if you consume too G03 193 much sodium.

G03 194 Principle 5. Calcium from different sources is G03 195 absorbed by the body with varying degrees of efficiency.

G03 196 In other words, calcium may be more 'bioavailable' from one G03 197 source than from another. In general calcium in certain supplements G03 198 tends to be better absorbed or more bioavailable than in others.

G03 199 The calcium contained in milk - calcium phosphate - isn't as G03 200 well absorbed when it's given as a pure salt. It's much better G03 201 absorbed in the form of milk. Furthermore, skim milk seems to be G03 202 better than whole milk, probably because the fats in whole milk G03 203 interfere with the absorption of calcium.

G03 204 Spinach contains a great deal of calcium, but has very low G03 205 bioavailabilty - only about 3 percent of its calcium gets absorbed G03 206 into the body. This is because the oxalates or organic salts in G03 207 spinach operate in the intestines to prevent absorption of G03 208 calcium.

G03 209 Other common calcium-containing foods include yogurt, canned G03 210 sardines and salmon (eaten with bones still present), canned or G03 211 fresh oysters, collard greens, dandelion greens, turnips, mustard G03 212 greens, broccoli, and kale. G03 213 G04 1 <#FROWN:G04\>A LOADED QUESTION

G04 2 What is it about Americans and guns?

G04 3 By Leonard Kriegel

G04 4 I have fired a gun only once in my life, hardly experience G04 5 enough to qualify one as an expert on firearms. As limited as my G04 6 exposure to guns has been, however, my failure to broaden that G04 7 experience had nothing at all to do with moral disapproval or with G04 8 the kind of righteous indignation that views an eight-year old boy G04 9 playing cops and robbers with a cap pistol as a preview of the life G04 10 of a serial killer. None of us can speak with surety about G04 11 alternative lives, but had circumstances been different I suspect I G04 12 not only would have hunted but very probably would have enjoyed it. G04 13 I might even have gone in for target shooting, a 'sport' G04 14 increasingly popular in New York City, where I live (like bowling, G04 15 it is practised indoors in alleys). To be truthful, I have my G04 16 doubts that target shooting would really have appealed to me. But G04 17 in a country in which grown men feel passionately about a game as G04 18 visibly ludicrous as golf, anything is possible.

G04 19 The single shot I fired didn't leave me with a traumatic hatred G04 20 of or distaste for guns. Quite the opposite. I liked not only the G04 21 sense of incipient skill firing that shot gave me but also the G04 22 knowledge that a true marksman, like a good hitter in baseball, had G04 23 to practice - and practice with a real gun. Boys on the cusp of G04 24 adolescence are not usually disciplined, but they do pay attention G04 25 to the demands of skill. Because I immediately recognized how G04 26 difficult it would be for me to practice marksmanship, I was G04 27 brought face to face with the fact that my career as a hunter was G04 28 over even before it had started.

G04 29 Like my aborted prospects as a major league ballplayer, my G04 30 short but happy life as a hunter could be laid at the metaphorical G04 31 feet of the polio virus which left me crippled at the age of G04 32 eleven. Yet the one thing that continues to amaze me as I look back G04 33 to that gray February afternoon when I discovered the temptation of G04 34 being shooter and hunter is that I did not shoot one or the other G04 35 of the two most visible targets - myself or my friend Jackie, the G04 36 boy who owned the .22.

G04 37 Each of us managed to fire one shot that afternoon. And when we G04 38 returned to the ward in which we lived along with twenty other G04 39 crippled boys between the ages of nine and thirteen, we regaled our G04 40 peers with a story unashamedly embellished in the telling. As the G04 41 afternoon chill faded and the narrow winter light in which we had G04 42 hunted drifted toward darkness, Jackie managed to hide the .22 from G04 43 ward nurses and doctors on the prowl. What neither of us attempted G04 44 to hide from the other boys was our brief baptism in the world of G04 45 guns.

G04 46 Like me, Jackie was a Bronx boy, as ignorant about guns as I G04 47 was. Both of us had been taken down with polio in the summer of G04 48 '44. We had each lost the use of our legs. We were currently in G04 49 wheelchairs. And we had each already spent a year and a half in the G04 50 aptly named New York State Reconstruction Home, a state hospital G04 51 for long-term physical rehabilitation. Neither of us had ever fired G04 52 anything more lethal than a Daisy air rifle, popularly known as a G04 53 BB gun - and even that, in my case at least, had been fired under G04 54 adult supervision. But Jackie and I were also American claimants, G04 55 our imaginations molded as much by Hollywood westerns as by New G04 56 York streets. At twelve, I was a true Jeffersonian who looked upon G04 57 the ownership of a six-shooter as every American's 'natural' G04 58 right.

G04 59 To this day I don't know how Jackie got hold of that .22. He G04 60 refused to tell me. And I still don't know how he got rid of it G04 61 after our wheelchair hunt in the woods. For months afterward I G04 62 would try to get him to promise that he and I would go hunting G04 63 again, but, as if our afternoon hunt had enabled him to come to G04 64 terms with his own illusions about the future (something that would G04 65 take me many more years), Jackie simply shook his head and said, G04 66 "That's over." I begged, wheedled, cajoled, G04 67 threatened. Jackie remained obdurate. A single shot for a single G04 68 hunt. It would have to be sufficient.

G04 69 I never did find out whether or not I hit the raccoon. On the G04 70 ride back to the ward, Jackie claimed I had. After he fired his G04 71 shot, he dropped his wheelchair and slid backward on his rump to G04 72 the abandoned water pipe off the side of the dirt road into which G04 73 the raccoon had leaped at the slashing crack of the .22. His hand G04 74 came down on something red - a blood-stain, he excitedly G04 75 suggested, as he lifted himself into his wheelchair and we turned G04 76 to push ourselves back to the ward. It looked like a rust stain to G04 77 me, but I didn't protest. I was quite willing to take whatever G04 78 credit I could. That was around an hour after the two of us, fresh G04 79 from lunch, had pushed our wheelchairs across the hospital grounds, G04 80 turning west at the old road that cut through the woods and led to G04 81 another state home, this one ministering to the retarded. The .22, G04 82 which lay on Jackie's lap, had bounced and jostled as we maneuvered G04 83 our wheelchairs across that rutted road in search of an animal - G04 84 any animal would do - to shoot. The early February sky hung above G04 85 us like a charcoal drawing, striations of gray slate shadings G04 86 feeding our nervous expectation.

G04 87 It was Jackie who first spotted the raccoon. Excited, he handed G04 88 the .22 to me, a gesture spurred, I then thought, by friendship. G04 89 Now I wonder whether his generosity wasn't simply self-protection. G04 90 Until that moment, the .22 lying across Jackie's dead legs had been G04 91 an abstraction, as much an imitation gun as the 'weapons' boys in G04 92 New York City construed out of the wood frames and wood slats of G04 93 fruit and vegetable crates, nails, and rubber bands - cutting up G04 94 pieces of discarded linoleum and stiff cardboard to use as G04 95 ammunition. I remember the feel of the .22 across my own lifeless G04 96 legs, the weight of it surprisingly light, as I stared at the G04 97 raccoon who eyed us curiously from in front of the broken pipe. G04 98 Then I picked up the gun, aimed, and squeezed the trigger, startled G04 99 not so much by the noise nor by the slight pull, but by the fact G04 100 that I had actually fired at something. The sound of the shot was G04 101 crisp and clean. I felt as if I had done something significant.

G04 102 Jackie took the gun from me. "Okay," he said eagerly. G04 103 "My turn now." The raccoon was nowhere in sight, G04 104 but he aimed in the direction of the water pipe into which it had G04 105 disappeared and squeezed the trigger. I heard the crack again, a G04 106 freedom of music now, perhaps because we two boys had suddenly been G04 107 bound to each other and had escaped, for this single winter G04 108 afternoon moment, the necessary but mundane courage which dominates G04 109 the everyday lives of crippled children. "Okay," I heard G04 110 him cry out happily, "we're goddamn killers G04 111 now."

G04 112 A formidable enough hail and farewell to shooting. And G04 113 certainly better than being shot at. God knows what happened to G04 114 that raccoon. Probably nothing; but for me, firing that single shot G04 115 was both the beginning and the end of my life as a marksman. The G04 116 raccoon may have been wounded, as Jackie claimed. Perhaps it had G04 117 crawled away, bleeding, to die somewhere in the woods. I doubt it. G04 118 And certainly I hope I didn't hit it, although in February 1946, G04 119 six months before I returned to the city and to life among the G04 120 'normals,' I would have taken its death as a symbolic triumph. For G04 121 that was a time I needed any triumph I could find, no matter how G04 122 minor. Back then it seemed natural to begin an uncertain future G04 123 with a kill - even if one sensed, as I did, that my career as a G04 124 hunter was already over. The future was hinting at certain demands G04 125 it would make. And I was just beginning to bend into myself, to G04 126 protect my inner man from being crushed by the knowledge of all I G04 127 would never be able to do. Hunting would be just another deferred G04 128 dream.

G04 129 But guns were not a dream. Guns were real, definitive, stamped G04 130 on the imagination by their functional beauty. A gun was not a G04 131 phallic symbol; a gun didn't offer me revenge on polio; a gun would G04 132 not bring to life dead legs or endow deferred dreams with G04 133 substance. I am as willing as the next man to quarantine reality G04 134 within psychology. But if a rose is no more than a rose, then tell G04 135 me why a gun can't simply be a gun? Guns are not monuments to fear G04 136 and aspiration any more than flowers are.

G04 137 I was already fascinated by the way guns looked. I was even G04 138 more fascinated by what they did and by what made people use then. G04 139 Six months after the end of the Second World War, boys in our ward G04 140 were still engrossed by the way talking about guns entangled us in G04 141 the dense underbrush of the national psyche. And no one in that G04 142 ward was more immersed in weaponry than I. On the verge of G04 143 adolescence, forced to seek and find adventure in my own G04 144 imagination, I was captivated by guns.

G04 145 It was a fascination that would never altogether die. A few G04 146 weeks ago I found myself nostalgically drifting through the arms G04 147 and armor galleries of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Years ago I G04 148 had often taken my young sons there. A good part of my pleasure now G04 149 derived from memories pinned to the leisurely innocence of those G04 150 earlier visits. As I wandered among those rich cabinets displaying G04 151 ornate pistols and rifles whose carved wood stocks were embossed G04 152 with gold and silver and ivory and brass, I was struck by how G04 153 incredibly lovely many of these weapons were. It was almost G04 154 impossible to conceive of them as serving the function they had G04 155 been designed to serve. These were not machines designed to kill G04 156 and maim. Created with an eye to beauty, their sense of decorative G04 157 purpose was as singular as a well-designed eighteenth-century G04 158 silver drinking cup. These guns in their solid display cases evoked G04 159 a sense of the disciplined craftsmanship to which a man might G04 160 dedicate his life.

G04 161 Flintlocks, wheel locks, a magnificent pair of ivory pistols G04 162 owned by Catherine the Great - all of them as beckoning to the G04 163 touch of fingers, had they not been securely locked behind glass G04 164 doors, as one of those small nineteenth-century engraved cameos G04 165 that seem to force time itself to surrender its pleasures. I gazed G04 166 longingly at a seventeenth-century wheel lock carbine, coveting it G04 167 the way I might covet a drinking cup by Cellini or a small bronze G04 168 horse and rider by Bologna. Its beautifully carved wooden stock had G04 169 been inlaid with ivory, brass, silver, and mother-of-pearl, its G04 170 pride of artisanship embossed with the name of its creator, Caspar G04 171 Sp<*_>a-umlaut<*/>t. I smiled with pleasure. Then I wandered G04 172 through the galleries until I found myself in front of a case G04 173 displaying eighteenth-century American flintlock rifles, all G04 174 expressing the democratic spirit one finds in Louis Sullivan's G04 175 buildings or Whitman's poetry or New York City playgrounds built by G04 176 the WPA during the Great Depression. Their polished woods were G04 177 balanced by ornately carved stag-antler powder horns, which hung G04 178 like Christmas decorations beneath them. To the right was another G04 179 display case devoted to long-barreled Colt revolvers; beyond that, G04 180 a splendidly engraved 1894 Winchester rifle and a series of Smith & G04 181 Wesson revolvers, all of them decorated by Tiffany.

G04 182 And yet they were weapons, designed ultimately to do what G04 183 weapons have always done - destroy. Only in those childlike posters G04 184 of the 1970s did flower stems grow out of the barrel of a gun. G04 185 G04 186 G05 1 <#FROWN:G05\>A Moral Conscience

G05 2 Hans Burkhardt at Jack Rutberg Fine Arts

G05 3 BY MICHAEL ZAKIAN

G05 4 Hans Burkhardt's Desert Storm II is a new G05 5 installation of paintings first shown at Jack Rutberg Fine Arts in G05 6 autumn 1991. He began this series the day after Iraq invaded Kuwait G05 7 and continued it through various stages of American involvement in G05 8 the Gulf, but it is nonspecific in its indictment of war. It does G05 9 not take sides but condemns the rational greed and irrational hate G05 10 that still brings countries together in bloody conflict.

G05 11 At the heart of these paintings lies Burkhardt's deep ties to G05 12 Abstract Expressionism. Born in 1904, the same year as Arshile G05 13 Gorky and Willem de Kooning, he worked with them in New York during G05 14 the 1930s. After moving to Los Angeles in 1937 he painted in G05 15 relative isolation, producing painterly abstractions that G05 16 paralleled developments in New York in the forties and fifties. G05 17 Never a natural abstract painter, Burkhardt always worked best when G05 18 guided by a specific subject. In the Gulf War he found a G05 19 passionate, emotionally charged theme well suited to his creative G05 20 personality.

G05 21 The compositions utilize one basic image - the American flag - G05 22 sometimes accompanied by a cross or crucifix. The symbols of the G05 23 Great Society and the Great Religion are drained of their proud G05 24 aura, reduced to empty ciphers that underscore how shallow these G05 25 institutions have become. The red stripes of the flag have been G05 26 changed to black. Originally symbolizing the blood of American G05 27 patriots, they now speak of nothing but despair for the human G05 28 condition in general.

G05 29 In many of the flags, the field of stars, symbols of our lofty G05 30 aspirations, are represented by burlap. This cheap, coarse cloth, G05 31 used primarily for sacks, reminds us that our values and principles G05 32 have been cheapened. Some of the burlap is rotted and stained red, G05 33 like the shrouds used to wrap the dead, and the harsh, scabby G05 34 surfaces of these works look like burnt and mangled flesh.

G05 35 The series could be criticized as too literal and repetitious. G05 36 Social critique centered around the flag has become G05 37 clich<*_>e-acute<*/>. But for Burkhardt, it gives tangible form to G05 38 his feelings of outrage, and one cannot ignore comparisons with G05 39 other works on the subject. Alfredo Jaar's recent Gulf War G05 40 installation, for instance, surprised viewers with graphic G05 41 photographs of war dead placed unexpectedly within a pleasing, G05 42 minimal setting. In a typically postmodern fashion, these fragments G05 43 of human sentiment were heightened by presentation through an G05 44 impersonal medium. Burkhardt, on the other hand, gives you a full G05 45 dose of sentiment, unembarrassed and unconcerned about correctness G05 46 of expression. He acts not simply as a social critic but as a moral G05 47 conscience.

G05 48 In Catch-22, the protagonist Yossarian watched as a G05 49 wounded friend's entrails spilled out onto the floor. He concluded G05 50 that his friend was telling him, "Man was Matter.... Drop G05 51 him out of a window and he'll fall. Set fire to him and he'll G05 52 burn." Burkhardt has the same message. His Desert G05 53 Storm paintings, in which the flag appears broken and burnt, G05 54 declare that all peoples and nations are as mortal as any one of G05 55 us.

G05 56 G05 57 Impossible Labors

G05 58 Bernie Lubell at the San Francisco Arts Commission Gallery

G05 59 BY JOHN RAPKO

G05 60 Bernie Lubell's current installation, The Archaeology of G05 61 Intention, presents art as the by-product of an G05 62 impossible labor of self-understanding. Working with an overgrown G05 63 urban lot next to the San Francisco Arts Commission Gallery, Lubell G05 64 has installed a faintly comic array of wooden machines which G05 65 apparently were used to dig the scattered holes and trenches G05 66 visible from the sidewalk. Tall poles, topped with identifying G05 67 letters or the logical operators 'and,' 'or,' and 'not,' seem to G05 68 indicated points of interest. In the front of the lot, a large G05 69 wooden grid in the form of an archaeologist's diagram correlates G05 70 shards and artifacts with particular strata. The overall effect is G05 71 of an archaeological dig in progress; besides the title, however, G05 72 Lubell indicates in two other ways that the dig is ultimately for G05 73 the self and sources of action. The use of logical operators G05 74 suggests that the signs are not just for identification but also G05 75 indicate objects of inquiry: the sources of reason and language. G05 76 Likewise, Lubell has put what looks like a painter's palette at the G05 77 lowest level and two simple grids at the highest level of his G05 78 archaeological diagram, thereby suggesting that the grid presents G05 79 its own prehistory as an artist's tool. Yet the sense of G05 80 incompleteness reigns. No order is apparent: arrows linking G05 81 artifacts in lines of influence glide over the gaps in the grid. G05 82 The effort of self-knowledge yields a grab bag of quaint machines G05 83 and uncertain charts.

G05 84 Like the conceptual artist Charles Gute, who recently worked G05 85 with this site, Lubell draws upon the sense of an empty urban lot G05 86 as a transitional place, one abandoned only momentarily. Gute G05 87 turned the lot into a construction zone, transforming it into a G05 88 barely noticeable and evanescent monument to its own demise, a work G05 89 which threatened to disappear into its future. By contrast, Lubell G05 90 wants to highlight the inevitable incompleteness of one's knowledge G05 91 of one's past. The site itself has been both cleared and built G05 92 upon; Lubell both excavates and constructs. What first appears as G05 93 the urban rhythm of construction and demolition figures in art as G05 94 two inseparable aspects of a necessarily endless process of G05 95 understanding. In order to excavate self-knowledge, the artist must G05 96 create the tools for the job. Yet in creating the tools he thereby G05 97 changes who he is. What the archaeology of intention reveals is the G05 98 transformation of self-discovery into self-creation, which in turn G05 99 requires a new attempt at discovery.

G05 100 Lubell clarifies this difficult sense of aesthetic G05 101 self-discovery as an open-ended spiral through the title's allusion G05 102 to Michael Foucault's The Archaeology of Knowledge. In G05 103 that book, Foucault laid out his 'archaeological' method of G05 104 historical research into the human sciences. In Foucault's equally G05 105 difficult sense, archaeology does not search for origins but G05 106 instead describes the "question of the already-said at the G05 107 level of its existence"; like Lubell's machines and G05 108 artifacts, Foucault's material "already-said" is the G05 109 ultimate object of inquiry, and not some immaterial intention or G05 110 disembodied principle. And again, like Lubell's art, what G05 111 Foucault's inquiry reveals is "this dispersion that we are G05 112 and make."

G05 113 Lubell marks his distance from Foucault, though, in the shift G05 114 from 'knowledge' to 'intention.' The distance of the archaeologist G05 115 of knowledge's gaze from its objects allows a certain serenity G05 116 which is impossible for Lubell. Because it searches for the sources G05 117 of its own agency, Lubell's work is caught up in his own inquiry, G05 118 like a painter painting herself painting herself. Perhaps the G05 119 ultimate dilemma Lubell presents is of one digging to find where to G05 120 dig.

G05 121 G05 122 A Perfection of Form

G05 123 Ruth Duckworth at Dorothy Weiss Gallery

G05 124 BY TERRI COHN

G05 125 Consider a single perfect vessel form. Not a traditional G05 126 vessel, but one delicately manipulated to include carefully incised G05 127 edges, an exquisitely crafted oblong porcelain 'blade' that rests G05 128 in its symmetrical crenulations, and exceedingly subtle variations G05 129 in its pale, pearlescent glaze. Cool, minimal, meditative, the G05 130 flawlessness of the vessel elevates it to a Zen garden-like focal G05 131 point; an object of contemplation. Such is the potential experience G05 132 of the work of Ruth Duckworth, at Dorothy Weiss Gallery.

G05 133 When considered singularly, the detached elegance and quiet G05 134 beauty of a Duckworth porcelain cup or bowl is compelling. The G05 135 minimalist aesthetic embodied in her alabaster geometric forms, G05 136 honed to an almost translucent perfection, inspires admiration and G05 137 even awe: how did she do it? But, the problem with perfection is G05 138 that it must remain separate and unique in order to retain its G05 139 status; a gallery full of these subtly hued, slightly varied, G05 140 untitled forms begins to neutralize itself. It becomes difficult to G05 141 see the tree for the forest of them.

G05 142 There are pieces that stand out. Duckworth's tall, cylindrical G05 143 untitled cup with two blades has a regal presence. Interest is G05 144 created by the incised edge of its foreground blade and the G05 145 sculptural dynamic it creates in relation to its unmanipulated G05 146 posterior twin. In another slender, untitled cup with blade, she G05 147 has used a thin band of multi-hued glaze around the G05 148 cylinder, echoed on the lower half of the blade, to allude quietly G05 149 to landscape.

G05 150 More dynamic and individualistic are the artist's abstract G05 151 sculptures and wall maquettes. Although somewhat too closely allied G05 152 with Barbara Hepworth's forms, the two standing constructions here G05 153 have an impressive, lyrical fluidity. The ingenious assemblage of G05 154 their carefully balanced free-form planes, fastened at one G05 155 convergence with a porcelain pin, creates close visual and G05 156 structural affinities with wood sculpture. Her most unique and G05 157 'contemporary' sculpture is part of a maquette of unrelated G05 158 'bandaged' shapes - an arc, a foot, a cornucopia - all with a G05 159 verdigris surface glaze reminiscent of oxidized copper. The G05 160 presence of the artist's hand in these pieces, as well as their G05 161 more earthy surfaces, is like an open window in this hothouse of G05 162 precious forms.

G05 163 The competing sensibilities of Duckworth's diverse aesthetics G05 164 raises existential questions pertinent to recent art: where is the G05 165 validity of a perfectly crafted vessel form? While technical G05 166 mastery remains admirable and Duckworth's handiwork is consummate, G05 167 in the context of the current art world, her formalist focus and G05 168 serial explorations seem anachronistic and redundant. Now that G05 169 Duckworth has achieved a pinnacle of perfection with her more G05 170 traditional works, this writer's hope is for her to pursue the more G05 171 evocative, conceptual path suggested by her maquettes and G05 172 freestanding sculptures, which perhaps will lead her to new G05 173 definitions of consummate expression.

G05 174 G05 175 Facing Reality

G05 176 Knowledge: Aspects of Conceptual Art at the Santa G05 177 Monica Museum of Art

G05 178 BY SUVAN GEER

G05 179 There are times when nothing is more fascinating to me than to G05 180 observe the workings of the human mind. I am drawn to art which G05 181 toys with ideas and twists meaning. It's mesmerizing, this drive we G05 182 have to order and reorder - imbedding or releasing a different G05 183 rational with every turn. There are times when this kind of G05 184 self-examination of the human capacity to think seems the most G05 185 involving kind of art-making around. But in the wake of the G05 186 fury that shook Los Angeles - as the fires cool and neighborhoods G05 187 reel - now is not one of those times. After driving past gun-toting G05 188 National Guardsmen on my way to the Santa Monica Museum of Art, I G05 189 found it hard not to ask myself what the coolly intellectual G05 190 conceptual art of the Knowledge show could possibly have to do G05 191 with this reality. Perhaps the social upheaval has precipitated G05 192 something of a forced reality check amounting to a crisis of faith G05 193 in the importance of art - for me, and for other artists with whom G05 194 I've spoken recently.

G05 195 Still, co-curators Phyllis Plous and Frances Colpitt have put G05 196 together a small but incisively well-defined exhibition that G05 197 explores the growth of Conceptual Art's semiotic base. At any other G05 198 moment it would be easy to wax enthusiastic over the work of these G05 199 eighteen artists (slightly reduced for this venue) and the G05 200 delightfully clear writing that accompanies such an intellectually G05 201 stringent and historically coded exhibition. Together they make a G05 202 strong argument for the powerful influence of Conceptual Art on G05 203 postmodern considerations of cultural context, and the energy it G05 204 has lent the politics of decentered pluralism. Alongside the G05 205 current turmoil, however, much of the work (particularly the older G05 206 pieces) seemed outrageously hermetic, taking great pains in the G05 207 making of small and esoteric points. Standing before Thomas G05 208 Locher's Cibachrome door of arbitrarily assigned numbers, I felt a G05 209 little like a music critic listening for the nuances of Nero's G05 210 fiddle amid Rome's cooling ashes.

G05 211 Ironically, some of the latest work of the eighties and G05 212 nineties seemed to share my distress. For a while I debated whether G05 213 art in general couldn't be summed up adroitly by the title and G05 214 washy vacuousness of Stephen Prina's Exquisite Corpse G05 215 panels. I found a timely poignancy in Louise Lawler's photograph of G05 216 a match-book that asked Why Pictures Now? and G05 217 Clegg & Gutmann's incessant cataloging of information studiously G05 218 detached from literature, culture and ultimately all connections to G05 219 peoples' lives. After all, what is the profit of self-examination G05 220 if the process leaves out the real world?

G05 221 G06 1 <#FROWN:G06\>EL SALVADOR'S JESUIT MURDERS

G06 2 Justice Is Still Undone

G06 3 MARTHA DOGGETT

G06 4 The peace settlement for El Salvador, signed in New York City G06 5 on New Year's Day, sidesteps the question of amnesty, leaving the G06 6 contentious matter to a multiparty peace commission and ultimately G06 7 to the Legislative Assembly. With the details of an amnesty still G06 8 to be worked out, concerns persist that the Salvadoran government G06 9 might attempt to pardon those convicted of the 1989 murders of six G06 10 Jesuit priests, their cook and her daughter. In a much-criticized G06 11 verdict last September, a jury found a colonel and a lieutenant G06 12 guilty of the killings.

G06 13 Following the verdict, el caso Jesuita G06 14 seemed to be settling into the judicial limbo that characterizes so G06 15 many human rights crimes in El Salvador. Then U.S. Congressman Joe G06 16 Moakley resurrected the case. Last November 18, Moakley, a G06 17 street-smart South Boston politico who heads a special G06 18 Congressional task force on the case, released a six-page statement G06 19 outlining information he had received from confidential sources. G06 20 Moakley charged that top Salvadoran officers decided to kill the G06 21 Jesuits and the women at a meeting on the afternoon of November 15, G06 22 1989; that night the murders were committed. He reported that those G06 23 who attended the meeting at the Military Academy were Gen. G06 24 Ren<*_>e-acute<*/> Emilio Ponce, then army Chief of Staff and now G06 25 Defense Minister; Orlando Zepeda (then a colonel, now a general), G06 26 Deputy Minister of Defense; Col. Francisco Elena Fuentes, commander G06 27 of the infamous First Brigade; and Gen. Juan Rafael Bustillo, long G06 28 rumored to be a collaborator with the Central Intelligence Agency. G06 29 As Air Force chief, Bustillo allowed Ilopango airfield to be used G06 30 as a transfer point for Nicaraguan contra supply flights. G06 31 Entrusted with carrying out the plan was the director of the G06 32 Military Academy, Col. Guillermo Alfredo Benavides.

G06 33 Moakley said the idea to kill the Jesuits came from Bustillo, G06 34 who abruptly and unexpectedly resigned his command just six weeks G06 35 after the crime. The general now divides his time between San G06 36 Salvador and his home in Miami, and is said to have set his sights G06 37 on El Salvador's Casa Presidencial.

G06 38 According to Moakley's statement, the reactions of the other G06 39 officers at the meeting "ranged from support to reluctant G06 40 acceptance to silence." Moakley also charged that Colonel G06 41 Benavides, who was convicted on eight counts of murder last G06 42 September, told officers at the academy on the murder night that he G06 43 had "received the green light" to move against the G06 44 Jesuits, just meters down the highway at the Central American G06 45 University. The army's enmity for the Jesuits was nothing new. Fr. G06 46 Ignacio Ellacur<*_>i-acute<*/>a, the brilliant Basque theologian G06 47 and philosopher who was probably the killers' primary target, had G06 48 narrowly escaped a military plot on his life in 1980.

G06 49 Moakley's revelation of the afternoon meeting is one of several G06 50 accounts of gatherings of top officers in the hours preceding the G06 51 crime. Other versions place the meeting at Joint Command G06 52 headquarters, where many officers had virtually taken up residence G06 53 during the most threatening urban guerilla offensive of the G06 54 decade-long civil war. A May 1, 1990, communiqu<*_>e-acute<*/> G06 55 issued by young army officers said two meetings at which the G06 56 murders were plotted had been held on the afternoon of November 15, G06 57 1989, in the office of General Zepeda. The junior officers also G06 58 gave credibility to the views of Col. Sigifredo Ochoa G06 59 P<*_>e-acute<*/>rez, a retired field commander who is now an G06 60 influential member of the ruling ARENA party. Ochoa told 60 G06 61 Minutes in April 1990 that "Benavides obeyed; it G06 62 wasn't his decision."

G06 63 El Salvador's senior military officials reacted predictably to G06 64 Moakley's allegations, declaring their innocence, demanding proof G06 65 and decrying 'politicization' of the case. General Bustillo called G06 66 Moakley a closet leftist and "a politician without scruples G06 67 or professional ethics who respects neither individuals nor G06 68 institutions."

G06 69 First Brigade commander Elena Fuentes, whose troops have one of G06 70 the army's worst human rights records, said Moakley has a G06 71 notoriously close relationship to the F.M.L.N., "to the G06 72 point that there is a suspicious coincidence between the G06 73 declarations of the terrorist leader Joaqu<*_>i-acute<*/>n G06 74 Villalobos and the honorable Mr. Moakley." (On the G06 75 afternoon of the assassination, First Brigade sound trucks drove G06 76 around San Salvador triumphantly announcing, G06 77 "Ellacur<*_>i-acute<*/>a and G06 78 Mart<*_>i-acute<*/>n-Bar<*_>o-acute<*/> [a Jesuit psychologist who G06 79 was among those murdered] have fallen. We are going to continue G06 80 killing communists!" Bustillo and Elena Fuentes (who was G06 81 reassigned in mid-January) said they were considering a slander G06 82 suit against Moakley. For his part, General Ponce, sweating G06 83 profusely and visibly shaken, held a press conference last November G06 84 19 with General Zepeda. They released an army G06 85 communiqu<*_>e-acute<*/> saying "It is totally illogical G06 86 that persons who supposedly were inside the Military Academy on the G06 87 afternoon of November 15 who are said to have verified that the G06 88 meeting took place but who did not participate in the meeting could G06 89 have knowledge of what the meeting was about and what was decided G06 90 during the meeting." The wording is curious, especially in G06 91 light of an exchange between General Ponce and a journalist at the G06 92 press conference:

G06 93 Q: You also deny that [the meeting] took place at the G06 94 Military Academy?

G06 95 A: I deny it categorically because I was not at the Military G06 96 Academy. I was here at my command post at Joint Command G06 97 headquarters.

G06 98 Who came and went from the Military Academy is difficult to G06 99 establish with any certainty at this point because G06 100 high-ranking officers ordered that the logbooks kept by G06 101 sentries at the main gate be burned in late December 1989. Having G06 102 destroyed the evidence, those named by Moakley are confident that G06 103 he cannot produce the smoking gun they demand.

G06 104 Even the government of President Alfredo Cristiani felt G06 105 compelled to defend the army, placing a paid advertisement in the G06 106 Salvadoran press. Without naming Moakley, the government criticized G06 107 "persons or groups" who have the "evident G06 108 goal of manipulating politically and attacking personalities of the G06 109 Armed Forces and the institution itself. This has been done with G06 110 absolute irresponsibility, with no foundation and based on purely G06 111 partisan speculation."

G06 112 Congressman Moakley's charges provoked new complaints about G06 113 foreign intervention into the case. This theme was part of the G06 114 defense's appeal to the jury at the trial of nine soldiers last G06 115 September. Attorneys for the defense harped on foreign imperialism, G06 116 telling the jury that the trial was being held only to please G06 117 "los cheles," as Salvadorans G06 118 refer to light-skinned people. "He who pays the G06 119 mariachis chooses the tune," one defense attorney said G06 120 repeatedly.

G06 121 A defense attorney said that "today we will show that G06 122 we have no yoke around our necks by acquitting these men." G06 123 Another defense attorney told the jury, "We are going to G06 124 work as Salvadorans and not capitulate to foreign G06 125 pressure."

G06 126 At no time did the defense attempt to paint an alternative G06 127 scenario for what happened on the campus of Central American G06 128 University the night of the murders. The crime itself was hardly G06 129 touched on by the defense. Members of the jury heard no oral G06 130 testimony or cross-examination, and for security reasons were G06 131 blocked from seeing the defendants. After five hours of G06 132 deliberation, they delivered their verdict. Five enlisted men and G06 133 two lieutenants, all of whom had initially confessed their roles in G06 134 the murders to the police, were acquitted. Colonel Benavides, who, G06 135 according to the military's version of events, ordered the G06 136 killings, was convicted on all eight counts of murder. His deputy G06 137 at the Military Academy, Lieut. Yusshy Ren<*_>e-acute<*/> Mendoza G06 138 Vallecillos, was convicted solely of the murder of 15-year-old G06 139 Celina Mariceth Ramos.

G06 140 The verdict, which stunned defense and prosecution alike, G06 141 defied logic. No witnesses suggested that Benavides ever went to G06 142 the murder site; Lieutenant Mendoza, by all accounts, did not fire G06 143 his weapon. There is no more reason to link Mendoza to the killing G06 144 of Celina Ramos than to any other murder. Celina died embracing her G06 145 mother, Julia Ramos, the Jesuits' cook, with whom she shared a G06 146 sofabed that night, so whoever killed Celina also killed her G06 147 mother. Argentine attorney Eduardo Luis Duhalde, who observed the G06 148 trial for the American Association of Jurists, called Mendoza's G06 149 conviction "totally incomprehensible factually and G06 150 legally."

G06 151 The jury's decision provoked speculation that it might have G06 152 believed that the soldiers who originally confessed to committing G06 153 the murders did so on the orders of their superiors and should not G06 154 be held accountable, even though such a finding was in G06 155 contravention of both Salvadoran law and the Nuremberg G06 156 principles.

G06 157 The illogical verdict inevitably led to speculation about jury G06 158 tampering. A European law professor who observed the trial at his G06 159 government's request said the most "credible G06 160 hypothesis" concerning the verdict was that someone G06 161 "influenced [the jury] in one form or another...to G06 162 predetermine its decision. It is not easy to imagine that a G06 163 [Salvadoran jury] would spontaneously come up with such a G06 164 solution....The verdict fulfills all the conditions of a political G06 165 decision."

G06 166 In a Washington Post Op-Ed article last October, G06 167 Moakley said he could not "rule out the possiblity that the G06 168 military interfered with the outcome of the trial. The verdict is G06 169 too inconsistent to be rationally explained and fuels suspicions G06 170 that the jury may have been manipulated." In November, on G06 171 the second anniversary of the killings, Central American University G06 172 issued a statement saying that the jury's "strange" G06 173 conclusions "leads us to consider that the verdict - like G06 174 the entire judicial process - was the product of 'a deal.'" G06 175 The communiqu<*_>e-acute<*/> continued, "This verdict was G06 176 not the product of a judicial system which works, but something G06 177 darker, more political, and not ruled by established institutional G06 178 procedures."

G06 179 "It was fixed," a retired Salvadoran politician G06 180 told me in early December. "As an attorney I can tell you G06 181 that it was fixed. It was a solution that was designed to do the G06 182 least damage."

G06 183 The verdict did have a certain utility from the military's G06 184 point of view. The two convicted officers had been holding desk G06 185 jobs at the Military Academy, without combat troops under them. G06 186 Convicting them was less apt to stir up discontent among younger G06 187 officers. The tandona, the clique that dominates the G06 188 military today, knew it had to sacrifice something to keep the aid G06 189 dollars flowing from Washington. Colonel Benavides, one of their G06 190 own, who had already been kept under house arrest for nearly two G06 191 years, surely understood that loyalty to his peers required that he G06 192 serve as scapegoat for the grossest miscalculation the Salvadoran G06 193 Armed Forces has ever made.

G06 194 That the convictions did not touch the powerful Atlacatl G06 195 Battalion, the U.S.-created and trained elite unit that carried out G06 196 the murders, is noteworthy. Atlacatl Lieut. Jos<*_>e-acute<*/> G06 197 Ricardo Espinoza Guerra, whose excellent English and extensive U.S. G06 198 training made him a close collaborator of U.S. advisers, can G06 199 presumably salvage his once-promising military career. Espinoza is G06 200 said to have threatened to 'talk' had he been convicted. The peace G06 201 treaty calls for a vast reduction in the size of the army, and the G06 202 elite battalions are to be gradually disbanded. Yet the treaty G06 203 leaves open the question of whether current members of the Atlacatl G06 204 and other battalions are to be reassigned or discharged, and G06 205 convictions of skilled commandos would no doubt have been a blow to G06 206 the morale of the Atlacatl fighters, whose unit will not be G06 207 demobilized until September.

G06 208 Judge Ricardo Zamora still has not sentenced the two officers, G06 209 nor has he ruled on charges related to terrorism and the cover-up, G06 210 which were not heard by the jury. Defense attorneys, who repeatedly G06 211 tried to have the case transferred out of Zamora's court in 1990, G06 212 have asked the judge to recuse himself, citing the fact that he G06 213 once taught law at Central American University. In a country where G06 214 conflict of interest is seldom an issue, attempts to raise it at G06 215 this late date have only provoked angry impatience from the appeals G06 216 court, which has twice rejected the recusal petition.

G06 217 Whether Congressman Moakley's statement will trigger an G06 218 investigation by Salvadoran authorities into who acutally ordered G06 219 the assassination depends largely on the State Department. G06 220 Spokesman Richard Boucher's description of Moakley's charges as G06 221 "accusations but not direct evidence" is consistent G06 222 with State's pattern of sitting back and waiting for somebody else G06 223 to come up with incontrovertible proof.

G06 224 Central American Jesuits, meanwhile, asked the Salvadoran G06 225 Legislative Assembly to form an investigative commission, as G06 226 provided for by the Constitution, to examine the question of who G06 227 ordered the murders and when. G06 228 G07 1 <#FROWN:G07\>TAKE A LITTLE DEADLY NIGHTSHADE AND YOU'LL G07 2 FEEL BETTER

G07 3 BY JAMES GORMAN

G07 4 MY FRIEND THE MEDICAL SOCIOLOGIST WAS the one who shocked me. I G07 5 had not been that surprised when some anthroposophical friends and G07 6 others with interests in so-called alternative medicines had touted G07 7 the virtues of homeopathy. But when my friend, Joan L., who works G07 8 in the health-care industry - the high-tech, mainstream, G07 9 regular-medicine health-care industry - told me that not only had G07 10 she used homeopathic remedies for her allergies and colds, but also G07 11 had given her daughter homeopathic medicine for a sore throat (It G07 12 worked! Overnight!), I was shaken.

G07 13 This was a woman with whom I had shared long hypochondriacal G07 14 conversations about heart disease, brain tumors and food poisoning, G07 15 all based on the best available scientific evidence. Yet here she G07 16 was advocating a system of medicine - based on treatment with very G07 17 dilute doses of natural materials, which in larger quantities would G07 18 cause the same symptoms that ail you - that is inexplicable by G07 19 modern science. "But it works," she said, and cited G07 20 a paper in The British Journal of Medicine (we often trade G07 21 citations in conversation).

G07 22 Further investigation revealed that almost everyone I knew G07 23 either had used a homeopathic remedy or knew someone who did. G07 24 Drugstores that a few years ago were carrying only mainstream G07 25 products like Nyquil and Sudafed were displaying homeopathic lines G07 26 in their windows. And not in amber bottles, but in small, colorful G07 27 cardboard containers with the pills comfortably ensconced in G07 28 blister packs. There was Qui<*_>e-acute<*/>tude - 'the homeopathic G07 29 insomnia remedy in a white box with blue and pink pastel borders.' G07 30 And Alpha CF, for colds and flu, in an icy-blue package with a G07 31 snowflake design.

G07 32 I was not the only one to notice that homeopathy was in vogue G07 33 and visually more attractive than ever. A newspaper article about G07 34 an up-and-coming bicoastal style monger named Andre Balazs noted G07 35 that a feature planned for the ultra-chic Manhattan hotel he's G07 36 building is a homeopathic pharmacy. If it does well, Balazs G07 37 envisions a chain.

G07 38 This would obviously please the homeopathic pharmaceutical G07 39 companies, which are already undergoing a renaissance. Old G07 40 companies are reviving, and new companies are getting into the G07 41 field, which in the late 1970's and early 1980's made a miraculous G07 42 recovery from near death. According to the Food and Drug G07 43 Administration, sales of some homeopathic drug companies increased G07 44 1,000 percent. Growth has continued apace ever since, with the G07 45 American market for homeopathic drugs now estimated at $100 G07 46 million.

G07 47 Europe's two biggest homeopathic pharmaceutical companies have G07 48 moved into the United States, each acquiring a struggling old G07 49 American firm. Boiron L.H.F., of France, a publicly held company, G07 50 bought Borneman & Sons of Philadelphia in 1983. In 1987 the G07 51 privately owned Dr. Willmar Schwabe GmbH & Company, of Germany, G07 52 purchased Boericke & Tafel, another Philadelphia company, founded G07 53 in 1825, and in 1990 moved it into a new, state-of-the-art G07 54 production facility in Santa Rosa, Calif. Both companies report G07 55 that gross sales have increased by more than 20 percent a year, a G07 56 claim matched by Standard Homeopathic Company, an old-line G07 57 California firm.

G07 58 New to the homeopathic market is Nature's Way Products Inc., a G07 59 manufacturer of food supplements, which describes itself as G07 60 "America's Natural Health Care Company." The G07 61 full-page magazine advertisements trumpeting its new line of G07 62 homeopathic medicines assure consumers that they "work a G07 63 lot like vaccines" and are easy to use. "If my back G07 64 hurts, I get the remedy labeled for injury and back-ache, G07 65 and there's one for arthritis, PMS, colds or whatever. It's G07 66 simple." So simple, in fact, that there is a remedy labeled G07 67 simply 'Allergy.'

G07 68 Imagine - medicines that have no side effects, so safe that a G07 69 child could swallow an entire bottle of pills, yet able to cure G07 70 pesky ailments like fatigue, insomnia and allergy that have baffled G07 71 modern medicine. How could such medicines be produced? What went G07 72 into them? What was my friend Joan getting into?

G07 73 Boericke & Tafel's brand-new headquarters seemed the G07 74 best place to look on the new face of homeopathy, so I flew to San G07 75 Francisco and then drove north to Santa Rosa. The plant was G07 76 spanking clean, just the way you want a pharmaceutical plant to be. G07 77 In the laboratorylike production rooms, everyone (including me) G07 78 wore white coats, surgical masks and gloves and disposable caps. G07 79 The workers also put on special white shoes, which they wore only G07 80 while in these areas. Visitors and all other personnel were given G07 81 covers for theirs. (The last time I had seen people dressed this G07 82 way was at my son's birth.) In one area a tablet-making machine was G07 83 busy making tablets. In another, the tincture storage room, there G07 84 were scores of amber bottles on stainless-steel racks, all G07 85 very pharmaceutical. But there was no amoxycillin or Prozac, no G07 86 Xanax or AZT. Instead there were tinctures of Rhus radicans (poison G07 87 ivy), Berberis vulgaris (barberry) and Calcarea silicata (silicate G07 88 of lime). In another area, Calendula officinalis (marigold) was G07 89 macerating in what seemed to be large stainless-steel G07 90 stockpots.

G07 91 Next we entered the 'single remedy room,' where medicines were G07 92 actually being produced. First the technician weighted out a gram's G07 93 worth of drops from one bottle of Natrum muriaticum 25X. Otherwise G07 94 known as sodium chloride or table salt, the Natrum muriaticum had G07 95 been diluted 25 times at a ratio of 1 to 10, leaving 1 part salt to G07 96 10 to the 25th power parts of alcohol and water (10 followed by 25 G07 97 zeros, a number so high that the name used to describe it is a G07 98 'googol'). After each dilution the solution was shaken 10 times by G07 99 hand and banged against a rubber pad, a process known in homeopathy G07 100 as 'succussion.' In homeopathy this process of diluting, shaking G07 101 and banging is known as 'potentizing.' In homeopathic speak the G07 102 solution was at 25X potency.

G07 103 To this already ethereal solution the technician added more G07 104 liquid to dilute it 1 to 10 once again. She then succussed the G07 105 solution by shaking it 10 times by hand (up and down) and banging G07 106 it against a rubber pad on each down stroke. The solution was now G07 107 Natrum muriaticum 26X. She repeated the same procedure again to G07 108 produce a 27X solution. The final steps (done later) would be to G07 109 repeat the dilution and succussion process three more times to G07 110 achieve Natrum muriaticum 30X. Then drops of this solution of 1 G07 111 part salt to 10 to the 30th power parts liquid would be added to G07 112 sugar tablets, resulting in a product reputedly useful for allergy, G07 113 anemia, cardiovascular problems and grieving states.

G07 114 As I watched this process I heard within me the whimper of G07 115 offended reason. By all known laws of physics and chemistry, the G07 116 initial preparation had been diluted so many times that it was G07 117 highly unlikely that a measurable trace of salt remained, not a G07 118 molecule. And this was before the five succeeding dilutions, and G07 119 the final dosing of the sugar pellets. What was being created, it G07 120 seemed, was not a drug, but the idea of a drug, what an artist G07 121 friend of mine calls "conceptual medicine." I G07 122 thought, Welcome to homeopathy.

G07 123 FEW PEOPLE WHO BUY the new over-the-counter homeopathic G07 124 remedies realize that homeopathy is not herbal or Chinese medicine. G07 125 It is not naturopathy, osteopathy or acupuncture, not bodywork, G07 126 shiatsu or chiropractic. Homeopathy was developed by the German G07 127 physician Samuel Hahnemann (1755-1843), and began to flourish in G07 128 Europe, in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. According to the G07 129 National Center for Homeopathy, a promotional organization with G07 130 6,500 members, 32 percent of family physicians in France and 20 G07 131 percent in Germany prescribe homeopathic medicines, while in Great G07 132 Britain 42 percent sometimes refer patients to homeopaths. In G07 133 France, where the best-selling flu remedy, Oscillococcinum, is G07 134 homeopathic, the national health-care system covers homeopathic G07 135 prescriptions from traditional physicians.

G07 136 Homeopathy's popularity surged in this country after the Civil G07 137 War, then faded early in this century. In this Pulitzer G07 138 Prize-winning book, 'The Social Transformation of American G07 139 Medicine,' Paul Starr says homeopaths "won a share in the G07 140 legal privileges of the profession." He wrote: G07 141 "Only afterward did they lose their popularity. When G07 142 homeopathic and eclectic doctors were shunned and denounced by the G07 143 regular profession, they thrived." Opinions differ as to G07 144 its demise. Homeopaths say it was squeezed out by the American G07 145 Medical Association, while others hold that its popularity waned G07 146 because regular medicine worked better. In 1900, there were 22 G07 147 homeopathic medical schools here; in 1918 there were 6, and now G07 148 there are none, which makes homeopathy's revival all the more G07 149 remarkable.

G07 150 One reason for homeopathy's new-found popularity is its focus G07 151 on the individual. Homeopathic physicians traditionally spend G07 152 considerable time finding a unique cure for each person. This is in G07 153 direct and appealing contrast to the medical assembly lines many G07 154 patients find themselves going through nowadays. A visit to a G07 155 homeopathic physician should involve not only the traditional G07 156 physical exam (blood pressure, blood tests and so on) and the G07 157 standard medical history, but also at least an hourlong G07 158 consultation with very thorough questions about the patient's G07 159 complaints and general health.

G07 160 Even in the realm of self-help, the same attitude prevails. G07 161 Boericke & Tafel's 'Family Guide to Self-Medication' has something G07 162 of the appeal of a book of medical horoscopes. Deadly nightshade, G07 163 for instance, is recommended for colds and flu, but look under the G07 164 'Comments' column: "Patient is overly excited and G07 165 sensitive." Wild rosemary is good for a range of ills, G07 166 including "rheumatism that starts in the feet," G07 167 "black eyes" and "chronic G07 168 bronchitis." It is particularly "suitable for pale, G07 169 delicate persons who always feel cold and chilly." G07 170 Naturally I went looking for what remedy would be good for me. G07 171 There was no doubt: Nux vomica, otherwise known as poison nut, a G07 172 plant from which strychnine can be extracted. "Preeminent G07 173 for many conditions of modern life. Typical patient is thin, G07 174 active, nervous, lives a sedentary life with much mental G07 175 strain." Well, I used to be thin.

G07 176 IN DESCRIBING THE early practitioners, Paul Starr says, G07 177 "Hahnemann and his followers saw disease fundamentally as a G07 178 matter of the spirit; what occurred inside the body did not follow G07 179 physical laws." Today the emphasis is on the principles of G07 180 medicine Hahnemann developed. Perhaps the most well known of these G07 181 is the 'law of similars', or 'like cures like,' which holds that G07 182 the same substance that in large doses causes the symptoms that G07 183 plague you, in small doses will cure you. To prove this Hahnemann G07 184 used cinchona, which was already a known treatment for malaria. G07 185 Hoping to induce the symptomatic chills and fever of malaria, he G07 186 took large doses of cinchona, which produced the desired results. G07 187 Using that as evidence for the rule, he conducted other G07 188 experimental 'provings' of different substances to identify other G07 189 potential cures. He then instructed his followers to use the drug G07 190 or treatment that 'in effect' matched the patient's symptoms.

G07 191 Furthermore, Hahnemann said, and modern homeopaths have agreed, G07 192 that the smaller the dose, the stronger the remedy, but only if the G07 193 preparation is vigorously shaken after each dilution, the theory G07 194 being that dilution plus succussion somehow 'potentizes' a remedy. G07 195 A dilution of 1 part in 10 is 1X, 1 part in 100 is 1C. At roughly G07 196 12C or 24X, which is to say 1 part in 10 to the 24th, conventional G07 197 chemistry holds that there is no measurable amount of the original G07 198 substance left. But homeopaths do not stop at 24X; some go up to G07 199 1,000 or 50,000. The highest dilutions of homeopathic medicines - G07 200 despite having the least amount of the active ingredient, or G07 201 ingredients - are supposed to be the most potent and are commonly G07 202 used for mental or emotional problems. Conversely, lower dilutions, G07 203 like 1X or 6X, which characterize most over-the-counter medicines, G07 204 contain much higher amounts of the active ingredient, but are G07 205 considered less potent.

G07 206 Most prepackaged remedies are for aches, pains, allergies and G07 207 colds, but some promise more. Boericke & Tafel, for instance, G07 208 markets something called Alfalco. An alfalfa tonic that comes in a G07 209 four-ounce-bottle, it is recommended for temporary relief of G07 210 tension, anxiety, sleeplessness, mental and physical fatigue, G07 211 abnormal appetite and fatigue following illness. Alfalco has nine G07 212 homeopathic ingredients, including cinchona 2X, sodium phosphate 6X G07 213 and formic acid 3X, and one ingredient in a nonhomeopathic dose, G07 214 alcohol. G07 215 G08 1 <#FROWN:G08\>Where Honor Is Due:

G08 2 Frederick Douglass as Representative Black Man

G08 3 WILSON J. MOSES

G08 4 FREDERICK DOUGLASS may or may not have been the greatest G08 5 African American abolitionist and orator of the 19th Century, but G08 6 he was certainly the most accomplished master of self-projection. G08 7 His autobiographical writings demonstrate the genius with which he G08 8 seized and manipulated mainstream American symbols and values. By G08 9 appropriating the Euro-American myth of the self-made man, Douglass G08 10 guaranteed that his struggle would be canonized, not only within an G08 11 African American tradition, but within the traditions of the G08 12 mainstream as well. He manipulated the rhetoric of Anglo-Saxon G08 13 manhood as skillfully as did any of his white contemporaries, G08 14 including such master manipulators as Abraham Lincoln, Ralph Waldo G08 15 Emerson, and Phineas T. Barnum. I mention Douglass along with these G08 16 wily exemplars of American showmanship, not because I want to drag G08 17 out embarrassing cliches about making heroes more human, but in G08 18 order to address the truly monumental nature of Douglass's G08 19 accomplishments. Douglass, like Lincoln, Emerson, and Barnum, was G08 20 abundantly endowed with the spiderish craft and foxlike cunning G08 21 that are often marks of self-made men.

G08 22 Douglass, like his bluff contemporary Walt Whitman, made his G08 23 living by the art of self-celebration, a skill that has always G08 24 figured in the strategies of American literary figures. He sang his G08 25 song of himself, through four main versions of his autobiography, G08 26 creating himself as a mythic figure and racial icon. The result is G08 27 that even scholars and historians who may be relatively unfamiliar G08 28 with other black American personalities of the 19th Century are G08 29 acquainted with the major events of Douglass's life, or at least G08 30 with his version of them. He was born into slavery in 1818, escaped G08 31 to the North in 1838 and, with amazing rapidity, by 1840 was well G08 32 on the way to establishing himself as the principal black G08 33 abolitionist in the United States. Among his other accomplishments, G08 34 Douglass served as a newspaper editor, Civil War recruiter, G08 35 president of the Freedman's Bank, minister to Haiti, recorder of G08 36 deeds, and Marshall of the District of Columbia. In the final G08 37 analysis, he was a man of great dignity, principle, and courage, G08 38 but he was also a showman, and he made his living mainly by G08 39 cultivating the myth of Frederick Douglass.

G08 40 When he attempted to function as a businessman or politician, G08 41 he sometimes waded in beyond his depth, and thus he was embarrassed G08 42 by the failure of the Freedman's Bank, shortly after he assumed its G08 43 presidency. His tenure as minister to Haiti was troubled from the G08 44 beginning. As he made preparations to assume the post, he found G08 45 that he could not get first-class accommodations by G08 46 railroad or steamboat going south. Special arrangements were made G08 47 for him to travel on a U.S. naval vessel, the Kearsarge, which G08 48 moved some to comment that not every black American found it G08 49 possible so to avoid the indignities of Jim Crow travel. Douglass G08 50 was constantly pressured by the State Department and the American G08 51 business community to deal with the Haitians in an imperious and G08 52 insulting manner. This, to his credit, he would not do. Black G08 53 people everywhere identified passionately with Haiti, the world's G08 54 first sovereign black republic, and Douglass could not allow G08 55 himself to be seen as a puppet for American racist expansionism. As G08 56 part of his duties, he attempted to negotiate for a military base G08 57 at M<*_>o-circ<*/>le St. Nicholas, but his respect for Haitian G08 58 sovereignty led to his being accused of incompetency by those whose G08 59 interests he refused to slavishly serve. When his efforts were G08 60 unsuccessful, whites rebuked him as an inept representative of G08 61 American interests.

G08 62 But even Douglass's setbacks were somehow transmuted into G08 63 victories by the alchemy of a brilliant personality and the fact G08 64 that black America has always had a desperate need for heroes. G08 65 Nonetheless, it must be admitted that many aspects of Douglass's G08 66 life and writings are controversial. No serious historian can G08 67 ignore the problem of self-serving selectivity that lies behind the G08 68 veil of homely modesty that he assumes in his autobiographical G08 69 writings. The task of every biographer of Frederick Douglass has G08 70 been to fill in some of the discreet omissions in Douglass's G08 71 skillful work of self-promotion. Historians and literary scholars G08 72 are increasingly aware of the craft with which Douglass manipulated G08 73 audiences and readers, and they have recently provided us with G08 74 considerable information that Douglass did not see fit to reveal. G08 75 Many of these matters were discussed in the first full-length G08 76 biography of Douglass, published by Benjamin Quarles in 1948. More G08 77 recent biographers have built on Quarles's work, giving us a G08 78 portrait that is admirable and believable; nonetheless, in far too G08 79 many instances, Douglass has been allowed to dictate the terms of G08 80 his own biography.

G08 81 Because even the best biographies of Douglass have been G08 82 appendices to his own brilliant autobiographical writings, the G08 83 point is often forgotten that Douglass was not a gigantic G08 84 abnormality in black American history, but in many ways a typical G08 85 black American man of the class and region he represented. In G08 86 typical American fashion, Douglass sought in his writings to G08 87 demonstrate his individuality, along with his individualism. The G08 88 very self-reliance and independence that he stressed in his G08 89 autobiographies represented conformity to the American type of the G08 90 self-made man. Thus, Douglass was, to use Emerson's phrase, a G08 91 representative man. Much of the present-day biographical and G08 92 literary treatment of Douglass makes him appear to be exceptional. G08 93 For his own part, Douglass at times stressed the Emersonian dictum G08 94 that the great man is often great because he is representative, not G08 95 because he is exceptional. Self-reliance, for him as for Emerson, G08 96 often existed in the paradox of blending one's ego into larger G08 97 'transcendental' forces, of believing that what is true of one's G08 98 self is true of others. Douglass's concept of self-reliance, like G08 99 Emerson's, was grounded in the principle of universality rather G08 100 than difference. Douglass was, as I hope to show presently, not G08 101 only a representative man, but a representative black man.

G08 102 On the other hand, there were ways in which he was not G08 103 representative. Douglass seemed, at times, to be less attuned to G08 104 the cultural sentiments of black Americans and to their political G08 105 struggles than were some other black men among his contemporaries. G08 106 Among black-power advocates, he is celebrated as a prophet of G08 107 self-determination. They celebrate his founding of The North G08 108 Star, an independent newspaper, and it is with relish that G08 109 they recall his rallying cry "We must be our own G08 110 representatives!" But Douglass could change positions G08 111 dramatically on black-power-related issues. He did at times G08 112 champion black institutions, and then on other occasions he G08 113 denounced them as self-segregating. Douglass's ideology was G08 114 thoroughly inconsistent, usually opportunistic, and always G08 115 self-serving. I suspect that if Douglass were alive today, he would G08 116 be as uncontrollable as ever, and that his often shifting ideology G08 117 would be now, as it was then, often unacceptable to liberals and G08 118 conservatives alike.

G08 119 Douglass represented a class of free black males who were G08 120 literate in English, influenced by Christianity, and afflicted with G08 121 a sometimes unconscious Anglophilism. Mary Helen Washington and G08 122 Valerie Smith remind us that he was obsessed with attempts to G08 123 emulate and compete with white males in terms of the values of G08 124 assertive masculinity. Nonetheless, the recent interpretation by G08 125 James McFeely depicts Douglass in ways specifically adapted to G08 126 liberal ideologies of the 1980s. A case in point is Douglass's G08 127 relationship to the women's movement. He did indeed commendably G08 128 support women's suffrage, but this support was at times less than G08 129 lukewarm. Douglass gave black male suffrage a much higher priority G08 130 than white female suffrage, even when his feminist friends became G08 131 exasperated with him. While on the one hand he got along well with G08 132 white liberal women, and even married one of them, he was not G08 133 afraid to confront them when he felt their interests to be in G08 134 conflict with his as a black male.

G08 135 Today there is endless discussion of Douglass's private life G08 136 and his friendships with women, both black and white, for we now G08 137 know much more about his personal affairs than did his earlier G08 138 biographers. Douglass had a commanding personality; he was G08 139 strikingly handsome and stood over six feet tall; he was athletic G08 140 and he possessed an intense sexual attractiveness. I believe that a G08 141 great deal of what he accomplished was a result of his magnetic G08 142 virility. As Mary Helen Washington has observed, he largely owed G08 143 his escape from slavery to a black woman, Anna Murray, who became G08 144 his first wife. One historian has speculated, probably accurately, G08 145 that Anna was pregnant with their first child, Rosetta, before the G08 146 couple left the South. It is impossible not to be curious about the G08 147 early sexual development of Douglass, who later portrayed himself G08 148 as a puritanical feminist, an image that was so useful to him in G08 149 his dealing with his New England abolitionist contemporaries. Was G08 150 it really possible for a heterosexual black male to grow up in a G08 151 slave society without being affected by the earthly values of G08 152 plantation sexuality? Douglass's autobiography is silent on such G08 153 matters, unlike that of his 18th-Century predecessor, Benjamin G08 154 Franklin, who admits to sexual adventurism during youth.

G08 155 In recent years, black feminists have become increasingly G08 156 critical of Douglass's treatment of his first wife. Anna Douglass G08 157 was a dutiful helpmate to her husband; she was a hard worker and a G08 158 thrifty housewife. A portion of Douglass's financial success has G08 159 been attributed to her able administration of his domestic G08 160 finances, but she was not up to the management of a newspaper and G08 161 she apparently never learned to read. Furthermore, it does not seem G08 162 that she provided Douglass with much in the way of intellectual G08 163 companionship; for this, he often went outside his home. The women G08 164 were usually white, and his friendship in later years with the G08 165 young journalist Ida B. Wells is the best-known intellectual G08 166 friendship he is known to have developed with a black woman. It is G08 167 interesting to note in this regard that Wells frequently separated G08 168 herself ideologically from other black women leaders. That G08 169 uncompromising militancy that earned her the hostility of the G08 170 leadership of the National Association of Colored Women apparently G08 171 endeared her to Douglass, while isolating her from the likes of G08 172 Mary Church Terrell and Margaret Murray Washington. Ida B. Wells G08 173 was, significantly, one of the few black women who did not G08 174 resent his second marriage at the age of sixty-six (after Anna's G08 175 death) to Helen Pitts, a forty-six-year-old white woman.

G08 176 Douglass's ambivalent feelings toward Sojourner Truth are G08 177 seldom discussed. Sojourner was a dynamic black woman abolitionist G08 178 who once caused him public annoyance by responding to his G08 179 declamations with the question, "Frederick, is God G08 180 dead?" This was a matter of some embarrassment, since G08 181 Douglass was more than once plagued by charges of irreligiosity. G08 182 Sojourner Truth, on the other hand, was closely associated with the G08 183 strident religiosity of the day and was much more closely related G08 184 to proletarian evangelical Christianity than was the transcendental G08 185 Douglass, with his increasing pretensions to gentility. Late in G08 186 life, Douglass dealt with Truth rather ungenerously, when he G08 187 compared her speaking style to the ungainly dialect of a minstrel G08 188 show, implying that her language was "grotesque" and only G08 189 quoted in order to belittle and degrade black people generally.

G08 190 Douglass's relationships with white women generated controversy G08 191 as early as 1849, when he paraded down Broadway in New York with G08 192 the two Englishwomen, Julia and Eliza Griffiths - one on each arm. G08 193 Julia eventually moved in with the Douglass family to assist with G08 194 the operation of The North Star, and within a year she G08 195 had brought it from the brink of ruin to a sound financial footing. G08 196 Rumor was rife in the abolitionist community that the relationship G08 197 between Douglass and Miss Griffiths had led to difficulties in the G08 198 Douglass household. Apparently the relationship was purely a matter G08 199 of business and political sympathy. Douglass's relationship with G08 200 Ottilla Assing, a German reformer, is still the subject of G08 201 speculation. William McFeely is convinced that the friendship did G08 202 indeed have a sexual dimension, although he cannot document his G08 203 contention. It has, however, long been known that Assing left G08 204 Douglass a substantial inheritance after her suicide in 1884. G08 205 McFeely implies that the suicide was a result of hearing the news G08 206 of Douglass's second marriage to Helen Pitts.

G08 207 G09 1 SHARON ACHINSTEIN

G09 2 Plagues and Publication: Ballads and the Representation of G09 3 Disease in the English Renaissance

G09 4 The scope of devastation by bubonic plague in early modern G09 5 Europe is hard for us to imagine today, even as some call AIDS a G09 6 modern plague. The Black Death haunted Western Europe from its G09 7 first great appearance in 1348 for over four hundred years. The G09 8 initial catastrophe of plague in England in 1348-9 swept away one G09 9 third of the population, at a minimum. Though this first outbreak G09 10 was the most severe, the epidemic continued to threaten English G09 11 society over the next four hundred years. Plague deaths were part G09 12 of daily life in early modern England, with repeated outbreaks of G09 13 the disease in almost every year between 1348 and 1665, not just in G09 14 the landmark years of plague - 1603, 1625 and 1665. It is no wonder G09 15 that the plague was a subject of much thought and writing, and that G09 16 it even became a trope in English literature.

G09 17 It may seem incongruous to write about the plague and ballads G09 18 together, but the unlikely fact is that these two subjects were G09 19 linked in the moral discourse of the period. Renaissance notions of G09 20 contagion and transmission linked plagues and ballads; the evil in G09 21 plagues and ballads was thought to disseminate in similar ways. G09 22 Ballads, like the plague, were perceived to exert evil effects both G09 23 morally and physically. William Prynne's now-famous criticism of G09 24 the theatre inveighs against ballads, his language consistent with G09 25 plague discourse: "Such songs, such poems as these [are] G09 26 abundantly condemned, as filthy and unchristian defilements, which G09 27 contaminate the souls, effeminate the minds, deprave the manners, G09 28 of those that hear or sing them, exciting, enticing them to lust; G09 29 to whoredom, adultery, prophaneness, wantonness, scurrility, G09 30 luxury, drunkenness, excess; alienating their minds from G09 31 God." Like the plague, the ballads were "filthy" G09 32 and had their effects through "contamination"; their G09 33 corruption worked on the spirit as well as on the body.

G09 34 Ballad-sellers, and not just the corrupting ballads themselves, G09 35 were frequently attacked as conveyors of plague. The 1636 Plague G09 36 Orders, issued by the Royal College of Physicians in London, G09 37 required not only that London citizens take specific health G09 38 precautions and that those who were infected be submitted to G09 39 quarantine and surveillance within their homes - the usual G09 40 responses to plague epidemic - but also that "loose persons G09 41 and idle assemblies" be regulated, that no G09 42 "wandering beggar be suffered in the streets of this G09 43 City." Along with restrictions on plays, bear-baitings and G09 44 other games, the order specifically prohibited the singing of G09 45 ballads. The offenders were to be severely punished. Since the G09 46 ballad trade in the seventeenth century depended upon chapmen and G09 47 wandering peddlers, who were often considered beggars, such orders G09 48 effectively eliminated the sale of ballads during times of G09 49 plague.

G09 50 The case of the restrictions on ballads in the first half of G09 51 the seventeenth century opens up new possibilities for G09 52 understanding responses to plague and to the printing economy in G09 53 early modern England. The association of plagues with ballads is an G09 54 example of how disease was beginning to be perceived as a material G09 55 phenomenon - and not solely as a providential one. The discourse on G09 56 ballads presents this dual explanation of disease inhabiting the G09 57 minds of seventeenth-century medical practitioners, lay and G09 58 clerical.

G09 59 Furthermore, the material explanation of disease by London G09 60 health authorities was accompanied by a social commentary that G09 61 articulated anxieties about urban disorder, poverty and vagrancy. G09 62 As medical explanations offered a substantially modified view of G09 63 the natural order of things in the late sixteenth and early G09 64 seventeenth centuries, English society was also coping with the G09 65 social upheavals of an urbanizing society. The analogy between G09 66 disease and popular literature was used by civic authorities, in G09 67 London especially, to control and suppress certain social groups G09 68 that threatened civic order, and the association of plagues with G09 69 ballads illustrates how rhetoric functioned by the use of this G09 70 powerful analogy to control the popular force of printing. This G09 71 essay is a chiastic attempt to consider the play between moral and G09 72 material explanations in the medical discourse of Renaissance G09 73 England, on the one hand, and, on the other, the articulation of G09 74 fears about urban disorder as a function of a literary genre, G09 75 ballads. Put simply, why were ballads blamed for England's literal G09 76 and figurative ills?

G09 77 1 G09 78 Social and cultural norms always shape the ways disease is G09 79 represented, interpreted, and treated, since ways of perceiving G09 80 disease are historically constructed. This is as true for the AlDS G09 81 epidemic today as it was for the plague of the early seventeenth G09 82 century. Writing about AIDS in the 1980s, Douglas Crimp pursues the G09 83 idea that disease does not exist apart from the "practices G09 84 that conceptualize it, represent it, and respond to it .... We know G09 85 AIDS only in and through those practices." Crimp is quick G09 86 to add: "This notion does not contest the existence of G09 87 viruses, antibodies, infections, or transmission routes. Least of G09 88 all does it contest the reality of illness, suffering and death. G09 89 What it does contest is the notion that there is an underlying G09 90 reality of AIDS, upon which are constructed the representations - G09 91 or the nature, or the politics of AIDS." There is of course G09 92 a political interest in de-constructing myths of AlDS today at a G09 93 time when AlDS is still treated not just as any health issue, but G09 94 one charged with anxiety about alternate sexualities. Awareness of G09 95 the politics of medical perception only sharpens the call for a G09 96 cultural analysis of this, and other, diseases.

G09 97 The aim here is not to dismiss studies in the history of G09 98 medicine which concern the history of the plague, but to encourage G09 99 a dialogical and discursive approach to that history, one which G09 100 seeks to enliven the study of historical representations by G09 101 invoking the contemporary cultural meanings against which those G09 102 representations were posited. Historians of medicine might gain by G09 103 looking into the associations between the plague and certain forms G09 104 of literature, so as to see the ideas about transmission as a moral G09 105 and as a physical matter, and those concerned with early printed G09 106 literature might better understand how medical and philosophical G09 107 discourses give us guides for interpreting the position of that G09 108 literature in society. We need to expand the kinds of contexts and G09 109 preconditions we might use to inform our studies of literary G09 110 representations, as well as to encourage historians of ideas and of G09 111 society to look to literature as a way to understand the diversity G09 112 of cultural response that is offered by the archive.

G09 113 What was the language of the plague in early modern England? G09 114 Dating from its first appearances, the plague was coded by G09 115 Christian theology, and instances of plague were likened to G09 116 Biblical examples of divine punishment. As early as the sixteenth G09 117 century, houses where infected people were found were marked with a G09 118 red cross on the door as part of civic programs for monitoring and G09 119 containing the illness. This red cross and its accompanying slogan, G09 120 "Lord have mercy upon us," drew symbolic power from G09 121 the Bible, and the use of the Biblical trope of marked doors coded G09 122 the plague as divinely sent. City health officials used the G09 123 Biblical story of the Passover, where the Angel of Death passed G09 124 over the marked houses of the Israelites in Egypt (Exodus 12:13), G09 125 with an inversion: they marked doors of those infected with the G09 126 plague, as if to say the Angel of Death would visit there. G09 127 These marks were, like the Passover tokens of blood, red. The sign G09 128 and slogan reinforced theories that the infection had a divine G09 129 source, that God had sent the plague to punish sin. By alluding to G09 130 the Bible in this way, the English added their own history to a G09 131 long series of divine punishments for sin.

G09 132 Yet the health officials' placement of these marks upon the G09 133 doors of contaminated households also promoted materialist G09 134 explanations of the disease. The doors were marked so that other G09 135 citizens would stay away; and in these acts of quarantine and G09 136 segregation, city officials practiced a theory of disease closer to G09 137 our modern treatments of infection and contagion. Their use of the G09 138 Biblical trope accompanied reforms in sanitation and hygiene which G09 139 promoted a radically different explanation of disease, one that was G09 140 rooted in physiology, not in theology. If God sent the plague to G09 141 punish those sinners who were spiritually unclean, then only G09 142 spiritual reform would work; or could human physical hygiene G09 143 contribute to disease conditions? This conflict in explanatory G09 144 models was a source of debate between English civil and G09 145 ecclesiastical authorities between 1590 and 1640. As Renaissance G09 146 theorists of contagion, such as Fracastero (De Contagione G09 147 [1546]), turned to physical causes to explain the transmission of G09 148 disease, so civic authorities sought to control the spread of G09 149 plague by material measures - quarantine, isolation of the sick, G09 150 and hygienic reform. The very idea of a program for public health G09 151 required that diseases be considered to be within the realm of G09 152 human prevention.

G09 153 This essay concerns ideas about the plague roughly between the G09 154 years 1597 and 1630 in England, during which time there were G09 155 significant outbreaks which destroyed between ten and thirty G09 156 percent of the population of communities in a single year. The G09 157 clash between Renaissance health authorities and the Church in G09 158 their analyses of disease, and thus the ideological clash between G09 159 providential and material understandings of the world, is evident G09 160 in the representation of the plague and in its link to the attack G09 161 on ballads.

G09 162 2 G09 163 Renaissance notions of contagion blurred the distinction G09 164 between moral and physiological causes of disease. Thomas Lodge, a G09 165 self-proclaimed "Doctor in Physicke," explained G09 166 what contagion was in his A Treatise of the Plague G09 167 (London, 1603). A contagion was: "An evil quality in a G09 168 body, communicated unto another by touch, engendering one and the G09 169 same disposition in him to whom it is communicated. So as he that G09 170 is first of all attainted or ravished with such a quality, is G09 171 called contagious and infected" (B2v). In Lodge's account, G09 172 contagion was a process of "communication," but one with G09 173 both physical and moral properties: it was an "evil G09 174 quality" which performed an action from outside, a G09 175 "ravishment" upon its victims. The plague made both men and G09 176 women passive victims of a pollution. Yet the moral factor, the G09 177 "evil quality," was transmissible via physical G09 178 contact, touch. It had some material properties, which careful G09 179 civic regulation might inhibit. Lodge's dedication of his tract to G09 180 the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Sheriffs of London, the city's chief G09 181 public health authorities, offered a 'scientific' approach to the G09 182 pestilence, calling for practical responses to the disease, G09 183 including street cleaning and fumigation.

G09 184 Mary Douglas's analysis of the idea of pollution is helpful G09 185 here. In her account, ideas of uncleanness and pollution reveal a G09 186 society's concerns with the "relation of order to G09 187 disorder." She writes: "Dirt ... is never a unique, G09 188 isolated event. Where there is dirt there is system. Dirt is the G09 189 by-product of a systematic ordering and classification of matter, G09 190 in so far as ordering involves rejecting inappropriate G09 191 elements." The Renaissance conception of plague as a kind G09 192 of pollution, an "evil quality," required that the G09 193 stricken society do moral penance. That moral penance took diverse G09 194 and ritualized forms: municipal cleanliness; the exclusion of G09 195 unruly elements of society, beggers, the poor and vagrants; as well G09 196 as suppression of some forms of popular literature. These measures G09 197 reveal the multivalent understanding of pollution. For the G09 198 municipal authorities, the evils of the city ranged from the G09 199 physical aspects of dirt to the spiritual ideas of uncleanness, G09 200 idleness, or unruliness.

G09 201 For early seventeenth-century medical practitioners, purging G09 202 was to be accomplished on the social, not only on the individual, G09 203 level. One author presented this theory by speaking in the voice of G09 204 a disconsolate London: "I hope it [the plague] will purge G09 205 my body from bad humours, as vicious persons. Nay, I know it hath G09 206 already of abundance." In a cruel conclusion, London G09 207 concedes, "God hath swept my house, so desire to garnish it G09 208 with virtue, and furnish it with graces." London in G09 209 particular, and cities in general, were made to shoulder both the G09 210 moral and physical burden of especially high mortality rates in G09 211 times of plague.

G09 212 G09 213 G09 214 G10 1 <#FROWN:G10\>Richard L. Trumka

G10 2 ON BECOMING A MOVEMENT

G10 3 Rethinking Labor's Strategy

G10 4 Not long ago I was told about a debate raging among the top G10 5 political organizers of one of the larger AFL-CIO affiliates, a G10 6 union that traditionally sent sizable delegations to the Democratic G10 7 National Convention and is easily capable of doing the same again. G10 8 But now the question it was facing wasn't whether the union had the G10 9 resources to get its members on delegate slates. Instead, the G10 10 question was whether it was even worth the time and expense. G10 11 "Every four years we dump who knows how much money into G10 12 sending people to the Democratic convention," one of the G10 13 union's seasoned political organizers observed, "but the G10 14 only thing we ever seem to get out of it is the right to say, G10 15 'Look how many people we had there.'"

G10 16 Though long characterized - even by some of its friends - as G10 17 slow to accept change, labor is engaged in an almost unprecedented G10 18 reexamination of its political strategies. And for good reason. For G10 19 unions representing manufacturing workers, 1991 may be remembered G10 20 as the year when many of labor's 'best friends' in Congress G10 21 abandoned the cause of protecting American jobs to put negotiation G10 22 of a U.S.-Mexico Free Trade Agreement on a fast track. In the G10 23 public sector, state and local government employees have seen G10 24 scores of Democratic officials - some whose very careers were G10 25 financed through union campaigns - respond to budget shortfalls by G10 26 scapegoating government workers rather than by challenging low G10 27 corporate tax rates.

G10 28 Ironically this is occurring at a time when organized labor is G10 29 raising and contributing more money than ever before - one G10 30 published estimate even says that eleven of the wealthiest union G10 31 PACs (Political Action Committees) contributed between $2 million G10 32 and $5 million each over the last ten years. However, despite this, G10 33 our influence in Congress and in the state capitals continues to G10 34 decline. Even on questions where Democratic support might have once G10 35 been a given - banning the 'permanent replacements' of striking G10 36 workers, for example - union lobbyists often find legislators they G10 37 had endorsed nearly as intractable as those they'd opposed.

G10 38 Today we long for the 'good old days' when Democrats took their G10 39 leadership from veteran New Dealers and when the image of Bobby G10 40 Kennedy marching shoulder to shoulder with Cesar Chavez convinced G10 41 us that the coalition forged by John L. Lewis and Franklin D. G10 42 Roosevelt had become a permanent fixture in American life. But on G10 43 the eve of the 1992 campaign the Democratic party of the Humphreys G10 44 and Kennedys - a party that could champion farm workers in Delano G10 45 or sanitation workers in Memphis - is the stuff of 1960s G10 46 nostalgia.

G10 47 Today, organized labor faces an indifference bordering on G10 48 contempt from a new generation of Democrats who grew up as children G10 49 of the very middle class that young CIO organizers made possible a G10 50 few decades before. Though their parents may have lived in the G10 51 shadow of the Great Depression, these Democrats grew up in a time G10 52 of relative prosperity. While touched by the struggle for civil G10 53 rights, they were more deeply moved by the threat of the draft and G10 54 a faraway war.

G10 55 To many of this generation of Democrats, the labor movement was G10 56 less a vehicle for economic security - let alone social justice - G10 57 than it was Lyndon Johnson's silent partner. Just as surely as the G10 58 Great Society died somewhere in the jungles of Vietnam, the G10 59 possibility for igniting trade union passions among America's young G10 60 was lost as images of prowar hardhats charging antiwar marchers G10 61 filled television screens. Somewhat to the left on questions of G10 62 civil liberties, defense, and the environment, but far closer to G10 63 corporate America when it comes to economic policy, they are G10 64 cultural liberals who offer a politics vaguely reminiscent of 1980 G10 65 presidential candidate John Anderson.

G10 66 For much of organized labor, rethinking the relationship G10 67 between America's unions and these Democrats has meant adopting G10 68 tough criteria for withholding unions support from politicians who G10 69 refuse to back our agenda. At a time when many local Democratic G10 70 party 'organizations' are barely able to mobilize a roomful of G10 71 volunteers to mail out a list of endorsed candidates, the threat of G10 72 withholding access to labor campaign dollars, G10 73 union-operated phone banks, and other campaign services is G10 74 hardly without its implications. However, while the radical right G10 75 believes labor's political campaign dollars are vital to the G10 76 survival of the Democratic party, fewer of those on the receiving G10 77 end behave as if this were true. And for good reason. Last year G10 78 alone labor's PAC contributions to U.S. House candidates totaled G10 79 nearly $35 million, but those dollars become chump change compared G10 80 to the $58 million dished out by corporate PACs and the additional G10 81 $44 million from trade association and professional PACs. When the G10 82 average U.S. Senate incumbent must raise $20,000 each G10 83 week to wage a credible reelection bid, few candidates can be G10 84 expected to turn their backs on corporate interests. Raising the G10 85 political price for our support might be enough to corral wayward G10 86 Democrats under a system where campaign expenditures were sharply G10 87 limited, but not when corporate interests stand ready to replace G10 88 the dollars we withhold. We could literally bankrupt the entire G10 89 labor movement and still be unable to match the dollars available G10 90 to corporate America.

G10 91 Faced with the seemingly hopeless task of reviving the G10 92 Democratic party's commitment to working people, a growing though G10 93 still small number of union activists are calling for the creation G10 94 of a labor party. Pointing to the successes of Canada's New G10 95 Democrats, supporters say that America's 'old Democrats' can also G10 96 be elbowed aside in favor of candidates who will stand up for our G10 97 issues. Advocates for this approach make a compelling case, but G10 98 there's another strategy that incorporates much of the vision of G10 99 labor-party supporters. It's an approach the United Mine Workers of G10 100 America (UMWA) and a growing number of unions are putting to work G10 101 today: it's called running our own as Democrats and, when G10 102 necessary, as independents. That was the lesson UMWA members G10 103 learned a couple of years ago when, in the midst of the union's G10 104 strike at the Pittston Coal Group, union activists decided to take G10 105 on Don McGlothin, Sr., heir to one of southwest Virginia's most G10 106 distinguished political families and a twenty-year G10 107 incumbent in the state's House of Delegates. But McGlothin, like G10 108 many Democrats, was more than content to gamble that his incumbency G10 109 and poor Republican organization would allow him to avoid the G10 110 region's most controversial issue: Pittston's drive to deprive G10 111 coal-mining families of their health benefits.

G10 112 We launched a campaign for Jackie Stump - a coal miner and UMWA G10 113 International Executive Board member. Though Stump's write-in G10 114 campaign, begun a bare three weeks before the election, could have G10 115 been one more doomed protest candidacy, it became something very G10 116 different. Backed with the resources of the UMWA, Stump's campaign G10 117 produced sophisticated television and radio spots hitting hard on G10 118 the 'populist' themes of protecting workers rights and family G10 119 health care. Meanwhile, rank-and-file union activists mounted an G10 120 aggressive door-to-door canvassing drive and organized the same G10 121 phone bank operations unions traditionally place at the disposal of G10 122 Democratic candidates. The result was that Stump easily defeated G10 123 McGlothin by a greater than two-to-one majority.

G10 124 Stump's campaign demonstrated that labor can successfully G10 125 employ the same techniques as any other campaign organization. It G10 126 was a lesson reinforced last year by the election of UMWA members G10 127 to state legislatures in Alabama, West Virginia, and Illinois, and G10 128 by the remarkable gubernatorial campaign of Paul Hubbert, a leader G10 129 of Alabama's largest teacher's union, who came within a hairbreadth G10 130 of unseating Republican incumbent Guy Hunt.

G10 131 But the experience of labor's candidates tells us something G10 132 else, too. It's that our message - a hard-edged economic populism G10 133 considered 'too strong' by most social liberals - can succeed among G10 134 low- and middle-income white voters. Polling conducted by G10 135 Garin-Hart Strategic Research in the wake of David Duke's G10 136 chillingly strong 1990 Louisiana U.S. Senate race underscores why. G10 137 According to the survey of 612 white Louisiana voters, racial G10 138 issues consistently were of less concern to Duke supporters than G10 139 their sense that government had abandoned them. By a 56 percent to G10 140 28 percent margin, pollsters found Duke supporters who are open to G10 141 voting Democratic blame the wealthy and big business over G10 142 minorities and welfare recipients for the squeeze on G10 143 middle-class families. "As a matter of sheer G10 144 political arithmetic," the pollsters conclude, G10 145 "these results suggest there is substantially more G10 146 advantage for Democrats in championing the middle-class interests G10 147 than in seeking to capture the anti-welfare, anti-minority message G10 148 from David Duke."

G10 149 It should be little surprise that of the arguments used against G10 150 Duke in the 1991 Louisiana gubernatorial contest it was the threat G10 151 of additional job loss that appears to have moved middle-class G10 152 white voters to support Democrat Edwin Edwards. Ironically, the G10 153 economic hardship that many of Duke's white middle-class backers G10 154 finally led many to vote for Edwards.

G10 155 However, the best example of the power of economic populism - G10 156 and organized labor's role in advancing it - may be in the election G10 157 of Harris Wofford of Pennsylvania to the U.S. Senate. Though today G10 158 it's accepted as a given that Wofford successfully campaigned on a G10 159 platform that could have been written at the convention of any U.S. G10 160 industrial union, even more significant was the fact that long G10 161 before Richard Thornburgh even entered the Senate race, G10 162 Pennsylvania unions dug in their heels behind Harris Wofford and G10 163 his populism when many party professionals advocated a far more G10 164 cautious approach and, in some cases, even another candidate.

G10 165 With its insistence that labor be more than loyal foot soldiers G10 166 for party officials, the Wofford campaign stands as a rarity: an G10 167 effort that successfully spoke to the problems affecting workers G10 168 and accepted leadership from workers' unions. Living up to the G10 169 challenge of making campaigns like Wofford's more than the G10 170 exception to the rule involves making significant changes in how we G10 171 view ourselves and labor's mission.

G10 172 On paper the labor movement seems ideally suited to lead a G10 173 populist insurgency in the Democratic party, but the reality is far G10 174 less encouraging. On too many occasions organized labor, unable to G10 175 reach any kind of consensus, comes down decisively on both sides of G10 176 an issue. Though Connecticut labor leaders successfully pressed G10 177 legislators to launch a state income tax, more than 45,000 G10 178 residents denounced it at a rally financed in part by a key local G10 179 of one of the state's largest private-sector unions. Similar G10 180 conflicts occur routinely whenever teachers and construction unions G10 181 battle over property tax abatements for local building projects or G10 182 when a privatization proposal that would cost jobs for one union G10 183 could just as easily create them for another. Though it obviously G10 184 contradicts some of the AFL-CIO-bashing in vogue among organized G10 185 labor's well-intentioned critics, the confusion that sometimes G10 186 characterizes our political strategy isn't due to the AFL-CIO G10 187 exercising too much authority as much as it is the result of the G10 188 fact that, as a federation, it has too little.

G10 189 Many union leaders have responded to our declining membership G10 190 not by exploring our movement's ability to adapt and change but by G10 191 invoking the image of a pendulum that's bound to come back our way. G10 192 The chief challenge we face is to define ourselves as more than G10 193 servicing institutions that negotiate contracts by becoming G10 194 organizations that speak to a broader range of worker concerns, G10 195 both on and off the job. Walter Reuther was prophetic when, in G10 196 1967, he observed that "a new concept of G10 197 unionization" needed to take shape in the wake of the farm G10 198 worker organizing campaigns in California. Calling the approach G10 199 "community unionism," Reuther suggested that G10 200 "properly nurtured and motivated, it can spread across the G10 201 face of the nation, changing the social character of the inner city G10 202 structure, providing the poor with their own self-sufficient G10 203 economic organization."

G10 204 Examples of this new kind of unionism remain few and far G10 205 between, but its success may offer new hope for labor's resurgence. G10 206 In the UMWA, it's meant helping to establish Miners For Democracy G10 207 (MFD) as part of the union's Powder River Basin organizing drive in G10 208 Wyoming. Through MFD, nonunion miners have an opportunity to join G10 209 with the UMWA as associate members where they have both access to G10 210 the union's resources and a vehicle to make their voices heard in G10 211 local politics.

G10 212 G10 213 G11 1 <#FROWN:G11\>And yet, the major problem for a reading of the G11 2 Holocaust comes not from this but from the problem of 'reading' G11 3 itself. In their time, Adorno and Horkheimer could still appeal to G11 4 absolutist notions such as truth, falsehood, and goodness. Having G11 5 taken note of the problem of language, they could still brush it G11 6 aside and reach out for the metaphysics of truth and justice. Thus, G11 7 for example: "When language becomes apologetic it is G11 8 already corrupted, and it can neither be neutral nor practical in G11 9 its essence. Can you not show the good side of things and announce G11 10 the principle of love instead of endless bitterness? There is only G11 11 one expression for the truth: the thought which denies G11 12 injustice." With the 'linguistic turn' in philosophy, G11 13 however, it has become increasingly difficult to set aside the G11 14 question of language and still conduct philosophically acceptable G11 15 discussions. A postmodern philosopher like Lyotard would go to the G11 16 extent of even denying the existence of an overriding metaconcept G11 17 such as language; instead, what we have, according to him, is only G11 18 a set of phrases, genres, and modes of linkage between phrases and G11 19 genres. What or who does one appeal to in matters of dispute when G11 20 there is no authority to appeal to? What tribunal can we trust when G11 21 the tribunal itself cannot be 'neutral' and therefore impartial? Of G11 22 course, it is not the case that no authority exists really; rather, G11 23 the case is that the dispute arises specifically because authority G11 24 really exists and the dispute is with that existing or emerging G11 25 authority. In the absence of a metalanguage, how does one read the G11 26 Holocaust?

G11 27 The Holocaust is something that makes people speechless, and so G11 28 it already prefigures the postmodernist dilemma of language in G11 29 search of meaning. What then is the Holocaust? A signifier so vast G11 30 and enormous that filling it with any conceivable meaning is simply G11 31 futile or outright unjust? Or, is it in itself a signified for G11 32 which we have not yet found a language, an interpretant? Or, G11 33 leaving aside the linguistic paradigm for a moment, shall we say G11 34 that it is an 'event' in the sense in which the Jewish theologian G11 35 A.J. Heschel uses the term - something that cannot be analyzed and G11 36 therefore cannot be rationalized in terms of analytic philosophy? G11 37 The 'unspeakable' ties one in a double bind: it calls for speech G11 38 and at the same time mocks it. Although it is true that the G11 39 Holocaust archive is stupendously vast, all attempts at verbalizing G11 40 the 'event' have always fallen short of its emotional storage. G11 41 Right from the beginning, there have been varying reactions to the G11 42 Holocaust from writers - ranging from silence to aggressive speech G11 43 acts. Adorno said that poetry after Auschwitz would be barbaric. A G11 44 group of German writers, among the Hans Magnus Enzensberger, Martin G11 45 Walser, and Peter Hamm, decided to stop writing poems, prose, or G11 46 plays. There could be several reasons for this vow of silence. G11 47 Adorno argues that the transfiguration of the event from the plane G11 48 of reality to that of art alleviates some of its horror by G11 49 rendering it an object of aesthetics. For others like Ezrahi, all G11 50 art fails before the Holocaust because "there is no G11 51 analogue in human experience." "The G11 52 imagination," says Ezrahi, "loses credibility and G11 53 resources where reality exceeds even the darkest Fantasies of the G11 54 human mind: even realism flounders before such reality." G11 55 According to Stephen Spender, the inability of the Western G11 56 literature to come to terms with the Holocaust arises primarily G11 57 from its preoccupation with the fate of the solitary sacrificial G11 58 victim, Oedipus, Christ, or Lear; it does not yet know how to deal G11 59 with disaster of such a scale.

G11 60 There are others who have reacted differently. The Polish poet G11 61 Tadeusz Rozewicz said that after the Holocaust he fashioned his G11 62 poems "out of a remnant of words, salvaged words, out of G11 63 uninteresting words, words from the great rubbish dump, the great G11 64 cemetery." Paul Celan, a Rumanian-born poet who writes in G11 65 German but spent the war years in a camp in his native land, G11 66 pitched all his hopes in one thing: language. In spite of G11 67 everything, language continued to live "through a dreadful G11 68 silence, survive through a thousand nights of death-dealing speech. G11 69 It went on living and gave birth to no words to describe what had G11 70 happened; but it survived and came to light again, 'enriched by it G11 71 all.'" Elie Wiesel, who began as a Yiddish writer but now G11 72 writes in French, has devoted an entire novel called The G11 73 Oath to one survivor's struggle against the vow of silence: G11 74 "Words have been our weapon, our shield, the tale our G11 75 lifeboat." Even Adorno's dictum of "no poetry after G11 76 Auschwitz" is not to be taken literally. Adorno himself G11 77 quotes the reply of Hans Magnus Enzensberger, a prominent German G11 78 poet and critic, who said that surrender to silence would mean G11 79 surrender to cynicism, surrender to the very forces that created G11 80 Auschwitz in the first place. George Steiner's advocacy of silence G11 81 after the Holocaust stems from his extreme agony and anger at what G11 82 he describes as the falsification of language. For him, the G11 83 violence done to the Jews during the Third Reich is inseparable G11 84 from the violence done to the German language. In making sense of G11 85 what is apparently senseless, the destruction of nearly six million G11 86 Jews by the Nazis, will language offer itself as the only available G11 87 archaeological arena?

G11 88 Kren and Rappoport point out in their excellently written book G11 89 The Holocaust and the Crisis of Human Behavior that, G11 90 faced with the phenomenon of the Holocaust, we generally perceive G11 91 two types of reactions. One is to say that the Holocaust is unique G11 92 "but normal after all." According to this reaction, G11 93 the Holocaust is one among the several such 'aberrations' of human G11 94 behavior in history, and as such, albeit its enormity, is only G11 95 comparable with the slaughter of the Albigensian heretics, the G11 96 Turkish decimation of the Armenians, the British use of G11 97 concentration camps during the Boer War, and so on. The killing of G11 98 the Jews, supported by historical evidence of anti-Semitism, thus G11 99 becomes "an ugly but familiar fact of historical G11 100 life." The second reaction, coming mainly from the G11 101 survivors of the death camps, is one of mysticism. According to G11 102 this, the Holocaust and the experiences associated with it are G11 103 beyond intelligent comprehension and "impossible to G11 104 communicate." Both these reactions, argue Kren and G11 105 Rappoport, make the historian's task simple: the G11 106 unique-but-normal-after-all view obviates all challenges to G11 107 critical inquiry and "historians may conduct business as G11 108 usual, gathering facts and examining how they may be articulated as G11 109 explanations for specific actions." On the other hand, if G11 110 the Nazi genocide program is seen in terms of mystical revelations, G11 111 "then it will appear to be manifestly beyond critical G11 112 study." Kren and Rappoport take this as an explanation for G11 113 why the essential human questions get lost in all discussions on G11 114 the Holocaust. The situation thus constitutes a complex problem - a G11 115 problematic - rather than a simple question like 'What does the G11 116 Holocaust mean?'

G11 117 Take as an example the word 'holocaust' itself. In common G11 118 parlance it means great destruction or devastation. Although the G11 119 definitized and capitalized Holocaust (the Holocaust) does G11 120 partake of this meaning, it has come to be specifically associated G11 121 with the Nazi genocide of Jews during the Second World War. Jews G11 122 themselves have chosen it and are generally impatient with anyone G11 123 who would settle for ordinary words like 'killing' to refer to the G11 124 event. What is most striking in the word 'holocaust' is its G11 125 etymological association: it derives from the Greek G11 126 holokauston (or holokautoma) which was the G11 127 Septuagint's translation for the Hebrew olah, literally G11 128 'what is brought up,' and can be rendered into English as 'an G11 129 offering made by fire unto the Lord,' 'burnt offering,' or 'whole G11 130 burnt offering.' Commenting on this etymological aspect, Dawidowicz G11 131 says: "The implication is unmistakable: once again in their G11 132 history the Jews are victims, sacrifices." If this G11 133 implication is to be accepted, it can be accepted only in its G11 134 ironical sense, however, since, as Ezrahi points out, the G11 135 nomenclature adopted by the Jewish world "does not carry G11 136 the same affirmative theological overtones, but rather, signifies G11 137 the enormity of the rift in Jewish history and culture brought G11 138 about by the destruction of the European Jewish community." G11 139 Further, the uniquely Jewish reference of the word Holocaust has, G11 140 over the years, given way to a more general sense: today it is G11 141 being used with respect to any large-scale killing or uprooting of G11 142 populations. Fidel Castro has even gone to the extent of using it G11 143 to refer to Israel's treatment of Palestinians.

G11 144 In understanding the Holocaust, then, we are faced with certain G11 145 contradictions: to treat is as a unique or unrepeatable phenomenon G11 146 is to set at naught all its significance for humanity; to treat it G11 147 as a historical aberration is to trivialize tragedy. The ultimate G11 148 meaning of the Holocaust is to be sought in the possibility of its G11 149 repetition in forms and contexts yet unknown and unforeseen.

G11 150 G11 151 The Great Interdiction

G11 152 The Holocaust created a world of its own, a linguistic world, G11 153 factually as well as metaphorically. To David Rousset we owe the G11 154 notion l'universe concentrationnaire, 'the G11 155 concentrationary universe,' which Ezrahi describes as "a G11 156 self-contained world which both generated its own vocabulary and G11 157 invested common language with new, sinister meanings." G11 158 Kapo, Appel and Einsatztruppen were G11 159 not just words but constituted the vocabulary of the new language. G11 160 An otherwise harmless word like 'selection' now assumes the G11 161 terrifying meaning of choosing inmates for death, forced labor, or G11 162 such other purposes. The worst example of euphemism was of course G11 163 the phrase 'the Final Solution,' which actually referred to the G11 164 annihilation of Jews from Europe and, if possible, from the face of G11 165 the earth itself. What baffles the mind is the syllogistic nature G11 166 of the argument: once the Jews were recognized as a 'question' or a G11 167 'problem', the problem needed a 'solution'. And what could be G11 168 simpler than a permanent one, namely, the 'Final Solution'? As if G11 169 to mimic this gradual but 'necessary' end, the Final Solution G11 170 occurred not in the beginning years of Nazi Germany but sometime in G11 171 the middle of the Second World War. First, there was the stripping G11 172 of Jews of all their civil rights, followed by massive forced G11 173 immigration. Then the immigration was stopped by law and the Final G11 174 Solution was hatched. More specific was the euphemistic term 'bath' G11 175 (or 'showerbath') which referred to death by gas in the gas G11 176 chamber. The grammatical possibilities of the German language were G11 177 fully exploited in what came to be known as the 'Nazi-Deutsch.' For G11 178 example, the Nazi adjective for an area whose Jewish inhabitants G11 179 were either deported, killed, or sent to death camps was G11 180 Judenfrei (or Judenrein), which became a G11 181 commonplace word. It was as if the very currency of the word made G11 182 the condition it envisaged necessary and legitimate!

G11 183 Euphemism, metaphor, and reality have a complex relationship. G11 184 Euphemisms, generally drawn from metaphoric imagination, G11 185 transfigure reality in strange ways. For the perpetrator of the G11 186 crime, a work like 'bath,' a metaphor for death, has the effect of G11 187 toning down the severity of his action on behalf of his own G11 188 conscience. Elaine Scarry says in her book The Body in G11 189 Pain that torturers all over the world take recourse to such G11 190 'softening' metaphors largely drawn from cultural spheres. In the G11 191 case of the Holocaust, this side of the language was buttressed by G11 192 another: the dehumanization of Jews. This was achieved by G11 193 initiating a vicious circularity of thinking: the Jews were G11 194 described in terms of animals, insects, sickness, madness, dirt, G11 195 lust, and, in fact, in terms of everything evil. They were G11 196 projected as a great danger to the purity of the Aryan race. In G11 197 turn, Jews 'became' a danger because they were not human G11 198 beings and so deserved to be eliminated. One official Nazi G11 199 historian described the gas ovens used in the death camps to G11 200 destroy Jews as anus mundi 'the anus of the G11 201 world.' The Jews deserve to be eliminated because they are not G11 202 human beings and so the logic eats its own tail. In Scarry's G11 203 analysis, such a use of language amounts to what she calls a G11 204 'double negation': the users of the language refuse to break the G11 205 circularity because they have an interest in its maintenance G11 206 inasmuch as it throws a protective shield around them against the G11 207 charge of active participation.

G11 208 G12 1 <#FROWN:G12\>In this dream, More does not see himself in the image G12 2 of the aspiring courtier, trained in the Inns of Court for a career G12 3 as a royal servant and adviser. The desire projected here, given G12 4 free play in the utopian field wherein all things are possible, is G12 5 one in which More can momentarily find a place for himself and his G12 6 longing for the monastic life (symbolized by the Franciscan frock). G12 7 This dream marks the autonomizing appeal Utopia had for More in its G12 8 glorifying of the private individual. More's assurance to Erasmus G12 9 that his fanciful rise from his "lowly estate to this G12 10 soaring pinnacle" will not threaten their friendship G12 11 indicates that his concerns about entering Henry's court and G12 12 compromising his humanist principles are also scripted into this G12 13 psychodrama. This vision suggests that elements of the historical G12 14 More are incorporated in the text, that Raphael embodies impulses G12 15 in More contradictory to the Morus persona.

G12 16 What might make one a king in fiction would not necessarily G12 17 serve to advance one in the more practical world of court politics. G12 18 The limits to self-fashioning in fiction and imagination were G12 19 indeed boundless, not so the limitations place upon self-fashioning G12 20 in the very real and dangerous world presided over by Henry VIII. G12 21 Even on its own terms, however, the created world of Utopia G12 22 reflects the historically contingent circumstances surrounding its G12 23 composition.

G12 24 Those critics who see rifts between the created world of G12 25 Utopia and the life More led fail to recognize that More's G12 26 text is a more faithful mirror of his life and England's historical G12 27 circumstances than a superficial investigation reveals. In seeking G12 28 to situate Utopia in the discursive space between the concept G12 29 and history, Marin asks a series of provocative questions: G12 30 "To what reality or to what absent term does it ['utopia'] G12 31 finally refer? What figure - fraught with incoherencies of its own G12 32 -traverses it? What discursive conclusion opens up as soon as the G12 33 thesis of historical truth, from whose posture it speaks, is G12 34 lacking?" (xxi). In posing Morus against Raphael, the G12 35 historical figure against the mythic figuration, More has hedged G12 36 his bet. I use the term 'hedged' advisedly, for it is the figure of G12 37 enclosure - "fraught with incoherencies of its own" G12 38 - that traverses the text as a constant equation in the G12 39 self-fashioning transaction. It mediates the conversion of values G12 40 between the private and the public, between opposing class G12 41 identities.

G12 42 The bet that More is hedging is that involving his own G12 43 self-fashioning, and its broadest values are those represented by G12 44 the opposing figures of Morus and Raphael. The self-fashioning that G12 45 must be worked out between the opposing terms of Morus and Raphael G12 46 points towards class conflict, a conflict between an expropriating G12 47 class and an expropriated class in which More represents the very G12 48 middle class that was being defined in this conflict. Morus, the G12 49 representative of the expropriators of land, and Raphael, G12 50 representative of the dispossessed, cause this topographical G12 51 discourse to be extended into the narrative structure of the text G12 52 as their two voices bring the historical notions of improvement and G12 53 impoverishment into that text.

G12 54 If we reexamine the myth of Utopia's founding, for example, we G12 55 find that in his conquering of the Abraxians, King Utopus acts out G12 56 of a myth whose plot is very much grounded in a history vexed with G12 57 the problems as well as the opportunities of enclosure. The G12 58 'incoherencies' of enclosure expose Eutopos as Outopos in G12 59 demonstrating just how closely the created world of Utopia is G12 60 linked to historical contingencies. The 'problem' that the text of G12 61 Utopia seeks to solve is that of enclosure, particularly the G12 62 large-scale pastoral enclosure occurring in More's day. Lying along G12 63 a fault line that represents a break in historical continuity G12 64 occasioned by the irreconcilable programs of large-scale enclosers, G12 65 small-scale improvers, and subsistence-level farmers, Utopia G12 66 must mediate the class conflicts that arise from shifts in agrarian G12 67 values. The myth of Utopia's founding is not at all divorced from G12 68 the problems of English history; in fact, the king's conquering of G12 69 the Abraxians is simply the telling and enactment of that history G12 70 over again, its characters disguised in myth.

G12 71 The improver, Utopus, is not merely conducting a raid upon a G12 72 fictional people; he is, in essence, raiding history, for his G12 73 conquering of the Abraxians allows him to redefine and reshape G12 74 English history for his own ends. This reworking of history begins G12 75 with a forcible expropriation of people from their land. While we G12 76 are not told specifically whether that part of the conquered G12 77 Utopians who resist are killed or expelled, this initial G12 78 expropriation of Abraxa sets an obvious precedent and model for the G12 79 Utopians' spillover colonization of lands outside their territory. G12 80 In these seizures of territory, those who refuse to be ordered by G12 81 the Utopians' laws are driven "out of those bounds which G12 82 they [the Utopians] have limited and defined for themselves" G12 83 (<&_>beginning quotation marks missing<&/>Reneuntes G12 84 ipsorum legibus uiuere, propellunt his finibus quos sibi ipsi G12 85 describunt" [Campbell, 91]; note the initial G12 86 surveying that has occurred before eviction, a surveying not unlike G12 87 that preparatory to the evictions of historical enclosure). Like G12 88 their historical counterparts, the enclosers, the Utopians justify G12 89 their expropriation of others' lands by arguing their ability to G12 90 improve them by a fuller utilization than that practiced by the G12 91 natives. These vanquished people, their rights of landholding G12 92 extinguished, are the fictional counterparts of England's squatter G12 93 population evicted by enclosure. Those who do comply join with G12 94 their conquerors in enclosing the peninsula of Utopia as an island. G12 95 They, along with the conquering Utopians, become the class of G12 96 improvers, their historical counterparts.

G12 97 The plot of Book II thus offers a careful reenactment of G12 98 English history in this conquering and evicting of one part of the G12 99 Abraxians. This is the overt content of Book I, the historical G12 100 injustice perpetrated against a displaced class. As the problem of G12 101 Book I, it gets little play here, for the myth of Book II must work G12 102 toward finding an intermediate term between the displaced yeomanry G12 103 and the large-scale encloser. To insist too strongly upon the G12 104 historical identity of any of the players in this mystic G12 105 reenactment would undermine the myth of improvement so dear to G12 106 Raphael. Obliquely, the text addresses the problems of vagrancy and G12 107 idleness by enclosing the wastes of the 'New World.' As a means of G12 108 implementing and expanding social control in More's England, G12 109 enclosures of the unenclosed wastes were advocated, for these G12 110 wastes were commonly characterized as "nurseries of G12 111 beggars." Enclosed lands were reputed to breed a more G12 112 prosperous, better quality citizenry; they also yielded a higher G12 113 parliamentary subsidy. Those who block Utopus's 'improvement' are G12 114 evicted, the counterparts of the historically dispossessed (and G12 115 their voicelessness in Raphael's account of Utopia's founding G12 116 corresponds to the voicelessness of their counterparts in history). G12 117 If we consider the problem of history beyond the confines of Book G12 118 I, we shall find that this glossing over the evicted Abraxians G12 119 allows Book II to redefine history not as a conflict between the G12 120 expropriated and the large-scale encloser but as a collusion G12 121 between the small-scale improver and the large-scale encloser.

G12 122 This collusion, constituting the myth of Book II, is essential G12 123 if the text is to recapture the historical value of improvement for G12 124 itself. As Rodney Hilton indicates, within the peasantry a split G12 125 was developing as this peasantry began to separate into G12 126 "elements with differing economic interests." G12 127 Unlike the "poor and middling peasants" involved in G12 128 subsistence farming, a wealthier class of entrepreneurial peasants G12 129 had accumulated both movable and landed property and were G12 130 increasingly the beneficiaries of any new economic ordering (the G12 131 improvements which could be had through enclosure, for example). G12 132 These were what Hilton labels the "upper stratum of the G12 133 peasantry, benefiting from the crisis in the seigneurial G12 134 economy" (127). With the impetus of the textile industry, G12 135 these peasants would play an important role in constituting the G12 136 class of capitalist farmers that emerged in the sixteenth and G12 137 seventeenth centuries (127). Hilton closely links the growth of G12 138 this class, which struck against all forms of seigneurial control, G12 139 with the emergence of capitalism.

G12 140 Historically within the English 'tribe,' a widening separation G12 141 was occurring between the upper- and lower-strata peasantry, a G12 142 division very much rooted in the political and economic shifts that G12 143 occurred in sixteenth-century England. The 'wolves' - large-scale G12 144 enclosers - not only expropriated the land of the poorer peasantry G12 145 - the sheep - but they have also disrupted the orderly historical G12 146 shift being brought on by the small-scale enclosers. The plans of G12 147 the large-scale encloser and the small-scale improver are merged in G12 148 Book II, as the remaining Abraxians are subsumed into one common G12 149 identity with their conquerors, both henceforward known as G12 150 Utopians. This merger runs counter to history, for Hilton has shown G12 151 that the programs of these two groups ran directly counter to one G12 152 another. In this respect, Utopus raids history twice over, for he G12 153 both expropriates one element of the peasant class while co-opting G12 154 the program of another. Most important, this conquering and G12 155 transformation of the 'compliant' element of the Abraxians allow G12 156 Utopus to wrest the historical value of improvement from the G12 157 program of the small-scale enclosers and to reinvest it in the G12 158 large-scale enclosing of Utopia.

G12 159 Utopus and, by association, Raphael rework historical G12 160 situations and identities in a fashion that does not bear close G12 161 scrutiny; indeed, the myth of Utopia is undermined when one G12 162 converts the values expressed in Book II into those more G12 163 historically oriented ones of Book I. The myth of Utopia's founding G12 164 by enclosure risks being exposed if it is not disguised. The G12 165 expropriation of the Abraxians is thus muted, displaced, and G12 166 'alienated' in the example of Utopus's conquering of foreign lands. G12 167 The historical expulsion of peasants from private land by members G12 168 of the yeomanry and nobility might not seem to equate to the G12 169 conquest of an alien territory and the expulsion of some part of G12 170 its people by a king; however, the digging out of the land link, G12 171 transforming the mythic Abraxian peninsula into a figuration of the G12 172 English island, reminds us that there is a strong sense of the G12 173 familiar in the alien. It also marks Book II as a prophetic text in G12 174 a sense quite contrary to Kautsky's celebration of Utopia as a G12 175 precursor to socialism. The text's transfer of the enclosing G12 176 function from the levels of yeomanry and nobility to that of the G12 177 state predicts the link between large-scale Acts of Enclosure and G12 178 the growth of the modern state.

G12 179 The charge of duplicity that Marius brings against More is G12 180 offset and answered by the double text of Utopia, for Book I G12 181 provides many keys for reading and deciphering the myth offered in G12 182 Book II. Indeed, unwound from the historical materials of More's G12 183 own embassy is another embassy, uniting history and myth, that G12 184 brings Raphael forth. Raphael argues on behalf of the dispossessed G12 185 yeoman who appeared many times before More in Chancery court; G12 186 Hythloday sets forth - this time quite pointedly and eloquently - G12 187 the rights of the expropriated. As Richard Sylvester points out in G12 188 "Si Hythlodeao Credimus," Hythloday is G12 189 "both uprooted himself and an uprooter of others. His most G12 190 urgent pleas for reform bristle with metaphors of deracination and G12 191 eradication." In service to the interests of royalty and G12 192 the wool merchants, More is suddenly confronted in the Netherlands G12 193 with the very spokesperson for those less powerful, competing G12 194 interests: the dispossessed yeomanry. Contrary to Marius's and G12 195 Marin's assertions, Thomas More provides a text entirely contingent G12 196 to history and to his personal circumstances at the time of its G12 197 composition. Utopia exemplifies Jean Howard's dictum that G12 198 literary texts do not constitute "monologic, organically G12 199 unified wholes" but "sites where many voices of G12 200 culture and many systems of intelligibility interact." G12 201 Raphael's curious - and untenable - position as a spokesperson for G12 202 the expropriated and a representative of Utopus, a large-scale G12 203 encloser, bears witness to the text's rootedness in the history it G12 204 allegorizes. Morus himself, representing a collusion between G12 205 monarchy and merchants in an embassy that sought to improve trade G12 206 equally advantageous to both, offers yet another voice in the G12 207 text's encoding of dissonant cultural interactions.

G12 208 The historical contingency of Utopia, a text that uses G12 209 enclosure both as a theme and as a principle of its own G12 210 organization, provides a better sense of place for More in his text. G12 211 G13 1 <#FROWN:G13\>He said that it was his lack of a formal education G13 2 that kept him from setting down on paper his recollections of the G13 3 Revolution. It was widely rumored that his aides composed his best G13 4 letters as commander-in-chief. If so, it is not surprising that he G13 5 was diffident in company. Some even called it 'shyness,' but G13 6 whatever the source, this reticence was certainly not the usual G13 7 characteristic of a great man. "His modesty is astonishing, G13 8 particularly to a Frenchman," noted Brissot de Warville. G13 9 "He speaks of the American War as if he had not been G13 10 its leader." This modesty only added to his gravity and G13 11 severity. "Most people say and do too much," one G13 12 friend recalled. "Washington ... never fell into this G13 13 common error."

G13 14 III G13 15 Yet it was in the political world that Washington made his most G13 16 theatrical gesture, his most moral mark, and there the results were G13 17 monumental. The greatest act of his life, the one that made him G13 18 famous, was his resignation as commander-in-chief of the American G13 19 forces. This act, together with his 1783 circular letter to the G13 20 states in which he promised to retire from public life, was his G13 21 'legacy' to his countrymen. No American leader has ever left a more G13 22 important legacy.

G13 23 Following the signing of the peace treaty and British G13 24 recognition of American independence, Washington stunned the world G13 25 when he surrendered his sword to the Congress on Dec. 23, 1783 and G13 26 retired to his farm at Mount Vernon. This was a highly symbolic G13 27 act, a very self-conscious and unconditional withdrawal from the G13 28 world of politics. Here was the commander in chief of the G13 29 victorious army putting down his sword and promising not to take G13 30 "any share in public business hereafter." G13 31 Washington even resigned from his local vestry in Virginia in order G13 32 to make his separation from the political world complete.

G13 33 His retirement from power had a profound effect everywhere in G13 34 the Western world. It was extraordinary, it was unprecedented in G13 35 modern times - a victorious general surrendering his arms and G13 36 returning to his farm. Cromwell, William of Orange, Marlborough - G13 37 all had sought political rewards commensurate with their military G13 38 achievements. Though it was widely thought that Washington could G13 39 have become king or dictator, he wanted nothing of the kind. He was G13 40 sincere in his desire for all the soldiers "to return to G13 41 our Private Stations in the bosom of a free, peaceful and happy G13 42 Country," and everyone recognized his sincerity. It filled G13 43 them with awe. Washington's retirement, said the painter John G13 44 Trumbull writing from London in 1784, "excites the G13 45 astonishment and admiration of this part of the world. 'Tis a G13 46 Conduct so novel, so unconceivable to People, who, far from giving G13 47 us powers they possess, are willing to convulse the empire to G13 48 acquire more." King George III supposedly predicted that if G13 49 Washington retired from public life and returned to his farm, G13 50 "he will be the greatest man in the world."

G13 51 Washington was not na<*_>i-trema<*/>ve. He was well aware of G13 52 the effect his resignation would have. He was trying to live up to G13 53 the age's image of a classical disinterested patriot who devotes G13 54 his life to his country, and he knew at once that he had acquired G13 55 instant fame as a modern Cincinnatus. His reputation in the 1780's G13 56 as a great classical hero was international, and it was virtually G13 57 unrivaled. Franklin was his only competitor, but Franklin's G13 58 greatness still lay in his being a scientist, not a man of public G13 59 affairs. Washington was a living embodiment of all that classical G13 60 republican virtue the age was eagerly striving to recover.

G13 61 Despite his outward modesty, Washington realized he was an G13 62 extraordinary man, and he was not ashamed of it. He lived in an era G13 63 where distinctions of rank and talent were not only accepted but G13 64 celebrated. He took for granted the differences between himself and G13 65 more ordinary men. And when he could not take those differences for G13 66 granted he cultivated them. He used his natural reticence to G13 67 reinforce the image of a stern and forbidding classical hero. His G13 68 aloofness was notorious, and he worked at it. When the painter G13 69 Gilbert Stuart had uncharacteristic difficulty in putting G13 70 Washington at ease during a sitting for a portrait, Stuart in G13 71 exasperation finally pleaded, "Now sir, you must let me G13 72 forget that you are General Washington and that I am Stuart, the G13 73 painter." Washington's reply chilled the air: "Mr. G13 74 Stuart need never feel the need of forgetting who he is or who G13 75 General Washington is." No wonder the portraits look G13 76 stiff.

G13 77 Washington had earned his reputation, his 'character,' as a G13 78 moral hero, and he did not want to dissipate it. He spent the rest G13 79 of his life guarding and protecting his reputation, and worrying G13 80 about it. He believed Franklin made a mistake going back into G13 81 public life in Pennsylvania in the 1780's. Such involvement in G13 82 politics, he thought, could only endanger Franklin's already G13 83 achieved international standing. In modern eyes Washington's G13 84 concern for his reputation is embarrassing; it seems obsessive and G13 85 egotistical. But his contemporaries understood. All gentlemen tried G13 86 scrupulously to guard their reputations, which is what they meant G13 87 by their honor. Honor was the esteem in which they were held, and G13 88 they prized it. To have honor across space and time was to have G13 89 fame, and fame, "the ruling passion of the noblest G13 90 minds," was what the Founding Fathers were after, G13 91 Washington above all. And he got it, sooner and in greater degree G13 92 than any other of his contemporaries. And naturally, having G13 93 achieved what his fellow Revolutionaries still anxiously sought, he G13 94 was reluctant to risk it.

G13 95 Many of his actions after 1783 can be understood only in terms G13 96 of this deep concern for his reputation as a virtuous leader. He G13 97 was constantly on guard and very sensitive to any criticism. G13 98 Jefferson said no one was more sensitive. He judged all his actions G13 99 by what people might think of them. This sometimes makes him seem G13 100 silly to modern minds, but not to those of the 18th century. In G13 101 that very suspicious age where people were acutely 'jealous' of G13 102 what great men were up to, Washington thought it important that G13 103 people understand his motives. The reality was not enough; he had G13 104 to appear virtuous. He was obsessed that he not seem base, G13 105 mean, avaricious, or unduly ambitious. No one, said Jefferson, G13 106 worked harder than Washington in keeping "motives of G13 107 interest or consanguinity, of friendship or hatred" from G13 108 influencing him. He had a lifelong preoccupation with his G13 109 reputation for 'disinterestedness' and how best to use that G13 110 reputation for the good of his country. This preoccupation explains G13 111 the seemingly odd fastidiousness and the caution of his behavior in G13 112 the 1780's.

G13 113 One of the most revealing incidents occurred in the winter of G13 114 1784-85. Washington was led into temptation, and it was agony. The G13 115 Virginia General Assembly presented him with 150 shares in the G13 116 James River and Potomac canal companies in recognition of his G13 117 services to the state and the cause of canal-building. What should G13 118 he do? He did not feel he could accept the shares. Acceptance might G13 119 be "considered in the same light as a pension" and G13 120 might compromise his reputation for virtue. Yet he believed G13 121 passionately in what the canal companies were doing and had long G13 122 dreamed of making a fortune from such canals. Moreover, he did not G13 123 want to show "disrespect" to the Assembly or to appear G13 124 "ostentatiously disinterested" by refusing this G13 125 gift.

G13 126 Few decisions in Washington's career caused more distress than G13 127 this one. He wrote to everyone he knew - to Jefferson, to Governor G13 128 Patrick Henry, to William Grayson, to Benjamin Harrison, to George G13 129 William Fairfax, to Nathanael Greene, even to Lafayette - seeking G13 130 "the best information and advice" on the G13 131 disposition of the shares. "How would this matter be viewed G13 132 by the eyes of the world?" he asked. Would not his G13 133 reputation for virtue be harmed? Would not accepting the shares G13 134 "deprive me of the principal thing which is laudable in my G13 135 conduct?"

G13 136 The situation is humorous today, but it was not to Washington. G13 137 He suffered real anguish. Jefferson eventually found the key to G13 138 Washington's anxieties and told him that declining to accept the G13 139 shares would only add to his reputation for disinterestedness. So G13 140 Washington gave them away to the college that eventually became G13 141 Washington and Lee.

G13 142 Washington suffered even more anguish over the decision to G13 143 attend the Philadelphia Convention in 1787. Many believed that his G13 144 presence was absolutely necessary for the effectiveness of the G13 145 Convention, but the situation was tricky. He wrote to friends G13 146 imploring them to tell him "confidentially what the public G13 147 expectation is on this head, that is, whether I will or ought to be G13 148 there?" How would his presence be seen, how would his G13 149 motives be viewed? If he attended, would he be thought to have G13 150 violated his pledge to withdraw from public life? But, if he did G13 151 not attend, would his staying away be thought to be a G13 152 "dereliction to Republicanism?" Should he squander G13 153 his reputation on something that might not work?

G13 154 What if the Convention should fail? The delegates would have to G13 155 return home, he said, "chagrined at their ill success and G13 156 disappointment. This would be a disagreeable circumstance for any G13 157 one of them to be in; but more particularly so, for a person in my G13 158 situation." Even James Madison had second thoughts about G13 159 the possibility of misusing such a precious asset as Washington's G13 160 reputation. What finally convinced Washington to attend the G13 161 Convention was the fear that people might think he wanted the G13 162 federal government to fail so that he could manage a military G13 163 takeover. So in the end he decided, as Madison put it, "to G13 164 forsake the honorable retreat to which he had retired, and risk the G13 165 reputation he had so deservedly acquired." No action could G13 166 be more virtuous. "Secure as he was in his fame," G13 167 wrote Henry Knox with some awe, "he has again committed it G13 168 to the mercy of events. Nothing but the critical situation of his G13 169 country would have induced him to so hazardous a G13 170 conduct."

G13 171 IV G13 172 When the Convention met, Washington was at once elected its G13 173 president. His presence and his leadership undoubtedly gave the G13 174 Convention and the proposed Constitution a prestige that they G13 175 otherwise could not have had. His backing of the Constitution was G13 176 essential to its eventual ratification. "Be G13 177 assured," James Monroe told Jefferson, "his G13 178 influence carried this government." Washington, once G13 179 committed to the Constitution, worked hard for its acceptance. He G13 180 wrote letters to friends and let his enthusiasm for the new federal G13 181 government be known. Once he had identified himself publicly with G13 182 the new Constitution he became very anxious to have it accepted. G13 183 Its ratification was a kind of ratification of himself.

G13 184 After the Constitution was established, Washington still G13 185 thought he could retire to the domestic tranquillity of Mount G13 186 Vernon. But everyone else expected that he would become president G13 187 of the new national government. He was already identified with the G13 188 country. People said he was denied children in his private life so G13 189 he could be the father of his country. He had to be the president. G13 190 Indeed, the Convention had made the new chief executive so strong, G13 191 so kinglike, precisely because the delegates expected Washington to G13 192 be the first president.

G13 193 Once again this widespread expectation aroused all his old G13 194 anxieties about his reputation for disinterestedness and the proper G13 195 role for a former military leader. Had he not promised the country G13 196 that he would permanently retire from public life? How could he G13 197 then now assume the presidency without being "chargeable G13 198 with levity and inconsistency; if not with rashness and G13 199 ambition?" His protests were sincere. He had so much to G13 200 lose, yet he did not want to appear "too solicitous for my G13 201 reputation."

G13 202 Washington's apparent egotism and his excessive coyness, his G13 203 extreme reluctance to get involved in public affairs and endanger G13 204 his reputation, have not usually been well received by historians. G13 205 Douglas Southall Freeman, his great biographer, thought that G13 206 Washington in the late 1780's was "too zealously attentive G13 207 to his prestige, his reputation and his popularity - too much the G13 208 self-conscious national hero and too little the daring G13 209 patriot." G13 210 G14 1 <#FROWN:G14\>Babette's Feast: Feasting with G14 2 Lutherans

G14 3 BY MARY ELIZABETH PODLES

G14 4 At the time she wrote 'Babette's Feast,' Isak Dinesen (Karen G14 5 Blixen) was in the latest stages of the syphilis she had contracted G14 6 from her husband, and knew herself to be near death. Her digestive G14 7 system had been destroyed by the disease, and, in intense pain and G14 8 unable to eat, she dictated her story as she literally starved to G14 9 death. Yet still she could write 'Babette,' a parable of a G14 10 sumptuous superfluity of food and of the sacrifices an artist makes G14 11 to give of herself and her art. Gabriel Axel's Babette's G14 12 Feast (Babbette's Gastebud, 1987), an expansion of G14 13 the story into film, partakes of the same artistry. Numerous G14 14 critics compare the visual effects of Axel's film to painting in an G14 15 attempt to capsulize its force and flavor. Typical are Tom G14 16 O'Brien's observations in Commonweal: the Lutheran minister G14 17 resembles "a dour portrait of John Calvin," his G14 18 daughters are called "pre-Raphaelite-looking," and G14 19 the cool bluish tone of Axel's color scheme "looks as if G14 20 Vermeer had painted it." G14 21 Fr<*_>e-acute<*/>d<*_>e-acute<*/>ric Strauss in Cahiers G14 22 du Cinema refers to the film's G14 23 "atmosph<*_>e-grave<*/>re G14 24 pointilliste." Babette's Feast clearly G14 25 suggests even to those who are not art historians a debt to G14 26 painting. Indeed, the film recapitulates the main currents of G14 27 Scandinavian painting, a recapitulation that is part of Gabriel G14 28 Axel's synthesis of the deepest themes of Danish culture - folk, G14 29 European, and Lutheran.

G14 30 For a director to allude to painting in a film is not a new G14 31 development. First, paintings are often 'quoted' in film for the G14 32 sake of the power of the image borrowed. Whether the audience G14 33 recognizes the image is almost irrelevant. Its form and composition G14 34 carry their own force. But further, film, a younger child in the G14 35 family of the visual arts, sometimes seeks to validate its own G14 36 worth by using the techniques of its more respected elder siblings. G14 37 Just as painters of the Renaissance self-consciously held G14 38 themselves up for comparison to the art of the antique, so G14 39 filmmakers frequently make reference to the older, comparable art G14 40 of painting, hoping or assuming that an intelligent audience will G14 41 see the superior advantages of the newer idiom. Thus the tableaux G14 42 vivants of Carnival in Flanders (Jaques Feyder, G14 43 1935), while not the point of the film, add to the general G14 44 drollery, tickle the knowledgeable viewer's appreciation of G14 45 seventeenth-century painting, and make valid, if mocking, points of G14 46 comparison concerning composition, framing, and their impact on G14 47 narrative in the two media, film and painting. A Sunday in the G14 48 Country (Bernard Travernier, 1984) pulls joke after in-joke on G14 49 us, as the elderly painter-hero ruminates on his failure of courage G14 50 in not pursuing the avant-garde avenues of G14 51 nineteenth-century painting, while his life is shown as a series of G14 52 visions of contemporary painting come alive. Frame after frame of G14 53 Monet, Degas, Carri<*_>e-grave<*/>re, Van Gogh parade across the G14 54 screen, to the delight of art historians in the audience. There is G14 55 little in the way of plot to impede their enjoyment.

G14 56 Babette's Feast continues this film tradition by G14 57 referring to nineteenth-century Scandinavian painting to evoke and G14 58 explain the complexity of Danish culture, to which the film is a G14 59 conscious homage. Recent scholarship, notably Kirk Varnedoe's G14 60 Northern Lights (1988) and the Kunstmuseum G14 61 D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>sseldorf's Im Lichte des Nordens (1986), G14 62 is working towards the establishment of a corpus and definition of G14 63 nineteenth-century Scandinavian painting both as a facet of G14 64 cosmopolitan European culture and as an indigenous phenomenon born G14 65 of the distinctive and evocative Nordic light.

G14 66 Babette's Feast is a sophisticated European film with G14 67 a decided flavor of Denmark and a deceptive simplicity, an amalgam G14 68 like the paintings it imitates. The evocation of Scandinavian G14 69 painting throughout the film is more than a nod to art historians G14 70 and more than a validation of the artistic importance of the film G14 71 medium. It helps Axel to explore his own culture as an expression G14 72 of the deepest levels of artistic and human yearnings. Axel invokes G14 73 not only painting but also literature, music, humor, and Lutheran G14 74 theology to make his statement about life, art, and the nature of G14 75 grace.

G14 76 Gabriel Axel's literacy connection is the most obvious. G14 77 Babette's Feast closely follows Isak Dinesen's slight G14 78 short story of the same name. The plot is simple. A Lutheran G14 79 minister with two beautiful daughters has gathered a small, G14 80 intensely pietist flock around him in a fishing village. Norre G14 81 Vosseberg in Jutland in the film. A young army officer, in trouble G14 82 for his loose living, is sent to rusticate with an elderly aunt. He G14 83 visits the pietist community, to which his aunt is devoted, for G14 84 prayer and proximity to the elder daughter Martine. He leaves her, G14 85 however, without ever articulating his feelings, tells her only G14 86 that he has realized that "in this world there are things G14 87 which are impossible," and determines to cut a brilliant G14 88 figure in the military and the world.

G14 89 Subsequently, a French opera singer, Achille Papin, sunk in a G14 90 profound Danish melancholy during a visit to the village, hears G14 91 Philippa, the other daughter, singing in her father's congregation. G14 92 Recognizing the quality of her voice, he gives her singing lessons G14 93 and promises to make her a prima donna. Though she is attracted to G14 94 the splendid, erotic world he represents (together they sing G14 95 Mozart's 'Seduction Duet'), she rejects the proffered career - and G14 96 him.

G14 97 Years pass. The dean has died; his daughters head the dwindling G14 98 community in prayer and ministry to the poor. Babette, a G14 99 Frenchwoman and friend of Papin, is cast up into the village, G14 100 fleeing from the violence of the Commune. The sisters, though they G14 101 have little enough to spare, take her in and give her a position as G14 102 a cook. Soon they find her indispensable: they, on whom she G14 103 depended, have become dependent on her.

G14 104 More years pass. Babette, whose sole remaining contact with G14 105 France has been a lottery subscription, wins the grand prize of Fr. G14 106 10,000. All are saddened by the prospect of her leaving. She asks G14 107 whether she may cook a real French meal for the community to G14 108 celebrate the hundredth anniversary of the birth of the founding G14 109 dean. The sisters view such a wordly feast with trepidation, but, G14 110 considering it to be Babette's last request before her departure, G14 111 they consent. Privately, the brethren agree never to mention, not G14 112 even to notice or taste the food as they eat.

G14 113 The dinner convenes, and course after course of beautiful, G14 114 sumptuous food and wine appears. Babette is a cook of consummate G14 115 artistry. Under the influence of her art, old bitternesses and G14 116 recriminations between the brethren are reconciled, old sorrows G14 117 healed and loves restored, and all made whole again in a G14 118 transcendent feast. Afterwards, the sisters express their thanks to G14 119 Babette and their sorrow that she will soon be leaving them. She G14 120 reveals that she will in fact not return to France, for she has G14 121 spent all her winnings to provide the feast.

G14 122 The film varies from Dinesen's story by omitting any reference G14 123 to Babette as a petroleuse, an incendiary participant in G14 124 the Communard up-rising. In the story, the sisters' G14 125 suspicion of her role in the revolutionary violence increases G14 126 Babette's depth and mystery. Furthermore, it adds a level of irony G14 127 to Lowenhielm's climactic dinner speech, in which he recalls the G14 128 sumptuous meal he had eaten with Gallifet, the general from whom G14 129 Babette was fleeing, and a further level still when Babette lets it G14 130 be known that she was indeed the cook of that legendary meal, and G14 131 that, cruel and oppressive as Gallifet was, she grieves for him as G14 132 one of the few who understood and appreciated her art. This change G14 133 the film makes in the original story is an improvement, because, it G14 134 distances Babette's story from the political and particular and G14 135 gives it a greater universality by focusing it on the relation of G14 136 art and grace in Babette's story.

G14 137 Dinesen's story was originally written in English to reach a G14 138 wider European audience. Axel translates it back into Danish (as G14 139 Dinesen often did herself), for Danish is a more suitable language G14 140 for so Danish a story. Dinesen set her story in Norway; Axel moves G14 141 it back to Denmark. Dinesen's Norwegian setting may have been meant G14 142 to distance the story a little from her immediate Danish audience, G14 143 to give it a slight added flavor of the quaint; otherwise it is so G14 144 distinctively Danish in its understatement, its irony, humor, and G14 145 in the constructs of Lutheranism that shape its structure, that it G14 146 is again an improvement to return it to a Danish setting in the G14 147 film.

G14 148 Just as Dinesen's writing is a mix of the cosmopolitan and the G14 149 specifically Danish, so too are the Scandinavian paintings with G14 150 which we began this essay, and which are, to an informed eye, so G14 151 strikingly evoked by the visual imagery of Babette's G14 152 Feast. For example, the close cultural and political ties G14 153 between Germany and Denmark produced a close resemblance between G14 154 German Romantic painting and Danish art of the late years of the G14 155 century. Some of the most compelling images of Babette's G14 156 Feast are pure German Romanticism: an isolated figure stands G14 157 against a panoramic background, a solitary individual in the face G14 158 of cosmic natural forces. Caspar David Friedrich's Traveller G14 159 Looking over a Sea of Fog is a close parallel: it portrays a G14 160 single figure seen from behind, atop a mountain spur looking down G14 161 and outward over a rocky, mist-covered landscape; his face is G14 162 averted, his response to the mysterious panorama concealed. The G14 163 young Lowenhielm riding over the dunes, Achilles Papin sitting on G14 164 the headlands, Babette gathering herbs in the meadow: each is G14 165 framed as the elevated Romantic soul (the lover, the musician, the G14 166 artist-cook) and, within the framework of the story, each one is G14 167 alone, an outcast of one kind or another, thrown up into the G14 168 village by apparent chance, there to find connections "in G14 169 the hidden regions of the heart."

G14 170 From the isolated figure in the landscape to the solitary G14 171 figure in the domestic interior is a short step, and there the film G14 172 reflects another theme of nineteenth-century Danish painting, the G14 173 Realist study of the single, absorbed, unsentimentalized figure, G14 174 often a peasant or a woman, painted in a subtle and limited range G14 175 of color. Painters like the Danish Anna Ancher drew ultimately on G14 176 the paintings of seventeenth-century Holland and Flanders to create G14 177 their own versions of the genre painting, and to pay homage to the G14 178 dignity and authentic quality of the simple rustic life they G14 179 portrayed. Ancher's painting Lars Gaihede Carving a G14 180 Stick, for instance, shows a real person known to the artist G14 181 immersed in his work, oblivious to the artist for whom he sits. In G14 182 Babette's Feast, the three scenes of the pauper with the G14 183 soup bowl pay their own homage to Danish art, and at the same time G14 184 comment with understated Danish humor on Axel's central themes. He G14 185 is as rough-hewn as Ancher's model, and as absorbed in his food as G14 186 Lars Gaihede is in carving his stick. First he receives soup from G14 187 the minister's daughters, who have renounced love and art for good G14 188 works, then from Babette, who transforms food into grace, and again G14 189 from the sisters, who have come to recognize what life without G14 190 Babette would be: his silent "Phooey," when he gets his ale G14 191 bread soup instead of the French cooking to which he has become G14 192 accustomed, speaks volumes. The recipient of the community's G14 193 charity, with all its limitations, and of Babette's grace, he is G14 194 both an exponent of and a humorous, unsentimental commentator on G14 195 the unfolding themes of the film. At the same time, he represents G14 196 in the film just what Varnedoe finds in Scandinavian genre G14 197 paintings, a "rural folk ... as surviving examples of a G14 198 primordial national soul."

G14 199 Scenes of the sisters with their sewing and of Babette in her G14 200 kitchen create a high-culture counterpart to these rustic genre G14 201 'paintings' within the film, and make reference to another strain G14 202 of Scandinavian painting. Artists like Harriet Backer made a G14 203 speciality of the single female figure engaged in some mundane task G14 204 (sewing, for example) in a simple interior often bathed in G14 205 transforming light effects (lamplight, sunlight diffused from a G14 206 window in another room). G14 207 G15 1 <#FROWN:G15\>I am led to ask these questions about television's G15 2 male viewers for a number of reasons which arise, for me at least, G15 3 in a much earlier interpretive context - namely, whenever I G15 4 encounter the scene very near the end of Dark Victory G15 5 when Judith has begun to go blind. I am mystified, not sure of my G15 6 knowledge or what I am supposed to see, yet quite 'moved.' That G15 7 distanciation I am supposed to have, as a male confronted with G15 8 melodrama, seems to fail me because of the ways in which I am G15 9 implicated. Let me be explicit: Judith has revealed the fact of her G15 10 impending blindness to her dearest female friend Anne but hides it G15 11 from her husband, Frederick, because he has had important news G15 12 about presenting his research in New York City. She does not want G15 13 to keep him from going. Frederick, however, has suddenly become G15 14 oblivious to Judith's condition and does not 'see' her current G15 15 condition, whereas he had been solicitous and observant (as both G15 16 doctor and husband) before. Why does this scene arouse my anger G15 17 toward the marginalization of the doctor? How can he not recognize G15 18 what Judith is concealing from him? Is he merely insensitive, or G15 19 does he not have access to Judith's state of mind because she has G15 20 concealed it (from him but not from me)? Is it that our optical G15 21 point of view and its consequent knowledge is something we can G15 22 share only with Judith and not with Frederick? Yet, why in what G15 23 Frederick does not see and does not do, do I suffer the pain of G15 24 visible and embodied recognition?

G15 25 Why might this scene, however, appeal to spectators of G15 26 both sexes, after so many years have passed? Of course, as Steve G15 27 Neale recently argued about melodrama and tears, it has to do with G15 28 the coincidence of character and spectator knowledge as well as G15 29 with a sense of spectator powerlessness. That is, my knowledge is G15 30 not restricted or withheld by the film, my point of view is always G15 31 more complete than the diegetic character, and my sense of G15 32 powerlessness comes about because of the delay in understanding and G15 33 awareness. It is always too late in melodrama. Amidst this G15 34 powerless feeling, there is, nonetheless, the power of the G15 35 Dark Victory scene to be found in the 'feeling' that, one G15 36 suspects for both male and female spectator, is quite contradictory G15 37 and unpleasurable. When we move from the cinematic to the G15 38 televisual, 'feelings,' intimate detail, and intense emotion in G15 39 small but familiar spaces are the ways television resolves G15 40 everything that is contradictory - consumer culture, gender and G15 41 class relations - especially in what is recognized as G15 42 'melodramatic.' As more and more televisual genres become mixed G15 43 modes of realism and melodrama, as fantasy and desire invade G15 44 so-called gender-specific genres, and as television melodrama G15 45 reveals more and more the strains of contradictory bourgeois G15 46 culture, the interpretive moment becomes more complex.

G15 47 Cinematic criticism of melodrama has not recovered enough from G15 48 its Sirkian moment, apparently, to recognize that television has G15 49 moved beyond simplistic notions of two textually defined audiences: G15 50 the female one that is implicated in, identifies with, and weeps at G15 51 melodrama, and the male one that sees through female involvement G15 52 and distances itself from melodrama. Cinematic 'bachelor machines' G15 53 regulate issues of knowledge and surveillance as they, and we male G15 54 spectators, bind and constrain women. But those familiar G15 55 assumptions are very prejudicial to, and presumptive about, males G15 56 in the audience.

G15 57 For example, one assumption in most cinematic theory is that G15 58 the 'eyes' that see are exclusively male. The male 'gaze' at the G15 59 female in melodrama is a concept which is usually ahistorical while G15 60 being essential. But in Dark Victory, we see that the G15 61 male and female characters do not see, and we know that they G15 62 do not. We also know that Judith and Frederick see each other G15 63 differently. I am quite sure, for example, that I will never be G15 64 able to recognize (not just 'see') why Judith makes the choice she G15 65 does. To assume that that lack of insight results only, or G15 66 essentially, or ideologically, from the fact of my gender G15 67 essentiallizes gender, excludes my experience, and assumes, I G15 68 think, too much about gender, and too little about me. All males do G15 69 not see the same things about that scene, feel the same way about G15 70 those characters, when they are husband and wife, or act upon that G15 71 sight and that knowledge in the same ways.

G15 72 What part, then, might that scene from Dark Victory G15 73 play in an explanation of how males view television melodrama? G15 74 Thomas Elsaesser's recent review of Mary Ann Doane's book The G15 75 Desire to Desire raises precisely these points. It is assumed G15 76 that men did not, do not, like the melodramatic in any cultural G15 77 form identified as 'feminine.' How, then, can men take pleasure in G15 78 and acknowledge a desire for the melodramatic? Men, after all, have G15 79 an historical complicity with (compounded by an institutional G15 80 predilection for) the more rigid and fixated forms, Elsaesser says, G15 81 of "imaginary investment" represented by the G15 82 "object choices" of the so-called 'male' genres. G15 83 How to explain this paradox? How, further, to discover any G15 84 patriarchal consent for such a preference?

G15 85 Might men view women's films, and melodrama generally, out of a G15 86 desire to "see" the woman's desire "thematized" as G15 87 Elsaesser suggests (p. 114), but also to see new forms of public G15 88 desire worked out in admittedly non-utopian representations of G15 89 heterosexual and family relations? Popular culture is not, Andrew G15 90 Ross argues, "an expression of mass complicity with G15 91 the status quo, but rather a medium in which ideological consent is G15 92 either won or lost." But if the male viewer becomes G15 93 "captivated" (Elsaesser's term; Neale's would be G15 94 "moved" which has an older, Longinian sense to it), and he G15 95 loses his sense of distance from the domestic melodrama, he is no G15 96 longer ruled visually by the voyeuristic. Then desire for the male G15 97 spectator is 'desire deferred,' which sounds very much like the G15 98 sort of 'desire' that television's imaginative regime requires to G15 99 function. Elsaesser notes that "'the desire to desire' is G15 100 in fact a kind of double negative, and grants the female spectator, G15 101 or for that matter any spectator caught up in the signifying G15 102 process of the woman's film, a special sort of intensity, a G15 103 radicalism of desire: it is not desire denied, but desire G15 104 doubled" (p. 114). By positioning this notion of 'desire' G15 105 outside of the ahistorical, class-less psychopathology of G15 106 Elsaesser's theoretical formulation, we can escape from the narrow G15 107 text-constructed aspects of his argument.

G15 108 What draws men to melodrama, to the male in melodrama, and to G15 109 male melodrama are issues larger than what draws men to the woman's G15 110 films. While male desire might take the form of (misogynist or G15 111 malevolent) curiosity, it might also take other forms, some of G15 112 which Elsaesser recognizes. e.g., woman's film satisfies the males' G15 113 "desire to see the woman's desire" (p. 114), which G15 114 is very close to pornography; the melodramatic disposition G15 115 recognizes (and misrecognizes) the sado-masochistic scenarios of G15 116 desire; the melodramatic in both so-called 'male' genres and G15 117 'female' genres involves that push-me-pull-you of distance and G15 118 captivation, the pleasure of the unpleasurable, the basic paradox G15 119 of popular culture. Additionally, we might note a willing desire to G15 120 see and to recognize, to know and to understand, that which is G15 121 otherwise forbidden because of the power of patriarchy to repair G15 122 and mend itself even when under tremendous siege, as it appears to G15 123 have been in the United States since at least the Vietnam War.

G15 124 Male desire to 'see' woman's desire may, also, emerge from G15 125 areas of male sexuality that are by no means universal: that is, G15 126 that some males actually fear and distrust women, starting with G15 127 their mothers, as Dorothy Dinnerstein argues. Some males simply G15 128 cannot distinguish between sex and love. Some males dislike the G15 129 messiness of sex itself. Beneath the macho and bravado of male G15 130 bonding might lurk not just a primal misogyny but a horrified G15 131 awareness. There may, furthermore, be a blending of male desires G15 132 evoked by viewing and recognizing the more traditional implications G15 133 and identifications of melodrama as well as those desires evoked by G15 134 male-genres that have always contained melodramatic elements G15 135 presenting more suitable male desires: the fantasy of male G15 136 achievement, the concern for manliness and the anti-feminine, G15 137 masculine pride and ethos, and masculine nostalgia for its G15 138 youth.

G15 139 THE COMPLICITY OF THE MALE VIEWER

G15 140 The project of this essay is to interrogate these aspects of G15 141 masculine desire through an investigation of the relationship of G15 142 male viewers to particular types of television programming because, G15 143 following Tania Modleski's suggestion, I want to G15 144 "complicate the question of male sexuality, and so move G15 145 beyond the notion that masculinity is always about achieving a G15 146 phallic identity." Perhaps, by deemphasizing the current G15 147 psychopathology of gender-genre relations and emphasizing a G15 148 textual-social dialectical epistemology, we can approach G15 149 Elsaesser's more "heretical" (his term) definition of the G15 150 television viewer as lacking lack and desire because s/he is G15 151 already "part consumer, part social subject" (p. G15 152 115). For Elsaesser, this hybrid spectator is not positioned in a G15 153 cinematic field of vision but in a "multiplicity of voices G15 154 and modes of address" providing "intelligibility G15 155 and interpretation, social preconstruction rather than textual G15 156 construction and imaginary coherence" (p. 115). Clearly, G15 157 Elsaesser's notion of the television viewer is undesirably 'social' G15 158 and commodified rather than 'textual,' having or possessing a G15 159 different subjectivity from that of the cinematic spectator.

G15 160 But textually constructed male spectators and historically G15 161 constructed male social subjects are tied to an anterior idea of my G15 162 [our] self-nominated and self-identified complicity(ies) G15 163 with a social representation of myself as 'male audience' for and G15 164 within television. It follows that any 'male spectator' that I G15 165 discuss here will have to be capable of dealing with conflicting G15 166 cultural messages, with contradictory subject positions within G15 167 'masculinity,' and with competitive cultural interpellations. Since G15 168 I've nominated myself for complicity with televisual texts, and G15 169 with the rest of my 'world,' I must have some social history as G15 170 'audience' formed (some might say 'bought') as the audience of G15 171 television programs addressed, I presume, to me as well as to G15 172 others both like and unlike me (in gendered and other terms).

G15 173 Stephen Heath says that as individual human subjects G15 174 "we live our heterogeneity," but we also G15 175 "live our positionings in the [gendered] social G15 176 field." We have to assume (be complicit with) both sects of G15 177 operations. Men are carriers of the patriarchal mode, of G15 178 masculinity, and the masculine point of view. They can, also, G15 179 sometimes engage in a practice of deconstruction. Within G15 180 deconstructive practice, this would amount to the recognition of G15 181 "provisional and intractable starting points" in G15 182 the investigation of one's own masculine positioning in the social G15 183 field. Such an investigation amounts to the disclosure of G15 184 complicities, where the "critic-as-subject is her[him]self G15 185 complicit with the objects of her [his] critique," G15 186 emphasizing history and the "ethico-political as the G15 187 'trace' of that complicity."

G15 188 This structure of complicity includes not just the disclosure G15 189 of the subject as subjected, but genre complicity, textual G15 190 complicity, viewing complicity, and commodity complicity. This G15 191 complicity between social text and its viewer takes many, familiar G15 192 forms: the way in which we are complicit in the concepts of modes G15 193 of address and ideological problematic used by David Morley and G15 194 John Fiske, the way in which we think the relationship of viewer G15 195 interdiscourse and television's heterogeneity of discourse (Ien G15 196 Ang), the way in which we think about ideologies contending with G15 197 one another for our consent (in, among other places, Bill Nichols' G15 198 essay 'Ideological and Marxist Criticism'), or the way in which G15 199 television works to construct a complicity with the viewer around G15 200 the construction of the ideal family (in John Ellis and Jane G15 201 Feuer). None of these discursively constructed complicities assumes G15 202 a complete reciprocity in terms of encoder/decoder understanding, G15 203 nor a complete disjuncture either. Whenever, then, we discuss the G15 204 means by which genre is currently thought, or the nature of G15 205 audience complicity with star discourses, we are, implicitly, G15 206 investigating the complicity of texts-viewers encounters. Even in G15 207 commodity theory, we recognize that the audience, which is sold by G15 208 networks to advertisers, is also a commodity for itself, involving G15 209 kinds of cognitive and emotional work that is sold.

G15 210 Complicity, then, involves processes of consent, sometimes G15 211 collusion, but never bad faith or guilt. G15 212 G15 213 G15 214 G16 1 <#FROWN:G16\>William Olsen

G16 2 Lyric Detachment: Two New Books of Poetry

G16 3 Jorie Graham, Region of Unlikeness. New York: Ecco, G16 4 1991.

G16 5 Chase Twichell. Perdido. New York: Farrar, Strauss and G16 6 Giroux, 1991.

G16 7 As artists, poets should naturally want to distance themselves G16 8 from what they regard as mere fashion - which is to say that G16 9 fashion influences those who would shed it almost as deeply as G16 10 those who would cling to it. At present it seems fashionable to G16 11 deride the personal in poetry. We have approached a juncture where G16 12 contemporary American poetry is collectively congratulating itself G16 13 for having escaped the malignant confines of a personal poetry, G16 14 especially as practiced by the so-called confessional poets - G16 15 currently, our most widely spanning and therefore most meaningless G16 16 pejorative. A poetry of self-confrontation is seen to be a product, G16 17 if not the cause, of the excesses of a narcissistic culture. G16 18 Further, a strictly personal poetry is seen to be aesthetically G16 19 incorrect: if the Marxists are right and our consumer society G16 20 created an ethos of the self out of a need for ever more selfish G16 21 consumers, then any poetry dealing with the personal only G16 22 strengthens the stranglehold our greed has on us. Our newest truism G16 23 is that a less private, more public poetry is less apt to be given G16 24 to narcissism, sentimentalism, self-promoting, etc. A more public G16 25 poetry will lead us away from all of these things. In the meantime G16 26 the introspective had better watch their step.

G16 27 No doubt genuine change in the arts occurs slowly, maybe too G16 28 slowly for those of us mired in the present moment to comprehend. G16 29 That so many voices are clamoring against the personal suggests, G16 30 among other things, how strong a pull the personal still has on G16 31 poetry. And arguably, of the various kinds of discourse, poetry is G16 32 actually blessed, not cursed, with a small (the sophists would say G16 33 elite) audience; for if poetry has one custodial function in our G16 34 culture right now, it may be to preserve the potential for genuine G16 35 community that eludes more massive forms of communication. You G16 36 can't talk back to a TV, a poet-friend once said to me. G16 37 True, you can't talk back to a poem either. But when you listen to G16 38 a poem or read a poem, you listen as part of a small group or you G16 39 read by yourself and not as an indistinguishable member of a G16 40 tyrannical majority. The individual called the poet depends on the G16 41 fact that other individuals called readers are out there. However, G16 42 even in our most revolutionary poetry, L=A=N=G=U=A=G=E poetry, what G16 43 we have (arguably) instead of a public poetry is a poetry that G16 44 could not possibly be more subjective, a poetry that chooses the G16 45 most private of all aesthetic paths, absolute stylism.

G16 46 What really has changed in American poetry in the last thirty G16 47 years or so is not so easy to talk about. It may have less to do G16 48 with poetry eschewing the subjective than with its tiring of G16 49 postured ways of behaving subjectively in poems and its rejecting G16 50 specious alchemical formulas for the private life. In reading new G16 51 books by Jorie Graham and Chase Twichell, it becomes clear to me G16 52 that the dynamics between poetry and personality have changed G16 53 somewhat. Both poets use post-modernist strategies of G16 54 artistic self-consciousness - like David Letterman knocking on the G16 55 camera lens to see if anyone at home is really at home - but they G16 56 do so only out of the hyper-earnest desire to be more honest about G16 57 poetry's status as artifice. Though both poets aspire to a more G16 58 public role for the poetry, by and large they are still G16 59 cartographers of the interior. Their poetry is characteristic of G16 60 one current branch of mainstream poetry, a poetry of lyric G16 61 detachment.

G16 62 These poets view human experience less as dramatic participants G16 63 or as agonized soliloquists and more as detached observers. It is G16 64 poetry's very capacity to distance us from experience that attracts G16 65 - and frustrates - these poets and paradoxically impassions them G16 66 with responsibility. There is a suprapersonal, yet pained restraint G16 67 in their treatment of the qualms of the inner life and the G16 68 unpredictabilities of a deterministic world. On the one hand, G16 69 detachment becomes a necessary evil. On the other hand, as the G16 70 essential flipside of involvement, it actually facilitates worldly G16 71 engagement. For Chase Twichell, 'music'-poetry - becomes a G16 72 protective agent, or "a chord, like the membrane, broken G16 73 only once, that keeps the world away." More than her first G16 74 two books, Perdido admits moments of devastating personal G16 75 revelation, but only because a dispassionate overtone makes these G16 76 moments possible. Jorie Graham adheres to a camera-like point of G16 77 view so as to tease herself and her reader into sympathy for a G16 78 living world abandoned to lifeless analysis. Graham has at once a G16 79 great distrust for language and an equal fascination with its G16 80 powers of abstraction. In Region of Unlikeness language G16 81 is almost personified into an interrogator of experience and a G16 82 perpetrator of our omnicidal history.

G16 83 Chase Twichell aspires to a poetry of lyric detachment because G16 84 the world of her poetry is too cruel for any other response. Her G16 85 goal is imaginative sympathy, but for her such sympathy is G16 86 conceivable only after scrupulous investigation of the darker G16 87 motives alive and brooding somewhere just behind craft. The speaker G16 88 in Perdido seems to report her discoveries from behind a G16 89 plexiglass surface of memory. Her strategies are mock-inductive: G16 90 however quirky and ungrounded and unscientific her conclusions are, G16 91 she arrives at those conclusions only after compiling the requisite G16 92 perceptual data, descriptions that shimmer in the phenomenological G16 93 no-man's land between the subjective and the objective. Her G16 94 imagery, usually pleasing enough in itself, is never just flashy: G16 95 it urges the speaker toward statement, personal disclosure, and G16 96 intimations of vulnerability. Unlike so much bad magazine verse G16 97 that bulldozes piles of observant description as proof of a G16 98 sometimes missing intelligence, Twichell is just as engaged by G16 99 speculation as by observation. In good keeping with post-Heisenberg G16 100 metaphysics, she constantly makes the point that speculation alters G16 101 our methods of observation and transforms and even mutates whatever G16 102 it is we observe. Her first-person speaker is ideational: a G16 103 speculative witness that consistently laments her abstraction from G16 104 the physical world. Yet in her own words, the disclosures are G16 105 "unrepentant."

G16 106 Oddly, the exploration of consciousness Twichell's poetry G16 107 documents is something like a descent into an underworld, a G16 108 Darwinian, subterranean world plainly visible to the powers of G16 109 intellection if somewhere just beyond full comprehension. The one G16 110 domain of her poetry encompasses the twin zones of memory and G16 111 desire, and her journey therein open out into pre-human worlds G16 112 teeming with creaturely presences. From a biological perspective, G16 113 these poems assert a continuity of being among the lower and higher G16 114 life forms. From a psychological perspective, her poetry aims to G16 115 achieve self-realization only upon something akin to regression, G16 116 some slippage into the depths of the psyche, that murky place where G16 117 all at once the libido takes hold and consciousness begins. Yet G16 118 Twichell is never guilty of species-ism, and I'm guessing she would G16 119 hesitate to accept Roethke's idea of a poem as "in a sense G16 120 ... a kind of struggle out of the slime." If anything, the G16 121 pre-human realms of Perdido comprise a world of sometimes G16 122 remarkably clear actualities, a world neither more nor less than G16 123 our world of brutal intelligences. In Spanish, perdido G16 124 means 'lost,' 'strayed,' 'ruined,' 'mislaid.' In these poems G16 125 'Perdido' is the name both of the Alabaman river that empties into G16 126 the Gulf and of some seemingly pre-lapsarian city of light. Between G16 127 the subhuman and human realms there are endless border G16 128 crossings.

G16 129 So far all I have done is to scratch the surface of a world G16 130 view. Consider how rich the opening poem 'Why All Good Music Is G16 131 Sad,' is, how hypnotically its rhythms unfold, how much the poem is G16 132 about the pull of its own musical seduction, how the cadences hover G16 133 between free verse and metered verse, how the images hover between G16 134 loveliness and venom; and how, more than the poem's candid G16 135 statements, even more than the rich mystique of its conceit that G16 136 produces the final equation between fish and speaker, the rhythms G16 137 themselves embody the unending struggles between body and spirit, G16 138 desire and memory, insentience and sentience:poem

G16 139 However metaphorical this poem is, it never cloys into G16 140 allegory. From the strangely icy and matter-of-fact first line that G16 141 provides the poem's personal frame, we move through flashing G16 142 schools of fish and the undulating lacy fans to the poem's crux, G16 143 the sight of a fish impaled on a spear, "abandoned to its G16 144 one desire." It is not death that the fish seems to be G16 145 suffering so much as bodily isolation. The paradox is that desire, G16 146 normally a vehicle for escaping isolation, is the cause of G16 147 isolation. At this ironic "apex of its fear" G16 148 Perdido filters from the world above to the "half-lit G16 149 world" below, until words subhuman and human, preverbal and G16 150 verbal, presexual and sexual, unfold the same problems, are prone G16 151 to the same violence. Twichell captures whatever it is about human G16 152 apperception that makes it easier to lounge on the surface and G16 153 enjoy the freakshow below. Yet at the same time her speaker's G16 154 observation grows out of such dark instincts as can only be G16 155 appeased - if that - when they are comprehended. The ending is G16 156 fairly easy to anticipate (that the sea has been a metaphor for the G16 157 bed hardly surprises us), yet this unsurprising closure, or the G16 158 sorrowful ease of it, strikes a common nerve with the stunned G16 159 awareness that the speaker is unfathomably alone, yet ever just G16 160 able to say so.

G16 161 It is characteristic of Twichell's poems to flatten out their G16 162 own worst foreboding news. If Twichell means to be moving away from G16 163 an art which is no more than "cold solace," her G16 164 poems now reach new emotional depths as a result of the dramatic G16 165 distancing of the speaker from her experience - this because deep G16 166 feeling shows up most clearly against a backdrop of reserve. The G16 167 problems these poems occasionally run into have to do with one of G16 168 Twichell's strong suits as a poet, metaphor-making. Sometimes she G16 169 seems too willing to reduce unstated psychic dilemmas into fairly G16 170 formulaic images, worldly and pathetic and terrible for being put G16 171 so flatly, yet still reductive. In a poem ironically titled 'A G16 172 Whole Year of Love' (it turns out that a whole year of love doesn't G16 173 amount to a can of minnows!), we get a glib equation like this: G16 174 "just as a whole year of love, for example,/ might shrink G16 175 to a stack of pale-colored,/ just laundered shirts. An G16 176 image." Here Twichell's usually hard-won flatness of voice G16 177 lapses to mere posturing, and tonal effect becomes a shortcut to G16 178 substance. These poems also sometimes go wrong when they provide G16 179 pat emblems of their own emotional inaccessibility, as at the end G16 180 of 'Window in the Shape of a Diamond':poem

G16 181 This gesture of unsaying the sublime, meant to be sublime in G16 182 itself, does not produce much more than mute pathos. Thus the poem G16 183 speaks no more accurately of the poet's inner life than it does of G16 184 the world outside the window.

G16 185 But the truth is that Perdido gains emotional and G16 186 intellectual ground because of its willingness to overreach. It may G16 187 have been more difficult to tell the good poems from the weak poems G16 188 in Twichell's first two promising collections, Northern G16 189 Spy and The Odds. Perdido is a stronger G16 190 collection. It has Twichell's penchant for images as smart as they G16 191 are dazzling, but it also allows her imagination more auditory G16 192 depths. Though this isn't true for the poetry of every poet, G16 193 Twichell's poetry has gained in passion and meaning as her syntax G16 194 has relaxed and as her ear has joined her eye in writing the poem. G16 195 I quoted 'Why All Good Music Is Sad' because it best illustrates G16 196 the vision of Perdido. I can't leave unmentioned other equally G16 197 strong poems like 'Dream of the Interior,' 'The Shades of Grand G16 198 Central,' 'One Physics,' 'Useless Islands,' 'Revenges,' and the G16 199 remarkable closing poem, 'The Stolen Emblem.' In this tour de force G16 200 poem Twichell has made the dream of her interior ours, its language G16 201 our language. She does so by playing endless riffs on the book's G16 202 by-now recognizable discovery that our perceptions cloud the world, G16 203 but with twists that take the poem beyond the common bounds of G16 204 pop-quantum physics:poem

G16 205 G16 206 G17 1 <#FROWN:G17\>Michael Dorris

G17 2 Beyond Clich<*_>e-acute<*/>, Beyond Politics:

G17 3 Multiculturalism and the Fact of America

G17 4 HALF a millennium ago, my Modoc paternal ancestors lived near G17 5 the lava flats of northern California. They went about their lives G17 6 - hunting, fishing, falling in love, mourning their dead - G17 7 completely unaware of an Atlantic Ocean, much less of any human G17 8 beings on the other side of it. Meanwhile, Irish peasants - my G17 9 mother's people - toiled in the rocky fields of the western county G17 10 of Roscommon, spoke Gaelic, and worried when the next attack from G17 11 the sea might come. Unschooled in geography, they possessed little G17 12 notion of Spain, much less the possibility of a New World. G17 13 Somewhere in the tree of my particular lineage were also French G17 14 farmers, Swiss shepherds, German professors, Coeur d'Alene salmon G17 15 fishermen - all innocent of the complications of contact, oblivious G17 16 of each other's priorities and concerns, insular, ethnocentric, G17 17 proud ... and unfathomable to a contemporary person.

G17 18 These were men and women whose world was infinitely smaller, G17 19 arguably easier, but ultimately less interesting than our own. When G17 20 the lines of their consciousnesses inadvertently collided - well G17 21 into the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries - they were at least G17 22 as confused as they were enlightened, as terrified by newness as G17 23 they were fascinated by it. No doubt they mistrusted the strange, G17 24 yearned for the security of the 'old days,' often wished each other G17 25 gone. But there were also among them people who dared to look G17 26 beyond the boundaries of their own birthplaces, who not only G17 27 accepted but embraced the possibilities of difference, who joined G17 28 together to forge something new.

G17 29 This was not, in most cases, a matter of choice but rather a G17 30 practical, creative, and available necessity. Our dynamic American G17 31 landscape of fabulously interwoven ethnicities has struggled for G17 32 generations to devise a workable definition of itself - a challenge G17 33 and debate at the heart of the quincentennial anniversary of G17 34 Christopher Columbus' first voyage to this hemisphere. The task has G17 35 consistently proven to be neither simple nor uncontroversial. G17 36 'Multiculturalism,' though the only catchall that accurately G17 37 reflects this nation's history of free-for-all migration and G17 38 slippery assimilation, has become almost a clich<*_>e-acute<*/> in G17 39 political discourse - a bow to each federally recognized ethnic G17 40 population, a dutiful list of its accomplishments and contributions G17 41 to the modern world. As a concept, multiculturalism is amorphism G17 42 without the sharp edges that traditionally mark boundaries, and it G17 43 rarely pleases anyone.

G17 44 Among the Native American people I know and respect, there are G17 45 many who are angry at the attention lavished on the 1992 G17 46 continental birthday party. These individuals are the embittered G17 47 descendants of tribes whose lands were stolen, whose populations G17 48 were decimated, whose religions were outlawed and held in contempt, G17 49 whose books were burned, whose skin color was reviled. They have G17 50 ample reason to profess an aversion to Columbus and all he stands G17 51 for. Mythologizing and glorifying - or denigrating - a complicated G17 52 past does no justice to anyone. It over-simplifies, and it buries G17 53 hard facts and sad realities. It absolves without any confession of G17 54 guilt, and it does not heal.

G17 55 There are, among my non-Indian friends, those who resent any G17 56 cloud cast over the international orgy of self-aggrandizement, and G17 57 who blissfully dismiss as 'revisionary' every history save that of G17 58 the conquerors. "To the victors belong the spoils," G17 59 they crow. But they are wrong - wrong as the extollers of Manifest G17 60 Destiny were in the last century, wrong as those who would remake G17 61 the world in the image of a single culture or society or faith - G17 62 and they must be challenged. Our diversity, as a species, has G17 63 always been our salvation. Why do we struggle so to deny and G17 64 suppress it?

G17 65 <*_>star<*/> G17 66 Who, after all, were those societies that greeted Europeans G17 67 five, four, three hundred years ago? What were their motives, their G17 68 important elements, their contrasts with the Old World norms that G17 69 attempted to dominate and destroy them?

G17 70 Imagine the scene: it is an autumn day in the late fifteenth G17 71 century. On a beach with rose-colored sand, somewhere in the G17 72 Caribbean, two groups of people are about to meet for the first G17 73 time. The world will never again be the same.

G17 74 Emerging from a small landing boat are a group of men exhausted G17 75 from a long and frightening ocean voyage. They didn't trust where G17 76 they were going and now they don't know where they've arrived - but G17 77 it doesn't look at all like the India described by Marco Polo. They G17 78 come from Spain and Portugal and Genoa, are Christian and Jewish. G17 79 The more superstitious and uneducated among them feared that, by G17 80 sailing west across the Atlantic, they would fall off the edge of G17 81 the planet.

G17 82 The men seek treasure and adventure, fame and glory, but the G17 83 people who greet them seem quite poor. They are not dressed in fine G17 84 brocade encrusted with precious jewels, as one would expect of G17 85 subjects of the great Khan. They are, in fact, not dressed at all, G17 86 except for a few woven skirts and dabs of paint. Are they demons? G17 87 Are they dangerous? Do they know where the gold is hidden?

G17 88 Watching the boat draw near are a cluster of men, women, and G17 89 children. They speak a dialect of the Arawak language and are G17 90 delighted to receive new guests, especially ones who aren't painted G17 91 white - signifying death. Strangers arrive often, anxious to barter G17 92 parrot feathers or new foods or useful objects made of stone or G17 93 shell. These particular visitors look rather strange, it's true: G17 94 their bodies are covered with odd materials, not at all suited for G17 95 the warm climate, and they communicate with each other in a tongue G17 96 as indecipherable as Carib or Nahuatl.

G17 97 Up close there are more surprises. There are no women in the G17 98 group, and some of the hosts speculate on why this may be the case. G17 99 Have their clan mothers expelled these men, banished them to wander G17 100 alone and orphaned? Has their tribe suffered some disaster? And G17 101 another thing: they have the strong odor of people who have not had G17 102 their daily bath. Are they from some simple and rude society that G17 103 doesn't know how to comport itself?

G17 104 But all this notwithstanding, guests are guests and should be G17 105 treated with hospitality. They must be offered food and shelter, G17 106 must be entertained with stories and music, before the serious G17 107 business of trade begins.

G17 108 <*_>star<*/> G17 109 The earth was much larger than Christopher Columbus imagined, G17 110 and its human population was far more diverse. The land mass he G17 111 encountered on his transatlantic voyages was thoroughly inhabited G17 112 by more than one hundred million people, from the frigid steppes of G17 113 Patagonia at the furthest extremity of South America to the dark G17 114 arboreal forests of Newfoundland. In the inhospitable Arctic, G17 115 Inuits foraged for much of the year in small nuclear or extended G17 116 family groups, assembling only sporadically to carry on the G17 117 necessary business of marriage, remembrance, or collective action, G17 118 and only when the availability of food was at its peak. In the lush G17 119 and verdant jungles of Yucat<*_>a-grave<*/>n and Guatemala, Mayas G17 120 had invented agriculture, writing, and an accurate calendar fifteen G17 121 hundred years before the birth of Christ, and they had gone on to G17 122 become populous in complex, class-oriented societies supported by a G17 123 nutritionally balanced diet based on maize, squashes, and beans. In G17 124 the Andes of north-western South America, early Quechuas G17 125 domesticated the potato, engineered an intricate system of roads G17 126 and bridges, formed a nation in which the state owned all property G17 127 except houses and movable household goods, and collected taxes in G17 128 labor.

G17 129 The Western Hemisphere was home to literally hundreds of G17 130 cultures whose people spoke a multiplicity of languages and G17 131 dialects derived from at least ten mutually exclusive linguistic G17 132 families. Many societies had well-developed traditions of science G17 133 and medicine - some forty percent of the modern world's G17 134 pharmacopeia were utilized in America before 1492 - and literature, G17 135 visual art, and philosophy flourished in a variety of contexts. Yet G17 136 beyond a shared geography, there were few common denominators; due G17 137 to the haphazard and long process by which in-migrating peoples had G17 138 distributed themselves throughout the continents, the Western G17 139 Hemisphere thrived as a living laboratory of disparate G17 140 life-styles, linguistic variety, and cultural pluralism.

G17 141 The Karok in California were no more likely to share mores with G17 142 the Anishinabe of Wisconsin or the Yanomamo of Venezuela than they G17 143 were with groups in Polynesia or Persia. Every type of social G17 144 organization existed: theocracies among the Natchez, matrilineal G17 145 clan descent among the Delaware, incipient forms of representative G17 146 government among the Iroquois, chiefdoms among the Arawak, G17 147 confederacies among the Huron, loosely knit bands among the peoples G17 148 of the Amazon. The Zunis maintained stable towns and the Toltecs G17 149 dwelled in cosmopolitan cities. Vast trading networks linked the G17 150 so-called Mound Builders of central North America with the tribes G17 151 living along the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, as well as with G17 152 peoples on the North Atlantic seaboard.

G17 153 Obviously, no single group was directly aware of more than a G17 154 fraction of the other extant societies - and there was no G17 155 conception of an overarching group identity. 'We' was the family, G17 156 the community, the tribe, and 'they' were everyone else, known and G17 157 unknown. The fact of cultural diversity, however, was G17 158 manifest. Within a day's walk of virtually every indigenous G17 159 population could be found at least one and probably more than one G17 160 unrelated community whose inhabitants, relative to the visitor, G17 161 spoke a totally foreign and incomprehensible language, adhered to a G17 162 unique cosmology, dressed in unusual clothing, ate exotic foods, G17 163 and had a dissimilar political organization with peculiar G17 164 variations on age and gender roles.

G17 165 Native persons in most regions of precontact America could and G17 166 undoubtedly did believe that they belonged to the smartest, most G17 167 tasteful, most accomplished, and most handsome human constellation G17 168 in the universe, but clearly they knew that their particular G17 169 culture was not the only one. Variety, in whichever way it was G17 170 construed and explained, was inescapably the human norm.

G17 171 It is little wonder, therefore, that for Europeans of the G17 172 fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, America proved to be much more G17 173 than a single new world: it was an unimagined universe. The sheer G17 174 heterogeneity of Western Hemisphere societies challenged every G17 175 cherished medieval assumption about the uniform and orderly nature G17 176 of human origin and destiny. It was as if the cultural hodgepodge G17 177 of America revealed a whole new set of potential operating rules - G17 178 or, even more disconcerting, served as an ego-threatening G17 179 intimation that there were no dependable rules at all. Imagine G17 180 the shock! To have believed for a thousand years that everything G17 181 and everybody of consequence was known and neatly categorized, and G17 182 then suddenly to open a window and learn that, all along, one had G17 183 been dwelling in a small house with no perspective on the teeming G17 184 and chaotic city that surrounded one's accustomed neighborhood - G17 185 with no map or dictionary provided. How did Cain and Abel fit into G17 186 this new, complicated schema? Which Old Testament patriarch G17 187 begat<&|>sic! the Lakota or the Chibcha? How did the Comanche get G17 188 from the Tower of Babel to Oklahoma?

G17 189 The contrasts between the Old World and the Americas were G17 190 staggering. With only a few minor exceptions, virtually all G17 191 Europeans spoke languages that sprang from a single linguistic G17 192 family. Moreover, in the larger perspective, Europe's vaunted G17 193 religious and philosophical divisions were basically variations on G17 194 a concordant theme. Everyone from the Baltic to the Balkans and on G17 195 west to the British Isles professed belief in the same male G17 196 divinity, and - except for European Jewry - worshiped His Son as G17 197 well.

G17 198 As side effects of this theological unity, Latin became a G17 199 lingua franca for intellectuals from all sectors, and the Mosaic G17 200 code formed the basis for practically every ethical or legal G17 201 philosophy. The broad assumption of male dominance reigned G17 202 uncontested, from individual marriage contracts to the leadership G17 203 hierarchy of emergent nation-states. And the Bible - especially the G17 204 Book of Genesis - was regarded as a literally true and factually G17 205 accurate accounting of origin itself.

G17 206 Significantly, in the Adam and Eve story creation is G17 207 intentional: a personalized, antropomorphic, male G17 208 divinity formed a man in His image and then threw in a woman, made G17 209 out of a nonessential rib, for man's company and pleasure. God's G17 210 word was law, and the only token competition came from a fallen G17 211 angel, also of His manufacture. G17 212 G18 1 <#FROWN:G18\>THE POLITICS OF RACE

G18 2 THE MEANING OF EQUALITY

G18 3 SEYMOUR MARTIN LIPSET

G18 4 No achievement of 20th-century American politics surpasses the G18 5 creation of an enduring national consensus on civil rights. This G18 6 consensus was forged during the past quarter century by a G18 7 civil-rights movement that compelled Americans finally to confront G18 8 the wide gap between their treatment of blacks and the egalitarian G18 9 values of their own cherished national creed.

G18 10 In recent years, however, the leaders of the civil-rights G18 11 movement have shifted the focus from the pursuit of equal G18 12 opportunity to the pursuit of substantive equality through policies G18 13 of preferential treatment. This has brought matters to a difficult G18 14 pass, because most Americans, including many blacks, have not G18 15 shifted with the leaders of the movement. The reason is not hard to G18 16 find. While the civil-rights movement of the 1960s asked Americans G18 17 to live up to a single un-assailable ideal, today it sets G18 18 up a conflict between two core American values: egalitarianism and G18 19 individualism.

G18 20 Affirmative action was born in 1965 in the spirit of the first G18 21 civil-rights revolution. Soon thereafter it was transformed into a G18 22 system of racial preferences, and today affirmative action is G18 23 rapidly polarizing the politics of race in America. The editorial G18 24 and op-ed pages bristle with affirmative action polemics and G18 25 analyses. In the 1990 contest for the governorship of California, G18 26 Republican Pete Wilson focused on the 'quota' issue in defeating G18 27 Diane Feinstein. In the same year, Senator Jesse Helms won G18 28 reelection in North Carolina with the help of the quota issue, and G18 29 in Louisiana ex-Klansman David Duke exploited it to gain a majority G18 30 of white votes while losing his bid for a Senate seat. His failed G18 31 campaign for the governorship last fall became a national drama. G18 32 When Congress began its 1991 session, the first bill introduced by G18 33 the Democratic leadership in the House of Representatives was a G18 34 civil-rights bill described by its opponents as 'quota' G18 35 legislation. Even after a version of that bill became law in G18 36 November, controversy over its meaning and import continued. ...

G18 37 In many ways, of course, the United States has never been a G18 38 perfect meritocracy. In the job market and other fields, people G18 39 tend to favor relatives, friends, and members of their own ethnic, G18 40 religious, communal, or cultural groups. And universities, though G18 41 meritocratic and universalistic in their explicit values, have G18 42 always favored the children of alumni and faculty, not to mention G18 43 athletes, in their admissions policies. They also award special G18 44 scholarships and fellowships limited to applicants from particular G18 45 regional, gender, ethnic, or religious backgrounds - though some of G18 46 these practices are now outlawed. To a large extent, blacks have G18 47 been excluded from these networks of privilege.

G18 48 Women and most other minorities have required only genuine G18 49 equality of opportunity, not special help, in order to make a place G18 50 for themselves in American society. Indeed, the Jews, the G18 51 'Confucian' Asians, and the East Indians have done better on G18 52 average than old-stock white Americans with similar skills G18 53 and education. Roughly 40 percent of Mexican-Americans hold G18 54 white-collar or other high-level positions today, even though most G18 55 of them were not born in the United States. In any case, immigrants G18 56 generally have no claim on American society. Whatever handicaps G18 57 they have - inadequate education, lack of skills, inexperience with G18 58 the ways of the cities - are not the fault of American society.

G18 59 Blacks clearly do have a claim on this society. As I wrote in G18 60 1963 in The First New Nation: "Perhaps the most G18 61 important fact to recognize about the current situation of the G18 62 American Negro is that equality is not enough to assure his G18 63 movement into the larger society." The question is, G18 64 what will?

G18 65 One of the more novel proposals is advanced by Brandeis G18 66 University's Lawrence Fuchs in The American Kaleidoscope G18 67 (1990). He argues for a system of preferential treatment in G18 68 employment that varies according to the type of job. Fuchs points G18 69 out that in many, if not most, occupations employers chiefly G18 70 require competence, not superior performance. Seniority rights, G18 71 legislation outlawing compulsory retirement ages, and tenure for G18 72 school teachers are all justified by the assumption that general G18 73 competence is a sufficient qualification for employment. Thus, G18 74 Fuchs contends, efforts to increase the number of minority workers G18 75 among the less-skilled - "fire fighters, machinists, G18 76 computer operators, and candidates for dental school" - can G18 77 reasonably include numerical goals, permitting "race to be G18 78 counted as one of many factors. ..." in filling jobs. But G18 79 he argues that fields in which high achievement matters a great G18 80 deal - scholarship, medicine, sports, airline pilots, and G18 81 management - should not be subject to quotas and special preference G18 82 policies, apart from special recruitment and training efforts.

G18 83 Whatever the merits of Fuchs' distinction, people who work in G18 84 these less-exalted fields do not accept such disparaging estimates G18 85 of their worth. Poll after poll finds that white workers see no G18 86 reason that meritocratic standards and universalistic rules should G18 87 not apply to them. In fact, more support (or at least acceptance) G18 88 of special preferences is found among elite whites, who begin with G18 89 much more economic and status security.

G18 90 Mass opinion remains invariably opposed to preferential G18 91 treatment for deprived groups. The Gallup Organization repeated the G18 92 same question five times between 1977 and 1989:

G18 93 Some people say that to make up for past G18 94 discrimination, women and minorities should be given preferential G18 95 treatment in getting jobs and places in college. Others say that G18 96 ability, as determined by test scores, should be in the main G18 97 consideration. Which point of view comes close to how you feel on G18 98 the subject?

G18 99 In each survey, 10 or 11 percent said that minorities should be G18 100 given preferential treatment, while 81, 83, or 84 percent replied G18 101 that ability should be the determining factor. When the 1989 G18 102 answers were broken down by the respondents' race, blacks were only G18 103 somewhat more supportive of preferential treatment than whites (14 G18 104 percent to 7 percent); a majority of the blacks (56 percent) G18 105 favored "ability, as determined in test scores." G18 106 Women, it should be noted, had the same response as men; 10 percent G18 107 supported preferential treatment, and 85 percent ability.

G18 108 Gallup, working for the Times Mirror Corporation, presented the G18 109 issue somewhat differently in 1987 and 1990: "We should G18 110 make every effort to improve the position of blacks and other G18 111 minorities even if it means giving them preferential G18 112 treatment." This formulation was supported more strongly. G18 113 Twenty-four percent agreed in both years, while 71 to 72 percent G18 114 disagreed. Blacks were more favorable than whites by 32 to 18 G18 115 percent, but again it is notable that over two-thirds of the blacks G18 116 rejected preferential treatment. And while over four-fifth of the G18 117 Republicans surveyed were against preferences, so were two-thirds G18 118 of the Democrats. A relatively high proportion of those who G18 119 identified themselves as "strong liberals," 43 G18 120 percent, endorse preferential treatment, but they constituted only G18 121 10 percent of the total sample.

G18 122 Last spring, a Newsweek-Gallup poll posed the issue in G18 123 terms of persons of equal qualifications: "Do you believe G18 124 that because of past discrimination against black people, qualified G18 125 blacks should receive preference over equally qualified whites in G18 126 such matters as getting into college or getting jobs?" Only G18 127 19 percent of whites responded positively, 72 percent said no. But G18 128 preferences secured a plurality of 48 percent among blacks, with 42 G18 129 percent opposed.

G18 130 Preferential treatment does somewhat better when it is G18 131 justified as making up for specific past discrimination, when G18 132 ability is not posed as an alternative, and when it is limited to G18 133 blacks and applies only to employers that have actually G18 134 discriminated. The New York Times national poll asked in G18 135 May and December of 1990: "Do you believe that where there G18 136 has been job dis-crimination against blacks in the past, G18 137 preference in hiring or promotion should be given to blacks G18 138 today?" Both times, roughly one-third of those polled said G18 139 yes. But small majorities, 51-52 percent, rejected preferential G18 140 treatment even under these conditions.

G18 141 By June 1991, during the debate on the new civil-rights bill G18 142 that Republicans attacked as quota legislation, support for G18 143 preferences dropped to 24 percent, while opposition rose to 61 G18 144 percent. One month later, a poll of blacks taken by USA G18 145 Today to test their reaction to Clarence Thomas's nomination G18 146 to the Supreme Court found that they rejected quotas. They were G18 147 asked, "Thomas has said that racial hiring quotas and other G18 148 race-conscious legal measures damage blacks' efforts to advance. He G18 149 emphasizes self-help instead. Agree or disagree?" More G18 150 blacks agreed with Thomas, 47 percent, than disagreed, 39 percent, G18 151 while 14 percent replied "don't know."

G18 152 Both whites and blacks, however, will support a policy G18 153 described as "affirmative action" if it explicitly G18 154 does not involve quotas, as an NBC News-Wall Street G18 155 Journal poll found in July 1990. Two-thirds of whites (66 G18 156 percent) and 84 percent of blacks responded favorably to the G18 157 question: "All in all, do you favor or oppose affirmative G18 158 action programs in business for blacks, provided there are no rigid G18 159 quotas?"

G18 160 A LEADER-FOLLOWER SPLIT

G18 161 Americans make a critical distinction between compensatory G18 162 action and preferential treatment. To return to Lyndon Johnson's G18 163 image of the shackled runner, they are willing to do more than G18 164 remove the chains. They will go along with special training G18 165 programs and financial assistance, enabling the previously shackled G18 166 to catch up with those who are ahead because of earlier unfair G18 167 advantages. But they draw the line at predetermining the results of G18 168 the competition.

G18 169 In some measure, the distinction between 'compensatory action' G18 170 and 'preferential treatment' parallels the distinction drawn G18 171 between 'equality of opportunity' and 'equality of results.' G18 172 Compensatory action is probably seen as a way to enhance equality G18 173 of opportunity. Because blacks have been discriminated against in G18 174 the past, it is fair to give them special consideration so that G18 175 they will have a better chance in the future. Preferential G18 176 treatment, on the other hand, probably sounds to most whites like G18 177 an effort to predetermine the outcome of the competitive G18 178 process.

G18 179 The heaviest support for preferential treatment seems to come G18 180 from the liberal intelligentsia, the well-educated, the five to six G18 181 percent of the population who have gone to graduate schools, plus G18 182 those who have majored in the liberal arts in college. Support is G18 183 also strong among the political elite, particularly Democrats but G18 184 including many Republicans (though not many prominent G18 185 officeholders). The Democrats in Congress increasingly support G18 186 these policies, a change which may flow from the fact that the G18 187 proportion of Democratic members who can be classified as liberal G18 188 on the basis of their voting record has increased steadily since G18 189 the 1960s.

G18 190 Democratic leaders are increasingly out of step with public G18 191 opinion, and it is hurting them. The Republicans, their creation of G18 192 quotas long forgotten, now vigorously emphasize meritocratic G18 193 standards. Democrats are faced with a dilemma: how to respond to G18 194 pressure from civil-rights groups and the intelligentsia on G18 195 the one hand, and on the other, how to prevent the party's G18 196 identification with quotas from alienating its traditional base of G18 197 support among whites in the working class and the South. Lyndon G18 198 Johnson anticipated the problem in 1965, when he said in private G18 199 White House discussions about civil rights, "We have to G18 200 press for them as a matter of right, but we also have to recognize G18 201 that by doing so we will destroy the Democratic Party."

G18 202 This is precisely what is happening. A New York G18 203 Times-CBS News poll conducted in mid-year 1991 found that 56 G18 204 percent of Americans said the Democratic Party "cares more G18 205 about the needs and problems of blacks," while only 15 G18 206 percent believed the Republicans do. More significant may be the G18 207 finding that, when asked the same question about "the needs G18 208 and problems of whites," 45 percent answered that the GOP G18 209 cares more, only 19 percent said the Democrats do, and 14 percent G18 210 said both parties care equally about both races.

G18 211 Affirmative action is widely seen as reverse discrimination. G18 212 Many less-affluent whites believe that the number of jobs available G18 213 for them had declined as a result of preferences for blacks. Two G18 214 studies undertaken in 1985 and 1987 by Stanley Greenberg of the G18 215 Analysis Group for the Michigan Democratic Party indicate that G18 216 negative reaction to affirmative action has played a major role in G18 217 the defection of white male blue-collar voters from the party. G18 218 G19 1 <#FROWN:G19\>RICHARD LIND

G19 2 The Aesthetic Essence of Art

G19 3 Anyone familiar with the parallel evolution of aesthetics and G19 4 Western art knows how new art-forms, in a kind of G19 5 punctuated equilibrium, have regularly dislodged each new art G19 6 theory. In a strategy designed to avoid any new embarrassments, G19 7 some contemporary writers have sought to define 'art' in terms of a G19 8 complex relationship within the so-called 'artworld' between G19 9 artists, their products and the traditional community for whom G19 10 those products are made. One of these writers, Arthur Danto, has G19 11 plausibly argued that all art makes some sort of 'statement' G19 12 interpretable only by artworld participants familiar with an G19 13 appropriate art theory. Nothing can be an artwork until an artworld G19 14 theory emerges by which it can be understood.

G19 15 There are good reasons to believe that 'making a statement,' in G19 16 the broadest possible sense, is a necessary condition of art. G19 17 But it is not sufficient. Phenomenological analysis tends to G19 18 show that an artwork must be aesthetic as well as meaningful. G19 19 Without this further specification, what the artist has to say G19 20 could not be distinguished from many nonartistic forms of G19 21 communication. Indeed, for anything to be art, its meaning must G19 22 subserve the aesthetic function of the artwork, in a role I G19 23 shall call 'significance.' Our counter thesis, then, will be G19 24 that the concepts of 'art' and 'artwork' must be defined in terms G19 25 of the creation of significant aesthetic objects.

G19 26 I

G19 27 Danto doesn't offer a readily accessible formulation of his G19 28 definition of 'art,' but it is possible to piece one together from G19 29 his various pronouncements. At the heart of his theory is a concern G19 30 about the basic difference between such everyday objects as G19 31 clusters of real Brillo boxes and putative artworks like Warhol's G19 32 Brillo Boxes, the respective physical features of which G19 33 are virtually identical. If they are alike in every physical G19 34 detail, yet one is art and the other not, something must make for G19 35 the distinction. Danto points out that, of the two, only G19 36 Brillo Boxes is subject to 'interpretation' by an G19 37 artistic community, the 'artworld.'

G19 38 Consider, he says, a pair of hypothetical neckties painted G19 39 all-over blue, respectively, by C<*_>e-acute<*/>zanne and Picasso. G19 40 Only Picasso's would have qualified as art:

G19 41 For one thing, there would have been no room in G19 42 the artworld of C<*_>e-acute<*/>zanne's time for a painted necktie. G19 43 Not everything can be an artwork at every time: the artworld must G19 44 be ready for it. ... But Picasso's artworld was ready to receive, G19 45 at Picasso's hand, a necktie: for he had made a chimpanzee out of a G19 46 toy, a bull out of a bicycle seat ...: so why not a tie out of G19 47 a tie?

G19 48 On the basis of such observations Danto seems to offer a set of G19 49 necessary, if not sufficient, conditions for 'art': a) the use G19 50 of some object b) to make an original statement c) interpretable G19 51 within an artworld context. Conditions a) and b) are suggested G19 52 in the explanation of Picasso's tie as art: "Picasso G19 53 used the necktie to make a statement." Danto G19 54 points out that the statement must be original since a fake does G19 55 not qualify as art. Condition c) is an explicit part of Danto's G19 56 conditions:

G19 57 The moment something is considered an artwork, it G19 58 becomes subject to an interpretation. It owes its existence as G19 59 an artwork to this, and when its claim to art is defeated, it loses G19 60 its interpretation and becomes a mere thing.

G19 61 To see something as art demands nothing less than this, an G19 62 atmosphere of artistic theory, a knowledge of the history of G19 63 art.

G19 64 Danto is often accused of failing to specify what makes a G19 65 community an artworld community. But in The Transfiguration of G19 66 the Commonplace he tells us that by means of artistic theory G19 67 the artist enables us "to see his way of seeing the G19 68 world." For instance, within the tradition of art as G19 69 self-commentary, Warhol's Brillo Boxes, can be G19 70 interpreted as propounding "a brash metaphor: the G19 71 brillo-box-as-work-of-art." Danto can thus claim that the G19 72 artworld is a community of individuals prepared to see the world as G19 73 the artist does through his statement.

G19 74 Though this sketch may not do Danto full justice, it at least G19 75 enables us to see the beauty of his main thesis that the G19 76 function of art is to convey meanings decipherable by an G19 77 appropriate artworld audience. The idea that anything requires an G19 78 interpretive understanding before it can be experienced as a work G19 79 of art seems the only plausible explanation for the fact that what G19 80 counts as art in one age would not have counted as art in an G19 81 earlier one. We might question Danto's claim that if G19 82 C<*_>e-acute<*/>zanne had painted his tie blue it would not have G19 83 been art; had he actually produced one, we should now say it always G19 84 had been art - unappreciated art. But a principle has still G19 85 been demonstrated: if such an artifact did not even have the G19 86 potential to be interpreted by any artworld community, it G19 87 would never be deemed 'art.' The potential for 'interpretation' G19 88 therefore has to be an integral part of anything's being an G19 89 artwork.

G19 90 But Danto's subsidiary thesis, that the statement of the G19 91 artist consists of enabling us to see the artist's 'way of seeing G19 92 the world,' makes his artworld-interpretation condition too narrow. G19 93 This condition implies that art must always be about something G19 94 in the world. George Dickie has challenged this G19 95 'aboutness' requirement:

G19 96 Consider a design which consists of a number of G19 97 interpenetrating triangular-shaped areas and entitled #23. Is it G19 98 about triangles? About art? Nothing in the painting or its title G19 99 gives one any reason to think that it is about anything at all in G19 100 any ordinary sense of 'about.'

G19 101 Nonobjective art is by definition about nothing at all. And G19 102 obvious examples of music - Schoenberg's serial pieces for instance G19 103 - qualify as art, even though they fail to 'say' anything about the G19 104 world. So Danto's 'aboutness' thesis leaves out a significant G19 105 segment of what the artworld embraces as art.

G19 106 II

G19 107 That art makes statements is justifiable, however, so long as G19 108 we view 'making statements' metaphorically - as a way of G19 109 communicating meanings that are understood by an audience. I G19 110 am using the word 'meanings' in the broad phenomenological sense to G19 111 signify whatever is brought to mind in accordance with the G19 112 principle of association. Distant thunder thus 'means' an impending G19 113 rainstorm in the same general sense that the word 'dog' means a G19 114 certain species of four-legged animal: both are signs that G19 115 regularly remind us of something. Words have conventional G19 116 meanings, being based on agreed-upon associations, but there are G19 117 other sorts of conventional meanings as well. Clearly, art is able G19 118 to communicate a wide variety of nonverbal meanings that become G19 119 intersubjectively 'interpretable' in virtue of the shared G19 120 associations of a knowledgeable art community. Such meanings are G19 121 'interpreted' by those familiar with the particular style, school, G19 122 or tradition of the work.

G19 123 Danto regards artworld meanings as limited to whatever is G19 124 specified by particular art theories. In doing so, he seems to have G19 125 overlooked one basic meaning that appears to be universal, present G19 126 even where the work is nonobjective. That meaning is G19 127 authorship, by which we recognize that what has been presented G19 128 to us is the product of a certain special activity on the part of G19 129 its creator.

G19 130 After all, nothing is identified as an artwork if it does not G19 131 cause us to associate with it the idea that it was specifically G19 132 created by someone to be appreciated in the appropriate way. For G19 133 instance, the very fact that Dickie's counter example has a title G19 134 ('#23') is a sufficient clue to its artistic intentions. Lacking G19 135 any such sign, an absent-minded doodle of a similar G19 136 set of intersecting triangles would not be considered an artwork. G19 137 Unframed, untitled, unsigned, and unexhibited, enterprises like G19 138 whistling while you work, free-associating in your diary, G19 139 or absentmindedly torturing tinfoil into quirky figures lack only G19 140 the standard signs of authorship to qualify as art. Art is always G19 141 at least about itself; it conveys by certain mutually G19 142 understood clues the idea that it is the sort of thing created G19 143 for a specific kind of appreciation by a certain kind of audience. G19 144 The fact that authorship is at least one conventional meaning G19 145 required of all art would seem to render Danto's thesis, that art G19 146 makes statements interpretable by an artworld community, a viable G19 147 definitional condition, so long as we construe 'making statements' G19 148 as conveying inter-subjective meanings in the G19 149 broadest possible sense.

G19 150 III

G19 151 By itself, however, our modification of Danto's condition is G19 152 now too broad to catch only 'artworks' in its net. G19 153 Without any specification as to what makes any community an G19 154 artworld community, our requirement would seem to include G19 155 any kind of artifact that conveys meanings interpretable by a G19 156 community - for instance, the products of journalism, history, G19 157 science, and philosophy. If 'art' does have a set of sufficient G19 158 conditions, we need to find at least one more ingredient. I shall G19 159 contend that the key condition that Danto's theory lacks - and even G19 160 eschews - is the requirement that the main function of art is G19 161 to produce aesthetic objects. The idea that art must be aesthetic G19 162 is not exactly new; its most prominent proponent was Monroe G19 163 Beardsley. But the difficulty with this particular condition has G19 164 always been to give a proper account of what makes anything G19 165 aesthetic.

G19 166 I propose to spell out the aesthetic requirement of art by G19 167 means of an analysis of 'aesthetic object' worked out in earlier G19 168 essays. The theory was proposed as a corrective to the G19 169 once-popular thesis that an object becomes aesthetic simply G19 170 if one addresses it with a certain 'aesthetic attitude.' The G19 171 attitude theory fails to distinguish taking an interest in G19 172 something (giving it a 'chance' to be interesting) from G19 173 finding it interesting (being interested by or attracted G19 174 to it). The described attitude does only the former; it is a G19 175 special way of taking an interest in the appearance of things. The G19 176 problem is that such an attitude is not always rewarded: 'I am G19 177 paying full attention to x and x is not aesthetic,' is clearly not G19 178 self-contradictory.

G19 179 It would seem that only when something holds our interest G19 180 in a certain way do we want to call it 'aesthetic.' My thesis, G19 181 then, is that to be aesthetic something must be attractive to G19 182 attention in a spectrum of ways one might variously describe as G19 183 'intriguing,' 'fascinating,' 'beautiful' or 'gorgeous,' depending G19 184 on the degree and kind of perceptual interest taken. The term no G19 185 longer refers merely to the beautiful. Even objects we would G19 186 ordinarily regard as 'ugly' - withered old hags, for instance - can G19 187 count as 'aesthetic' if they grab and hold our attention in a G19 188 certain way. I shall try to demonstrate that all aesthetic objects G19 189 are necessarily interesting, but in a way that distinguishes them G19 190 from other interesting objects.

G19 191 Are aesthetic objects necessarily interesting? If we G19 192 single out any natural, manufactured or artistic item as aesthetic, G19 193 intuitively it is only after having contemplated it. No other G19 194 use seems relevant. But why, out of all the phenomena continuously G19 195 swimming through experience, should we contemplate just these G19 196 items? Clearly it is only because they somehow reward that G19 197 contemplation by 'holding' our attention and motivating us to G19 198 continue to engage in their contemplation. Indeed, it seems a G19 199 contradiction to say a sunset or piece of driftwood is aesthetic G19 200 but totally uninteresting. True, someone could consistently say, G19 201 "I'm bored with beautiful sunsets." But consider G19 202 what such a statement actually means: the sunset remains G19 203 interesting to the eye ('beautiful') but the speaker is no longer G19 204 interested in that sort of experience.

G19 205 The fact that we speak of being aesthetic as a matter of G19 206 degree supports our claim. It is lexically and syntactically G19 207 correct to say that one work is 'more aesthetic' than another, or G19 208 that a particular arrangement is 'not very aesthetic.' We could not G19 209 mean simply that we are deliberately paying more attention to one G19 210 than the other; intense scrutiny is often disappointed by G19 211 admittedly unaesthetic objects. Intuitively, we see that the more G19 212 an item spontaneously elicits discrimination the more aesthetic we G19 213 say it is. Being contemplatively interesting thus seems the only G19 214 possible reason to bother to call anything 'aesthetic.'

G19 215 IV

G19 216 So there are good reasons for claiming that all aesthetic G19 217 objects are interesting. G19 218 G19 219 G19 220 G19 221 G20 1 <#FROWN:G20\>By and large, this work has suggested that although G20 2 scientifically demonstrated routes of HIV transmission (through G20 3 intimate sexual contact, sharing needles, and blood transfusions) G20 4 are well understood by the public, there is nonetheless a G20 5 persistent belief among substantial portions of the public that G20 6 AIDS can also be transmitted through a variety of casual routes G20 7 (e.g., by working alongside HIV-infected persons, shaking hands, G20 8 being sneezed on, etc.). Recently, for example, the National Center G20 9 for Health Statistics estimated from their September 1990 National G20 10 Health Interview Survey that 24 percent of the public thinks it is G20 11 "very likely" or "somewhat likely" G20 12 that someone would contract AIDS from eating in a restaurant where G20 13 the cook has the AIDS virus, while 19 percent believes it is G20 14 "very" or "somewhat likely" that they would G20 15 contract AIDS from using public toilets (Adams and Hardy 1991).

G20 16 These findings are of concern to public health policy officials G20 17 for at least two important reasons. First, basic knowledge about G20 18 HIV and how it is transmitted is an essential precursor to G20 19 reasonable and safe personal health practices, which are necessary G20 20 for preventing further spread of AIDS. Second - and more to the G20 21 point of the present research - levels of public knowledge have G20 22 considerable consequences for the structuring of public policy G20 23 health debates and the long-term social outcomes for the AIDS G20 24 epidemic. Public support or opposition will undoubtedly help G20 25 determine the eventual success or failure of various health G20 26 policies. And some research has already found that beliefs in the G20 27 casual transmission of HIV are indeed predictive of increased G20 28 levels of public support for certain restrictive and even G20 29 discriminatory policies aimed at infected persons (Sniderman et al. G20 30 1987). Given that public health officials currently desire policies G20 31 that are not heavily restrictive of HIV-infected persons (e.g., the G20 32 President's Commission on the Human Immunodeficiency Virus Epidemic G20 33 [Watkins 1988]) such findings certainly deserve attention.

G20 34 Correct information - or misinformation - about the ways in G20 35 which AIDS is contracted is certainly not the only factor G20 36 underlying public opinion on AIDS-related issues. Long-standing G20 37 public attitudes, in particular, attitudes toward the clearly G20 38 defined social groups that have so far been most affected by AIDS, G20 39 will also presumably play a large role. Some evidence bearing on G20 40 this issue has also been uncovered: recent work has suggested that G20 41 antihomosexual or homophobic attitudes may directly affect public G20 42 policy preferences (Ostrow and Traugott 1988; Sniderman et al. G20 43 1987) and perhaps interfere with receptivity to publicized G20 44 information about AIDS transmission (Stipp and Kerr 1989).

G20 45 Previous research, then, although limited, has identified at G20 46 least two variables that appear to be important predictors of G20 47 public opinion concerning AIDS-related health policies: levels of G20 48 misinformation about the transmissibility of AIDS and levels of G20 49 antigay sentiment. But if these variables are to be dealt with G20 50 effectively in the formulation of public health policy, and in the G20 51 planning and implementation of health information campaigns, a G20 52 better understanding of their origins is needed. What factors, in G20 53 other words, contribute to AIDS knowledge and to antigay G20 54 attitudes?

G20 55 It seems reasonable to postulate that exposure to mass media G20 56 messages about AIDS is the principal determinant of levels of AIDS G20 57 knowledge, since the mass media have, to date, been the principal G20 58 conduits for public information about the disease. The American G20 59 public, at least, seems to credit the mass media as being a G20 60 principal source of AIDS information (Singer, Rogers, and Corcoran G20 61 1987). Exposure to media messages is not, however, in and of itself G20 62 sufficient to produce changes in knowledge - and certainly not G20 63 changes in attitude or opinion. Decades of research on G20 64 communication and attitude change have demonstrated that media G20 65 audiences may, due to a variety of psychological factors, G20 66 selectively attend to messages, distort or alter their meaning, and G20 67 thus 'resist' them (see, e.g., McGuire 1981). Recently Stipp and G20 68 Kerr (1989) have argued that negative attitudes toward homosexuals G20 69 can interfere with the acceptance of information from the mass G20 70 media about AIDS.

G20 71 Against this backdrop of limited prior research and findings, G20 72 then, we propose the following set of propositions concerning the G20 73 determinants of public opinion on AIDS-related policies:

G20 74 1. The misunderstanding that AIDS can be easily contracted G20 75 through casual contact with HIV-infected persons is a primary G20 76 contributor to higher levels of support for more restrictive public G20 77 policies aimed at people with AIDS.

G20 78 2. Principal factors contributing to misunderstanding about G20 79 AIDS transmission include (a) limited exposure to mass media G20 80 messages about AIDS, (b) restricted ability to comprehend G20 81 information that is received, and (c) attitudinal resistance G20 82 to mass media messages due to various long-standing values and G20 83 predispositions.

G20 84 3. Consequently, variables that affect exposure and G20 85 comprehension (e.g., socioeconomic background, age, education) or G20 86 that may engender resistance to AIDS information (namely, elevated G20 87 feelings of threat or fear, religious and moral beliefs, and G20 88 attitudes toward sexual behavior) are thus expected to be principal G20 89 predictors of misunderstanding.

G20 90 4. Principal predictors of support for restrictive public G20 91 policies toward people with AIDS are expected to include - in G20 92 addition to misunderstanding about casual transmission - general G20 93 attitudes toward individual freedoms and civil rights and political G20 94 liberalism/conservatism and negative attitudes toward affected G20 95 groups (e.g., toward homosexuals).

G20 96 These four propositions are necessarily general, given the G20 97 somewhat underdeveloped state of research in this area. Although G20 98 the research literature on public opinion concerning AIDS is G20 99 steadily expanding, it remains in relatively short supply. G20 100 Furthermore, studies to date suffer from several important G20 101 limitations. First, much of the research drawn from nationally G20 102 representative surveys has been confined to aggregate-level data G20 103 analysis, most of it descriptive or limited to bivariate G20 104 cross-tabulations (e.g., Blake and Arkin 1988; Singer, Rogers, and G20 105 Corcoran 1987). More recent efforts to extend this important work G20 106 by pursuing multivariate analyses (e.g., Singer 1989) have still G20 107 relied primarily upon demographic analyses. Meanwhile, more G20 108 in-depth studies of determinants of knowledge, attitudes, or G20 109 opinions using multivariate techniques at the individual level of G20 110 analysis have generally been confined to regional rather than G20 111 national surveys (e.g., Ostrow and Traugott 1988; Sniderman et al. G20 112 1987) or have investigated only a very small subset of variables G20 113 (e.g., Stipp and Kerr 1989).

G20 114 Unfortunately, then, we still lack a systematic understanding G20 115 of even the most basic demographic and attitudinal determinants of G20 116 public levels of knowledge about AIDS, or the ways in which AIDS G20 117 knowledge and longer-standing attitudinal and social-structural G20 118 variables operate together in shaping public opinions on potential G20 119 AIDS policies. The present research aims at addressing these G20 120 problems, by taking advantage of two extant survey data sets to G20 121 pursue systematic, individual-level analyses of these issues. In G20 122 line with the proportions outlined above, we propose and test a G20 123 theoretical model of the relationships between a variety of G20 124 social-structural background variables, knowledge of HIV G20 125 transmission, attitudes toward homosexuals, and support for G20 126 restrictive policies aimed at HIV-infected persons.

G20 127 G20 128 Method G20 129 Data used in the present study were taken from two Los G20 130 Angeles Times polls, conducted in December 1985 and July 1987, G20 131 which focused on AIDS. Both surveys involved telephone interviews G20 132 with national samples of men and women age 18 and older (N =2,308 G20 133 in 1985; N =2,095 in 1987). Responses were weighted to take account G20 134 of household size, times at home, and variations in the sample G20 135 relating to geographic region, age, gender, employment, race, and G20 136 education. Telephone numbers for the samples were generated by G20 137 computer randomly within strata to insure that both listed and G20 138 unlisted households were included. Five standard metropolitan G20 139 statistical areas (SMSAs), which together account for nearly half G20 140 of the AIDS cases in the United States, were oversampled (Los G20 141 Angeles, San Francisco, New York, Miami, and Newark, NJ). Data from G20 142 the national sample and the oversampled SMSAs were weighted in the G20 143 analyses according to the probability of selection.

G20 144 MEASURES G20 145 Knowledge of AIDS transmission. The present study G20 146 focuses on misinformation about the transmissibility of AIDS rather G20 147 than correct information about ways in which AIDS can be G20 148 contracted. By 1985, when the first of the two Los Angeles G20 149 Times polls was conducted, well over 90 percent of the general G20 150 population already understood that AIDS could be transmitted G20 151 through intimate sexual contact, the sharing of hypodermic needles, G20 152 and blood transfusions. But the incorrect impression that AIDS can G20 153 also be transmitted through a variety of far more casual forms of G20 154 contact with infected persons clearly persisted.

G20 155 Four questions included in the 1985 survey were used to assess G20 156 respondents' level of misinformation concerning AIDS transmission: G20 157 people were asked whether they thought someone could contract AIDS G20 158 in four different ways: (1) from eating food that had been handled G20 159 by a person with AIDS (19 percent replied "yes"); (2) from G20 160 a toilet seat (24 percent "yes"); (3) from trying on G20 161 clothes in a department store (14 percent "yes"); and (4) G20 162 from handling money (10 percent "yes"). The four questions G20 163 were recoded to take the values 0 = no, and 1 = yes or not sure. G20 164 The exact wording of each question, including item means and G20 165 standard deviations, are presented in table A1.

G20 166 Only two of these questions were repeated on the 1987 survey G20 167 (see table A2). In the 2 years intervening between the surveys, G20 168 levels of misinformation about the transmissibility of AIDS G20 169 declined only slightly. A sizable number of respondents still G20 170 believed that AIDS could be contracted through food (14 percent G20 171 indicated they thought so) or from a toiled (20 percent said G20 172 "yes").

G20 173 Attitudes toward homosexuals. Four questions included G20 174 in the 1985 survey were used to measure attitudes toward G20 175 homosexuals. These questions asked respondents (1) whether they G20 176 thought that homosexuals have too little or too much political G20 177 power (8 percent said "too little," 39 percent said G20 178 "about right," and 34 percent said "too G20 179 much"); (2) whether their views about homosexuality were G20 180 liberal or conservative (29 percent were "very" or G20 181 "somewhat" liberal toward homosexuality, 44 percent were G20 182 "very" or "somewhat" conservative); (3) to what G20 183 degree they considered sexual relations between adults of the same G20 184 sex to be wrong (73 percent felt it that it was "always" or G20 185 "almost always" wrong); and (4) what their personal G20 186 attitude was toward homosexuality (50 percent were personally G20 187 opposed to homosexual relations). Responses to all four questions G20 188 were recoded such that 1 = the response most supportive of G20 189 homosexuals and 5 = the least supportive response. Again, the exact G20 190 wording of each question and descriptive statistics are provided in G20 191 table A1.

G20 192 Only two of these four questions were repeated in the 1987 G20 193 survey, and responses to these questions were overall quite similar G20 194 to the data from the earlier survey. When asked their overall views G20 195 of homosexuality, 23 percent said they were "very" or G20 196 "somewhat" liberal, while 42 percent said they were G20 197 "very" or "somewhat" conservative. On the matter of G20 198 gay political power, 13 percent of 1987 respondents felt that G20 199 homosexuals had "too little" power, 32 percent said G20 200 that gay political clout was "about right", and 34 G20 201 percent indicated that homosexuals had "too much" G20 202 political power. Once again the items were recoded to a 1-5 G20 203 interval (see table A2).

G20 204 Opinions concerning restriction of HIV-infected G20 205 people. The 1985 survey also carried three questions that G20 206 assessed the level of support for policies aimed at restricting G20 207 people with AIDS as a means of combating the disease. These G20 208 restrictions included: (1) requiring persons exposed to AIDS to G20 209 carry identification (ID) cards (48 percent in favor, 43 percent G20 210 opposed, 9 percent not sure); (2) quarantining AIDS patients (51 G20 211 percent in favor, 40 percent opposed, 9 percent not sure); and even G20 212 (3) tattooing people exposed to AIDS (15 percent in favor, 78 G20 213 percent opposed, 6 percent not sure). The three items were coded G20 214 with values 1 = opposed, 2 = not sure, and 3 = in favor (wording G20 215 and descriptive statistics for each item can be found in table G20 216 A1).

G20 217 It is surprising that such sizable minority within the general G20 218 population - here estimated at about 15 percent - would support a G20 219 measure as extreme as tattooing persons with AIDS. Yet support for G20 220 such restrictions, as with the aforementioned persistance of AIDS G20 221 misinformation and antigay sentiment, apparently remained constant G20 222 or increased slightly from 1985 to 1987. The two restriction G20 223 measure repeated in 1987 produced a pattern of response similar to G20 224 that found 2 years earlier. On the matter of quarantining AIDS G20 225 patients, 52 percent favored such a measure, while 41 percent G20 226 opposed it and 7 percent were unsure. G20 227 G21 1 <#FROWN:G21\>Strachey and Woolf knew those roles well, and Freud, G21 2 it is rather surprising, seems to have known them well too. At any G21 3 rate each of them became busy combating Victorian ways of enacting, G21 4 serving those roles.

G21 5 In introducing Eminent Victorians Lytton Strachey G21 6 writes of the genre: "With us, the most delicate and humane G21 7 of all the branches of the art of writing has been relegated to the G21 8 journeymen of letters." He then damns the journeymen for G21 9 their "ill-digested masses of matter, their slipshod style, G21 10 their tone of tedious panegyric [and] their lamentable lack of G21 11 selection, of detachment, of design." He goes on to G21 12 summarize and complain about his four biographies in his own terse, G21 13 ironic, thoroughly selective manner. He might well have come out G21 14 and talked of journeymen biographers as Victorians straightway, and G21 15 named names, for, as a dedicated anti-Victorian near the end of G21 16 World War I, he was writing deliberately to annoy historians as G21 17 well as biographers of the Victorian establishment, knowing that G21 18 they would think him an enemy to scholarship, thoroughness, G21 19 objectivity, and, as if incidentally, the values of Victorianism G21 20 itself.

G21 21 The journeymen's arguments against him may now be construed G21 22 roughly like this. The agnostic polemicist Strachey chose Cardinal G21 23 Manning as a subject because Manning seemed a representative G21 24 worldly politician of religion, a clergyman whose wheeling and G21 25 dealing reflected darkly on both the Romans he espoused and the G21 26 Anglicans he abandoned. Strachey, a pacifist, chose General G21 27 (Chinese) Gordon as a representative chauvinist of the Victorian G21 28 imperialist war machine. The liberal Strachey chose Thomas Arnold G21 29 as an instance of the pompous piety running the English G21 30 anti-Semitic, law-and-order, school-tie education system. The G21 31 Freudian Strachey chose Florence Nightingale because the legend G21 32 about her as a "saintly, self-sacrificing woman," a G21 33 "delicate maiden," seemed a representative piece of G21 34 hypocrisy (about females generally) to be found in Victorian G21 35 households. In short Bloomsbury Strachey had - for such critics - G21 36 an inflexible, four-victim agenda for misrepresenting the whole G21 37 culture. He did not just use his subjects: he abused them.

G21 38 In defense of Strachey I would say that the book stands up well G21 39 after seventy-five years. Its poorly documented scholarship (no G21 40 notes - and only a brief bibliography for each life) has not to my G21 41 knowledge been found to be seriously defective scholarship, and its G21 42 agenda is more complicated and even considerate than critics allow. G21 43 It remains a model for any group biographer, and it is as group G21 44 biography that it asks to be considered. With his four G21 45 interestingly diverse upper-class individuals he was able to G21 46 construct at least the scaffolding of the larger entity behind and G21 47 around them, and do so while minding his p's and q's as a G21 48 biographer, not as a sociologist.

G21 49 Of course there was less sociology in the air in 1918, and he G21 50 was English; but even then there were scholars, such as Edmund G21 51 Gosse, alarmed and up in arms about the new scientism. Thus Gosse G21 52 defined biography - for the eleventh edition of the G21 53 Encyclopedia Britannica (1910) - in such a prescriptive G21 54 way as to exclude "broad views" entirely. He G21 55 declared "the true conception of biography" to be G21 56 that of "the faithful portrait of a soul [note the G21 57 singular] in its adventures through life," with those G21 58 adventures being "sharply defined by two definite events, G21 59 birth and death." Strachey was no social scientist, but he G21 60 came at biography as an art that had a necessary social-historical G21 61 dimension.

G21 62 My second revolutionary, Sigmund Freud, was an alien among G21 63 Victorians, but he needs to be looked at as a vital contributor to G21 64 Bloomsbury thought - for a time he even had Leonard Woolf as his G21 65 publisher - about biography. But was he a biographer at all? He G21 66 kept saying no, and his disclaimer is implicit in his title: G21 67 Leonardo da Vinci and a Memory of Childhood. Yet that G21 68 work as well as his even briefer comments about Michelangelo and G21 69 Shakespeare, had the broadest of views lurking inside, as this G21 70 quotation from chapter 6 of the Leonardo reveals:

G21 71 Biographers are fixated on their heroes in a quite G21 72 special way. In many cases they have chosen their hero as the G21 73 subject of their studies because - for reasons of their personal G21 74 emotional life - they have felt a special affection to the task of G21 75 idealization, aimed at enrolling the great man among the class of G21 76 their infantile models - at reviving in him, perhaps, the child's G21 77 idea of the father. To gratify this wish they obliterate the G21 78 individual features of their subject's physiognomy; they smooth G21 79 over the traces of his life's struggles with internal and external G21 80 resistances, and they tolerate in him no vestige of human weakness G21 81 or imperfection. They thus present us with what is in fact a cold, G21 82 strange, ideal figure, instead of a human being to whom we might G21 83 feel ourselves distantly related. That they should do this is G21 84 regrettable, for they thereby sacrifice truth to an G21 85 illusion.

G21 86 Freud's contribution to the biographical revolution was of G21 87 course that of the psychoanalyst, as Strachey's was that of the G21 88 social historian, and Woolf's that of the novelist and satirist. G21 89 Each set up shop as if in an appropriate building on a university G21 90 campus (Freud in absentia), and all proceeded to use biography as a G21 91 serviceable adjunct-genre for their professional activities. But G21 92 their activities were never just created for their professions. To G21 93 revise Frost's lines:

G21 94 They couldn't be called ungentle,

G21 95 But neither were they departmental.

G21 96 Now we return to Orlando. In Woolf's diary at the time of G21 97 her dream of revolution she wrote that she had had the first G21 98 glimmerings of Orlando after finishing To The G21 99 Lighthouse, a novel with her own hero-villain father at its G21 100 center, Leslie Stephen, a biographer who was the first editor of G21 101 the Dictionary of National Biography. She had just agreed G21 102 to do several reviews and was gloomy at the prospect. She was G21 103 feeling empty. She was wondering if she shouldn't do something G21 104 "wild and satirical," and she concocted a fuzzy G21 105 plot with two women wandering about Constantinople (Vita had G21 106 recently returned from a long tour of the Middle East with her G21 107 husband, the diplomat Harold Nicolson). She was also being G21 108 reflectively critical of her own prose, and of Vita's. More G21 109 important, she had been visiting, with Vita, the great Sackville G21 110 country house Knole:

G21 111 Vita took me over the 4 acres of buildings, which she G21 112 loves: too little conscious beauty for my taste: smallish rooms G21 113 looking onto buildings: no views: yet one or two things remain: G21 114 Vita stalking in her Turkish dress, attended by small boys, down G21 115 the gallery, wafting them on like some tall sailing ship - a sort G21 116 of covey of noble English life. ... How do you see that I asked G21 117 Vita. She said she saw it as something that had gone on for G21 118 hundreds of years. ... All the centuries seemed lit up, the past G21 119 expressive, articulate; not dumb and forgotten; but a crowd of G21 120 people stood behind, not dead at all; not remarkable; fair faced, G21 121 long limbed, affable; & so we reach the days of Elizabeth quite G21 122 easily. After tea, looking for letters of Dryden's to show me, she G21 123 tumbled out a (17th century) love letter with a lock of soft gold G21 124 tinted hair which I held in my hand for a moment. One had a sense G21 125 of links fished up into the light which are usually submerged.

G21 126 (January 23, 1927)

G21 127 So Orlando begins to take shape, wild and satirical but G21 128 also, in a Woolfian way, historical. Saturated with Knole's G21 129 history. And scented biographically with Vita, Vita, Vita. G21 130 Centuries of Vita. Plus of course father Stephen.

G21 131 Nothing gelled for several months. Virginia Woolf took a G21 132 holiday on the continent with her husband, Leonard, progressing no G21 133 further with the wildness except to think "it" might be G21 134 "fun to write." Coming back home, she found Vita in G21 135 her life again for having won a literary prize (for a poem). The G21 136 prize and the poem managed to depress them both, and Woolf wrote G21 137 snobbishly: "[At the ceremony] I felt there was not one G21 138 full grown mind among us. In truth it was the thick dull middle G21 139 class of letters that met; not the aristocracy. Vita cried at G21 140 night."

G21 141 Shades of Strachey's 'journeymen' thesis (she had admired G21 142 Eminent Victorians greatly, almost ten years before). G21 143 Then suddenly, after a seemingly idle, society-ridden summer, G21 144 Orlando comes clear: she finds herself "writing at G21 145 great speed, engulfed." It is indeed to be a biography of G21 146 Vita, but three hundred years' worth, with Vita as both male and G21 147 female (she switches sex in the eighteenth century), and activated, G21 148 enlivened right back to the Elizabethans by her Knole lineage, an G21 149 individual rendered as a national composite. Don't forget that the G21 150 DNB is also, in its way, a national composite. So Vita would G21 151 arrive, after the centuries, at the present: age thirty-six in G21 152 1927. The result would be a formally (and biologically) G21 153 revolutionary group biography - the group being the English upper G21 154 class - but it would still be about Vita Sackville-West, the G21 155 living, singular Vita known intimately to Woolf.

G21 156 Would this be a serious undertaking? As with all satire it G21 157 could only be partly serious. And as with all human biography - G21 158 there are other kinds - of the living, it had to be moderate in its G21 159 mockery. Vita was going to read it (and did, though not until it G21 160 actually appeared) so Woolf could chide her for her minor G21 161 frailties, especially as a young romantic with instant changes of G21 162 mood; but she could not sneer at her, scorn her. Her biographical G21 163 aim with Vita had to be in the old tradition of commemorative G21 164 biography.

G21 165 Therefore her serious satirical aim had to be elsewhere, at her G21 166 surrounding cast in the various centuries, at the sycophants and G21 167 hypocritical literary critics and male belittlers of females, at G21 168 the faithless, the arrogant, the ruthless, the stupid. And at G21 169 biography itself, as practiced by journeymen.

G21 170 Orlando is full of potshots at all these, with the aim G21 171 often straight at father Stephen, though a much better target might G21 172 have been his journeyman successor on the DNB, Sidney Lee, for G21 173 whom she expressed contempt in a review written at about the time G21 174 of Orlando. Clearly it is with these potshots that G21 175 Orlando emerges as what she announced it to be, originally, in G21 176 the title - Orlando: A Biography. At least it emerges as G21 177 a kind, though an odd kind, of biography, and certainly as a book G21 178 about biography, not just about a somewhat fictionalized Vita. G21 179 In the potshots is the revolution, and it failed. The work was G21 180 instantly rejected as biography by critics even as they praised the G21 181 book, rejected by the simple device of denying that it was G21 182 biography at all. Most of them called it a novel (and Woolf's own G21 183 publisher came to call it a novel), and one reader - who is quoted G21 184 on the current paperback edition - called it a lover letter.

G21 185 Father Stephen would presumably have denied it as biography G21 186 also, though his views were more complicated than the satirical G21 187 strain in Orlando would allow. At heart he was a company man, G21 188 a professional scrivener in biography's long tradition of G21 189 establishment service. Victorian England was an extremely large G21 190 establishment requiring professional, businesslike, and G21 191 conventional values; and obviously it needed a dictionary of G21 192 national biography to consolidate and regularize those values, G21 193 edited by someone who would not oppose them. Father Stephen didn't. G21 194 His daughter Virginia Woolf, sitting in nearby Bloomsbury and G21 195 spiritually allied to Strachey and Freud, did.

G21 196 Several lessons in biography, with attendant questions, hover G21 197 about this small, triadic revolution, especially when it is viewed G21 198 from another country decades later. The ambiguity in Strachey's G21 199 long-term success appears oddly as a lesson against group biography G21 200 from contemporary departments of history, though that lesson is G21 201 undercut by many postmodern (I think the word is applicable here) G21 202 group biographies of and by women - a point to which I'll return. G21 203 The lesson is reinforced, however, by a curious recent G21 204 counterrevolutionary move by historians (whom I would label G21 205 scientific historians) against the greatest group biographer of G21 206 classical times, Plutarch. In the latest Penguin paperbacks of his G21 207 Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romans the lives of the G21 208 Grecians are separated from the lives of the Romans by being placed G21 209 in separate volumes, and the comparisons he conducted of each pair G21 210 following the scheme of parallel biographies are simply omitted. G21 211 G21 212 G21 213 G22 1 <#FROWN:G22\>Superseding Historic Injustice

G22 2 Jeremy Waldron

G22 3 I. INJUSTICE AND HISTORY

G22 4 The history of white settlers' dealings with the aboriginal G22 5 peoples of Australia, New Zealand, and North America is largely a G22 6 history of injustice. People, or whole peoples, were attacked, G22 7 defrauded, and expropriated; their lands were stolen and their G22 8 lives were ruined. What are we to do about these injustices? We G22 9 know what we should think about them: they are to be studied and G22 10 condemned, remembered and lamented. But morality is a practical G22 11 matter, and judgments of 'just' and 'unjust' like all moral G22 12 judgments have implications for action. To say that a future act G22 13 open to us now would be unjust is to commit ourselves to avoiding G22 14 it. But what of past injustice? What is the practical importance G22 15 now of a judgment that injustice occurred in the past?

G22 16 In the first instance the question is one of metaethics. Moral G22 17 judgments are prescriptive in their illocutionary force; they G22 18 purport to guide choices. But since the only choices we can guide G22 19 are choices in front of us, judgments about the past must look G22 20 beyond the particular events that are their ostensible subject G22 21 matter. The best explanation of this relies on universalizability. G22 22 When I make a moral judgment about an event E, I do so not in G22 23 terms of the irreducible particularity of E but on the basis G22 24 of some feature of E that other events might share. In saying, G22 25 for example, "E was unjust," I am saying, G22 26 "There is something about E and the circumstances in G22 27 which it is performed, such that any act of that kind performed in G22 28 such circumstances would be unjust." I am not so much G22 29 prescribing the avoidance of E itself (a prescription that G22 30 makes no sense if E is in the past), but prescribing the G22 31 avoidance of E-type events. If E involved breaking a G22 32 promise, or taking advantage of someone's credulity, then our G22 33 condemnation of it commits us to a similar condemnation of breaches G22 34 of faith or exploitation in the present. Though E occurred 150 G22 35 years ago, to condemn it is to express a determination now that in G22 36 the choices we face, we will avoid actions of this kind.

G22 37 The point of doing this is not that we learn new and better G22 38 standards for our lives from the judgments we make about the past. G22 39 Unless we had those standards already, we would not make those G22 40 judgments. But our moral understanding of the past is often a way G22 41 of bringing to imaginative life the full implications of principles G22 42 to which we are already in theory committed. To be disposed to act G22 43 morally, it is not enough to be equipped with a list of appropriate G22 44 principles. One also needs a sense of the type of situation in G22 45 which these things may suddenly be at stake, the temptations that G22 46 might lead one to betray them, and the circumstances and G22 47 entanglements that make otherwise virtuous people start acting G22 48 viciously. That is what history provides: a lesson about what it is G22 49 like for people just like us - human, all too human - to face real G22 50 moral danger.

G22 51 Beyond that, there is an importance to the historical G22 52 recollection of injustice that has to do with identity and G22 53 contingency. It is a well-known characteristic of great G22 54 injustice that those who suffer it go to their deaths with the G22 55 conviction that these things must not be forgotten. It is easy to G22 56 misread that as vain desire for vindication, a futile threat of G22 57 infamy upon the perpetrators of an atrocity. But perhaps the G22 58 determination to remember is bound up with the desire to sustain a G22 59 specific character as a person or community against a background of G22 60 infinite possibility. That this happened rather than that G22 61 - that people were massacred (though they need not have been), that G22 62 lands were taken (though they might have been bought fairly), that G22 63 promises were broken (though they might have been kept) - the G22 64 historic record has a fragility that consists, for large part, in G22 65 the sheer contingency of what happened in the past. What happened G22 66 might have been otherwise, and, just because of that, it is not G22 67 something one can reason back to if what actually took place has G22 68 been forgotten or concealed.

G22 69 Each person establishes a sense of herself in terms of her G22 70 ability to identify the subject or agency of her present thinking G22 71 with that of certain acts and events that took place in the past, G22 72 and in terms or her ability to hold fast to a distinction between G22 73 memory so understood and wishes, fantasies, or various other ideas G22 74 of things that might have happened but did not. But remembrance in G22 75 this sense is equally important to communities - families, tribes, G22 76 nations, parties - that is, to human entities that exist often for G22 77 much longer than individual men and women. To neglect the G22 78 historical record is to do violence to this identity and thus to G22 79 the community that it sustains. And since communities help generate G22 80 a deeper sense of identity for the individuals they comprise, G22 81 neglecting or expunging the historical record is a way of G22 82 undermining and insulting individuals as well.

G22 83 When we are told to let bygones be bygones, we need to bear in G22 84 mind also that the forgetfulness being urged on us is seldom the G22 85 blank slate of historical oblivion. Thinking quickly fills up the G22 86 vacuum with plausible tales of self-satisfaction, on the one side, G22 87 and self-deprecation on the other. Those who as a matter of fact G22 88 benefited from their ancestors' injustice will persuade themselves G22 89 readily enough that their good fortune is due to the virtue of G22 90 their race, while the descendants of their victims may too easily G22 91 accept the story that they and their kind were always good for G22 92 nothing. In the face of all this, only the deliberate enterprise of G22 93 recollection (the enterprise we call 'history'), coupled with the G22 94 most determined sense that there is a difference between what G22 95 happened and what we would like to think happened, can sustain the G22 96 moral and cultural reality of self and community.

G22 97 The topic of this article is reparation. But before I embark on G22 98 my main discussion, I want to mention the role that payment of G22 99 money (or the return of lands or artifacts) may play in the G22 100 embodiment of communal remembrance. Quite apart from any attempt G22 101 genuinely to compensate victims or offset their losses, reparations G22 102 may symbolize a society's undertaking not to forget or deny that a G22 103 particular injustice took place, and to respect and help sustain a G22 104 dignified sense of identity-in-memory for the people affected. A G22 105 prominent recent example of this is the payment of token sums of G22 106 compensation by the American government to the survivors of G22 107 Japanese-American families uprooted, interned, and concentrated in G22 108 1942. The point of these payments was not to make up for the loss G22 109 of home, business, opportunity, and standing in the community which G22 110 these people suffered at the hands of their fellow citizens, nor G22 111 was it to make up for the discomfort and degradation of their G22 112 internment. If that were the aim, much more would be necessary. The G22 113 point was to mark - with something that counts in the United States G22 114 - a clear public recognition that this injustice did happen, that G22 115 it was the American people and their government that inflicted it, G22 116 and that these people were among its victims. The payments give an G22 117 earnest of good faith and sincerity to that acknowledgment. Like G22 118 the gift I buy for someone I have stood up, the payment is a method G22 119 of putting oneself out, or going out of one's way, to apologize. It G22 120 is no objection to this that the payments are purely symbolic. G22 121 Since identity is bound up with symbolism, a symbolic gesture may G22 122 be as important to people as any material compensation.

G22 123 G22 124 II. THE COUNTERFACTUAL APPROACH TO REPARATION

G22 125 I turn now to the view that a judgment about past injustice G22 126 generates a demand for full and not merely symbolic reparation - a G22 127 demand not just for remembrance but for substantial transfers of G22 128 land, wealth, and resources in an effort actually to rectify past G22 129 wrongs. I want to examine the difficulties that these demands give G22 130 rise to, particularly when they conflict with other claims that may G22 131 be made in the name of justice on the land, wealth, and resources G22 132 in question.

G22 133 It may seem as though the demand is hopeless from the start. G22 134 What is it to correct an injustice? How can we reverse the past? If G22 135 we are talking about injustice that took place several generations G22 136 ago, surely there is nothing we can do now to heal the lives of the G22 137 actual victims, to make them less miserable or to reduce their G22 138 suffering. The only experiences we can affect are those of people G22 139 living now and those who will live in the future.

G22 140 But though these are obvious truths, we may miss something if G22 141 we repeat them too often. To stand on the premise that the past G22 142 cannot be changed is to ignore the fact that people and communities G22 143 live whole lives, not just series of momentary events, and that an G22 144 injustice may blight, not just hurt, such a life. Individuals make G22 145 plans and they see themselves as living partly for the sake of G22 146 their posterity; they build not only for themselves but for future G22 147 generations. Whole communities may subsist for periods much longer G22 148 than individual lifetimes. How they fare at a given stage and what G22 149 they can offer in the way of culture, aspiration, and morale may G22 150 depend very much on the present effect of events that took place G22 151 several generations <}_><-|>ealier<+|>earlier<}/>. Thus, part of G22 152 the moral significance of a past event has to do with the G22 153 difference it makes to the present.

G22 154 But then there is a sense in which we can affect the moral G22 155 significance of past action. Even if we cannot alter the action G22 156 itself we may be able to interfere with the normal course of its G22 157 consequences. The present surely looks different now from the way G22 158 the present would look if a given injustice of the past had not G22 159 occurred. Why not therefore change the present so that it looks G22 160 more like the present that would have obtained in the absence of G22 161 the injustice? Why not make it now as though the injustice had not G22 162 happened, for all that its occurrence in the past is immutable and G22 163 undeniable?

G22 164 This is the approach taken by Robert Nozick in his account of G22 165 the role played by a principle of rectification in a theory of G22 166 historic entitlement:

G22 167 This principle uses historical information about G22 168 previous situations and injustices done in them (as defined by the G22 169 first two principles of justice [namely, justice in acquisition and G22 170 justice in transfer] and rights against interference), and G22 171 information about the actual course of events that flowed from G22 172 these injustices, until the present, and it yields a description G22 173 (or descriptions) of holdings in the society. The principle of G22 174 rectification presumably will make use of its best estimate of G22 175 subjunctive information about what would have occurred (or a G22 176 probability distribution over what might have occurred, using the G22 177 expected value) if the injustice had not taken place. If the actual G22 178 description of holdings turns out to be one of the descriptions G22 179 yielded by the principle, then one of the descriptions yielded must G22 180 be realized.

G22 181 The trouble with this approach is the difficulty we have in G22 182 saying what would have happened if some event (which did occur) had G22 183 not taken place. To a certain extent we can appeal to causal laws G22 184 or, more crudely, the normal course of events. We take a G22 185 description of the actual world, with its history and natural laws G22 186 intact, up until the problematic event of injustice (which we shall G22 187 call event 'E'). In the actual course of events, what followed G22 188 E (events F, G, and H) is simply what results G22 189 from applying natural laws to E as an initial condition. For G22 190 example, if E was your seizure of the only water hole in the G22 191 desert just as I was about to slake my thirst, then F - the G22 192 event that follows E - would be what happens normally when one G22 193 person is deprived of water and another is not: you live and I die. G22 194 G22 195 G22 196 G22 197 G23 1 <#FROWN:G23\>The Culture of Cruelty

G23 2 BY RUTH CONNIFF

G23 3 Not long ago I was on a morning radio show talking about G23 4 welfare, when an irate caller from Milwaukee got on the line and G23 5 introduced himself as "that most hated and reviled G23 6 creature, the American tax-payer." He went on to G23 7 vent his spleen, complaining about freeloading welfare mothers G23 8 living high on the hog while he goes to work each day. "A G23 9 whiff of starvation is what they need," he said.

G23 10 I was chilled by the hatred in his voice, thinking about the G23 11 mothers I know on welfare, imagining what it would be like for them G23 12 to hear this.

G23 13 One young woman I've met, Karetha Mims, recently moved to G23 14 Wisconsin, fleeing the projects in Chicago after her little boy saw G23 15 a seven-year-old playmate shot in the head. Mims is doing her best G23 16 to make a better life for her son, a shy third-grader named G23 17 Jermain. She volunteers at his elementary school, and worries about G23 18 how he will fit in. The Mimses have received a cold welcome in G23 19 Wisconsin, where the governor warns citizens that welfare families G23 20 spilling across the border from Illinois will erode the tax base G23 21 and ruin the "quality of life."

G23 22 Of course, even in Wisconsin, life on welfare is no free ride. G23 23 The average family of three receives about $500 a month in Aid to G23 24 Families with Dependent Children - barely enough to pay the rent. G23 25 Such figures are widely known. So is the fact that each state G23 26 spends a small amount - about 3.4 per cent of our taxes, or a G23 27 national total of $22.9 billion annually - on welfare. In contrast, G23 28 we have now spent $87 billion - about $1,000 per taxpaying family - G23 29 to bail out bank presidents at failed savings-and-loans.

G23 30 But neither the enraged taxpayer nor my host on the radio G23 31 program wanted to hear these dry facts. "What ever happened G23 32 to the work ethic in this country?" the host demanded. G23 33 "What about the immigrants who came over and worked their G23 34 way up?"

G23 35 I had the feeling I was losing my grasp on the conversation. I G23 36 could see my host getting impatient, and the more I said the more I G23 37 failed to answer her central question: What's wrong G23 38 with those people on welfare?

G23 39 The people on welfare whom I know have nothing wrong with them. G23 40 They live in bad neighborhoods; they can't find safe, affordable G23 41 child care; often, they are caught in an endless cycle of G23 42 unemployment and low-wage work - quitting their jobs when a child G23 43 gets sick, losing medical insurance when they go back to their G23 44 minimum-wage jobs. They don't have enough money to cover such G23 45 emergencies as dental work or car repairs. In short, they are poor. G23 46 They are struggling hard just to make it, in the face of extreme G23 47 hardship and in an increasingly hostile environment.

G23 48 Meanwhile, rhetoric about lazy welfare bums is taking the G23 49 country by storm. Policy experts keep coming up with new theories G23 50 on the 'culture of poverty' and its nameless perpetrators, members G23 51 of a socially and morally deformed 'underclass.' "Street G23 52 hustlers, welfare families, drug addicts, and former mental G23 53 patients," political scientist Lawrence Mead calls them.

G23 54 "It's simply stupid to pretend the underclass is not G23 55 mainly black," adds Mickey Kaus in his much-acclaimed new G23 56 book The End of Equality. Kaus and fellow pundit G23 57 Christopher Jencks, who wrote his own book this year - G23 58 Rethinking Social Policy: Race, Poverty, and the G23 59 Underclass - are two of the most recent riders on the G23 60 underclass bandwagon. But the essence of their work is G23 61 uncomfortably familiar. Both writers start by asking the question: G23 62 What's wrong with the underclass?, and both proceed G23 63 to talk about the depravity of poor black people, devoting large G23 64 though inconclusive sections to such ideas as genetic inferiority G23 65 and "Heredity, Inequality, and Crime."

G23 66 Kaus paints a lurid picture of young black men who sneer at the G23 67 idea of working for the minimum wage, which he says they deride as G23 68 "chump change." (It's not clear where Kaus gets G23 69 this information, since he doesn't cite any interviews with actual G23 70 poor blacks.)

G23 71 Why don't poor black people just get jobs and join the G23 72 mainstream of society? Kaus asks rhetorically. While many G23 73 African-Americans have moved up to the middle class, he writes, the G23 74 important question is "what enabled some of them, a G23 75 lower-class remnant, to stay behind in the ghetto? And what then G23 76 allowed them to survive in the absence of legitimate sources of G23 77 income?"

G23 78 The answer, of course, is welfare. Kaus compares black people's G23 79 attachment to poverty with a junkie's addiction to a drug. Welfare G23 80 is the "enabling" force that indulges ghetto residents' G23 81 propensity for living in squalor. When they stopped working hard G23 82 and learned they could collect welfare while living in the ghetto, G23 83 Kaus theorizes, poor black people's values eroded and they became a G23 84 blight on society.

G23 85 Kaus's solution to the "underclass problem," G23 86 then, relies largely on such motivational initiatives as instilling G23 87 a work ethic in lazy black youth through hard labor and G23 88 "military-style discipline." Likewise, he proposes G23 89 cutting benefits to mothers who have more than one child, creating G23 90 an example for their neighbors, who, he says, would "think G23 91 twice" before becoming pregnant.

G23 92 To his credit, J. Anthony Lukas, the writer who reviewed G23 93 The End of Equality for The New York Times, G23 94 noted near the end of his essay that Kaus had forgotten to talk to G23 95 anyone on welfare in the course of writing his book. But Lukas G23 96 detected no prejudice in Kaus's prescriptions for an overhaul of G23 97 the underclass, and he found a touching note of G23 98 "compassion" in Kaus's assurance that under his plan, G23 99 "no one would starve."

G23 100 What I want to know is how Kaus came to be considered even G23 101 remotely qualified to analyze the psychology and motivations of G23 102 poor black mothers and their sons. Kaus's whole program rests on a G23 103 faith in his own ability to do exactly that: to surmise what ghetto G23 104 residents are thinking and why they behave the way they do.

G23 105 Kaus and Jencks show little interest in learning about the real G23 106 lives or day-to-day difficulties of people who are poor. Rather, in G23 107 the grand tradition of underclass theory, they invent hypothetical G23 108 characters with demeaning little names.

G23 109 "Phyllis may not be very smart," writes Jencks, G23 110 in a revised version of underclass theorist Charles Murray's famous G23 111 'Harold and Phyllis' scenario. "But if she chooses AFDC G23 112 over Harold, surely that is because she expects the choice to G23 113 improve the quality of her family life. ..." Furthermore, G23 114 says Jencks, "If Phyllis does not work, many - including G23 115 Sharon - will feel that Phyllis should be substantially worse off, G23 116 so that there will be no ambiguity about Sharon's virtue being G23 117 rewarded."

G23 118 On the strength of the projected feelings of the fictitious G23 119 Sharon, Jencks goes on to recommend a welfare system in which G23 120 single mothers don't get too much money.

G23 121 Incredibly, this sort of work then gets translated into G23 122 concrete public policy.

G23 123 Under the Family Support Act, states are now running a number G23 124 of experiments designed to tinker with the motivations and G23 125 attitudes of poor people - despite data that demonstrate such G23 126 tinkering will have no positive effect. There is no evidence, for G23 127 example, to back up one of the popular notions Kaus subscribes to - G23 128 that "most" poor women would stop having babies if benefits G23 129 were cut. Women who live in states with higher benefits do not have G23 130 more babies. They do not have fewer babies in Alabama or G23 131 Mississippi (or Bangladesh, for that matter), where benefits are G23 132 shockingly low. Yet Wisconsin, California, and New Jersey are now G23 133 cutting AFDC payments to women who have more than one child. G23 134 Likewise, theories about the underclass have inspired initiatives G23 135 to teach poor people job skills and "self-esteem" - despite G23 136 the fact that in many of the areas where the training is done, no G23 137 jobs are available.

G23 138 The results of these policies are often disastrous for the G23 139 poor. As more and more states treat poverty as an attitude problem, G23 140 legislatures justify slashing the safety net and cutting back G23 141 social programs that help poor people survive. The situation is G23 142 particularly dire for the 'extra' children of women on welfare, who G23 143 are punished just for being born.

G23 144 But in Kaus's estimation, the suffering of children is nothing G23 145 next to the social benefits he thinks will accrue from causing pain G23 146 to their mothers. "If we want to end the underclass, G23 147 remember, the issue is not so much whether working or getting two G23 148 years of cash will best help Betsy Smith, teenage high-school G23 149 dropout, acquire the skills to get a good private sector job G23 150 after she's become a single mother. It is whether the prospect G23 151 of having to work will deter Betsy Smith from having an G23 152 out-of-wedlock child in the first place. ... The way to make the G23 153 true costs of bearing a child out of wedlock clear is to let them G23 154 be felt when they are incurred - namely, at the child's G23 155 birth."

G23 156 The callousness and immorality of such thinking, I believe, are G23 157 part of a pathology that is spreading throughout our society. We G23 158 might call it a "culture of cruelty.

G23 159 Such theorists as Kaus and Jencks build the rational foundation G23 160 beneath our national contempt for the poor. They lend legitimacy to G23 161 the racist and misogynist stereotypes so popular with conservative G23 162 politicians and disgruntled taxpayers who feel an economic crunch G23 163 and are looking for someone to blame. Understanding the roots of G23 164 the culture of cruelty, and trying to determine how, through the G23 165 adoption of decent social values, we might overcome it, would be G23 166 far more useful than any number of volumes of speculation by G23 167 upper-class white experts on the attitudes and pathologies of the G23 168 "underclass."

G23 169 Underclass theory as promoted by Kaus and Jencks has four main G23 170 characteristics:

G23 171 <*_>paragraph-sign<*/>It is extremely punitive, appealing to a G23 172 desire to put poor black people, especially women, in their G23 173 place.

G23 174 <*_>paragraph-sign<*/>It is based on prejudice rather than G23 175 fact, full of stereotypical characters and flippant, unsupported G23 176 assertions about their motivations and psychology.

G23 177 <*_>paragraph-sign<*/>It is inconsistent in its treatment of G23 178 rich and poor. While poor people need sternness and G23 179 "military-style discipline," to use Kaus's words, G23 180 the rich are coddled and protected. This third characteristic is G23 181 particularly important, since treating the "underclass" as G23 182 alien and inhuman permits the prescription of draconian G23 183 belt-tightening that one would never impose on one's own G23 184 family or friends.

G23 185 <*_>paragraph-sign<*/>Finally, there is the persistent, faulty G23 186 logic involved in claims that we can "end the cycle of G23 187 poverty" by refusing aid to an entire generation of G23 188 children. These children are thus punished for their mothers' sins G23 189 in producing them, and, if such programs persist, they will soon G23 190 have no hope of getting out from under the weight of belonging to a G23 191 despised lower caste.

G23 192 In his book Savage Inequalities, Jonathan Kozol G23 193 describes visiting a wealthy public school, where he talks to some G23 194 students who argue that giving equal funding to the schools in G23 195 poorer districts wouldn't make a difference. Poor children G23 196 "still would lack the motivation," they say, and G23 197 "would probably fail in any case because of other G23 198 problems." Racial integration would cause too many problems G23 199 in their own school, they say. "How could it be of benefit G23 200 to us?"

G23 201 "There is a degree of unreality about the whole G23 202 exchange," Kozol writes. "The children are lucid G23 203 and their language is well chosen and their arguments well made, G23 204 but there is a sense that they are dealing with an issue that does G23 205 not feel very vivid, and that nothing that we say about it to each G23 206 other really matters since it's 'just a theoretical discussion.' To G23 207 a certain degree, the skillfulness and cleverness that they display G23 208 seem to derive precisely from this sense of unreality. Questions of G23 209 unfairness feel more like a geometric problem than a matter of G23 210 humanity or conscience. A few of the students do break through the G23 211 note of unreality, but, when they do, they cease to be so agile in G23 212 their use of words and speak more awkwardly. Ethical challenges G23 213 seem to threaten their effectiveness. There is the sense that they G23 214 were skating over ice and that the issues we addressed were safely G23 215 frozen underneath. G23 216 G23 217 G24 1 <#FROWN:G24\>Edinburgh and the Idea of a Festival

G24 2 Robert L. King

G24 3 THE PUBLICITY GENERATED BY Tango at the End of Winter G24 4 at the Edinburgh Festival last summer centered around the director, G24 5 Yukio Ninagawa, and the lead actor, Alan Rickman. Ninagawa's G24 6 reputation in the West for visual and visceral appeals was earned G24 7 first at Edinburgh; Tango was his first English language G24 8 production. Rickman interrupted a movie career on the rise for a G24 9 chance to work under Ninagawa in a play set in a run-down cinema G24 10 and featuring a film actor of his own age, one locked in a world of G24 11 illusions, his chosen retreat from a Japanese society that banishes G24 12 male actors from the stage before they reach their forties. Neither G24 13 man speaks the other's language; Ninagawa reached the English G24 14 company through an interpreter and screened actors mostly for their G24 15 facial expressiveness. In the understandable excitement over this G24 16 collaboration, the playwright, Kunio Shimizu, and the adapter of G24 17 his text, Peter Barnes (The Ruling Class and Red G24 18 Noses) were relatively unnoticed. Their text derives from the G24 19 now dominant forces in the creative tradition of modern drama, G24 20 notably a self-consciousness that monitors and corrects any G24 21 tendencies that would seduce an audience into accepting dramatic G24 22 illusion as a value in itself. In Tango, Shimizu borrows G24 23 directly from the action of Pirandello's Henry IV, a play G24 24 that resolutely breaks down boundaries between theatrical and G24 25 ordinary reality. Like Henry, Sei lives an imaginary life: he calls G24 26 his wife his sister, hears a telephone that does not ring, sees a G24 27 peacock that "nobody else sees" and "plays G24 28 to an imaginary audience." Like Henry's visitors, Sei's G24 29 wife, Gin, tries to shock him out of his escapist state; her forged G24 30 letter to Mizuo, an actress who may have been his lover, brings her G24 31 to the theatre where she enters as a kind of apparition in G24 32 white.

G24 33 Her entrance displays Shimizu's inventive use of the dramatic G24 34 tradition. Shigeo, Sei's brother and projectionist if the theatre G24 35 had any films, is explaining his fondness for heroines in Hollywood G24 36 Westerns. He recites 'the fixed unchanging pattern' and pushes up G24 37 an imaginary Stetson with one finger as the 'baddies' would. He G24 38 rounds off his summary of the pattern with "as if in a G24 39 dream there in the entrance stands a woman in white." The G24 40 stage direction repeats this line: Mizuo appears G24 41 "upstage centre ... a woman dressed in G24 42 white." She appears on cue and as if on cue but G24 43 surprises Shigeo, the story-teller; through the actress/performer, G24 44 Mizuo appears as 'herself' and as the heroine in G24 45 <}_><-|>Sigeo's<+|>Shigeo's<}/> imagined scene. In this moment, G24 46 Shimizu complicates the question of theatrical illusion behind the G24 47 simplicity of the Western stereotype and the clarity of the pure G24 48 white costume. Such complicated simplicity - its significance G24 49 obscured beneath striking details of performance - lies at the G24 50 heart of the theatricality which gives Tango at the End of G24 51 Winter its artistic life.

G24 52 Turning lights on the audience has long since lost any element G24 53 of surprise, but the opening of Tango works a disorienting G24 54 variation on the device. The powerful light from a projectionist's G24 55 booth is aimed out at the audience from deep and high on the stage; G24 56 images of student riots appear as if on a screen before us, and the G24 57 violent scene is brought to an end when Sei mounts toward the G24 58 projector and relieves our pained squinting with his covering hand. G24 59 When lights come up on the stage, we are facing the steep rows of G24 60 the seats of the cinema; Sei and cardboard cut-outs occupy them. G24 61 Gin comes forward to address the audience directly, explaining that G24 62 Sei had left the stage three years before to "shut himself G24 63 away" in this place. These opening minutes contain other G24 64 major components of Tango's art. Besides the lighting and the G24 65 striking dramatic images that can occupy the entire stage, the G24 66 author plays variations on techniques of audience involvement. He G24 67 'mirrors' the audience in the theatre with a cardboard one on G24 68 stage; it is fully visible in a sharply raked but naturalistic G24 69 cinema auditorium. Shimizu's subtle text presents a Sei who has G24 70 escaped from live theatre to watch the fixed art of film, but G24 71 images of political turmoil and involvement introduce him as G24 72 spectator in a stage without films or living customers.

G24 73 In another paradox, Sei re-enacts his final curtain speech G24 74 several times, but near the play's end he confuses it with G24 75 "lines from a bad play I did twenty years ago." G24 76 Shigeo works up a Chaplin scene for his aunt (who would raze the G24 77 cinema for a supermarket) only to undercut it and his own apparent G24 78 emotional commitment: "Actually, I don't really like G24 79 Chaplin. Too sentimental for me." Similarly, Sei dismisses G24 80 as "drivel" his earlier advice to Mizuo to "have an G24 81 all-consuming love affair" if she "wanted to be a G24 82 good actress." "Drivel" ironically comments on Sei G24 83 himself, however, for he acted out a part even in his desire for G24 84 Mizuo. Despite its great potential for personal fulfillment, acting G24 85 has never truly liberated Sei. It allows him a measure of G24 86 third-person objectivity when he speaks of his past ("He G24 87 was an actor ... He always made sure to choose the right G24 88 setting"), but it traps him in the artistic moment, fusing G24 89 a present that demands he be young with a living past that imposes G24 90 former roles on him. Among his persistent memories is an G24 91 association of tango music with one of his more principled stage G24 92 speeches. The stylized movements and familiar rhythms of the dance G24 93 have a formal kinship with Sei's self-awareness as an actor: G24 94 practiced but assertive, sensual but directed. Late in the play, G24 95 Sei dances the tango with Mizuo and, having returned her to her G24 96 husband, sinks into his wife's arms, but in the next scene G24 97 "ten minutes later," he kills Mizuo when G24 98 she questions his imaginative power, his actor's improvisational G24 99 skill, to transform a seat cushion into a peacock representing his G24 100 youth. As he strangles her, she is Desdemona; he calls her lifeless G24 101 body Mizuo. At this crucial point, Tango once again recalls G24 102 Pirandello:

G24 103 REN: You maniac! You've killed her!

G24 104 SEI: No ... no ... keep calm ... It was only a play.

G24 105 To Western audiences accustomed to the spare theatricality of G24 106 much modern theatre, Tango has been far more than a play. Its G24 107 fully furnished stage, its music and movement, and its range of G24 108 lighting strategies engage our senses and perhaps lull our G24 109 intellects. As he continues, Sei's long speech is filled with G24 110 snatches of earlier ones; finally he succumbs to the strains of a G24 111 tango that he dances with an imaginary partner. The stairs of the G24 112 cinema set provide a full view of Alan Rickman rapt in his G24 113 performance; he is stabbed by the avenging husband and, while still G24 114 dancing, collapses. The boundaries of time and of the set, our G24 115 focal point for theatrical reality, are destroyed. An upper portion G24 116 of the rear wall breaks away to reveal cherry blossoms which mix G24 117 with paper snow and blow over the stage. Richly colored peacock G24 118 patterns cover the side walls of the set; the music stops at Sei's G24 119 death, and the lights go down. The audience, in the natural course G24 120 of theatrical things, sees a culmination in the partial loss of G24 121 set, in the end of music and light, in the transforming peacock G24 122 colors and in the death of Sei. We applaud. But Shimizu and G24 123 Ninagawa are not through with us. The lights come up on Gin; she is G24 124 wearing a coat, ready to move on. She tells us that the cinema will G24 125 be "pulled down in May as planned" and asks us to G24 126 agree that it is a "beautiful and sad" place. The G24 127 stage audience re-enters in slow, dance-like movements; they G24 128 applaud as at the end of a film. We applaud - this time for 'real.' G24 129 The double ending of the play is not designed to trick the audience G24 130 into sudden awareness of its naivete; rather, Tango assumes G24 131 our intelligence and good will. We truly participate in the G24 132 experience with all those responsible for the production's success, G24 133 director, cast, playwright and fellow members of the audience.

G24 134 George Tabori's Wiseman & Copperface, sub-titled G24 135 A Jewish Western, seemed the ideal play for an G24 136 international festival; it won a best play award in Vienna where G24 137 its author is an artistic director. Tabori's career gives him G24 138 overwhelming moral and aesthetic authority for writing on political G24 139 subjects. He lost his father and other family members at Auschwitz, G24 140 was blacklisted here in the McCarthy years, directed a revisionist G24 141 Merchant of Venice at Stockbridge and has confronted the G24 142 Holocaust and MyLai massacre in his plays. A person of such G24 143 experience - and my list is severely condensed - could well claim G24 144 to be his own arbiter of taste in approaching the great questions G24 145 of our time. And, since a reasonable person can read G24 146 twentieth-century history as farce, Tabori can hardly be faulted G24 147 for combining farcical elements with weighty subjects in a fiction. G24 148 In his latest effort, Weisman and his daughter, Ruth, have their G24 149 car stolen as they drive from New York to Los Angeles with an urn G24 150 holding the ashes of Weisman's wife. They are mugged by The Hunter, G24 151 who wears mirror sunglasses, drinks Budweiser from a can and smokes G24 152 Marlboros. This sort of push-button symbolism runs through the play G24 153 - Woodstock, McCarthy, John Wayne - until everything is on the same G24 154 indiscriminate level. Perhaps on the continent, Tabori's audience G24 155 was flattered by such references, but Wounded Knee, never mind the G24 156 Holocaust itself, is reduced by the other stark cultural signs to G24 157 the level of a catalogue listing. Ruth is retarded; her father G24 158 fails in an attempt to drown her, but the flawed ritual results in G24 159 a kind of rebirth. She plays scorekeeper in a verbal tennis match G24 160 between her father and Copperface, their Indian savior. In an G24 161 unconsciously ironic critique of his entire method, Tabori has the G24 162 two men lob words like "Dachau" at each other in a G24 163 competition over which race has suffered more. Surely our politics G24 164 have debased language, but wrenching painful words out of G24 165 historical contexts to use them as markers in a game contributes to G24 166 the lowering without enlightening us. At the end, Ruth and the G24 167 Indian have exchanged cultural identities, she with an Indian name G24 168 and he, a Jewish one. They walk erect, to a new life; they turn G24 169 away from her dead father, his body covered with an Indian blanket G24 170 and her mother's ashes encircled with Indian rocks. This clumsy G24 171 allegory did not succeed with the audience the night I saw it. If G24 172 someone does stage it here, conservative columnists will be G24 173 delighted to have a broad target for attacks on their version of G24 174 the politically correct.

G24 175 To create a trilogy around the Guy Burgess spy story, The G24 176 Performance Theatre Company sandwiched a new play, A Secret G24 177 Country by Anthony Peters, between two established ones, G24 178 Julian Mitchell's Another Country and Alan Bennett's G24 179 brief An Englishman Abroad. About twenty people attended G24 180 the world premiere of the Peters play in Edinburgh at a venue that G24 181 had once been a church. About the only remaining religious G24 182 property, the pulpit, was used resourcefully for direct address to G24 183 the audience. A Grand Inquisitor begins and ends the play with G24 184 statements that the events are real but that the stage places with G24 185 their abstracted props have not been the places that Burgess, G24 186 Maclean and Philby actually inhabited. The play is, in other words, G24 187 framed by notices of its deliberate artificiality and includes many G24 188 others, among them the curtain line before the interval G24 189 ("What a way to end an act"), references like G24 190 "Russian stereotype," and paper 'snow' thrown from G24 191 the pulpit. These deliberate dramatic procedures ideally complement G24 192 the proudly duplicitous lives of its homosexual heroes. As acted by G24 193 Paul Aves, the Burgess character revels in a theatricality which G24 194 makes sexual and political identities one. At one point Burgess G24 195 tells his Russian contact, Aleksei, that he himself can never be G24 196 sure which mask he is wearing. This willed self-deception, made G24 197 entirely credible by Aves, makes the performance intriguing where G24 198 an emphasis on the intrigue of the factual espionage would have G24 199 resulted in a predictable melodrama. G24 200 G24 201 G25 1 <#FROWN:G25>Do We Have a Judeo-Christian Heritage?

G25 2 Vern L. Bullough

G25 3 Recently Irving Kristol, a prominent Jewish author and editor G25 4 of Commentary, editorialized that the United States was a G25 5 Christian nation and that Jews should recognize this and work G25 6 within that framework. Similarly, Richard John Neuhaus, a G25 7 Protestant theological convert to Catholicism, has claimed that G25 8 atheists cannot make good citizens in a Christian country like the G25 9 United States. Both statements represent a new onslaught on secular G25 10 humanism and mark a shift in attacks from right-wing fringe G25 11 fundamentalists. Key to all the attacks is the belief that our G25 12 "common" Judeo-Christian tradition is threatened by modern G25 13 secularism.

G25 14 Both the fringe groups and the neo-fundamentalists G25 15 share a kind of deconstructionist belief that history is what we G25 16 say it is, and they ignore everything that seems to be contrary to G25 17 their own beliefs. They create a history that they want to believe G25 18 in order to establish a new faith as a basis to attack anyone with G25 19 whom they disagree. All ills of the modern world are blamed on G25 20 secularism, and a past that never existed is looked back to for G25 21 answers. In the true sense of the word these people are not really G25 22 conservatives, or neo-conservatives as they prefer to call G25 23 themselves, but radicals intent on establishing a new mythology G25 24 under the banner of conservatism.

G25 25 Though there is undoubtedly a Western tradition loosely called G25 26 the Judeo-Christian tradition during the twentieth century, it has G25 27 never been restricted to such. Many of our assumptions are based G25 28 upon those of the pagan Greeks and Romans. In turn their beliefs G25 29 were influenced by astrological, mathematical, and other G25 30 discoveries of the ancient Egyptians, Sumerians, Persians, Hindus, G25 31 Chinese, and others. We all are a product of our past, and in some G25 32 areas this past was Christianized in the Middle Ages, but mostly it G25 33 was not. We have twelve months of the year because the Romans did, G25 34 and the months still bear Roman names. We have seven days of the G25 35 week not because of the Bible, but because the ancients believed G25 36 there were seven heavenly spheres circling the earth: the Sun, the G25 37 Moon, Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn. Part of the names G25 38 of our days still keep this belief alive, while others are named G25 39 after German gods in which we no longer believe.

G25 40 With only a thin veneer of Christianity, we still manage to G25 41 celebrate and observe ancient festivals such as the Winter G25 42 Solstice, which we call Christmas, or the coming of spring, which G25 43 we call Easter. About the only thing Christian about Christmas is G25 44 the name, since all other aspects, from Christmas trees to G25 45 cr<*_>e-grave<*/>ches, are pre-Christian customs. Easter, the G25 46 spring celebration, is named after a German goddess, and traditions G25 47 ranging from the basket of eggs to the bunny have nothing at all to G25 48 do with Christianity.

G25 49 We believe a circle has 360 degrees because the ancient G25 50 residents of Mesopotamia said so, although we have abandoned 12 as G25 51 a base number and replaced it by 10. We got 0 and our decimal G25 52 system from the Muslims, who took it from India. Much of our Hebrew G25 53 scriptures are based on beliefs common in the Babylonia, while the G25 54 Christian scriptures themselves picked up not only from Judaism but G25 55 from Zoroastrianism, from the religion of Isis and Osiris, and from G25 56 the pagan Greek philosophical tradition. Stoicism and neo-Platonism G25 57 both exerted tremendous influence upon the Church fathers, as did G25 58 other aspects of Greek and Roman belief patterns. Augustine, G25 59 probably the most influential of the early Christian thinkers, was G25 60 a Manichean before he converted to Christianity, bringing over with G25 61 him many of the ideas that came from that offshoot of the Persian G25 62 Zoroastrianism, as well as the Stoic and neo-Platonic views he had G25 63 learned in school. Later, in the Middle Ages, as the Islamic G25 64 version of Aristotle reached Christian Western Europe, Aristotle G25 65 became more a part of the Christian tradition. In popular texts his G25 66 scholastic movement is sometimes called the Aristotelianization of G25 67 Christianity.

G25 68 Monasticism, which was so much a part of the Western Christian G25 69 tradition, seemed to have been influenced by Buddhism, and a series G25 70 of Chinese discoveries from paper-making to silk manufacturing to G25 71 gun powder eventually made their way west, changing the nature of G25 72 Western culture. The list could go on, but the point to emphasize G25 73 is that our Western tradition is a mixture of what has gone before G25 74 with a thin veneer of Christianity overlaid on it. Just how thin G25 75 the veneer is, is emphasized by the diversity of the 'Christian' G25 76 religions. From the very beginning there were hundreds of G25 77 interpretations, and the Emperor Constantine, after formally G25 78 incorporating Christianity into the Roman pantheon of religions, G25 79 found he had to call a council to decide what it was. Though G25 80 officially the Council of Nicaea established a version of G25 81 trinitarian Christianity, most Christians never formally adopted G25 82 it, and Constantine himself later refused to accept it. Hundreds of G25 83 'heresies' developed, and many of them still survive today in G25 84 various parts of the world. In the West, Catholicism for a time was G25 85 dominant, but only for a brief period, as it was soon challenged by G25 86 a number of different interpretations. Two of these G25 87 interpretations, Calvinism and Angelicanism, were particularly G25 88 influential in establishing colonies in the United States, but G25 89 dissenters such as the Society of Friends and the Baptists did the G25 90 same, as did traditional Catholics.

G25 91 When our Founding Fathers were hunting for a basis for their G25 92 new country, they did not turn to the Christian church for examples G25 93 but to ancient Rome and Greece. They named one of their legislative G25 94 bodies after the Roman senate, and were influenced by the Greek G25 95 leagues to come up with a second house. Even our law is based upon G25 96 Roman law, although it was more modified than continental law by G25 97 the influence of English common law. Undoubtedly our Founding G25 98 Fathers were religious, but a good many of them were influenced by G25 99 the deism of the day, and they certainly were determined to avoid G25 100 the rampant sectarianism of the time. Many of our early leaders G25 101 were Unitarians who denied the divinity of Jesus. Agnostics and G25 102 freethinkers from Thomas Paine to Robert Ingersoll also played G25 103 significant roles in the development of the United States.

G25 104 In recent years we have had a growing variety of non-Western G25 105 traditions, from Sikhism to Hinduism to Islam to Buddhism, gain and G25 106 establish strongholds in the United States. We have spawned or G25 107 tolerated new religions such as Bahaism and a variety of Hare G25 108 Krishna not usually found in India. We even have followers of L. G25 109 Ron Hubbard. Many traditional churches deny that the Mormons are G25 110 Christians, although in recent years the Mormons have tended to G25 111 emphasize a more Christian aspect of their tradition. Judaism has G25 112 also made a strong impact in the United States if only because it G25 113 stood outside the Christian belief system.

G25 114 Even our Christianity as such is radically different from the G25 115 Christianity of the past. Capitalism would have been condemned by G25 116 the medieval Church, and it was by modern popes. Usury and G25 117 interest-taking was regarded as a sin until the fourteenth century. G25 118 The early Church was pacifistic, and early Christians refused G25 119 military service, a far cry from the militant Christianity of the G25 120 Crusades or of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, for that G25 121 matter. In spite of the example of the two Marys in Christian G25 122 stories, women were given short shrift by Christian churches, and G25 123 their attempts to speak out and better their position have G25 124 traditionally been opposed. Christianity was interpreted to condone G25 125 slavery. In fact many religious conservative radical movements such G25 126 as the Southern Baptists are fueled by Bible-believing G25 127 literalist Christians determined to keep women and minorities in G25 128 their place. Many of them also oppose all of the theories behind G25 129 modern science.

G25 130 This is not to deny that Christianity (as have other religions) G25 131 often expressed high ideals and helped motivate large numbers of G25 132 people to aspire to look outside themselves and to help others, but G25 133 so have all kinds of non-believing traditions, going back at least G25 134 to Stoicism. Undoubtedly, also, people who called themselves G25 135 Christians have been a majority in the United States for much of G25 136 its history, but the various sects and denominations could not G25 137 agree among themselves (nor should they) about what that meant, and G25 138 often those in disagreement have been extremely intolerant of G25 139 others who believed differently.

G25 140 In short, we have an eclectic tradition in the United G25 141 States, one that generally has been tolerant and nondogmatic. G25 142 Christians of various stripes are part of this, as are humanists G25 143 and agnostics, but this does not make the United States a Christian G25 144 nation or even a Judeo-Christian one. We are a mixed accumulation G25 145 of our past, and it is the Christian dogmatists, not the G25 146 secularists, who are the major threat to our pluralistic democratic G25 147 tradition.

G25 148 G25 149 The Vatican's Alliance with Reagan

G25 150 Tom Flynn

G25 151 We note with concern recent media allegations that former G25 152 President Ronald Reagan and Pope John Paul II formed a secret G25 153 alliance to help topple communist rule in Poland. If true, the G25 154 stories help to explain certain elements of the Solidarity saga G25 155 that always seemed incredibly fortuitous. But they also mark a G25 156 papal return to geopolitics on a scale unmatched in more than a G25 157 century. And they raise serious questions about church-state G25 158 separation: How can a secular democracy order its relations with an G25 159 entity that is both a sovereign foreign power and a religious G25 160 community? And what is implied when the Vatican makes United States G25 161 compliance with its moral program a quid pro G25 162 quo to secure the church's political cooperation?

G25 163 Writing in Time, Carl Bernstein reported that Reagan and G25 164 the pope forged a secret alliance to preserve Solidarity, whose G25 165 leaders had gone underground in Poland after General Wolciech G25 166 Jaruzelski imposed martial law on December 13, 1981. They acted G25 167 swiftly: United States' sanctions were imposed upon Poland and the G25 168 then U.S.S.R. Top-security intelligence data was funnelled to the G25 169 pope on the authority of Reagan and then-CIA Director William G25 170 Casey. If the United States enjoyed superior military intelligence, G25 171 the Vatican had more timely, better-quality intelligence G25 172 regarding social and political matters as the crisis unfolded. On G25 173 at least one occasion in 1984, Reagan relaxed certain sanctions G25 174 against Poland when Archbishop (now Cardinal) Pio Laghi flew to the G25 175 western White House to warn that the pope felt the sanctions had G25 176 grown counterproductive. At other times, Philadelphia's John G25 177 Cardinal Krol is said to have served as a papal intermediary to G25 178 Reagan.

G25 179 Within Poland, American spies and Catholic priests worked hand G25 180 in hand to distribute millions of dollars worth of fax machines, G25 181 video recorders, two-way radios, mimeographs, cash, and G25 182 more - all the accoutrements of a propaganda 'war from below' G25 183 against a repressive communist regime. We read that Casey himself G25 184 coordinated efforts to build the remnants of the Socialist G25 185 International within Poland into a force like the Christian G25 186 Democratic parties in many Western European countries.

G25 187 All of this reflected a vision that Reagan and the pope shared: G25 188 a vision that the post-World War II division of Europe, ceding G25 189 Eastern Europe to the Soviets, could be overturned. In the G25 190 fifteenth century, the Borgia pope Alexander VI had imposed a G25 191 similar partition, dividing the known world between Spain and G25 192 Portugal. With little less audacity a twentieth-century pope joined G25 193 forces with the president of United States to dissolve the G25 194 partition of Yalta. "This," said Reagan national security G25 195 adviser Richard Allen without a trace of irony, "was one of G25 196 the greatest secret alliances of all time."

G25 197 But the alliance was not without its cost to the United States. G25 198 Secularists cannot help but be concerned at the spectacle of an G25 199 American spymaster laying clandestine foundations for a G25 200 "Christian Democratic" anything in a foreign G25 201 land. Equally dubious, in our view, was the Administration decision G25 202 to grant the Vatican full diplomatic recognition as a sovereign G25 203 state. Perhaps most disturbing was the quid pro G25 204 quo on birth control policy that Rome is said to have G25 205 exacted from Washington as the price of alliance. William Wilson, G25 206 Reagan's first ambassador to the Vatican, told Time that the G25 207 Vatican demanded an outright ban on the use of American funds for G25 208 the promotion of birth control or abortion, whether by foreign G25 209 countries or international health organizations. G25 210 G25 211 G25 212 G26 1 <#FROWN:G26\>ALFRED KAZIN

G26 2 Howards End Revisited

G26 3 Howards End appeared in 1910, a date that explains an G26 4 idealism important to our understanding of the book. It was E.M. G26 5 Forster's fourth novel. He had written in rapid succession G26 6 Where Angels Fear to Tread (1905), The Longest G26 7 Journey (1907), and A Room with a View (1908). G26 8 Howards End was the last novel he was to publish for G26 9 fourteen years. The next, A Passage to India (1924), was G26 10 certainly worth waiting for, but it is not as serene and hopeful as G26 11 Howards End. The 'Great War,' the most influential event G26 12 of the twentieth century and the onset of all our political woe, G26 13 had intervened between Forster's two major novels and certainly G26 14 darkened the second. The reality of British imperialism, bringing G26 15 the threat of racial politics to Forster's belief in personal G26 16 relationships as the supreme good, was something unsuspected in G26 17 Howards End.

G26 18 In 1910 Forster was thirty-one. In the next sixty years he was G26 19 to publish only one novel more. Maurice, a novel about G26 20 homosexual love that had been circulating privately for years, was G26 21 published soon after Forster's death in 1970. All these dates and G26 22 gaps in Forster's record as a novelist have their significance. He G26 23 was a wonderfully supple and intelligent writer for whom the G26 24 outside world was a hindrance and even a threat to his G26 25 identification of himself and his art with 'relationships.' G26 26 Everyone knows that he wrote in Two Cheers for Democracy, G26 27 "I hate the idea of causes, and if I had to choose between G26 28 betraying my country and betraying my friend, I hope I should have G26 29 the guts to betray my country." But what - as happened so G26 30 often in World War Two - if my friend betrayed me for an G26 31 ideology he considered his only 'country'?

G26 32 So the date of Howards End has a certain poignancy G26 33 now. The most famous idea in it is "Only connect! That was G26 34 the whole of her sermon. Only connect the prose and the passion, G26 35 and both will be exalted, and human love will be seen at its G26 36 height. Live in fragments no longer. Only connect, and the beast G26 37 and the monk, robbed of the isolation that is life to either, will G26 38 die." No one with the slightest sense of twentieth-century G26 39 history can read that in the 1990s without thinking (not for the G26 40 first time) how far we have traveled, in liberal, generous, above G26 41 all religious instinct, from 1910. Howards End is a G26 42 shapely and beautiful novel, extremely well thought out. One has to G26 43 read it now as a fable about England at the highest point of its G26 44 hopes in 1910, while at its center rises up before us, as always, G26 45 England's eternal Chinese wall of class distinctions, class war, G26 46 class hatred - a world in which people stink in each other's G26 47 nostrils because of their social origins or pretensions: in which a G26 48 poor young man, who has lost his job and is in the depths of G26 49 despair because of his home life, encounters hostility because he G26 50 walks down Regent Street without a hat. But Howards End G26 51 resolves this war between the English, tries to lift away this G26 52 winding-sheet of snobberies and taboos, in the only way it has ever G26 53 been resolved - in a beautiful theory of love between persons. This G26 54 extends just as far as love ever extends. Meanwhile social rage G26 55 keeps howling outside the bedroom.

G26 56 Howards End is a novel of ideas, not brute facts; in G26 57 many respects it is an old kind of novel, playful in the G26 58 eighteenth-century sense, full of tenderness toward favorite G26 59 characters in the Dickens style, inventive in every structural G26 60 touch but not a modernist work. A modernist work - Ulysses G26 61 will always be the grand, cold monument - is one that supplants and G26 62 subsumes the subject entirely in favor of the author as performer G26 63 and total original. This is hardly the case in Howards G26 64 End. Forster cares; he cares so much about the state of G26 65 England and the possibility of deliverance that what occupies him G26 66 most in working out the book is a dream of a strife-torn G26 67 modern England returning to the myth of its ancient beginnings as a G26 68 rural, self-dependent society. It is typical of an undefeatable G26 69 tenderness (almost softness) in Forster's makeup that the book ends G26 70 in a vision of perfect peace right at the old house in G26 71 Hertfordshire, Howards End, that is the great symbol throughout the G26 72 book of stability in ancestral, unconscious wisdom. Even in 1910 G26 73 this was absurd - hardly an answer to the class war. But fairy G26 74 tales thrive on being of another world.

G26 75 The class war is hardly an English prerogative, but the English G26 76 have been so good at picturing it that it is no wonder they cannot G26 77 do without it. Where but in England would that quirky refugee Karl G26 78 Marx have found so perfect a ground, a text, for his belief in the G26 79 long-established war between the classes? As I write, I notice in a G26 80 review by Sir Frank Kermode of Sir V.S. Pritchett's Collected G26 81 Stories, that Pritchett once had a conversation with H.G. G26 82 Wells "in which they considered the question of whether G26 83 lower-class characters could ever be treated in other than comic G26 84 terms." It is noteworthy that Kermode finds it entirely G26 85 natural to write of "lower-class characters" and G26 86 "suburban little people." These are phrases that G26 87 seem comic to an American - not because America is less divided G26 88 than England but because, torn apart as it is by race, fear, and G26 89 hatred, its gods are equality and social mobility.

G26 90 How different the case in England. Dickens, though he lent G26 91 pathos and occasionally even dignity (if not heroism) to his G26 92 lower-class characters, certainly delighted in 'treating' them in G26 93 comic terms just as much as Shakespeare did. It is hard to think of G26 94 any first-class English novelist before Thomas Hardy who identifies G26 95 so much with the 'lowly' and who gave characters at the bottom like G26 96 Jude and Tess so much love and respect.

G26 97 George Orwell in 1937: "Whichever way you turn, this G26 98 curse of class differences confronts you like a wall of stone. Or G26 99 rather is it not so much like a wall of stone as the plate glass G26 100 pane of an aquarium." This American was for some months G26 101 near the end of World War II in close contact with 'other ranks' in G26 102 the British army. Even when lecturing at Cambridge after the war, G26 103 he came to see how the college servants lived, as well as the G26 104 incomparable beauty of the public surface. These experiences gave G26 105 glimpses of a side of life in England that explained the rancor and G26 106 frustration of postwar English writing - but also its violent G26 107 humor. As Edmund Wilson said, the English Revolution was made in G26 108 America.

G26 109 I hasten to add - and Howards End is in many respects G26 110 specifically about England - that as a subject single and entire of G26 111 itself, blissful to the literary imagination, England -

G26 112 This royal throne of kings, this scept'red isle,

G26 113 This earth of majesty, this seat of Mars,

G26 114 This other Eden, demi-paradise,

G26 115 This fortress built by Nature for herself

G26 116 Against infection and the hand of war,

G26 117 This happy breed of men, this little world,

G26 118 This precious stone set in the silver sea

G26 119 awakens an honest glow in its writers. America is too vast, G26 120 heterogeneous, and spiritually mixed up to appear before its G26 121 writers as a believable single image. F. Scott Fitzgerald in his G26 122 notebooks: "France was a land, England was a people, but G26 123 America, having about it still that quality of the idea, was harder G26 124 to utter - it was the graves at Shiloh and the tired, drawn, G26 125 nervous faces of its great men, and the country boys dying in the G26 126 Argonne for a phrase that was empty before their bodies withered. G26 127 It was a willingness of the heart."

G26 128 America certainly has been harder to utter - except in the most G26 129 grandiose and boastful terms. By contrast, here is Forster in G26 130 Chapter Nineteen of Howards End. The Schlegel sisters' G26 131 German cousin is with them on a tour of the countryside, and G26 132 because one of the signal points of this novel is that the G26 133 characters are all representative - the English of conflicting G26 134 attitudes and cultures, the Germans of different sides of Germany - G26 135 Forster here 'interrupts' himself to speak with felt emotion about G26 136 England, his England, everyone's England, summed up as "our G26 137 island":

G26 138 If one wanted to show a foreigner England, perhaps the G26 139 wisest course would be to take him to the final section of the G26 140 Purbeck Hills, and stand him on their summit, a few miles to the G26 141 east of Corfe. Then system after system of our island would roll G26 142 together under his feet ...How many villages appear in this view! G26 143 How many castles! How many churches, vanished or triumphant! How G26 144 many ships, railways, and roads! What incredible variety of men G26 145 working beneath that lucent sky to what final end! The reason G26 146 fails, like a wave on the Swanage beach; the imagination swells, G26 147 spreads, and deepens, until it becomes geographic and encircles G26 148 England.

G26 149 A few pages on, he inserts into a scene of conflict between the G26 150 Schlegel sisters on the incredible thought (to Helen) that Margaret G26 151 could even consider marrying the overbearing businessman Henry G26 152 Wilcox:

G26 153 England was alive, throbbing through all her estuaries, G26 154 crying for joy through the mouths of her gulls, and the north wind, G26 155 with contrary emotion, blew stronger against her rising seas. What G26 156 did it mean? For what end are her fair complexities, her changes of G26 157 soil, her sinuous coast? Does she belong to those who have moulded G26 158 her and made her feared by other lands, or those who had added G26 159 nothing to her power, but have somehow seen her, seen the whole G26 160 island at once, lying as a jewel in a silver sea, sailing in a ship G26 161 of souls, with all the brave world's fleet accompanying her towards G26 162 eternity?

G26 163 Earlier, Forster had written of "our race," and G26 164 later he was to write of his countrymen and women as G26 165 "comrades." So the attentive reader comes to see that G26 166 behind the rivalry and final, ironic conjunction of Schlegels and G26 167 Wilcoxes (meaning Margaret and her defeated husband Henry Wilcox) G26 168 is Forster's yearning hope (as of 1910) that this grievously G26 169 class-proud, class-protecting, class-embittered society may yet G26 170 come to think of some deeper, more ancient 'comradeship' as one of G26 171 its distinguishing marks. Where Forster's belief in G26 172 "personal relationships" was founded on Bloomsbury G26 173 and the Principia Ethica (1903) of its Cambridge sage G26 174 G.E. Moore, Forster's invocation of 'comradeship' no doubt owes G26 175 much to Edward Carpenter, a strong defender of homosexuality who G26 176 was one of the first English disciples of Walt Whitman.

G26 177 But 'comradeship' aside for the moment, English literature's G26 178 advantage over American literature, so it appeared to the American G26 179 critic who helped to make Forster famous in America, Lionel G26 180 Trilling, is that the class war, class distinctions of every kind, G26 181 social rivalries of the most minute (and even nastiest) kind, are G26 182 great for literature. As conflict seems to be the first rule in G26 183 life, so conflict taken seriously enough, without sentimental hopes G26 184 of easy deliverance, is comedy, is tragedy, is dialogue, is G26 185 history, is FORCE. Only an Englishman would have opened Chapter Six G26 186 of Howards End with:

G26 187 We are not concerned with the very poor. They are G26 188 unthinkable, and only to be approached by the statistician or the G26 189 poet. This story deals with gentlefolk, or with those who are G26 190 obliged to pretend that they are gentlefolk.

G26 191 The boy, Leonard Bast, stood at the extreme verge of gentility. G26 192 He was not in the abyss, but he could see it.

G26 193 This would have enraged the California novelist and pioneer G26 194 socialist, Jack London, who in 1902 went down into the G26 195 "horror" of London's poor to write The People of the G26 196 Abyss, a powerful document not likely to interest anyone in G26 197 England but the Salvation Army. Because Howards End is G26 198 rooted not even in Fabian socialism but in the dream of G26 199 "personal relationships," one of the felt tensions G26 200 in the book is the fear of war between England and Germany. The G26 201 Schlegels' father (now dead) was a German idealist who fought for G26 202 Prussia before it took Germany over, and in disgust left for G26 203 England and married an Englishwoman. G26 204 G26 205 G27 1 <#FROWN:G27\>Barry Maxwell

G27 2 Whitman: Acceptance, Appropriation, Investment

G27 3 In a half-line from 'To Thee Old Cause,' one of the G27 4 inscriptions to the 1881 edition of Leaves of Grass, G27 5 Whitman's formulation of the relation between his poem and the G27 6 American Civil War is prima facie a direct and untroubled G27 7 statement of identity: "my book and the war are G27 8 one." On the whole, 'To Thee Old Cause' sets out a G27 9 relationship between "my book," the war G27 10 ("all war," in fact), and the "peerless, G27 11 passionate, good cause" the short poem apostrophizes. In G27 12 one of his characteristic parenthetical hushes, Whitman speaks to G27 13 the combatants, saying that the unitary war he has set forth in the G27 14 first stanza - "all war through time was really fought, and G27 15 ever will be really fought, for thee" - is "(A war G27 16 O soldiers not for itself alone, /Far, far more stood silently G27 17 waiting behind, now to advance in this book.)"

G27 18 Far, far more what? Wars? Or something less readily given G27 19 in this immediate context? Like much of Whitman's poetry, the 1881 G27 20 inscription functions as pseudo-clarification. The mode of ringing G27 21 declamation and orbic utterance can easily carry the auditor beyond G27 22 such small, troublesome words as 'one' ("my book and the G27 23 war are one") and 'for' ("really fought, for G27 24 thee"). Like a Brechtian drinking song, the Whitmanic G27 25 statement goes down easily, but is barbed, gentle reader. 'One' is G27 26 complicated, through a characteristic Whitmanic punning method G27 27 which I shall discuss, by the aural shadow of 'won'; 'for' is G27 28 innocuous only until we ask what precisely it means here. Beyond G27 29 these cruces, the word 'cause' itself looms up problematic. G27 30 Exemplified, but undefined, it stands as the sign of a cultural G27 31 motive shared by the poem and its readers. The word would goad us, G27 32 though, to specify our methods for assigning meaning to it.

G27 33 Altogether, the affective situation is something like what the G27 34 jazz musician Rahsaan Roland Kirk told an audience they might G27 35 undergo when he simultaneously played the melodies of 'Sentimental G27 36 Journey' and Dvorak's 'New World Symphony': "It's like G27 37 makin' one part of your mind say, 'Oo-blah-dee,' and makin' G27 38 the other part of your mind say, 'What does he mean?'" G27 39 Partaking of both the sentimental journey and new world symphony G27 40 modes, Whitman's work, not wholly without the Master's collusion, G27 41 has a long history of befogged reception on the 'oo-blah-dee' G27 42 level; our concern now might rather be with what he means. But if G27 43 interpretive precision is difficult here, it may be because Whitman G27 44 and his readers are in close quarters with a paradox of the sort G27 45 James Baldwin characterized when he spoke of a writer finding G27 46 "that the things which hurt him and the things which helped G27 47 him cannot be divorced from each other; he could be helped in a G27 48 certain way only because he was hurt in a certain way; and his help G27 49 is simply to be enabled to move from one conundrum to the G27 50 next." Precisely conundrum, a riddle to which the answer is G27 51 a pun, turns out to be a valuable heuristic notion in Whitman's G27 52 case. In the following, I want to point to some of the implications G27 53 for Whitman's work of the riddle of war and book-making, and of the G27 54 uneasy light the pun one/won admits to a dark nexus ("All G27 55 of those athletes had to die young so that we might have this G27 56 magnificent poem?"). In doing so, I hope that my debt to G27 57 Kenneth Burke's labyrinthine address to these matters will be G27 58 recognized and received critically, but in any case here stands G27 59 acknowledged. I have not so much stood on Burke's shoulders to look G27 60 at Whitman, though, as tried to attend to what each man has to say G27 61 about, as a Burkean title has it, "The Nature of Art Under G27 62 Capitalism." In addition, the specifically capitalist G27 63 character of Whitman's production will be discussed in the light of G27 64 certain of the German literary theorist Robert Weimann's extensions G27 65 of Marx's thought.

G27 66 "My book and the war are one"; my book and the G27 67 war are won: Whitman's puns, rare as they are, follow the pattern G27 68 of compounding the initial, orthographically determined meaning G27 69 rather than exploiting, for ironic, humorous, or critical motives, G27 70 a semantic disjunction between manifest and latent meanings. When G27 71 the poet presents to us, for example, his profession of the G27 72 self-revealing nature of his work, titling it "Here the G27 73 Frailest Leaves of Me," coupled to the presentative adverb G27 74 'here' is the urgent injunctive verb 'hear.' Of course 'leaves' G27 75 itself carries several meanings, as has been frequently pointed G27 76 out. Homophony works additively in this poetry, not dissonantly. In G27 77 the one/won play, we confront an assertion not only of an identity, G27 78 but also of a consubstantial achievement and indeed victory. That G27 79 Whitman's is in one sense not a true statement, given the pre-war G27 80 editions of Leaves of Grass, is not the issue here. I am G27 81 asking rather about the power that the war had to change Whitman's G27 82 sense of what he had made.

G27 83 In seeking to understand the textual-historical relationship G27 84 Whitman is propounding, we may recur to Robert Weimann's term G27 85 Aneignung. Weimann has demonstrated on several occasions G27 86 and in relation to diverse literatures the specific usefulness of G27 87 this concept, which may - with qualification - be translated as G27 88 'appropriation.' For the sake of clarity, we ought to give a moment G27 89 here to a terminological summary.

G27 90 One way of apprehending Aneignung is to see it as a G27 91 critique of Foucault's 'What is an Author?' In that essay, G27 92 discourses are held to be only "objects of G27 93 appropriation," a function of which Weimann concedes the G27 94 importance. However, Weimann further insists that discourses are G27 95 also "subjekte<&|>sic! of appropriation, that is G27 96 ... historical agencies of knowledge, pleasure, energy and G27 97 power" (433). Linking discourse-as-object to the property G27 98 status of an author's works (in other words, to their exchange G27 99 value), Weimann then argues that the use value of one's cultural G27 100 work (as labor) derives from and depends upon G27 101 "literary production as an appropriating agency" G27 102 (433). The basic move of Aneignung, making things one's G27 103 own, is also making one's own things. We should bear in mind, G27 104 though, that in the German, the term has "the advantage of G27 105 not necessarily involving an ideologically preconceived idea of G27 106 (private) ownership or (physical) property; instead it allows for G27 107 acquisitive behavior as well as for non-acquisitive acts of G27 108 intellectual energy and assimilation"(433).

G27 109 The crucial historical shift in the situation of G27 110 Aneignung as a representational method is from a state G27 111 first of the relative paucity of material that an author in a G27 112 pre-modern society can make his or her own, because intellectual G27 113 production is largely conceived of there as a communal activity G27 114 carried out under "previously inscribed authority" G27 115 (434), to one of a burdensome plentitude of material that the G27 116 breakdown of "presupposed relations" (Marx) G27 117 offers - or imposes - through dynamic contradictions to a G27 118 newly-constituted world of individuals. In the later situation, the G27 119 representational function of verbal art is, obviously, G27 120 problematized, but it is also, at the same moment, fixed on by G27 121 bourgeois culture as the necessary healing agency. As Weimann G27 122 says:

G27 123 What representational art presupposes and what it G27 124 thrives on is more than anything else the loss, the undoing of G27 125 the plenitude of that property in which the self and the social are G27 126 mutually engaged and in which their engagement is unquestionably G27 127 given and taken for granted (436; emphasis added).

G27 128 One further aspect of Aneignung must be mentioned, G27 129 because without noting it we are hard put to understand Whitman's G27 130 aesthetic and poetic appropriation of the war as anything other G27 131 than heroizing and apologetic. The necessary companion gesture of G27 132 Aneignung is, according to Weimann, a G27 133 putting-apart from oneself, an expropriation in its G27 134 etymological sense. "The process of making other things G27 135 one's own becomes inseparable from making other things (and G27 136 persons) alien, so that the act of appropriation must be seen G27 137 always to involve not only self-projection and assimilation but G27 138 also alienation through expropriation"(434). The taking-to G27 139 and the putting-apart from one's self and one's poetry are forms of G27 140 work that so mutually imply one another that, in fact, Weimann G27 141 subsumes performance of the latter under the term for the G27 142 former.

G27 143 If we provisionally concede that the primary task of Whitman's G27 144 writing is appropriation, particularly so in relation to the Civil G27 145 War, that concession need not pledge us to a simplistic view of G27 146 Whitman's work as an endorsement of the war, or of war in general. G27 147 An analogy may help here. Does a thief endorse, through the act of G27 148 theft, the ethical status of the goods he or she steals? Do the G27 149 processes of materials acquisition, production, distribution, and G27 150 'legal' exchange that account for the presence of such goods gain G27 151 from the act of theft a concurring voice or stamp of approval? Is G27 152 the thief's a symbolic action that encourages submission to and G27 153 cooperation with the manifold circumstances, historical and G27 154 political and economic, that placed the goods within reach? Does G27 155 the thief's act certify the quality of the thing stolen? Does theft G27 156 undermine or does it shore up dominant cultural forms (again, G27 157 Marx's "presupposed relations")? As Jean Genet G27 158 and others have pointed out, theft in a bourgeois society poses G27 159 more interesting questions about the thief and the thing stolen G27 160 than it does about the victim of the theft. If stealing is an act G27 161 with dimensions both acquisitive and non-acquisitive, and an act of G27 162 appropriation with attendant motives of expropriation, it may be G27 163 compared with Whitman's poetic acts in that both make yes or no G27 164 answers to the questions I have just posed dangerously naive.

G27 165 Aneignung, then, names what Walter Benjamin would G27 166 call the "decisive gestus" of Whitman's G27 167 Leaves of Grass, specifically with respect to the status G27 168 of the war in the poem, and the poem in the war. Benjamin has in G27 169 fact provided us with a meditation on war and the enrichment or G27 170 depletion of symbolic reserves, and we might note that without G27 171 using the term Aneignung, he here instances the clearest G27 172 kind of thinking on the subject. The apposite passage, which G27 173 deserves quotation in full, not only problematizes juridical G27 174 concepts of 'winning' and 'losing' wars, but also prods us to think G27 175 of making war and multiplying cultural capital as intimately, even G27 176 causally related. It is this latter point, as I have suggested, G27 177 that is crucially at issue in Whitman's work.

G27 178 What does it mean to win or lose a war? How striking G27 179 the double meaning is in both words! The first, manifest meaning, G27 180 certainly refers to the outcome of the war, but the second meaning G27 181 - which creates that peculiar hollow space, the sounding board in G27 182 these words - refers to the totality of the war and suggests how G27 183 the war's outcome also alters the enduring significance it holds G27 184 for us. This meaning says, so to speak, the winner keeps the war in G27 185 hand, it leaves the hands of the loser; it says, the winner G27 186 conquers the war for himself, makes it his own property, the loser G27 187 no longer possesses it and must live without it. And he must live G27 188 not only without the war per se but without every one of G27 189 its slightest ups and downs, every subtlest one of its chess moves, G27 190 every one of its remotest actions. To win or lose a war reaches so G27 191 deeply, if we follow the language, into the fabric of our existence G27 192 that our whole lives become that much richer or poorer in symbols, G27 193 images and sources.

G27 194 In Whitman's poetry, we study a victor's disposition of what G27 195 the war gained for him and for his culture. That Whitman himself G27 196 could consider this 'disposition' in its fiduciary sense is made G27 197 clear by an undatable fragment with a most comprehensive title:

G27 198 My Own Poems

G27 199 Aye, merchant, thou hast drawn a haughty draft

G27 200 Upon the centuries yet to come

G27 201 Yet hitherto unborn - the Americas of the future:

G27 202 The trick is ...Will they pay?

G27 203 I think we can see this promissory relation to the future of G27 204 the United States as determined - in fact, overdetermined - by the G27 205 victory of the Union. Without that victory, Whitman may well have G27 206 found himself in the situation of Benjamin's German veterans of the G27 207 First World War: "grown silent - not richer, but poorer in G27 208 communicable experience." G27 209 G27 210 G27 211 G28 1 <#FROWN:G28\>AMY THOMPSON MCCANDLESS

G28 2 College of Charleston

G28 3 The Higher Education of Black Women in the Contemporary G28 4 South

G28 5 THE COLLEGIATE EXPERIENCE OF AFRICAN-AMERICAN women in the G28 6 contemporary South can be understood only in the context of G28 7 regional history. Educational statistics and surveys of Southerners G28 8 reveal the persistence of racial, regional, and gender differences G28 9 in student attitudes and behaviors. Southern black women's choices G28 10 of academic fields and educational institutions, their G28 11 relationships with their professors and classmates, and their goals G28 12 and achievements inside and outside the academy continue to be G28 13 shaped by conceptions of gender and race derived from the ideology G28 14 of the antebellum plantation. Because slave-holders G28 15 believed that the education of blacks would foment rebellion, free G28 16 persons of color had to leave the region to attend college. The end G28 17 of slavery created new educational opportunities for black youth, G28 18 but there was considerable debate among educators about the nature G28 19 and purpose of black higher education. Few thought that blacks and G28 20 whites should be educated together, and many wanted blacks to G28 21 receive an industrial rather than a liberal education.

G28 22 For African-American women, antebellum gender stereotypes G28 23 compounded postbellum racial biases. Many of the personality traits G28 24 ascribed to black women in the early twentieth century originated G28 25 in the complex relationships of the nineteenth-century plantation. G28 26 Black women - like black men - were considered docile, indolent, G28 27 and ignorant. Like white women, they were supposed to sublimate G28 28 their needs and wants to those of men. Like white women and black G28 29 men, they were expected to serve their lord and master. Unlike G28 30 white women, black women did not receive the protection of the G28 31 pedestal; instead they were blamed for the sexual liaisons of the G28 32 slave quarters. The consequence of such antebellum stereotyping was G28 33 a denigration of black women's intellectual and moral faculties.

G28 34 The academic offerings provided black women in the postbellum G28 35 South reflected these gender and racial prejudices.<&|>sic! Black G28 36 women were given a 'moral' and 'vocational' education designed to G28 37 develop 'virtuous women' who would as mothers and teachers 'uplift' G28 38 the race. Although this racial and gender stereotyping limited the G28 39 educational opportunities and professional horizons of black women, G28 40 it also inspired them to become teachers and social workers. As G28 41 historian Jeanne Noble concluded in her study of 'The Higher G28 42 Education of Black Women in the Twentieth Century,' black women G28 43 students consistently exhibited a greater "sense of G28 44 mission" and a greater concern for the well-being of G28 45 society than either black men or white women.

G28 46 In the last two decades, gender, racial, and regional G28 47 differences in higher education seem to have lessened considerably. G28 48 Today, Southern women, black and white, earn more associate, G28 49 bachelor's, and master's degrees than do men, the proportion of G28 50 women in the college population having increased significantly G28 51 since 1960. (In 1959 Southern women comprised only 38.0 percent of G28 52 the college/university population in the region; in 1987, 54 G28 53 percent. Only two public military schools, Virginia Military G28 54 Institute and The Citadel, and a handful of private colleges in the G28 55 region do not grant women undergraduate degrees.) Black women now G28 56 outnumber black men in all but first professional degree programs. G28 57 Today also no woman can be barred from admission to a Southern G28 58 college or university because of her race. Whereas African-American G28 59 women at the beginning of the twentieth-century<&|>sic! were G28 60 limited by law to all-black institutions, over two-thirds of black G28 61 women currently attending college are enrolled in previously G28 62 all-white institutions. On a regional level, educational G28 63 opportunity grants and guaranteed student loan programs have made G28 64 it possible for more Southerners to attend college, and standards G28 65 at Southern institutions of higher education have equalled and, in G28 66 some instances, surpassed those at institutions in other parts of G28 67 the nation.

G28 68 Few black women were provided a liberal arts education at the G28 69 public expense at the beginning of the twentieth century; only in G28 70 recent years have Southern states assumed a greater share of fiscal G28 71 responsibility for the higher education of blacks and women. In G28 72 1968, 28.0 percent of all Southern women were enrolled in private G28 73 institutions; in 1987, 17.1 percent. The percentages for white and G28 74 black women were almost identical. Although black Southerners today G28 75 are slightly less likely to matriculate at public institutions than G28 76 white Southerners (82.3 percent versus 84.0 percent), they are G28 77 still more likely to attend public colleges and universities than G28 78 youth in the United States as a whole (82.3 percent and 77.0 G28 79 percent respectively).

G28 80 Southern higher education, like Southern culture, has retained G28 81 many unique characteristics, however, and these continue to affect G28 82 the educational experiences of black women in the region. The South G28 83 still spends less on education than the nation as a whole. Even G28 84 though 16.0 percent of state taxes in the South in 1986 went to G28 85 finance higher education as opposed to 13.4 percent in the country G28 86 as a whole, the region lags behind in per capita expenditure on G28 87 higher education ($135 in the South compared to $140 in the United G28 88 States). Because the economic pie remains smaller in the South - G28 89 per capita personal income is only 89.0 percent of the national G28 90 average - Southerners must spend proportionately more on higher G28 91 education to close the gap.

G28 92 The educational attainment of Southern adults also trails that G28 93 of other Americans. A 1991 survey by the U.S. Census Bureau G28 94 revealed that the Southeast has the lowest proportion of high G28 95 school and college graduates of any area of the country. Robert G28 96 Cominsky, director of the Census Bureau's education branch, G28 97 attributed the low Southern rankings to the region's historic G28 98 inability or unwillingness to invest in education.

G28 99 Educational issues continue to be intricately interwoven with G28 100 matters of race. Desegregation has not resulted in racial G28 101 integration; most institutions of higher education in the South are G28 102 nominally integrated. Minority students remain under G28 103 represented<&|>sic! in the collegiate population at large and at G28 104 major public and private institutions in the region.

G28 105 Enrollments in South Carolina's colleges and universities are G28 106 indicative of enrollment patterns throughout the South. Although G28 107 African-Americans comprise 18.5 percent of students in all South G28 108 Carolina institutions of higher education, they represent only 12.1 G28 109 percent of the students at the University of South Carolina and G28 110 only 6.2 percent at Clemson University. South Carolina State G28 111 College, on the other hand, is 92.3 percent black. Discrepancies at G28 112 four-year private institutions in the state are even greater. Bob G28 113 Jones University has no black students, while Morris College has G28 114 only one white student. The editors of the Chronicle of Higher G28 115 Education note significantly that South Carolina's educators G28 116 "are still struggling with ways to improve the G28 117 college-going rate of black citizens, which substantially trails G28 118 that of whites. The issue is viewed as crucial to the state's G28 119 economic health in the future because about one-third of the South G28 120 Carolina population is black."

G28 121 Historically black colleges remain an important component of G28 122 the Southern educational scene. All but two of the historically G28 123 black institutions are located in the South, and they enroll over G28 124 eighty-eight percent of the students who attend black colleges. The G28 125 graduation rates of black Southerners are consistently higher at G28 126 black institutions. Although approximately sixty-six percent of G28 127 African-Americans in the region attend predominantly white G28 128 institutions, fifty-one percent of all bachelor's degrees awarded G28 129 to Southern blacks are from predominantly or historically black G28 130 institutions.

G28 131 A 1992 report for Black Issues in Higher Education G28 132 found that "black colleges are still producing and carrying G28 133 a disproportionate share of the load" of educating black G28 134 students. The twelve schools in the nation which awarded the G28 135 largest number of bachelor's degrees to African-American students G28 136 in 1988-89 were all historically black, Southern colleges. Howard G28 137 University in Washington, D.C., led the list with 744 graduates, G28 138 followed by Southern University and Agricultural and Mechanical G28 139 College in Louisiana with 575, Hampton University in Virginia with G28 140 539, North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University G28 141 with 509, and Jackson State University in Mississippi with 463.

G28 142 Gender restraints continue to circumscribe the academic G28 143 horizons of white and black women alike. Faculty often take the G28 144 comments and concerns of women students less seriously than those G28 145 of men. Men are still more likely than women to hold campus G28 146 leadership positions, to dominate classroom discussions, and to G28 147 major in mathematics and science at coeducational institutions. G28 148 Women have fewer opportunities to work as lab or field assistants G28 149 or as interns. Social activities continue to reinforce traditional G28 150 gender roles and to separate students along racial and sexual G28 151 lines.

G28 152 Southern women, as women elsewhere in the nation, choose G28 153 institutions with programs which they consider appropriate for G28 154 their sex. Technical and military colleges and public universities G28 155 with strong engineering programs attract far fewer women than men. G28 156 Fewer than a quarter of the students at Florida Institute of G28 157 Technology and Georgia Institute of Technology, for instance, are G28 158 women. Men also outnumber women at technically oriented state G28 159 universities such as Auburn, Clemson, Louisiana Tech, Mississippi G28 160 State, North Carolina State, Oklahoma, Tennessee Tech, Texas A & M, G28 161 Arkansas, and Virginia Polytechnic Institute.

G28 162 Gender stereotypes also influence women's choices of majors. G28 163 Business is the most common major among students at coeducational G28 164 institutions in the South, but women dominate in traditional G28 165 'female' fields such as education, health care, and home economics. G28 166 Although the number of women in such 'male' fields as engineering, G28 167 mathematics, and the physical sciences has increased significantly G28 168 in the last decade, most black women prefer concentrations in the G28 169 humanities and the social sciences.

G28 170 Higher education in the South is still perceived as 'different' G28 171 by many Americans. Guides to the nation's colleges and G28 172 universities, such as that written by Edward B. Fiske of the G28 173 New York Times, characterize institutions in the region G28 174 as "distinctly Southern" or "steeped in G28 175 Southern traditionalism" but have no category of G28 176 'distinctly Northern' or reference to 'Northern traditionalism.'

G28 177 The connotation of 'Southern' in such educational commentaries G28 178 is even more revealing. Fiske describes Davidson College as G28 179 "a top-notch regional college for Southern WASPs ... [It] G28 180 is distinctly Southern and socially traditional." He thinks G28 181 that Duke University's unique blend of North and South explains how G28 182 the institution "can be laid-back and high-powered at the G28 183 same time." Georgia Tech, he notes, "isn't your G28 184 typical laid-back Southern State U." On the other hand, he G28 185 claims that the University of Virginia's "Southern, G28 186 slightly aristocratic ambiance gives it a homey charm, but also a G28 187 streak of anti-intellectualism and apathy." He finds G28 188 students at Wofford College "conventional South Carolina G28 189 types with conventional aspirations," while students at G28 190 Millsaps College in Jackson, Mississippi, "can take on the G28 191 best of any Yankee student body." For Fiske - and other G28 192 educational commentators like him - most Southern students and most G28 193 Southern colleges are narrowly provincial, academically inferior, G28 194 and politically and socially conservative.

G28 195 Many of the students Fiske interviewed for his guide also G28 196 employed regional terminology in describing their institutions, G28 197 albeit more positively. One student who labeled the University of G28 198 Arkansas "truly a Southern school" referred to the G28 199 fact that "People smile and speak to other people whether G28 200 they know them or not." Students at Furman University G28 201 perceived their classmates as "an enlarged, close Southern G28 202 family." To these individuals, 'Southern' meant a student G28 203 body which was friendly, a faculty which was approachable, and a G28 204 campus that was hospitable.

G28 205 African-American students and traditionally black colleges are G28 206 noticeably absent from descriptions of typically 'Southern' schools G28 207 in Fiske's guide, even though all but two of the historically black G28 208 institutions are South of the Mason-Dixon Line. Promotional G28 209 materials from predominantly black colleges use many of the same G28 210 'Southern' descriptors as predominantly white colleges in the G28 211 region, proudly pointing to the "warm, friendly G28 212 atmosphere" of their campuses.

G28 213 The Southern woman student still tends to be characterized as G28 214 white and rich. Images of the 'lady' remain strong: Fiske notes G28 215 that Randolph-Macon Woman's College always has "enough G28 216 Southern prep school graduates to give the college what some call a G28 217 'Southern-bellish' tone." He describes the G28 218 "typical" Hollins College student as "white, G28 219 traditional, Southern, preppie." Southern women at Duke, G28 220 according to Fiske, are "very conscious of clothes and G28 221 looks," while "relations between the sexes are G28 222 still somewhat formal."

G28 223 Other remnants of the 'Old South' are even less attractive. G28 224 Beauty contests and other activities which treat women students as G28 225 sex objects have not disappeared from the Southern college scene. G28 226 The 'Miss T.U. Pageant' at Tulane University in New Orleans, for G28 227 example, asks contestants to provide their bust, waist, and hip G28 228 measurements and to appear in swimsuit and evening gown G28 229 competitions. G28 230 G28 231 G28 232 G29 1 <#FROWN:G29\>Discussions of David Lynch's films or those of Brian G29 2 de Palma, for example, often depend on intricate aesthetic G29 3 descriptions of the way each director foregrounds the devices and G29 4 strategems of representation. The films themselves eerily mirror G29 5 representations that are much too familiar from their regular G29 6 occurrence in far less experimental films and life, generally G29 7 depending on violence against women. But there is a presumption G29 8 that pointing out constructedness by repeating the constructions at G29 9 an ironic remove is somehow enough. The response to criticism of G29 10 that irony, however, is that representation, like gender, is G29 11 constructed. Strangely, once we've all stopped believing in the G29 12 biological truth of gender, its effects in terms of constructing G29 13 the site of knowledge production are presumed to have gone away. It G29 14 is here that a curious 'blurring,' a strange effacement of the G29 15 theorist's subject-position, links back up with Bourdieu's G29 16 description of the main characteristics of the aesthetic G29 17 disposition, its "privilege of indifference" to G29 18 legitimacy (95).

G29 19 Adrienne Kennedy disrupts this legitimacy by her insistence on G29 20 the female specificity of birth, but in order to situate her play, G29 21 A Movie Star Has to Star in Black and White, in relation G29 22 to a cultural refusal of female specificity, I first want to make a G29 23 provisional horizontal comparison among several cultural discourses G29 24 where that specificity is, at the moment, being refused, as we find G29 25 ourselves in a continuation of what Susan Jeffords calls G29 26 "the remasculinization of America." This comparison G29 27 might help foreground a broad structural feature that still G29 28 constrains the poststructuralist study of differences. The elements G29 29 of these discourses include: 1) the fact that on cable tv, there is G29 30 a channel called the Family Channel, where the shows one can watch G29 31 on weekends are those old 'family' standbys: 'Bonanza,' 'Wagon G29 32 Train,' 'The Rifleman,' 'Gunsmoke,' and the 'Big Valley.' The most G29 33 striking thing about the Family Channel is that these families, for G29 34 the most part, have been cleaned up of women. These are basically G29 35 families made up of white men who are busy taming the West - G29 36 cleaning it up in the interests of the middle-class white, G29 37 Christian, decent Body; 2) the fact that the Gulf War, the supposed G29 38 origin of a New World Order planned and executed by men, was billed G29 39 as the Mother of all Wars, and the spectacular celebration of it, G29 40 the Mother of all parades; and 3) the way deconstructive or G29 41 Foucauldian arguments show how the constructedness of masculine G29 42 identity is destabilized by a reliance on a form of femininity that G29 43 generally does not require women, a structure which in many ways G29 44 appropriates femininity for its own project.

G29 45 I will return to the first two of these issues later, but it G29 46 seems especially important to address feminism's allies in G29 47 poststructuralism in order to make more obvious some of the dangers G29 48 of overlooking the specificity of the female body. There seems to G29 49 be a troubling risk of remasculinization in an increasingly overt G29 50 but paradoxically invisible reliance on the specificity of the G29 51 masculine body. As one example, the latest star on the G29 52 poststructuralist horizon, Slavoj G29 53 <*_>Z-hacek<*/>i<*_>z-hacek<*/>ek, offers as his figurative model G29 54 of interpretation a 'phallus' experience in which the radical G29 55 exteriority of the body is figured by a phallus, the transcendental G29 56 signifier with its "pulsation between 'all' and G29 57 'nothing'..." To explain the paradox of interpretation, G29 58 <*_>Z-hacek<*/>i<*_>z-hacek<*/>ek gives two examples. One has to do G29 59 with the impossibility of control. That is, he says, referring to G29 60 Saint Augustine, "Someone with a strong enough will can G29 61 starve to death in the middle of a room full of delicious food, but G29 62 if a naked virgin passes his way, the erection of his phallus is in G29 63 no way dependent on the strength of his will ..." And to G29 64 show the opposite side of this riddle, he tells this joke: G29 65 "What is the lightest object on earth? - The phallus, G29 66 because it is the only one that can be elevated by mere G29 67 thought." There is here a striking instance of theoretical G29 68 amnesia. No longer is any attempt made to distinguish between organ G29 69 and figuration, even though, in the earlier days of Lacanian G29 70 theory, much ink was spilled attempting to do just that, to show G29 71 that men really don't have 'it' either. Now it looks like they do. G29 72 This overtly masculine figuration whose partiality founds the G29 73 oxymoronic irony of poststructuralism (the point of coincidence G29 74 between omnipotence and total impotence) serves, as did the earlier G29 75 aesthetic model, as a universal model for interpretation and G29 76 guarantees an indifference to legitimacy. But its partiality can be G29 77 foregrounded by looking at the figuration of birth, for it is in G29 78 and around discussions of birth and the maternal body, those places G29 79 where the label of essentialism is most often pinned, that the most G29 80 intense resistance to female specificity can be found.

G29 81 Though this study of Kennedy and birth will depend, in part, on G29 82 a revisionary reading of psychoanalysis, Wayne Koestenbaum warns in G29 83 Double Talk: The Erotics of Male Literary Collaboration G29 84 that the origins of psychoanalysis, the discourse within which the G29 85 paradoxical invisible but obvious relationship between phallus and G29 86 penis gets organized, circle around an appropriation of femininity, G29 87 and in particular, of birth by men: "[B]y collaborating G29 88 with Breuer, Freud sought to fuse male bonding and scientific G29 89 labor, and to appropriate the power of female reproduction" G29 90 by way of a woman's hysterical birth-giving, that of Anna O., or G29 91 Bertha Pappenheim, who was to become a feminist activist. In that G29 92 collaboration, argues Koestenbaum, the fantasized, or hysterical G29 93 childbirth experienced by Anna O. and interpreted by Freud G29 94 "loses texture as a woman's experience, and becomes, within G29 95 the history of psychoanalysis, a possession prized by a chain of G29 96 male mentors and their disciples." Thus Anna O.'s uterus G29 97 figuratively becomes and anus, as Freud "erases the G29 98 maternal and feminine origin of his science at the same moment he G29 99 stresses it." Anna O. is thus passed on as "male G29 100 property, a representation of male intercourse" and of the G29 101 "pleasure-giving, child-delivering hole in men."

G29 102 The abstraction and circulation of metaphors of birth here G29 103 organizes a crucial intersection between symbolicity and bodies, G29 104 and it is in the textualization and appropriations of birth where G29 105 aesthetics and politics meet. "For," says Julia Kristeva, G29 106 "where life and discourse come together, that is where the G29 107 destiny of subjectivity is caught up in the claims of civilization. G29 108 Today the pill and the Pope know that indeed." The risks G29 109 for feminism of talking about birth may, at this historical moment, G29 110 have to be taken, in order to dissect the masculinist G29 111 appropriations of birth which accompany what is too often G29 112 unambiguously called femininity.

G29 113 These 'femininities,' like these 'births,' are still to be G29 114 disentangled.

G29 115 G29 116 The Political Economy of Spectacle: Hiding the Mess from G29 117 View

G29 118 Life and discourse, or the density of subjectivity caught up in G29 119 the claims of civilization, are at the moment intensely focused on G29 120 race and the intimate control of women's sexuality. Adrienne G29 121 Kennedy commented almost twenty years ago on these intersections in G29 122 A Movie Star in Black and White, first performed at the G29 123 New York Shakespeare Festival in 1976, directed by Joseph Chaikin. G29 124 Like the plays of Lorraine Hansberry, it long ago raised the kinds G29 125 of questions about middle-class African Americans that Spike Lee's G29 126 movies are only now addressing twenty years later. Kennedy was G29 127 raised in a middle-class family in Cleveland at a time when the G29 128 schools were racially and ethnically mixed; she encountered a more G29 129 overt and damaging racism when she went to Ohio State University, G29 130 then dropped out. Her parents were prominent members of the G29 131 African-American community; their friends were civic workers, G29 132 teachers, social workers, doctors, and lawyers active in the NAACP G29 133 and the Urban League. But the questions she raises, unlike Lee's, G29 134 come from the perspective of a woman who must deal not only with G29 135 racism but with pregnancy, miscarriage, and the experience of being G29 136 an intellectual whose academic husband was able to do the things G29 137 her pregnancies prevented her from doing. A feminist in a period of G29 138 masculinist Black nationalism, she was also a postmodern G29 139 experimentalist in a period of realistic political drama and a G29 140 woman writing very specifically about the consequences of the G29 141 physicality of blackness and the bleeding, pregnant female body G29 142 when theoretical discourse could not account for those differences; G29 143 it still cannot. In this play, what is available is, on the other G29 144 hand, bloody miscarriage and the complete responsibility for G29 145 pregnancy and blood on the part of the woman, even if she is a G29 146 middle-class, African-American intellectual who possesses some G29 147 measure of cultural capital; and, on the other hand, brain-damaged, G29 148 military-related paralysis for her brother in a white supremacist G29 149 cultural logic.

G29 150 The play stages the way photography and film insist on G29 151 constructing a Family, within a site organized and coded by public G29 152 culture within what might now be described as the mode of G29 153 information. That is, as Ian Angus and Sut Jhally argue, we are G29 154 currently within a third stage of capitalist formation in which the G29 155 economic and the cultural are indistinguishable, the result of two G29 156 earlier stages: 1) class culture, from the beginning of G29 157 industrial capitalist society in the seventeenth century, divided G29 158 into high culture and popular culture; 2) from the turn of the G29 159 century to the 1960s, mass culture, with homogeneous cultural G29 160 products for mass consumption; and 3) since the 1960s G29 161 mass-mediated culture of the mode of information, accompanying G29 162 "the explosion of electronic media, the shift from print G29 163 literacy to images, and the penetration of the commodity from G29 164 throughout all cultural production." In this latest period G29 165 of postmodernity, they argue, the construction of social identity G29 166 is centered on a politics of images which produces "staged G29 167 differences," differences that are overlaid on the G29 168 homogenized culture produced in the earlier cultural formation. G29 169 These "staged differences" are, in some measure, G29 170 differences without much difference as their real inequalities lie G29 171 hidden behind a screen of consumer goods. It is the implications of G29 172 these differences without much difference, the way they show up in G29 173 discourses which would ostensibly seem to be quite different, that G29 174 need to be considered.

G29 175 Within this mode of information, spectacle determines G29 176 possibilities for representation and performs the move of G29 177 abstraction away from materiality, where, as Guy Debord argues:

G29 178 the tangible world is replaced by a selection of images G29 179 which exist above it, and which simultaneously impose themselves as G29 180 the tangible [itself] ... The spectacle consists in taking up all G29 181 that existed in human activity [in order to] possess it in a G29 182 congealed state as things which have become the exclusive value by G29 183 their formulation in negative of lived value ... [Here] we G29 184 recognize our old enemy, the commodity, who knows so well how to G29 185 seem at first glance something trivial and obvious, while on the G29 186 contrary it is so complex and so full of metaphysical G29 187 subtleties.

G29 188 As political economy circles back around to postmodern G29 189 possibilities of representation, we find that this abstract G29 190 spectacle, with its differences without much difference that unite G29 191 the economic and the cultural to produce what Frederic Jameson G29 192 calls the "omnipresence of culture," increasingly G29 193 rests on a global opposition between an active, masculinized North, G29 194 and a feminized South, whose resource often is the cheap labor of G29 195 non-white, female workers. The majority of female workers who work G29 196 to produce the chips for the mode of information are young women G29 197 who must retire by the time they are twenty-five, after their G29 198 eyesight has been ruined by the close work. They leave the work G29 199 force, according to what Jennifer Wicke calls the employers' G29 200 "beneficient fiction" that they will marry, a G29 201 fiction which provides a justification for using them up and G29 202 discarding them.

G29 203 The mode of information makes possible a new elite, not of G29 204 manufacturers or those who invest in production as much as those G29 205 who invest in and work with information, what Robert Reich calls G29 206 symbolic analysts: management consultants, lawyers, G29 207 software and design engineers, research scientists, corporate G29 208 executives, financial advisers, advertising executives, television G29 209 and movie producers -and academics, poststructuralist critics as G29 210 well as nuclear physicists or professors of finance. Within this G29 211 cultural formation, the mode of information's symbolic common G29 212 denominator is its feminized debris.

G29 213 G29 214 Interrupting the Sanitized Spectacle/Disgusting G29 215 Bodies G29 216 G30 1 <#FROWN:G30\>The Idea of Teleology

G30 2 Ernst Mayr

G30 3 1. Philosophical Background

G30 4 Perhaps no other ideology has influenced biology more G30 5 profoundly than teleological thinking. In one form or another it G30 6 was the prevailing world view prior to Darwin. (Indeed it is one of G30 7 the relatively few world views seriously considered by western G30 8 man.) Appropriately, the discussion of teleology occupies G30 9 considerable space (10-14%) in several recent philosophies of G30 10 biology. Such a finalistic world view had many roots. It is G30 11 reflected by the millenarian beliefs of many Christians, by the G30 12 enthusiasm for progress promoted by the Enlightenment, by G30 13 transformationist evolutionism, and by everybody's hope for a G30 14 better future. However, such a finalistic world view was only one G30 15 of several widely adopted Weltanschauungen.

G30 16 Grossly simplifying a far more complex picture, one can perhaps G30 17 distinguish, in the period prior to Darwin, three ways of looking G30 18 at the world:

G30 19 1. A recently created and constant world. This was the orthodox G30 20 Christian dogma, which, however, by 1859 had largely lost its G30 21 credibility, at least among philosophers and scientists.

G30 22 2. An eternal and either constant or cycling world, exhibiting G30 23 no constant direction or goal. Everything in such a world, as G30 24 asserted by Democritus and his followers, is due to chance or G30 25 necessity, with chance by far the more important factor. There is G30 26 no room for teleology in this world view, everything being due to G30 27 chance or causal mechanisms. It allows for change, but such change G30 28 is not directional; it is not an evolution. This view gained some G30 29 support during the Scientific Revolution and the Enlightenment, but G30 30 remained very much a minority view until the nineteenth century. A G30 31 rather pronounced polarization developed from the seventeenth to G30 32 the nineteenth centuries, between the strict mechanists, who G30 33 explained everything purely in terms of movements and forces and G30 34 who denied any validity whatsoever of the use of teleological G30 35 language; and their opponents - deists, natural theologians, and G30 36 vitalists - who all believed in teleology to a lesser or greater G30 37 extent.

G30 38 3. The third view of the world was that of a world of long G30 39 duration (or being eternal) but with a tendency toward improvement G30 40 or perfection. Such a view existed in many religions, it was G30 41 widespread in the beliefs of primitive people (e.g., the Valhalla G30 42 of the old Germans), and it was represented in Christianity by G30 43 ideas of a millennium or resurrection. During the rise of deism, G30 44 after the Scientific Revolution and during the era of G30 45 Enlightenment, there was a widespread belief in the development of G30 46 ever greater perfection in the world through the exercise of God's G30 47 laws. There was a trust in an intrinsic tendency of Nature toward G30 48 progress or an ultimate goal. Such beliefs were shared even by G30 49 those who did not believe in the hand of God but who nevertheless G30 50 believed in a progressive tendency of the world toward ever-greater G30 51 perfection.

G30 52 Although Christianity was its major source of support, G30 53 teleological thinking gained increasing strength also in G30 54 philosophy, from its beginning with the Greeks and Cicero up to the G30 55 eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The concept of the Scala G30 56 Naturae, the scale of perfection, reflected a belief in upward G30 57 or forward progression in the arrangement of natural objects. Few G30 58 were the philosophers who did not express a belief in progress and G30 59 improvement. It also fitted quite well with Lamarck's G30 60 transformationist theory of evolution, and it is probably correct G30 61 to say that most Lamarckians were also teleologists. The concept of G30 62 progress was particularly strong in the philosophies of Leibniz, G30 63 Herder, their followers and of course among the French G30 64 <}_><-|>philosophes<+|>philosophers<}/> of the Enlightenment.

G30 65 What struck T.H. Huxley "most forcibly on his first G30 66 perusal of the Origin of Species was the conviction that G30 67 teleology, as commonly understood, had received its deathblow at G30 68 Mr. Darwin's hands." However, Huxley's prophecy did not G30 69 come true. Perhaps the most popular among the anti-Darwinian G30 70 evolutionary theories was that of orthogenesis, which postulated G30 71 that evolutionary trends, even nonadaptive ones, were due to an G30 72 intrinsic drive. Even though the arguments of the orthogenesists G30 73 were effectively refuted by Weismann, orthogenesis continued to be G30 74 highly popular not only in Germany but also in France, the United G30 75 States, and Russia. The reason was that even though Darwin's G30 76 demonstration of the non-constancy of species and of the common G30 77 descent of all organisms made the acceptance of evolution G30 78 inevitable, natural selection, the mechanism proposed by Darwin, G30 79 was so unpalatable to his opponents that they grasped at any other G30 80 conceivable mechanism as an anti-Darwinian strategy. One of these G30 81 was orthogenesis, a strictly finalistic principle, which did not G30 82 really collapse until the Evolutionary Synthesis. Simpson, Rensch, G30 83 and J. Huxley, in particular, showed that perfect orthogenetic G30 84 series as claimed by the orthogenesists, simply did not exist when G30 85 the fossil record was studied more carefully, that allometric G30 86 growth could explain certain seemingly excessive structures, and G30 87 finally, that the assertion of deleteriousness of certain G30 88 characters, supposedly due to some orthogenetic force, was not G30 89 valid. These authors showed, furthermore, that there was no genetic G30 90 mechanism that could account for orthogenesis.

G30 91 Both friends and opponents of Darwin occasionally classified G30 92 him as a teleologist. It is true that this is what he was early in G30 93 his career, but he gave up teleology soon after he had adopted G30 94 natural selection as the mechanism of evolutionary change. Whether G30 95 this was as late as the 1850s, as claimed by some authors, or G30 96 already in the early 1840s, as indicated by the researches of R. G30 97 Eisert, is unimportant. There is certainly no support for teleology G30 98 in the Origin of Species, even though, particularly in G30 99 his later years and in correspondence, Darwin was sometimes G30 100 somewhat careless in his language. I have previously presented a G30 101 rather full history of the rise and fall of teleology in G30 102 evolutionary biology, particularly in Darwin's writings.

G30 103 All endeavors to find evidence for a mechanism that would G30 104 explain a general finalism in nature were unsuccessful or, where it G30 105 occurs in organisms, it was explained strictly casually (see G30 106 below). As a result, by the time of the Evolutionary Synthesis of G30 107 the 1940s, no competent biologist was left who still believed in G30 108 any final causation of evolution or of the world as a whole.

G30 109 Final causes, however, are far more plausible and pleasing to a G30 110 layperson than the haphazard and opportunistic process of natural G30 111 selection. For this reason, a belief in final causes had a far G30 112 greater hold outside of biology than within. Almost all G30 113 philosophers, for instance, who wrote on evolutionary change in the G30 114 one hundred years after 1859, were confirmed finalists. All three G30 115 philosophers closest to Darwin - Whewell, Herschel, and Mill - G30 116 believed in final causes. The German philosopher E. von Hartmann G30 117 was a strong defender of finalism, stimulating Weismann to a G30 118 spirited reply. In France, Bergson postulated a metaphysical force, G30 119 <*_>e-acute<*/>lan vital, which, even though G30 120 Bergson disclaimed its finalistic nature, could not have been G30 121 anything else, considering its effects. There is room for a good G30 122 history of finalism in the post-Darwinian philosophy, although G30 123 Collingwood has made a beginning. Whitehead, Polanyi, and many G30 124 lesser philosophers, were also finalistic.

G30 125 Refutation of a finalistic interpretation of evolution or of G30 126 nature as a whole, however, did not eliminate teleology as a G30 127 problem of philosophy. For the Cartesians any invoking of G30 128 teleological processes was utterly unthinkable. Coming from G30 129 mathematics and physics, they had nothing in their conceptual G30 130 repertory that would permit them to distinguish between seemingly G30 131 end-directed processes in inorganic nature, and seemingly G30 132 goal-directed processes in living nature. They feared, as G30 133 shown particularly clearly by Nagel, that making such a distinction G30 134 would open the door to metaphysical, nonempirical considerations. G30 135 All their arguments, based on the study of inanimate objects, G30 136 ignored the common view, derived from Aristotle and strongly G30 137 confirmed by Kant, that truly goal-directed and seemingly purposive G30 138 processes occur only in living nature. Yet the (physicalist) G30 139 philosophers ignored the study of living nature and the findings of G30 140 the biologists. Instead they used teleology in order to exercise G30 141 their logical prowess. Why this was so has been explained by Ruse: G30 142 "What draws philosophers toward teleology is that one has G30 143 to know, or at least it is generally thought that one has to know, G30 144 absolutely no biology at all! ... philosophers want no empirical G30 145 factors deflecting them in their neo-Scholastic pursuits." G30 146 The irony of this jibe against his fellow philosophers is that, G30 147 having said this, Ruse himself promptly ignored the literature on G30 148 teleology written by biologists and concentrated on reviewing the G30 149 books of three philosophers known for their neglect of biology. Yet G30 150 Ruse is not alone. One paper or book after the other dealing with G30 151 teleology continues to be published in the philosophical literature G30 152 in which the author attempts to solve the problem of teleology with G30 153 the sharpest weapons of logic, while utterly ignoring the diversity G30 154 of the phenomena to which the word teleology has been attached, and G30 155 of course ignoring the literature in which biologists have pointed G30 156 this out.

G30 157 Some of the difficulties of the philosophers are due to their G30 158 misinterpretation of the writings of the great philosophers of the G30 159 past. Aristotle, for instance, has often been recorded as a G30 160 finalist, and cosmic teleology had been called an Aristotelian G30 161 view. Grene is entirely correct when pointing out that Aristotle's G30 162 telos has nothing to do with purpose "either G30 163 Man's or God's. It was the Judaeo-Christian God who (with the help G30 164 of neo-Platonism) imposed the dominance of a cosmic teleology upon G30 165 Aristotelian nature. Such sweeping purpose is the very opposite of G30 166 Aristotelian [philosophy]." Modern Aristotle specialists G30 167 (Balme, Gotthelf, Lennox, and Nussbaum) are unanimous in showing G30 168 that Aristotle's seeming teleology deals with problems of ontogeny G30 169 and adaptation in living organisms, where his views are remarkably G30 170 modern. Kant was a strict mechanist as far as the inanimate G30 171 universe is concerned, but provisionally adopted teleology for G30 172 certain phenomena of living nature, which (in the 1790s) were G30 173 inexplicable owing to the primitive condition of contemporary G30 174 biology. It would be absurd, however, to use Kant's tentative G30 175 comments two hundred years later as evidence for the validity of G30 176 finalism.

G30 177 The reasons for the unsatisfactory state of teleology analyses G30 178 in the philosophical literature are now evident. Indeed, one can go G30 179 so far as to say that the treatment of the problems of teleology in G30 180 this literature shows how not to do the philosophy of science. For G30 181 at least fifty years a considerable number of philosophers have G30 182 written on teleology basing their analyses on the methods of logic G30 183 and physicalism, "known to be the best" or at least G30 184 the only reliable methods for such analyses. These philosophers G30 185 have ignored the findings of the biologists, even though teleology G30 186 concerns mostly or entirely the world of life.

G30 187 They ignored that the word function refers to two very G30 188 different sets of phenomena; and that the concept of program G30 189 gives a new complexion to the problem of goal-directedness; they G30 190 confounded the distinction between proximate and evolutionary G30 191 causations, and between static (adapted) systems and goal-directed G30 192 activities. Even though there is an enormous philosophical G30 193 literature on the problems of teleology, those recent books and G30 194 papers are quite useless which still treat teleology as a unitary G30 195 phenomenon. No author who had not tried to articulate the G30 196 differences between the significance of cosmic teleology, G30 197 adaptedness, programmed goal-directedness, and G30 198 deterministic natural laws, has made any worthwhile contribution to G30 199 the solution of the problems of teleology.

G30 200 The principal endeavor of the traditional philosopher was to G30 201 eliminate teleological language from all descriptions and analyses. G30 202 They objected to such sentences as "the turtle swims to the G30 203 shore in order to lay her eggs," or "the wood G30 204 thrush migrates to warmer climates in order to escape the G30 205 winter." To be sure, questions that begin with G30 206 "what?" and "how?" are sufficient for explanation G30 207 in the physical sciences. However, since 1859 no explanation in the G30 208 biological sciences has been complete until a third kind of G30 209 question was asked and answered: "why?" It is the G30 210 evolutionary causation and its explanation that is asked for in G30 211 this question. Anyone who eliminates evolutionary "why?" G30 212 questions, closes the door on a large area of biological research. G30 213 It is therefore important for the evolutionary biologist to G30 214 demonstrate that "why?" questions do not introduce a G30 215 meta-physical element into the analysis, and that there is G30 216 no conflict between causal and teleological analysis, provided it G30 217 is precisely specified what is meant by 'teleological.' G30 218 G30 219 G31 1 <#FROWN:G31\>CHAPTER 3

G31 2 Schoolmaster: Manchester, Guernsey, and Elgin

G31 3 Saintsbury spent March 2, 1868, visiting his fiancee, Emily G31 4 King, at Southampton. He came back to Oxford to find the offer of a G31 5 teaching appointment in the upper forms of the Manchester Grammar G31 6 School, then headed by Frederick William Walker. He left Oxford the G31 7 next day for this his first six months' experience of teaching and G31 8 his first acquaintance with Manchester, a history of which he was G31 9 to write two decades later. He found lodgings somewhat out of the G31 10 city and a few days later joined the Manchester Athenaeum where, as G31 11 the ticket (made out erroneously to a "Mr. G31 12 Santzburg") promised, one could "'advance and G31 13 instruct in knowledge' ... read the papers, smoke, play billiards, G31 14 and ... lunch lightly." At this time, the school's quarters G31 15 were so severely crammed as to make some such refuge necessary. G31 16 There were no Common Rooms and "the very classes were held G31 17 in soon-to-be-pulled-down tenement houses."

G31 18 The spring saw Saintsbury settled into teaching while planning G31 19 and preparing for his marriage, which took place on June 2d - G31 20 presumably at Southampton. By the summer solstice, the couple had G31 21 set up housekeeping in the rooms "somewhat out of the G31 22 centre" where he had already settled. His account book G31 23 tells of moving and household expenses and of a silk dress and a G31 24 chain and cross for Emily. With characteristic reticence, G31 25 Saintsbury tells us nothing more of the wedding or about his bride G31 26 or those early days of marriage.

G31 27 In Manchester, the young scholar was trying his hand at G31 28 school-mastering where he was soon to feel a glimmer of the G31 29 distaste that made him later confess, "I never liked G31 30 schoolmastering." Yet he must have felt the challenge of G31 31 the new situation, in a good school where English and the classical G31 32 languages were his lot. He had begun in debt and on a low salary G31 33 with "neither time nor means to invest in the gifts of G31 34 Bacchus." But he and Emily were in love and eager for G31 35 marriage. There was leisure for each other and for reading, and for G31 36 Saintsbury's favorite physical pastime - solitary walking and G31 37 exploring the countryside. A map of Lancashire was one of the first G31 38 of his purchases. Here, he first saw some of Rossetti's writing G31 39 while he continued his interest in French literature.

G31 40 A cryptic credit entry in Saintsbury's accounts for July 26, G31 41 1868 - "Cub (M.G.) 12.12" - suggests that he made G31 42 his first contact with the Manchester Guardian in his G31 43 early months in Manchester. Though C.P. Scott was not editor until G31 44 1872, Saintsbury mentions only that, in 1877, Scott gave him his G31 45 "valuable apprenticeship to journalism" and G31 46 "much hospitality to boot." Scott, who had been a G31 47 contemporary of his at Oxford, was a good friend of the Creightons G31 48 and was frequently their guest in the 1870s. The Guardian G31 49 obituary of Saintsbury assumed the earlier date, but since G31 50 Guardian records for those years have vanished, the mystery G31 51 remains.

G31 52 Of the city itself as he knew it at firsthand, Saintsbury says G31 53 little except in the brief popular history of it he wrote in 1887. G31 54 Written for the series Historic Towns, edited by E.A. Freeman and G31 55 William Hunt, it was published independently. Saintsbury tried to G31 56 view the city's history from a less provincial vantage point than G31 57 earlier writers had done. It is no local glorification, but the G31 58 Academy reviewer thought it vindicated the City from the G31 59 "gross caricature" it suffered in Dickens's G31 60 Hard Times. Its origins and its four centuries of G31 61 "barren history" are given with a touch of irony, G31 62 but the rise of the cotton trade gets a straightforward account. G31 63 Saintsbury warns the reader against the "element of the G31 64 fantastic" in Disrael's Sybil, but finds "the G31 65 reality and power of his drawing" superior to that of Mrs. G31 66 Gaskell in Mary Barton. He recalls walks in the city's G31 67 "sober streets" but inexplicably omits mention of G31 68 the Grammar School and the Guardian, the two institutions he G31 69 worked for and of which the city could be most rightly proud. G31 70 Members of the Manchester School of Economics he saw as G31 71 "totally cramped by education and inherited G31 72 sympathies." He later recalled the city as "the G31 73 foggiest and rainiest of all our industrial hells, except Sheffield G31 74 ... a half Rembrandt, half Caillot picture." He had found G31 75 it sociable, and he enjoyed the Rossettis, Turners, and Coxes in G31 76 the museum. The book was the honest, competent product of the G31 77 discipline journalism gave its author, and no more.

G31 78 Whatever those few crowded months in Manchester offered the G31 79 newlyweds, by September, 1868, the Saintsburys were settled in G31 80 Guernsey where he was to serve as senior classical master at G31 81 Elizabeth College for six years. This "Charmed G31 82 Isle," one of the "Isles G31 83 Fortun<*_>e-acute<*/>es," he knew from his 1867 G31 84 tour. The islanders, he tells us, "included an unusually large G31 85 proportion of persons of fair income, ancestral houses, and gentle G31 86 blood; hospitality was abundant and the means of exercising it G31 87 excellent. Liquor was cheap and "... for a miniature and G31 88 manageable assemblage of amenities I do not think you can easily G31 89 beat Guernsey." So he saw his life:

G31 90 ... teaching the classics and other things to decently G31 91 bred youth for hours at which even a trade union leader could G31 92 hardly grumble; enjoying the bounties of King Bacchus and my Lady G31 93 Venus ... walking, whisting, waltzing; reading immense quantities G31 94 of French and other literature; writing my first reviews for the G31 95 Academy ... 'regarding the ocean' like my august neighbor and G31 96 fellow incola M. Victor Hugo - in short, possessing G31 97 almost all desirable possessions save one - to wit, money. And it G31 98 was rather a comfort not to have that lest one should be in G31 99 hopeless danger of Nemesis again.

G31 100 Given this happy capsule memoir, the picture can be filled out. G31 101 Paul Stapfer, the French master at Elizabeth College during G31 102 Saintsbury's first years (1866-68), in his Victor Hugo G31 103 <*_>a-grave<*/> Guernsey defines the society - from a G31 104 French vantage point - as four very distinct classes, G31 105 "les sixty, les forty, G31 106 les twenty, et les ... rien du G31 107 tout." The first of these, the nobility and the G31 108 gentry, the officers of Fort George, and the G31 109 "hauts fonctionnaires," G31 110 admitted to their number the college masters who were Oxford to G31 111 Cambridge men and foreigners of distinction. No class, Stapfer G31 112 notes with amusement, acknowledged acquaintance with those below G31 113 it, though even the lowest found someone to look down upon. For the G31 114 college masters, acceptance afforded a pleasant social life at the G31 115 top level, including that of the barracks, which Saintsbury G31 116 recalled as "distinctly good" - perhaps because, to G31 117 him, it seemed "college life over again" with some G31 118 gambling (shillling whist and shilling loo), "plenty of fun G31 119 and good fellowship." Guernsey, somewhat a world apart G31 120 during the period of great social and political changes in England G31 121 following on the Second Reform Bill, gave a detachment that G31 122 Saintsbury, in later years, regarded as both good and bad: G31 123 "The looker-on sees the drift of the game more clearly, but G31 124 he appreciates the motives and aims of those who take part in its G31 125 less fully than the players."

G31 126 Saintsbury did not have the good luck to know Guernsey's most G31 127 distinguished resident of this period, Victor Hugo, though on one G31 128 occasion he "saw him plain" at a shop in G31 129 French-speaking Saint Pierre when that eminent self-exile G31 130 ejaculated to a shopkeeper who spoke French as well as he did, G31 131 "Ah, Monsieur, je vien chercher des G31 132 books, des vieux books." G31 133 Saintsbury's great admiration for the poet Hugo, which had come G31 134 earlier and was permanent, he shared with Stapfer for whom Hugo was G31 135 always first among French writers. Stapfer took many walks with G31 136 Hugo. During the few months that his career on Guernsey overlapped G31 137 that of Saintsbury, this strong bond and their talk about things G31 138 French must have given fresh impetus to the young Englishman's G31 139 already developed French literary interest. He was reading G31 140 "more French than any other literature and more novels than G31 141 anything else in French." By the end of the 1860s he was G31 142 accustomed to read for style in French as in other languages, G31 143 though he never spoke French to his own satisfaction.

G31 144 Stapfer, a good French scholar who was also interested in G31 145 English literature, had taken his post to learn English, to be near G31 146 Hugo, and to devote most of his time to his own writing. He was G31 147 later professor at Grenoble and Bordeaux. At Guernsey, he relieved G31 148 the boredom of teaching French grammar by producing Hernani G31 149 with his older students in January, 1868, and by offering a series G31 150 of outside literary lectures for young ladies. Although these met G31 151 with minimal success, Saintsbury followed Stapfer's lead and the G31 152 recommendation of John Oates, the headmaster, and in succeeding G31 153 years at Guernsey was kept very busy (he notes eleven hours' work G31 154 in one day) "with outside lectures and private coaching, G31 155 not to mention reviewing." Saintsbury's lectures to a Young G31 156 Ladies' Educational Association were on history and logic. Some G31 157 time also had to be given by a confessed nonathlete to assisting G31 158 with the college sports program.

G31 159 Elizabeth College, founded in 1563, had been rechartered and G31 160 reopened in 1824. Its course of study stipulated "Latin and G31 161 Greek in all classes ... and English Classics in all classes ... to G31 162 include history (general and scriptural), rhetoric, elocution and G31 163 the belles lettres. All other subjects optional ...." The G31 164 absence of science is shocking to a modern reader.

G31 165 The Reverend John Oates, who had been vice principal for eight G31 166 years, became principal in 1868. A scholar of Lincoln College and G31 167 an intimate friend of Mark Pattison, Oates was genial and very G31 168 hospitable. Saintsbury noted his "unscholarly indolence of G31 169 temper, Pattisonian flour made up into dough with milk instead of G31 170 gall, its yeast unsoured by any religious conversion and soft G31 171 instead of hard baked." Oates presided over a relaxed and G31 172 casual world, "une anarchie aimable, celle de G31 173 l'age d'or ... un beau d<*_>e-acute<*/>sordre et une confusion G31 174 pleine de vie," according to Stapfer. Some of the G31 175 confusion was due to thin walls through which the noises of all G31 176 classes mingled as one, a confusion enhanced by the boys' trick of G31 177 releasing live crabs into the classrooms, thus producing a merry G31 178 chase and a resultant caning. Despite such disorder, the school's G31 179 work was of a quality that won it three scholarships in 1870, on of G31 180 these at Oxford. The student group then numbered more than a G31 181 hundred.

G31 182 Stapfer remarks in some surprise that these boys, unlike French G31 183 boys, made a "progres en G31 184 sagesse"; their growth in wisdom and G31 185 "la raison" corresponded to G31 186 their development from children into responsible young men. He G31 187 deplores the use of the cane as peculiarly English - acceptable to G31 188 parents and largely a matter of indifference to the victims. G31 189 Saintsbury, less responsive to growing boys and more inured to the G31 190 practice, says of his local military exemption (for which he paid G31 191 12s. 6d.): "One could not serve that State by G31 192 caning small boys and loading and firing guns with blank cartridges G31 193 at the same time."

G31 194 Appointed on the recommendation of a native of Guernsey, Dr. G31 195 McGrath, then Fellow and later President of Magdalen College, G31 196 Oxford, Saintsbury found his teaching experience there more G31 197 agreeable than that later at Elgin. Always strongly in favor of the G31 198 discipline of classical languages, he once offered his own scheme G31 199 for that ideal "State Education in Humane Letters" G31 200 which Arnold sighed for: "... the classical languages, G31 201 elementary mathematics, history and geography taught in the older G31 202 fashion, and modern languages within reason, but all thoroughly G31 203 drummed and rubbed in from the formal point of view."

G31 204 As senior classical master, Saintsbury had his first G31 205 opportunity to develop methods and see results. The fruit of these G31 206 he presented to the Classical Association of Scotland in 1905. G31 207 Giving high praise to his own Kings College School training, he G31 208 specified that schoolboys should memorize large quantities of G31 209 classical poetry, translate classical verse into English verse, and G31 210 translate English and indeed all modern languages into Latin or G31 211 Greek as well. That all such language teaching should be thoroughly G31 212 'literary' was his main theme - with a placing of the authors in G31 213 the history of their own literature, and with literary comparisons. G31 214 Elsewhere he cites specific methods, comparisons most G31 215 specifically.

G31 216 G31 217 G32 1 <#FROWN:G32\>Men Do, Women Are

G32 2 The characteristics Gaskell designates as especially G32 3 male or female are for her not necessarily embodied in a man or a G32 4 woman. There is a prima facie connection between a person's sex and G32 5 gender -and I use this latter term, although it is strictly a term G32 6 in grammar, simply because it serves to distinguish between G32 7 psychological and physical sex and has recently gained some G32 8 currency -but the connection is not invariable or insoluble in G32 9 Gaskell. It can be loosened. It often is. In many of her G32 10 characters, therefore, sex and gender are dissociated, and we have G32 11 to examine the circumstances in the individual instance before we G32 12 can be sure who is which. The point, however, is not androgyny. G32 13 Male and female are, for Gaskell, entirely different from one G32 14 another. In her stereotypical way, Gaskell always assigns her G32 15 characters, of whatever sex they are, characteristics that belong G32 16 to one or to the other gender. And her distinctions are not limited G32 17 by any means to people alone. Places, feelings, ideas, conditions, G32 18 and a good many other things also have genders in her fiction. To G32 19 an extent this is not unusual. Most societies, making divisions G32 20 between what men and women do, distinguish their activities also, G32 21 and many of Gaskell's associations are those common in her day. G32 22 Courage, for example, is male. Charity, however, is female. Men G32 23 have the right to express their feelings; women, by implication, do G32 24 not (4:253).

G32 25 Most of the metaphors Gaskell uses have genders in a similar G32 26 manner. The demon is unequivocally male. Made of the passions she G32 27 denied in creating 'Mrs. Gaskell,' the demon is 'Mrs. Gaskell's' G32 28 antithesis. As she is the ideal woman, the demon is the unideal G32 29 man. It is significant that Gaskell -clustering metaphors, as she G32 30 does -thinks of France, the land of passion and in consequence of G32 31 the demon, always as a male domain just as she thinks of England as G32 32 female. It is common in her fiction for male characters to be G32 33 French and for female to be English. The narrator's parents in 'My G32 34 French Master' are divided in this way. In 'the Grey Woman,' there G32 35 is again a man who, being daemonic, is French and a woman who is G32 36 German, Germany being another country that is for Gaskell female G32 37 like England.

G32 38 The most important distinction for Gaskell between the female G32 39 and the male is to be found in her description, in The Life of G32 40 Charlotte Bront<*_>e-umlaut<*/>, of the different lots G32 41 awaiting Branwell and the Bront<*_>e-umlaut<*/> girls. G32 42 "There are always," Gaskell writes, G32 43 "peculiar trials in the life of an only boy in a family of G32 44 girls. He is expected to act a part in life; to do, while they are G32 45 only to be" (LCB, p. 153). Gaskell had used these very G32 46 words, also italicized, years earlier, in her conclusion to 'The G32 47 Moorland Cottage,' in which she had eulogized Mrs. Buxton, a woman G32 48 who would be, she wrote, remembered as one "who could G32 49 do but little during her lifetime; who was doomed only to G32 50 'stand and wait'; who was meekly content to be gentle, holy, G32 51 patient, and undefiled" (2:383). Men do, women are.

G32 52 'The Moorland Cottage' develops this notion further when Mrs. G32 53 Buxton attempts, being herself ideally feminine, to teach Maggie to G32 54 become heroic in a female way. Maggie, like most of Gaskell's G32 55 girls, begins with daemonic characteristics. She wants to play a G32 56 heroic part, but she envisions herself in the role of someone who G32 57 acts like Joan of Arc. Joan of Arc was, of course, a woman, but not G32 58 to Gaskell a female type. Mrs. Buxton tries, instead, to teach G32 59 Maggie what she calls 'noiseless' heroism by reminding her of women G32 60 who have gone "through life quietly, with holy purposes in G32 61 their hearts, to which they gave up pleasure and ease, in a soft, G32 62 still succession of resolute days" (2:296). "Mrs. G32 63 Gaskell suggests that Maggie, nagged and mistreated by her G32 64 mother, "showed no little heroism" herself G32 65 "in bearing meekly what she did every day" (2:296). G32 66 A woman, thus, it is implied here, should not seek to act G32 67 heroically. She must teach herself to endure, to invest her heroism G32 68 in being.

G32 69 Even a man, if he is female, must learn to realize his heroism, G32 70 not in doing, but in being. This is the lesson Gaskell G32 71 seeks to teach in her story 'The Sexton's Hero,' a tale she G32 72 published in Howitt's Journal in September of 1847. The G32 73 story concerns a man named Dawson who, being extremely religious, G32 74 refuses to fight for the woman he loves when he is challenged by G32 75 the sexton. The woman marries the sexton instead, and Dawson is G32 76 branded a coward by everyone. He proves, however, he is not when, G32 77 at the cost of his own life, he saves the sexton and his wife, who G32 78 are about to drown in a flood. Leaping into the water, of course, G32 79 Dawson is engaged in doing, but this is not his heroic moment. G32 80 It is the moment only in which the sexton suddenly comes to realize G32 81 that what was really heroic in Dawson was his initial refusal to G32 82 fight and, even more, his quiet endurance of the contempt in which G32 83 he was held all those years he was thought a coward. Having been G32 84 feminized by religion, Dawson must for Gaskell become heroic in a G32 85 female way. The sexton who, on Dawson's death, acquires his copy of G32 86 the Bible and is converted to its ways, is feminized himself in G32 87 turn. It is to preach this female heroism that he writes the story, G32 88 in fact.

G32 89 Nowhere in all of Gaskell's fiction is the idea that women G32 90 are embodied as fully as in Cranford, a work that began G32 91 as a single short story entitled 'The Last Generation in England' G32 92 and appearing in Sartain's Union Magazine in July of G32 93 1849, but that, growing by installments published irregularly in G32 94 Household Words between December of 1851 and May of 1853, G32 95 reached the length of a short novel. The work is unusual in many G32 96 ways, not in the pattern it reveals, but in the forms the patterns G32 97 take. Generally, Gaskell does not, for instance, physically isolate G32 98 what she sees as the male and female worlds. Most of her settings G32 99 mix the two. But in Cranford she creates a place that is G32 100 entirely female. There is, as well, a male place in the neighboring G32 101 town of Drumble, but neither she nor we go there. We only hear of G32 102 it now and then. To the extent that events in Drumble have an G32 103 effect on events in Cranford, Drumble is important in the G32 104 narrative. It is important too as a guide to the genders Gaskell G32 105 assigns to a variety of doings, since she considers G32 106 exclusively male all the activities of Drumble. Drumble is a large G32 107 manufacturing town, concerned with business and with money, both of G32 108 which are here defined as exclusively male domains. We know that G32 109 money in Gaskell's mind is associated with love. Here we learn that G32 110 men and women have different relationships to the image. Women need G32 111 love. Men have it to give. And since the possession of love is G32 112 male, so is the possession of money. The Cranford ladies know G32 113 nothing of money. They never mention it, in fact (2:3). They know G32 114 nothing of business either. The "most earnest and serious G32 115 business" for the ladies of Cranford are card games, of G32 116 which they are, in fact, very fond (2:80). Whenever a woman G32 117 attempts to deal with money or business in Cranford, she fails. G32 118 Thus, the heroine, Miss Matty, loses her money because her sister, G32 119 rejecting advice from a Drumble businessman, invested their G32 120 inheritance herself. Inevitably, the bank she chose for their G32 121 investment goes bankrupt.

G32 122 The man whose advice Miss Matty's sister would not take is the G32 123 narrator's father. Gaskell must have begun the story not intending G32 124 to make the narrator more than a formal figure through whom she G32 125 would be able to tell her tale. At the beginning she is peripheral, G32 126 mostly a witness to the events and only minimally a participant. G32 127 She does not even acquire a name until we are halfway through the G32 128 book, at which time she is called Mary Smith (2:164). But, as she G32 129 kept on adding installments, Gaskell must have come to see her as G32 130 an individual character. Little by little she gains a voice, then G32 131 an actual personality, and eventually even a history. And it is G32 132 obvious, as she develops, that Gaskell projects in Mary Smith her G32 133 recollection of herself when she was about eighteen. The focus is G32 134 on the usual details. Her mother is dead, her father is living, as G32 135 Gaskell's was when she was eighteen. And her manner, which is G32 136 kindly, gentle, funny, charming, sweet, yet incisive, shrewd, and G32 137 impish, is exactly Gaskell's own.

G32 138 Mary is a Drumble resident. Every so often, however, she feels G32 139 the need to get away to Cranford. And this is the very need that G32 140 drives Gaskell herself to write the tale. Since Drumble is male, it G32 141 is the place in which, for Gaskell, the demon lives. There, she G32 142 must always face confrontation, an endless struggle against her G32 143 self. Therefore, like Mary Smith, she needs every so often to G32 144 escape. She needs to get away from her demon to a completely female G32 145 world, a world that does not threaten, that is, the composure of G32 146 'Mrs. Gaskell.' Gaskell created such a world for herself in her G32 147 actual life. As Haldane has rightly pointed out, within her large G32 148 circle of friends there was a very special group -Eliza Fox, the G32 149 Winkworth sisters, Parthenope Nightingale, Mary Mohl, and a number G32 150 of others as well -that consisted wholly of women. A similar circle G32 151 exists in Cranford, some of the characters being modeled G32 152 perhaps on people she knew in Manchester, others undoubtedly G32 153 recreated out of the elderly ladies of Knutsford.

G32 154 The town itself, whatever the source of the individual G32 155 characters, is, as a fictional setting, a metaphor for the female G32 156 place in the mind. That is why it is literally female. As Mary G32 157 observes in her opening sentence, "In the first place, G32 158 Cranford is in possession of the Amazons; all the holders of houses G32 159 above a certain rent are women. If a married couple come to settle G32 160 in the town, somehow the gentleman disappears; he is either fairly G32 161 frightened to death by being the only man in the Cranford evening G32 162 parties, or he is accounted for by being with his regiment, his G32 163 ship, or closely engaged in business all the week in the great G32 164 neighbouring commercial town of Drumble" (2:1). Nothing G32 165 seems less Amazonian than the little old ladies of Cranford, but G32 166 Gaskell knows what she wants to say. The ladies of Cranford are G32 167 Amazonian, not because they are large or powerful, but because they G32 168 have banished men, because they have exiled the male principle.

G32 169 The making of this female place is the central point of the G32 170 story. If the incremental installments have a unifying theme, it is G32 171 the freeing of Miss Matty, who embodies the female spirit, from the G32 172 domination of men. Miss Matty is Gaskell's ideal woman. She has a G32 173 fairly limited intellect. "'I never,'" she says, G32 174 "'feel as if my mind was what people call very G32 175 strong'" (2:151). But she has "patience," G32 176 "humility," "sweetness" (2:158). She is the stuff G32 177 of which, in Gaskell, is made the angel in the house. Her sister, G32 178 Deborah, a different type, to whom I shall return in a moment, had G32 179 dreamed as a girl of marrying an archdeacon so that she could write G32 180 his charges, but Matty had had a different wish. "'I was G32 181 never ambitious,'" she says, "'nor could I have G32 182 written charges, but I thought I could manage a house (my mother G32 183 used to call me her right hand), and I was always so fond of little G32 184 children'" (2:128-29). In time she does in fact become G32 185 -although she does not ever marry -an angel to those who live in G32 186 her house: her servant, her servant's husband, and their child. G32 187 And, like Ruth, she even extends her role as an angel to the G32 188 community. G32 189 G32 190 G33 1 <#FROWN:G33\>SIX

G33 2 For a World "Minute and vast and clear"

G33 3 ELIZABETH BISHOP'S work demands that we look at how G33 4 representation of the people and places of her life were part of G33 5 her intense concern with representation itself: with drawing G33 6 correspondences between word and experience, with the curious G33 7 thingness of language, and with the question of accurate G33 8 likeness-taking. Bishop's pragmatism, her gifts as an anatomist of G33 9 appearance and sensation, as well as her treatment of her life as G33 10 subject, should be firmly linked to the characterization of her G33 11 work by Jarrell and others as a pursuit of the exact and the G33 12 descriptive. Such a pursuit led Bishop to a special relation to the G33 13 visual arts, manifested first as an intense curiosity about G33 14 surrealism, and then, that interest fading, as an enduring concern G33 15 with paintings and art objects as paradigmatic of her own relation G33 16 to poetry.

G33 17 Quite apart from any role that any single painter can be said G33 18 to have played in her poetry, her connection to picture-making was G33 19 direct, intense, and prolonged; she was both a maker and collector G33 20 of pictures and objects throughout the whole of her life. We can G33 21 catch glimpses of this involvement through her letters, from the G33 22 frottages in the manner of Max Ernst that she reports sending to G33 23 Marianne Moore, to the comic descriptions of herself as a painter G33 24 in competition with her Brazilian cook, on down to the older self G33 25 that made a box in homage to Joseph Cornell. Various examples of G33 26 her painting also survive in possession of her heirs, and as covers G33 27 for her books. Interviews early and late also stress the pleasure G33 28 she took in finding and acquiring pieces of folk art. Miss Bishop G33 29 in the world of her hand-worked birdcages, heirloom paintings, G33 30 antique Bahian gilt mirrors, and beside the carved wood of large G33 31 ship's figurehead, was clearly a find for those who believe in the G33 32 extension of the mental through the material and visible.

G33 33 The poems are full of movement. Still, there are moments, when G33 34 through the art of her description, the poems themselves function G33 35 almost as objects. Set firmly in their spaces, with very few poems G33 36 attempting to use flashback or sharp breaks in time, they unroll G33 37 across the unified surface of a map, follow the trajectory of a G33 38 storm, or curve around a seashore, their canvas of expression G33 39 unfolding with a strong directional sense, across a landscape or G33 40 the surface of an object or animal from top to bottom by means of G33 41 long, steady tracking shots. Bishop relies on enumeration, on G33 42 stationing her redbud beside her dogwood, her deer beside a fence, G33 43 or on counting and turning over her successive tropical leaves; she G33 44 paints with color, indicates size and scale, illumination, and G33 45 shadow, and depends on a strongly developed sense of the tactile. G33 46 All of her observations appear in a logical and usually unbroken G33 47 traverse of the poem's field. While the speakers of poems form 'The G33 48 Man-Moth' on through to 'In the Waiting Room' may pause in vertigo, G33 49 their dizzying homelessness is always at variance with the G33 50 relatively stable spatial envelope of the poem.

G33 51 Why this should be so seems a consequence of Bishop's G33 52 determination to build substance from within the perpetually G33 53 elusive and insubstantial sign. The ultimate realist, she aims to G33 54 load and counterweight the always unsatisfactory immateriality of G33 55 the poem and its inevitably symbolic nature with a vigorous spread G33 56 of the sensory and immediate: with the goods of observation. Like G33 57 the painter she occasionally became, Bishop as poet dealt with the G33 58 problem of illusionism created by the act of reading common to both G33 59 poetry and painting. The page is a way station, a port. Reading, G33 60 one wants to fall through the print on the paper, to penetrate its G33 61 light scrim, behind whose features through some peculiar method of G33 62 evocation are suddenly located an interior body state, which is G33 63 literally neither here nor there, but in some spaceless energy of G33 64 mind, created by mind, off page. Bishop's fascination with objects, G33 65 with the visual look and feel of existence, again and again calls G33 66 up this questionable relation between internal and external, G33 67 between depth and surface authenticity.

G33 68 A poet generally compelled by mutability, by changing weathers, G33 69 dissolving landscapes, and flooding memory, her skills are most G33 70 often revealed in the difficult marriage of physically G33 71 dimensionless language to a shifting, dimensional world. Like the G33 72 Man-Moth seeking the moon in Bishop's poem of the same name, G33 73 writing is a broad investigation of surface to which the poet is G33 74 helplessly but quite heroically committed:poem

G33 75 The Man-Moth fails, but the black scrolls of the poet are the G33 76 record of his partial success. As Bishop saw it in 'Objects & G33 77 Apparitions,' her translation of Octavio Paz's tribute to Joseph G33 78 Cornell, both language and object meet in a glancing state of G33 79 equality in their reflection of the enduring inner G33 80 world:poem

G33 81 Symbol-making, for Bishop, was always both verbal and G33 82 pictorial.

G33 83 The firm connection to the visual arts engages more than a G33 84 single question of influence, a question, for instance, of how she G33 85 may have dealt at the outset of her career with the surrealist Max G33 86 Ernst or later with the box-maker Joseph Cornell. Rather, we need G33 87 to ask first how Bishop treated vision itself. In her work, against G33 88 what her sharp eyes see, she holds in disturbing and provocative G33 89 tension what the body feels and what the mind knows and remembers. G33 90 Two interrelated concerns, the problematic shifts between external G33 91 and internal realities, and the problem of illusionism, of the G33 92 relevance of representations of space in the largely nonspatial, G33 93 nonphysical medium of the lyric poem, haunt her. In her strange G33 94 man-moths, pulsating weeds, and in the feral activity of her maps, G33 95 lighthouses, monuments, snails, sandpipers, and paper balloons, she G33 96 makes stubbornly visible the elusive and strange richness in much G33 97 of what we blindly label the ordinary and the plainly domestic. In G33 98 that estrangement of the familiar she invites comparison with the G33 99 surrealists.

G33 100 In 'Elizabeth Bishop's Surrealist Inheritance,' Richard Mullen G33 101 offered the first, and to date most extensive, treatment of Bishop G33 102 and the visual arts. Mullen focuses at least as much on Bishop's G33 103 divergence from surrealist practice as on her apparent submissions G33 104 to its directives. The most important difference he identifies as G33 105 Bishop's focus on objects; for Breton and other surrealists, G33 106 "there were no objects, only subjects. They had no interest G33 107 in the natural world per se." For Bishop, says Mullen, the G33 108 "strangeness of our subjective selves, the queer struggle G33 109 between conscious and unconscious, is projected outward into a G33 110 world where the 'thingness of things' dominates."

G33 111 In persuasive detail Mullen shows how Bishop shared with the G33 112 surrealists a conviction about the importance of the disjunctive G33 113 relations between our sleeping and waking minds, and a copious use G33 114 of techniques of dissociation and displacement in description. G33 115 Inversions and enlargements of scale, sudden and surprising shifts G33 116 in point of view through personification, and an always subtle, but G33 117 pervasive emphasis on dreamscape, mark her work from first to last. G33 118 "I use dream material whenever I am lucky enough to have G33 119 any," she wrote to Anne Stevenson in March 1963.

G33 120 Mullen demonstrates at length how two poems drew directly and G33 121 substantially from surrealist sources. In his correspondence with G33 122 Bishop, she acknowledged, if a little dismissively, her wide G33 123 reading of surrealist poetry and prose, including Francis Ponge. In G33 124 comparing her prose poem, 'Giant Snail' with Ponge's 'Snails' from G33 125 Le Parti Pris des Choses, Mullen flags some striking G33 126 parallels in language and imagery between the two texts. Of her G33 127 acquaintance with surrealist graphic art, Bishop writes: "I G33 128 didn't know any of the surrealist writers or painters - I just G33 129 met 2 or 3 painters, that's all." Mullen points out G33 130 that she owned an early edition of Max Ernst's Histoire G33 131 Naturelle; Bishop also acknowledges that the technique of G33 132 frottage that Ernst illustrates therein produced her poem, 'The G33 133 Monument.'

G33 134 In the process of frottage, or rubbing, which Ernst described G33 135 as an "optical excitant of somnolent vision," the G33 136 artist placed paper across wood or other surfaces and objects, and G33 137 then rubbed away at the paper with blacklead. The subsequent G33 138 drawing produced the "optical excitant," or object G33 139 of meditation, which produced further drawings: "the G33 140 drawings thus obtained steadily lose, thanks to a series of G33 141 suggestions and transmutations occurring to one spontaneously - the G33 142 character of the material being studied - wood - and assume the G33 143 aspect of unbelievably clear images of a nature probably able to G33 144 reveal the first cause of the obsession or to produce a simulacrum G33 145 thereof." Ernst invented frottage after a revery into the G33 146 hours of childhood, when he remembered staring at an imitation G33 147 mahogany panel across from his bed at naptime.

G33 148 Bishop, who may have been sympathetically drawn not only by the G33 149 technique but by the childhood source of it, was soon manufacturing G33 150 frottages at a great rate, and as she wrote to Marianne Moore G33 151 rather mockingly, "I can turn them out by the dozen now and G33 152 shall send you one." But her poem 'The Monument' offers G33 153 more direct evidence of this new pastime. Like Ernst's G33 154 frottages, Bishop's verbal exercise uses its wooden G33 155 sea-surface as springboard into a meditation on the strange space G33 156 of art's reality, both within and without, penetrable and G33 157 impenetrable, curiously living and dead, material and immaterial. G33 158 The poem describes an allegorized object standing in for the G33 159 artist's relation to the world:poem

G33 160 In the play of its altering pronouns, moving freely between G33 161 singular and plural, and in working out the drama of its dialectal G33 162 voices, the poem exploits the work of art's peek-a-boo vantages G33 163 vis-<*_>a-grave<*/>-vis perceiver, perceived, and the idea of G33 164 perception itself. Past her twenties, Bishop never did anything G33 165 quite so programmatically allegorical again.

G33 166 Mullen puts his finger decisively on the growing causes for G33 167 Bishop's dissatisfaction with surrealism. There are generally four G33 168 reasons: first, the surrealist lack of interest in the natural G33 169 object; second, the surrealist privileging of the realm of the G33 170 unconscious over the conscious (Bishop records them as fluctuating G33 171 in dominance but equal in importance); third, their emphasis on the G33 172 revolutionary impact of disintegrating orders of perception (Bishop G33 173 concerned herself with a balanced dialectic between associative and G33 174 dissociative powers of perception); and fourth, the surrealist lack G33 175 of faith in conventional language and logic.

G33 176 But we ought not overlook the generally youthful character of G33 177 Bishop's experiments with surrealism. While her preoccupation with G33 178 oneiric imagery only deepened throughout a working life in poetry, G33 179 her eventual resistance to surrealist practice came openly to the G33 180 surface in several ways. In 1946, in a letter to Ferris Greenslet, G33 181 her editor at Houghton Mifflin, she rushes in to avert a public G33 182 association with Max Ernst by way of jacket copy. In some obvious G33 183 distress she writes: "In the letter that Marianne Moore G33 184 wrote for me she commented on some likeness to the painter Max G33 185 Ernst. Although many years ago I once admired one of Ernst's albums G33 186 I believe that Miss Moore is mistaken about his ever having been an G33 187 influence, and since I have disliked all of his painting intensely G33 188 and am not a surrealist I think it would be misleading to mention G33 189 my name in connection with his."

G33 190 By the early 1960s, after acknowledging Ernst's role in the G33 191 composition of 'The Monument,' Bishop was still busy trying to G33 192 stamp out all talk of influence. In January 1964 she writes to Anne G33 193 Stevenson: "You mention Ernst again. Oh dear - I wish I'd G33 194 never mentioned him at all, because I think he's a dreadful G33 195 painter." But her general antagonism was already visible in G33 196 unpublished notebooks of the thirties and forties. In one jotting G33 197 she writes: "Semi-surrealist poetry terrifies me because of G33 198 the sense of irresponsibility & [indecipherable] [wild?] G33 199 danger it gives of the mind being 'broken down' - I want to G33 200 produce the opposite effect." Somewhat later, in notes G33 201 about her reading of an episode from Crevecoeur, she says, under G33 202 the heading of 'Tact & Embarrassment': "Why in 'Letters G33 203 From an American Farmer' does it embarrass one when he speaks G33 204 of the wasp on the child's eyelid, etc.? The whole story of the G33 205 wasp-nest is fantastic, surrealistic, we'd say now. Is surrealism G33 206 just a new method of dealing bold-facedly with what is embarrassing? G33 207 G33 208 G33 209 G34 1 <#FROWN:G34\>CHAPTER 5

G34 2 Pathfinding

G34 3 It must have been in the spring of 1920. The end of the G34 4 First World War had thrown Germany's youth into great turmoil. The G34 5 reins of power had fallen from the hands of a deeply disillusioned G34 6 older generation, and the younger one drew together in larger and G34 7 smaller groups in an attempt to blaze new paths, or at least to G34 8 discover a new star to steer by."

G34 9 With these opening words Heisenberg set the stage for his 1969 G34 10 reminiscences, Der Teil und das Ganze (English G34 11 title: Physics and Beyond). He began not with childhood G34 12 or adolescence but with the period that most profoundly influenced G34 13 him as both scientist and citizen - the chaotic years immediately G34 14 following World War I. And he focused neither on family nor on G34 15 formal education but rather on his participation in the postwar G34 16 German youth movement, the experience that most directly affected G34 17 the formation of his adult values.

G34 18 The first chapter of Physics and Beyond refers to G34 19 Werner's diverse, often difficult and confusing experiences during G34 20 the early postwar years. Between neo-Socratic dialogues on the G34 21 nature of atoms, Heisenberg discusses his assistance in suppressing G34 22 the Bavarian soviet republic, his remembered reading of Plato, and G34 23 his study of textbook atoms. He also recalls debates with his G34 24 comrades about the lost war, the meaning of social order, the G34 25 search for order within their own lives, and their developing G34 26 notions of nature and homeland. One theme emerges clearly from this G34 27 rather muddled account: the desire for order in all aspects of G34 28 thought and life. Heisenberg and his friends longed to regain a G34 29 sense of purpose and belonging - and they found it with each other G34 30 in the youth movement.

G34 31 For Heisenberg himself, there were added benefits. The youth G34 32 movement became a vehicle for his adolescent rebellion, adventurous G34 33 impulses, and budding leadership qualities. It spurred his G34 34 intellectual independence, taught him how his primary interests - G34 35 science and music - could transcend the chaos of daily life, and G34 36 gave him close and secure friendships with his comrades, with whom G34 37 he formed valuable lifelong relationships.

G34 38 As Heisenberg wrote in the opening lines of Physics and G34 39 Beyond, the postwar youth movement grew out of a profound G34 40 sense of crisis that engendered a spirit of rebellion among G34 41 bourgeois German youth after the collapse of the old order at the G34 42 close of the world war. But the roots of rebellion reached back G34 43 into the prewar decades. Young people increasingly detested the G34 44 charades of bourgeois propriety and nationalistic sabre rattling G34 45 and felt no desire to pattern their lives on them. By the same G34 46 token, middle-class society throughout Europe provided little place G34 47 at that time for adolescence, the crucial transition from childhood G34 48 to adult roles. Bourgeois youth, like the children seen in G34 49 Renaissance paintings, were expected to behave like miniature G34 50 adults, to prepare for their adult careers and future station in G34 51 life, and to accept without question the values and ideals handed G34 52 to them.

G34 53 The rapid urbanization of Germany at the end of the nineteenth G34 54 century brought with it the problem of what to do with young people G34 55 in large cities. Where could they come together outside school? G34 56 Where could they find the adventure, romance, and excitement of G34 57 youth? Before the war, some urban youngsters literally headed for G34 58 the hills, seeking to rediscover basic values in the romance of G34 59 nature, music, dance, and Germanic ritual. Groups like the G34 60 Wanderv<*_>o-umlaut<*/>gel (Migratory Birds) and the G34 61 Freideutsche Jugend (Free German Youth) G34 62 embodied the spirit of prewar youthful rebellion in northern G34 63 Germany, but neither survived the war intact. Of the 11,000 members G34 64 of the Wanderv<*_>o-umlaut<*/>gel, 7000 perished in the G34 65 war; the Freideutsche Jugend fragmented into G34 66 factions.

G34 67 For those too young to fight, the state provided youth G34 68 organizations, paramilitary training, and agricultural assistance G34 69 work. Youngsters were aggressively indoctrinated with nationalistic G34 70 values to prepare them for the task their elders set them: to fight G34 71 and die in a brutal war. Those not battling at the front struggled G34 72 at home with bitter cold, desperate privations, and near G34 73 starvation. How carefree can a teenager be when he grows so weak G34 74 from hunger that he falls off his bicycle into a ditch?

G34 75 The sudden, humiliating defeat of Germany, the loss of friends G34 76 and relatives, the collapse of the old regime, the political chaos G34 77 that ensued, and the forced democratization of their schools G34 78 traumatized middle-class youngsters, leaving them angry and G34 79 mistrustful. "A gaping hole opened up for us young G34 80 people," recalls Wolfgang R<*_>u-umlaut<*/>del, one of G34 81 Heisenberg's comrades. Their response: "We're going to make G34 82 something for ourselves instead, without an organization from G34 83 above."

G34 84 The situation was particularly acute for bourgeois Bavarian G34 85 youngsters, many of whom belonged to the only existing youth G34 86 organization, the gymnasium's Military Preparedness Association. G34 87 Few had any use for the North German, 'Prussian' youth groups, G34 88 including the tradition-minded Boy Scouts. The Boy Scouts had G34 89 originated in England and had spread to Germany in 1909, where they G34 90 were called Pfadfinder (Pathfinders). Like their English G34 91 counterparts, German Pathfinders were paramilitary and puritanical, G34 92 but unlike the English Scouts they focused less on international G34 93 ideals and more on preparing their young members to fit into G34 94 existing German adult social structure. Two years after the First G34 95 Munich Pathfinder Troop was founded in 1909, it joined the G34 96 state-supported Military Preparedness Association.

G34 97 At war's end, the adult-led Preparedness Association lost any G34 98 raison d'<*_>e-circ<*/>tre, and Pathfinder units began dropping G34 99 out. In January 1919, a Pathfinder troop in Regensburg rebelled G34 100 against the 'decadent' adult values that, in their view, had failed G34 101 to preserve the monarchy. At the same time, they rejected socialist G34 102 attempts to dilute the cultural elite by democratizing their G34 103 schools. The Regensburg troop quit the state's Preparedness G34 104 Association and pushed for a renewal of all German Pathfinders, and G34 105 ultimately society itself, through the ideals of the G34 106 Wanderv<*_>o-umlaut<*/>gel - a genuine Jugendbewegung G34 107 (youth movement) that would replace adult Jugendpflege G34 108 (youth care).

G34 109 On Easter Sunday 1919, at the height of the soviet republic's G34 110 power, the equally traumatized Munich troop followed Regensburg's G34 111 example. A month later, during Hoffman's socialist restoration, the G34 112 Preparedness Association changed its name to the more G34 113 youthful-sounding Jungbayernbund (Young Bavaria League), G34 114 and in the last months of the school year, during the bloody G34 115 mopping-up operations in Munich, a group of Preparedness boys at G34 116 the Max-Gymnasium debated their future.

G34 117 Wolfgang (Wolfi) R<*_>u-umlaut<*/>del, then 13 years old, had G34 118 belonged only briefly to the Max-Gymnasium's Preparedness unit G34 119 before it changed its name and some of its activities. Under G34 120 intense pressure from their elders to support the socialist G34 121 restoration, he and his friends now resisted 'youth care' under any G34 122 name. Wolfi, his older brother Eberhard, and several other boys G34 123 from their Preparedness unit gathered one day during recess at the G34 124 old fountain in the courtyard of the Max-Gymnasium. They agreed to G34 125 reject adult youth care but still wanted the guidance of an elder. G34 126 They decided to seek an older boy of suitable character to replace G34 127 teachers and adults as their leader. At Wolfi's suggestion they G34 128 turned to a well-respected older group leader in the Young Bavaria G34 129 League - Werner Heisenberg.

G34 130 Werner satisfied every prerequisite: he was an older student, G34 131 disillusioned with youth care, well liked and well regarded at the G34 132 school for his mathematical and musical talents, and endowed with G34 133 intellectual self-confidence, good looks, and leadership G34 134 qualities. He was also known as "a very great friend of G34 135 nature," familiar with the mountains and countryside - a G34 136 perfect choice. Werner, then 17, in the eighth gymnasium grade, and G34 137 just finishing his military duties following the suppression of the G34 138 soviet republic, readily accepted the boys' invitation. By the G34 139 summer of 1919 he was guiding Wolfi and eight or nine of Wolfi's G34 140 friends into the postwar world.

G34 141 Gruppe Heisenberg, as it was known, belonged at first to the G34 142 Regensburg reform movement within the Young Bavaria League, then G34 143 became independent in 1921. It remained closely associated with the G34 144 independent Regensburg faction and officially rejoined it in 1922. G34 145 According to Gottfried Simmerding, one of Wolfi G34 146 R<*_>u-umlaut<*/>del's classmates who joined Gruppe Heisenberg in G34 147 the fall of 1919, the group was then part of Troop B18 of the Young G34 148 Bavaria League, then headed by Dr. Kemmer, the gymnasium's former G34 149 Preparedness commander and one of Werner's former teachers. The G34 150 troop consisted at the time of six or seven groups led by Hans G34 151 Schlenk, Heisenberg's friend in grade 9B and a war veteran who G34 152 later became a well-known actor. Most of the troop members had G34 153 previously served in the agricultural assistance service and in G34 154 Major Pfl<*_>u-umlaut<*/>gel's schoolboy unit during the G34 155 suppression of the soviet republic.

G34 156 Besides Werner, the group leaders in Troop B18 included G34 157 Heisenberg's comrades Kurt Pfl<*_>u-umlaut<*/>gel and Werner G34 158 Marwede. Marwede's younger brother Heini (Heinrich) helped found G34 159 Gruppe Heisenberg. Werner's group met regularly with the other boys G34 160 in Troop B18 in several basement rooms provided by the G34 161 Max-Gymnasium; after breaking with the Young Bavaria League, they G34 162 met in the Heisenberg home.

G34 163 Just days after the formation of Gruppe Heisenberg, the G34 164 Regensburg reformers, led by Franz Ludwig Habbel, a wounded war G34 165 veteran, and Ludwig Voggenreiter, a publisher's son, called a G34 166 meeting of all Pathfinder leaders interested in reform. Held on the G34 167 weekend of August 1-3, 1919, the meeting took place in a medieval G34 168 castle, Schloss Prunn, in the Altm<*_>u-umlaut<*/>hl River valley G34 169 near Regensburg. Group leader Heisenberg was still in the throes of G34 170 his own postwar and postsoviet confusion when he encountered a G34 171 young man his age on Leopoldstrasse near the university who, as he G34 172 recalled it, told him of the Schloss Prunn meeting in the G34 173 passionate words of an inspired youth: "'All of us intend G34 174 to be there, and we want you to come. Everyone should come. We want G34 175 to find out for ourselves what sort of future we should build.' His G34 176 voice had the kind of edge I had not heard before. So I decided to G34 177 go to Schloss Prunn, and Kurt wanted to join me."

G34 178 On Friday, August 1, young Werner, with his knapsack and a G34 179 guitar, took the train with Kurt to Kelheim at the end of the G34 180 Altm<*_>u-umlaut<*/>hl Valley. There they joined a stream of boys G34 181 hiking the remaining several kilometers to the castle. The valley G34 182 and castle made an ideal romantic setting for the adolescent G34 183 adventure. The narrow valley, a prehistoric Danube River bed, is G34 184 lined by steep cliffs and jutting rocks. The castle, still in G34 185 existence, perches precariously at the top of one of the cliffs, G34 186 and above it lies a large wood where the boys pitched their G34 187 tents.

G34 188 About 250 Pathfinders found their way from all over Germany and G34 189 from Vienna, Austria, to the meeting. Gathered in their castle in G34 190 the sky, the boys were alone at last to debate the questions of the G34 191 day that concerned them most: Had the German soldiers fallen in G34 192 vain, now that the war was lost? How should young people respond to G34 193 the new political situation? How should they interpret Boy Scout G34 194 ideals of internationalism, self-sacrifice, and tradition? But the G34 195 crucial questions were those of any reform movement: How was the G34 196 movement to define itself, and how was it to address the decadent G34 197 mass society in which it existed? The answers were vital to Werner, G34 198 who had hoped to discover his own order at the castle - a G34 199 philosophical, social, even personal harmony. "I myself was G34 200 much too unsure," he recalled, "to join in the G34 201 debates, but I listened to them and thought about the concept of G34 202 order myself."

G34 203 Incredibly, their discussions were recorded and a transcript G34 204 later published in Der Weisse Ritter (The G34 205 White Knight), the periodical of reform-movement leaders. The G34 206 meeting was intended to be of lasting significance. The transcript G34 207 and related writings vividly display the German youth rebellion - G34 208 indeed, the rebellion of German society at large - against the G34 209 modernity of urban, industrial 'civilization' and the bitter sense G34 210 of loss of common purpose, of meaningful traditions, of G34 211 well-grounded values with the passing of a seemingly simpler age. G34 212 According to the transcript, the young men agreed that their G34 213 society had declined into lifeless mechanism, capitalistic greed, G34 214 urban anonymity, and personal hypocrisy. Young people had to cut G34 215 the chains of material and moral decadence. A year earlier, G34 216 Regensburg reformer Franz Ludwig Habbel had declared: "The G34 217 first demand of our conviction is for truth and G34 218 uprightness. G34 219 G34 220 G35 1 <#FROWN:G35\>CHAPTER 5

G35 2 Boston

G35 3 LOOKING BACK over his own literary apprenticeship, Robert G35 4 Lowell dated a turning point from the day in the spring of 1937 G35 5 when he drove into the "frail agrarian mailbox G35 6 post" of Allen Tate and Caroline Gordon's house in G35 7 Tennessee. "I had crashed the civilization of the G35 8 South," was the droll, supercilious way he put it two G35 9 decades later. He got out of his car to disguise the damage to the G35 10 rickety post and was promptly welcomed by the southern literary G35 11 elite as a valuable rebel from New England: a renegade from the G35 12 Lowell clan was a real coup for the Fugitives. The mythic status G35 13 they conferred upon him - "I too was part of a legend. I G35 14 was Northern, disembodied, a Platonist, a Puritan, an G35 15 abolitionist" - gave him one of the literary themes that G35 16 dominated his early writing and underlay all his work.

G35 17 Jean Stafford's own story of arrival was a nightmarishly G35 18 distorted echo. A year and a half later, home from Kenyon on G35 19 Christmas vacation in 1938, Lowell smashed his parents' car, with G35 20 Stafford in the passenger seat, into a wall in a dead-end Cambridge G35 21 street. She was rushed to the hospital with "massive head G35 22 injuries," as a friend described it, "everything G35 23 fractured, skull, nose, jaw, everything." The damage would G35 24 never be entirely disguised, and Stafford was soon made to feel she G35 25 had 'crashed' the civilization of Boston - rudely, not heroically. G35 26 Lowell's parents adopted an attitude of chilling detachment from G35 27 the unpedigreed interloper. Yet for Stafford the collision took on G35 28 symbolic dimensions that helped give her the themes around which G35 29 her emerging style matured. Inspiration did not come immediately; G35 30 her head needed mending, and the symbols required time to take G35 31 shape. In fact, Stafford had another unsuccessful novel to go G35 32 before she found the frame and images, and the distance, to sustain G35 33 a narrative.

G35 34 The disastrous car ride with Lowell, a notoriously bad driver G35 35 who had probably been drinking that evening, was the climax of the G35 36 high drama that had begun two months earlier when Stafford escaped G35 37 from Iowa in the middle of the night. Soon after she finally G35 38 surfaced in Cambridge in November, she had confessed to Hightower G35 39 the cause of her delay in arriving - the G35 40 <}_><-|>rendevous<+|>rendezvous<}/> with Lowell in Cleveland. G35 41 Having rearranged his life and rented more spacious rooms to G35 42 welcome Stafford, Hightower understandably felt betrayed. But he G35 43 trusted her claim that she was afraid of Cal, and made clear that G35 44 he was still ready to try living with her.

G35 45 Lowell certainly was far from the low-key suitor she was used G35 46 to from her years with Hightower. Cal's romantic history before G35 47 Stafford had consisted of a swift, fierce, finally aborted campaign G35 48 two years earlier to marry a twenty-four-year-old Boston debutante, G35 49 Anne Dick, an unlikely match opposed by his parents - which had G35 50 only spurred Lowell on. His father had been the victim of his G35 51 violent zeal on that occasion: protesting his parents' meddling G35 52 disapproval, Cal appeared on their doorstep and knocked his father G35 53 down in the front hallway while his mother watched.

G35 54 Stafford had a taste of Lowell's wild determination during a G35 55 visit from him in Cambridge over Thanksgiving when, she wrote to G35 56 her friend Mock, "he got savage and I got scared." G35 57 The issue was marriage, she said, which he insisted on and she G35 58 resisted. "A friend of his, a young man from Harvard G35 59 College," she went on, "told me in a private G35 60 interview that Mr. L. wanted me more than anything else in his life G35 61 and that I wd. never be free of him, that he will continue to track G35 62 me down as long as I live, a very pleasant thought. It makes me G35 63 perfectly sick because he is an uncouth, neurotic, psychopathic G35 64 murderer-poet."

G35 65 How much of the account reflected her typical dramatizing is G35 66 hard to say, but she was evidently unnerved. Hightower's apartment G35 67 was not a workable haven, and she soon told him that she had better G35 68 move out to Concord to be safe. Stafford clearly wanted distance G35 69 from Hightower too, or at least couldn't manage in the flesh the G35 70 intimacy she had described in her letters from Iowa. "The G35 71 full articulation of passionate love" didn't happen with G35 72 the fevered eagerness she had conjured in words; living together G35 73 faltered from the start, when Stafford told Hightower she was G35 74 frigid. Whatever she meant by it, and whether or not it was true, G35 75 he understood the message. It was one more stunning reversal, but G35 76 the friendship didn't collapse.

G35 77 They continued to see each other after she moved to Concord, G35 78 and Hightower planned a modest Christmas celebration. But on G35 79 December 21 he received an urgent message to call Mount Auburn G35 80 Hospital. He found Stafford swaddled in bandages and, learning of G35 81 the accident, discovered that she hadn't kept Lowell at a safe G35 82 distance after all. A loyal bedside visitor for several weeks, G35 83 Hightower finally sent a letter announcing the end of their G35 84 relationship, to which Stafford replied with an atypically G35 85 unadorned indictment of herself: "I will say nothing, only G35 86 this: I love you, but my selfishness is so all consuming that I G35 87 can't help hurting you." Two weeks alter, she adorned it G35 88 somewhat: "I want children, I want a house. I want to be a G35 89 faithful woman. I want those things more than I want my present G35 90 life of a writer, but I shall have none because my fear will make G35 91 me unfaithful and desire cannot now be hoped for, it is too late G35 92 and I have been too much revolted." It was an echo of her G35 93 declarations of frigidity and of the journal entry about her G35 94 profound loneliness that she had sent him over the summer: here too G35 95 she viewed herself tragically, as both victim and victimizer, G35 96 maintaining that her "life of a writer" was no G35 97 compensation for the emotional commitment and sexual fulfillment G35 98 that eluded her.

G35 99 Once Hightower had retreated, Stafford had few other places to G35 100 turn during a very painful convalescence. Neither Lowell nor the G35 101 Atlantic Monthly Press - the other Boston attractions that had G35 102 drawn her - proved a source of much support. Lowell was not even at G35 103 hand. He returned to Kenyon for the spring term of his junior year, G35 104 leaving Blair Clark, a friend from his prep school days at St. G35 105 Mark's, to help Stafford deal with the lawsuit it had been agreed G35 106 she would file against Lowell to pay for her hospitalization. Clark G35 107 was also supposed to protect her from Lowell's parents, which was a G35 108 full-time job, if the rumors that reached Cal in Ohio about the G35 109 Lowell's bullying conduct toward her were to be believed. G35 110 "About Boston," Lowell chided his parents in the G35 111 summer, "I gather many people think you have behaved G35 112 shabbily about Jean's accident. Such opinion is not my concern yet G35 113 I cannot feel the action of my family has in all cases been G35 114 ethicilly [sic] ideal."

G35 115 Stafford hadn't managed to establish a literary life in Boston G35 116 that offered much relief or gratification either, though she had G35 117 been busy making herself known at the Atlantic Monthly Press from G35 118 the moment she arrived. Her Neville manuscript, based on her G35 119 Stephens experience, earned her praise from the editors there, G35 120 whose report judged that "she can handle the English G35 121 language as a skilled carpenter handles a chisel - with ease, G35 122 deftness, accuracy, and rhythm," but they indicated that G35 123 she would have to rework it completely before they would consider a G35 124 contract. In fact, Edward Weeks, the editor in chief, went so far G35 125 as to suggest a rough outline for a fundamental overhaul of her G35 126 "ironic, heartless story of a small college G35 127 community" in a memo to another editor:

G35 128 It seems to me that if the girl can link together the G35 129 three points of interest now visible in her work (1) Gretchen's G35 130 affection for her German professor father and her revolt form the G35 131 ranch (2) college life with its stimulus and dissatisfaction (3) G35 132 and her experiences in Germany where presumably she finds that G35 133 there are worse things than the life she has run away from in the G35 134 United States, she would have a good book. I should presume that if G35 135 parts 2 and 3 were bound together with a love story, the book would G35 136 have a rising interest which it at present seems to G35 137 lack.

G35 138 Stafford was prepared to be a docile, and speedy, student. G35 139 Eight days later, on December 9, Archie Ogden sent her a check for G35 140 two hundred and fifty dollars as an option on the book and said G35 141 they looked forward to a "sizable portion" of the G35 142 manuscript six months later, on June 1, 1939.

G35 143 The guidance Stafford received didn't sound very promising. G35 144 What Weeks had extracted from Stafford's ungainly Neville G35 145 undertaking - a jumbled gallery of satiric portraits hung on a plot G35 146 line too arbitrary and ludicrous to be compelling - was a broad G35 147 (and banal) outline of her autobiography. That was exactly what she G35 148 had been trying to bury beneath the more objective enterprise of a G35 149 larger social satire, at the advice of the readers of her first G35 150 solipsistic venture, Which No Vicissitude. Not that Weeks G35 151 had any reason to know the creative history of this fledgling G35 152 writer, but even by his own standards, which were apparently mainly G35 153 commercial, his advice was dubious. After all, he and his staff had G35 154 just told her that the college theme was rather narrow and G35 155 overdone, and a year earlier she had sent sections of her Germany G35 156 diary to the Atlantic Monthly at the suggestion of Howard G35 157 Mumford Jones, only to meet the objection that "there is G35 158 too much about Germany on the market at present."

G35 159 The prospects for the book looked even less promising two weeks G35 160 later, when Stafford found herself in the hospital, with a crushed G35 161 nose, a broken cheekbone, and a skull fractured in several places. G35 162 Ogden urged her to give "no further thought to that novel G35 163 of yours until relaxation has taken every last kink out of your G35 164 cranium," but relaxation didn't seem to be what Stafford G35 165 wanted - and it certainly wasn't what she got. After spending G35 166 roughly a month in the hospital, she had to return twice in the G35 167 spring for harrowing surgery on her nose. Her <}_><-|> convalesence G35 168 <+|> convalescence <}/> was extremely uncomfortable (along with G35 169 nose troubles and difficulty breathing, she was plagued by G35 170 headaches). And it was lonely, though she didn't go straight back G35 171 to her Concord room. She was welcomed first by the Ogdens, with G35 172 whom she had become friendly; then an acquaintance put her in touch G35 173 with a wealthy Milton, Massachusetts, family, who took her in. G35 174 Still, she felt bereft of close companions and was apparently G35 175 finding solace in solitary drinking. By the summer, she admitted, G35 176 however jokingly, to some concern: "I have taken the veil G35 177 and at the moment do not think I will become alchoholic G35 178 [sic]," she wrote to Hightower.

G35 179 Meanwhile, the negotiations with Lowell, not to speak of those G35 180 with his parents, were far from smooth. Once again, Stafford's G35 181 relationship with a man was radically unstable. His pursuit G35 182 apparently continued to be unnervingly intense; he tracked her down G35 183 at a friend's apartment near dawn during a visit she made to New G35 184 York that spring. She in turn continued to be thoroughly G35 185 unpredictable, now eager to see him, now ready to denounce him. G35 186 After welcoming Lowell's company in New York, she anticipated his G35 187 return to Boston for Easter vacation with trepidation. It seems G35 188 that another trip to New York, during which she had seen Ford Madox G35 189 Ford and his wife, had revived her fears. In a note to the Ogdens, G35 190 she reported only half facetiously that the Fords, G35 191 "convinced that Cal Lowell is really pathological and G35 192 capable of murder, told me such horrible things about him that I am G35 193 thinking of pressing Stitch [Evarts, her lawyer] into service to G35 194 get out an injunction against him. He is due to arrive next week. I G35 195 may have to find a hiding place." but she didn't, and when G35 196 he arrived Lowell seemed "completely G35 197 metamorphosed," she said later. They enjoyed a genteel time G35 198 visiting his elegant relatives, and by the time Lowell returned to G35 199 Kenyon to finish the spring term, they were engaged, though G35 200 Stafford kept the betrothal a secret.

G35 201 G35 202 G36 1 <#FROWN:G36\>MIDDLE OF THE JOURNEY

G36 2 On Trial with Ernest

G36 3 THROUGHOUT THE MID-1930s, Archibald MacLeish continued to G36 4 produce quantities of copy for the columns of Fortune. As a G36 5 result of his eminence and his sympathy with the New Deal, he G36 6 covered the government beat in Washington, turning out stories on G36 7 inflation, taxation, the NRA (National Recovery Act), and social G36 8 security. But he was also dispatched on special assignment to G36 9 destinations far more distant than Washington, D.C. He did farming G36 10 stories in Iowa and Montana, and he journeyed to three different G36 11 continents - Europe, Asia, and South America - for Luce's magazine. G36 12 Despite these frequent trips, during this period MacLeish G36 13 solidified his family relationships and reached new, and sometimes G36 14 bitter, levels of understanding about his friendships.

G36 15 On a trip to England and France in the spring of 1933, he G36 16 combined his journalistic duties for Fortune with a voyage G36 17 around the Mediterranean on the Murphys' new hundred-foot schooner, G36 18 Weatherbird. In England he was doing research for a story on G36 19 Harry Selfridge, the American-born "merchant prince of G36 20 Oxford Street." One Sunday he saw much of the English isle G36 21 when "young bucko Selfridge" hoisted him into the G36 22 sky in the rumble seat of his Puss Moth for a morning trip to G36 23 Cambridge, a teatime visit in the west counties, and back to London G36 24 for the evening. "Imagine any other country calling a G36 25 [flying] machine a Puss Moth," he wrote Hemingway. He G36 26 escaped to Paris on the day before Good Friday, accompanied by a G36 27 mob of English tourists munching on buns "so as not to have G36 28 to eat that horrible French food." Aboard the G36 29 Weatherbird there wasn't much to do, but the company and the G36 30 food were fine, and he and Ada came back rested.

G36 31 No sooner had they returned to the States than a wire arrived G36 32 from Hemingway, who was outraged by Max Eastman's New G36 33 Republic review of his book on bullfighting, Death in the G36 34 Afternoon. "Bull in the Afternoon," the review G36 35 was called, and that was bad enough. What most troubled Hemingway, G36 36 though, were Eastman's slurs against his manhood. Hemingway wore G36 37 "false hair" on his literary chest, Eastman wrote. G36 38 "It is of course a commonplace that Hemingway lacks the G36 39 serene confidence that he is a full-sized man," he G36 40 added. Delighted to serve as his friend's paladin, Archie G36 41 immediately wrote Bruce Bliven, editor of the New G36 42 Republic, objecting to the scurrilous remarks. In fact it G36 43 was "a commonplace" among "the young G36 44 sensitives" who envied Hemingway his accomplishment to G36 45 impugn his masculinity, MacLeish pointed out. His letter set out to G36 46 correct this slander. He had thrice seen Hemingway in danger, G36 47 Archie wrote, "once at sea, once in the mountains and once G36 48 on a Spanish street." He had also seen others in similar G36 49 positions during the war. But no one had ever impressed him G36 50 "as strongly as has Mr. Hemingway with his complete G36 51 confidence in his own courage, nor has any other man more G36 52 completely justified that confidence in the event." As for G36 53 the issue of virility, he could only refer Mr. Eastman to the birth G36 54 records of Paris and Kansas City.

G36 55 Bliven declined to print the letter. Instead he showed it to G36 56 Eastman, who wrote Archie in return that he had intended nothing of G36 57 the sort, please believe him. Nor would Bliven publish a G36 58 three-sentence counter-attack from Hemingway himself. He G36 59 was "through with politeness in letters," a G36 60 frustrated Archie wrote John Bishop. "Hereafter I am going G36 61 to hit where and when I can and take whatever they have to send G36 62 back." At the same time, he assured Hemingway that no one G36 63 but Ada knew of Ernest's cable and no one ever would as far as he G36 64 was concerned. Besides, he would have written to object to G36 65 Eastman's foul, filthy article without Hemingway's wire. There the G36 66 matter rested until, four years later, Hemingway and Eastman met G36 67 unexpectedly in Max Perkin's office at Scribners and engaged in a G36 68 brief, inconsequential wrestling match.

G36 69 Although his attempt at championing Ernest's cause hadn't G36 70 worked out, Hemingway was moved to remember Archie's kindness to G36 71 him over the years: coming out to Billings to visit him after he'd G36 72 broken his arm, for example, and keeping his "god damned G36 73 head working" during the Paris winter of 1926-27, when he G36 74 was leaving Hadley for Pauline. Winner Take Nothing, his G36 75 next book of stories, published in October, was dedicated to G36 76 "A. MacLeish." The ambiguity was deliberate. When G36 77 Archie thanked him for the dedication, Ernest said, "What G36 78 makes you think you're A. MacLeish?" By not spelling it G36 79 out, Hemingway managed to acknowledge a debt to Ada as well as to G36 80 Archie.

G36 81 Besides inviting a response to the Eastman 'false hair' review, G36 82 Ernest asked another favor of Archie in the summer of 1933. Jane G36 83 Mason, the beautiful and sexually adventurous young wife of Grant G36 84 Mason, Pan Am's man in Havana, landed in Doctors Hospital, New G36 85 York, and Ernest - who was almost certainly her lover - asked G36 86 MacLeish to visit her there. Jane's hospitalization was a G36 87 consequence of not one but two accidents. In the first of these, G36 88 she drove her Packard down a forty-foot embankment to avoid an G36 89 oncoming bus. A few days later, she jumped off the second-story G36 90 balcony of her home in Cuba and broke her back. Her husband chose G36 91 to regard this as a grandstand play for sympathy, and shipped her G36 92 off alone for recuperation and psychiatric treatment in New York. G36 93 Hemingway, who regarded Grant Mason as "Husbandus G36 94 Americanus Yalemaniensus Twirpi Ciego," was more G36 95 sympathetic to Jane's plight. She had had the bad luck to marry the G36 96 wrong husband, he wrote Archie, and it was "no fun to break G36 97 your bloody back at 25." At the same time, G36 98 characteristically, Ernest could be cruel about her situation. He'd G36 99 tried to write a story, he said, that began, "Every spring G36 100 Mrs. M. wanted to marry someone else but in the spring of 1933 she G36 101 broke her back." She had done herself this injury, it was G36 102 widely thought in Havana, out of her despairing love for Ernest. G36 103 How much of this Archie knew is unclear, but he had already visited G36 104 Jane in the hospital at Ernest's request once before, when she came G36 105 to New York for a minor operation in May 1932. So he of course went G36 106 to see her again in 1933, and this time stayed long enough to G36 107 become friends. Or at least they were on good enough terms so that G36 108 when they met in London two years later, she tried to arrange a G36 109 private interview for Archie, who was writing a Fortune G36 110 article on King George V, with the Prince of Wales. She was by this G36 111 time something of a celebrated international beauty, one who had G36 112 just been on safari in Africa "with 14 men" and in G36 113 England was bidden to dine with the prince (who would before long G36 114 give up his claim to the throne by marrying another previously wed G36 115 American woman).

G36 116 Apparently, when she got back to Cuba from these adventures, G36 117 Jane told Hemingway that his friend MacLeish had made a pass at G36 118 her, though she had only "sisterly feelings" toward G36 119 him. Those were the only kind of feelings she was invited to have, G36 120 Archie wrote Ernest early in 1936. Her remark had "a damned G36 121 unpleasant connotation," and Archie "resented the G36 122 hell out of it." Jane Mason, he said by way of summing up, G36 123 "was the only person that I can think of offhand who does G36 124 what she does, and the only one who has done what is to date the G36 125 most considerable injury anyone has done me: the effective G36 126 destruction of one of the few human relationships I ever gave a G36 127 deep damn about." Hemingway was now disillusioned about G36 128 Jane also. "As for your sisterhood pal she is a bitch say G36 129 i<&|>sic! and am documented," he replied. It seems clear G36 130 that Jane Mason's physical attractions and fickle ways helped to G36 131 break down the Hemingway-MacLeish friendship.

G36 132 This relationship followed a pattern in the 1930s. Ernest would G36 133 eagerly encourage Archie to join him at Key West. Usually Archie G36 134 could not take the time, and when he did, he wished he hadn't. This G36 135 was the case during their Dry Tortugas journey in 1932, and again G36 136 in May 1934. On the latter occasion they were fishing on the Gulf G36 137 Stream, and MacLeish hooked a sailfish. Hemingway had warned him in G36 138 advance to give the sailfish plenty of slack, since striking too G36 139 soon might jerk the bait out of his jaws. But Archie, seasick in G36 140 the rough weather and excited at the sight of the sailfish leaping, G36 141 could not resist the temptation to strike. According to Arnold G36 142 Samuelson, a young would-be writer who went along on that trip, G36 143 Ernest shouted a series of commands to accompany this episode. G36 144 "Don't strike until I tell you. There! He hit it! Slack to G36 145 him! Slack to him!!! Shit! Why the hell didn't you slack G36 146 to him?" Once again, as during the episode of the fire in G36 147 1932, Archie had not lived up to Ernest's expectations under the G36 148 pressure of action. In the aftermath of this visit, Hemingway wrote G36 149 Waldo Peirce that from this point on he was only going to like the G36 150 people he liked, not the bastards who liked him.

G36 151 Archie went away stung by Ernest's criticism, yet soon was G36 152 prepared, "sullen resentful Scot" though he was, to G36 153 forget the insult and resume the friendship. In July 1934 he wrote G36 154 Ernest that he'd been asked to do an article on him by Henry Seidel G36 155 Canby at the Saturday Review. Go ahead, Ernest wrote G36 156 back. "If you don't he will get somebody that no likum G36 157 dog." But stick to the work and lay off his person, G36 158 Hemingway advised. He wasn't interested in reading about his family G36 159 or his religion, his war experiences or his high school sports G36 160 career. In the end MacLeish decided not to do the article. G36 161 "I knew Ernest well enough to know that anything I wrote G36 162 about him would be wrong." The aborted connection with the G36 163 Saturday Review proved to be fortunate, however. In June G36 164 1935 the magazine was considering an article on Hemingway by the G36 165 psychiatrist who had treated Jane Mason. MacLeish heard about this, G36 166 got hold of a copy, found it to be "just shit," and G36 167 persuaded the editors not to run it. Alerting Hemingway to these G36 168 events, Archie added that he hoped Ernest wouldn't think he'd been G36 169 "interfering again," as in the New G36 170 Republic fiasco. By now Hemingway was again urging MacLeish to G36 171 join him on the Gulf Stream, this time at Bimini, where beautiful G36 172 women, exotic food and drink, and gigantic fish awaited him. Then G36 173 he inserted a jocular dig at Archie's recent contacts with the G36 174 left. "Shit Mac you must come down and get to know the G36 175 individual as well as the Masses and the Classes."

G36 176 In the course of their friendship, Hemingway repeatedly found G36 177 MacLeish unworthy in one way or another, and lashed out at him as a G36 178 consequence. Wounded by these outbursts, Archie was still inclined G36 179 to forgive them, especially since Ernest himself usually felt G36 180 contrite before long. But it was an uncomfortable role Archie was G36 181 asked to play - that of a man seven years Hemingway's senior G36 182 constantly in the dock as the younger man passed judgment - and G36 183 eventually he declined the part. Another complication was that the G36 184 two were forever engaged in a competitive contest of one sort or G36 185 another, physical or mental or artistic. On one of Ernest's visits G36 186 to New York, Bob and Adele Lovett took him and Archie to the G36 187 recently opened Radio City Music Hall. Before the show, Ernest G36 188 pulled up his shirt, displayed his stomach muscles, and dared G36 189 Archie to punch him in the stomach. Archie did so, not terribly G36 190 hard. Then MacLeish said, "Well, that's not so good. Look G36 191 at my stomach," which was always very flat and hard. There G36 192 they were, two of the prominent American writers of the century, G36 193 competitively displaying their abdominal musculature in the lobby G36 194 of Radio City Music Hall.

G36 195 Adele Lovett's interest in literature led her to a close G36 196 friendship with yet another American writer. G36 197 G37 1 <#FROWN:G37\>Morrison may well have struck her as the ultimate G37 2 catch. Writers of the sixties outdid themselves attempting to G37 3 capture his sensuality. Biographers noted that in black leather he G37 4 "looked like a naked body dipped in India ink." G37 5 Journalists referred to him as a "surf-born G37 6 Dionysus" and a "hippie Adonis." Rock G37 7 critic Lillian Roxon wrote adulatingly, "The Doors are G37 8 unendurable pleasure prolonged." Richard Goldstein lionized G37 9 him as "a sexual shaman" and a "street punk G37 10 gone to heaven and reincarnated as a choir boy."

G37 11 Describing a typical Jim Morrison sexual encounter - this one G37 12 at the Alta Cienega Motel in West Hollywood - his biographers Jerry G37 13 Hopkins and Danny Sugerman revealed that he first elicited the G37 14 girl's life story and then "butt-fucked" her. If Morrison G37 15 got as far as Janis's life story that night in her bedroom, he G37 16 learned that they had much in common. Jim wanted to be a writer, G37 17 and Janis, too, intended to write a book, according to Sam. They G37 18 were both avid readers and both had been Venice, California, G37 19 beatniks because of On the Road. Both read Nietzsche, G37 20 Ferlinghetti, McClure, and Corso, and if Janis wasn't an expert on G37 21 Plutarch, Baudelaire, and Norman O. Brown that Jim was, she could G37 22 readily discuss Gurdjieff, Wilfried Owen, and F. Scott Fitzgerald, G37 23 not to mention The Sensuous Woman.

G37 24 Jim and Janis remained cloistered in her room for hours, while G37 25 Sam, Dave Richards, and Pam waited just outside the door. Says G37 26 Dave, "Finally, I said to Pam, 'You know, if you're waiting G37 27 for him to come out of there, he's probably not going to be out of G37 28 there until tomorrow. He's not coming out.'

G37 29 "'Oh, yes he will!' she said.

G37 30 "She was pretty young. 'No,' I said. 'He's not coming out.' Sam G37 31 and I had ulterior motives, anyway. Finally, she got really mad, G37 32 and she said, 'Call a cab.' I called a cab and later, as I was G37 33 walking her down to the street, I opened the door of the cab for G37 34 her and she got in and Sam went in right past me, pulled the door G37 35 shut, and the cab went off with both of them in it. I told Sam G37 36 later, 'You son of a bitch!' He said, 'You got to be quick.' Sam G37 37 slithered right in there. Sam had this myth in his mind about the G37 38 equipment men: 'Goddamn, you guys get all the women because you G37 39 always get to town first.' Since he was a star and making more G37 40 money than us, he'd invested the oppressed workers with great G37 41 sexual prowess. That's what was in his head."

G37 42 Sam confirms Dave's account, saying, "Yes, it's true. G37 43 The equipment men arrive first at a gig and get all the girls. At G37 44 last, with Pam, I could challenge the typical proletarian myth G37 45 about the potency of the working class."

G37 46 Sometime after Janis's night with Morrison, she told her friend G37 47 Henry Carr, "I don't like Jim Morrison. He was okay in bed, G37 48 but when we got up the next morning, he asked for a shot of sloe G37 49 gin." By Janis's standards, sloe gin was a sissy drink.

G37 50 Pamela Courson, though hurt when Jim slept around, went along G37 51 with the Lizard King's peccadillos. Given her choice, Pam would G37 52 have preferred a 'more traditional' relationship. She was living G37 53 with Jim at this time at 1812 Rothdell Trail in LA's Laurel Canyon G37 54 and they were already playing the dangerous games that would G37 55 eventually kill them both, drugging, scaring each other with G37 56 spiders and black magic, getting high on acid, and driving down G37 57 Mulholland with their eyes closed.

G37 58 Around the time that Jim was sleeping with Janis, Pamela got G37 59 even by making it with handsome young actors such as John Phillip G37 60 Law and Tom Baker. Later, Tom Baker fell in with Andy Warhol's G37 61 crowd in New York and starred in I, a Man, one of G37 62 Warhol's pornographic epics. Ironically, when Pam broke off with G37 63 Baker and went back to Morrison, the two men became close friends G37 64 and drinking buddies, and Baker became one of Janis's lovers. He G37 65 lived at the Casa Real near the Chateau Marmont with two other G37 66 young men, and the three of them became known as "the boys G37 67 who fuck famous women."

G37 68 Baker, who'd appeared nude in the Warhol film, told Morrison he G37 69 was nothing but a "prick tease" and challenged him G37 70 to "let it all hand out" at a rock concert. G37 71 Eventually, Morrison did exactly that, in Miami, and the resultant G37 72 legal complications drove him to a nervous breakdown. Baker perhaps G37 73 also goaded Janis to some of the extremes, including exposure, that G37 74 came to typify her later concerts.

G37 75 One day in late June, shortly after Monterey Pop, Janis was G37 76 scheduled to sing in Golden Gate Park as part of the summer G37 77 solstice be-in. It was a perfect San Francisco day, mild and sunny, G37 78 and she decided to take her dog George out walking before the G37 79 concert. Janis and Sunshine were very close at this time, so she G37 80 picked up Sunshine and 'sashayed' through Haight-Ashbury, G37 81 stopping at a liquor store to buy some Ripple. They ran into G37 82 Freewheelin' Frank and he joined them on their stroll to the G37 83 park.

G37 84 At the end of Haight, they crossed Stanyan and entered the G37 85 cavernous, shadowy park. At Hippie Hill, they came out into the G37 86 sunshine again and then headed on into the deeper recesses of the G37 87 park. Janis and Big Brother performed that day from the back of a G37 88 flatbed truck, and Quicksilver Messenger Service and the Grateful G37 89 Dead also played, using equipment that had been borrowed from G37 90 Monterey Pop. Nimble as a panther, Jimi Hendrix scrambled up on the G37 91 back of Big Brother's sound truck and started snapping pictures G37 92 with his Instamatic camera. As Janis sang from the flatbed, someone G37 93 leaned over the edge of the platform and passed out G37 94 <}_><-|>marijauna<+|>marijuana<}/> joints to everybody present.

G37 95 At these great 1960s celebrations of life and love, she was as G37 96 close as she'd ever be to perfect happiness. After the performance, G37 97 she was too elated to go home and spent the rest of the day G37 98 loitering in front of a big 1940s car, smoking a fat cigar and G37 99 taking swigs of booze straight from the bottle. The next day, she G37 100 was exhausted, confused, and drinking more than ever. Her friends G37 101 feared the excitement of her career breakthrough at Monterey would G37 102 prove to be more than she could handle. When Peggy offered her the G37 103 use of her house in Stinson Beach, Janis left for a few days' G37 104 rest.

G37 105 She went barhopping around Marin County the first day of her G37 106 vacation and well into the evening. Coming home drunk that night, G37 107 she nearly crashed her car through the front gate. The next day, G37 108 she was sunbathing nude on the deck when Peggy arrived G37 109 unexpectedly. Undressing, Peggy joined her, and soon they were G37 110 massaging each other's breasts with suntan oil. Janis commented on G37 111 the stupendous proportions of Peggy's breasts, revealing an G37 112 insecurity about the size of her own. She very likely found the G37 113 reassurance she needed in the passionate love they made that day in G37 114 the open air, completely indifferent to gawking neighbors. Kim G37 115 somehow learned of their escapade and, on the following weekend, G37 116 she confronted Peggy, asking her point-blank whether she was G37 117 sleeping with Janis. Peggy admitted she was.

G37 118 Although Kim denies being jealous, she says that she assaulted G37 119 Peggy, breaking her nose. "Peggy and I used to fight like G37 120 cats and dogs," she says. "I took the aerial off G37 121 the Shelby on Van Ness Street one time and ran after her with it, G37 122 beating on her car. She made me mad many times. I put my fist G37 123 through many windows. I threw stereo stuff out of second-story G37 124 apartment windows."

G37 125 "Was it over her running around with Janis?" I G37 126 ask.

G37 127 "No, no. I was never jealous of Janis. I was tired of G37 128 Peggy's obsessive ways, but there wasn't much I could do about it. G37 129 I was strung out and we had everything together and I didn't know G37 130 any other life or business. We had our home, our business, our G37 131 dogs, our people, everything.

G37 132 "We were out at Stinson one night, and I guess we didn't have G37 133 enough dope, or she wouldn't have been on the rag. We had a little G37 134 bit, but she started nagging one afternoon." Tired of G37 135 fighting with Peggy, Kim tried to make peace by keeping the G37 136 conversation positive and pleasant. She was determined that nothing G37 137 Peggy said would "push her buttons" and make her G37 138 react. Peggy "ranted and raved, picked, and bitched for G37 139 fourteen hours," Kim says, but Kim maintained total G37 140 silence, refraining even from facial expressions. They fell asleep G37 141 for a while and when they woke up, Kim said it was time to return G37 142 to the city. On the way back in the Porsche, they took the winding, G37 143 narrow road over Mt. Tamalpais. Kim admits, "I'm not a slow G37 144 driver," and when they got to a curve and Peggy told her to G37 145 slow down, Kim "Just kind of snapped."

G37 146 "I had my right hand on the wheel," she G37 147 recalls, "and I reached over with my left and went G37 148 Thunk! Pow! right into her cheek and it broke her nose. G37 149 She was so mad. I didn't say anything. I drove her directly fifteen G37 150 minutes from there to the Marin General Hospital and waited for G37 151 her, and she was still ranting and raving to the doctor. She was G37 152 just on a trip, but she really had a case now because she had to G37 153 wear this great big X on her face, a big adhesive white X G37 154 right across her nose up to her forehead and down her cheek, and if G37 155 she didn't look a sight!

G37 156 Peggy took revenge by carrying on her affair with Janis more G37 157 brazenly than ever. Lying to Kim, Peggy would tell her she was G37 158 going on a buying trip for the boutique, but she and Janis would G37 159 meet at a hotel or Janis's apartment. They made love so feverishly G37 160 that they forgot to take breaks for meals or sleep and became G37 161 dizzy. Some of these sessions took place in dirty hotel rooms they G37 162 rented for as little as ten dollars a night.

G37 163 Peggy stated in her book that when she and Kim made love, the G37 164 experience was somehow more definite - akin to a man-woman G37 165 relationship. With Janis, it was more like the secret lesbian G37 166 garden that Joan Baez described, something only two women could G37 167 know. Though there was more physical attraction with Kim, Janis was G37 168 just as essential in Peggy's emotional life.

G37 169 Though Janis put considerable pressure on Peggy to leave Kim G37 170 and move in with her, Peggy declined, fearing that she'd become G37 171 another sycophant in Janis's entourage.

G37 172 One result of Janis's growing national fame was the reversal of G37 173 the Fillmore auditorium's long-standing policy against her. G37 174 Suddenly, after Monterey Pop, she was welcome in Bill Graham's G37 175 legendary rock palace. As a rule, Chet Helms discovered the talent G37 176 and Bill Graham exploited it, or, as Janis herself put it, Graham G37 177 sucked up to anyone who'd "made it." Her G37 178 relationship with Graham, a hotheaded ego-maniac, had G37 179 always been tempestuous. From the start, Graham had resented her G37 180 association with Chet, his archrival at the Avalon Ballroom. Chet G37 181 and Bill had started out together, producing dances at the Fillmore G37 182 on alternate weekends. The partnership flourished, giving San G37 183 Francisco good live entertainment for the first time since the G37 184 fifties heyday of the jazz and folk clubs.

G37 185 Graham had never heard of the Paul Butterfield Blues Band, who G37 186 were playing to empty clubs in Southern California when Chet and G37 187 his partner, John Carpenter, discovered them. They had to fight G37 188 with Bill to get Butterfield into the Fillmore, finally issuing an G37 189 ultimatum: "It's our show. Let us do it." Chet and G37 190 John then got on the phone to everyone they knew and hounded them G37 191 into coming to the Fillmore that weekend. Butterfield was a G37 192 smashing success, playing to some 7,500 people. When Graham saw the G37 193 record crowd, he woke up early the next morning and called Albert G37 194 Grossman in New York, buying all the potential bookings for the G37 195 next two years for the Butterfield Blues Band in California and G37 196 paying Albert a large lump sum.

G37 197 G37 198 G37 199 G38 1 <#FROWN:G38\>GSTAAD: LATE JANUARY 1927

G38 2 It was the year of the avalanches in the Arlberg and Voralberg, G38 3 but not at Gstaad where the slopes were more gentle and the G38 4 clientele more genteel. At Gstaad, Count Rupert and Princess G38 5 Estelle could enjoy the curling matches or cheer the slalom racers. G38 6 At Schruns there were no Counts or Princesses that year or before, G38 7 no tea dances, no horse shows on ice. In previous winters Schruns G38 8 was never news in the Paris papers. Now the reports were about G38 9 nameless Englishmen, dying under tons of loose snow. "The G38 10 features of the victims are not distorted and therefore it is G38 11 supposed that they were soon suffocated without pain." No G38 12 one was suffocating at Gstaad except from being overly polite to G38 13 strangers.

G38 14 First at the Alpine with Archie and Ada, now at the Hotel G38 15 Rossli with Pauline and Jinny, he was trying to make it work as it G38 16 did before. In winter they always went to the mountains, skiing by G38 17 day and reading books at night under goose-down comforters. In the G38 18 mountains of 1922, '25, and '26 he did not need to shave, and his G38 19 hair was long, almost down to his unstarched collar. This year his G38 20 hair was trimmed; his winter beard reduced to a stylish mustache. G38 21 In newly tailored trousers with a white sweater that matched G38 22 Pauline's, he looked lean and handsome among the winter trade. The G38 23 hundred days of erratic meals and insomniac nights had trimmed his G38 24 weight and deepened his eye sockets. No longer did he have that G38 25 "fat, married look" he once wrote about. In all the G38 26 pictures he is smiling broadly, sometimes with Pauline, sometimes G38 27 with Jinny. They are all smiling.

G38 28 During the separation, he was frequently with Jinny at her G38 29 Paris apartment or in a night caf<*_>e-acute<*/> where no one knew G38 30 them or dining with close friends who did. It was Jinny who sent G38 31 Pauline his telegrams in French, and Jinny who interpreted G38 32 Pauline's replies. Younger than Pauline, Jinny was attractive G38 33 without being beautiful, quick-witted, sensitive in her G38 34 observations, and drawn by preference to women. Ernest, for whom G38 35 lesbians were a dark attraction, felt comfortable with Jinny's G38 36 presence and appreciated her wry humor. Living with two women and G38 37 sleeping with one was like old times in the mountains. At the same G38 38 time, less than 300 kilometers away in the snows of Savoie, Hadley G38 39 was sharing Paul Mowrer with his wife, Winifred. Her New Year's G38 40 greetings enclosed an ancient, uncashed five-dollar check sent by G38 41 Ernest's parents at Bumby's birth, which Hadley discovered in the G38 42 back of her trust account book. Now that the divorce mill was G38 43 grinding out their severance, Hadley in her letters was once again G38 44 his Cat, his Catherine, who did not let him forget their once G38 45 shared life.

G38 46 But Gstaad was not Schruns, and the old life was disappearing G38 47 quickly. Ernest and Pauline were no longer conspirators hiding G38 48 their passion. Now they were merely two lovers with a sister on G38 49 their way to a marriage as soon as his divorce was final. It was G38 50 also clear that Pauline was a good deal more organized and less G38 51 dependent than Hadley on Ernest's lead. Whereas Ernest tended G38 52 towards tactics, Pauline relied on strategy. He was at his best in G38 53 an emergency, quick to read the situation and respond; she was G38 54 better at anticipating the crisis and at long-range planning. With G38 55 no way to know it in advance, Ernest Hemingway had found, among all G38 56 the available women in Paris, not the prettiest nor the richest, G38 57 but the one best suited to his situation. With his career about to G38 58 burgeon, he no longer needed a devoted Hadley leaning heavily upon G38 59 his lead. What he needed now was a wife to help manage his career, G38 60 a woman who could make decisions and take care of herself; a woman G38 61 like Pauline Pfeiffer, who was already thinking about where they G38 62 would live in Paris and how they would get married. At G38 63 twenty-seven, Hemingway was about to wed a woman with an adequate G38 64 trust fund and access to more money when needed, an independent, G38 65 older woman who, after living eleven years on her own, was willing G38 66 to quit her career to be his wife.

G38 67 Pauline, better schooled than Hadley and a more critical G38 68 reader, was to become a silent partner in Hemingway's literary G38 69 career, the possibilities for which were multiplying daily. He had G38 70 three stories soon to appear in Scribner's Magazine and G38 71 what was quickly becoming a best-selling novel in the bookstores. G38 72 The publicity generated by The Sun Also Rises was G38 73 bringing him new offers with almost every mail delivery. There were G38 74 foreign rights to be negotiated and translators to be selected. G38 75 James Joyce recommended Hemingway to his German publishers and two G38 76 French firms were also interested. Eug<*_>e-acute<*/>ne Jolas G38 77 wanted him to do an essay on Gertrude Stein for the first issue of G38 78 Transition, and Ezra was still harassing him to revise 'An G38 79 Alpine Idyll' for Exile. The New Yorker accepted his G38 80 humorous 'How I Broke With John Wilkes Booth,' and wanted more G38 81 material. Even Vanity Fair, after turning down one of his G38 82 early stories, was now asking for his work. Sure that Hemingway G38 83 would "get so rich in a year or two that you will look like G38 84 Henry Mencken," the magazine wanted to help him reach that G38 85 pinnacle if he would only send them two or three stories about G38 86 anything "except abortion and allied subjects." G38 87 Hemingway wrote his next three stories about alcoholism, G38 88 homosexuality, and abortion.

G38 89 In New York, sales of The Sun Also Rises were G38 90 exceeding Scribner's expectations for a first novel and making Max G38 91 Perkins look very good around the office. Already he was asking G38 92 Hemingway about his next book of stories, a book that Pound G38 93 strongly advised against. "You will do no such GOD DAMND G38 94 thing. You will publish ANOTHER NOVEL next, and after, and NOT G38 95 UNTIL THAT you will make them pub. sht. stories. Wotter yer think G38 96 yer are, a bloomink DILLYtanty?" Whatever currency Ezra's G38 97 advice once held for Hemingway it had lost through distance and G38 98 lack of perspective. Having marked and remarked on almost every G38 99 writer in Hemingway's generation, Ezra was growing gradually out of G38 100 touch in fascist Italy. Hemingway, who grew up respecting G38 101 middle-American hard-earned money and who never in his life G38 102 intended to be poor, was trying to perfect a style that satisfied G38 103 both his artistry and the general public.

G38 104 He still enjoyed Ezra's strange letters filled with curious G38 105 diction, but he no longer took his literary advice seriously or G38 106 made any concessions to Pound's new magazine. The more Ezra advised G38 107 him on the revision of 'An Alpine Idyll,' the more Hemingway tried G38 108 to sell it unrevised to another American magazine. In late January, G38 109 he instructed Max Perkins to send the much-traveled story to Alfred G38 110 Kreymbourg for his American Caravan. When Ezra asked for G38 111 a story that would not sell in America, Hemingway, who could have G38 112 given him the much-rejected 'Fifty Grand,' put him off, for Ezra G38 113 was his past, not his future. Pound thought that 'Alpine Idyll' was G38 114 wasted on Caravan, "but yr manipulation of the G38 115 external woild is so much superior to mine, that I hezzytate to G38 116 comment," he added. "I trust yr contract dont G38 117 include turning over proceeds of ALL best sellers to your late G38 118 consort."

G38 119 Hadley, who was back in Paris tending to their divorce, was G38 120 about to become a modestly affluent woman from The Sun Also G38 121 Rises, which by the end of January was in its fourth printing, G38 122 having sold almost eleven thousand copies. "It's perfectly G38 123 great...how that book of yours is going," Hadley told him, G38 124 "and yours truly is prostrate with joy at the prospect of G38 125 such grand riches. Paul says he will let me know at what moment to G38 126 invest, which will not be the present sez he." In G38 127 Hadley's world, Ernest had clearly been replaced by Paul Mowrer, G38 128 which relieved some of Pauline's guilt while secretly galling him. G38 129 He was now dependent upon Pauline's money, while his own earned G38 130 royalties would be invested by the man who was apparently in love G38 131 with his not yet ex-wife.

G38 132 But, as Hadley made clear to Ernest, future royalties were not G38 133 going to pay for their present divorce. Upon her return from Savoie G38 134 with the Mowrers, she wrote Ernest that her lawyer, Burkhardt, G38 135 wanted the rest of his fee up front before the first stage of the G38 136 divorce was reached. Because the wife's lawyer should not receive G38 137 money directly from her husband, Hadley asked Ernest to send the G38 138 check to her to make the payment. She enclosed triplicate copies of G38 139 official papers for Hemingway to sign and return, which he promptly G38 140 did, enclosing a draft on his Paris account for 5,100 francs. On 27 G38 141 January, Hadley received her official judgment for divorce giving G38 142 her custody of Bumby. The final decree, having still several final G38 143 steps to go through in the French court system, would not come G38 144 until sometime in March.

G38 145 Hadley enclosed several Christmas cards that had arrived for G38 146 them as a couple, and plenty of mail was being forwarded by G38 147 Hemingway's Paris bank. Some came from almost forgotten friends G38 148 like Frances Coates in Oak Park, who found the novel G38 149 heart-breaking. Lincoln Steffen's wife, Ella Winter, wrote that G38 150 after reading The Sun Also Rises she now understood what G38 151 Gertrude Stein was trying to say in Composition as G38 152 Explanation. "You must have worked like hell at it, G38 153 and when one reads it, one feels you just stuck it down between G38 154 putting on your pants and your coat." Even John Dos Passos G38 155 was having second thoughts about his negative review of the novel. G38 156 "I've sworn off book reviewing," he joked. G38 157 "It's a dirty habit....the funny thing about The Sun Also G38 158 is that in sections it isn't shitty. It's only in conjuncto that it G38 159 begins to smell. Of course it's perfectly conceivable that it's G38 160 really a swell book and that we're all of us balmy." The G38 161 part that galled Dos most was Hemingway's "rotten" tendency G38 162 to use his friends full-face in his fiction. "Writers," he G38 163 said, "are per se damn lousy bourgeois parasitic upperclass G38 164 shits and not to be written about unless they are your G38 165 enemies." And out of the blue came a letter from Sinclair G38 166 Lewis, then the hottest literary property in America. The Sun G38 167 Also Rises, Lewis wrote, "was one of the best books I G38 168 have ever read, and I want to have the privilege of sending my G38 169 great congratulations about it. I know of no other youngster...who G38 170 has a more superb chance to dominate Anglo-American letters. Jesus G38 171 you done a good book!" In February, Lewis hoped to meet G38 172 Ernest in Paris.

G38 173 Guy Hickok, his old drinking and journalist buddy, wrote from G38 174 Paris that The Sun Also Rises was "a swell G38 175 book.... Quite a feat to make drunks' talk sound as good to undrunk G38 176 readers as this does." "I hear," he said in G38 177 his next letter, "there are one or two guys looking for you G38 178 with gats [guns]." Hickok and two men Hemingway did not G38 179 know had been out to dinner with Hadley, whose "maternal G38 180 duties" began to prey upon her late in the evening. G38 181 "I got all four of us into my two place Henriette and we G38 182 trembled off down the rue de Fleurus while Hadley, perched away up G38 183 near the roof on a couple of laps, sang little French songs which G38 184 she said the 'boys' brought back, but which I know were nicer than G38 185 anybody in the A.E.F. ever learned." Hemingway read it G38 186 slowly, and knew exactly which songs they were and when she had G38 187 sung them to him. He did not blame Guy for feeling upset about G38 188 their divorce. "Somebody looking for a degree," Guy G38 189 said, "ought to trace the influence of whooping cough in G38 190 history."

G38 191 Not all the incoming mail was quite so friendly. In Paris, G38 192 Chard Powers Smith, a sometime acquaintance of Hemingway's during G38 193 his 1923 Caf<*_>e-acute<*/> du D<*_>o-circ<*/>me period, had G38 194 finally read In Our Time, in which parts of 'Mr. and Mrs. G38 195 Elliot' bore an uncanny resemblance to parts of his own marriage to G38 196 Olive MacDonald. G38 197 G38 198 G39 1 <#FROWN:G39\>We respect the people who want to honor us and G39 2 certainly we respect the causes they support. If we were younger, G39 3 had more time, and were trying to make our way in the world, we G39 4 would go out more frequently and even joyously. I will let Cronkite G39 5 speak for us. I told him I was about to sail on an extended trip G39 6 around South America to gather material for a book and was afraid I G39 7 was going to be pestered. "I know just how you feel, G39 8 Jim," Cronkite said. "Four years ago I took that G39 9 trip and was scared to death I'd be pestered by everyone on board, G39 10 but Cunard officials assured me: 'We're accustomed to having G39 11 passengers sail with us who want to be left alone. We know how to G39 12 protect your privacy.' On the third night after our departure from G39 13 Miami, Betsy and I were sitting in a corner of the nearly empty G39 14 bar, and I suddenly asked: 'Betsy! When are they going to start G39 15 pestering me?'" In that cri de coeur he G39 16 spoke for all of us.

G39 17 G39 18 VI

G39 19 Politics

G39 20 MY INTRODUCTION to politics was so shameful that I bore the G39 21 scars for decades, but from it I learned a lesson of brotherhood G39 22 that would dominate my adult life. In the autumn of 1917, when I G39 23 was ten and in the grip of wartime hysteria focused against Germany G39 24 and the Kaiser, I took a pair of old shoes to the elderly cobbler G39 25 who had his shop a few doors from our home on North Main Street. G39 26 This area had always been called Germany because many of the G39 27 original settlers there had come from that country and their G39 28 descendants still spoke that language at home rather than English. G39 29 My shoemaker, of course, was German.

G39 30 When I handed him my shoes I saw to my astonishment something I G39 31 had not noticed before. On his wall, behind his lasts and knee-held G39 32 anvils hung a large chromolithograph of the Kaiser. As G39 33 <}_><-|>as<+|><}/> I stared at it over the old man's shoulder the G39 34 glare from the hooded eyes was so menacing, the set of the jaw so G39 35 cruel, that I was speechless, and fled the shop. I had seen the G39 36 enemy about whom the orators ranted and he was lurking in my G39 37 backyard.

G39 38 Hurrying home, I brooded over the menace I had seen, and that G39 39 night my worst fears were intensified, for our family went to the G39 40 park before the courthouse where a fine-looking young officer from G39 41 some British regiment spoke eloquently about the horrors of G39 42 fighting the Boche in Flanders and striving, with American aid, to G39 43 keep the Kaiser out of Paris.

G39 44 I did not sleep much that night, which I spent struggling G39 45 against the Kaiser, dodging his submarines and holding him back in G39 46 the trenches lest he storm Paris. I left my bed the next morning in G39 47 such a blaze of patriotic fervor that I marched to the cobbler's, G39 48 slammed my way into his workshop, and, ripping the traitorous G39 49 portrait from the wall, carried it out into the street and tore it G39 50 to bits before a small crowd that had gathered.

G39 51 I heard for the first time the heady sound of applause, and G39 52 there were admiring cries: "He's a little hero, that G39 53 one!" At the height of the celebration I looked past my G39 54 applauding neighbors to the doorway of the cobbler's shop, where G39 55 the old man who had so often befriended me looked on in confusion G39 56 and dismay.

G39 57 Someone in the crowd reported my patriotic deed to the local G39 58 newspaper, and I believe that the first time my name appeared in G39 59 print was as the local hero, ten years old, who had struck a blow G39 60 for the cause of the Allies and against the tyranny of the Hun. But G39 61 the praise I received was dampened by the look I had seen on the G39 62 old man's face as the poor cobbler watched his little world being G39 63 torn apart by a child.

G39 64 I was inducted into local politics in a manner almost as G39 65 dramatic. Our elegant rural county of Bucks, tucked in between G39 66 Philadelphia and New York, and one of the few counties in the G39 67 nation known widely by name, was staunchly Republican and was ruled G39 68 by a benevolent tyrant named Joe Grundy. He owned a profitable G39 69 manufacturing plant at the lower end of the county and had but one G39 70 ambition, to keep Bucks County totally Republican and the nation G39 71 safely in the hands of the G.O.P. In later years he became G39 72 president of the National Association of Manufacturers and a United G39 73 States senator, and he fused the two positions so completely that G39 74 no observer could discern whether he was acting as a senator or as G39 75 a manufacturer.

G39 76 He used to come up from his bastion in Bristol in a chauffeured G39 77 car wearing high-buttoned shoes and a grim smile to dictate the G39 78 governing of Doylestown, our county seat. He owned the local G39 79 newspaper, the Intelligencer, and controlled its policies with G39 80 an inflexible conservatism which ensured that not even a whisper of G39 81 liberalism or pro-labor sentiment or salaciousness raise its ugly G39 82 head. One issue of his paper has gone down in history as a notable G39 83 example of his arch-Republicanism, for on the morning after a G39 84 crucial national election in 1940 the front page consisted of a G39 85 banner headline proclaiming that Bucks County had once more voted G39 86 Republican, while in an obscure bottom right box appeared a small G39 87 notice to the effect that some Democrat had won the presidency. Joe G39 88 Grundy played hardball and was so able that he kept our town and G39 89 county completely under his control.

G39 90 I first became aware of his power in the fall of 1916, when I G39 91 was nine years old and he was laboring desperately to keep G39 92 Pennsylvania in the Republican column in the great presidential G39 93 fight between the flabby Democratic incumbent, Woodrow Wilson, and G39 94 the stalwart Republican challenger, Charles Evans Hughes. My G39 95 family, obedient as always to the urgings of Joe Grundy, was G39 96 ardently Republican on the solid grounds voiced by my mother: G39 97 "You can see that with that dignified beard Mr. Hughes G39 98 looks like a president." (In the next election she G39 99 would tell me: "James, you can see that Warren Harding with G39 100 that handsome face and reserved manner looks like a G39 101 president" but in the election after that she made no G39 102 comment about her man Coolidge.)

G39 103 The election was hard fought and Grundy marshaled his forces G39 104 with wonderful skill so that on Tuesday night after heated G39 105 balloting we were overjoyed to hear that Hughes had won and, G39 106 following orders from Mr. Grundy's local henchmen, we traipsed into G39 107 the middle of town to cheer an impoverished Republican victory G39 108 parade, and I went to bed that night satisfied that with Charles G39 109 Evan Hughes in charge of the nation as a whole and Joe Grundy in G39 110 command locally, the republic was on an even keel.

G39 111 Of course, by midmorning on Wednesday we learned that a G39 112 disgracefully wrong vote in California had delivered the presidency G39 113 back into the hands of that pitiful man, Woodrow Wilson, and black G39 114 despair settled over Bucks County. But the entire affair culminated G39 115 for me on Friday night in a distasteful way, because a ragtag G39 116 handful of Democrats gathered from various unsavory corners of the G39 117 county convened in our town for a victory parade, and as my mother G39 118 and I stood in the shadows in the alley beside the G39 119 Intelligencer office, she delivered her contemptuous summary G39 120 of the Democrats, a phrase that still rings in my ears: G39 121 "Look at them, James, not a Buick in the lot."

G39 122 My next incursion into politics was in the presidential G39 123 election of 1928. I was then in college, and was so distressed by G39 124 the virulent anti-Catholicism of the period that in a public rally G39 125 attended by townspeople, I gave extemporaneously a rousing defense G39 126 of freedom of religion. After the meeting the community's leading G39 127 Republican, Frank Scheibley, was so impressed by my speech and its G39 128 manner of delivery that he collared me, offered me a job, and later G39 129 wanted to adopt me as his son. I was thus at an early age G39 130 co-opted.

G39 131 In rapid order, as I shall explain in more detail later, I was G39 132 invited to sample socialism, fascism and communism, and learned a G39 133 great deal about each. But I was not impressed with any of them and G39 134 remained essentially one of Joe Grundy's boys, although the Great G39 135 Depression did cause me to wonder why, if he and his buddies were G39 136 so everlastingly smart, they had allowed this financial disaster to G39 137 happen not only to me but also to themselves. But I remained a G39 138 Republican.

G39 139 At a critical point in my life I moved to Colorado, which was G39 140 one of the best things I ever did, for the grand spaciousness of G39 141 that setting and the freedom of political expression that was not G39 142 only allowed but encouraged converted me from being a somewhat G39 143 hidebound Eastern conservative into a free spirit. Colorado was an G39 144 unusual state in that its voters rarely, and never in my time, G39 145 awarded all three of its top political positions -governor and two G39 146 senators -to the same party; the citizens preferred to have the G39 147 power split among various factions, which meant that the political G39 148 life there was wildly different from what I had known in Bucks G39 149 County, where Joe Grundy told us how to vote and we obeyed. In G39 150 Colorado a man or woman could be a member of any party or any G39 151 faction within a party and still enjoy a serious chance of being G39 152 elected to high office. In Pennsylvania I had learned to respect G39 153 politics; in Colorado I learned to love it.

G39 154 But most important was something there that helped me develop G39 155 an intellectual strength I had not had before. There was in the G39 156 town an informal but most congenial small restaurant named after G39 157 the widow who ran it, a Mrs. Angell, and there in 1936 a group of G39 158 like-minded men, two-thirds Republican, one-third Democrat, but all G39 159 imbued with a love of argument and exploration of ideas, met twice G39 160 a month for protracted debate on whatever problem was hottest at G39 161 the moment. We had two clergymen -one liberal, one conservative -an G39 162 admirable lawyer who had pleaded major cases before the U.S. G39 163 Supreme Court, two scientists, one of the cantankerous leaders of G39 164 the Colorado Senate, a wonderful school administrator, a fiery G39 165 newspaper editor and a healthy scattering of businessmen, mostly on G39 166 the conservative side. Because I had access to a gelatin G39 167 duplicating pad, I was designated executive secretary in charge of G39 168 finding speakers and convening the meetings. We paid, I remember, G39 169 fifty-five cents a meeting in depression currency, and that covered G39 170 a free meal for the invited guest. The meetings became so precious G39 171 to all of us that we would go far out of our way to attend. G39 172 Discussion was rigorous, informed and relevant, with ideas from the G39 173 nation's frontier whipping about in grand style.

G39 174 I think that any young person in his or her thirties who wants G39 175 to build both character and a grasp of social reality would be well G39 176 advised to either form or join a club like our Angell's, where hard G39 177 ideas are discussed by hardheaded members, where ideas that the G39 178 general public is not yet ready to embrace are dissected, and where G39 179 decisions are hammered out for the welfare of the community. G39 180 Sensible men have participated in such discussions from the G39 181 beginning of time: in the wineshops of antiquity, the baths of G39 182 ancient Rome, the coffeeshops of England, and town meetings of New G39 183 England, the Friday-night meeting of the kibbutzim in Israel, the G39 184 informal clubs of California and Texas and Vermont. Thoughtful G39 185 people seek these meetings because they need them, and had I not G39 186 stumbled into mine in Colorado I would have been a lesser man.

G39 187 One summer a fiery evangelist, Harvey Springer, came into town G39 188 and pitched his big tent near the college where I taught. There in G39 189 nightly sessions of the most compelling nature, with frenzied G39 190 speeches, haunting choral music and wild-eyed young women screaming G39 191 while coming down the aisles to be saved, Reverend Springer G39 192 launched a virulent attack on the two clergymen in our group and on G39 193 me as a disruptive, liberal, atheistic professor. G39 194 G39 195 G40 1 <#FROWN:G40\>ONE

G40 2 THE IVESES OF DANBURY

G40 3 April 27, 1854, was one of the great days in the history of G40 4 Danbury, Connecticut. On that day a monument was dedicated to a G40 5 hero of the Revolution, General David Wooster, long beloved by the G40 6 town that had been the scene of his finest hours and of his death G40 7 seventy-five years earlier. In its account of the event, the G40 8 Danbury Times aptly called it "The Monumental G40 9 Celebration."

G40 10 The citizens of Danbury met the day with a sense of solemnity G40 11 mixed with restlessness and optimism, for the occasion was not only G40 12 patriotic and historical but funereal as well. The recently G40 13 completed Wooster Cemetery, where the monument to the fallen G40 14 champion had been erected near his grave, was already a showplace G40 15 of the town; however, if some of the five thousand or so Danbury G40 16 residents were pondering whether this would be their own final G40 17 resting place, there seemed little evidence of such melancholy. The G40 18 town was secure and growing, and the future seemed as bright as the G40 19 Thursday morning sunshine. The turnout was far greater than that G40 20 for the militia training days of a decade earlier or even the G40 21 Fourth of July festivals. The newly completed Danbury and Norwalk G40 22 Railroad made it possible for people to travel to the celebration G40 23 from every part of the state. The train pulling into the depot at G40 24 the north end of Main Street brought many dignitaries: the governor G40 25 and former governor of Connecticut, several generals, the editors G40 26 of the state's leading newspapers (the Palladium and G40 27 Gazette of Hartford), and the noted poet Mrs. Lydia Sigourney G40 28 (1791-1865), who distinguished the occasion with a commemorative G40 29 poem. It was estimated that the swell of people who attended the G40 30 event had effectively doubled the population of Danbury. It would G40 31 long be remembered in the town as one of the finest and most G40 32 important spectacles of the century.

G40 33 Danbury, of course, made its own contribution to the color and G40 34 dignity of the occasion. The growing American appetite for local G40 35 organizations of every variety was in evidence throughout. The G40 36 exercises of the day were organized and conducted principally by G40 37 the masonic fraternity. Its exotic ritual commingled curiously with G40 38 the patriotic fervor of the other participants, the simple G40 39 Protestant ceremonial of the Congregational Church, where some of G40 40 the speeches were heard, and the obligatory military exercises and G40 41 parades. It was American eclecticism at its most vivid, yet on a G40 42 scale appropriate to the small town.

G40 43 It was a day for oratory and music. Danbury provided its own G40 44 indoor variety of music in the Congregational Church, where G40 45 following the procession and dedication of the monument those who G40 46 were fortunate enough to find a place could hear an inspiring G40 47 oration. However, the resources for outdoor band music were not yet G40 48 developed on a scale for such an occasion and had to be bolstered G40 49 by visiting groups.

G40 50 The procession was dominated by officials and members of the G40 51 numerous Danbury fraternal organizations. There were also, of G40 52 course, clergymen, whose function was to anchor the occasion within G40 53 a long New England tradition of linking the secular with the sacred G40 54 and to remind the participants that there was, after all, a God. G40 55 The handful of Revolutionary soldiers who attended, now in their G40 56 seventies, were accorded an honorary position, marching immediately G40 57 behind the highest officials. Pacing the parade were military G40 58 organizations from every part of the state - the Hartford Light G40 59 Guards, the New Haven Blues, and the German Rifle Company of G40 60 Bridgeport - and from New York, with five marching bands G40 61 interspersed among them. The new immigrants from Europe were also G40 62 well represented, for the most part in the form of church and G40 63 fraternal groups. The firemen of Danbury, including many Irish, G40 64 marched along with those of Bridgeport and Norwalk. Danbury Fire G40 65 Company Number 2 had thrown an ornate arch of evergreens and G40 66 flowers across White Street in front of their engine house, under G40 67 which the procession passed on its way to the cemetery. The rich G40 68 regalia of the Odd Fellows competed with that of the Masons and the G40 69 military while contrasting with the modest garb of the Sons of G40 70 Temperance. In democracy made manifest, no group visible in town G40 71 was omitted and even unaffiliated individuals could form ranks at G40 72 the end of the parade to march with the "Citizens of G40 73 Danbury, the Citizens of Fairfield County and Citizens of this and G40 74 other States who desire to join in the Procession."

G40 75 The lengthy procession assembled at Wooster House, an inn in G40 76 the north part of Main Street, and wound through the town to G40 77 Wooster Cemetery, where a thirty-foot platform had been erected. G40 78 Following a prayer, Masonic ritual prevailed as the "chief G40 79 stone" of the monument was laid by the Grand Master and the G40 80 Master Architect under the honorary direction of Governor Pond. G40 81 Before the sealing of the stone, a box was enclosed within the G40 82 monument to preserve certain articles for future generations. These G40 83 included copies of the Bible, the U.S. Constitution, and the G40 84 Connecticut state constitution, American gold and silver coins, G40 85 Continental bills, and a daguerreotype of General Wooster. Copies G40 86 of the day's editions of the New York Tribune, Herald, G40 87 and Times were included as well as of the Danbury G40 88 Times.

G40 89 Looking toward the future, the people of Danbury still keenly G40 90 felt the past and revered it. At the same time, they hoped that G40 91 future generations would come to respect them and their efforts of G40 92 this day. The Revolutionary War had generated a musical legacy G40 93 consisting largely of patriotic tunes, some of which were played on G40 94 this day by the bands of the grand procession. But the Revolution G40 95 had also produced heroes who had by now become an important part of G40 96 American life. The unquestioned leader in national popularity was G40 97 George Washington, but first in the hearts of his Danbury G40 98 countrymen was General David Wooster, whose historical presence was G40 99 nearly palpable to the boys and girls of Danbury in the first half G40 100 of the century. The final object inserted into the memorial stone G40 101 was the bullet that had been the cause of Wooster's death.

G40 102 General David Wooster, a Yale graduate and a distinguished G40 103 soldier, was sixty-eight when he was summoned to Danbury in April, G40 104 1777. The preceding year, the village had had the misfortune of G40 105 being designated a depository for Continental army supplies. G40 106 Inevitably, it was attacked, sacked, and burned, but Wooster and G40 107 his troops drove the British out. Wooster pursued them to nearby G40 108 Ridgefield, where he was mortally wounded on April 27, 1779. In the G40 109 late morning, as Wooster led the attack on the retreating British, G40 110 he drew heavy fire. Rallying his troops, who were frightened by the G40 111 grapeshot whistling through the air, Wooster turned in his saddle G40 112 shouting, "Come on, my boys! Never mind such random G40 113 shots!" At that moment, a musket ball, said to have been G40 114 fired by a Tory, struck him obliquely in the back, splintering his G40 115 spine and lodging in his stomach. He was brought back by carriage G40 116 to Danbury, where he lay for several days in a House on South G40 117 Street before he died. This house, at the foot of Main Street, was G40 118 only a short distance from the point where the memorial procession G40 119 began.

G40 120 After the chief stone was laid at Wooster Cemetery, the G40 121 procession continued to the Congregational church for the oration, G40 122 a lengthy eulogy delivered by the Honorable Brother Henry C. G40 123 Deming. Those who failed to participate in the church program, G40 124 whether by choice or circumstance (it was quite crowded), might G40 125 have found some solace at the Wooster House: on the green in front G40 126 of the inn, a sumptuous banquet had been spread for all who wished G40 127 to partake.

G40 128 A prominent participant in Danbury's great day was George White G40 129 Ives (1798-1862), father of George Edward Ives (1845-1894) and G40 130 grandfather of Charles Edwin Ives (1874-1954). This occasion would G40 131 not have been possible - at least not in this grand manner - were G40 132 it not for Ives and several others of his generation who were G40 133 developing, indeed transforming, the town. For these few and their G40 134 families - Ives, Tweedy, White, Hoyt - public spirit and private G40 135 benefit appeared to be inextricably entwined. Even in civic G40 136 endeavors such as the advancement of the railroad line or the G40 137 introduction of gas lighting, where motives of private profit might G40 138 seem to predominate, there could be no question as to their G40 139 salutary effect on the growth of Danbury in the 1850s. Other G40 140 projects, like the organization and development of Wooster G40 141 Cemetery, of which George White Ives was treasurer, were more G40 142 traditionally in the line of community welfare. Romanticizing G40 143 economics, this small cohort of contemporaries and neighbors saw G40 144 themselves as a second wave of pioneers. The first wave, a group of G40 145 eight men, had made their way from Norwalk along a Paquioque Indian G40 146 path in 1684 and founded Danbury. Returning shortly thereafter with G40 147 their families, they formed the rudiments of a settlement - homes, G40 148 farms, a meeting place, a blacksmith's. The homesteads of the G40 149 'original eight' occupied little more than a few hundred yards G40 150 along Main Street (the old Indian trail) starting at what would G40 151 become South Street and extending north.

G40 152 A century and a half later, a new thrust was taking place, this G40 153 time economic, not geographic. On the one hand, it reflected the G40 154 times, the post-Jackson era of laissez-faire business expansion; on G40 155 the other, Danbury's very survival depended on it. Although Danbury G40 156 was a small town in the days of George White and George Edward Ives G40 157 - and even, to a lesser degree, during Charles Ives's boyhood - it G40 158 could not remain static. For industry had come to Danbury and G40 159 committed it to progress, like it or not. A small inland town could G40 160 not survive otherwise, and there was no going back. Despite the G40 161 amenities of small-town life, the changes that would at length G40 162 transform it were taking place even in its heyday. As was the case G40 163 in smaller communities, it was a handful of men who spearheaded G40 164 change. Occasionally they made fortunes and great names for G40 165 themselves, but more often the result was a degree of 'being G40 166 comfortable' and a respected name in town.

G40 167 Ives had been such a name in Danbury since the days of Isaac G40 168 Ives, George White Ives's father, who came to the town in the G40 169 1790s. His sojourn there was characteristic in some ways of many G40 170 ambitious New Englanders of the time: the striving, the economic G40 171 fits and starts, the ultimate success, and the comfortable G40 172 establishment of self and family in tranquil retirement. Typical G40 173 too were the social and family networks in which all this took G40 174 place and the resultant family tradition. Isaac was the strong, G40 175 singular root of the Danbury Iveses. Born in 1764, he was an G40 176 adolescent at the time of the Revolution. He went to Yale College, G40 177 the first of the Iveses to be associated with Yale, studied law G40 178 there, and received the degree of bachelor of arts. According to G40 179 one account, he came to Danbury via Morristown, New Jersey, where G40 180 he may have tried his hand at teaching. Another suggests that he G40 181 had rather limited success practicing law in Litchfield before G40 182 moving to Danbury.

G40 183 Perhaps his best fortune there was to board with a member of an G40 184 already prominent family, the Benedicts, who not only could claim G40 185 both heroes and villains in the recently fought Revolutionary War G40 186 but could trace their own Danbury origins to the original eight of G40 187 1685. Isaac married their daughter, whose death within two years G40 188 climaxed a series of misfortunes: by then Isaac had failed in G40 189 several business ventures. Left with a daughter, Jerusha, and again G40 190 unsuccessful (this time in the tanning business), Isaac married G40 191 again. His second wife was Sarah Amelia White, of another G40 192 well-known Danbury family. Their son, George White Ives, was born G40 193 in New York City in 1798.

G40 194 Pressed by the need to support a growing family, Isaac G40 195 attempted to set up business in New York, this time as a wholesale G40 196 grocer in Pearl Street. The job eventually required travel to New G40 197 England and the South. On one such trip Isaac wrote to Amelia, G40 198 "How unpleasant, indeed how painful, to be absent and to G40 199 not know conditions." G40 200 G41 1 <#FROWN:G41\>6

G41 2 The Coming of Age

G41 3 Pym's struggle with cancer in 1971 made her realize that she G41 4 was growing older and needed to reassess her prospects for the G41 5 future. Needless to say, forging a novel out of illness and the G41 6 threat of approaching death was not easy. To do so involved an G41 7 emotional as well as literary effort, and her plot mirrors the G41 8 painful steps of her journey. The central theme of Quartet in G41 9 Autumn is retirement, which is viewed quite differently by G41 10 retirees and observers. In the novel, observers would like to G41 11 believe that stopping work represents a liberation, but retirees, G41 12 like Letty, experience it as an abandonment. As the novel G41 13 progresses, however, Letty discovers that the truth lies somewhere G41 14 in between. Although never fully confident, at the end, she G41 15 believes that she has a future.

G41 16 Letty's experiences test three current theories about G41 17 retirement: abandonment, liberation, and what sociologists call G41 18 "diachronic solidarity." The last one is based on G41 19 the idea that each generation in turn will help their predecessors, G41 20 the underlying principle of social security legislation. Letty, G41 21 however, has no one to rely on, and developing trust in herself is G41 22 no easy matter. Along the way, she suffers, and even more G41 23 important, Marcia, her coworker in the office, dies. Marcia's death G41 24 represents Pym's recognition of the dangers of aging.

G41 25 Ultimately, the novel becomes a coherent and controlled elegy G41 26 to the city and to office life, but before Pym began taking notes G41 27 for it, her thoughts were sorely troubled. She saw death and decay G41 28 everywhere she turned, partly because such signs existed to be G41 29 observed. For example, for some time she had been aware of G41 30 declining membership in the Anglican church. Although she skirted G41 31 that problem in An Academic Question, as early as G41 32 September 19, 1969, she wrote Philip Larkin that she would write G41 33 about these matters in her next novel (VPE, 251). In 1970, G41 34 when Pym's I.A.I. office was rearranged, she wondered if all the G41 35 attendant unpleasant emotions might contribute to the plot.

G41 36 But at that point, she had no time to begin anything new. Also G41 37 she was preoccupied with the possibility of radically altering her G41 38 characteristic style. Realizing that gothic novels were immensely G41 39 popular, on August 31, 1970, she considered writing an update of G41 40 Jane Eyre, which might express the protagonist's sense of G41 41 being an outsider (VPE, 258-59). (Four years later, after the G41 42 second hospitalization for a stroke, Pym started a romantic novel G41 43 about a young woman recuperating from illness and unrequited love G41 44 but quickly abandoned the effort.) As it turned out, Quartet G41 45 in Autumn is neither gothic nor romantic. Ironically, all G41 46 Pym's attempts to alter her style merely led her back to her old G41 47 habit of vicarious observations of the lives of others, and to her G41 48 life-long preoccupation with spinsters. When completed, the novel G41 49 provided a new synthesis of all the ideas and themes that had G41 50 enthralled her for a long time.

G41 51 Meanwhile the mastectomy made Pym feel completely alone in the G41 52 world for the first time in her life. On May 1, 1971, she wrote G41 53 Robert Smith that even her sister, Hilary, was out of the country G41 54 when she was hospitalized (VPE, 261). Although many friends G41 55 rallied around, the event forced Pym to accept her inner solitude. G41 56 Then the plight of lonely spinsters, companions, and governesses G41 57 ceased to be the subject of anxious fantasy but an important new G41 58 literary topic.

G41 59 The bleak observations found in Quartet in Autumn are G41 60 not surprising when one considers the problems that Pym faced. The G41 61 threat of cancer was the most important. But that discovery was G41 62 reinforced by signs of aging among her friends and acquaintances. G41 63 The years brought news of the deaths of many old friends and raised G41 64 the specter of a lonely demise. Pym was well aware that reading G41 65 obituary notices of her friends heralded her own mortality, whereas G41 66 in youth she had assumed that seeing death notices of friends would G41 67 make the old feel triumphant. November 15, 1970, about six months G41 68 before the surgery, Robert Smith wrote that his friend Joan Wales, G41 69 of the furniture depository episode, had been found in a diabetic G41 70 coma. Although she survived, in a later literary notebook entry on G41 71 December 8, 1972, Pym started wondering if a solitary character G41 72 could die of starvation in her novel (VPE, 272). In 1977 G41 73 Richard Roberts recognized that Marcia was very like Joan Wales. In G41 74 that letter he wrote that Wales was dying, but later reported her G41 75 to be alive.

G41 76 Not only was the health of some of Pym's contemporaries G41 77 beginning to deteriorate, but London was as well. Between 1970 and G41 78 1972, several places that were part of Pym's private landscape G41 79 closed or were torn down. July 3, 1970, the Kardomah was shut where G41 80 Hazel Holt and she had shared so many companionable lunches G41 81 (VPE, 256). Pym wrote Philip Larkin on November 7, 1971, that G41 82 St. Lawrence's, her church home, had become a victim of redundancy G41 83 (VPE, 266). The disappearance of personal landmarks aroused G41 84 mixed feelings. Pym was inclined to mourn their loss, but her sharp G41 85 eyes also recorded the ensuing conflict, which she felt would make G41 86 good material for her novel. February 4, 1972, she wrote gloomily G41 87 in the notebook that Gamage's, a store she patronized, was about to G41 88 close, and her old haunts near her office were being torn down, G41 89 "Oh unimaginable horror!" March 6, a month later, G41 90 she noted "change and decay," while predicting that G41 91 old buildings would be supplanted by characterless replacements G41 92 (VPE, 266). Even her office building was to be eliminated.

G41 93 In fact, the period of Pym's discontent was quite short. G41 94 Although her notebook complaints sound similar to E.M. Forster's in G41 95 Howards End, her grief for lost places did not last long. G41 96 By March 20, 1972, she had found new places to eat and the G41 97 impending office move had enriched her ideas for a novel (VPE, G41 98 267). At the same time she became increasingly preoccupied by a G41 99 much greater problem, that of her own approaching retirement.

G41 100 Pym had resisted the idea of retirement for many years. Even G41 101 before completing An Unsuitable Attachment, on February G41 102 6, 1961, Robert Smith had urged her to leave her job. After the G41 103 novel's failure, September 4, 1964, Richard Roberts encouraged her G41 104 to work part time and devote herself to her novels. On March 8, G41 105 1965, Smith reiterated his plea. Pym appreciated the concern of G41 106 both men, but her job represented independence to her, and she was G41 107 loath to give it up. After all, it had taken her years to become G41 108 truly independent. Moreover, like many women, her meager salary G41 109 made her feel insecure about her earning power. Throughout most of G41 110 their lives, Hilary Walton's larger salary had provided most of G41 111 their financial resources. For all these reasons, Pym wanted to G41 112 continue to work, and never did entirely give up her connections G41 113 with the I.A.I. She finished her last index for them in October G41 114 1979, three months before her death.

G41 115 Thus in 1971, when breast cancer made retirement an obvious G41 116 step, she was still fearful. Hilary Walton, who was more G41 117 independent by nature, decided the time had come to mover to the G41 118 country, an idea the two sisters had long planned. Pym agreed in G41 119 principle, but when Mrs. Walton sold their London house, she wrote G41 120 Philip Larkin on May 29, 1972, that she planned to work for another G41 121 year (VPE, 268). Of course, the decision to remain at the G41 122 I.A.I. meant that she had to find a room to rent in someone else's G41 123 house, a necessity that aroused the same feelings she had described G41 124 years before in Something to Remember.

G41 125 The irony did not escape Pym's notice. In the same letter to G41 126 Larkin, Pym facetiously suggested that she might advertise herself G41 127 in the Church Times, as the ideal renter, nonsmoking, G41 128 genteel, and quiet (VPE, 268). The humor covered up real G41 129 distress at her unaccustomed situation. Traveling to Finstock on G41 130 weekends was exhausting for her, even a year after her surgery. On G41 131 July 6, 1972, she reported feeling very ill and alone. As it G41 132 happened, things worked out much better than she had feared. By G41 133 October 24 of that year, Pym had written Larkin that she was G41 134 lodging comfortably in a house where she had kitchen privileges. G41 135 She declared that the office move had created "great staff G41 136 dramas," which she considered to be "fruitful novel G41 137 material" (VPE, 271). Pym's new rental provided G41 138 another opportunity to collect material for her novel. Her status G41 139 was that of a paying guest. She paid rent for the room but referred G41 140 to her landlady as "my hostess" (VPE, 270-71). G41 141 Although her situation was pleasant, Pym was quite aware that such G41 142 arrangements could be most ambiguous socially. She understood G41 143 exactly what a woman in Letty's position would feel, having shared G41 144 Letty's anxiety about finding a room and her social discomfort in G41 145 adjusting (QA, 77).

G41 146 Charles Burkhart has commented on the prevalence of death in G41 147 the published version of Quartet in Autumn. Death plays G41 148 an even larger role in the manuscripts. For several years Pym G41 149 thought of her female characters as victims and imagined that one G41 150 of them would die. Marcia's death seems to have been planned by the G41 151 end of 1972, and at two points in the manuscripts Pym contemplated G41 152 having Letty die. Hints that she desires to give up the struggle G41 153 appeared in Pym's notebook as early as November 5, 1972 (VPE, G41 154 272).

G41 155 Making a decision to move had always been much harder for Pym G41 156 than for Hilary Walton. At every stage in life, the writer invested G41 157 a great deal of herself in her immediate environment and often G41 158 appropriated her surroundings for the landscape of her novels. As a G41 159 result, she felt more intensely rooted than did her more practical G41 160 sister. For a time, even the idea of leaving London for the country G41 161 seemed a kind of death. February 4, 1972, Pym recorded in her G41 162 notebook that "now that the possibility of being 'buried' G41 163 in the country looms," she was trying to absorb as many G41 164 impressions as possible. At the same time she observed regretfully G41 165 that London no longer provided the necessary stability she craved G41 166 (VPE, 266). Indeed, for a time the divided venue merely gave G41 167 her two places in which to notice signs of death and decay. When G41 168 she walked in London, December 8, 1972, Pym worried about the G41 169 plight of street people (VPE, 272). When the previous July she G41 170 had walked in the country or nearby towns, she had lamented that G41 171 she alone seemed to find the dead animals (VPE, 269-70). Even G41 172 a pleasant stroll in old haunts of Oxford on November 5, 1972, G41 173 elicited the observation that Addison's Walk seemed "a good G41 174 place to lie down waiting for death covered in leaves by the still G41 175 streams" (VPE, 272).

G41 176 On the whole, however, Pym was aware that her sister's decision G41 177 was sensible, and she wanted to cooperate as much as possible. G41 178 Instead of grumbling, she used her notebooks to confront her G41 179 worries at some remove. Also she could justify the entries to G41 180 herself on the grounds that they provided material for her novel. G41 181 Indeed, most of these thoughts were attributed to Letty. They also G41 182 captured Pym's melancholy mood as she approached her sixtieth G41 183 birthday. March 13, 1973, she wrote Philip that sixty was G41 184 "the age." Of course, the feeling of obsolescence G41 185 that Pym noted was not altogether personal. In the same letter she G41 186 added that the I.A.I. might have already outlived its function. On G41 187 the other hand she mused, its decay could make "a rich G41 188 subject for fiction" provided that one brought to it G41 189 "a novelist's cruelly dispassionate eye, as I fear I G41 190 sometimes can" (VPE, 273).

G41 191 Through this period Pym observed that breast cancer had made G41 192 her feel powerless. In the first draft of Quartet in G41 193 Autumn she commented that when she saw eccentric people, they G41 194 reminded her of herself or of long-ago friends. She did not attempt G41 195 to review her own past to discover why she felt so vulnerable. G41 196 According to Robert Butler, a psychiatrist who specializes in G41 197 treating older patients, many elders begin reviewing their lives at G41 198 just such moments. G41 199 G41 200 G42 1 <#FROWN:G42\>ONE

G42 2 F<*_>U-umlaut<*/>RTH

G42 3 Coming of Age

G42 4 in Nazi Germany, 1923-38

G42 5 "The point of departure is order, which alone can G42 6 produce freedom." - METTERNICH

G42 7 THE KISSINGERS OF BAVARIA

G42 8 Among the Jews of Rodelsee, a small Bavarian village near G42 9 W<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rzburg, Abraham Kissinger was known for his piety G42 10 and profound religious knowledge. Because he was successful as a G42 11 merchant, he was able to honor the Sabbath by closing before sunset G42 12 on Fridays. But he feared that his four sons might not have that G42 13 luxury if they, too, went into trade. So he decreed that they G42 14 should all become teachers, as his own father had been, and thus G42 15 always be able to keep the Sabbath.

G42 16 And so it was that Joseph, Maier, Simon, and David Kissinger G42 17 each went forth from Rodelsee and founded distinguished Jewish G42 18 schools in the nearby German villages. Of their children, at least G42 19 five, including David's eldest son, Louis, would also become G42 20 teachers. And years later, at a famous college in a faraway G42 21 country, so would Louis's elder son, a studious and introverted G42 22 young man who, until his family fled to America, was known as G42 23 Heinz.

G42 24 The Jews of Bavaria had suffered recurring onslaughts of G42 25 repression since they first settled in the region in the tenth G42 26 century. As merchants and moneylenders, they were protected in many G42 27 Bavarian towns because of the contribution they made to the G42 28 economy, only to find themselves brutally banished when the mood of G42 29 princes and populace changed. They were expelled from upper Bavaria G42 30 in 1276, beginning a wave of oppression that culminated with the G42 31 persecutions following the Black Death in 1349. By the sixteenth G42 32 century, few significant Jewish communities remained in the G42 33 region.

G42 34 Jews began returning to Bavaria, mainly from Austria, at the G42 35 beginning of the eighteenth century. Some were bankers brought in G42 36 to help finance the War of Spanish Succession; others came as G42 37 traders and cattle dealers. Despite occasional outbreaks of G42 38 anti-Semitism, they gradually regained a secure place in Bavarian G42 39 society, or so it seemed. A series of laws between 1804 and 1813, G42 40 during Napoleon's reign, allowed Jews to attend state schools, join G42 41 the militia, and enjoy full citizenship. In addition, they were G42 42 accorded the right to be known by family surnames.

G42 43 The first member of the family to take the name Kissinger was G42 44 Abraham's father, Meyer, who was born in Kleinebstadt in 1767. As a G42 45 young man, Meyer went to live in the resort town of Bad Kissingen, G42 46 a popular spa north of W<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rzburg. At the time, G42 47 Kissingen was home to approximately 180 Jews out of a population of G42 48 just over 1,000. Later he moved to Rodelsee, where Meyer of G42 49 Kissingen legally adopted the name Meyer Kissinger in 1817. Abraham G42 50 was born the following year.

G42 51 Abraham was the only one of Meyer's ten offspring to survive G42 52 childhood. He lived until he was eighty-one and became the G42 53 patriarch of a family that included the four sons who followed his G42 54 wishes and became teachers, four daughters, and thirty-two G42 55 grandchildren. Although they were all Orthodox Jews they were a G42 56 solidly middle-class German family, one that felt deep loyalty to a G42 57 nation that treated them well.

G42 58 David Kissinger, the youngest of Abraham's sons, was born in G42 59 Rodelsee in 1860 and moved to Ermershausen where he founded a small G42 60 school and served as the cantor in the local synagogue. Later, he G42 61 taught in the Jewish seminary in W<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rzburg. Always G42 62 somberly dressed, he was referred to by friends as the G42 63 "Sunday Kissinger," to distinguish him from his G42 64 brother Simon, a more casual dresser, who was known as the G42 65 "weekday Kissinger."

G42 66 David and his wife, Linchen, known as Lina, were sophisticated G42 67 and well read, the type of Germans who would give their first son, G42 68 born in 1887, a French name, Louis. Louis was the only one of their G42 69 seven children to take up teaching, but unlike his father, he G42 70 decided to do so in secular rather than religious schools. After G42 71 studying at Heidelberg University, he enrolled in the teachers' G42 72 academy in F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth, a town on the outskirts of G42 73 Nuremberg.

G42 74 Because Germany needed teachers, Louis was exempted from G42 75 service during World War I. He took a job at the Heckmannschule, a G42 76 bourgeois private school. Directed by gentiles, but with half of G42 77 its students Jews, it typified the extent of Jewish assimilation in G42 78 F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth, a city with a history of religious G42 79 tolerance.

G42 80 F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth had flourished in the fourteenth century, G42 81 when Jews were denied entry into Nuremberg and settled instead in G42 82 the riverbank village just outside the walls of the fortified city. G42 83 Traders, craftsmen, and metalworkers, they turned G42 84 F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth into a vibrant commercial center and one of G42 85 Bavaria's few undisrupted seats of Jewish culture. By 1860, G42 86 F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth had a population of 14,000, about half G42 87 Jewish.

G42 88 During the industrial revolution, many of the Jewish G42 89 business-men built textile and toy factories. The most G42 90 prosperous formed a Jewish aristocracy, led by such families as the G42 91 Nathans and the Frankels. Their large sandstone villas overlooked G42 92 the town, and they endowed a wide array of philanthropies, G42 93 including an orphanage, hospital, school, and orchestra. The town's G42 94 seven synagogues were crowded around a large square, which was G42 95 dominated by that of the most liberal congregation, patronized - at G42 96 least on the High Holy days - by the more socially prominent G42 97 Jews.

G42 98 Louis Kissinger, who joined the most Orthodox of the town's G42 99 synagogues, the Neuschul, was not part of the world of the Frankels G42 100 and Nathans. But teaching was a proud and honorable calling in G42 101 Germany, and Herr Kissinger was a proud and honorable member of the G42 102 German middle class. In his politics, he was a conservative who G42 103 liked the kaiser and yearned for him after his abdication. Despite G42 104 his religious faith, Zionism held no appeal for him; he was a G42 105 German, patriotic and loyal.

G42 106 When the kaiser's government shut down most private schools, G42 107 the Heckmannshule<&|>sic! was dissolved. But Louis was able to find G42 108 a new job as a 'Studienrat' - a combination of G42 109 schoolmaster, teacher, and counselor - in the state-run system. G42 110 First, he worked at a girl's junior high school. Then, he taught G42 111 geography and accounting at a secondary school, the G42 112 M<*_>a-umlaut<*/>dchenlyzeum, which soon merged with a G42 113 trade school, the Handelsschule.

G42 114 Louis Kissinger took great pride in his status as a G42 115 Studienrat, an eminent position in German society. Years G42 116 later, after he had lost his job at the hands of another German G42 117 government and fled his home-land, he would write to old G42 118 acquaintances, signing himself, in his neat handwriting, G42 119 "studienrat ausser dienst," G42 120 retired schoolmaster. He was strict but popular. G42 121 "Goldilocks," the girls called him, sometimes to his face, G42 122 and also "Kissus," which amused him even more. He had a G42 123 slight paunch, a faint mustache, a prominent jaw, and a deferential G42 124 manner. "He was a typical German schoolteacher," G42 125 according to Jerry Bechhofer, a family friend from G42 126 F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth and later New York City. "He was G42 127 professonial and stern, but wouldn't hurt a fly."

G42 128 When Louis first came to the G42 129 M<*_>a-umlaut<*/>dchenlyzeum, the school's headmaster G42 130 told him about a girl named Paula Stern who had graduated the G42 131 previous year. The headmaster knew how to entice the sober new G42 132 teacher: he showed him Paula's grades. There were enough A's to G42 133 kindle Louis's interest. But those marks were a bit misleading. G42 134 Instead of having the same scholarly demeanor as Louis, Paula was G42 135 sharp, witty, earthy, and practical. It was a fine pairing: Louis G42 136 was the wise and somewhat aloof teacher, Paula the energetic and G42 137 sensible decision-maker.

G42 138 The Sterns lived in Leutershausen, a village thirty miles east G42 139 of Nuremberg. Paula's great-grandfather had gone into the cattle G42 140 trade in the early nineteenth century. Her grandfather, named G42 141 Bernhardt, and her father, named Falk, built the business into a G42 142 healthy enterprise.

G42 143 Falk Stern, a prominent figure among both the Jewish and G42 144 gentile communities in the area, was far more assimilated than the G42 145 Kissingers were. His imposing stone house, with its large courtyard G42 146 and carefully tended garden, was in the center of the village. Yet G42 147 he remained a simple man: he went to bed every evening shortly G42 148 after nine P.M. and took little interest in politics or scholarly G42 149 subjects. His first wife, Beppi Behr, also from a cattle-dealing G42 150 family, died young. They had one child, Paula, born in 1901. Though G42 151 her father remarried, Paula remained his only child.

G42 152 When Paula was sent to F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth for school, she G42 153 stayed with her aunt, Berta Fleischmann, wife of one of the town's G42 154 kosher butchers. Berta helped encourage the match with Louis G42 155 Kissinger, even though he was thirty-five and Paula only G42 156 twenty-one. The Sterns also approved. When the couple married in G42 157 1922, the Sterns bestowed upon them a dowry large enough to buy a G42 158 five-room, second-floor corner apartment in a gabled sandstone G42 159 building on Mathildenstrasse, a cobbled street in a Jewish G42 160 neighborhood of F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth. Nine months later, on May 27, G42 161 1923, their first child was born there.

G42 162 Heinz Alfred Kissinger. His first name was chosen because it G42 163 appealed to Paula. His middle name was, like that of his father's G42 164 brother Arno, a Germanicized updating of Abraham. From his father, G42 165 Heinz inherited the nickname Kissus. When he moved to America G42 166 fifteen years later, he would become known as Henry.

G42 167 YOUNG HEINZ

G42 168 By the time Heinz Kissinger was born, the Jewish population of G42 169 F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth had shrunk to three thousand. A new period of G42 170 repression was under way: in reaction to the emasculation Germany G42 171 suffered in World War I, a nationalism arose that celebrated the G42 172 purity of the Teutonic, Aryan roots of German culture. Jews were G42 173 increasingly treated as aliens. Among other things, they were G42 174 barred from attending public gatherings - including league soccer G42 175 matches.

G42 176 Nonetheless, Heinz became an ardent fan of the Kleeblatt G42 177 Eleven, the F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth team that had last won the German G42 178 championships in 1914. He refused to stay away from their games, G42 179 even though his parents ordered him to obey the law. He would sneak G42 180 off to the stadium, sometimes with his younger brother, Walter, or G42 181 a friend, and pretend not to be Jewish. "All we risked was G42 182 a beating," he later recalled.

G42 183 That was not an uncommon occurrence. On one occasion, he and G42 184 Walter were caught at a match and roughed up by a gang of kids. G42 185 Unwilling to tell their parents, they confided in their family G42 186 maid, who cleaned them up without revealing their secret.

G42 187 Kissinger's love of soccer surpassed his ability to play it, G42 188 though not his enthusiasm for trying. In an unsettled world, it was G42 189 his favorite outlet. "He was one of the smallest and G42 190 skinniest in our group," said Paul Stiefel, a friend from G42 191 F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth who later immigrated to Chicago. What G42 192 Kissinger lacked in strength he made up in finesse. One year he was G42 193 even captain of his class team, selected more for his leadership G42 194 ability than his agility.

G42 195 The Jews in F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth had their own sports club. G42 196 "My father once played for the city team," said G42 197 Henry Gitterman, a classmate of Kissinger's. "When the Jews G42 198 were thrown off, they formed their own teams at a Jewish sports G42 199 club." The field was merely a plot of dirt with goalposts, G42 200 and the gym was an old warehouse with a corrugated roof. But it G42 201 served as a haven from roving Nazi youth gangs and an increasingly G42 202 threatening world.

G42 203 Young Kissinger could be very competitive. In the cobblestone G42 204 yard behind their house, he would play games of one-on-one soccer G42 205 with John Heiman, a cousin who boarded with his family for five G42 206 years. "When it was time to go in," Heiman G42 207 recalled, "if he was ahead, we could go. But if he was G42 208 losing, I'd have to keep playing until he had a chance to catch G42 209 up."

G42 210 Kissinger was better at Völkerball, a simple pickup game, G42 211 usually played with five on a side, in which the object was to hit G42 212 members of the opposite team with a ball. Kissinger liked being the G42 213 player who stood behind the enemy lines to catch the balls that his G42 214 teammates threw. "It was one of the few games I was good G42 215 at," he would later say.

G42 216 It was as a student rather than as an athlete that Kissinger G42 217 excelled. G42 218 G43 1 <#FROWN:G43\>Seeking Mother, Marrying G43 2 Daddy:Summer

G43 3 Wharton's ultimate paternal interventionist is, of course, the G43 4 Levantine Palmato who had coopted his daughter's sensual nature so G43 5 effectively as to eliminate future competitors. If we use Wolff's G43 6 date, 1919-20, for the incestuous fragment, Palmato's precursor G43 7 among Wharton's published works is Lawyer Royall, the adoptive G43 8 father of Charity Royall in Summer (1917), who not only G43 9 displaces his daughter's lover but succeeds in marrying her as G43 10 well. Unlike the enraptured Beatrice, this daughter tries to resist G43 11 the incestuous pull, to put emotional and physical distance between G43 12 herself and her father, but finds herself caught in his almost G43 13 ubiquitous web. Fighting to break away but unable to formulate a G43 14 realistic strategy, she becomes entrapped by her very act of G43 15 separation - taking a lover and becoming pregnant. Needing to be G43 16 cared for in this condition and wanting a home for her baby, she G43 17 submits to marriage with her father. This joyless union represents G43 18 the final defeat in her struggle for autonomy.

G43 19 Charity had been informally adopted in childhood by Lawyer G43 20 Royall and his wife. Following his wife's death, the lonely and G43 21 somewhat seedy Royall reared the child alone. She grew up haunted G43 22 by her shadowy, indeed shady, origins. She knows that she had been G43 23 born of an unknown woman on The Mountain, a place thought to be G43 24 inhabited by primitive folk of savage and promiscuous habits. G43 25 According to Royall's story, the girl had been offered to him by G43 26 her father, a man whom Royall had helped convict of manslaughter. G43 27 Charity believes herself to be the child "of a drunken G43 28 convict and a mother who wasn't 'half human,' and was glad to have G43 29 her go" (73). Although she was taught to be grateful to G43 30 Lawyer Royall for bringing her down from the mountain and saving G43 31 her from her shameful origins, she hates their constrained life in G43 32 North Dormer. Seen through the eyes of this sensuous but untutored G43 33 and restless adolescent, North Dormer is a trap, a place she must G43 34 flee if she is to have a full life.

G43 35 As Charity blossoms into lusty adolescence, neighbors who G43 36 sense a potential problem in her living alone with her bachelor G43 37 father urge him to send her away to school. First Royall and then G43 38 Charity decline this option even though the girl feels hemmed in by G43 39 the physical and cultural limitations of the town. Charity G43 40 especially resents her aging surrogate father, who had G43 41 propositioned her when she was seventeen (Wharton's age at her G43 42 debut) and subsequently asked to marry her. She fights off her G43 43 feelings of affinity to him by cultivating disgust, but her insults G43 44 and rebuffs fail to destroy his possessive love for her. Wishing to G43 45 earn money so she can escape from him and from North Dormer, the G43 46 scarcely literate Charity maneuvers to get herself a job as town G43 47 librarian.

G43 48 In the library she finds love in the form of a handsome young G43 49 stranger, an architect named Lucius Harney. He represents the outer G43 50 world of which this valley-bred girl has had only rare glimpses - a G43 51 world of grace, manners, and culture. In the sensuous summer of her G43 52 young life, Charity's love quickly flowers into passion, which G43 53 Wharton renders in fiery language. Very quickly, Charity becomes G43 54 pregnant, but her social inferiority makes marriage to Lucius G43 55 unlikely. In her heedless and inarticulate relationship to vital G43 56 forces, Charity is reminiscent of Sophy Viner, who also seizes love G43 57 without asking the price or the consequences.

G43 58 Lawyer Royall sniffs out the growing passion between Charity G43 59 and Lucius Harney even before they themselves recognize it. Despite G43 60 his fondness for Lucius, Royall is determined to intercept this G43 61 love. At a high point of entrancement, when Lucius and Charity have G43 62 just witnessed a thrilling display of Fourth of July fireworks in G43 63 Nettleton and hope to slip home undetected, they are spotted by G43 64 Lawyer Royall, drunk and disheveled in the company of a G43 65 prostitute.

G43 66 He stood staring at them, and trying to master the G43 67 senile quiver of his lips; then he drew himself up with the G43 68 tremulous majesty of drunkenness, and stretched out his arm.

G43 69 'You whore - you damn - bare-headed whore, you!' he enunciated G43 70 slowly.

G43 71 Such sexual insults are designed to alienate Charity's genteel G43 72 young lover, so that he will not want to marry her. They also serve G43 73 to establish the girl's connections to the whole realm of primitive G43 74 lusts lurking behind this father-daughter relationship. Royall's G43 75 appearance in the company of a prostitute suggests that he may have G43 76 had a similar connection to Charity's mother, that Charity may be G43 77 his daughter, and that he regards the child of such a union as G43 78 innately corrupted and therefore fair game.

G43 79 Throughout the novel, Lawyer Royall's image falls between the G43 80 lovers - in doorways, at moments of embrace - always he is aware of G43 81 her sexual activities and contaminates them. He looms over G43 82 thresholds and outside windows, haunting the girl with his G43 83 unceasing vigilance. Hoping to evade this surveillance, the lovers G43 84 meet secretly at a deserted cabin outside of town. There Charity is G43 85 sensuously watching a fiery sunset over The Mountain and G43 86 anticipating the arrival of Lucius, when she becomes "aware G43 87 that a shadow had flitted across the glory-flooded room. ... The G43 88 door opened, and [in] Mr. Royall walked." He declares that G43 89 he has come to prevent Charity from getting into trouble, or to G43 90 help her evoke a marriage proposal from Lucius, but he concludes G43 91 the episode by saying in front of Lucius that Charity is a G43 92 promiscuous "woman of the town" just like her G43 93 mother. "I went to save her from the kind of life her G43 94 mother was leading - but I'd better have left her in the kennel she G43 95 came from" (203-4).

G43 96 <*_>three-black-diamonds<*/> G43 97 The action of Summer takes place within a symbolic G43 98 moralized landscape. Charity is poised between the Mountain, a G43 99 primitive realm of unbounded impulse (though scarcely a gratifying G43 100 place), and the Town, the rigidly proper and fully encircled G43 101 village of North Dormer. Charity's only knowledge of the normal G43 102 world is through brief visits to the nearby town of Nettleton, a G43 103 place where there are shops, circuses, even an abortionist. Had G43 104 Charity been capable of escaping to Nettleton she could have moved G43 105 outside the realm of extreme choices and found alternatives to both G43 106 her claustrophobic world of inexorable laws and the primitive, G43 107 promiscuous world of unrule. Lying outside the symbolic landscape, G43 108 Nettleton represents a more flexible sort of human life, in which G43 109 compromises and accommodations are possible. Like other Wharton G43 110 protagonists such as Lily Bart and Newland Archer, Charity Royall G43 111 seems caught between lawlessness and rigid superego demands, unable G43 112 to move into the middle world of accommodation.

G43 113 When we map the affective lines of force within this G43 114 dream-like novel, we find all the major characters G43 115 radiating out from the central figure of Charity. Her motherless G43 116 state calls forth the nurturant father Lawyer Royall, along with G43 117 his incestuous impulses. Her libido, overstimulated by having her G43 118 father entirely to herself, seems to have generated The Mountain, a G43 119 place of origin that would explain or justify her sense of innate G43 120 pollution. Believing herself born of a degenerate mother into the G43 121 morally unbounded world of The Mountain, she quite naturally G43 122 accepts her instinctual nature and feels free to satisfy it. But G43 123 having also been reared in prudish North Dormer, she can be G43 124 persuaded that such actions are whorish.

G43 125 Brought up under the Law, she is too ethical to choose abortion G43 126 to solve her pregnancy crisis or to use the pregnancy to coerce G43 127 Lucius into marriage. Like Sophy Viner, she is faithful to her love G43 128 and refuses to corrupt it by pragmatic considerations. Torn between G43 129 such polarities as the unbounded and the overly circumscribed, G43 130 Charity cannot make a worldly adjustment to her situation, such as G43 131 moving out of North Dormer and working to support her child. She G43 132 drifts into a very bizarre solution indeed.

G43 133 Charity had often felt a strange affinity to Royall, G43 134 "as if she had his blood in her veins" (118). Thus G43 135 Wharton deliberately inserts a hint that the adopted father may G43 136 have been the biological one. By introducing this ambiguity, she G43 137 fudges the incest issue, allowing readers to entertain the more G43 138 piquant possibility of real incest while neutralizing it through G43 139 the technicality of adoption. But either way the story is G43 140 incestuous; an adoptive father is perceived as a father G43 141 psychologically.

G43 142 Charity's hostility toward Royall recalls Lily's toward G43 143 Rosedale, a way of fending off dangerous desires. Furthermore, the G43 144 author draws another line of affinity, one connecting the formerly G43 145 gifted lawyer to his daughter's cultured lover, so that Lucius G43 146 seems to represent Royall's spiritual son or his youthful self, the G43 147 potential that has been thwarted by life in North Dormer. The G43 148 relationships among characters in Summer are unrealistically G43 149 close, all spawned by the same central imagination, which seems to G43 150 have been an incestuous one.

G43 151 Longing for her unknown mother begins with Charity's sexual G43 152 maturation. When she first discovers her love for Lucius, she G43 153 begins to yearn for her mother, no matter how disreputable this G43 154 woman may turn out to be. When she finds herself pregnant and G43 155 abandoned by Lucius, she fights her way through storm and weariness G43 156 up to The Mountain to find her. She arrives just moments after her G43 157 mother's death on a borrowed bed in a wretched hovel heated by a G43 158 borrowed stove, covered in a borrowed coat. That night she sees her G43 159 mother buried without even a coffin. The longed-for mother, when G43 160 found, was dead, disreputable, a revolting sight - of no possible G43 161 help to any daughter, much less to a pregnant one. Nonetheless, G43 162 Charity had to touch the maternal base before assuming motherhood G43 163 herself.

G43 164 With the mother dead and Lucius engaged to someone else and G43 165 unaware of her pregnancy, Charity is without resources or support. G43 166 She is alone in a dangerous place, cold and hungry. Knowing all G43 167 this, Royall follows her to The Mountain in a carriage, protects G43 168 her from the cold, and secures food for her. He behaves tenderly G43 169 enough but immediately lures her into marriage. In her shocked and G43 170 vulnerable state she lacks the strength to resist him. Submitting G43 171 passively, this once-fiery girl is set up to fulfill the oedipal G43 172 fantasy of bringing her father a child, the child born of her G43 173 youthful passion, so that her child's step-parent will be her own G43 174 adoptive father. With grim fatality she surrenders for the sake of G43 175 security her youth, her passion, her hopes for a fuller life. The G43 176 morning after the wedding, she realizes what she has sacrificed; G43 177 "for an instant the old impulse of flight swept through G43 178 her; but it was only the lift of a broken wing" (280).

G43 179 Social Conformity as Refuge: The Age of G43 180 Innocence

G43 181 Like The House of Mirth, The Age of G43 182 Innocence is a novel of sexual inhibition that has long been G43 183 read as a novel of manners. It was published in 1920, about a G43 184 decade after the Fullerton affair. In it Wharton depicts a New York G43 185 society of inflexible rules and rituals, an inhibitor of the G43 186 instinctive life, yet a source of civilizing decencies. Like a good G43 187 operatic overture, the opening scene introduces the novel's motifs, G43 188 which emanate from the central question of the ambivalence of love, G43 189 memorably proclaimed by Marguerite's aria, 'M'ama ... non G43 190 m'ama ... M'ama.' Within Newland Archer's range of vision G43 191 at this moment are representatives of his entire world - completely G43 192 conventional people like the Wellands, the power networks of G43 193 cousinship, social arbiters, successful challengers of the rules, G43 194 arrivistes, spotless maidens, men frankly enjoying the double G43 195 standard, and, above all, indicators of imminent change. The scene G43 196 plunges us into a critical moment in old New York society, which G43 197 was cresting just before its downward turn, a moment that is also G43 198 the turning point of Archer's life.

G43 199 Archer, about to end a comfortable bachelorhood in which he had G43 200 never questioned the values of his class, contemplates his artfully G43 201 innocent fianc<*_>e-acute<*/>e and his erotic hopes for a marriage G43 202 that will miraculously reconcile "fire and ice." G43 203 Almost simultaneously he receives his first impression of wider G43 204 possibilities as embodied in the europeanized person of Ellen G43 205 Olenska.

G43 206 All this wonderfully compact exposition falls within the realm G43 207 of Edith Wharton's recognized gift for social observation and G43 208 satire. G43 209 G44 1 <#FROWN:G44\>Epilogue: Science and Subjectivity

G44 2 My 'story' of Virginia Woolf's manic-depressive illness ends G44 3 here, but its implications do not. Her most profound insight into G44 4 her disorder - that the unity of consciousness is a tidy fiction G44 5 with which to build our "comfortable cocoons" of G44 6 consistent identity - continues to challenge how we write histories G44 7 of the mind, because it has been reinforced by recent advances in G44 8 neuroscience. This intersection between literary and scientific G44 9 inquiries may eventually lead us to a new model of the human G44 10 psyche, one that integrates the valuable insights of psychoanalysis G44 11 and neuroscience, mind and brain, Freud and Woolf. Indeed, some G44 12 convergence of the 'hard' and 'soft' sciences must be an inevitable G44 13 step if psychoanalysis is to survive through the next century. And G44 14 it would be a fitting sequel to a neurobiography of Virginia Woolf G44 15 (certainly more rewarding than lingering over her suicide), for she G44 16 left us a legacy that extends beyond her personal tragedy. She can G44 17 be more than a Freudian lesson on how not to cope with trauma. G44 18 She stands at the crossroads where art, science, biography, and G44 19 biology meet.

G44 20 Woolf's "ensemble psyche" in The G44 21 Waves lives on in Michael S. Gazzaniga's theory of the brain's G44 22 "modular-type organization." Gazzaniga's famous G44 23 experiments with split-brain patients have led him to conclude that G44 24 the human brain is organized into "relatively independent G44 25 functioning units that work in parallel. The mind is not an G44 26 indivisible whole, operating in a single way to solve all G44 27 problems," but a confederation. Most of these modules, G44 28 which are capable of their own actions, moods, and responses, G44 29 remembering events and storing affective reactions to those events, G44 30 operate in nonverbal ways apart from the conscious verbal self and G44 31 so are unavailable for introspection. A sudden impulse to act, a G44 32 shift in emotion or mood, may arise in one module. The 'ego' of the G44 33 dominant hemisphere will then evaluate that impulse and mediate it G44 34 (a hallucinating patient may even 'hear' this module's intent as a G44 35 'voice'). If one part functions in isolation and displaces the G44 36 ego's program to integrate other, counterbalancing modules, the G44 37 resulting 'impulsive' behavior can be catastrophic and/or G44 38 psychotic.

G44 39 Gazzaniga's modules are not necessarily "unconscious" G44 40 in the Freudian sense (although some probably are); most are G44 41 "co-conscious but nonverbal." We are unaware of our G44 42 multiple selves because our brain has a special program in the G44 43 dominant hemisphere that Gazzaniga calls the "interpreter", G44 44 a Bernard-like spokesperson who instantly makes inferences and G44 45 constructs a theory, or narrative, to explain why a behavior or G44 46 thought or emotion has occurred. But too often the left hemisphere G44 47 strives for subjective consistency (like old Professor Sopwith G44 48 twining "chaos" into a neat thread) at the expense of right G44 49 hemisphere sensitivity to inconsistent data; consequently, ignored G44 50 modules may act independently. Perhaps, then, manic-depressive mood G44 51 shifts produce misbehaviors and chaotic self structure because they G44 52 impair the usually seamless integration of these modules. They G44 53 certainly heightened Woolf's sense of the mind's innate program to G44 54 fight chaos with narrative order as opposed to its potential for G44 55 perceptual plasticity, out of which she created a 'modern' view of G44 56 subjectivity. In this sense, postmodern science has finally caught G44 57 up with her.

G44 58 What can biology offer psychoanalytic theory besides blank G44 59 opposition? Intriguing possibilities. In Chapter 8 I spoke of how G44 60 each hemisphere mediates perceptions and thinking differently, G44 61 contributing various styles and insights that successful G44 62 interhemispheric processing integrates, and how events in the G44 63 nondominant (usually right) hemisphere often go unnoticed or G44 64 unacknowledged by the dominant (usually left) hemisphere, which G44 65 presumes that it is the only seat of authority and knowledge. G44 66 Inadequate integration may thus constitute a functional 'invisible G44 67 deficit.' I borrow this term from neurology, where it is used to G44 68 describe the inability of a patient to be aware that, due to brain G44 69 injury, he is lacking a prominent feature of consciousness. If, for G44 70 instance, certain visual areas of the right hemisphere are damaged G44 71 by a stroke, patients will not see or attend to any object situated G44 72 on their left, and they will be unaware that they are so blinded. G44 73 When asked to draw the face of a clock, they will accurately G44 74 recreate only the right side, with numbers 12 through 6 dutifully G44 75 noted, but 7 through 11 will be missing. Oliver Sacks reports on a G44 76 patient, Mrs. S., who had suffered a massive stroke in her right G44 77 cerebral hemisphere and lost her ability to perceive objects on her G44 78 left: when served dinner, she ate only from the right half of the G44 79 plate; when applying lipstick, she covered only the right side of G44 80 her mouth. She could not look left, or turn left, so she learned to G44 81 turn right, in a circle, until she found what she was looking for. G44 82 The object on the left (indeed, the direction 'left') did not exist G44 83 unless her 'right looking' left hemisphere perceived it. Another G44 84 patient's right-hemisphere stroke damage extended into visual G44 85 imagination and memory: when asked to imagine himself walking G44 86 through his town square, Dr. P. listed only those buildings that G44 87 would have appeared on his right side, none on his left. When asked G44 88 to imagine himself walking in the opposite direction, he listed G44 89 only the previously missing buildings, those that would have G44 90 appeared on his right, which he had failed to remember moments G44 91 before. His subjective world was exclusively right-handed.

G44 92 The nervous system is arranged to build a spatial map of the G44 93 body and its environment. Disturbances within the system can have G44 94 profound effects on the individual's sense of what constitutes his G44 95 body and his mind - in effect, his identity. If a stroke impairs G44 96 afferent and motor neurons, the patient may become unaware that he G44 97 has an arm or leg; when it is pointed out to him, he will report G44 98 that he "feels" or "believes" that it belongs to G44 99 someone else, not him. One of Sack's patients threw himself out of G44 100 his hospital bed trying to rid himself of what looked like someone G44 101 else's leg, "a severed human leg,a horrible G44 102 thing" that he could only assume a prankster had G44 103 surreptitiously attached to his body. He called it a G44 104 "counterfeit" because it did not feel "real" - at G44 105 least, not really his. When asked to locate his own left G44 106 leg, the patient became pale and claimed that it had G44 107 "disappeared." His identity no longer included a left G44 108 leg.

G44 109 Dr. P., Mrs. S., and the young man without a leg all suffer G44 110 from a psychic dissociation because of their neurological deficit. G44 111 They do not know about the dead limb or the blind or numb side; G44 112 indeed, they do not desire to know. It is as if the circuits that G44 113 mediate particular perceptions also generate or process the G44 114 specific desire to perceive them, what a Freudian would call an G44 115 object-cathexis. They literally do not know what they are missing, G44 116 that they are missing it, or that they might have wanted not to G44 117 miss it. The desire has disappeared along with the cognitive G44 118 capacity. The implications of the 'invisible deficit' present G44 119 psychoanalytic theorists with intriguing challenges. Is the origin G44 120 of desire limited (like Freud's id) to certain areas of the mind, G44 121 or is it spread across all neural networks? In what ways are desire G44 122 and cognition the same thing differently perceived? Will it be G44 123 possible to chart a "map of desire" in the same way G44 124 we now map areas of the brain that handle sensory data from the G44 125 arms or legs? Can interhemispheric integration be affected by a G44 126 functional invisible deficit, a structural dissociation that does G44 127 not involve a physical injury or the censorship of forbidden G44 128 content responsive to introspection and psychoanalytic insight? In G44 129 what way do we all suffer from invisible deficits? Brain damage is G44 130 apparent to us because we compare the patient's disability to our G44 131 abilities, but even we who enjoy intact brains cannot perceive or G44 132 desire to perceive that we are missing something lying beyond what G44 133 our brain structure allows us to think about.

G44 134 In other words, the French psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan's G44 135 linguistic model may not be the only way to describe the G44 136 limitations of thought. Future interdisciplinary research may shift G44 137 the burden of postmodern psychoanalysis from a Saussurean G44 138 linguistic base of self-referential signs and signifiers to a G44 139 neurological one. For cognitive science and neuroscience also G44 140 suggest that we do not perceive, interpret, or 'know' reality G44 141 referentially but, rather, in terms of thousands of feedback loops G44 142 supporting internal theoretical models that occur on both conscious G44 143 and unconscious levels, and that operate binomially, amassing and G44 144 organizing differentiated units (hot/cold, rough/soft, love/hate). G44 145 Just as postmodern psychoanalytic theory depicts the underpinnings G44 146 of thought as a chain of signifiers whose meaning exists only in G44 147 relation of each other, epitomized by opposition of polar G44 148 opposites, so too neural circuitry and brain structure seem to be G44 149 arranged to deal with sensory information and behavior by opposing G44 150 pathways - paired hemispheres, modular processing (discrete areas G44 151 of the brain handling specialized tasks which must be sorted out at G44 152 higher levels of functioning), feedback circuits, paired/opposed G44 153 neurotransmitter systems, the splitting off of linguistic skills G44 154 from visual skills.

G44 155 The import of brain research throws up a kind of Lacanian bar G44 156 between the left and the right hemisphere, making self-insight, or G44 157 even self-awareness, a matter of interpretation, a guess or G44 158 approximation based on inadequate data fed from one hemisphere to G44 159 the other. The dominant hemisphere, a specialist in linguistic G44 160 signifiers, may be barred from direct knowledge of the nondominant G44 161 hemisphere, the signified, where a separate self - equally G44 162 developed and reality-oriented - processes many important G44 163 perceptions and feelings. Perhaps the Other we most struggle to G44 164 know (or whose mute gaze haunts our every look) is not the G44 165 unconscious part of one self but another conscious self, G44 166 co-existing in our shared body, mute and unavailable to language, G44 167 yet responsible for processing the visual and emotional cues which G44 168 the dominant hemisphere may misunderstand, for mistranslations are G44 169 inevitable between two minds that do not speak the same G44 170 language.

G44 171 Can inadequate interhemispheric relations be the physical basis G44 172 for Lacan's observation that patients' utterances and writers' G44 173 texts undercut their own ostensible meaning? Does the right G44 174 hemisphere make itself known by surreptitiously sliding signifiers G44 175 through metonymy (a useful procedure for a hemisphere good at G44 176 recognizing widely scattered details and individual words but not G44 177 at generating sustained, intentional sentences of its own) and G44 178 metaphor (the right hemisphere is skilled at nonlinear modes of G44 179 association and converging multiple determinants rather than at G44 180 forming a causal or logical chain)? What would emerge, then, is not G44 181 a composed structure of meaningful elements but Lacan's discomposed G44 182 discourse in which elements are substituted and recombined, leaving G44 183 seemingly mute traces or absences to litter our G44 184 left-hemisphere-dominated narratives. If that is the case, then the G44 185 robust left hemisphere, unaware that it is speaking the G44 186 unrecognized and unrecognizable 'truth' of the repressed right G44 187 hemisphere, might also be one source of the Imaginary Subject G44 188 created in the misreading of the infantile mirror-stage, and the G44 189 Subject would be a misreading not only of the Other who is its G44 190 mother but of the Other who is its hemispheric psychic partner, G44 191 against which it has defined itself. Doubled selves, one of whom is G44 192 a mute voyeur gazing upon the other, may create the uncanny duality G44 193 of all Lacanian looking (every recognition at once a finding and a G44 194 failure to find, every gaze a being gazed at), in which we are G44 195 perpetually caught. Does transference originate here in the G44 196 relationship between these two selves, with the right hemisphere G44 197 playing the Lacanian dummy, the smoothly mirroring and mute Other G44 198 (like Tansley, Lily Briscoe's whipping boy), who reveals nothing G44 199 but what we project upon him? Is the left hemisphere thus burdened, G44 200 defeated, and frustrated by its own mastery, its too-successful G44 201 subordination of the right hemisphere, because silencing Otherness G44 202 only increases the power of its haunting and inscrutable gaze? If G44 203 the Lacanian unconscious includes this other thinking, witnessing, G44 204 and responding self, then the old phrase about being "of G44 205 two minds" will someday seem ironically profound and G44 206 profoundly inadequate. Biological science now offers psychoanalytic G44 207 and literary scholars promising evidence that a brain/mind G44 208 integration will have enormously important theoretical implications G44 209 - if we open ourselves up to them.

G44 210 G45 1 <#FROWN:G45\>CHAPTER FIFTEEN

G45 2 Top Soviet Spy

G45 3 Until 1950 Owen Lattimore was a typically inner-directed, G45 4 iconoclastic scholar. The constraints on his independence were G45 5 self-chosen and only mildly inhibiting. No organizational G45 6 bureaucracy stifled his creative thought, neither the Institute of G45 7 Pacific Relations, nor John Hopkins, nor even the Chinese G45 8 Nationalist government. He said what he thought, and it was often G45 9 unconventional.

G45 10 In 1950 all this changed. He found his life taken charge of by G45 11 lawyers, his privacy invaded by reporters and government sleuths, G45 12 and his formerly freewheeling discourse forced to conform to the G45 13 end of proving that he was not a tool of the Kremlin. For five and G45 14 a half years the inquisition ran his life. The Lattimore story G45 15 became a part of America's anti-Communist pathology.

G45 16 The year began happily enough when President Truman announced G45 17 disengagement form the struggle in China on January 5. The G45 18 White Paper had exacerbated Republican dissatisfaction G45 19 with China policy; Asia-first senators were pressing for a G45 20 commitment to the remnant Nationalist regime on Taiwan. Truman G45 21 wanted to put a stop to this talk. Disregarding the advice of his G45 22 staff and of Secretary of Defense Louis Johnson (but agreeing with G45 23 Secretary of State Dean Acheson), Truman read a statement at his G45 24 morning press conference January 5: the United States had no G45 25 predatory designs on Taiwan and would not establish military bases G45 26 there, nor would it interfere in the Chinese civil war.

G45 27 Lattimore was pleased. He knew that American policy in Asia had G45 28 to be built on the reality of nationalism and that continued G45 29 support of a discredited regime could only increase Asian G45 30 resentment at American meddling.

G45 31 A week later, in Acheson's famous 'defense perimeter' speech, G45 32 the administration clarified its Asian policy further. Military G45 33 authorities, including MacArthur, had drawn a defense line in the G45 34 Pacific that included Japan, Okinawa, and the Philippines, but G45 35 excluded Taiwan and Korea. This defense line had been reported in G45 36 the world's press; the Russians already knew well what American G45 37 plans were. Acheson merely restated them on January 12 in a speech G45 38 to the National Press Club; but in the heightened tension of 1950 G45 39 his speech attracted a great deal of attention.

G45 40 Lattimore also approved of the defense perimeter. He thought G45 41 South Korea was a loser under Syngman Rhee, who was as out of touch G45 42 with his people as Chiang had been. He believed, as did the G45 43 Department of State and the Joint Chiefs of Staff, that South Korea G45 44 was not a viable government and could not defend itself against a G45 45 Soviet-supported attack from the north. And, like official G45 46 Washington, he felt that American defense dollars were better spent G45 47 elsewhere.

G45 48 Republican pique at Truman's hands-off stance toward China was G45 49 intense. The China bloc in Congress, egged on by General Chennault, G45 50 William Bullitt, the right-wing press, and Chiang's various G45 51 representatives in the United States, began a long and powerful G45 52 campaign to support Chiang for an effort to retake the mainland. G45 53 This campaign was reinforced on January 21, when Alger Hiss was G45 54 convicted of perjury.

G45 55 The Hiss case had been dragged through the courts all during G45 56 1949. A first trial, ending in July with a hung jury, was followed G45 57 by a second. In both trials Whittaker Chambers was the crucial G45 58 witness against Hiss. The second jury believed Chambers; and the G45 59 conspiracy theories of Alfred Kohlberg, up to then generally G45 60 ignored, received powerful reinforcement. There were traitors G45 61 in the government conspiring to promote Soviet plans for world G45 62 conquest. Hiss had been at Yalta, where China was "sold G45 63 down the river." Hiss had been the assistant to Stanley G45 64 Hornbeck, head of the Far Eastern desk at the State Department. G45 65 Hiss had been general secretary of the United Nations Founding G45 66 Conference at San Francisco. Now it was proved to the satisfaction G45 67 of a jury that Hiss had been a Communist, working all along to G45 68 deliver China into the hands of the enemy.

G45 69 It is hardly possible to exaggerate the importance of the Hiss G45 70 conviction to the developing witch-hunt. If this pillar of the G45 71 foreign policy establishment could be a traitor, treason could be G45 72 anywhere. Worse still, Secretary Acheson, who presided over the G45 73 whole conspiratorial apparatus, refused now to disown Hiss. At a G45 74 press conference January 25 Acheson was asked if he had any comment G45 75 on the Hiss case. He refused to discuss legal aspects of the case G45 76 but said friends of Hiss had to make a personal decision. His own G45 77 decision had been made: "I do not intend to turn my back on G45 78 Alger Hiss." The standards that impelled him to this G45 79 position "were stated on the Mount of Olives and if you are G45 80 interested in seeing them you will find them in the 25th Chapter of G45 81 the Gospel according to St. Matthew beginning with verse G45 82 34." Congress, according to Acheson, flew into a tantrum. G45 83 However motivated Acheson was by Christian charity, his words G45 84 served as gasoline to the fires of Asia-first resentment.

G45 85 All writers on the McCarthy years acknowledge that the Hiss G45 86 verdict convinced a vast constituency that treason in the New Deal G45 87 of Franklin Roosevelt was widespread. It also showed that G45 88 ex-Communists such as Whittaker Chambers were perceived as G45 89 credible, and it demonstrated that politicians pursuing subversives G45 90 could achieve national status, as Nixon did. All of these outcomes G45 91 were salient for Owen Lattimore.

G45 92 The tempo of traumatic events early in 1950 continued unabated. G45 93 It was front-page news for every paper in the country when G45 94 President Truman announced on January 30 that the United States G45 95 would develop a hydrogen bomb. And on February 3 Klaus Fuchs, who G45 96 had worked on the American atomic bomb project during the war but G45 97 was now in England, confessed that he had passed atomic information G45 98 to the Russians. Three days later the Republican National Committee G45 99 announced 'Liberty against Socialism' as the major issue of the G45 100 1950 congressional elections. The party statement declared: G45 101 "We advocate a strong policy against the spread of G45 102 communism or fascism at home and abroad, and we insist that G45 103 America's efforts toward this end be directed by those who have no G45 104 sympathy either with communism or fascism." No one G45 105 realized, that early in the campaign, how many thousands of people G45 106 would be charged with sympathy for communism.

G45 107 Lattimore's attention to these events was distracted by a G45 108 request from the United Nations that he head a technical assistance G45 109 mission to Afghanistan, exploring the kinds of economic aid G45 110 appropriate for that country. The timing of this request was G45 111 awkward. His lecture schedule in 1949 had kept him away from G45 112 Baltimore more than normal, he had just returned from a three-week G45 113 trip to India, and the Johns Hopkins Mongol project needed his G45 114 attention. On the positive side, he strongly supported the UN, and G45 115 Afghanistan was a part of the Sino-Soviet border he had never G45 116 visited.

G45 117 The Afghan mission would require that he be gone the month of G45 118 March on an exploratory trip and then for the period from June to G45 119 September to negotiate final agreements with the Afghan government. G45 120 This was a big chunk of time. He was uneasy about accepting this G45 121 assignment and wrote John W. Gardner of the Carnegie Corporation, G45 122 which supplied the major funding for his Mongol project, that he G45 123 would not go if Carnegie thought he would be slighting the Mongols. G45 124 Gardner replied that he thought the Mongol project well enough G45 125 organized that it could safely be left in the hands of Lattimore's G45 126 associates while he went to Afghanistan. Lattimore therefore G45 127 accepted and prepared for this new venture. He was to leave March G45 128 6.

G45 129 There was another project to be attended to before he left. The G45 130 rapid advances of the Chinese Communists into Tibet suggested that G45 131 that area would be under their control in a year or two. Lattimore G45 132 believed this overthrow would mean loss to the scholarly world, G45 133 perhaps permanently, of the priceless manuscripts in Tibetan G45 134 monasteries. Lattimore talked about prospects for rescuing these G45 135 manuscripts with Dr. Arthur Hummel of the Library of Congress. G45 136 Hummel, an orientalist, was convinced that Lattimore was right and G45 137 suggested that the matter be put to Luther Evans, the Librarian. G45 138 Lattimore wrote Evans on February 26, 1950: "As country G45 139 after country comes under communist control it is cut off from the G45 140 scholarship of the world, as well as from other contacts. There G45 141 usually follows a scramble in which a few refugee scholars are G45 142 brought to the United States or other countries and a few books, G45 143 manuscripts, and other materials are salvaged. Such salvage is, G45 144 however, just that - unplanned salvage. Tibet is clearly doomed to G45 145 come under control of the Chinese Communists. There is, however, G45 146 time for a planned salvage operation...a wealth of material never G45 147 yet worked on by Western scholars could be brought out during the G45 148 next few months."

G45 149 Lattimore then described to Evans the major sources of G45 150 manuscripts and what might be found; recommended that the Dilowa G45 151 Hutukhtu be used to negotiate with Tibetan authorities; explained G45 152 how Indian cooperation could be obtained; and urged prompt action G45 153 before the curtain was rung down on Tibet. It was a prescient G45 154 effort. Perhaps, had the United States not contracted inquisition G45 155 fever, Luther Evans and the Library of Congress might have acquired G45 156 the treasure trove of Lama Buddhist lore later destroyed in Mao's G45 157 Cultural Revolution. As it happened, doctrinal purity took G45 158 precedence over any kind of scholarship, especially esoteric G45 159 orientalia.

G45 160 While Lattimore was wrestling with a decision on Afghanistan, G45 161 the FBI was wrestling with the problem of keeping up with G45 162 Lattimore. Lacking a wiretap, the Baltimore office had trouble G45 163 knowing where and when he was traveling. His home in Ruxton was G45 164 like the farm in Bethel, Vermont: poor cover for spies. As SAC G45 165 McFarlin complained to Hoover on February 16, "The peculiar G45 166 location of the Lattimore home eliminates any possibility of G45 167 successful physical surveillance without the aid of a technical G45 168 surveillance."

G45 169 The Baltimore office had other troubles. McFarlin was worried G45 170 about the local vigilantes. After the American Legion put Lattimore G45 171 on its black-list, ultrarightists in Baltimore began their G45 172 own 'investigations'. Two of them were serious threats to the G45 173 bureau.

G45 174 One of the vigilantes was a woman whose name the FBI will not G45 175 divulge. She had been to the Baltimore FBI office several times, G45 176 alerting them to Lattimore's subversive influence on impressionable G45 177 Hopkins students and protesting his alleged role in formulating G45 178 American China policy. McFarlin told headquarters in his February G45 179 16 letter that there was "the ever-present possibility that G45 180 she will present the matter to the House Committee on Un-American G45 181 Activities or other persons placed in high political positions in G45 182 Washington, D.C., in which event there might be undesirable G45 183 repercussions on the Bureau."

G45 184 Subsequent serials in the Lattimore file show that the bureau G45 185 had trouble deciding how to handle the female informant. The matter G45 186 was serious enough to wind up in the hands of Assistant Director D. G45 187 M. Ladd. Writing to Hoover on February 17, Ladd recommended that G45 188 the woman not be contacted again; her charges against Lattimore G45 189 were trivial. But Hoover reversed Ladd; he did not want HUAC to get G45 190 potentially important information from an informant directly. His G45 191 embarrassment at Nixon's getting information from Chambers still G45 192 rankled. Baltimore was therefore instructed to contact the woman, G45 193 make sure that she had no new information, and convince her that G45 194 the bureau was on top of the case. Baltimore found nothing new, and G45 195 the woman apparently did not go to HUAC.

G45 196 A more serious private crusade against Lattimore was conducted G45 197 by Kenneth Hammer, Maryland American Legion commander and chair of G45 198 its Americanism Commission. According to Daniel H. Burkhardt, who G45 199 was closely associated with Hammer as adjutant of the Maryland G45 200 department of the Legion, Hammer was an attorney-investigator who G45 201 had learned the trade as a military intelligence agent during the G45 202 war. Burkhardt thought Hammer brilliant; the bureau thought him G45 203 dangerous. Hammer's activities included efforts to get the G45 204 Baltimore police to tap Lattimore's telephone, amateur surveillance G45 205 of Lattimore and the Mongols, and frequent calls to SAC McFarlin. G45 206 The bureau wanted none of this freelancing. Headquarters Security G45 207 Division dispatched Lee Pennington, a midlevel bureau official, to G45 208 dampen Hammer's vendetta against Lattimore.

G45 209 Pennington and McFarlin called on Hammer at Baltimore G45 210 headquarters of the Legion February 23, 1950. G45 211 G46 1 <#FROWN:G46\>SEVEN

G46 2 Beyond Hitchcock

G46 3 I have explored how reputations emerge and change in the art G46 4 world of film using Hitchcock and the thriller genre to illuminate G46 5 the process. In this, the final chapter, I will assess the broader G46 6 significance of the reputational patterns reported in the book. G46 7 Using the method of controlled comparison (see Smelser 1976), I G46 8 will extend the discussion beyond Hitchcock and the thriller case G46 9 to other film directors whose reputations have also fluctuated G46 10 dramatically over the years. As described by sociologist Neil G46 11 Smelser, the technique of controlled comparison is an analytical G46 12 strategy in which the selection of additional 'case histories' is G46 13 guided by the logic of experimental design. "[P]otential G46 14 sources of variation are converted into parameters by selecting G46 15 cases that resemble one another in significant respects. The G46 16 resemblances can then be regarded as 'ruled out' as explanatory G46 17 factors, and explanations based on other variables can be generated G46 18 within the framework provided by the resemblances"(Smelser G46 19 1976, 215). By comparing the reputational careers of directors who G46 20 resemble one another in significant ways, I can both further check G46 21 on the reasonableness of my interpretation of Hitchcock's G46 22 reputational trajectory and gain further insight into the process G46 23 of reputation building.

G46 24 The sixties and early seventies marked a watershed for G46 25 Hitchcock as well as for other directors of his generation. It was G46 26 during the early sixties that Fran<*_>c-cedille<*/>ois Truffaut, G46 27 Andrew Sarris, Peter Bogdanovich, Robin Wood, and other auteur G46 28 critics actively sought to elevate Hitchcock's stature as a serious G46 29 artist. While their efforts eventually succeeded, the G46 30 transformation of his reputation from 'master of suspense' to G46 31 serious auteur proceeded slowly. The campaign to improve G46 32 Hitchcock's reputation was part of a general movement to promote G46 33 directors who fit the new criteria for filmmaking. In advancing G46 34 their views, the auteur critics constructed a new pantheon of G46 35 directors wherein certain directors were singled out for special G46 36 praise while the rest were demoted or ignored (see Sarris 1986a; G46 37 cf. Wollen 1969, 166-67).

G46 38 For the old-guard intellectual critics (e.g., Bosley Crowther G46 39 [1967], Dwight Macdonald [1969], Arthur Knight [1957], Hollis G46 40 Alpert [1962a], and Richard Griffith [1950]), the major dividing G46 41 line for directors was American versus European or, more precisely, G46 42 Hollywood directors versus the Europeans they favored - Ingmar G46 43 Bergman, Michelangelo Antonioni, Jean Renoir, and others. Among the G46 44 relatively few American directors singled out as significant by the G46 45 critical establishment were John Huston, George Stevens, Billy G46 46 Wilder, William Wyler, and Fred Zinnemann (see, e.g., Alpert 1962a, G46 47 130; Knight 1957, 188-88; and Griffith 1950). "In January G46 48 1956," reports film historian Robert Ray, G46 49 "Newsweek offered a mid-decade appraisal of the G46 50 American popular film occasioned by John Huston's G46 51 about-to-be-released Moby Dick. Including Huston, the G46 52 article named 'the top five directors in the industry' as William G46 53 Wyler, George Stevens, Fred Zinnemann, and Billy Wilder" G46 54 (Ray 1985, 141-42).

G46 55 The young American auteurists of the sixties, as we have seen, G46 56 countered the established pantheon with one of their own choosing, G46 57 reflecting their belief that there were directors such as G46 58 Hitchcock, Hawks, Ford, Lang, and Welles who, despite having worked G46 59 within the old Hollywood studio system, had somehow managed to G46 60 maintain in their work a personal vision not entirely limited by G46 61 space and time. On the other hand, Huston, Wyler, Stevens, G46 62 Zinnemann, and Wilder were all dismissed as second- or third-rate G46 63 by the auteurists, and, as Ray has pointed out, "all but G46 64 Stevens [were] eventually included in American auteurist Andrew G46 65 Sarris's most damning category, 'Less Than Meets the Eye'" G46 66 (1985, 142). In contrast to these directors, Hitchcock was an ideal G46 67 showcase for the American practitioners of auteur theory. Not only G46 68 did his work span forty years, it also traversed two continents - G46 69 Europe and North America. As we have seen, according to the G46 70 critical establishment circa 1955, Hitchcock's British films were G46 71 superior to those he made in Hollywood. To many veteran critics, G46 72 Hitchcock had sold out to Hollywood - selling his artistic soul for G46 73 the commercial dollar. By contrast, the auteur critics, believing G46 74 that they could demonstrate that his Hollywood films actually G46 75 surpassed those he made in England, saw Hitchcock's career as a G46 76 perfect vehicle for illustrating their conviction that great G46 77 cinematic art could flourish within the Hollywood studio system.

G46 78 In spite of support from the auteur critics and Hitchcock's own G46 79 massive efforts at self-promotion, the campaign to elevate his G46 80 artistic reputation required over ten years to achieve success. The G46 81 evidence reported in this book strongly indicates that it was the G46 82 prevalence through much of the fifties and sixties of a critical G46 83 discourse favoring 'realism' over the artificiality of Hollywood G46 84 genre films that was principally responsible for delaying his G46 85 reception as an artist. In addition, I would suggest that G46 86 Hitchcock's deeply entrenched celebrity status as master of G46 87 suspense also worked against him. That is, the very success of G46 88 Hitchcock's self-promotional activities during the fifties G46 89 may have actually hurt the later campaign initiated by the French G46 90 auteur critics to enhance his reputation. Perhaps, had Hitchcock G46 91 not cultivated a public reputation and not been perceived by G46 92 critics as a master of self-promotion - in other words, had he G46 93 maintained a relatively low profile - his reputation as an G46 94 important artist probably would have advanced more quickly. As a G46 95 check on this interpretation, I turn to the filmmaking career of G46 96 Howard Hawks.

G46 97 Virtually unknown outside the film industry before 1960, Hawks G46 98 came to be regarded by the late 1960s and early 1970s as one of G46 99 Hollywood's greatest directors. In fact, my strong impression is G46 100 that by the late 1960s, the critical consensus on Hawks' stature as G46 101 a significant artist even surpassed Hitchcock's (see, for example, G46 102 the clippings file on Howard Hawks and the reviews of what proved G46 103 to be his last film, Rio Lobo [1971], MOMA). Today, while G46 104 critics might still debate the elements of Hawks' artistry, few G46 105 would question applying the artistic label to his work. Why did G46 106 Hawks' reputation advance more smoothly and quickly than G46 107 Hitchcock's during the early sixties? Before answering this, I will G46 108 establish the extent to which Hawks' filmmaking career is G46 109 comparable to Hitchcock's.

G46 110 Like Hitchcock's, Howard Hawks' career spanned over forty G46 111 years. One of Hollywood's most successful directors, he had worked, G46 112 unlike Hitchcock, in a variety of popular genres - gangster films G46 113 such as Scarface, crime stories such as The Big G46 114 Sleep, comedies such as Bringing up Baby, musicals G46 115 such as Gentlemen Prefer Blondes, and westerns such as G46 116 Rio Bravo. Like Hitchcock, Hawks presented himself G46 117 publicly as a popular director, never as a serious or significant G46 118 artist. However, unlike Hitchcock, Hawks maintained a low profile G46 119 through most of his career; rarely did he publicly discuss his G46 120 views on filmmaking. Indeed, before 1960, no one had asked him to G46 121 do so. Nor did he have the audience recognition that Hitchcock had G46 122 enjoyed throughout his career. For established critics, Hawks went G46 123 practically unnoticed. Rarely did they mention his name when G46 124 reviewing one of his films. As Sarris put it in 1962, G46 125 "Howard Hawks is the least known and least appreciated G46 126 giant in the American cinema" (Sarris 1962b, 20).

G46 127 Many of the early French, English, and American auteur critics G46 128 who embraced the view of Hitchcock as a serious artist also G46 129 crusaded on behalf of Hawks. The French auteurs who sponsored both G46 130 directors came to be known as the 'Hitchcock-Hawksiens.' Jacques G46 131 Rivette wrote a ground-breaking essay on Hawks for Cahiers du G46 132 Cin<*_>e-acute<*/>ma which appeared in 1953. Three years later G46 133 Cahiers du Cin<*_>e-acute<*/>ma published an extended G46 134 interview with Hawks conducted by Truffaut, Rivette, and Jacques G46 135 Becker. While Hawks' films were frequently reviewed and discussed G46 136 in French newspapers and periodicals from the early 1950s on, it G46 137 was not until the early sixties that American critics started to G46 138 write seriously about his work. In the summer of 1962, roughly a G46 139 year before Bogdanovich organized the Hitchcock retrospective for G46 140 the Museum of Modern Art, he put together a similar one on behalf G46 141 of Hawks for which he also prepared a monograph consisting of an G46 142 introductory essay and a lengthy interview touching on many on G46 143 Hawks' films. Later that summer, Andrew Sarris published a two-part G46 144 essay on Hawks for the British film journal Films and G46 145 Filming. At the end of the year, another British journal, G46 146 Movie, devoted an entire issue to Hawks with articles by G46 147 several critics including Robin Wood and V.F. Perkins. And in early G46 148 1963, Cahiers du Cin<*_>e-acute<*/>ma put out a special G46 149 issue on Hawks which included abridged versions of Rivette's G46 150 original essay and Bogdanovich's monograph along with essays by G46 151 other critics. Robin Wood also published a book-length study of G46 152 Hawks in 1968 (see also Poague 1982 and McBride 1972).

G46 153 Much of the early scholarship on Hawks resembled the critical G46 154 scholarship on Hitchcock's work during the sixties. Champions of G46 155 Hawks raised the question: why was Hawks invisible to the public G46 156 and why did he receive so little attention from the media? As G46 157 Gerald Mast pointed out, Hawks had a tremendous reputation within G46 158 the film industry, enjoying great freedom from the power of the G46 159 individual studios (and he worked for all the major ones). Says G46 160 Mast, "no other Hollywood director - not Ford, not Capra, G46 161 not Hitchcock, not Lubitsch (the directors with whom Hawks liked to G46 162 be compared) - enjoyed greater freedom from the power of an G46 163 individual Fox, Paramount, or MGM than Hawks" (1982, G46 164 116).

G46 165 While honoring Hawks with favorable contracts, the film G46 166 industry withheld from him any artistic awards, at least until late G46 167 in his career. Hawks was not even listed on Who's Who G46 168 until 1971. Why was a film-maker who today is acknowledged G46 169 as one of the great masters of the cinema so neglected throughout G46 170 most of his career? One reason, according to the Hawksians, was G46 171 that he worked in so-called minor genres such as adventure films, G46 172 gangster films, private-eye melodramas, westerns, musicals, and G46 173 screwball comedies, "the sort of things," said G46 174 Sarris, that "Hollywood has done best and honored G46 175 least" (Sarris 1962b, 20). While it may have been true that G46 176 Hawks had made possibly the best film in each of the genres he had G46 177 worked in, wasn't it also true that these films were simply G46 178 vehicles for entertaining audiences rather than for edifying them G46 179 as serious art might? (See plate 36.)

G46 180 As Wood, Sarris, and other <}_><-|>auterists<+|>auteurists<}/> G46 181 have pointed out, earlier film critics tended to view art and G46 182 entertainment as distinct and unbridgeable provinces, analogous to G46 183 those assigned to high art and popular culture. Rejecting this G46 184 critical bias, Wood argued in the introduction to his book on Hawks G46 185 that "A work is 'entertaining' in so far as we G46 186 spontaneously enjoy it and 'art' in so far as it makes intellectual G46 187 and emotional demands on us" (Wood 1986, 7). Applying this G46 188 distinction between entertainment and art to music, Wood argues G46 189 that many of Mozart's works, for example, a number of his G46 190 divertimenti and serenades, " were composed for social G46 191 gatherings at which the listeners wandered about and conversed G46 192 during the music: 'art' or 'entertainment'?" (1968, 7). G46 193 When Mozart's operas were first performed, most notably The G46 194 Marriage of Figaro and The Magic Flute, audiences G46 195 were entertained right from the beginning. Arias became popular G46 196 hits of the day. Turning to Elizabethan theater, Wood maintains G46 197 that Shakespeare enjoyed the same kind of rapport with audiences G46 198 that Mozart enjoyed. According to Wood, the works of both G46 199 Shakespeare and Mozart represent "conservative" as distinct G46 200 from "revolutionary" art. Revolutionary art, such as works G46 201 by Joyce and Beckett, says Wood, "deliberately breaks with G46 202 the immediate past, inventing entirely new forms and new methods of G46 203 expression," while conservative art "develops out G46 204 of the immediate past, using forms and language already G46 205 evolved" (1968, 8). For Wood, Hollywood genre films belong G46 206 to this latter category and Hitchcock and Hawks are two notable G46 207 examples of genre filmmakers. While Hitchcock concentrated on G46 208 thriller films, Hawks worked in a variety of genres. Though not G46 209 originating any of them, Hawks did produce, says Wood, G46 210 "probably the best work within each genre he ... G46 211 tackled" (1968, 12). Hawks, like Hitchcock, in Wood's view, G46 212 lacked the excruciating self-consciousness of most modern artists. G46 213 Two years earlier, in Hitchcock's Films, Wood had made G46 214 much the same point about both directors, "It seems clear G46 215 that the relationship of a Hitchcock or a Hawks to his art is much G46 216 more like Shakespeare's than is that of a Bergman or an Antonioni; G46 217 the sense of communication on many levels precludes the G46 218 self-consciousness of the artist that besets the arts today and G46 219 fosters true artistic impersonality" (Wood [1965] 1977, G46 220 32).

G46 221 G46 222 G47 1 <#FROWN:G47\>Soon after Sara and Charles Eldredge moved to G47 2 Brighton, Charles's parents moved there also. Hezekiah Eldredge had G47 3 begun buying property in Brighton in 1833 and by 1838 had acquired G47 4 a number of parcels of land. In 1839, he, like his son, was no G47 5 longer listed in the Boston City Directory. As in Ruth G47 6 Hall, the old couple moved to a house in the country to be G47 7 near their son and his wife.

G47 8 In Ruth Hall the life of Ruth and Harry in their home G47 9 in the country before the death of their daughter is idyllic except G47 10 for only one factor: the interfering in-laws. In real life, G47 11 however, there was another blight upon the young couple's happy G47 12 existence: the unsuccessful financial dealings of Charles Eldredge. G47 13 In the novel this is a subtext that does not surface until Harry's G47 14 death, when Ruth finds herself penniless. And it seems that in real G47 15 life, too, Sara Eldredge was not aware of the true state of her G47 16 family's financial affairs until her husband's death. In her G47 17 marriage, as was the accepted custom in her class and period, money G47 18 was the man's business; women signed papers if necessary, but left G47 19 decisions to their husbands and fathers. In fact, the handling of G47 20 money was thought to be so abhorrent for women that professional G47 21 women were often paid by checks made out to their husband or father G47 22 rather than to themselves. A consequence of this convention was G47 23 that a man was often in a position to invest his own and his wife's G47 24 money without the knowledge or consent of his wife, and in many G47 25 cases, to invest it unwisely to the extent of losing it.

G47 26 Six months after Sara and Charles bought the house in Brighton, G47 27 Charles obtained a mortgage from a Richard Fay for $4,000. Sarah P. G47 28 Eldredge signed the agreement to repay the money in five years at G47 29 six percent interest. Three months later Charles Eldredge obtained G47 30 an additional mortgage of $3,000 from the Merchants' Bank to be G47 31 repaid in one year. This agreement was also signed by Sarah P. G47 32 Eldredge. One wonders why Eldredge needed the money so soon after G47 33 the purchase of the house. Had he borrowed the money privately to G47 34 pay for the house, from his father perhaps? Or did he need the G47 35 money for additional expenses? Another possibility is that he G47 36 wanted the money to make other investments. His father was G47 37 continuing to make real estate investments in Brighton, and Charles G47 38 may have felt this was a good way to make money. On October 10, G47 39 1840, Charles purchased approximately twelve acres of land which G47 40 adjoined his own land. He paid $750 initially, but over the period G47 41 of the next year he paid an additional $1,000 to six other G47 42 claimants - which suggests that Charles, who must not have had the G47 43 title searched adequately to determine that it was clear before G47 44 making the purchase, was not as careful or astute in his G47 45 investments as he should have been. Within eight months of the G47 46 initial purchase, he had sold his land to his father in two parcels G47 47 for a total of $2,250. That this may have been a transaction G47 48 necessitated by Charles's lack of funds is suggested by the fact G47 49 that in August 1841 the Merchants' Bank assigned the $3,000 G47 50 mortgage on his home (which was to have been paid by July 1840) to G47 51 his father, Hezekiah Eldredge. The other mortgage, for $4,000, was G47 52 still outstanding.

G47 53 At the same time that Sara and Charles were living their G47 54 blissful - though financially shaky - existence at Swissdale, G47 55 Charles became involved in another real estate transaction that G47 56 intensified his financial need. In April 1839 Joseph Jenkins, the G47 57 father of Sara's brother-in-law Joseph Jenkins, Jr., who was G47 58 married to her sister Mary, had begun building a large brick G47 59 structure on property on Tremont Street in Boston, which was to G47 60 become the Boston Fine Arts Museum. Jenkins ran out of money and G47 61 credit, and, unable to pay the owner of the land, Elizabeth G47 62 Deblois, he was threatened with the loss of his investment. After G47 63 Jenkins had made a number of unsuccessful attempts to obtain the G47 64 money, he approached Charles Eldredge, who agreed that he would G47 65 raise the money to purchase the property and complete the G47 66 edifice.

G47 67 On August 25, 1840, Eldredge purchased the property from G47 68 Elizabeth Deblois, paying her almost $6,000 and agreeing to pay her G47 69 the balance of approximately $15,000 within a year. Sarah P. G47 70 Eldredge signed her name to the documents. On February 12, 1841, G47 71 Eldredge paid $1,000 for a triangular piece of property adjoining G47 72 the larger property. The construction of the building continued, G47 73 and in April 1841 he took out two $10,000 loans and over the period G47 74 of the next few years borrowed money from various sources to pay G47 75 for the property and the construction costs. In the spring of 1841, G47 76 when the building was completed, Eldredge offered to sell the G47 77 property to Joseph Jenkins for what it had cost him, retaining a G47 78 small profit for himself: the agreed-upon profit was $3,500. When G47 79 Jenkins was unable to raise the money by September 1, 1841, the G47 80 date agreed upon, Eldredge, for whom the liability had become much G47 81 greater than Jenkins had originally led him to believe it would, G47 82 advertised the property for public sale. Jenkins took out an G47 83 injunction to prevent the sale.

G47 84 On March 1, 1842, Eldredge, pressed by his creditors and under G47 85 pressure from the officials at the Merchants' Bank where his G47 86 involvement with Jenkins's speculation was causing his business G47 87 reputation to suffer, sold the now-completed museum and surrounding G47 88 property to David Kimball, treasurer of the Corporation of the New G47 89 England Museum and Gallery of Fine Arts, for $55,000. Of that sum G47 90 over $40,000 were in outstanding mortgages in Eldredge's name; the G47 91 purchaser signed an agreement that he would pay the mortgages and G47 92 other debts and then pay Charles Eldredge $10,000. Jenkins, crying G47 93 fraud, filed a bill preventing the sale of the property and brought G47 94 Eldredge and Kimball to court, maintaining that Eldredge was only G47 95 acting as his trustee and had no right to sell the property. G47 96 Eldredge claimed that he was in fact the owner of the property and G47 97 denied that he had ever been simply a trustee. He said that he G47 98 originally took over the property with the hope that he could help G47 99 Jenkins's family, particularly his wife's sister, Mary Jenkins, and G47 100 that he also sought to make a small profit for himself. But he G47 101 maintained that it had always been his intention to give any G47 102 surplus money to Jenkins and his family, not because of any prior G47 103 agreement but at his own discretion.

G47 104 The court case lasted from 1842 to 1846, and Justice Joseph G47 105 Story found in favor of Jenkins and against the defendants, G47 106 Eldredge and Kimball, concluding that it was not reasonable to G47 107 suppose that Jenkins would ever have agreed to sign over the G47 108 property to Eldredge unless it was clear that Eldredge was acting G47 109 only as his trustee. Eldredge petitioned for a rehearing, G47 110 maintaining that at the time of the agreement Jenkins's right of G47 111 ownership had already expired. Eldredge cited contradictory G47 112 evidence given by Jenkins's witnesses at the Master's hearing G47 113 regarding the date at which the original agreement was reached, and G47 114 pointed to evidence that proved that those witnesses, including his G47 115 brother-in-law, Joseph Jenkins, Jr., who had died in November of G47 116 1843, had made false statements about the date. Eldredge's petition G47 117 was denied. The judge ruled that since the testimony before the G47 118 Master was without a special order of the court, it could not be G47 119 admitted, and he also said he did not wish to malign a dead man G47 120 (Jenkins, Jr.).

G47 121 In his petition Eldredge claimed that the decision was unfair G47 122 and based on perjured evidence and that he would "suffer G47 123 ruinous loss both of property and reputation." The decision G47 124 was allowed to stand. Eldredge was ordered to pay court costs and G47 125 to repay, with interest, all the money he had received from Kimball G47 126 for rents in addition to the purchase money. In addition, he had G47 127 contracted other debts and had maintained in his petition that he G47 128 was in danger of bankruptcy and that the sum he had been awarded G47 129 would not cover all of his debts and payments. When he died four G47 130 months later, he was insolvent, leaving Sara an impoverished widow G47 131 with two children.

G47 132 What must have been the effect of this long litigation and G47 133 financial night-mare for Sara and Charles Eldredge? For one G47 134 thing, family relationships must have been strained. Eldredge had G47 135 entered into the business originally, he said, because he wanted to G47 136 help Jenkins's family, particularly his wife's sister. He had come G47 137 to the aid of Jenkins, Sr., when Jenkins was threatened with G47 138 foreclosure, and he had assumed a debt of $2,000 that Jenkins, Jr., G47 139 could not repay. He had taken over the Fine Arts building to help G47 140 Jenkins when no one else would do so, and he had ultimately gotten G47 141 into a financial muddle because of it, assuming more than $50,000 G47 142 dollars in debts and jeopardizing his financial reputation and his G47 143 position at the Merchants' Bank. Yet Jenkins had done everything to G47 144 force him to retain the building when he could not do so without G47 145 declaring bankruptcy, and Jenkins, Jr., he believed, had lied about G47 146 him in court in order to strengthen his father's claim to the G47 147 property. Eldredge in his petition claimed that Jenkins was guilty G47 148 of "unjust and ungrateful conduct." What was the G47 149 relationship between Sara and her sister Mary while their husbands G47 150 were involved in this financial name-calling? In later years Sara G47 151 and Mary and their children were on friendly terms, but for many G47 152 years the relationship between the two families must have been G47 153 uncomfortable at the very least.

G47 154 What of the rest of the Willis family? Did they take sides? One G47 155 wonders if the family's attitude toward Sara after her first G47 156 husband died and then toward her when she left her second husband G47 157 resulted in part from the strain caused by Charles Eldredge's feud G47 158 with Jenkins. When Eldredge died and left his wife with debts, G47 159 Nathaniel Willis blamed him, telling the young widow that she G47 160 wouldn't be in such dire straits if her husband had been a better G47 161 businessman.

G47 162 It was unkind and insensitive of her father to criticize G47 163 Eldredge to his grieving widow, but the evidence suggests that G47 164 Nathaniel Willis - who, according to his son, was himself a careful G47 165 businessman - was right. Eldredge took on the museum property when G47 166 all other speculators regarded it as a very poor risk: Jenkins had G47 167 approached a number of other businessmen, and they all, upon G47 168 "mature consideration," had refused to become G47 169 involved. As the Master of Chancery said in his report, G47 170 "The nature and hazard of the under-taking were G47 171 such that the said Eldridge [sic] was the only person in the City G47 172 of Boston who, with reasonable probability of being successful in G47 173 the under-taking, could be induced by the Complainant G47 174 [Jenkins] to render the services required." Eldredge may G47 175 have been somewhat naive, or perhaps too eager to help his in-laws G47 176 - or he may have mistakenly thought the venture would provide an G47 177 easy profit for himself. Whatever his motivations, they were G47 178 ill-guided, and, as he commented in his petition to the G47 179 court in 1845, he never would have undertaken the speculation had G47 180 he "foreseen the difficulties and embarrassments" G47 181 that it would involve.

G47 182 What did Sara Eldredge think of the way in which her husband G47 183 had conducted his affairs? She apparently never criticized him to G47 184 her relatives, and she seems to have loved and supported him G47 185 through all of the long ordeal. Although Ruth Hall was G47 186 merciless in its criticism of Fern's father-in-law, brother, G47 187 brother-in-law, and the newspaper editors who had exploited her, G47 188 there is no suggestion of criticism of her first husband in her G47 189 positive portrayal of Harry Hall, who was based on Eldredge, the G47 190 beloved husband who died in financial ruin, leaving his wife and G47 191 children without resources. When Hall dies, the author tells us G47 192 that his hands are folded "over as noble a heart as ever G47 193 lay cold and still" (RH,58). G47 194 G48 1 <#FROWN:G48\>By the time I got home that summer, I hadn't had G48 2 my period in about six months. In a rare moment of sanity, I G48 3 decided it might be a good idea to find out why. Of course, it G48 4 never occurred to me that it could have something to do with the G48 5 fact that I looked like a skeleton with my skin stretched over the G48 6 bones.

G48 7 "I think maybe I need to go for a checkup," I G48 8 told my mother.

G48 9 "Why? What's wrong?"

G48 10 "Well, I - uh - haven't gotten my period for a long G48 11 time."

G48 12 I read the thoughts that raced through her mind. Or rather, one G48 13 thought - pregnancy. I was still a virgin, but I knew she probably G48 14 doubted that.

G48 15 "For how long?" she asked.

G48 16 "Six months." Which ended the pregnancy G48 17 concern, because nothing could have been growing in my emaciated G48 18 body for six months.

G48 19 There was something unusual about that summer - my mother and I G48 20 had this nice sort of easiness between us. At the time, I thought G48 21 it was because I had removed myself as a threat, at least in the G48 22 realm of sexual rivalry, by starving and drugging myself into a G48 23 completely unsexual-looking person. I'd starved away my breasts, my G48 24 hips; from the back, I could have been a boy. But I think there was G48 25 something else going on in this warm summer air that seemed to hang G48 26 over my mother and me - no storms, no hard winds, just the lull of G48 27 smiles and kind words. I think that because I was rail-thin, I no G48 28 longer stirred up memories of a time when my mother was unhappy G48 29 with her own appearance. The year before, when she called me fat, G48 30 her anger wasn't aimed at only me. Memories came back up for her, G48 31 old insecurities. Anger was her first response to this unwelcome G48 32 tide.

G48 33 By that summer, I was thin as she was, and perhaps that was G48 34 easier for her to take.

G48 35 But I think there was something else, too. In our use of pills, G48 36 we had converged. Even though we chose opposite drugs, even though G48 37 we didn't admit to addiction, we shared a common secret.

G48 38 One evening, I was watching television with my mother. We were G48 39 in Pacific Palisades and my father was in Sacramento. The news G48 40 program we were watching had a segment about withdrawal from G48 41 Valium. It showed someone having convulsions and seizures. If you G48 42 didn't know, you'd think you were watching someone in the throes of G48 43 an epileptic seizure. I turned to my mother and said, "You G48 44 should pay attention to this." She glanced at me and didn't G48 45 answer. Of course, I should have paid attention, too, but neither G48 46 of us thought we had a problem. Even if the program had shown G48 47 someone withdrawing from diet pills - zombie-like, disoriented, G48 48 desperately depressed - I wouldn't have seen it - not with any G48 49 clarity of vision.

G48 50 I noticed that Miltown hadn't been entirely discarded. We flew G48 51 back and forth between Los Angeles and Sacramento a few times that G48 52 summer. On one plane trip, my mother shook two Miltown into her G48 53 hand and asked the stewardess for a glass of water.

G48 54 "Do you have a headache?" the stewardess asked, G48 55 thinking they were aspirin.

G48 56 "Yes," my mother lied.

G48 57 I thought about the pills hidden in my suitcase in an empty G48 58 shampoo bottle, and wished they were white and could be mistaken G48 59 for aspirin.

G48 60 On another plane trip, my mother complained of indigestion, so G48 61 she pulled out two Miltown.

G48 62 "That helps indigestion?" I asked.

G48 63 "Yes."

G48 64 To determine why I hadn't had my period in so long, my mother G48 65 said she was going to make an appointment for me with her doctor, G48 66 since I didn't really have one of my own. But it was said G48 67 matter-of-factly, with no hint of judgment or suspicion.

G48 68 She drove me to the doctor for an examination. I remember lying G48 69 on the table, my feet in the stirrups, thinking, "Oh God, G48 70 all these years I've been riding horses ...what if the stories are G48 71 right? What if riding horses can break things and make it look like G48 72 you're not a virgin?"

G48 73 But the doctor completed his examination, turned to my mother, G48 74 who had stayed in the room, and said, "Well, everything G48 75 seems to be fine." We all knew what that meant.

G48 76 The next day, mysteriously, I started my period.

G48 77 <*_>three-bullets<*/>

G48 78 We flew up to Sacramento, planning to stay there for the G48 79 remainder of the summer, but as soon as we arrived at the leased G48 80 house which had become the official governor's mansion, we were G48 81 told that Robert Taylor had died. It wasn't wholly unexpected; his G48 82 body was ravaged by lung cancer from years of smoking, and he'd G48 83 been hospitalized for months. We turned around and flew back to Los G48 84 Angeles.

G48 85 I remember that week like a dream - Ursula Taylor's face G48 86 transformed by grief, my mother trying to comfort her, unable to G48 87 hold back her own tears, my father's eulogy for a man who had been G48 88 one of his best friends. I remember Barbara Stanwyck, Robert G48 89 Taylor's first wife, so shaken by sobs she had to sit down in the G48 90 entryway and gather her strength. I remember the confusion of G48 91 children who didn't quite know how to fit death into their lives. G48 92 We moved through the hours with bewildered faces and questions we G48 93 didn't dare ask because we knew no one had the answers.

G48 94 A few days after the service, we flew back to Sacramento. My G48 95 father came home from the Capitol every day at around five, but he G48 96 didn't seem part of those months. What I recall most clearly of G48 97 that summer is spending time with my mother, sunbathing, sitting by G48 98 the pool, exchanging books, laughing. Emotionally and physically, G48 99 my mother and I have been at war for a very long time, but G48 100 spiritually, we've understood each other in ways that we wouldn't G48 101 admit, even to ourselves. Both of us have used drugs, anger, and G48 102 defensiveness as a buffer against pain. And both of us have been G48 103 capable of truces, of reaching out to one another for periods of G48 104 time until some event, some source of pain, would again wrench us G48 105 apart. That summer was one of our rare cease-fires.

G48 106 When I went back to school that fall, I'd put on a little G48 107 weight. I still looked like I'd been in a prison camp, but I looked G48 108 as if some kindly guard had been giving me extra rations.

G48 109 When my grandparents picked me up at the airport, my G48 110 grandmother was the one who finally noticed my weight loss.

G48 111 "You must have to run around in the shower just to get G48 112 wet," she said.

G48 113 But my grandfather didn't seem to notice, which was a bit G48 114 unusual because his surgeon's eye generally recorded everything.

G48 115 The first night back at school, after dinner, I helped clear G48 116 the dishes from my table and on my way through the kitchen I G48 117 noticed a new addition. A young man in his twenties, lean, with G48 118 sandy hair and blue eyes, looked up from the stove where he was G48 119 cooking; he smiled at me. I dropped a plate and had a vision of the G48 120 rest of the year as one long obsession, which turned out to be G48 121 pretty accurate.

G48 122 A couple of months later, I had an opportunity to put myself G48 123 right in his path. I and four other girls were crowded into the G48 124 bathroom one night, smoking with the shower on hot so the steam G48 125 would mask the smoke, and the window open so both the steam and the G48 126 smoke would pour out. We also had a can of Right Guard in case a G48 127 teacher came by.

G48 128 A teacher did come. I had just left the bathroom, so according G48 129 to what she saw, I was innocent. But I was guilty and more G48 130 important, I wanted to be found guilty because punishment would G48 131 mean working off 'hours' in the kitchen. So, the next day, I turned G48 132 myself in, confessed, and got exactly what I wanted: one hundred G48 133 hours of kitchen duty.

G48 134 Because I knew the school would notify my parents about my G48 135 crime, I decided to write my father myself and tell him that I had G48 136 turned myself in (although I omitted my ulterior motive). It was G48 137 also part of my continuing effort to get my father's attention.

G48 138 He wrote back and told me that turning myself in was the right G48 139 thing to do, but that punishment was necessary because I'd broken G48 140 the rules. He then went on to describe how important honesty was, G48 141 how there would be chaos and anarchy in society if dishonesty were G48 142 tolerated. He said that I would undoubtedly be disturbed if I felt G48 143 that he wasn't honest in his job as governor, and if the news G48 144 reported that he had broken the laws and lied.

G48 145 My father and I exchanged very few letters; they always had to G48 146 do with a specific subject, never casual news or inconsequential G48 147 updates. One subject I was informed of, through letters, about this G48 148 same time, was the sale of our ranch. The ranch was the sweetest G48 149 memory of my childhood and I was heartbroken to see it go. I was G48 150 made to feel a bit better, though, by the fact that my father had G48 151 sold it to Twentieth Century-Fox, which owned a large piece of land G48 152 next door and promised not to develop the property.

G48 153 My mother's letters came more often and just gave me news of G48 154 our dog, descriptions of the weather, and assorted bulletins. It G48 155 was through one of her letters that I learned that Ron, who was G48 156 then going to school in Sacramento, had been beaten up by three G48 157 boys because he was "the governor's son" and rode G48 158 to school in a state car.

G48 159 I wasn't sure that the car really was the reason, but I didn't G48 160 argue. These were volatile times. There was a war in Vietnam, a war G48 161 in everyone's living room - right there on television. And there G48 162 was a war on college campuses, like Berkeley; my father wasn't G48 163 holding back on his rhetoric. He said that if Berkeley students G48 164 wanted a bloodbath, they'd have one. I'm sure that not everyone at G48 165 Ron's Sacramento school came from a Republican family, and that G48 166 more than a few people were opposed to my father's disdain for G48 167 anti-war protesters. Much later, Ron told me about the incident and G48 168 said the boys were saying things like "warmonger" as they G48 169 were punching his face and giving him a black eye.

G48 170 I was definitely far from the fray, being out in the middle of G48 171 the Arizona desert. My political feelings were still fairly G48 172 undeveloped. I fantasized about being in Haight-Ashbury, plaiting G48 173 flowers in my hair, or at Berkeley, protesting the war. Instead, I G48 174 was sneaking poetry books into geometry class, riding horses, and G48 175 getting up at five every morning to work off 'hours' in the G48 176 kitchen.

G48 177 G48 178 Chapter 13

G48 179 Diet pills came in handy on my new schedule. The night watchman G48 180 would rap on the window to wake me up at five so I could start G48 181 working in the kitchen at five-thirty. The kitchen man's name was G48 182 Don and it didn't take long before we were making out on the G48 183 stairway in back of the kitchen, in the walk-in freezer, the trash G48 184 can area, and eventually his room. The room part got a little G48 185 tricky; I had to get a nurse's excuse to get out of the evening G48 186 study hall. The I would sneak across campus. That's where I finally G48 187 got careless.

G48 188 It was probably starting to look suspicious that I was coming G48 189 down with illnesses at night, but would be racing between classes G48 190 the next day and galloping around on my horse in the afternoons. G48 191 One night, when the nurse decided to check on me in my room, I G48 192 wasn't there. I was in Don's room, and it was the night I'd decided G48 193 that we'd taken foreplay about as far as we could. I wanted to lose G48 194 my virginity. I thought: "I'm sixteen, I'm old G48 195 enough." G48 196 G49 1 <#FROWN:G49\>In recent years there had been little opportunity for G49 2 games or the competitions that the Shawnees so much enjoyed and G49 3 very quickly all the males of the village fell into the spirit of G49 4 it and encouraged Tecumseh to participate, which he finally, with G49 5 some reluctance, agreed to do. The competition was to be a G49 6 three-day deer hunt, using only bow and arrows, with each hunter G49 7 dressing, skinning, and hanging his take at the close of each day, G49 8 the meat to be picked up by the women after the hunt and brought G49 9 back to the village for a feast and for curing into jerky. Word of G49 10 the projected hunting competition spread and soon men from other G49 11 villages were coming to take part in it and a sense of happy G49 12 excitement filled them all at the prospect of at last having a good G49 13 hunt where they needn't fear running afoul of hostile whites.

G49 14 At the end of the three-day hunt, the men brought in the proofs G49 15 of their skill - the hides of the animals they had killed. Many of G49 16 the warriors brought in three or four skins apiece and a fair G49 17 number had killed five or six. Perhaps a dozen had taken ten each G49 18 and three men had each downed twelve. Tecumseh returned pulling a G49 19 makeshift sledge of bark behind him, on which were tied the hides G49 20 of the deer he had killed - a total of thirty of them.

G49 21 It was the custom at the feast following the hunt for each man G49 22 to tell of his own experiences and there was much laughter and G49 23 admiration as one after another they told their tales. When it came G49 24 to be Tecumseh's turn, a respectful silence fell over them all and G49 25 they clung to his every word. Unlike the boastful way in which G49 26 those who had preceded him told of their exploits, Tecumseh spoke G49 27 softly, simply and with an appealing eloquence that captured his G49 28 audience completely and left them marveling at his oratorical G49 29 abilities as much as over his hunting skill. Once again the news of G49 30 the great prowess of Tecumseh filtered throughout the Indian G49 31 nations. And a glow of pride and expectation filled Lowawluwaysica. G49 32 One day, he was sure, the time would come for his older brother to G49 33 take up the reins of leadership and when that time came, he was G49 34 certain to have many followers. And, thought his one-eyed brother, G49 35 at his right hand would be Lowawluwaysica.

G49 36 However, despite the therapeutic benefit of the hunting G49 37 competition and the pleasure in the accolades that followed, G49 38 Tecumseh remained depressed and pessimistic about what lay ahead G49 39 for all the Indians.

G49 40 G49 41 [May 1, 1795 - Friday]

G49 42 If there lingered any trace of hope among the Indians with G49 43 Tecumseh or elsewhere that the British would finally rise and G49 44 thrust the Americans out of the Northwest, it was dashed when word G49 45 swept through the tribes of the new treaty of peace with the United G49 46 States that the American special envoy, John Jay, had negotiated G49 47 with the British in London. That treaty had been signed last G49 48 November 19, and though it covered many aspects of international G49 49 trade and other matters, the provision that struck home with the G49 50 Northwestern Indians most directly dealt with the strong British G49 51 posts at Mackinac, Detroit, and Niagara.

G49 52 The grave nebulosity in the Treaty of Paris over eleven years G49 53 ago that had enabled the British to so disruptively retain their G49 54 hold on these vital western posts in American territory had finally G49 55 been resolved by the astute Mr. Jay. By the new terms to which the G49 56 British had agreed, all British posts anywhere in the G49 57 territory of the United States would be evacuated by the first day G49 58 of June next year. At councils held with the Indians in the Detroit G49 59 area, assurances were quickly given by the British that this did G49 60 not mean they were actually leaving. In point of fact, they said, G49 61 they were only moving across the Detroit River to Canada where, at G49 62 Amherstburg, hardly fifteen miles from Detroit, they were building G49 63 a very large fort, much bigger and better than the Detroit fort, G49 64 and calling it Fort Malden. From here, they promised, they would G49 65 continue to provide the Indians with the gifts and annuities and G49 66 supplies they were accustomed to receiving. The explanations and G49 67 plans did little to instill any rejuvenation of confidence in the G49 68 Indians for the British.

G49 69 In the Deer Creek Village, Lowawluwaysica, utilizing the Indian G49 70 medicine training he had been receiving from the old Shawnee G49 71 medicine man, Penegashega - Change of Feathers - now carried with G49 72 him wherever he went a pouch filled with herbs, bits of bone, G49 73 symbolic and mystical objects, and other paraphernalia and passed G49 74 himself off as the village doctor. He had even learned a number of G49 75 the healing chants from old Penegashega and used them now in G49 76 treating those afflicted with illness. In the majority of cases the G49 77 patients got better, though they no doubt would have done the same G49 78 without any treatment. For payment of his services, the one-eyed G49 79 youngest brother of Tecumseh most often, when it was available, G49 80 would take liquor in lieu of anything else. As always, in G49 81 everything he did, Lowawluwaysica constantly looked for G49 82 short-cuts to success. Most often he did not find them and G49 83 relied then on his inherent weasellike craftiness to carry him G49 84 through and remaining, as in the majority of his undertakings, G49 85 abysmally average and taking refuge in his close blood relationship G49 86 to Tecumseh. Where Tecumseh declined to boast very much of his own G49 87 accomplishments, Lowawluwaysica would boast all the louder on his G49 88 behalf and there was certainly much to boast about.

G49 89 At twenty-seven Tecumseh was a most formidable warrior, an G49 90 unparalleled hunter and tracker, a remarkable tactician and G49 91 logician, a gifted linguist in English as well as in a number of G49 92 Indian dialects, and most definitely an accomplished leader of men. G49 93 He continued to be temperate, never again having tasted alcohol in G49 94 any form following his pledge to Chicsika eleven years earlier. He G49 95 had become even more strongly handsome with the character lines G49 96 that time and experience had etched on his features and he G49 97 remained, in most circumstances, very gentle and good-natured. The G49 98 only avenue in which he seemed to do less than excel was in his G49 99 choice of a mate.

G49 100 Shortly after the Deer Creek Village was established, an G49 101 attractive, slender and strong young woman of twenty-three summers G49 102 decided that Tecumseh needed a wife. Named Mohnetohse, she was the G49 103 daughter of one of the older Peckuwe warriors among them. With her G49 104 naturally aggressive way she impinged herself upon his life and it G49 105 came as a surprise to no one when she and Tecumseh were soon G49 106 married. As a married woman, however, her character changed G49 107 considerably - or, more likely, revealed its true nature - and she G49 108 became domineering, accusatory, berative, and demanding, constantly G49 109 railing at Tecumseh and finding fault in all he did. Were it not G49 110 that she was pregnant, no one in the village had any doubt he would G49 111 have sent her away long before now.

G49 112 News had come to the Deer Creek Village over the past few G49 113 months that General Wayne, still quartered at Fort Greenville, was G49 114 continually being visited by chiefs declaring for peace. Most G49 115 disheartening was the fact that two such chiefs were Blue Jacket G49 116 and Michikiniqua, who visited with Wayne before the winter was G49 117 quite over. After that visit, Wayne had magnanimously sent word to G49 118 the displaced Shawnees under Catahecassa, as well as to other G49 119 Indians, that if they wished to do so, they could resettle, at G49 120 least temporarily, at their old village sites, provided they G49 121 remained peaceful and quiet. As a result, Catahecassa had returned G49 122 to the site of Wapakoneta and had reestablished the principal G49 123 village of the Shawnees there, reinstituting the name Wapakoneta. G49 124 Blue Jacket's Town had also been reestablished when the war chief G49 125 returned there, and Wapatomica was being rebuilt with a good G49 126 msi-kah-mi-qui, but the nearby ruins of Mackachack, G49 127 McKee's Town, and others remained uninhabited. Numerous other small G49 128 new villages of both Shawnee and Miami Indians similarly were G49 129 springing up again in the valleys of the Maumee, Auglaize, G49 130 Blanchard, Ottawa, and little Auglaize. Another surprise came with G49 131 news that Michikiniqua, accepting the commanding general's G49 132 invitation, had reestablished a moderate-sized village at the G49 133 Kekionga site quite close to Fort Wayne. Also, though Chief Five G49 134 Medals of the St. Joseph River Potawatomies had made an armistice G49 135 with Wayne and had agreed to attend the Greenville council, the G49 136 Milwackie and Illinois River Potawatomies under young Siggenauk and G49 137 Chaubenee were following Tecumseh's lead and not committing G49 138 themselves to anything.

G49 139 G49 140 [September 22, 1795 - Tuesday]

G49 141 That the war chief of the Shawnees should specifically pay a G49 142 visit to Tecumseh at his Deer Creek Village and spend long hours G49 143 explaining to him all details of the Greenville Treaty, so recently G49 144 concluded, was a real honor. It underlined the level of prestige G49 145 Tecumseh now had among the Indians even though he was himself, in G49 146 the eyes of Shawnee chiefs, still merely a warrior.

G49 147 Blue Jacket had arrived this morning with a contingent of G49 148 chiefs and warriors that included Chiuxca, Chaubenee, Spemica G49 149 Lawba, and a bright, seventeen-year-old half-breed Potowatomi named G49 150 Sauganash, whom the English called Billy Caldwell.

G49 151 Tecumseh had been overjoyed to see his old friends once again, G49 152 warmly shaking hands with Blue Jacket and Chiuxca, embracing his G49 153 nephew, Spemica Lawba, enfolding his huge friend Chaubenee in a G49 154 great bear hug, and cordially greeting young Sauganash. The latter G49 155 gazed at him with something almost akin to reverence and it was G49 156 clear that he was as smitten by Tecumseh in this first meeting as G49 157 Chaubenee had been those years ago.

G49 158 Laden with pots and dishes heaped with good food, Wasegoboah G49 159 and Tecumapese had joined them, along with Kumskaka and G49 160 Lowawluwaysica, and all had eaten heartily at Tecumseh's table, G49 161 smoked their pipes and spent the first hour or so in pleasant G49 162 reminiscences and in the sharing or news of less than monumental G49 163 significance, saving the most important matter of discussion - the G49 164 Greenville Treaty - for last.

G49 165 Because he was a stranger in their midst and more than a little G49 166 over-awed at being included in this august company at the G49 167 insistence of Chaubenee, Sauganash was invited to speak first and G49 168 tell them something of his background. A sinewy but well-built G49 169 young man of erect posture and animated expression, he was G49 170 embarrassed at first but quickly warmed to the matter and spoke G49 171 swiftly, succinctly, and very intelligently. His father, he said, G49 172 was an Irishman who was a great admirer of both Blue Jacket and G49 173 Tecumseh and was the officer who had brought the fifty-three G49 174 Canadians from Detroit who, dressed and painted as Indians, had G49 175 fought under Blue Jacket at the Battle of Fallen Timbers.

G49 176 As he continued with his narration, it was apparent to everyone G49 177 present that Sauganash was an extremely nimble-minded and G49 178 accomplished young man with a keen memory, a well-developed sense G49 179 of humor and considerable education. He had been born in Canada in G49 180 1778 just across the river from Detroit and at an early age had G49 181 been presented by his father to the Jesuits in Detroit to be G49 182 educated. Possessed of a pronounced flair for languages, he spoke G49 183 English and French fluently and could read and write in both G49 184 languages equally well. In addition to his own native Potawatomi, G49 185 he spoke seven other Indian languages and many dialects within G49 186 those languages. He was skilled in mathematics and geography and G49 187 had begun learning cartography when he left the Jesuits to be on G49 188 his own, not in full accord with the Catholic beliefs of his G49 189 mentors, which were so in variance with his tribal religious G49 190 beliefs. His Potawatomi name was Tequitoh - Straight Tree - but G49 191 practically everyone addressed or referred to him by his nickname, G49 192 Sauganash - The Englishman. From Chaubenee he had heard a great G49 193 deal about Blue Jacket and Tecumseh and both, along with Chaubenee, G49 194 had more or less become his personal heroes.

G49 195 They welcomed him with genuine warmth to their inner circle, if G49 196 such it could be called, and then went on to other matters. Spemica G49 197 Lawba was next to speak and the twenty-year-old proudly announced G49 198 that he had just gotten married. G49 199 G49 200 G49 201 G50 1 <#FROWN:G50\>8

G50 2 PURLOINING GERMANY'S ATOMIC SECRETS

G50 3 The early twentieth century was a revolutionary epoch for G50 4 physics. And no nation dominated scientific advance in this field G50 5 as did Germany. For there it was, in 1900, that Max Planck laid the G50 6 groundwork for all of modern physics by formulating his quantum G50 7 theory of energy transfer. It was there, too, that Albert Einstein G50 8 was born and first schooled, and where, at the height of his G50 9 international fame, he returned, at Planck's urging, to assume a G50 10 prestigious post at the University of Berlin. And it was the G50 11 scientifically progressive Weimar Republic that spawned, or G50 12 nurtured, most of the century's most illustrious physicists: Max G50 13 von Laue, who devised a way of measuring X-ray wave lengths; G50 14 Wolfgang Pauli, 'father' of the neutrino; Werner Heisenberg, G50 15 formulator of the 'uncertainty principle'; Max Born; Lise Meitner; G50 16 Edward Teller; and, as a graduate student, J. Robert Oppenheimer. G50 17 With its peerless Kaiser Wilhelm Gesellschaft (boasting 15 Nobel G50 18 prize winners), Prussian Academy of Sciences, and illustrious G50 19 university, Berlin occupied center stage in German physics.

G50 20 To these elite scientific bastions Erwin Respondek enjoyed a G50 21 privileged access. Through a variety of personal connections, he G50 22 was able to keep abreast of German experimental progress - G50 23 knowledge shared with few persons outside the scientific community. G50 24 After 1939, this knowledge would extend to war-related projects. G50 25 Those would include research relating to an atomic bomb. From G50 26 Respondek, the Americans would receive news about German progress G50 27 in the race to produce the most devastating explosive device the G50 28 world had ever seen.

G50 29 Respondek's oldest and principal scientific tie was to Max G50 30 Planck. His brother, Georg, was one of the few students selected to G50 31 study and earn a Ph.D. under the bald-headed, reserved classical G50 32 physicist at the University of Berlin. He introduced Erwin as a G50 33 young schoolboy to the famous scientist and his family. When G50 34 Respondek was working for the Finance Ministry immediately after G50 35 the First World War, he lived for nearly two years in Planck's G50 36 spacious Grunewald villa. He also served as a surrogate son during G50 37 a time of tragic personal loss for Planck. (One of the physicist's G50 38 sons was also named Erwin.) Their friendship would endure until G50 39 Planck's death in 1947. Through the world-famous physicist, G50 40 Respondek came to know other eminent German scientists, including G50 41 Otto Hahn and Werner Heisenberg, who were deeply involved in atomic G50 42 research. But it was from Planck himself that he first heard about G50 43 German advances in this area.

G50 44 Hermann Muckermann was a second valuable source. From his years G50 45 at the Kaiser Wilhelm Society prior to 1933, the onetime Jesuit G50 46 knew numerous scientists all over Germany. Many of these colleagues G50 47 he may well have introduced to Respondek before the Nazis came to G50 48 power. Now semiretired, Muckermann participated in the resistance G50 49 activities of Respondek's circle. (Once the Gestapo nearly caught G50 50 him with some highly sensitive papers. Muckermann had received a G50 51 list of the persons slated to take over ministerial posts after a G50 52 successful coup against Hitler. That same day secret police came G50 53 calling at his home in Frohnau. Luckily, Muckermann's Scotch G50 54 terrier began barking at the approaching Gestapo agents, and his G50 55 housekeeper was able to toss the papers into the furnace just in G50 56 the nick of time.)

G50 57 But Respondek's most valuable confederate in purloining German G50 58 atomic secrets was Herbert (Rainer) M<*_>u-umlaut<*/>ller, one of G50 59 his few close friends. To this day M<*_>u-umlaut<*/>ller remains a G50 60 mysterious, shadowy figure. Little is known about his life and G50 61 career, other than that he was born, a Protestant, on August 29, G50 62 1907, studied law at the University of Berlin, and then married and G50 63 established a home in Charlottenburg. He was an easy-going, quiet, G50 64 intelligent man with a love for literature and music and something G50 65 of a romantic temperament. He was also crafty and duplicitous, a G50 66 person who could easily blur his loyalties, both personal and G50 67 political. (During the war he and Charlotte Respondek carried on an G50 68 affair, more or less under their spouses' noses. Many years later G50 69 his secretary would remember M<*_>u-umlaut<*/>ller as a person who G50 70 could easily have worked "for both sides.") In June G50 71 1934, at the age of twenty-six, M<*_>u-umlaut<*/>ller joined the G50 72 Institute for Foreign and International Civil Law, a center for G50 73 legal research affiliated with the Kaiser Wilhelm Society. G50 74 Subsequently, M<*_>u-umlaut<*/>ller served as temporary director of G50 75 this institute while advising the central administration on legal G50 76 matters. He published papers on such topics as German G50 77 administration of justice in the context of international civil law G50 78 and reform of guarantor law in Switzerland. In his administrative G50 79 role M<*_>u-umlaut<*/>ller was well positioned to stay in touch G50 80 with scientific progress in many fields, including atomic physics. G50 81 After 1938 he also took advantage of his Kaiser Wilhelm Society G50 82 posts to shield politically suspect scientists from attacks and G50 83 dismissal. In addition, M<*_>u-umlaut<*/>ller endeavored to erect G50 84 obstacles for those German scientists working on an atomic bomb, G50 85 while he passed on details about their research to Erwin G50 86 Respondek.

G50 87 On top of these sources, Respondek could count on his G50 88 long-standing professional ties to such scientist-industrialists as G50 89 Carl Duisberg, Hermann B<*_>u-umlaut<*/>cher, Wilhelm Kalle, and G50 90 Carl Bosch for privileged information concerning German weaponry. G50 91 And as was noted earlier, his anti-Nazi son-in-law, Friedrich G50 92 Hoffmann, was fully informed about German experiments involving G50 93 poison gas.

G50 94 Earlier Respondek had made use of these ties to prepare for Sam G50 95 Woods a synopsis of scientific work inside the Reich, which touched G50 96 upon ongoing experiments in nuclear fission. But there was one G50 97 sensational piece of news he kept from his American friends. It G50 98 concerned two of the largest and most powerful industrial firms in G50 99 the world - one German, the other American - and their secret pact G50 100 to exchange scientific findings. It was an agreement that would G50 101 stay in force until the final months of the war and remain G50 102 concealed long thereafter.

G50 103 The Delaware-based chemical giant Du Pont had long sought a G50 104 co-operative arrangement with German companies. As early as G50 105 1919 Du Pont executives had broached such a proposal on dyestuffs G50 106 with Carl Bosch, the inventor of synthetic ammonia, future founder G50 107 of IG Farben, and then chairman of the board of Badische Anilin und G50 108 Soda Fabrik. But the wily Bosch, who saw little advantage in G50 109 sharing German expertise with the Americans, rebuffed this bid. G50 110 Undaunted, Du Pont persisted in its attempts to acquire German G50 111 technical know-how after IG Farben was created in 1925. The G50 112 following year, in Hamburg, Du Pont officials signed a secret G50 113 "gentlemen's agreement" with two Farben G50 114 subsidiaries, Dynamit Aktien Gesellschaft and K<*_>o-umlaut<*/>ln G50 115 Rottweiler - both major explosives manufacturers - granting each G50 116 party a first option on new processes and products, such as black G50 117 powder and safety and powder fuses.

G50 118 Although unable to achieve the same kind of comprehensive G50 119 cartel arrangement it had already signed with the British Imperial G50 120 Chemical company, Du Pont did invest some $3 million in the German G50 121 armaments industry in the 1920s, thereby gaining a large lead over G50 122 its U.S. competitors. In 1929, quite possibly as the result of a G50 123 hush-hush Mediterranean cruise its top executives took with G50 124 counterparts from IG Farben and Imperial Chemical, Du Pont signed G50 125 another pact with the German conglomerate. In 1933, with Hitler now G50 126 in power, officers of the American company went so far as to agree G50 127 to sell the Germans "military propellants and military G50 128 explosives" - in clear violation of both the Versailles G50 129 Treaty and the peace treaty between the United States and Germany. G50 130 This happened despite a warning from a Du Pont executive in Germany G50 131 that it was "common knowledge" that IG Farben was G50 132 bankrolling the Nazis. Lammot Du Pont, the company's president, G50 133 wisely scrapped this agreement before it was formally signed, even G50 134 though he continued to hope he could circumvent these legal G50 135 restrictions.

G50 136 Reports of Du Pont's secret cartel pacts with IG Farben and G50 137 other European firms were aired at the Senate's munitions hearings G50 138 in 1934. A solemn and dignified parade of Du Pont family executives G50 139 - Lammot, Felix, Pierre, and Ir<*_>e-acute<*/>n<*_>e-acute<*/>e - G50 140 flatly denied the existence of any such arrangements until G50 141 documents were introduced in evidence that described a cartel pact G50 142 on explosives with Imperial and several German firms. These G50 143 embarrassing revelations notwithstanding, Du Pont cultivated G50 144 further ties with IG Farben during the Nazi years, making available G50 145 licenses in acrylates and nitrogenous products, and then, in 1938, G50 146 giving the German chemical manufacturer important processes G50 147 necessary for the manufacture of buna rubber - an important, newly G50 148 developed synthetic substance for making tires. These exchanges of G50 149 strategically important industrial know-how continued even though G50 150 they violated U.S. neutrality laws and even though President G50 151 Roosevelt was warned about them by his ambassador in Berlin, G50 152 William Dodd. Despite the outbreak of war, Du Pont went on G50 153 negotiating trade agreements with Farben until 1941, when its board G50 154 finally voted to sell its stock in the German firm and G50 155 "suspend" patent exchanges until "the present G50 156 emergency has passed."

G50 157 But it was soon revealed that IG Farben had kept a toehold in G50 158 the lucrative U.S. market through its 90 percent ownership of the G50 159 New York-based firm General Aniline and Film Corporation. This G50 160 "dummy" front controlled $11.5 million of assets in G50 161 American firms, including Du Pont. This news caused quite a stir in G50 162 the press and in Washington and led to both seizure of General G50 163 Aniline's assets, under the Trading with the Enemy Act, and to a G50 164 1943 indictment of Du Pont, along with two other American G50 165 companies, for engaging in a worldwide conspiracy to control G50 166 strategically important metals. (Du Pont was eventually convicted.) G50 167 The Delaware firm was brought back into court in January 1944 G50 168 charged as a co-conspirator in cartel agreements governing G50 169 explosives. (All told, 15 separate legal actions were brought G50 170 against Du Pont for its cartel ties. The company lost eight cases G50 171 and was fined a total of $323,000, out of a possible $4 G50 172 million.)

G50 173 According to Respondek, it was in this context that Du Pont's G50 174 best-concealed pact with IG Farben was forged. At some G50 175 point shortly before Hitler came to power, the leadership of Du G50 176 Pont worked out an agreement with their peers at IG Farben whereby G50 177 the two firms would regularly exchange the results of experiments G50 178 conducted in their laboratories "so that in this regard no G50 179 secrets would exist between the United States and Germany." G50 180 In Germany this pact was known only to Carl Duisberg, chairman of G50 181 IG's Aufsichtsrat; Carl Bosch, then chairman of the board; G50 182 Geheimrat Hermann Schmitz, Bosch's chief financial advisor and the G50 183 person who set up Farben's 'camouflaged' control of companies in G50 184 the United States and elsewhere; Dr. Wilhelm Kalle; three or four G50 185 other top IG directors; and the trusted financial advisor who had G50 186 helped draw up the agreement, Erwin Respondek.

G50 187 The outbreak of hostilities between Germany and the United G50 188 States in December 1941 did not affect this pact. As Respondek G50 189 explained after the war, IG Farben "supplied Du Pont with G50 190 information, in the greatest detail, before the war and during the G50 191 German-American conflict up until January/February 1945, by means G50 192 of a secure route through Basel." G50 193 (In all likelihood the Basel connection was IG Chemie, a Farben G50 194 'cloak' for its worldwide interests, established in Switzerland in G50 195 1929 and headed by Hermann Schmitz.) The highly confidential papers G50 196 IG Farben sent to Du Pont - and received from it - were kept G50 197 "locked in a special safe, to which no one in the company G50 198 had access other than three or four special directors."

G50 199 This purported industrial alliance raises some disturbing G50 200 questions about German knowledge of U.S. military secrets. For Du G50 201 Pont and IG Farben were heavily involved in extremely sensitive G50 202 war-related research and development. During the First World War, a G50 203 German chemist by the name of Walter Heldt had perfected a poison G50 204 gas known as Zyklon B for use as a delousing agent. Production of G50 205 this gas was now in the hands of the Deutsche G50 206 Gesellschaft f<*_>u-umlaut<*/>r Schaedlungsbekaempfung<&|>sic! G50 207 (DEGESCH, or the German Society for Pest Control), which was 42.5 G50 208 percent controlled by IG Farben. When the Nazis began to carry out G50 209 their 'Final Solution' by setting up gas chambers in 1942, it was G50 210 to DEGESCH they turned for the deadly Zyklon B.

G50 211 For this, Farben executives were indicted by a Nuremberg war G50 212 crimes tribunal. Ultimately they were exonerated on the grounds G50 213 that it was impossible to prove the German directors had known how G50 214 the gas was being used.

G50 215 G50 216 G51 1 <#FROWN:G51\>I was shocked to hear Louis Kronenberger, who wrote G51 2 for The Nation, say angrily that she was a charlatan. G51 3 "Kronenberger is a fop," declared Farrell, without G51 4 pronouncing on Gertrude Stein.

G51 5 John and I read Malraux's Man's Fate, in English, G51 6 without noticing that it had a Trotskyite slant on the Chinese G51 7 revolution. We read C<*_>e-acute<*/>line (I never liked him), and G51 8 one Sunday afternoon the two of us read The Communist G51 9 Manifesto aloud - I thought it was very well written. On G51 10 another Sunday we went to a debate on Freud and/or Marx - surely a G51 11 Communist affair. More hazily I remember another debate, on the G51 12 execution of the 'White Guards' in Leningrad in 1935; this may have G51 13 been a Socialist initiative, for the discussion was rancorous. G51 14 Actually, that mass execution was a foreshadowing of the first G51 15 Moscow trials in the summer of 1936, which ended with the execution G51 16 of Zinoviev and Kamenev.

G51 17 The eternal fellow traveler Corliss Lamont, son of a J. P. G51 18 Morgan partner, persistently tried to seduce me when John was G51 19 working or away. This pawky freckled swain sought to suborn me by G51 20 invitations to dance at the new Rainbow Room, at Ben Marden's G51 21 Riviera on the Palisades, and at a place in the West 50s that G51 22 featured a naked girl in a bottle. But, as we danced, while I G51 23 reminded him that I was married, he tried to gain his end by G51 24 reasoned argument: "You wouldn't want to have just one G51 25 picture, would you?" Fifty years later, he was taking my G51 26 friend Elizabeth Hardwick to the Rainbow Room, still up to his old G51 27 tricks. "Transitory phenomena," he said of the G51 28 Moscow trials.

G51 29 Besides going to the Savoy Ballroom on Friday nights, John and G51 30 I had black friends, who used to come to our apartment, nervously G51 31 ushered by us past the elevator boys: Nella Larsen, the novelist G51 32 (Passing), Dorothy Peterson, the actress (she played in the G51 33 Negro Macbeth), and her brother, who was a doctor. They were G51 34 high up in the black bourgeoisie. Nella Larsen told stories that G51 35 always contained the sentence "And there I was, in the G51 36 fullest of full evening dress." She lived downtown, near G51 37 Irving Place. The Petersons had a house in Brooklyn - we liked G51 38 them, not simply because they were black, and were proud of the G51 39 friendship. We also liked Governor Floyd Olson, Farmer-Labor, of G51 40 Minnesota; Selden had taken us to a nightclub with him. Then he G51 41 died rather young of cancer of the stomach. Probably I would have G51 42 approved of his working with the Communists in his home state in G51 43 1936. In Washington, where we went with a play of John's, we saw G51 44 Congressman Tom Amlie, of Wisconsin, the secretary of the bloc of G51 45 Progressives in the House; he got us visitors' passes to the House G51 46 and had drinks with us in our hotel room, where he told us that his G51 47 committees were "Patents, Coins, and Public Buildings - G51 48 that's bottoms in committees." A sad, nice man, who, unlike G51 49 Olson, could not agree to working with Communist factions.

G51 50 For The Nation, I was reviewing a number of G51 51 biographies, which taught me some history - I had not taken any at G51 52 Vassar. From Hilaire Belloc's life of Charles I, I learned that G51 53 inflation, which entailed a shrinking of the royal revenues in G51 54 terms of buying power, was the cause of the martyred king's fall. G51 55 Of all the books I reviewed I was most enthusiastic about I G51 56 Claudius; the sequel, Claudius the God, I liked G51 57 somewhat less. Another enthusiasm was Vincent Sheean's G51 58 Personal History, which gave me my line on Borodin and G51 59 the Communist failure in China. I was greatly excited by a G51 60 historical novel, Summer Will Show, by Sylvia Townsend G51 61 Warner, which ended with the heroine sitting down in revolutionary G51 62 Paris to read The Communist Manifesto. "Book G51 63 Bites Mary," Joe Krutch quipped in a telegram on receipt of G51 64 my copy from Reno. Writing that review was the closest I came to a G51 65 conversion to Communism (as indeed may have been the case of the G51 66 author, for whom the book seems to have been a mutant in a career G51 67 whose norm was one of wild, apolitical fancifulness - Lolly G51 68 Willowes, Mr. Fortune's Maggot).

G51 69 As is clear from Krutch's telegram, the Warner book reversed my G51 70 ordinary practice with fiction. Usually I was rough. Steinbeck's G51 71 In Dubious Battle, Stark Young's So Red the Rose, G51 72 Marching, Marching by Clara Weatherwax, February G51 73 Hill by Victoria Lincoln - I laid about me right and left. My G51 74 standards were high - higher for fiction than for biography, which G51 75 could justify itself by instructiveness - as my still Latinate G51 76 style seemed to attest, nay, to vaunt. I am embarrassed to recall G51 77 (textually) a concluding sentence that spoke of the lack, in G51 78 current fiction, "of bitter aloes and Attic salt." G51 79 Oh, dear. At least I was forthright and fearless, and I was gaining G51 80 a certain renown for it; I think I can say that I was truly hated G51 81 by a cosy columnist in Herald Tribune Books who signed G51 82 herself "IMP" and doted on the books I attacked.

G51 83 It was this reputation, evidently, that led Charles Angoff of G51 84 The American Mercury, a disciple of Mencken, to invite me G51 85 to lunch one day. It was a business lunch; he was working as a G51 86 consultant to liven up The Nation, and he had an idea for G51 87 me: to take on the entire critical establishment in a five- or G51 88 six-part series, to be called 'Our Critics.' Would I want to try G51 89 it? Obviously I would. The state of reviewing in the United States G51 90 was a scandal, far worse than today. Book-review pages, daily and G51 91 Sunday, and periodicals like The Saturday Review of G51 92 Literature (edited then by Henry Seidel Canby) were open G51 93 adjuncts of the best-seller lists, book clubs, and advertisements G51 94 of the publishing industry. Among the dailies and big weeklies, the G51 95 one exception was the young John Chamberlain, in the daily New G51 96 York Times, but he rarely reviewed fiction, and I doubt that G51 97 he reviewed every day. Moreover, his tenure was brief.

G51 98 Margaret Marshall, Joe Krutch's assistant, had come to lunch, G51 99 too. We talked excitedly for a couple of hours and before we G51 100 separated it was agreed that I would take on the job. Later, there G51 101 were second thoughts. Freda Kirchwey, who was running the paper G51 102 under Villard, decided that I was too young to be entrusted with a G51 103 series of such importance; knowing what I know of her, I suppose G51 104 she was afraid of me, that is, of what I might write. So a G51 105 compromise was worked out: Margaret Marshall would be assigned to G51 106 work on the articles with me. We would divide the research equally; G51 107 then she would write half the articles, and I would write half. For G51 108 instance, she would do The New York Times Book Review, G51 109 under J. Donald Adams, while I would do New Masses, under G51 110 Granville Hicks. There would be five articles; the first, or G51 111 introductory one, we would write together. For all five articles, G51 112 both our names would be on the cover.

G51 113 We had fun in the New York Public Library reading-room, doing G51 114 our research in back issues of magazines and newspapers and using G51 115 lined cards to copy out quotations, some of them unbelievable. G51 116 Peggy Marshall came from a Mormon family in Utah or Montana; she G51 117 was about ten years older than I, around thirty-three, and was G51 118 divorced from her husband; they had one little girl, whose custody G51 119 they shared. Peggy, I soon discovered, did not have much energy; G51 120 she was having an affair with a labor writer named Ben Stolberg, G51 121 and both of them would lie on a sofa or daybed in her living-room, G51 122 too tired to do anything, apparently too tired to go to bed and G51 123 make love. Nor can I remember her ever cooking a meal.

G51 124 Neither was very attractive; she was blond, grayish-eyed, and G51 125 dumpy, with a sharp turned-up nose, and Stolberg was blond, G51 126 blue-eyed, and fat and talked, snorting, through his nose, with a G51 127 German accent. I don't know what view Stolberg took of himself, but G51 128 Peggy, to my horror, saw herself as seductive. Once, when we were G51 129 talking of Ben and whether he wanted to marry her, I saw her look G51 130 in the mirror with a little smile and toss of her head; "Of G51 131 course I know I'm kinda pretty," she said.

G51 132 Not long after this, on a weekend when we were starting to do G51 133 the first piece, we decided to work on it in the Nation G51 134 office, dividing it in two. I typed my part and waited for her to G51 135 do hers, so that we could turn our copy in and leave. But she could G51 136 not get it written; on the sheet of paper she finally showed me, G51 137 there were a few half-finished sentences. She was giggling and G51 138 making a sort of whimpering sound. This was the first writer's G51 139 block I had witnessed, if that is what it was. At length I took her G51 140 notes and the sheet of paper from her and sat down and wrote what I G51 141 thought she wanted to say. She thanked me a bit weepily, and I G51 142 assured her it was O.K. I guessed that she was having a nervous G51 143 breakdown, from the tension of the divorce, which was quite recent, G51 144 and living with Judy, the little girl. Stolberg was probably no G51 145 help.

G51 146 That was how it was, for five weeks, except that soon she G51 147 stopped trying and just let me write the pieces, using her notes G51 148 and mine. She did manage to do half of one - the one on The G51 149 New York Times Book Review - and made no further effort, G51 150 though we talked about what would be in the articles and perhaps G51 151 she suggested small changes of wording. I told Johnsrud of course G51 152 but nobody else. When the pieces started coming out, the only other G51 153 person to know that Peggy was not really the co-author was Freda G51 154 Kirchwey. Peggy had had to tell her something to account for the G51 155 fact that she was asking for more money for me, but I never knew G51 156 what Freda knew exactly. They did pay me more money, and after the G51 157 first week our names, at Peggy's prompting, were reversed on the G51 158 cover and in the headings: my name now came first.

G51 159 John did not approve of any of this. He thought I should make G51 160 Peggy take her name off the whole series; he did not trust her, he G51 161 said. One could not trust a woman who was as weak as that. They G51 162 were buying my silence, he said. It all chimed in with things that G51 163 had happened to his father when he was principal of that Minnesota G51 164 high school. I said I could not demand full credit because I was G51 165 sorry for Peggy. I felt sure that she had not told Freda G51 166 everything. If the truth came out, when our names were already on G51 167 the articles, Freda might feel she was too compromised to keep her G51 168 job. That I was not getting complete credit for work I had done was G51 169 less important than the fact that Peggy was on her own, with Judy, G51 170 and barely able to perform. I cannot tell even now whether those G51 171 were my true feelings. I was sorry for her certainly, but not G51 172 very sorry, possibly because of that self-satisfied smile and G51 173 "Of course I know I'm kinda pretty." Self-deception G51 174 always chilled me. But I was the stronger, and she was the weaker, G51 175 so I could not expose her. John said I would see how she repaid my G51 176 generosity. I am not sure it was really generosity, but about G51 177 re-payment he was right, as the reader will see. She has G51 178 been dead for years now; there is no reason for me to keep silent. G51 179 And yet I feel guilty, like somebody repeating a slander, as I G51 180 write this down.

G51 181 The series on the critics was an immense succ<*_>e-grave<*/>s G51 182 de scandale. It was time someone did it. Peggy and I, our names now G51 183 linked together for what looked like eternity, were a cynosure. G51 184 Seeing her respond to the compliments that came to both of us at G51 185 the parties we were invited to, I was annoyed, I found. I felt that G51 186 she was preening. G51 187 G51 188 G52 1 <#FROWN:G52\>10

G52 2 C<*_>e-acute<*/>zanne Country

G52 3 1924-1928

G52 4 HARTLEY'S STAY in the United States in 1924 was only three G52 5 months long, hardly enough for him to settle down. He visited G52 6 relatives in Cleveland, made arrangements about the paintings he G52 7 had shipped back from Berlin, and completed two informal essays G52 8 that he submitted to Vanity Fair. The magazine's editor, G52 9 Frank Crowninshield, rejected one, about the French Riviera, but G52 10 accepted the other, 'The Greatest Show on Earth: An Appreciation of G52 11 the Circus from One of Its Grown-Up Admirers.' In mid-June Hartley G52 12 sailed for England, where he went immediately to London after G52 13 landing at Plymouth. He delighted in the life-style of Britain - G52 14 its leisurely pace, its manners, and its dress. He was, in fact, G52 15 thoroughly pleased to be back in Europe.

G52 16 After spending several weeks in London he crossed the Channel G52 17 to Rotterdam and from there visited The Hague, where he was G52 18 impressed by a large collection of van Goghs and several fine G52 19 post-impressionist works by van Rysselberghe, Signac, and G52 20 Seurat, especially the latter's large canvas of a music hall, G52 21 Le Chahut. Hartley next traveled south to Antwerp, where G52 22 he met a sailor friend stationed aboard the battleship New G52 23 York. The two of them visited Brussels, and then Hartley G52 24 continued on to Paris, arriving near the end of July and at once G52 25 encountering "the entire world so it seemed - Duchamp - G52 26 Varese - Man Ray - Leo Stein - and many less conspicuous G52 27 play-mates." Instead of settling down to paint G52 28 right away, he took the time to journey out of Paris to visit such G52 29 places as Rouen and Chartres - "such grace G52 30 dignity-power-repose-splendour-and simply not to believe - the G52 31 glass," he remarked about the cathedral at Chartres. And he G52 32 spent some time looking about Paris as well, getting a sense of it G52 33 as never before.

G52 34 He expected to move to the South of France during the autumn, G52 35 but Paris life was too stimulating, and he was offered exhibition G52 36 opportunities, so that it would be the following July before he G52 37 would actually take up residence in Vence. Meanwhile he enjoyed the G52 38 city, its caf<*_>e-acute<*/>s, and the splendid variety of people G52 39 with whom he could be close or not so close, as he chose. Hartley G52 40 recalled the character Fougita, a Japanese artist who was the most G52 41 flamboyant foreigner among the "terrace life" - G52 42 except perhaps for "the debonair pink and white Bosshard, G52 43 who might be superficially called the Swiss Modigliani, since he G52 44 then painted thin female nudes usually lying down with a faint G52 45 lyrical mountain landscape in the distance of the same hue as his G52 46 own skin." Hartley saw something of Gertrude Stein and G52 47 Sherwood Anderson, who was close to her then, and of Ernest G52 48 Hemingway and Edna Saint Vincent Millay at the Rotonde, one of the G52 49 'literary' caf<*_>e-acute<*/>s. At the Caf<*_>e-acute<*/> Royal he G52 50 chatted with an English group, among whom were Augustus John, G52 51 sporting an earring or two, Wyndham Lewis, and Jacob Epstein, and G52 52 more than once he drank with James Joyce at the Caf<*_>e-acute<*/> G52 53 des Deux Magots. And though he had little use for surrealism, he G52 54 enjoyed the company of Andr<*_>e-acute<*/> Breton, Louis Aragon, G52 55 Philippe Soupault, and "the irrepressible Tristan G52 56 Tzara."

G52 57 But it was not only the caf<*_>e-acute<*/> life that diverted G52 58 him from traveling south; more important, he believed, was the G52 59 chance to exhibit in Paris with several other Americans. The G52 60 artists George Biddle and John Storrs approached him during the G52 61 summer about exhibiting at a new gallery, the Briant-Robert, in G52 62 November. Hartley agreed, and on that basis Biddle offered him his G52 63 studio for most of August. Within three weeks Hartley had fifteen G52 64 canvases that were either finished or prepared, of which six - five G52 65 landscapes and one still life - would go into the show, whose G52 66 opening was delayed until January 1925. So Hartley remained in G52 67 Paris, using Biddle's studio daily while thriving on the city's G52 68 busy life, of which he felt very much a part.

G52 69 Two days after the show of American painting opened, he sat in G52 70 the Caf<*_>e-acute<*/> de l'Univers, across form the G52 71 Com<*_>e-acute<*/>die Fran<*_>c-cedille<*/>aise, and wrote G52 72 Stieglitz a long letter about the exhibition and about French art G52 73 in general. In a good mood because of the show and because he was G52 74 to meet some American friends and see the Com<*_>e-acute<*/>die, he G52 75 discussed the exhibition, which was interesting "in the G52 76 novelty of its precedent - it being the first time the French have G52 77 actually invited Americans to show." He was critical of the G52 78 other artists selected, who were "quite hopeless in view of G52 79 what might have been accomplished," but felt that it had G52 80 gone as well as it could under the circumstances. Jules Pascin, G52 81 whose inclusion was "a bit far-fetched as there is nothing G52 82 whatsoever American in his sensations and methods of G52 83 expression," was represented by three paintings of nudes, G52 84 which had an Oriental flair about them. Paul Burlin's suffered from G52 85 not being "passionately endowed" and lacked an G52 86 "undying conviction." His work and that of George G52 87 Biddle and John Storrs seemed to him the most essentially G52 88 American.

G52 89 His was being called the best, he claimed, and he cited the G52 90 critic in the European edition of the Chicago Tribune, G52 91 who had written that "for sheer, sincere modernism...the G52 92 prize at the exhibit is carried off by Marsden Hartley, whose G52 93 vigorous, sweeping strokes - devoted to the depicting of abstract G52 94 ideas - have almost terrifying power, though sometimes reminding G52 95 one rather more of a bad dream than a picture." His six G52 96 paintings had the best wall, and they drew responses such as G52 97 "apocalyptic - inevitable - unquestionable G52 98 personal." He described the paintings as being an almost G52 99 monochromatic "black white umber or venetian red and green G52 100 - the first time in my life I've ever done what I've always aspired G52 101 to - a black & white painting." Of the four of this sort, G52 102 two were "large rearrangements of the Maine landscapes of G52 103 former years." He called them an "attempt to attain G52 104 true dramatic scale in subject with a sculptural method of G52 105 treatment."

G52 106 John Storrs had complimented Hartley's ability as a sculptor, G52 107 which pleased him because in fashioning these paintings he had had G52 108 in mind "the Courbet sense of truth and reality - and the G52 109 Maillol sense of form and sensibility." Hartley's concept G52 110 was interesting, but few would judge these somber paintings among G52 111 his better works. Most intriguing about them, perhaps, is the fact G52 112 that Hartley, as content as ever he could be with his life, chose G52 113 that moment to confront Maine, translating the rolling curves and G52 114 expanses of his New Mexico reminiscences into dark - even G52 115 nightmarish - form and a near absence of color. As he approached G52 116 his fiftieth year, a milestone he did not take lightly, he was in G52 117 some ways beginning to come to terms with his birthplace, though G52 118 the process would take a decade more to complete.

G52 119 While most of the viewers at the show's 'vernissage' were G52 120 American, several French artists also appeared, among them Chagall G52 121 and Mondzain, whose opinion Hartley did not hear, and Fauconnier, a G52 122 cubist, who declared that Hartley's paintings showed a G52 123 "fine temperament but 'confused orchestration,'" a G52 124 term Hartley chose to dismiss. He did not feel overwhelmed by the G52 125 French and thought the new interest in American art promising. He G52 126 had been invited to exhibit in another show in May, this one to G52 127 include artists such as Elizabeth Nourse, Alexander Harrison, Mary G52 128 Cassatt, and Frederick Carl Frieseke, among others. Although he was G52 129 slightly scornful of the group and eventually decided not to show G52 130 with them, at that point he wanted to and as a result planned to G52 131 remain in Paris at least until May. He had been given an atelier G52 132 all to himself near Montmartre and knew he ought to take advantage G52 133 of it.

G52 134 Whatever the importance of the projected exhibition in May, the G52 135 time generally was a propitious one for art. There were numerous G52 136 small shows displaying the major artists, though none of them, in G52 137 Hartley's opinion, was doing striking new work: "Utrillo - G52 138 Chagall, Pascin...Utrillo attractive in its way - Chagall most G52 139 distressing to me - a kind of expression of altogether bad G52 140 judgement in painting - Pascin well - it's Pascin better but no G52 141 deeper." Paul Rosenberg's gallery was having a show of the G52 142 'great' moderns, in which Matisse was "tamed to G52 143 propriety," Braque was "quietly returning to the G52 144 figure," and Picasso had "nobly returned to G52 145 cubism." At the Grand Maison de Blanc - "Shades of G52 146 John Wanamaker," Hartley scoffed, referring to the G52 147 mass-market quality of that exhibition - Utrillo, Vlaminck, and a G52 148 subdued Morgan Russell were on display, while elsewhere was a G52 149 retrospective of the Section d'Or group of 1912-13, so G52 150 "caviar" then and "so sort of calm rice pudding G52 151 now." The fauves, Hartley thought, domesticated G52 152 themselves by repeating their work; now they were "painting G52 153 flat patterns," but these were inane. French art, in other G52 154 words, had lost its momentum.

G52 155 Unfortunately, Hartley's work would not seem to many to be the G52 156 sort of dramatic innovation he had hoped it would. His paintings G52 157 did not draw great attention in France, and in a show of seven G52 158 American artists organized by Stieglitz at the Anderson Galleries G52 159 in New York, his twenty-five canvases were received lukewarmly. G52 160 Although his friends praised the works, the critics were less than G52 161 enthusiastic. One wrote of Hartley's New Mexico reminiscences that G52 162 many of them had little color and a "great deal of G52 163 pose." The paintings that failed might collectively have G52 164 been called "Studies in Liver," he declared, but G52 165 half a dozen worked, and this made up for the rest. Deogh Fulton, G52 166 the critic, was more taken by the paintings of Arthur Dove and John G52 167 Marin. Georgia O'Keeffe, who was never fond of Hartley's work for G52 168 long - she had been able to live with one of his early Maine G52 169 landscapes for only three or four days - and always ambivalent in G52 170 her feelings toward him, wrote to the critic Henry McBride that she G52 171 had found his review of the show amusing and was going to send a G52 172 copy of it to Hartley so that he might see what McBride thought of G52 173 American painters living abroad. Describing Hartley's work as G52 174 "old world, old souled, and awfully fatigued," G52 175 McBride sounded a criticism that he would continue until after G52 176 Hartley returned to America in 1930.

G52 177 But in 1925 Hartley was not ready to be discouraged; Europe G52 178 still seemed to hold promise. In addition, for the moment he felt G52 179 reasonably secure financially, due to an arrangement that had come G52 180 about through a visit with Louise Bryant the previous fall in G52 181 Paris. He had known and liked Bryant since his summer in G52 182 Provincetown, in 1916. Jack Reed, her first husband, had died in G52 183 Russia after World War I, and she was now married to the wealthy G52 184 American diplomat William Bullitt. They were living in the ornate G52 185 home of Elinor Glyn, a British novelist, in Boulogne-sur-Seine, G52 186 near Paris, where Hartley went to see them. During the course of G52 187 their time together Bullitt asked him about his financial G52 188 situation. Hartley explained his wish for a steady income over the G52 189 next years, and Bullitt told him of William V. Griffin, a friend G52 190 who he believed might be interested in arranging a regular income G52 191 for Hartley. The result was an agreement whereby Griffin and three G52 192 friends would pay Hartley $2,000 per year in exchange for ten G52 193 paintings, the agreement to last four years. In November 1924 G52 194 Hartley received his first check, for $500. Although he would come G52 195 to feel burdened by the need to produce ten paintings on others' G52 196 terms, in early 1925 he was happy with the arrangement.

G52 197 A siege of carbuncles during the spring lessened the pleasure G52 198 of Paris for Hartley. They required daily dressings for three G52 199 weeks, as well as serum injections, and even though he was later G52 200 able to work comfortably at the Bullitts' in Boulogne-sur-Seine, he G52 201 yearned to move to the South of France. In July he traveled to G52 202 Cannes, where he remained for five weeks, sunning himself and G52 203 enjoying the relative quiet after Paris. He was convinced that he G52 204 needed a home, warmth, and isolation for his well-being, and the G52 205 small town of Vence, in the hills behind Nice, seemed an ideal G52 206 place for him to settle for the next few years. G52 207 G52 208 G53 1 <#FROWN:G53\>O'Neill had his effort to save the boy go wild, for it G53 2 triggers the sacrifice of the girl and the boy's suicide. O'Neill G53 3 knew that his father's own effort to save him had brought on the G53 4 sacrifice of Kathleen and his own suicide attempt. By working it G53 5 all out in the play, he came out with an understanding of what his G53 6 father had actually meant for him. Dynamo as produced carried G53 7 O'Neill from his unconscious images of his father as Pan-Dionysus, G53 8 the male life principle, to a firm conscious identification and G53 9 alliance with him. Although O'Neill cut it all from the published G53 10 play, he kept the alliance itself, and he showed it at once in G53 11 response to the attacks of the critics. He told Robert Sisk of the G53 12 "doleful tenderness" with which people broke the G53 13 reviews to him, and declared, "Me that was born on Times G53 14 Square and not in Greenwich Village, and that have heard dramatic G53 15 critics called sons of bitches - and, speaking in general, believed G53 16 it - ever since I was old enough to recognize the Count of Monte G53 17 Cristo's voice!"

G53 18 He was still hacking away at Dynamo right through the G53 19 galleys, and he told Liveright, "Am sorry to say I have G53 20 again cut and revised hell out of it but now, finally, I really G53 21 feel 'Dynamo' is cleared of its rubbish, simple and direct - and a G53 22 damned good play." But all that work to make the critics G53 23 understand a psychology unfamiliar to them was naturally in vain. G53 24 When the book appeared on October 5, 1929, no one understood it any G53 25 better. By this time he himself was doubtful, and he told Joseph G53 26 Wood Krutch, "I like it better now, but not enough. I wish G53 27 I'd never written it - really - and yet I feel it has its justified G53 28 place in my work development. A puzzle." For a while, he G53 29 talked of writing a third Dynamo for the definitive edition of G53 30 his works. But for him there was no going back. He gave up this G53 31 "crippled child of the storm and stress period," G53 32 and only long afterward did he question whether its debacle might G53 33 have been undeserved. In 1941 he wanted to convince the Guild that G53 34 his early play Anna Christie was a bad choice for G53 35 revival. It was written, he said, around characters and a G53 36 "situation." He would not compare it with his best plays, G53 37 he said, but with one of his flops - Dynamo. Maybe it stepped G53 38 on its own feet dramatically - and he was not sure even of that, G53 39 for 1929 criticism had been ready to attack any play that mentioned G53 40 God - but Dynamo had been, he thought, "about G53 41 characters plus life." And life - seen through no glory of G53 42 gods or heroes - was what he had gone on with in the superlative G53 43 play that followed Dynamo.

G53 44 7

G53 45 MOURNING BECOMES ELECTRA

G53 46 "Life is growth - or a joke one plays on G53 47 oneself!" O'Neill decided. Dynamo had been a step G53 48 back. He felt it wronged his love for Carlotta, and he told her G53 49 that his next play would "make the world see how much you G53 50 have done for me." He had battled the forces of hatred and G53 51 death within himself, and he wanted a theme to fit that struggle. G53 52 When he found and plunged into it, he exulted to Saxe Commins: G53 53 "It's the sort of thing I needed to come to me - one that G53 54 will call for everything I can give it - a glorious opportunity to G53 55 grow and surpass everything I've ever done before!" He did G53 56 not know whether he had the "stuff" to do it, but he did G53 57 know "I'd rather fail at the Big Stuff and remain a success G53 58 in my own spiritual eyes, than go on repeating, or simply G53 59 equalling, work I've done before." It would be "the G53 60 biggest and hardest I have ever tackled."

G53 61 The first idea had come to him in the spring of 1926, when he G53 62 thought of "a modern psychological drama using one of the G53 63 old legend plots of Greek tragedy" - the Electra, or the G53 64 Medea. The Electra story would set him in direct rivalry with the G53 65 great Greek dramatists, for Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides had G53 66 all treated it. He would make it a real trilogy, like theirs, with G53 67 three plays treating the same characters. Through it he could G53 68 achieve - what he had always striven to arrive at - a sense, like G53 69 the Greek sense, "of the Force behind" life, G53 70 whatever one called it, "Fate, God, our biological past G53 71 creating our present." It was to be "primarily G53 72 drama of hidden life forces."

G53 73 On his voyage to China this play of hidden forces took life, G53 74 and so the sea washes through it from beginning to end. His fated G53 75 family became shipbuilders and shipowners, and he had them long for G53 76 liberation by sea, just as he had felt on the Charles G53 77 Racine that he could "at last be free, on the open G53 78 sea, with the trade wind" in his hair. The sea chanty G53 79 'Shenandoah' sounds throughout his play, for he thought that it G53 80 "more than any other holds in it the brooding rhythm of the G53 81 sea." Although he set the play in the family house, haunted G53 82 by the family past, he put one act aboard the Flying G53 83 Trades and very deliberately placed it at the "center G53 84 of whole work" to emphasize "sea background of G53 85 family and symbolic motive of sea as means of escape and G53 86 release." In this act the two lovers, Adam and Christine, G53 87 plot in vain to escape by sea after the chanty 'Shenandoah' G53 88 ("Way - ay, I'm bound away") has reached an ironic G53 89 crescendo of longing.

G53 90 The sea and O'Neill's recall of the white sails of the G53 91 Charles Racine determined his choice of time: He wanted G53 92 to make this play American, and so he needed an American war to G53 93 match the Trojan War from which the Greek hero Agamemnon had G53 94 triumphantly returned to be murdered by his wife and her lover. G53 95 O'Neill thought World War I was too close; his audiences would not G53 96 see beyond its surface to the real drama of hidden forces, and he G53 97 was sure that the American Revolution would also blind them with G53 98 its "romantic grammar-school-history associations." G53 99 The "only possibility" was the fratricidal Civil G53 100 War, which fit a "drama of murderous family love and G53 101 hate" and provided a detached "mask" for the G53 102 timeless struggle beneath. It allowed him to make the ships of his G53 103 play Clippers and to use his old thrill at white sails and his old G53 104 longing to reach China on his voyage out of Boston to Argentina, G53 105 for the Clippers had all been bound for China by way of Argentina G53 106 in the tea trade. He made a China voyage the heart of this play, G53 107 which began to grow in him on the "Arabian Sea en route for G53 108 China" and on the "China Sea."

G53 109 He set his investigation of family fate where his own family's G53 110 fate had worked itself out, in the small New England G53 111 "seaport, shipbuilding town" of New London. He G53 112 actually called it "N.L." in his notes. New England, with G53 113 its "Puritan conviction of man born to sin and G53 114 punishment," was the "best possible dramatically G53 115 for Greek plot of crime and retribution," he thought, and G53 116 he could reexamine his own guilts through all five members of his G53 117 New England family. He called his Agamemnon 'Ezra Mannon,' and G53 118 'Mannon,' suggestive of 'Man,' became the name of his tragic G53 119 family, whose struggle would reveal the larger struggle of G53 120 life-and-death forces within the soul of man.

G53 121 O'Neill hoped the play would have a "strange quality of G53 122 unreal reality." He wanted to show that the surfaces of G53 123 life - which are taken for reality - are meaningless and that the G53 124 great realities, the "hidden life forces" beneath G53 125 the surface, are so overwhelming when perceived, as to seem unreal. G53 126 (He who sees Pan, dies.) So he built his penetration through G53 127 surfaces into the three plays of his trilogy. Each one has the G53 128 curtain rise to reveal a painted backdrop of the Mannon house as it G53 129 looks to the townspeople from the street, set in a splendor of G53 130 orchards and gardens behind a white picket fence. Then this G53 131 obviously artificial surface lifts to bring the audience directly G53 132 before the reality of the house and all the embattled forces within G53 133 the family. O'Neill had seen at once that he could make his house G53 134 "Greek temple front type that was rage" at the time G53 135 and that it was "absolutely justifiable, not forced Greek G53 136 similarity." He remembered the Greek Revival houses of his G53 137 boyhood New London, but he took care to buy Howard Major's G53 138 Domestic Architecture of the Early American Republic: The G53 139 Greek Revival, in which he found just the severe tomblike G53 140 house he wanted for Ezra Mannon's father, Abe, to have built as a G53 141 "temple of Hate and Death" after expelling his G53 142 brother David from the family, supposedly in outraged morality but G53 143 actually in jealous revenge. O'Neill took for it Marshall House at G53 144 Rodsman's Neck, New York, with its cold stone base, its pagan G53 145 portico with six tall columns, its central doorway with a G53 146 "squared transom and sidelights flanked by intermediate G53 147 columns," and its arrangement of windows - only he changed G53 148 its eight steps to four in mercy to the actors and added the G53 149 shutters he needed for his final catastrophe. This house, like the G53 150 house in Desire Under the Elms, was to participate in the G53 151 drama. The family is torn between pagan joy in life, and Puritan G53 152 condemnation of pleasure as sin, and their conflict appears in the G53 153 facade of the house, where the pagan temple portico is stuck on G53 154 "like an incongruous white mask" over the G53 155 "sombre gray ugliness" of its stone walls. In the G53 156 first play 'Homecoming,' all the windows of this outraged house G53 157 reflect the sun "in a resentful glare," and as the G53 158 murder is planned the inside of the house is stained with the G53 159 crimson of the setting sun. Whether the columns are bathed in G53 160 sunlight, haunted moonlight, or bloody sunset, they throw their G53 161 shadows in black bars against the wall, suggesting the imprisonment G53 162 of the fated family.

G53 163 Each of the three plays moves from the embattled exterior of G53 164 the house to its haunted interior, dominated by the family past in G53 165 the portraits of the dead Puritan Mannons. Most of the indoor G53 166 scenes take place at night, and in "the flickering G53 167 candlelight" the eyes of the portraits take on "an G53 168 intense bitter life." They glare so "accusingly" at G53 169 the Electra character after all her crimes, that she justifies G53 170 herself to them as if they were living judges. O'Neill knew that G53 171 this haunted interior came out of his deepest self, "whom G53 172 the past always haunts so persistently." As soon as he had G53 173 written these plays and had returned to America, he went to New G53 174 London with Carlotta to "revisit Pequet Ave. old time G53 175 haunts," and right after that visit he got "Idea G53 176 play - house-with-the-masked-dead and two living intruding G53 177 strangers," so much had his own family past in the house at G53 178 325 Pequot Avenue haunted him when he designed the haunted interior G53 179 of the Mannon house.

G53 180 He even dared to give the same penetration through surfaces, G53 181 the same sense of "unreal reality" to his G53 182 characters. Each of the plays begins with a group of townspeople, G53 183 looking upon the Mannons in a prying, gossiping way as the New G53 184 Londoners of O'Neill's youth had once looked upon the O'Neills. G53 185 O'Neill gave them purely "exterior G53 186 characterization," each with a few emphatic mannerisms. He G53 187 also made the two fianc<*_>e-acute<*/>s of the tragic young Mannons G53 188 "almost characterless" - embodiments of simplicity, G53 189 goodness and health. All these external people set off the entirely G53 190 "inner" characterization of the fated Mannons. He wanted to G53 191 avoid for the Mannons, "as far as possible and consistent G53 192 with living people, the easy superficial characterization of G53 193 individual mannerisms." Because they speak directly out of G53 194 the passions engendered in the family past, O'Neill found that any G53 195 experiments with asides or stylized soliloquies - and he tried both G53 196 in the course of rewritings - only got "in the way of the G53 197 play's drive." G53 198 G53 199 G53 200 G54 1 <#FROWN:G54\>Two-Headed Janus

G54 2 REHEARSALS and out-of-town tryouts were over and in 1594, when G54 3 this curtain goes up, Shakespeare stood before his public fully G54 4 fledged. Though only thirty that year, he thought his days past the G54 5 best. Sonnets, mostly youthful work, picture him 'as I am now,' G54 6 crushed by time's hand or 'beated and chopped' with age. For this G54 7 precocious old man, the world-weariness has its share of G54 8 literary posing. But his people on the average lived shorter lives G54 9 than we do and 'hagggish age' stole on them early.

G54 10 London when he lived there was a pesthouse, Stratford too. G54 11 Country air carried death, like the air they breathed in cities. G54 12 Sanitation mocked itself and his contemporaries sickened from G54 13 typhus, dysentery, and bubonic plague. His brothers and sisters, G54 14 seven in all, dropped off one by one, only Joan surviving past G54 15 middle age. He himself died at fifty-two. Poverty waited at the G54 16 lane's end, especially in the nineties, a time of worsening G54 17 inflation. Some of his acquaintance, like Tom Nashe, went to G54 18 debtors' prison and came out to die in straits. Many didn't have G54 19 enough to eat or what they ate wasn't good for them. The Irish of G54 20 their day, they were often 'cup-shotten.' If tradition has it G54 21 right, a drinking bout finished off Shakespeare. Politics, a G54 22 subtler scourge, afflicted high and low. One of his fellow G54 23 playwrights, Thomas Kyd, felt the scourge. A caution to the rest, G54 24 he fell foul of the thought police. Loyalty today was disloyalty G54 25 tomorrow and the up-and-down wore them 'out of act' or strength.

G54 26 But 'old,' meaning decrepit, also means the real thing, G54 27 veritable Shakespeare. Romeo, an 'old' murderer, is practiced in G54 28 killing, and Shakespeare at thirty, old or expert in craft, towered G54 29 over the others, satellites to his pole star. Naturally, he made a G54 30 target for envious gossip. Robert Greene, a jealous rival, seeking G54 31 to account for Shakespeare's ascendancy, compared him to the G54 32 provident ant. Greene himself was a grasshopper, fiddling the G54 33 summer out, but his reading, though partial, includes a piece of G54 34 truth. Shakespeare, his poet's eye 'in a fine frenzy rolling,' had G54 35 a cold eye when this was wanted.

G54 36 As success stories go, his seems unlikely. Late in the 1580s he G54 37 had come up from Stratford, penniless and anonymous. He left behind G54 38 a wife who had snared him at eighteen, also three children, G54 39 doubtful assets. The Shakespeare family's fortunes had to be G54 40 entered on the debit side too. John Shakespeare saw to that. Once G54 41 Stratford's bailiff, he was well along on the road to the G54 42 poorhouse. Shakespeare's father liked to litigate and hoped G54 43 something would turn up. His mother, one of the Ardens, an ancient G54 44 name in Warwickshire, had her name to console her. For Shakespeare, G54 45 starting out, the auspices weren't good. But this G54 46 through-and-through professional showed them how the career belongs G54 47 to the talents and by 1592 had ten plays to his credit. Some G54 48 brought in record returns.

G54 49 Like a scenario for one of these plays, Shakespeare's story has G54 50 its checks and reversals. Plague broke out in London in 1592, G54 51 closing the theaters, his livelihood, for almost two years. Actors G54 52 like Will Kempe, the time's famous comic, and Edward Alleyn, its G54 53 great tragedian, fled the city, going on tour. If Shakespeare went G54 54 with them, his travels were abridged. Plague destroyed some acting G54 55 companies, Pembroke's Men among them, and likely young Shakespeare G54 56 belonged to this fellowship. "As for my Lord G54 57 Pembroke's," Henslowe the theater manager wrote Alleyn, his G54 58 son-in-law, "they are all at home and have been this five G54 59 or six weeks, for they cannot save their charges [expenses] with G54 60 travel...and were fain to pawn their apparel." Evidently G54 61 the playbooks went the way of the apparel and certain plays of G54 62 Shakespeare's, once the property of Pembroke's Men, turn up later G54 63 in the repertory of a rival company.

G54 64 But Fortune had better things in mind for this playwright. When G54 65 plague slackened in the spring of 1594, London's theaters reopened, G54 66 the companies returned, and Shakespeare got back in harness. Though G54 67 Alleyn's company, the Admiral's Men, dominated his theater world, G54 68 other companies competed for popular favor. Shakespeare the G54 69 apprentice didn't mind which one he wrote for. In June, Strange's G54 70 Men performed two plays of his at Newington Butts, south of the G54 71 Thames. Before the year was out, the company lost its patron but G54 72 found a new one, Lord Hunsdon, High Chamberlain of England. In 1594 G54 73 Shakespeare entered Hunsdon's service. He remained with this G54 74 company for the rest of his career.

G54 75 Pleasing the multitude, he pleased the cognoscenti too. His G54 76 first attempt at comedy, farce mixed with other things and G54 77 perfection of its kind, enlivened the Christmas revels in 1594 at G54 78 the largest of the Inns of Court, London's law schools. This same G54 79 December he received a higher accolade, performance before the G54 80 Queen in her palace at Greenwich. By then pirate publishers had G54 81 snapped up three of his plays, an index of their growing appeal. G54 82 The first was Titus Andronicus, dismaying to Bardolaters G54 83 but a rousing success with the crowd.

G54 84 A snobbish view held that plays were insubstantial pageants, G54 85 here today, gone tomorrow. Shakespeare may have concurred (the best G54 86 in that kind were shadows). But poetry appealed to the ages. G54 87 "I have built a monument more lasting than bronze," G54 88 said Horace, one of his teachers. The pupil hoped to emulate the G54 89 teacher and by 1594 his skill as a poet was widely acclaimed. Not G54 90 long after, a contemporary hailed him as the modern Catullus. His G54 91 two famous poems of the early 1590s, Venus and Adonis and G54 92 The Rape of Lucrece, established his credentials as a G54 93 serious writer, also helping feather his nest. Each carried a G54 94 dedication to Henry Wriothesley, the Earl of Southampton, a young G54 95 notability at Court. He was Shakespeare's patron, perhaps for some G54 96 years the 'master-mistress' of his passion. A patron was expected G54 97 to reward the poets who flattered him and likely Southampton did G54 98 this. One way or another, young Shakespeare built a stake.

G54 99 In 1594 he 'staked down,' as in their card game of primero. G54 100 Formerly a hireling in theater, he bought a partnership in his G54 101 business enterprise, the Chamberlain's Men. A 'composition' or deed G54 102 in return for his bond entitled him to share in the company's G54 103 proceeds. The 'sharer' was an actor too, known for kingly roles and G54 104 old man's roles. It takes a special kind of young actor to play old G54 105 men successfully, and Shakespeare's facility says something of the G54 106 man he was.

G54 107 With all this, he found time to write plays. For roughly twenty G54 108 years, he served his company as its 'ordinary poet,' i.e., G54 109 principal writer, turning out the wares others brought to market. G54 110 "Make it new," his fellows said, their eye on the G54 111 box office. That he did, supplying whatever was called for: G54 112 "tragedy, comedy, history, pastoral, G54 113 pastoral-comical," etc. Polonius, reciting these different G54 114 genres or kinds, meant to distinguish one from another. But G54 115 Shakespeare wasn't simon pure and most of his plays make a G54 116 hodgepodge.

G54 117 Like the 'singing men' or clerks who rejoiced the hearts of G54 118 English in the older time, he absorbed himself in his function. G54 119 Some of his fellows, previewing modern times, lived lives of G54 120 notoriety, not he. Peele, a hellion, became the subject of a G54 121 popular jest book. Lodge, before respectability overtook him, made G54 122 a freebooting voyage to the New World. Jonson was 'rare' Ben, toper G54 123 and bullyboy. Shakespeare, self-effacing, kept his head down. On G54 124 this side, he looks backward to his medieval forebears, most of G54 125 them names in the catalog, little more. If you want to make their G54 126 acquaintance you must listen to their music, true for Shakespeare G54 127 too.

G54 128 Medieval men, deferring to the ancients, called themselves G54 129 dwarfs who stood on the shoulders of giants. That way, they saw G54 130 further. This giant of modern times stood on the shoulders of the G54 131 proximate past. His first tutors who were also his competitors did G54 132 him good service, notably Lyly and the 'University Wits,' Marlowe, G54 133 trailed by others. Anonymous playwrights in the generation before G54 134 him gave him sketches for his Jew of Venice, Romeo and Juliet, and G54 135 Oberon, king of the fairies. A quick study, he outpaced all his G54 136 teachers. But if he was sui generis, the greatest maker in 'the G54 137 tide of times,' he was also his time's product. For him the past is G54 138 prologue when the sinews of his art were developed. This past that G54 139 intimates the future is young Shakespeare's story. It ends in G54 140 1594.

G54 141 The competition had scattered, another way of explaining G54 142 Shakespeare's early preeminence. Lyly, his first master, once all G54 143 the rage for 'Euphuistic' comedy, fell silent in the nineties G54 144 except for begging letters. Greene, his envenomed rival, died in G54 145 1592, detractors said of a surfeit of Rhenish wine and pickled G54 146 herring. Kyd went soon after, like Greene still in his thirties. G54 147 Marlowe, the greatest of Shakespeare's early contemporaries, caught G54 148 an assassin's dagger in 1593. He was twenty-nine.

G54 149 Shakespeare, learning his trade from these playwrights, didn't G54 150 forget them. In the miraculous years to come, he paid tribute to G54 151 Kyd in Hamlet and Lodge in As You Like It, G54 152 imitations with a difference. Toward the end of his career, writing G54 153 The Winter's Tale, he reached back in memory to Greene. G54 154 He never stopped learning, from others, not least from himself. But G54 155 by 1594 his apprenticeship was over, and this year he struck out on G54 156 his own.

G54 157 MOVING into the city proper from lower-class Shoreditch, he G54 158 took lodgings in St. Helen's parish, Bishopsgate, on the northern G54 159 perimeter of London Wall. Playdays, he walked out along Shoreditch G54 160 High Street to the Theater and Curtain. These first public G54 161 playhouses, erected in the 1570s, stood in open fields outside the G54 162 city. Each day they changed their bill of fare, and providing a new G54 163 one kept Shakespeare busy. He left no calling cards in Bishopsgate G54 164 but remembered this early residence in plays.

G54 165 Not the only entertainer in his neighborhood, he shared the G54 166 spotlight with famous Ned Alleyn. Two years Shakespeare's junior, G54 167 Alleyn grew up in St. Botolph's parish on the bank of London Ditch. G54 168 Nashe called him the modern Roscius, after a celebrated Roman G54 169 actor. But he had no rivals, ancient or modern. "Others G54 170 speak," Jonson said in a poetical tribute, "only G54 171 thou dost act." Among his star roles was that of Barrabas G54 172 in Marlowe's Jew of Malta, a great triumph of the G54 173 typecaster's art. This play stimulated Shakespeare when he saw it G54 174 at the Rose on Bankside. Later, though, writing The Merchant G54 175 of Venice, he found it wouldn't do as a model. The energy, G54 176 unexampled in Marlowe, seemed amazing, but typecasting was never G54 177 for him.

G54 178 When plague closed the theaters, Alleyn's company disbanded, G54 179 some members quitting London for a Continental tour. Alleyn, G54 180 joining Strange's company, went into the provinces. As in our G54 181 modern despotic states, he needed permission to do this. G54 182 Bureaucracy, a storehouse of paper, has its uses, and the warrant G54 183 licensing his travels names the actors who went with him, all, G54 184 subsequently, Shakespeare's fellows in the Chamberlain's Men.

G54 185 Barnstorming in the country, Alleyn wrote letters home, making G54 186 it easy for posterity to track him. The letters, thick with life, G54 187 show an amiable man and affectionate husband. Plague is on his G54 188 mind, and he wants his Joan to throw water "before your G54 189 door" every night "and have in your windows good G54 190 store of rue and herb of grace." But his "Mouse" G54 191 doesn't write him. "Send me of your domestical G54 192 matters," he tells her, "as how your distilled G54 193 water proves, or this, or that, or anything what you will. And Jug, G54 194 I pray you, let my orange-tawny stockings of woolen be dyed a very G54 195 good black against I come home to wear in the winter." G54 196 Reproachfully, he notes no word of his garden. His wife ought to G54 197 remember "that all that bed which was parsley in the month G54 198 of September, you sow it with spinach, for then is the G54 199 time." Later Henslowe wrote Alleyn that the spinach bed was G54 200 sown.

G54 201 Shakespeare posted no letters in plague time. He had his poems G54 202 to write or perhaps his Anne couldn't read. G54 203 G54 204 G55 1 <#FROWN:G55\>Unable to afford a farm or factory of his own until G55 2 the experiment had proved successful, David began by leasing an G55 3 acre or so of rich alluvial soil and planting a small crop of sugar G55 4 beets. Maria wrote Louisa Loring that they would often get up G55 5 before dawn and go out together to weed the rows of beet plants G55 6 when "all the world, except the birds, are G55 7 asleep."

G55 8 For a time the beauty of the scenery and the prospect, however G55 9 distant, of eventually having a place of their own filled Maria G55 10 with a sense of domestic contentment. She told Louisa that she had G55 11 "more of a home feeling than I have had since we left G55 12 Cottage Place." She even found the stern Calvinism of their G55 13 landlord, Enos Clark, and the "quiet religious G55 14 refinement" of his family reassuring. She and David had G55 15 rented a pew in the Unitarian Church where the pastor, Mr. Stearns, G55 16 was both a good preacher and a member of the Northampton G55 17 Anti-Slavery Society.

G55 18 The first weeks passed pleasantly enough. David went out to his G55 19 field several times a day to weed and Maria often accompanied him. G55 20 The remainder of her time she devoted to keeping David's clothes in G55 21 order (she was making him a frock coat) and promoting the G55 22 antislavery cause. At first, the Childs were warmly welcomed by the G55 23 citizenry of the town, most of whom were of old Yankee stock. G55 24 Northampton's reputation as one of the most beautiful spots in New G55 25 England had attracted a number of retired business and professional G55 26 people who contributed to its refined and cultivated tone. Maria G55 27 was amused by the ease with which she befriended these gentlefolk. G55 28 "Once more," she wrote Louisa, "I have it G55 29 in my power to be the favorite of the class denominated G55 30 first."

G55 31 One Northampton woman who seemed "the very embodiment G55 32 of aristocracy" was Anne Lyman, the wife of the sheriff of G55 33 Hampshire County. The Lymans occupied the adjoining pew in the G55 34 Unitarian Church, and Maria felt instantly drawn to this learned G55 35 woman who, like herself, was outspoken and firm in her convictions G55 36 and with whom she could indulge the "poetical" side of her G55 37 nature. Anne Lyman's opinions on most subjects ran strictly counter G55 38 to Maria's. Nonetheless, the two spent many happy hours together. G55 39 "I like her notwithstanding her distorted view of men and G55 40 things," wrote Maria somewhat patronizingly of her new G55 41 friend. "If she can manage to like me, anti-slavery, G55 42 rights-of-woman, and all, it must be because she respects the G55 43 daring freedom of speech which she practices." Maria hoped G55 44 to convert both Anne Lyman and her husband to abolitionism. She G55 45 never succeeded, but the two women remained firm friends. Years G55 46 later Maria described their relationship to Anne's daughter, Susan G55 47 Lesley: "Both of us were as direct and energetic as a G55 48 loco-motive under high pressure of steam; and, coming full tilt G55 49 from opposite directions, we sometimes ran against each other with G55 50 a clash. But no bones were ever broken. We laughed and shook hands G55 51 after such encounters, and indulged in a little playful raillery at G55 52 each others' impetuosity."

G55 53 Underneath all their high-spirited disputatiousness these two G55 54 friends understood one another. Aristocratic as Anne Lyman was, G55 55 Maria remembered with delight the "lofty disdain" G55 56 with which she rebuffed any sign of social pretension. She recalled G55 57 particularly Anne's account of a visit she once paid to a very G55 58 wealthy family whose members were "exceedingly careful of G55 59 their dignity." During the course of her visit, Anne was G55 60 informed that "a friendship of questionable G55 61 gentility" had formed between one of the relatives of this G55 62 family and Maria Child. "Mrs. Child is an abolitionist, you G55 63 know," the rich folk informed their guest, "and she G55 64 does not belong to the circle of our visitors." At this G55 65 Anne Lyman exploded: "Visit you indeed! I should like G55 66 to have you try to get her here! Send a carriage and six horses, G55 67 and see if you can get her here!"

G55 68 Although the Childs had been led to believe that Northampton G55 69 was a stronghold of antislavery, they soon observed that all but a G55 70 few reputed sympathizers kept it wonderfully to themselves. Maria G55 71 reported back to her Boston friends that Christian orthodoxy G55 72 " has clothed most of the community in her straitlaced G55 73 garments." If the Childs witnessed plenty of praying and G55 74 preaching and concern with saving souls, they could discern little G55 75 of what they considered true charity among the townspeople. After G55 76 living in Northampton for two months they were only willing to G55 77 claim two people as "real abolitionists."

G55 78 Northampton's conservatism on the slavery question was G55 79 buttressed by the arrival each summer of a number of prominent G55 80 Southern families. The Childs' closest neighbor, for example, was G55 81 Thomas Napier, a former slave auctioneer from Charleston, South G55 82 Carolina. Maria and David quickly discovered that despite his G55 83 shameful profession, Napier was a respected member of the G55 84 Northampton community. Like their landlord, Enos Clark, Napier was G55 85 a deacon of the Congregational Church. He also taught Sunday G55 86 school, informing the children under his charge that God had G55 87 officially consigned the blacks to perpetual slavery.

G55 88 Disagreeable as it was to live so near someone who had made his G55 89 living "trafficking in human beings," even more G55 90 irritating to David and Maria were the pious posturings of this man G55 91 who called himself a Christian. It happened that the south wall of G55 92 Napier's house rose only a few feet from the Childs' single window, G55 93 and on warm summer evenings the sound of the man's prayers carried G55 94 easily into their room. David did his best to drown out the G55 95 offensive noise by singing and playing his accordion.

G55 96 Anne Lyman asked Maria soon after her arrival in Northampton if G55 97 she had made the acquaintance of her Southern neighbor. When Maria G55 98 observed that a slave auctioneer and an abolitionist were not G55 99 "likely to find much pleasure in each other's G55 100 society," Anne Lyman accused her of being as bigoted as G55 101 Napier himself. Maria responded by insisting that it was one thing G55 102 for Mrs. Lyman to disagree with the tactics of the abolitionists G55 103 and quite another for Mr. Napier to promote his slave-trading as a G55 104 God-given good. There was a difference, she insisted, G55 105 "between errors of opinion and sins in actual G55 106 practice."

G55 107 If Maria found it hard to tolerate the "fiery G55 108 irascible" Mr. Napier, she had better luck befriending some G55 109 of the other Southerners in town. Challenged by the opportunity to G55 110 try her argumentative skills on genuine slaveholders, she willingly G55 111 sought them out and, with what she described as a careful mixture G55 112 of "candour and courtesy," spent many hours in G55 113 hotel lobbies and private parlors discussing the issue of slavery. G55 114 At first Maria was encouraged by the Southerners' friendliness and G55 115 hoped her powers of persuasion would convince them of the G55 116 sinfulness of the "peculiar institution" and of the G55 117 need to regard Negroes as fellow human beings. But she quickly G55 118 discovered her job would not be an easy one: "By education G55 119 and habit they have so long thought and spoken of the colored man G55 120 as a mere article of property, that it is impossible for them G55 121 to recognize him as a man, and reason concerning him as a G55 122 brother, on equal terms with the rest of the human family. If, G55 123 by great effort, you make them acknowledge the brotherhood of the G55 124 human race, as a sacred and eternal principle, - in ten minutes, G55 125 their arguments, assertions and proposed schemes, all show that G55 126 they have returned to the old habit of regarding the slave as a G55 127 'chattel personal.'"

G55 128 Relations between Maria Child and Northampton's Southern G55 129 visitors cooled visibly when it became clear that she and David not G55 130 only opposed slavery in theory but were actively pursuing its G55 131 extinction. Thomas Napier was particularly annoyed by their G55 132 proselytizing and countered with missionary tactics of his own. G55 133 Thus in July when his sister from South Carolina arrived for a G55 134 visit accompanied by her slave Rosa, he urged Rosa to befriend Mrs. G55 135 Child and show this Yankee woman how well slavery agreed with her. G55 136 The colored woman passed frequently under Maria's window, looking G55 137 sleek and contented. When engaged in conversation she would G55 138 "boast of her happy slavery" and laugh at Maria's G55 139 efforts to persuade her to take her freedom. Maria, refusing to be G55 140 taken in by such subterfuges, sent Rosa's mistress a long letter G55 141 decrying the evils of slavery and comparing the happiness of slaves G55 142 "to that of well-fed pigs" and their destiny to G55 143 dogs who were sold to one buyer while their puppies went to G55 144 another. Accompanying the letter were several antislavery G55 145 tracts.

G55 146 If Maria hoped this barrage of antislavery literature would G55 147 convince Rosa's mistress of the error of her ways she was sadly G55 148 mistaken. Within two hours the letter was angrily returned, G55 149 followed shortly by an indignant Rosa. The Napiers had informed G55 150 their slave that their abolitionist neighbor had called her a pig G55 151 and her children puppies. Maria quickly set matters straight by G55 152 reading Rosa a copy of the letter, and, encouraged by this Yankee G55 153 woman's sympathetic manner, Rosa was soon disclosing her life's G55 154 story. Although she'd been promised her freedom by a previous G55 155 owner, the document granting it had been lost. Maria, who feared G55 156 that once back in the South Rosa would lose all chance of obtaining G55 157 her freedom, tried to persuade the woman to remain in Northampton. G55 158 But Rosa could not bear the thought of living apart from her G55 159 children and other close relatives and friends, and in the end she G55 160 returned home with her mistress. Maria's failure to coax Rosa into G55 161 remaining in the North was a source of delight to Mr. Napier and G55 162 his family, who boasted that for all of Mrs. Child's efforts to G55 163 persuade Rosa to take her freedom she had preferred to stay with G55 164 her beloved mistress. Here was positive proof that slavery was a G55 165 benevolent institution after all.

G55 166 More discouraging than the intransigence of Southerners was the G55 167 behavior of Northampton's Yankee natives, who showed more concern G55 168 with not offending those in their midst who were G55 169 pro-slavery than in combating Northern prejudice against G55 170 Negroes. The owner of the Mansion House, a favorite resort for G55 171 Southern travelers, became very annoyed with Maria when she asked a G55 172 colored man staying in the hotel if he were free. "I G55 173 dislike slavery as much as you do," the hotel keeper G55 174 assured her, "but then I get my living by G55 175 slave-holders." Maria also discovered that Margaret Dwight, G55 176 the principal of the Gothic Seminary for Young Ladies, five or six G55 177 of whose pupils were Southerners, was strongly prejudiced against G55 178 the abolitionists. By the end of her first year in Northampton G55 179 Maria was even upbraiding the tenants in her own boardinghouse for G55 180 their "narrow and bigoted spirit."

G55 181 Most disheartening of all was the attitude of the clergy, whom G55 182 Maria accused of valuing the peace of the church more than moral G55 183 principle and sectarian doctrines more than the brotherhood of man. G55 184 She reported to her abolitionist friends in Boston that Mr. G55 185 Mitchell, the pastor of the Congregational Church, would not permit G55 186 antislavery lectures in his meetinghouse for fear of driving Mr. G55 187 Napier out of town. From her observation post next door she watched G55 188 as almost every day baskets of fruits and vegetables were carried G55 189 from Napier's garden to Mr. Mitchell's rectory and dismissed this G55 190 neighborly generosity as "part of the price for which the G55 191 Judas betrays his master."

G55 192 During the first year in Northampton both Childs were active in G55 193 the organized antislavery efforts of Hampshire County. In addition G55 194 to the tedious and often unpleasant ordeal of obtaining signatures G55 195 to congressional petitions, they also faithfully attended G55 196 antislavery meetings. Once, having traveled twenty miles to G55 197 Greenfield for a Franklin County antislavery convention, Maria G55 198 found the atmosphere considerably chillier than Northampton's. As G55 199 she seated herself among the delegates she was at first unaware G55 200 that her presence was causing any uneasiness, and she ignored the G55 201 implicit hostility in the announcement that all the gentlemen G55 202 present were welcome to join the convention. Then she overheard one G55 203 man whisper to another, while gesturing in her direction, G55 204 "I hope she doesn't come to introduce Boston notions . ...I G55 205 trust she is not going to advocate women's rights!"

G55 206 G55 207 G55 208 G56 1 <#FROWN:G56\>Definition of Feminist Art or Feminist G56 2 Definition of Art

G56 3 Selma Kraft

G56 4 My title is more than a play on words: it states a distinction G56 5 critical in determining how to bring about overdue recognition of G56 6 women's art. A feminist definition of art is better suited to this G56 7 goal than a definition of feminist art.

G56 8 The call for a feminist definition of art arose in the context G56 9 of explaining the problem of undervaluing past and present women G56 10 artists on the basis of the male bias of traditional criteria used G56 11 to attribute artistic value. This approach does not apologize for G56 12 the art of women, explaining away their 'lack of greatness' in G56 13 inequitable social conditions. Instead, it locates the problem of G56 14 women's exclusion from serious recognition as artists not in their G56 15 art but in the very definition of art. According to this view, the G56 16 problem does not reside in the art women have created; it lies in G56 17 the conditions of viewing visual works as art in the Western G56 18 tradition.

G56 19 A successful feminist definition of art would replace the G56 20 traditional definition of art. Philosophers, however, have G56 21 increasingly questioned whether it is possible to locate a set of G56 22 necessary and sufficient conditions for calling something art, G56 23 i.e., for defining art. More than thirty years ago Morris Weitz G56 24 established the framework for this questioning when he stated: G56 25 "'Art,' itself is an open concept .... The very expansive, G56 26 adventurous character of art, its ever-present changes and novel G56 27 creations, makes it logically impossible to ensure any set of G56 28 defining properties." Because of this, "If we G56 29 actually look and see what it is that we call 'art,' we will find G56 30 no common properties - only strands of similarities." Since G56 31 that time a new way of defining art, George Dickie's institutional G56 32 theory of art, has become widely accepted. In 1974 he wrote: G56 33 "A work of art in the classificatory sense is (1) an G56 34 artifact; (2) a set of the aspects of which has had conferred upon G56 35 it the status of candidate for appreciation by some person or G56 36 persons acting on behalf of a certain social institution (the G56 37 artworld)."

G56 38 The kind of definition Weitz found impossible is a normative G56 39 definition - one which provides a criterion, or criteria, for G56 40 aesthetic judgment. As Weitz puts it, any evaluation of the G56 41 statement, "'This is a work of art' implies 'This has G56 42 P', where 'P' is some chosen art-making G56 43 property." Without the belief that not only is such a G56 44 definition possible but is, indeed, in use and biased against the G56 45 art of women, there would be no need to seek a feminist definition G56 46 of art.

G56 47 The kind of definition that Dickie provides, however, is G56 48 descriptive rather than prescriptive. It provides no standard for G56 49 including or excluding anything as art. It states a fact upon which G56 50 there is widespread agreement, i.e., that the determination of art G56 51 is a social process. It is the social process that needs change, G56 52 not the definition.

G56 53 Despite Weitz's objections to the contrary, art historians, G56 54 museum curators, gallery owners, critics, and collectors use a G56 55 criterion that is agreed upon for making value judgments about art G56 56 every day, a criterion not the subject of argument or discussion G56 57 but simply assumed: stylistic originality is the definitive G56 58 characteristic of art. Visual works that do not meet this standard G56 59 are taken to be craft, 'motel art,' commercial art, or anything G56 60 considered to be less than art.

G56 61 Stylistic originality is not a quality found in any work per G56 62 se. Looking at a Roy Lichtenstein comic strip painting and a G56 63 newspaper comic strip frame, or an all-over painting by Lee Krasner G56 64 and another by Jackson Pollock, one could not tell by any G56 65 perceptible qualities which one or ones are formally innovative. G56 66 The determination of stylistic originality can only be made by G56 67 knowing something about the background of a work, which is the G56 68 historical circumstances of its creation. One must know to what G56 69 tradition it belongs and how it is connected in time to the G56 70 elements of that tradition. No amount of looking, even of sensitive G56 71 looking, could reveal whether Lichtenstein's or the newspaper's G56 72 comic strip frame, Krasner's or Pollock's painting, were more G56 73 stylistically original or even stylistically original at all. G56 74 Without knowing the circumstances of the creation of, say, two G56 75 identical-looking Brillo boxes, it would not be possible to G56 76 differentiate between one that is a mere object found in a grocery G56 77 store and a work of art by Andy Warhol. Stylistic originality is, G56 78 then, an attribute added to a work of art from other information, G56 79 not one derived from it.

G56 80 A paradigmatic assumption of stylistic originality as the G56 81 definitive characteristic of art is made by H. W. Janson in his G56 82 immensely influential art history textbook: "Originality, G56 83 then, is what distinguishes art from craft. We may say, therefore, G56 84 that it is the yardstick of artistic greatness or G56 85 importance." It is clear that what Janson means by G56 86 originality is innovation in style, not meaning. For example, when G56 87 he evaluates the Nike of Samothrace as "the greatest G56 88 masterpiece of Hellenistic sculpture," he speaks of the formal G56 89 element of space: "There is an active relationship - indeed G56 90 an interdependence - between the statue and the space that envelops G56 91 it, such as we have never seen before."

G56 92 It is this assumption that is implicitly agreed upon by art G56 93 critics. The particular aesthetic characteristics they refer to in G56 94 evaluating art (e.g., powerful, deliberate, complicated, G56 95 motionless, authoritative, intense, beautiful, seductive, potent, G56 96 eerie, visionary, gorgeous, severe, forceful, perishable, G56 97 vulnerable, ghostlike) may be seen as positive, negative, or G56 98 neutral attributes by different critics or even by the same critics G56 99 regarding different works. Depending on context, any of these words G56 100 can be and are used with different evaluative meanings. A work of G56 101 art may be interpreted, for example, as overly complicated or G56 102 interestingly complicated; as flashily gorgeous or sublimely G56 103 gorgeous; as fancifully perishable or incompetently perishable; as G56 104 boringly motionless or breathtakingly motionless. The attribute of G56 105 stylistic originality, however, is always positive and that of G56 106 stylistic derivativeness is always negative.

G56 107 This distinction is true even in our postmodern era, when G56 108 stylistic originality seems threatened to suffer the fate of other G56 109 earlier valued attributes of art, that of being outmoded. Artists G56 110 currently are doing blatant copies of earlier artists' works or G56 111 unabashedly replicating their styles. These kinds of gestures, G56 112 however, are considered to be manifestations of originality by G56 113 virtue of their turning away from the originality of modernism. For G56 114 example, the reviewers of a recent show by Mark Tansey in a New G56 115 York gallery remark that what Tansey is involved with is G56 116 "rejection of formalist strategies". Thus the fact G56 117 that his "figures are redolent of Eakins in their academic G56 118 realism, the space and dramatic lighting borrowed from the G56 119 Baroque," does not diminish their appreciation of his art, G56 120 because "Originality is everywhere denied."

G56 121 Tansey, in other words, is not unoriginal; he is stylistically G56 122 original in denying formalistic originality. This denial is, of G56 123 course, not to be found in the work itself. It is attributed to the G56 124 work, on the basis of the place of the work in the tradition of G56 125 formalist art. When compared to formalism, the stylistic G56 126 characteristics of academic realism and Baroque art are formal G56 127 innovations. Therefore, this artist is worthy of having his work G56 128 shown in a prestigious New York gallery and of being reviewed in G56 129 Artnews.

G56 130 So pervasive is the acceptance of stylistic originality as the G56 131 defining characteristic of art that even feminist art historians G56 132 use this criterion of artistic value. In evaluating the work of G56 133 Lavinia Fontana, Ann Sutherland Harris and Linda Nochlin remark: G56 134 "Her major handicap ... is being one of the last G56 135 representatives of a conservative maniera ... Thus her G56 136 work has an old-fashioned air that is unfortunately not redeemed by G56 137 either a novel personal interpretation of maneria or by a G56 138 consistently high level of quality." The clear implication G56 139 here is that a novel personal ointerpretation of style, whatever G56 140 the deficiencies of her art, would have been sufficient to redeem G56 141 Fontana's artistic reputation. In another book compiling past women G56 142 artists, Wendy Slatkin states that the artists she includes are not G56 143 "women artists of mere competence", and the first G56 144 criterion for inclusion she lists is "technical or formal G56 145 innovations".

G56 146 Among aestheticians, too, there are those who have explicitly G56 147 taken the position that originality is a necessary condition for G56 148 something to be called art, or as Arthur Danto puts it, "an G56 149 analytical requirement of being a work of art." David G56 150 Goldblatt deduces from this belief that an artist repeating his own G56 151 style is guilty of self-plagiarism, i.e., ceases to count as an G56 152 artist. What is even more revealing about the deep belief of the G56 153 connection between art and originality, however, is the implicit G56 154 assumption that originality is a sufficient condition for art. Some G56 155 aestheticians interested in defining art, such as Weitz, Dickie, G56 156 and Danto, do not start with definitive characteristics of art G56 157 which can account for works that are original. Instead, they start G56 158 with the notion of originality and try to find definitions that can G56 159 include a wide variety of original works. Instead of using G56 160 prevailing conceptions or their own definitions of art to question G56 161 the artistic legitimacy or value of such works as the most famous G56 162 example of all, Marcel Duchamp's Fountain, they use such works G56 163 as unquestioned examples of art that their definitions must meet. G56 164 Marcel Duchamp's Fountain, Andy Warhol's Brillo boxes, Claes G56 165 Oldenburg's filled-in hole-in-the-ground, Chris Burden's locking G56 166 himself in a footlocker for seven days - what common quality do G56 167 these disparate items have in common that makes it necessary to G56 168 account for them in any definition of art, before any definition of G56 169 art is forthcoming, other than their novelty in how they are G56 170 done?

G56 171 Counterexamples to stylistic originality as art's assumed G56 172 central defining feature are to be found in artistic traditions G56 173 outside Western art. When looked at from within these cultures, as G56 174 opposed to looking with Western aesthetic expectations, the G56 175 aesthetics of African, Chinese, and American Indian art, to name G56 176 some examples, do not require originality. This is not to say that G56 177 these cultures don't require creativity or individualized G56 178 expression for their art, simply that stylistic innovation is not G56 179 assumed to be a sufficient or necessary condition for art, or even G56 180 held in high esteem at all. Of course, the artworks produced by G56 181 these cultures are generally excluded from consideration by G56 182 traditional Western aesthetics.

G56 183 The exclusion of women from the canon of Western art also stems G56 184 from this assumption. In historical terms the visual works women G56 185 have made have not met this requirement. Although those women G56 186 artists who have been valued most highly in Western culture have G56 187 been creative and highly personal in their individual expressions, G56 188 they made no significant stylistic innovations. Artemisia G56 189 Gentileschi worked in the style created by Caravaggio; Mary G56 190 Cassatt's style was derived from the Impressionism developed by G56 191 Claude Monet et al.; Georgia O'Keeffe's style was influenced by G56 192 that of Arthur Dove. The fact that no woman artist has been G56 193 recognized for having made a stylistic breakthrough in and of G56 194 itself does not mean, however, that the very notion of stylistic G56 195 originality is inherently exclusionary toward the art of women.

G56 196 A closer look at the radical innovativeness involved in G56 197 achieving significant stylistic originality indicates that it has G56 198 not been a goal for women artists. To replace intentionally an G56 199 accepted style with one significantly different requires a certain G56 200 antagonism to what exists, aggressiveness in overthrowing it, and a G56 201 willingness to take risks in destroying what stands in the way. G56 202 While men in Western culture have been socialized to these G56 203 qualities, women have been taught to be accepting, docile, and G56 204 passive. This is not to imply in any way that these differences are G56 205 biological in origin or inevitable for the future, In the past, G56 206 however, women have stressed the need to connect to the past and to G56 207 accept life as it is given to them. No male artist has been known G56 208 to have said, "I try to see through the eyes of many G56 209 others," or, "[My art] is the thread of my G56 210 connections which makes the world intelligible to me." No G56 211 woman artist has been known to have talked about art as "a G56 212 difficult feat of bravado," or "the love of G56 213 danger," or to have said, "I feel no tradition ... G56 214 I'm disconnected." G56 215 G57 1 <#FROWN:G57\>What is less clear is whether the rise of conservative G57 2 evangelical movements has reached its modern-day peak. Are these G57 3 movements destined to decline and lose power as the West proceeds G57 4 to the Third Millennia? Perhaps an understanding of the ties G57 5 between evangelical Protestantism and school Policy in the American G57 6 past may illuminate these issues.

G57 7 The connection between various Protestant groups and education G57 8 and schooling has been an intimate one throughout the course of G57 9 American history. Public schools as we recognize them today were G57 10 unknown before the American Revolution, yet the ties between G57 11 religion and education were strong. The Puritans of New England, G57 12 like other Protestant groups in the colonies, emphasized the G57 13 importance of literacy and especially reading, largely though not G57 14 exclusively for religious purposes. Reading the Bible, in addition G57 15 to the catechetical instruction provided by oneÕs parents and G57 16 minister, promoted a more godly life and hopefully led one along G57 17 the path to personal salvation. The town schools of G57 18 eighteenth-century Massachusetts and the district schools of the G57 19 hinterland often used the Bible as a basic reading text and taught G57 20 the principles of Protestantism through successive editions of the G57 21 ubiquitous New England Primer ÒIn AdamÕs Fall, We G57 22 Sinned All,Ó many children quickly learned as schools G57 23 reinforced the lessons of parents and ministers.

G57 24 But even in the colonial period, no consensus existed over the G57 25 propriety of a particular brand of religion in education. Quakers, G57 26 Catholics, Puritan - and many other groups, including atheists - G57 27 brought enough diversity to public discussions to preclude any easy G57 28 agreement on important educational matters. Puritan Boston, for G57 29 example, saw the emergence of a strong commercial class in the late G57 30 seventeenth century that often eschewed orthodox Calvinist values G57 31 in their lives. Secular public reading and writing schools for G57 32 boys, for example, were founded in towns such as Boston that G57 33 challenged the monopoly of older Latin grammar schools, as middle G57 34 class families pressed for more attention to more practical, G57 35 somewhat less religious, education. Private schools for boys and G57 36 even some girls whose parents could pay for the tuition opened in G57 37 response to this secular demand. Navigation, penmanship, foreign G57 38 languages, and dancing were available for whatever prices the G57 39 market might bear.

G57 40 Thus, there was more to education than Puritan ministers even G57 41 in historic Boston might have desired. By the early eighteenth G57 42 century, religious leaders there lamented the ÔdeclineÕ in the G57 43 spirituality of the people, reflected in the presence of more G57 44 luxury goods, finer homes, and often more secular instruction than G57 45 seemed common in the previous century. A strong Protestant tone G57 46 informed the Anglo-American world of colonial America, and prayer, G57 47 Bible reading, and the like shaped the consciousness of generations G57 48 of settlers and their children. Controversy was nevertheless always G57 49 present, elders generally thought the new generation somewhat G57 50 insolent, and the preservation of sound religious influence upon G57 51 educational practice problematic. The so-called Great Awakening of G57 52 the 1730s and 1740s spread across the land as a testimony to the G57 53 perception among many that the place of religion in life had to be G57 54 restored and redefined.

G57 55 The success of the American Revolution did not necessarily G57 56 produce a completely harmonious educational and religious state. G57 57 The commercial middle classes that helped to finance the American G57 58 Revolution hardly turned their backs on profits after the victory G57 59 at Yorktown. The values of Yankee traders threatened still further G57 60 the pieties of religion and the power of local ministers; the G57 61 expansion of the country westward opened new avenues to material G57 62 and not necessarily spiritual gain; and the popularity of the ideas G57 63 of the Enlightenment hardly seemed propitious to the faithful. The G57 64 skepticism of a Voltaire, the scientific views of a Jefferson, the G57 65 radicalism of a Paine, and the continued power of secularism in G57 66 life led to a decline in church membership and attendance. The G57 67 stage was set for another Great Awakening.

G57 68 By the early 1800s, evangelical awakenings emerged that had G57 69 lasting effects on American culture and education. It is not an G57 70 exaggeration to say that evangelical movements became part of the G57 71 mainstream of American Protestantism. The rise of faith in human G57 72 reason, progress, and the perfectibility of humanity proved G57 73 attractive to groups such as the Unitarians, but overall more G57 74 familiar and conservative themes received greater public G57 75 recognition among older and newly expanding groups such as the G57 76 Methodists and Baptists. To many evangelical Protestants, the G57 77 terror of the French Revolution sufficiently countered the G57 78 assumptions of the Enlightenment about humanityÕs inherent nature. G57 79 Evangelicals were unable to prevent the gradual, formal separation G57 80 of church and state - the established Congregational Church of G57 81 Massachusetts was the last to fall in 1833 - yet they still left a G57 82 visible, and quite controversial, imprint of basic American G57 83 institutions such as the emerging public schools.

G57 84 Protestant ministers - best remembered for their camp meetings G57 85 and urban revivals - played a seminal role in the establishment of G57 86 Sunday schools and the creation of public schools in G57 87 nineteenth-century America. All of their actions were controversial G57 88 and their successes obvious though incomplete. Like previous G57 89 religious activists, however, they were an essential part of all G57 90 dialogues about the fate of American education. Religious G57 91 denominations had always been interested in the formal and informal G57 92 instruction of children and youth. What was new in the early 1800s G57 93 was the growing interdenominational Protestant support for common, G57 94 public school systems. The success of interdenominational G57 95 Protestant groups such as the American Bible Society (1816) and the G57 96 American Sunday School Union (1824) heralded the coming of even G57 97 greater things by mid-century.

G57 98 In startingly rapid fashion, most Protestant groups after the G57 99 1830s began to promote the establishment of common, G57 100 state-controlled public schools. Early in the 1800s, many G57 101 philanthropic Protestant reformers had banded together to build G57 102 free charity schools in major urban areas to educate the children G57 103 of the unchurched poor. Within a few decades, however, as Catholic G57 104 immigration increased and the revival movements intensified, a G57 105 broad-based Protestant effort to build state-sponsored schools G57 106 triumphed. The majoritarian Protestants saw the public schools as a G57 107 bulwark of mainstream values, a defender of a common faith against G57 108 infidels, atheists, agnostics, Catholics, Jews, and others. G57 109 Historian Timothy Smith has succinctly written: "An G57 110 evangelical consensus of faith and ethics had come to so dominate G57 111 the national culture, that a majority of Protestants were now G57 112 willing to entrust the state with the task of educating children, G57 113 confident that education would be 'religious' still. The sects G57 114 identified their common beliefs with those of the nation, their G57 115 mission with America's mission."

G57 116 Anti-Catholicism served as a unifying belief among most G57 117 Protestant denominations throughout the 1800s. The links between G57 118 Protestant leadership and school policies in the early years were G57 119 numerous. For example, the earliest state school superintendents G57 120 were often ordained Protestant ministers. Countless teachers were G57 121 devout 'Christians,' meaning Protestants who had had a religious G57 122 conversion. Many single women served as teachers beginning in the G57 123 nineteenth century, often recruited by religious organizations G57 124 hoping to save the West for God, or to convert manumitted slaves. G57 125 Many of these teachers often saw their role in essentially G57 126 religious terms. More due to custom rather than legislation, G57 127 teachers often began school days with a non-denominational G57 128 Protestant prayer and a reading (often without comment) from the G57 129 King James version of the Bible. Anti-Romanism ran riot.

G57 130 The successful linkage of Protestant values with the new public G57 131 school system could be seen in the teaching staff, curriculum, and G57 132 attitude of ministers toward the enhanced role of the state in the G57 133 educational sphere. Wrongly assuming that Protestants would long G57 134 remain dominant, these reformers could not foresee that the state G57 135 might become more secular and ultimately might infect schools with G57 136 irreligious beliefs. Most Protestant groups - except for some G57 137 Lutherans, Seventh Day Adventists, and some small denominations - G57 138 supported the state system and thus lacked strong systems of G57 139 denominational schools to counter this possible development. And, G57 140 as the nineteenth century progressed, the Industrial Revolution G57 141 added even higher levels of materialism to the American scene, G57 142 adding further possibilities that secular, worldly values would G57 143 undermine the power of religion and shape basic social G57 144 institutions.

G57 145 Besides Protestant holdouts from the broadly Protestant state G57 146 system of schools that emerged, Catholics, Jews, G57 147 non-believers, and other dissenters often attacked the G57 148 development of public education. Opponents supported education and G57 149 schooling but often denounced the state systems of instruction that G57 150 emerged. Catholics slowly built a competing system of parochial G57 151 schools after their efforts to share the tax fund were defeated in G57 152 the 1840s. They condemned the public school texts that disparaged G57 153 the culture of immigrants and Catholics and that openly ridiculed G57 154 the papacy. That all 'Christians' were Protestants struck Catholics G57 155 and others as ludicrous, just as it would to many citizens in the G57 156 next century. But the allegiance of evangelical Protestants to the G57 157 public schools remained powerful, and the easy equation of G57 158 Protestantism, Americanism, and public schooling was understandable G57 159 given the power of majorities to define reality.

G57 160 The early twentieth century witnessed a continual struggle by G57 161 evangelical Protestants to control the destiny of American G57 162 education. As prescient observers sometimes predicted, the belief G57 163 that the state would remain tightly bound with Protestant values G57 164 was an overly optimistic one. That is, secularism and materialism G57 165 were strongly nourished by the intensification of marketplace G57 166 values in the late nineteenth century, and the religious complexion G57 167 of the country grew as millions of immigrants, especially Catholics G57 168 and to a lesser extent Jews, came to America in the new century. G57 169 Protestants still were dominant on school boards, in much of the G57 170 teaching force, and especially prominent in shaping school policy G57 171 in small towns and villages across the country. But professional G57 172 administrators in the growing schools, especially in cities, while G57 173 usually Protestant, increasingly supplanted the ministers so G57 174 influential in state government and local school control in the G57 175 nineteenth century. Like an echo from the past, Protestant G57 176 ministers and lay activists condemned the decline of school and G57 177 society.

G57 178 Efforts were continually made, of course, to guarantee that a G57 179 set of homogeneous, pan-Protestant values still dominated schools G57 180 serving an increasingly heterogeneous people. But the Scopes Trial, G57 181 which discredited fundamentalist ideas among many citizens, G57 182 undermined Darwin's theory of evolution about as successfully as G57 183 Prohibition ended the drinking of bourbon. Yet the fight over G57 184 evolution was part of a larger crisis facing the faithful. G57 185 Evangelical and fundamentalist Christians even before the 1920s G57 186 well understood that a creeping secularism grew larger in the wake G57 187 of America's emergence as an industrial and world power. Evangelist G57 188 Billy Sunday attacked the rise of vocational education programs in G57 189 the schools in the early 1900s, since he realized that material G57 190 gain was increasingly becoming an important motive behind the G57 191 expansion of schools in general and the high schools in particular. G57 192 Despite these complaints against what were seen as dangerous G57 193 features of modern education, destined to obscure the moral mission G57 194 of the schools, vocational programs became common and often G57 195 flourished. How to prepare for the world of work came to define for G57 196 many the goals of public schools.

G57 197 Evangelical Protestants won the battle in Tennessee in the G57 198 1920s over the teaching of evolution in the schools, since the U.S. G57 199 Supreme Court did not reverse bans against the teaching of G57 200 evolution until 1968. Early in the century, prayers in schools were G57 201 increasingly mandated by law to ensure compliance with the older G57 202 Protestant faith. But these individual victories did not constitute G57 203 any ultimate winning of the war. The early twentieth century G57 204 witnessed a continual movement of mainstream Protestant churches G57 205 toward liberalism. Some Protestant ministers who advocated the G57 206 social gospel even became prominent Christian Socialists, calling G57 207 for various forms of public ownership of the means of production. G57 208 Such liberalizing tendencies reflected changes within Protestantism G57 209 itself as certain leaders confronted the challenges of immigration, G57 210 urban and industrial growth, and the problems of poverty in G57 211 metropolitan areas.

G57 212 Evangelical Protestants countered all this by leading G57 213 impressive revivals, passing legislation requiring prayers in the G57 214 schools, and fighting atheists and evolutionists wherever they G57 215 found them. The essential beliefs of anti-modernist sentiment G57 216 surfaced between 1910 and 1915 in a remarkable set of writings G57 217 called The Fundamentals, whose sixty-four contributors G57 218 reemphasized the basic evangelical creed: the divinity of Christ, G57 219 the inerrancy and infallibility of the Bible, human depravity, and G57 220 the life, death, and resurrection of the Lord. G57 221 G58 1 <#FROWN:G58\>A Confucian Boyhood in Gratitude County

G58 2 JUNE 15, 1981. "Were it not for war and revolution, I G58 3 would have never strayed from my home in the North China plain. I G58 4 am a native son of Gratitude County [Xian Xian], in Hebei G58 5 province, you know. Our hometown of Xiaoduokou was located about a G58 6 hundred miles from China's imperial capital. Even with all the G58 7 upheavals of the revolution, I have managed to spend most of my G58 8 life in the two cities closest to my childhood home: Beijing and G58 9 Tianjin. Only nine years out of my ninety did I spend away from G58 10 these cities, and then only because of the war against Japan. Those G58 11 years were the most difficult ones for me."

G58 12 The burdened voice of the old man testifies to the truth of his G58 13 words. Yet he is one of the most cosmopolitan intellectuals of his G58 14 generation. Why this melancholia about his native place now?

G58 15 "Yes, yes, I have lived in other cities, too. Paris, G58 16 Berlin, then Shanghai and Guangzhou. But whenever I had a choice, I G58 17 stayed close to Beijing. Not out of nationalism, mind you, but out G58 18 of old cultural habit. This is hardest to shake. Even when I G58 19 quarreled most intensely with China's traditional values, I liked G58 20 to stay close to its historical terrain."

G58 21 He catches traces of disbelief in my eyes and goes on: G58 22 "You probably think it odd, this attachment of mine to G58 23 native place. It certainly cost me a great deal, especially during G58 24 the political turmoil of 1948-49 when I refused to leave Beijing to G58 25 go to Hong Kong....But the pull of my origins has been great....I G58 26 have always been interested in the history of Gratitude County and G58 27 its most famous native son, Ji Yun, a Qing dynasty scholar. I have G58 28 collected as many of his poems and essays as I could, you know. In G58 29 my library, even now, I have a nearly complete collection of works G58 30 by this fellow provincial of mine."

G58 31 The name of Ji Yun keeps coming up in our conversation. Here G58 32 sits Zhang Shenfu - a cultural rebel, a modern scholar interested G58 33 in mathematical logic and dialectical materialism. Yet he has spent G58 34 months, "indeed years," he says, correcting me, G58 35 finding and collecting the works of Ji Yun. What lies behind G58 36 Zhang's attachment to this eighteenth-century Confucian? G58 37 Compensation for his own injured pride?

G58 38 Zhang Shenfu himself did not become a famous native son of G58 39 Gratitude County. His family's intellectual genealogy stretched no G58 40 further than his grandfather, a wealthy peasant who had saved G58 41 enough to hire Confucian tutors for his sons. Zhang Shenfu's uncle, G58 42 his father's older brother, had been the first family member to G58 43 take the imperial examination. Zhang Shenfu's father, Zhang Lian, G58 44 was the second.

G58 45 But the more we talk about Ji Yun, the more he grows in stature G58 46 in Zhang's eyes. And in my own. In Ji Yun, it appears, Zhang has G58 47 found a kindred spirit. In the years when Zhang Shenfu had G58 48 difficulty balancing internal convictions and outer obligations Ji G58 49 Yun provided him with some precedent, some way out of the thickets G58 50 of a cultural tradition obsessed by politics.

G58 51 Before I leave today, I ask to borrow one of Zhang's books by G58 52 Ji Yun. From the introduction I learn that Ji Yun first attracted G58 53 national attention in 1747, when he came in first at the G58 54 provincial-level examination. Within a few years Ji rose to the top G58 55 of the central bureaucracy, so high in fact that he became exposed G58 56 to charges of bribery and favoritism. Whatever the basis of these G58 57 charges, Ji Yun never contested them. Instead, he accepted exile to G58 58 the farthest north-western corner of the imperial realm. On G58 59 his way to and from Urumchi, Ji wrote the collection of poems that G58 60 Zhang Shenfu quotes to me today. Then he adds, "Whenever I G58 61 was cast out from the center of political revolution, Ji Yun's G58 62 poems gained new meaning for me."

G58 63 Zhang Shenfu's parting words as he hands me the volume of G58 64 poetry at the door make his attachment to this eighteenth-century G58 65 Confucian clearer. "Ji Yun, too, had to learn how to walk G58 66 the public tightrope. But he was more successful than I. He came G58 67 back from exile to become an important official. He managed to G58 68 thread his path between politics and scholarship more gracefully G58 69 than I did. He was a close friend of the philosopher, Dai Zhen. G58 70 Together they took on many battles against the moralists who G58 71 pretended to be the true heirs of Confucian tradition....For us G58 72 twentieth-century Chinese intellectuals, the battle was not so G58 73 clear, nor so easily won. We could no longer claim to be the true G58 74 heirs of Confucianism. Though at times I was tempted to G58 75 try."

G58 76 JUNE 16, 1981. I try to bring our conversation back to Zhang G58 77 Shenfu's childhood. I want to learn more about his father and his G58 78 uncle, not just Ji Yun. But Zhang Shenfu's parental world stays G58 79 opaque. Though his account is clothed in formalities, I sense pain G58 80 buried beneath the genealogical recitation: "My eldest G58 81 uncle had taken and passed the zhuren examinations at the G58 82 provincial level. This opened the path for my father, Zhang Lian. G58 83 He passed the highest examination for the jinshi [the G58 84 metropolitan degree] in 1906. The next year, my father was sent on G58 85 an official visit to Japan to oversee the educational progress of G58 86 government students there. He returned convinced of the practical G58 87 value of a modern education. So my father promptly enrolled me in a G58 88 modern style primary school in Beijing."

G58 89 I am not ready to jump over the first thirteen years of Zhang's G58 90 life, and I ask more about what happened at home in Gratitude G58 91 County, before the new schooling in Beijing.

G58 92 "Before that? Well, before that I had a thoroughly G58 93 Confucian upbringing, I suppose. My father was the overseer of my G58 94 education, but he left the details to the family tutor. My father, G58 95 I remember, was very strict with me. Here, take a look at these old G58 96 photographs. They were taken right after my father passed the G58 97 jinshi examination."

G58 98 Two small portraits are laid out on the table - the father and G58 99 the son, a stiff, thoroughly Confucian pair. Zhang Lian, wearing G58 100 his official robes and cap, looks out with a severe gaze and sports G58 101 the long mustache of a military official. In fact, as Zhang Shenfu G58 102 tells me, most of his father's assignments for the Qing dynasty G58 103 revolved around the military. In 1906 Zhang Lian began to serve as G58 104 tutor at the Manchu military academy. During the next five years, G58 105 the men who became Zhang Lian's closest associates were military G58 106 officials: "Foremost among these was Feng Guozhang, the G58 107 Chinese general who took over the Manchu Nobles' College in 1906. G58 108 My father and Feng Guozhang remained close throughout the upheaval G58 109 of the 1911 revolution. Zhang Lian went on to share a brief moment G58 110 of glory when Feng came close to suppressing anti-dynastic rebels G58 111 in the late fall of 1911."

G58 112 The other little portrait shows Zhang Shenfu at thirteen. The G58 113 boy's face is as severe as that of the father. The child's gaze G58 114 projects the kind of seriousness expected of the eldest son of an G58 115 official who just passed the jinshi examination. Dressed in a silk G58 116 gown with fur collar, the boy wears his little scholar's cap with G58 117 awkward dignity over protruding ears. His eyes are unflinching, as G58 118 if he has just won a battle against an inner foe.

G58 119 "Were you afraid of your father?" I ask softly. G58 120 I may be transgressing on protected domain, but the portrait of the G58 121 fierce father coupled with the overserious boy edges me on. Zhang G58 122 Shenfu stops in mid-sentence. He had been rambling on about the G58 123 open-air market that took place in his native village every four G58 124 days or so. He interrupts the story of how his great-grandfather G58 125 started this village after running into trouble with his own clan G58 126 just a few miles away. He looks at me with pained eyes:

G58 127 "I was six or so when my father beat my head into the G58 128 kang - you know, the kind of North China stove that also G58 129 serves as bed and oven for village families....He came into the G58 130 room in which I was supposed to be memorizing my daily lessons and G58 131 caught me playing idly with the pages of a classical dictionary. G58 132 This was a big book, a huge compendium of classical learning that G58 133 served as a reference work for officials. For my father, this was a G58 134 sacred text. For me, a boy, it was a toy. Without warning, my G58 135 father smashed my head into the kang. Blood pumped from the wound a G58 136 long time. To this day you can see the scar on my G58 137 forehead."

G58 138 I lean closer to look for some visible sign of the wound. There G58 139 is none. But the withdrawn look of the old man in front of me lets G58 140 me know that the little boy inside is still smarting from the G58 141 father's violence. The silence between us stretches on longer than G58 142 usual. Then Zhang Shenfu goes on to assimilate this momentary G58 143 recollection into the broader picture that he is painting for me. G58 144 "You see how early I exhibited my pleasure in playing with G58 145 books. I always liked books, but I didn't like to G58 146 study."

G58 147 Zhang leans back and tries to let a smile wash away the gloom G58 148 hanging over the memory of his father's beating. "By the G58 149 time I was fourteen, playtime was over. I was sent to Beijing to G58 150 study under my uncle's supervision. I went there alone, in a small, G58 151 horse-drawn cart." Zhang's voice trails off, leaving me no G58 152 way now to return to the subject of his childhood pain. Clearly he G58 153 has locked most of it in a place words cannot reach. He wants to go G58 154 on to talk about himself as an easygoing (buzaihu) G58 155 man.

G58 156 Toward the end of this afternoon's conversation, however, one G58 157 more trauma slips through the net of selective remembrance. We are G58 158 talking about other members of his family. Zhang starts listing his G58 159 various siblings, adding a few more to the two younger brothers, G58 160 Zhang Dainian and Zhang Congnian, whom he had mentioned before (and G58 161 whom I have met). A couple of sisters now enter Zhang's world, G58 162 "uneducated, as all women were at the time." Then, G58 163 another cloudy look: "My youngest brother drowned when he G58 164 was five years old. He was much younger than I was. Still, his G58 165 death shook my deeply."

G58 166 Again, the conversation moves on. Another subject, another G58 167 time. A brief gaze of pain and loss lingers in spite of Zhang's G58 168 chatty voice. I realize that I have seen the same look come over G58 169 Zhang's face whenever he speaks about the death of his Paris-born G58 170 son in 1924. At such times, part of Zhang slows down to countenance G58 171 old aches. But the conscious, rational, storytelling voice moves G58 172 on. His losses, unlike the 'mistakes' that thread through his G58 173 marriages and political life, do not hold Zhang Shenfu's interest G58 174 for long.

G58 175 Although he allowed the pain of the kang beating and the loss G58 176 of his brother's drowning to enter our conversations, Zhang Shenfu G58 177 really wants to tell me about something else today. He finally G58 178 comes around to his mother, that vague character whose first name G58 179 he can never quite recall. He always refers to her by the family G58 180 name, Zhao Zhang. Though illiterate herself, this daughter of a G58 181 renowned scholar-official brought considerable prestige to the G58 182 recently educated Zhang household.

G58 183 The story of Zhao Zhang takes up a bit more time than usual, G58 184 mostly because her son Zhang Shenfu is counting his blessings. G58 185 "My mother," he recalls, "was only G58 186 twenty-two when I was born. Because she was so young and healthy, I G58 187 benefited both within and outside of the womb. She continued to G58 188 bear children every three years or so. None of them was as strong G58 189 or as healthy as I."

G58 190 This boast does not quite fit the picture of Zhang Shenfu's G58 191 younger brothers, with whom I shared a table at the birthday G58 192 celebration last week. Zhang Congnian, the physicist from Shandon, G58 193 is a tall, vigorous man of seventy-five. G58 194 G58 195 G58 196 G59 1 <#FROWN:G59\>You shouldn't go to sleep on the job, you must be able G59 2 to move with some alacrity when necessary, you must not get too G59 3 bored standing around in the hot sun and, most important, though no G59 4 one said anything about it, you must be able to get along with the G59 5 other members of the survey crew.

G59 6 At the Highway Department just off Don Gaspar Street in the G59 7 state capitol building, I started by asking questions about where G59 8 to go to apply for a job. After the usual false leads, I was G59 9 directed to the appropriate desk. An Anglo male in a white shirt G59 10 recorded my name, address, age, education, and answers to questions G59 11 concerning my experience and why I wanted a job with the Highway G59 12 Department. Then he looked up at me, bobbed his head, and said, G59 13 "That will be all. Check back with us when school is out G59 14 and we will see what we can do." I thanked him and said G59 15 goodbye. I was now a certified job applicant with the New Mexico G59 16 State Highway Department. The pay was ample and you were paid for G59 17 your own keep. The workweek was five days with the weekend off but G59 18 you might be almost anywhere in the state, up to two hundred miles G59 19 from Santa Fe. It sounded fine to me. Not too stimulating, but then G59 20 given my age and experience, what did I expect? The main thing was G59 21 the job - a real job and real pay. Driving home to tell the Bakoses G59 22 I mentally reviewed what I would say to Dad and how glad I was to G59 23 be able to relieve him of the load of my upkeep, even if it was for G59 24 only three months.

G59 25 In person and by pen (people weren't used to telephoning long G59 26 distance then, except in emergencies, and even then they were more G59 27 apt to send telegrams) Dad had showered me with laments of poverty G59 28 and how pressed he was with having to support us children and what G59 29 a difference it would make if he didn't have the expense of our G59 30 upkeep.

G59 31 By then I had begun to realize that my father was inconsistent G59 32 in his drives and motivations and was pulled in at least two G59 33 opposite directions. I had to take into account his own need to G59 34 control and to keep me dependent, counterbalanced by his G59 35 deep-seated penuriousness which took the form of a fantasy in which G59 36 he was rid of all responsibilities, especially those inescapable G59 37 ones associated with raising a family. I think there were times G59 38 when he simply felt sorry for himself because Mother had left him. G59 39 The result, regardless of motives (conscious or unconscious), was G59 40 to emphasize that I was a burden. Proving that I could work and be G59 41 on my own for a while was therefore important to me.

G59 42 There was also the question of how to deal with Theresa. My G59 43 strategy, developed from past experiences, was to shut myself off G59 44 and to involve her in my life only when absolutely necessary. This G59 45 was one of those times, since I had to tell her about the job. As I G59 46 entered the house, she came out of the kitchen and placed herself G59 47 in the doorway between the kitchen and living room with her hand on G59 48 the frame, effectively barring the entrance to the kitchen and the G59 49 room where I kept my things. I had wanted a little more time but G59 50 since she wanted to know where I had been, I had to tell her. As my G59 51 story unfolded she expressed more and more dissatisfaction. But G59 52 why? Wasn't she delighted that I had taken the initiative and G59 53 applied for a summer job? Apparently not. I couldn't remember G59 54 Theresa ever complimenting me on anything so there was no way of G59 55 judging where I stood with her at any given moment.

G59 56 In the two years I spent with the Bakoses I was unable to G59 57 detect, at any time, even a modicum of enthusiasm from Theresa G59 58 about me. So I was not surprised when her reaction to the news of G59 59 my summer job plans was far less than enthusiastic. Her negative G59 60 response didn't bother me too much, as there had been little G59 61 tendency on her part to interfere in the past. Nevertheless, the G59 62 unexpected chill in the air and a hint of distress at the thought G59 63 that I might actually get the job should have told me something.

G59 64 Sure enough, the next week I received a letter from Dad saying G59 65 that he didn't approve of what I was doing, adding in very G59 66 uncharacteristic terms that I would be associating with rough G59 67 construction types and that after all I was young and didn't know G59 68 the score and could be led astray by associating with unsavory G59 69 characters. Just how this was to be accomplished was not specified. G59 70 I realized I had never heard Dad, under any circumstances, use G59 71 arguments of that type before. His letter sounded more like G59 72 something originating from an overly protective woman than a man. G59 73 At that time, I had neither the insight nor the inclination to G59 74 devote time to psyching out my parents (it would have been a G59 75 full-time job), so I said nothing. I did not reply to his letter. G59 76 From past experience I knew it would be useless to try.

G59 77 I don't remember whether the news came from Dad or Theresa, but G59 78 I was told I had been enrolled in Cyril Kay Scott's art class. I G59 79 didn't know Cyril personally but I knew that he was part of the G59 80 Santa Fe scene. I had seen clutches of art students with their G59 81 easels - they all seemed to be women - wearing cotton dresses and G59 82 straw sun hats, hunched over, dabbing paint from a watercolor box, G59 83 painfully constructing washed-out versions of adobe houses with G59 84 hollyhocks along sun-drenched walls. And there I was, freshly G59 85 imprinted with a cowboy's image of what a man should be. A G59 86 superabundance of energy and restlessness made me unsuited to G59 87 sitting around on a canvas stool all day surrounded by middle-class G59 88 women. I was dismayed, but then I hadn't been consulted and, never G59 89 having been able to resort to the open rebellion of some of my more G59 90 normal peers, it never crossed my mind that there were other G59 91 options.

G59 92 So how did I end up in Cyril's class instead of working as a G59 93 <}_><-|>rodman<+|>roadman<}/>? It seemed that Theresa had done some G59 94 quick calculating and had seen that she stood to lose the money my G59 95 father was giving her for board and room (and a maid who seldom G59 96 appeared). She had to have some way of keeping me at home and not G59 97 in the field where I would be paid a per diem. She wrote - or G59 98 possibly even telegraphed - my father, giving reasons why he should G59 99 squelch my plans to work and at the same time suggesting the great G59 100 advantages of having me enrolled in Cyril's class. I am not certain G59 101 of the details but there were enough of her tracks and they were G59 102 easy to follow. It was one of the many times in my life when things G59 103 worked out for the better, but for the wrong reasons.

G59 104 Cyril Kay Scott was a smallish, energetic man with G59 105 <}_><-|>graying<+|>greying<}/> sparse hair, a goatee, and small G59 106 potbelly. If he had been an authoritarian, take-charge type he G59 107 would have placed himself differently in the studio than he did. A G59 108 take-charge type sets up rows of chairs and then puts himself at G59 109 the head of the class facing the students. Instead, Cyril placed G59 110 himself in the northeast corner of the room so he could refer to G59 111 his notes and keep an eye on things. The rest of us scattered G59 112 ourselves and our easels in a double semicircle catty-corner to the G59 113 main axis of the room. As a silent tribute to the master, I don't G59 114 think that there was anyone closer to him than twelve feet. Cyril's G59 115 voice was clear and relaxed and carried with it the right amount of G59 116 reassuring authority, the kind that knows but doesn't have to tell G59 117 you so.

G59 118 Since his son Creighton (Jig) and I were the same age, we grew G59 119 to be good friends over the years. As a result I learned a good G59 120 deal more about Cyril than I might otherwise have known. An G59 121 Englishman, he did not speak with the upper-class public-school G59 122 accent which was so characteristic of the other Englishmen I had G59 123 known, nor do I remember his having any noticeable class or ethnic G59 124 dialect. He had started professional life as an engineer and later G59 125 switched to medicine. Clearly as a young man he had been searching G59 126 for something, because he gave up medicine and received training as G59 127 a psychoanalyst (it was rumored that he had been analyzed by G59 128 Freud), which, in the 1920s, was an unusual thing to do.

G59 129 The analysis, I assume, and a restless spirit deflected his G59 130 interests from medicine to art. Paris at the beginning of the G59 131 century was roiling with change and Cyril was the type who would G59 132 have been in the middle of it. He told us he had studied with one G59 133 or two of the better-known Impressionists, and since the names G59 134 didn't mean much to me then I didn't pay much attention to which G59 135 ones. From his art it would have been impossible to tell, because G59 136 his painting was unlike that of any Impressionist I can think of. G59 137 At the time of our art class Cyril had just moved to Santa Fe, G59 138 bringing his two wives with him, one of whom was Jig's mother. This G59 139 m<*_>e-acute<*/>nage <*_>a-grave<*/> trois occupied an old adobe G59 140 house on upper Canyon Road just below the reservoir.

G59 141 My mother had always painted, as had her sister Blanche (a G59 142 nervous wisp of a woman married to a sculptor). Heinz Warneke, my G59 143 stepfather, was a sculptor of some note. Josef Bakos painted, as G59 144 did everyone else on the Camino del Monte Sol: Will Shuster, G59 145 Willard Nash, William P. Henderson, Andrew Dasburg, Fremont Ellis, G59 146 Datus Meyers, and others, so that the activity of painting was not G59 147 new to me. Even the paint-covered studio floors were part of the G59 148 familiar scene. It had just never entered my head that I might G59 149 be doing it. I already knew I had no talent and couldn't draw, G59 150 though I could make the very fine-grained stippled renderings of G59 151 bones and protozoa like those in biology textbooks.

G59 152 Our class was held in an ideal studio, an unused chapel on G59 153 lower San Francisco Street. The only adaptation in the shift from G59 154 chapel to studio was to replace the north wall with a large, clear G59 155 glass window so there was plenty of light. The chapel was suffused G59 156 with an aura of the particular comfort associated with pleasant, G59 157 totally absorbing work. Years later I was to work there for Martha G59 158 Field, Catherine Gay, and Ann Webster, who were sculpting and G59 159 needed someone who could do their casting for them and pose for G59 160 figure studies from time to time. Prior to Cyril's time, my mother G59 161 had taken classes in that same chapel from B. J .O. Nordfeldt, a G59 162 Norwegian painter who had studied with and was deeply influenced by G59 163 C<*_>e-acute<*/>zanne. It seemed that everyone who had anything to G59 164 do with the art scene in Santa Fe had held classes or studied or G59 165 worked in that studio. I don't know exactly when the chapel was G59 166 demolished, but when I tried to find it in the 1950s it was gone, G59 167 replaced by a cheap imitation adobe structure, and with it a very G59 168 real part of Santa Fe's past had vanished. It was far from a public G59 169 landmark, but there are places that don't need public recognition G59 170 because their memorial is in the hearts of people.

G59 171 With a minimum of fuss Cyril taught us the vocabulary and the G59 172 grammar on which the Impressionists' system of painting was based: G59 173 the isolates, sets, and patterns, an analytic method and G59 174 classification system that I was to explain thirty years later in G59 175 my first book, The Silent Language.

G59 176 Cyril's method was to lecture from a voluminous set of notes in G59 177 the morning and to allow the afternoon for painting. G59 178 G60 1 <#FROWN:G60\>Although he wanted to see parts of the 'Kaddish' G60 2 narrative compressed even further, Ferlinghetti offered a favorable G60 3 response. "It's right, will be great huge book," he G60 4 said.

G60 5 Even with a new book going to press, Allen had a large supply G60 6 of leftover poems on his hands. He had yet to include 'Siesta in G60 7 Xbalba' or 'The Green Automobile' in a poetry collection, and he G60 8 still had poems dating back to his San Francisco/Berkeley days, as G60 9 well as from his post-Howl, pre-Europe period, that he wanted G60 10 to collect. 'Aether' still required work, plus it was too long for G60 11 inclusion in Kaddish. In short, he had enough poetry for G60 12 another volume at least as long as the one about to be published. G60 13 That, Allen decided, would be his next City Lights collection.

G60 14 In addition, his friend Ted Wilentz was interested in G60 15 publishing Empty Mirror as a part of his Corinth Press. G60 16 Wilentz had recently published The Beat Scene, an G60 17 anthology of Beat writings accompanied by the photographs of Fred G60 18 McDarrah, and in the near future his list of authors would expand G60 19 to include Jack Kerouac, Diane Di Prima, LeRoi Jones, and others. G60 20 Allen, who had wanted to publish Empty Mirror for the G60 21 better part of a decade, and who already had an introduction for G60 22 the volume written by William Carlos Williams, could not have been G60 23 happier with this turn of events and he went right to work on G60 24 assembling the collection.

G60 25 Thus went one of the most active periods in Ginsberg's G60 26 publishing history, finding him putting the finishing touches on G60 27 two volumes of poetry (Kaddish and Empty Mirror) and G60 28 beginning the assembly of a third (Reality Sandwiches). G60 29 These works, along with the recordings of his poetry and a movie, G60 30 assured him of a name and reputation that superseded anything the G60 31 critics could say about the Beat Generation's being a temporary fad G60 32 or social movement making a few poets rich. Allen's star continued G60 33 to rise.

G60 34 2

G60 35 Jack Kerouac, however, was in a period of personal and G60 36 professional decline, stemming more from the toll public life had G60 37 exacted upon him than from his own creative inability.

G60 38 Kerouac was a mess, a punch-drunk fighter who had spent the G60 39 best of his healthy years in training, only to suffer later by G60 40 taking on too many opponents in too few years. His lifestyle had G60 41 been knocked about in public, his literary ideals punished. By G60 42 nature, he was more inclined to internalize his problems than to G60 43 counterpunch, and by late 1960, it was obvious to those who knew G60 44 him that Jack was in serious trouble.

G60 45 From an artistic perspective, it should not have been a bad G60 46 year. Tristessa, Kerouac's novel about his love affair with a G60 47 Mexican prostitute, had been published as a paperback original, and G60 48 LeRoi Jones had published The Scripture of the Golden G60 49 Eternity at his Totem Press, Lonesome Traveler, a G60 50 collection of Kerouac's travel essays, was scheduled to be G60 51 published in late fall, and Ferlinghetti had purchased Book of G60 52 Dreams for City Lights. Most writers would have been thrilled G60 53 to see four books in publication within a year's time, but Kerouac, G60 54 who could be as tough on himself as his harshest critic, was not G60 55 about to gauge his literary success solely by the number of volumes G60 56 published or money earned. None of these books was as good as - or G60 57 offered the exuberance and impact of - an On the Road or G60 58 Dr. Sax or Visions of Cody, and Kerouac knew G60 59 it. He was looking to publish another big book - one that G60 60 would be properly published and distributed, extensively reviewed, G60 61 and widely accepted by readers.

G60 62 He could no longer anticipate the response to his books. Two of G60 63 his finest works, Dr. Sax and Mexico City G60 64 Blues, had been published a year earlier, in 1959, as was G60 65 Maggie Cassidy, his novel about his great teenage love G60 66 affair. To Jack's horror, the books had been largely panned (or G60 67 ignored) by critics, as if in backlash to his 'sudden' success. To G60 68 make matters worse, a Hollywood film version of The G60 69 Subterraneans, starring George Peppard and Leslie Caron, had G60 70 been released; the film was a slick, embarrassing contrast to the G60 71 free-spirited Pull My Daisy and threatened to immortalize G60 72 Kerouac as a caricature of himself.

G60 73 Depressed, Jack drank until he became bloated and red-faced. G60 74 His health began to fail. In an effort to get him away from his G60 75 problems and back to creative work, Lawrence Ferlinghetti offered G60 76 Jack the use of his Bixby Canyon cabin. With Ginsberg, Burroughs, G60 77 and Corso all out of the country, Jack was feeling isolated anyway, G60 78 so some time alone in Ferlinghetti's Big Sur cabin could not G60 79 hurt.

G60 80 Or so he thought. Jack arrived in California in late July, but G60 81 with the exception of the composition of a Joycean poem written G60 82 about the sounds of the ocean, his trip was a disaster. Never one G60 83 to sit by himself for too great a period of time, he was driven to G60 84 the brink of a nervous breakdown during his stay in Bixby Canyon. G60 85 The first few weeks went well, with Jack reading and writing and G60 86 communing with nature on his long walks through the rough, wooded G60 87 terrain. After a while, however, onsetting boredom and his need for G60 88 a drink drove him back to the city, and by the time he made his way G60 89 back to San Francisco, walking a good percentage of the way because G60 90 he, the author of On the Road, could no longer get G60 91 drivers to pick him up, Jack was ready for a full-scale G60 92 bender. Although he had such friends as Lawrence Ferlinghetti, G60 93 Michael McClure, Philip Whalen, and Lew Welch to look after him, he G60 94 was too far gone to do anything but sink into alcoholic depression. G60 95 Even a brief reunion with Neal and Carolyn Cassady failed to G60 96 bolster his spirits. His return to the cabin was followed by bouts G60 97 of the d.t.'s, loneliness, and more drunken sessions with whoever G60 98 stopped by to visit. His depression disarmed his sensibility, G60 99 leading him to paranoid distrust of his friends. He had a brief G60 100 fling with a girlfriend of Neal Cassady's, but he was in no G60 101 condition to pursue it. By the time Jack's stay was winding down in G60 102 early September, Ferlinghetti was so concerned about Kerouac's G60 103 mental well-being that he suggested he consider checking into a G60 104 sanatorium.

G60 105 It was Jack's last big road trip. Still, for all his problems, G60 106 Kerouac was far too gifted to let the experience lie fallow. He G60 107 would turn it into Big Sur, the stunning book about G60 108 mental decline that became one of his finest - and most underrated G60 109 - novels. Big Sur would be compared to F. Scott G60 110 Fitzgerald's The Crack-Up, and while Kerouac would have G60 111 shuddered at the thought, he and Fitzgerald had more in common than G60 112 anyone might have predicted. Both were romantics whose most G60 113 enduring novels were about controversial, if not antiheroic, G60 114 characters; both were depicted by the media as spokespersons for G60 115 their respective generations. Both were tormented about the G60 116 relationship between money and art, and both suffered through G60 117 severe bouts of alcoholism and depression.

G60 118 There was another similarity that Kerouac's friends probably G60 119 suspected, though they were helpless to do anything about it and G60 120 would never have dared to mention it out loud: Like Fitzgerald, G60 121 Kerouac was pushing himself headlong toward an early death. His G60 122 star was burning out.

G60 123 3

G60 124 Hearing of Kerouac's problems, Allen sent Jack a flip, newsy G60 125 letter intended both to cheer him up and goad him into some kind of G60 126 action. The three-page letter was a masterwork of its kind, a G60 127 nonstop stream-of-consciousness rap in which Allen gave the details G60 128 of the composition of 'Kaddish' and included a sizable excerpt; G60 129 spoke of his conclusions from his yage experiments G60 130 ("realized I AM the emptiness that's movie-projecting Kali G60 131 monster on my mindscreen, projecting mindscreen even. So not scared G60 132 anymore. But I still can't stop the appearance of the fucking G60 133 mindscreen, I mean I can't quiet my organism to total silence. I'll G60 134 have to study yoga or something, finally..."); reported the G60 135 comings and goings and mental conditions of mutual friends; and G60 136 hinted at plans for the future. He was still interested in Cuba in G60 137 the aftermath of its revolution, he told Jack, and if he could make G60 138 the arrangements, he hoped to travel there to see firsthand what G60 139 was going on in that country.

G60 140 Jack replied with a sober letter that announced he was living a G60 141 quieter life now; he was back in Northport, staying away from G60 142 liquor, losing weight, and spending his hours reading a recently G60 143 purchased vintage twenty-nine-volume edition of the G60 144 Encyclopaedia Britannica. He downplayed his problems at G60 145 Big Sur, preferring instead to remember the good times and his G60 146 composition of 'Sea.' He had begun a new novel, he mentioned to G60 147 Allen, but it had been a false start. As for Ginsberg's talk about G60 148 Cuban politics, Kerouac was hearing not one thing: "What G60 149 Logia Jesus said about astonishment of paradise seems to me much G60 150 more on the right tracks of world peace and joy than all the recent G60 151 communist and general political hysteria rioting and false G60 152 screamings."

G60 153 It was a presidential election year, and Allen was as G60 154 interested in politics as ever. In his opinion, the position of the G60 155 United States as a major player in international politics was G60 156 absolutely critical to any hope of world peace, and he was G60 157 particularly interested in the country's relationship with Cuba. G60 158 Castro's takeover had rekindled U.S. preoccupation with communism G60 159 as the destroyer of freedom, but Allen continued to believe that G60 160 Castro, even if a dictator, was far less involved in G60 161 "hysterical mind control" than the United States. G60 162 As if to prove his point, he made an effort to meet Castro when the G60 163 Cuban leader visited the United Nations in September, and at a G60 164 press conference afterward, Allen caused a stir when he asked Cuban G60 165 delegates about their country's attitudes about marijuana. Neither G60 166 Cuba nor the United States was prepared to accept Allen's theory G60 167 that marijuana was prohibited because national leaders believed it G60 168 invited its users to think clearly and rebel against oppression.

G60 169 As impertinent as Ginsberg's question might have seemed, it G60 170 represented his strong belief that the world - and the United G60 171 States in particular - needed a radical change of consciousness to G60 172 avoid self-destruction. Throughout that fall, Allen raged about G60 173 politics in his journal, filling its pages with manifestos G60 174 condemning the United States, the FBI, the CIA, academic G60 175 institutions, international politics, middle-class life, critics, G60 176 and the news media:

G60 177 poem

G60 178 Although he conceded that most of his political poems were G60 179 angry ravings unworthy of publication - and, in fact, none of the G60 180 poems from this period was ever pulled from his journals and G60 181 published separately, though some were presented at readings - G60 182 Allen fully intended to write a grand-scale political poem. He had G60 183 seen enough of the world to feel that he could hold the United G60 184 States publicly accountable, directly or indirectly, for many of G60 185 its miseries:

G60 186 poem

G60 187 Allen had little reason to be optimistic. He liked neither of G60 188 the presidential candidates. He saw Kennedy as just another pretty G60 189 face and Nixon as a continuation of the odious practices instituted G60 190 during the Eisenhower administration. For all her paranoid ravings G60 191 about the government, Naomi Ginsberg had been judged to be insane, G60 192 but now, in light of what he was witnessing, Allen wondered whether G60 193 she might have been more prophetic than she was given credit for. G60 194 What was he to think when he saw J. Edgar Hoover get up at the G60 195 Republican National Convention and proclaim that G60 196 "communists, beatniks, and eggheads" were America's G60 197 greatest enemies; or when he read that Eisenhower had been given a G60 198 copy of Lady Chatterley's Lover, with dirty passages G60 199 underlined, only to agree with the postmaster general that G60 200 something had to be done about such smut? Were these indicators of G60 201 the 'fall' Whitman had prophesied?

G60 202 Ginsberg seethed while he watched the Nixon-Kennedy debates - G60 203 the first time in history that U.S. presidential candidates had G60 204 debated on television. As far as Allen could tell, Nixon was G60 205 playing up to the national paranoia about communism, but both G60 206 Kennedy and Nixon seemed ready to take action against Cuba. G60 207 G60 208 G61 1 <#FROWN:G61\>Self-Disclosure in Men's Friendships

G61 2 Variations Associated with Intimate Relations

G61 3 HELEN M. REID

G61 4 GARY ALAN FINE

G61 5 What does a man want - to talk about? How much will he reveal G61 6 of himself? Does it make a difference if he is talking to a woman G61 7 or a man? To a spouse, an intimate other, or a platonic friend? G61 8 Does it matter if he is married, single with an intimate other, or G61 9 single and unattached?

G61 10 We explore these issues by studying platonic cross-gender G61 11 friendships. Surprisingly, perhaps, there is little research on G61 12 this topic, and this project, small and provisional though it is, G61 13 sheds light on an important area of male friendships. In order to G61 14 understand the dynamics of platonic friendships, we interviewed 32 G61 15 white middle-class adults between the ages of 25 and 50 years, G61 16 living in a large metropolitan area in the Midwest. Subjects were G61 17 recruited through a random telephone survey and were interviewed G61 18 during the spring of 1983. The interviews elicited data on topics G61 19 discussed between male and female associates; additional data on G61 20 self-disclosure were collected using a modified version of G61 21 Jourard's (1971b) Self-Disclosure Questionnaire (SDQ). The focus of G61 22 this chapter is on the responses by 16 heterosexual men about their G61 23 friends, lovers, and spouses.

G61 24 Self-Disclosure and Friendship

G61 25 Self-disclosure has been defined by Derlega and Grzelak (1979, G61 26 p. 152) as including "any information exchange that refers G61 27 to the self, including personal states, dispositions, events in the G61 28 past, and plans for the future." Interest in G61 29 self-disclosure has burgeoned in the past two decades with the G61 30 publication of volumes on this topic. Notable among these are G61 31 Sidney Jourard's The Transparent Self (1971a) and G61 32 Self-Disclosure (1971b), which generated interest by social G61 33 psychologists, sociologists, psychologists, and psychiatrists G61 34 (e.g., Chelune, 1979; Derlega & Berg, 1987). Jourard's (1971a) G61 35 classic interpretation of the "lethal aspects of the male G61 36 role" in which men suffer physically, psychically, and G61 37 socially for their reticence was a launching pad for much research G61 38 on disclosure throughout the seventies and eighties. Friendship as G61 39 a topic of study has also produced considerable research, and the G61 40 behavior of men in friendships is increasingly under scrutiny as G61 41 researchers examine the implications of social support and G61 42 interpersonal behavior for health and well-being.

G61 43 Aspects other than an individual's physical or psychic health G61 44 have captured the interest of sociologists and social G61 45 psychologists. Among the major findings of interest to scholars in G61 46 these areas are gender differences with respect to friendship and G61 47 self-disclosure in same-gender and cross-gender dyads. Gender-role G61 48 norms have been cited as mediating factors in self-disclosure (Hill G61 49 & Stull, 1987). Other factors affecting friendship maintenance or G61 50 disclosure within friendships are related to location within social G61 51 structures. These factors include social class, occupation, G61 52 mobility, stages in the life circle, and marital status (Allan, G61 53 1989; Booth & Hess, 1974; Fischer & Oliker, 1983; Hacker, 1981; G61 54 Pogrebin, 1987). Opportunities and normative constraints vary with G61 55 structural factors, affecting the availability and depth of G61 56 friendships.

G61 57 After reviewing some of the literature on gender effects in G61 58 self-disclosure, we will focus on the structure of interpersonal G61 59 relations surrounding friendship dyads, in particular the effect of G61 60 intimate relationships on the level of self-disclosure in G61 61 friendships. Finally, interview data will be discussed in an effort G61 62 to elucidate the variations observed among men in their disclosure G61 63 with friends.

G61 64 Disclosures Within Same-Sex and Cross-Sex G61 65 Friendships

G61 66 Women are generally credited with more expressive and intimate G61 67 disclosures than are men and spend time talking with same-gender G61 68 friends rather than doing activities with them, the preferred mode G61 69 of interaction for males (Aukett, Ritchie, & Mill, 1988; Crawford, G61 70 1977; Rubin, 1985; Sherrod, 1987; Wright, 1982). The tendency of G61 71 women to trust a same-gender friend with sensitive personal G61 72 information is frequently compared with the tendency men exhibit G61 73 toward discussion of issues external to themselves, such as sports G61 74 or politics (Aries & Johnson, 1983; Davidson & Duberman, 1982; Haas G61 75 & Sherman, 1982). Men's reliance upon each other for companionship G61 76 (Sherrod, 1987) is consistent with the conceptual framework of G61 77 Wright (1982), who claims that male friendship, alleged to be G61 78 superior to female friendship (Tiger, 1970), is not so much G61 79 'better' as it is qualitatively different. Wright (p.8) contrasts G61 80 the characteristic "side by side" nature of male G61 81 friendships with the "face-to-face" relationships found G61 82 between women, highlighting socialization and gender role themes: G61 83 Men exhibit instrumentality, activity-centeredness, and task G61 84 orientation, whereas women emphasize personalism and interpersonal G61 85 sensitivity oriented to the socioemotional aspects of the G61 86 friendship.

G61 87 Men reportedly disclose more intimate and personal information G61 88 to their female associates than they disclose to other males G61 89 (Auckett et al., 1988; Komarovsky, 1974), and derive therapeutic G61 90 benefits from cross-gender friendships ; for women, these benefits G61 91 were found within same-gender friendships (Auckett et al., 1988). G61 92 Hacker (1981) finds no gender effect in same-gender disclosures, G61 93 but men confide more in their female friends than women confide in G61 94 their male friends. When marital status is introduced, conflicting G61 95 results emerge. While married men and women reported more confiding G61 96 behavior with same-gender friends, Booth and Hess (1974) found G61 97 single people, regardless of gender, more likely to disclose to G61 98 members of the opposite gender.

G61 99 A comprehensive review of gender effects in self-disclosure can G61 100 be found in Hill and Stull (1987). Contradictions across studies G61 101 are noted that highlight the lack of definitive results for the G61 102 association between gender and self-disclosure.

G61 103 We suggest two ways to improve consistency of results. First, G61 104 the level of intimacy within a cross-gender relationship should be G61 105 controlled. It is necessary to distinguish disclosure within a G61 106 sexually intimate cross-gender relationship from disclosure within G61 107 a cross-gender friendship in which there is no sexual contact. We G61 108 expect the level of disclosure within a cross-gender relationship G61 109 to increase with sexual intimacy within that relationship. Second, G61 110 the presence or absence of an intimate relationship external to the G61 111 friendship dyad must also be controlled. Accessibility to a spouse G61 112 or lover may serve disclosure needs; at the same time, normative G61 113 pressures to limit disclosure outside the intimate relationship are G61 114 expected to surface.

G61 115 Relational Considerations for Self-Disclosure

G61 116 The balance of this chapter highlights the two relational G61 117 dimensions that are of primary importance in self-disclosure and G61 118 talk between friends: relation of subject and target, and relations G61 119 of the subject with significant others outside the friendship. G61 120 Early studies by Jourard and Lasakow (1958) and Komarovsky (1974) G61 121 analyze cross-gender disclosure patterns, but fail to adequately G61 122 distinguish these dimensions.

G61 123 Jourard and Lasakow found no overall differences between G61 124 married and single subjects in disclosure to opposite gender G61 125 associates. We find it problematic that the spouse and G61 126 opposite-gender friend were not distinguished from one another but G61 127 were "treated as equivalent target-persons" G61 128 (Jourard & Lasakow, p. 96). Identifying a spouse with whom a G61 129 subject is expected to share intimate feelings would seem to be G61 130 critical.

G61 131 Komarovsky's study was conducted with a male-only subject pool. G61 132 Unfortunately, Komarovsky did not distinguish between the platonic G61 133 female friend and the lover/girlfriend; they were lumped together G61 134 as opposite-gender targets. She found that the female target G61 135 receives higher levels of disclosures than the male friend, mother, G61 136 father, sister, or brother - especially in sensitive aspects of G61 137 self such as the personality and body dimensions of Jourard's SDQ. G61 138 But this finding is based on a pooled average, rather than separate G61 139 scores for lovers and platonic female friends.

G61 140 We must distinguish between an intimate other and a platonic G61 141 target to address the claim that men disclose at lower levels to G61 142 other men than they do to women. If it can be shown that levels of G61 143 self-disclosure to different targets vary by the intimacy of G61 144 relations, we may infer that earlier failures to adequately G61 145 identify these dimensions produced results erroneously ascribed to G61 146 gender.

G61 147 Aside from the relationship between the subject and the target G61 148 of self-disclosure, intimate others in the relational domain of the G61 149 subject must also be taken into account when reporting G61 150 self-disclosure results. Jourard and Lasakow found that married G61 151 subjects, while not differing in their overall disclosure to the G61 152 opposite gender, differ from single subjects in that their G61 153 disclosure becomes more concentrated toward the (opposite gender) G61 154 spouse, to the relative exclusion of parents, siblings, and G61 155 same-gender friends. This relational dimension is as important to G61 156 distinguish as is the relation to the target. Whether a subject is G61 157 married or intimately involved affects his or her level of G61 158 disclosure to friends. Komarovsky (p. 679) hints at a possible G61 159 correlation between the relational status of her male subjects and G61 160 their disclosures to male and female friends: "In the G61 161 sensitive area of Personality...for only 17 men was the closest G61 162 friend a male. Of the latter 17 men, 12 were virgins." G61 163 Komarovsky's subjects confide in other men when they are not in G61 164 intimate sexual relationships with women. Rubin (1985) came to a G61 165 similar conclusion regarding the few men she interviewed who G61 166 reported intimacy (as opposed to her distinction with G61 167 "bonding") in male friendships: Most of them were neither G61 168 married nor living with a woman. We pursue this line of inquiry G61 169 with our sample.

G61 170 Self-Disclosure Questionnaire Results

G61 171 The Self-Disclosure Questionnaire (SDQ) has been used by social G61 172 scientists to explore, analyze or depict aspects of social G61 173 interaction. We modified the scale and compared mean disclosure G61 174 scores within each of the following aspects of self: personal G61 175 opinions and views, tastes and interests, work, money, personality, G61 176 and body and health. The discussion that follows is based upon G61 177 trends observed in preliminary data analyses. The limited size and G61 178 lack of diversity of the sample, however, preclude reliance on the G61 179 tabulation of statistical tests. We acknowledge the small size of G61 180 the sample and present these data as a provocative basis for G61 181 further research.

G61 182 Relational dimensions that served as independent variables were G61 183 target of disclosure (cross-sex platonic friend, best friend of the G61 184 same sex, and spouse or lover) and intimate relations of the G61 185 subject. We distinguished between married men (n=8), single G61 186 men in intimate relationships (n=4), and unattached single men G61 187 (n=4). We refer to this variable as relational status.

G61 188 Target of Disclosure

G61 189 In comparisons across targets, a male friend and a platonic G61 190 female friend receive equivalent levels of disclosures, but a G61 191 platonic female friend is the recipient of far less disclosure than G61 192 a spouse or intimate other, in all six aspects of self. In G61 193 comparisons between disclosure to a male friend and to a spouse or G61 194 lover, a divergent trend for married men and single men begins to G61 195 emerge. A wife receives more disclosure than a male friend, but the G61 196 presence of a lover does not eclipse male-to-male disclosure to the G61 197 same extent. Single men in intimate relationships appear not to G61 198 differ in disclosures to their lover and their male friend in the G61 199 areas of work, money, views, and tastes. However, in the sensitive G61 200 areas of personality and body, the lover is the recipient of G61 201 greater disclosure.

G61 202 The level at which men reveal themselves to their associates G61 203 seems to depend upon whether they are engaged in an intimate G61 204 relationship, and to what degree they are committed to that G61 205 relationship. The most significant trend is the attenuating effect G61 206 that marriage has on disclosure to persons outside the marital G61 207 relation, including other men. An emerging pattern of variation G61 208 among men in differing categories of intimate relationship appears G61 209 in disclosures to a male friend. Married men seem to disclose the G61 210 least, while unattached single men disclose the most to their male G61 211 friends in the areas of views, money, and personality. This trend G61 212 is repeated in disclosure to the platonic female friend in the G61 213 areas of views, personality, and body. Single men, regardless of G61 214 relational status, appear to maintain some same-sex friendships in G61 215 which they share relatively more of themselves than do married men. G61 216 Unattached men exhibit the highest levels of disclosure to friends G61 217 of both sexes, and appear to utilize other men as targets of G61 218 disclosure to a greater extent than do men in intimate G61 219 relations.

G61 220 Variability among men in their disclosure patterns indicates G61 221 that gender by itself cannot explain differential levels of G61 222 disclosure. Knowledge of a man's intimate relations provides G61 223 insight to disclosure patterns. To some extent, our findings G61 224 address the fact that men may be predisposed to reveal themselves G61 225 differentially, depending on the definition of the situation. G61 226 Preliminary analysis of mean disclosure scores on the SDQ suggests G61 227 answers about what the differences might be; we turn to the G61 228 interview results to examine why they are so.

G61 229 G61 230 G62 1 <#FROWN:G62\>5

G62 2 Climbing (and Learning) the Ropes

G62 3 I began studying for the sergeant's exam a year and a half G62 4 before I had to.

G62 5 According to departmental regulations, an officer needed four G62 6 years on the force before he or she could attempt to move up a rung G62 7 to sergeant. Because I had joined LAPD mid-year, and because they G62 8 only gave the exam every two years, I couldn't take the test until G62 9 my sixth anniversary. The wait seemed interminable. By then I had G62 10 decided I would climb the LAPD ladder as fast as I could. Not that G62 11 I had committed to a life as a police officer; I was always open to G62 12 opportunities from the outside. But as long as I was carrying a G62 13 badge, I wanted it to be the highest-ranking badge I could G62 14 manage.

G62 15 This, I knew, would present problems. By nature of my G62 16 relationship with Parker, I was branded the fair-haired boy, G62 17 someone who had a direct pipeline to the chief. I didn't. I would G62 18 never pick up the phone and call him; I mean, I wouldn't do that. G62 19 And he wouldn't have respected me if I had. But this was the rap. G62 20 As a result, I always had trouble with officers holding me at arm's G62 21 length. Each time I had a new assignment, I would have to break G62 22 down this impression of me, and let the others know I was a regular G62 23 guy, that I didn't have anything special going for me, that I G62 24 worked hard and was a damn good police officer.

G62 25 Knowing that I would be held suspect at every promotional step, G62 26 I set out to move up the chain of command in a way that would leave G62 27 no doubts. To be promoted to each new rank - sergeant, lieutenant, G62 28 captain, inspector (now known as commander), and deputy chief - you G62 29 must take a written exam, which accounts for 60 percent of your G62 30 score, and an oral exam for the other 40 percent. To avoid the G62 31 favoritism label, I knew that I could not be promoted on the basis G62 32 of an outstanding oral score alone. I needed to do well on both.

G62 33 So I worked my butt off. I sat in my bedroom for hours every G62 34 night and studied for the better part of a year and a half. When I G62 35 took vacation time, I studied ten hours a day. On the bus to work, G62 36 I read. Having had courses in teaching, I understood the learning G62 37 process, how you use every one of your faculties. At dinner I would G62 38 talk a blue streak, lecturing my wife and two daughters, aged four G62 39 and five, on forgery and its famous cases while they all just sat G62 40 there and looked at me. I talked to the people at work. G62 41 "Say, did you know...?"

G62 42 This helped me put what I read into my own words, and it became G62 43 a pattern for my promotions: read and talk. As the time neared for G62 44 the sergeant's exam, I became more determined than ever. It was G62 45 important to finish as high on the list as possible, because G62 46 promotions were awarded only when a vacancy occurred, and then G62 47 according to position on the list. If they hadn't dipped down to G62 48 your number within two years, you had to take the test again. No G62 49 way I was going to do that.

G62 50 The written portion of the sergeant's exam was a grueling G62 51 all-day test, 180 questions in the morning, 120 more in the G62 52 afternoon. But it was the oral that I dreaded. And there was no G62 53 clear-cut way to prepare for that.

G62 54 Several weeks after I had taken the written exam, I was G62 55 summoned to an interview room on the second floor at City Hall. Who G62 56 would be awaiting me, I didn't know. Because two hundred officers G62 57 were taking the sergeant's test, they had assigned three panels to G62 58 handle the load, each panel consisting of one inspector and two G62 59 captains. We knew who these officers were, but not to which panel G62 60 we would be assigned. One of the inspectors had the reputation of G62 61 being an impossibly tough grader. If you were Jesus Christ, the G62 62 rumor went, he'd give you a 90.

G62 63 Just my luck, I thought, I'd get the panel with that guy. G62 64 Sure enough, I did. There he was, seated behind a long table, G62 65 flanked by the two captains. I gulped and sat down.

G62 66 The purpose of the oral is to judge a candidate's ability to G62 67 express himself or herself. It's also designed to make the G62 68 candidate as uncomfortable as possible to see how he or she handles G62 69 it. I was expected to start out with an opening statement. For G62 70 several minutes I told them how I'd prepared myself to be a G62 71 sergeant - what books I'd read and issues I'd studied, what G62 72 experience I had that would make me a good sergeant, and why I G62 73 believed I would make a fine supervisor.

G62 74 On the table in front of me I noticed a quarter. It had been G62 75 put there, I knew through the grapevine, to see what I would do G62 76 with my hands. I ignored the coin and kept my hands in my lap.

G62 77 For the next half hour they fired questions at me, trying to G62 78 put me on the defensive. If this situation came up, one captain G62 79 would say, what would you do?

G62 80 Answer.

G62 81 But suppose ...

G62 82 Answer.

G62 83 Really? But what if ...

G62 84 This went on until they had backed you into a corner - or tried G62 85 to.

G62 86 When they finally finished, they asked me to make a closing G62 87 statement. You were supposed to tell them, I knew, what a mature, G62 88 stable person you were, always in control, a shining model for G62 89 those you would supervise, capable of giving sound advice, and so G62 90 on.

G62 91 "Oh, I am all those things," I cockily assured G62 92 them - reciting my husbandhood, fatherhood, high arrest accord, G62 93 exquisite manners and courtesy to scumbags of all kinds - G62 94 "and more." I left the room, grateful that the G62 95 tough inspector hadn't shredded me alive, and waited anxiously for G62 96 the results to be posted.

G62 97 My hard work paid off. I finished with the highest written G62 98 score of anyone and the highest score overall. My name appeared G62 99 number one on the list.

G62 100 After that, I came out first on every exam I took all the way G62 101 up to chief, not through favoritism or because I was smarter, but G62 102 because nobody worked harder at preparing for exams than I did.

G62 103 There would be no way, I vowed, anyone could ever say I moved G62 104 up because I was Bill Parker's boy.

G62 105 <*_>black-square<*/> G62 106 Overnight, I transmogrified from an order-taker to an G62 107 order-giver. This took some getting used to. Police officers who G62 108 had been friends since the Academy looked at me a little G62 109 differently. Some spoke to me not at all. Even though I was G62 110 twenty-nine, I still lacked the kind of judgment that arrives only G62 111 with age and experience. Therein lies one of the most significant G62 112 problems in any police department. Generally, officers younger than G62 113 twenty-seven or twenty-eight have the desire, energy, and G62 114 enthusiasm to do the job, but not the maturity. As a boss, I still G62 115 wanted to jump on my horse and go every time a call came in.

G62 116 A sergeant is like a coach. You spark enthusiasm among your G62 117 officers and make sure they know and abide by the rules. If they're G62 118 deficient in some skill, you must train them. In addition to the G62 119 reports you seem always to be writing up, you spend a good deal of G62 120 your time in the field, in uniform, driving alone, supervising the G62 121 officers assigned to you. I was one of three sergeants operating G62 122 out of Central Division nightwatch and among the things I G62 123 supervised were the drunk wagons and foot beats. I also oversaw two G62 124 or three F cars, or felony cars.

G62 125 Detectives would alert us to felons operating in our territory. G62 126 Because detectives carry such a huge workload, and because many of G62 127 their days are spent testifying in court, they would ask us to G62 128 locate the felon and bring him in for questioning. I would tell the G62 129 officers in the F cars which felons to track down. If they needed G62 130 advice or guidance, they would contact me over the car radio. I was G62 131 also there to provide backup. If a call went out about a robbery in G62 132 progress, a sergeant was expected to arrive on the heels of the G62 133 patrol officers to make sure the situation was handled properly. I, G62 134 in turn, reported to the watch commander, who was a lieutenant. G62 135 Sometimes I would fill in for him.

G62 136 Once a month this particular lieutenant delivered a talk on G62 137 ethics. It was an important ritual for him, and frankly, his G62 138 lectures always impressed me. He was a tough taskmaster and a real G62 139 stickler for regulations.

G62 140 One evening, when I was still trying to make a good impression, G62 141 I went to change into my uniform. I opened my locker and found, to G62 142 my dismay, that my hat was missing. Baffled, I looked around. And G62 143 there was my hat in the wastepaper basket.

G62 144 When I saw this lieutenant later, I said, "The funniest G62 145 thing happened - did you see anybody go into the sergeant's locker G62 146 room?"

G62 147 "No."

G62 148 "Well somebody went into my locker and dumped my hat in G62 149 the wastepaper basket."

G62 150 "That was me."

G62 151 "You're kidding.", I said.

G62 152 "One thing you better learn, Gates. My sergeants don't G62 153 have frayed hats. Get a new one."

G62 154 Chastened, I bought a new hat. Soon after, we were both on G62 155 morning watch, and around 2:00 or 3:00 A.M. this lieutenant invited G62 156 me to join him for 'lunch.'

G62 157 I drove. He directed me to a warehouse area on the east side of G62 158 town. At this hour it was deserted. "I thought we were G62 159 going to eat," I said.

G62 160 "We are. Turn left."

G62 161 We pulled up in front of a warehouse and he jumped out of the G62 162 car and banged on a sliding metal door. A man peeked out, opened G62 163 the door, and motioned us inside. It turned out to be the warehouse G62 164 for Thrifty Drug Stores.

G62 165 Somewhat confused, I followed them to a cavernous refrigerator. G62 166 In those days, Thrifty had soda fountains and lunch counters in its G62 167 drugstores, and inside this refrigerator hung great big hunks of G62 168 cheese and slabs of lunch meats. I stood there wondering as I G62 169 watched my lieutenant pull out bread and cheese as if he owned the G62 170 place.

G62 171 "Hey, come one, Gates. Make yourself a G62 172 sandwich."

G62 173 And I'm thinking, But this is crazy. Here is a guy who G62 174 lectures on ethics once a month, and he comes to a warehouse to get G62 175 a damn sandwich?

G62 176 I fixed something to eat and didn't say anything. But after G62 177 that, whenever he said, "Let's get lunch," I'd say, G62 178 "No. I've got something to do." I just couldn't get G62 179 over this stickler for ethics who was blinded by those big baloney G62 180 sandwiches he'd gorge himself on.

G62 181 What to accept and what not to is a universal problem all G62 182 police officers must face. Free meals always present a dilemma. G62 183 People like to make jokes about cops and free meals. They G62 184 especially make jokes about cops and free doughnuts. They say, G62 185 "You need a cop? Call the local doughnut shop."

G62 186 And there's a certain amount of truth in that. Often the owner G62 187 of an establishment is quite willing to provide the police with a G62 188 doughnut, a cup of coffee, or a meal, just to have officers G62 189 present. This may make good business sense for the owner, but it G62 190 creates a disturbing problem for a police administrator. How do you G62 191 make it clear that your officers are not on the take?

G62 192 To categorically outlaw all gratuities under all circumstances G62 193 isn't feasible or fair. At Christmas a little old lady goes up to G62 194 an officer who has walked a beat for years and hands him a pair of G62 195 socks she has knitted. You can't have that officer say, G62 196 "Sorry, ma'am. I can't accept a gratuity." We're G62 197 not that cold. Often, it becomes a judgment call.

G62 198 G63 1 <#FROWN:G63\>If we move from Italy to Germany, we find that the G63 2 story of the kind and unkind girls moves in the same key. The G63 3 Grimms' 'Mother Holle' tells of a widow who has a dutiful and G63 4 beautiful stepdaughter and an ugly, lazy biological daughter. In G63 5 addition to doing "all the housework," the G63 6 stepdaughter also has to spin until her fingers bleed. One day, she G63 7 leans over into a well to rinse her bloodied reel and lets it fall G63 8 into the water. Prodded by her stepmother to jump in after it, she G63 9 descends into the well and awakens in a beautiful meadow. There she G63 10 must carry out one household chore after another. An apple tree G63 11 full of ripe fruit asks to be shaken, and the heroine not only G63 12 shakes the tree, but gathers up the apples and puts them in a pile. G63 13 Finally, the girl arrives at a small cottage, where an old woman G63 14 tells her: "Stay with me, and if you do all the housework G63 15 properly, everything will turn out well for you." In the G63 16 end, the heroine is showered with gold as a reward for her G63 17 industrious domesticity; her lazy counterpart gets a bath of pitch G63 18 that sticks to her for the rest of her life.

G63 19 A British version of the tale is also driven as much by the G63 20 opposition between hard-working/lazy and dutiful/disobedient as by G63 21 the contrast kind/unkind. Here one girl's unloading of an oven, G63 22 milking of a cow, and shaking of a tree pay off, for the oven, cow, G63 23 and tree all help her out when she flees the house of a witch, G63 24 taking with her a sack of money. Her sister, in too much of a hurry G63 25 to acquire the rest of the witch's wealth to do any work, is chased G63 26 away and returns home empty-handed. In a Russian tale, the kindness G63 27 of the heroine secures the assistance of animals, who discharge the G63 28 task assigned by the bony legged Baba Yaga. The heroine returns G63 29 home in triumph and inspires her stepsister to serve Baba Yaga. But G63 30 this selfish girl never accomplishes the tasks set forth, for G63 31 instead of sharing her food with animals, she scolds them and hits G63 32 them with a rolling pin. Baba Yaga is enraged by the girl's failure G63 33 to do the chores: she breaks her into pieces and sends the bones G63 34 home in a basket.

G63 35 Like many other versions of 'The Kind and Unkind Girls,' 'Baba G63 36 Yaga' probably served as a cautionary tale for girls, who were G63 37 often sent away from home at an early stage to go into service at G63 38 other households. Like Baba Yaga and her folkloric cousins, the G63 39 mistress of a household was a fearsome, threatening presence, yet G63 40 also the one person empowered to reward a girl, if not as G63 41 generously as Mother Holle or Baba Yaga. The lesson about the G63 42 rewards to be reaped from hard work, humility, modesty, and G63 43 kindness while in the service of an all-powerful female figure was G63 44 surely pertinent, if not always valid, for the many girls whose G63 45 household apprenticeships formed the basis for their G63 46 livelihoods.

G63 47 Much as the tale variants described thus far all emphasize the G63 48 redemptive power of hard work, there are many versions of the story G63 49 that celebrate a good character. When the heroine of Perrault's G63 50 'The Fairies' gives a drink of water to a fairy masquerading as a G63 51 thirsty old woman, the fairy tells her: "You are so pretty G63 52 and so polite that I am determined to bestow a gift upon G63 53 you." Each time the girl speaks, a flower or precious stone G63 54 falls from her mouth. Her sister, "ill-mannered," G63 55 "disagreeable," and "arrogant" hopes to win the G63 56 same prize, but for her "lack of courtesy," a snake G63 57 or toad drops out of her mouth whenever she speaks. The heroine of G63 58 the Italian 'Water in the Basket' also does not toil for her G63 59 salvation, but displays an unerring sense of tact and extraordinary G63 60 modesty. When an old woman asks her to inspect her back to get rid G63 61 of what is biting her, the girl kills vermin "by the G63 62 hundreds." To avoid embarrassment, she tells the old woman G63 63 that her back was covered with pearls and diamonds. Later, faced G63 64 with the choice of a silk gown or a cotton dress as reward, she G63 65 offers evidence of her unassuming nature by asking for the cotton G63 66 dress. Her callous stepsister expresses disgust at the sight of the G63 67 fleas on the crone's back, chooses a silk gown as her reward, and G63 68 ends up with a donkey's tail on her forehead. Whether a tale exalts G63 69 the value of hard work or praises any of a host of virtues ranging G63 70 from kindness to politesse, it imparts specific lessons by G63 71 instituting a system of rewards for one type of behavior and G63 72 punishments for another.

G63 73 Not all renditions of 'The Kind and Unkind Girls' as explicitly G63 74 didactic as the ones cited here. If we look at the various versions G63 75 of the story available to the Grimms, we find that they chose to G63 76 anthologize the one that had a pedagogical agenda. One version of G63 77 the story, recorded in the Grimms' annotations, tells of two girls G63 78 - one beautiful, the other ugly. The beautiful one falls into a G63 79 well and lands in the same lush meadow described in 'Mother Holle." G63 80 But rather than discharging various chores assigned to her, she is G63 81 the one who gives the orders and who engineers a happy ending for G63 82 herself. She tells a tree to shake itself; she directs a calf to G63 83 bend down; and she asks an oven to bake her a roll. Later she comes G63 84 across a house made of pancakes, louses the old G63 85 <}_><-|>women<+|>woman<}/> who lives in it, and flees with a dress G63 86 of gold when the old woman falls asleep. Her unattractive companion G63 87 duplicates her every deed, but finds herself wearing a dress G63 88 covered with dirt when the old woman catches up with her. In this G63 89 story it does not help to be kind, modest, hardworking, or polite. G63 90 Beauty, bossiness, and deceit are rewarded; ugliness is G63 91 punished.

G63 92 It is easy to understand why the Grimms, who openly G63 93 acknowledged the educational value of their collection, favored a G63 94 story that commended the virtues of hard work over a tale that G63 95 credited beauty with winning all the prizes. The story of the girl G63 96 who is rewarded because of her looks rather than her good conduct G63 97 simply could not be harnessed into service for indoctrinating G63 98 children with the right values. It is more difficult, however, to G63 99 reconcile the Grimms' striving for folkloric authenticity with G63 100 their choice of 'Mother Holle' over other tales. The oldest tales, G63 101 and hence those probably most faithful to folk traditions, tend to G63 102 reward those endowed by nature with desirable qualities rather than G63 103 those who cultivate specific virtues.

G63 104 Beauty proves to be a great advantage in fairy tales, but - G63 105 oddly enough - it also helps to be a stepchild or a child abused by G63 106 one parent or another. Ludwig Bechstein's 'Garden in the Well' G63 107 mounts the contrasting fates of two boys - one a stepson, the other G63 108 the biological child of the tale's villain. Both boys fall into G63 109 wells and find themselves in beautiful gardens with flowers and G63 110 trees. The stepson gets fruit and gold when he orders apple trees G63 111 to shake themselves; the other boy gets sour apples with worms and G63 112 has pitch poured over him, even though his conduct conforms to the G63 113 letter of his brother's behavior. The fate of the stepson, who G63 114 lives happily ever after with his father, contrasts sharply with G63 115 that of his brother. That boy's mother scolds him and beats him G63 116 when he returns, then tries to remove the layer of pitch covering G63 117 his body by putting him in the oven. But when she forgets to take G63 118 the boy out, she finds that he has "suffocated and burned G63 119 to death." There is nothing in this boy's character or G63 120 looks that warrants such a punishment; he has merely had the G63 121 misfortune of being born to the wrong woman.

G63 122 Early versions of 'The Kind and Unkind Girls' (Bechstein's tale G63 123 is one of a very small number featuring boys) tend to take a G63 124 fatalistic view of the world - some children are privileged, others G63 125 deprived. Basile enunciated this outlook on life through one of his G63 126 narrators, who tells of a mother with three daughters, "two G63 127 of whom were so unlucky that everything they did turned out badly, G63 128 all of their plans went awry and all their hopes came to G63 129 nothing." The third is lucky, "even in her mother's G63 130 womb" and "all the elements combined to endow her G63 131 with the best of all things." Good fortune was seen as a G63 132 basic fact of life, and fairy tales show us again and again how G63 133 those favored by fortune do well no matter how flawed their G63 134 character and regardless of the odds against them. The attempt of a G63 135 parent to overturn this 'natural' order of things by favoring one G63 136 child over another always backfires. And no matter how the children G63 137 conduct themselves, the one privileged by nature and deprived by a G63 138 parent always wins out in the end.

G63 139 All of this changed as fairy tales reached print and came to be G63 140 placed in the service of acculturation and education. Storybooks G63 141 emphasized the way in which toil leads to salvation. Kindness and G63 142 good manners can also do the trick, as in Perrault's 'Fairies' G63 143 where these qualities bring the heroine pearls and diamonds. It is G63 144 noteworthy that even as reward-and-punishment tales celebrate G63 145 kindness and compassion, they are notoriously uncharitable when it G63 146 comes to fixing the fate of their unkind protagonists. In one such G63 147 tale, a girl sits in a room waiting for a sack of gold to come G63 148 flying in (as it had for her sister), when a little gray man whisks G63 149 into the room and "lops her head off her body." G63 150 That punishment must have gone a long way toward discouraging the G63 151 cruelty to animals practiced by the unkind sister. Another story is G63 152 even more graphic in illustrating the consequences of a girl's G63 153 failure to share her porridge with a little old man: "When G63 154 the girl finished eating, the little man took her, tore her into a G63 155 thousand pieces, and hung them up in the trees." We are G63 156 treated not only to a description of her punishment, but also to G63 157 the mother's reaction to the sight of her daughter: "When G63 158 she got to the place where the pieces of her daughter were hanging, G63 159 she thought that her daughter must have hung her wash there. But G63 160 imagine her shock and horror when she got closer and saw what had G63 161 happened. She fainted dead away, and I have no idea whether she G63 162 ever got back home again." The scene is so extreme in its G63 163 grisly detail that it begins to shift into the mode of surreal G63 164 comedy rather than grim horror. Still, there is something odd about G63 165 the way in which reward-and-punishment tales advocate kindness G63 166 toward animals and strangers in a context that champions violent G63 167 retaliatory punishments for members of the hero's immediate family. G63 168 This incongruity forms the basis for the suspicion that G63 169 reward-and-punishment tales began as retaliatory stories (based on G63 170 sibling rivalry) and became, only later in their development, G63 171 didactic tales.

G63 172 There are other serious inconsistencies in the messages sent by G63 173 these tales. Consider, for example, the way in which rewards for G63 174 kind heroines nearly always come in the form of gold and precious G63 175 stones. One girl is showered with gold; another gets a sack of G63 176 gold; a third receives gowns and jewelry. With their notoriously G63 177 frank drive toward gold, jewels, and wealth, fairy-tale plots begin G63 178 to resemble blueprints for enterprising young capitalists rather G63 179 than for self-sacrificing do-gooders. Yet the tales repeatedly G63 180 emphasize and enshrine the importance of indifference to wealth and G63 181 worldly goods: The heroine who chooses the cotton dress over the G63 182 silk one is rewarded; the one who elects to leave by the gate of G63 183 pitch rather that the gate of gold is showered with coins; the girl G63 184 who chooses to eat with the cats and the dogs rather than with her G63 185 prosperous host wins in the end. G63 186 G63 187 G64 1 <#FROWN:G64\>However, we cannot deny that, as a marketing ploy, the G64 2 memoirs worked. They sold the novel. A number of eighteenth-century G64 3 readers, in fact, felt it to be the only interesting thing in the G64 4 book; they did not question its presence in Peregrine's history so G64 5 much as its propriety in general. What has been for us a structural G64 6 irregularity seemed to the first readers of the novel a violation G64 7 of manners. Lady Luxborough wrote to William Shenstone: G64 8 "The thing which makes the book sell, is the History of G64 9 Lady V - , which is introduced (in the last volume, I think) much G64 10 to her Ladyship's dishonour; but published by her own order, G64 11 from her own Memoirs, given to the author for that purpose; G64 12 and by the approbation of her own Lord. What was ever equal to G64 13 this fact, and how can one account for it?" How indeed, we G64 14 have continued to wonder, but less in regard to Lady V - than to G64 15 the author of Peregrine Pickle. And yet, I would suggest, G64 16 the answer is the same for both Smollett and the lady. It has to do G64 17 with celebrity, the comic carnival of notoriety.

G64 18 As we have seen, Sterne's approach to celebrity was to don the G64 19 masks of Tristram and of Yorick in antic celebration of the parody G64 20 of identity fame necessarily involves. Smollett courts it more G64 21 cautiously, shifting the locus of authority and defining celebrity G64 22 as a fusion of consciousnesses upon a single entity, that entity G64 23 being largely defined by all the conflicting attitudes - stories G64 24 and character assessments - that make up the moment of attention. G64 25 Yet for Smollett this fusion is a violent one, a wrenching of G64 26 consensus from disparity, and while consensus may be the basis of G64 27 social cohesion, the fact that it emerges from the clash of G64 28 competing individualities documents its momentary nature. Celebrity G64 29 is a kind of caricature - a violently reductive image - and it is G64 30 fitting that this novel, which so exploits the famous and the G64 31 infamous, should also be centrally concerned with the art of G64 32 satiric reduction.

G64 33 The eighteenth century itself tended to regard caricature with G64 34 a disparaging eye. Novelists and critics alike reserved the word G64 35 for literary or artistic portraits that departed from nature - G64 36 certainly not a practice to be condoned, though occasionally, in an G64 37 otherwise rich and 'natural' landscape, one to be tolerated. G64 38 Caricature was popular during the eighteenth century, but it was G64 39 regarded as a satiric tool, as it is still used, and no one argued G64 40 for its elevated status on aesthetic grounds. Yet caricature is not G64 41 simply a low form of portraiture. Strictly speaking, it is not a G64 42 form of portraiture at all but an overdetermined response to G64 43 cultural uncertainty. In its distortion it is violent and G64 44 tendentious. It wrenches a partial truth from a landscape of doubt, G64 45 and, in doing so, it both honors and derides the means by which it G64 46 communicates, the satiric victim whose image is distorted not so G64 47 much for his sake as for the sake of the community to which he G64 48 belongs.

G64 49 Ernst Kris has said that "whenever caricature develops G64 50 to any great extent as a form of artistic expression, ... we are G64 51 invariably able to discover the use of effigy magic at some point G64 52 in its development" (179-80). In fact, the roots of G64 53 caricature in such magic, he says, account for our hurt at seeing G64 54 our gestures or features exaggerated in imitation. In other words, G64 55 part of us still responds to the imitation as magical substitution, G64 56 and we are wounded by the symbolic disfigurement. Residual response G64 57 to effigy magic may also account for our more positive reactions to G64 58 some forms of image distortion (such as celebrity roasts and the G64 59 New York Review of Books's caricatures); for, as Sir G64 60 James Frazer notes, although effigies in primitive cultures often G64 61 represented pain, illness, and evil, they offered the possibility G64 62 of not only harm but also salvation. Effigies used for the G64 63 "beneficent spirit of vegetation" were burned or G64 64 buried as sacrificial victims to ensure a bountiful harvest (755). G64 65 According to Frazer, the same idea lies behind the use of effigies G64 66 during a time of illness. Many communities afflicted by illness G64 67 constructed effigies in hopes that the demons of death and sickness G64 68 would mistake them for or good-naturedly take them in the place of G64 69 the people they represented (569-71). Again, the idea is G64 70 beneficence; therefore, the effigy is honored, not despised. Image G64 71 magic, from which caricature developed, retains the notion of the G64 72 communally honorific and beneficent, and caricature itself, which G64 73 often provokes the sympathetic, rather than the derisive, smile, G64 74 many times reflects tribute in the act of critical distortion.

G64 75 Caricature can be seen as the art of sudden compromise that G64 76 grows out of the momentary awareness of conflict. As a satiric act, G64 77 it is aimed less toward the exclusion of the victim than toward the G64 78 inclusion of others in a shared value or system of values. G64 79 Smollett's own use of the exaggerated image suggests as much. G64 80 Peregrine Pickle's portrayal of Garrick serves as an G64 81 example. Presented secondhand, through the observations of one of G64 82 Peregrine's acquaintances in the College of Authors, the G64 83 description nevertheless bears the stamp of Smollett's own G64 84 resentment: "I cannot approve of his refinements in the G64 85 mystery of dying hard; his fall, and the circumstances of his G64 86 death, ... being, in my opinion, a lively representation of a G64 87 tinker oppressed with gin, who staggers against a post, tumbles G64 88 into the kennel, while his hammer and saucepan drop from his hands, G64 89 makes diverse convulsive efforts to rise, and finding himself G64 90 unable to get up, with many intervening hiccups, addresses himself G64 91 to the surrounding mob" (651). On the surface, this passage G64 92 does not suggest either compromise or the honoring of the satiric G64 93 victim as the locus of communal accord. Certainly, Smollett's G64 94 intention was to humble Garrick, not to raise him. The ridiculous G64 95 comparison to a drunk tinker distorts the image of the actor with G64 96 regard to both his outward appearance and his skill of G64 97 interpretation. It is true, Peregrine tepidly comes to the actor's G64 98 defense, objecting mainly to the use of a grotesque figure (the G64 99 drunk tinker) to describe an already grotesque figure (Garrick), G64 100 but it is not therein that compromise and honor lie. They lie, G64 101 instead, in the shared reverence for the moment of death and, more G64 102 particularly, in the belief that such a moment should be G64 103 artistically represented with appropriate decorum and restraint.

G64 104 Of course, 'decorum' and 'restraint' are words that hardly G64 105 describe Smollett's own style. In fact, the moment of death is G64 106 treated as grotesquely by Hatchway as it ever could have been by G64 107 Garrick or any actor. The difference is that, in the Garrick G64 108 episode, we are expected to step outside the fiction, to agree with G64 109 or to take exception to the opinions of the speakers with reference G64 110 to our own experience, our own awareness of the celebrated Garrick G64 111 style. Hatchway's similarly grotesque language we understand within G64 112 the fictional construct - a part of his linguistic habit that adds G64 113 poignancy to the event described. The values are not set but G64 114 episodic, occasional, momentary, and circumstantial. If we follow G64 115 the logic of the fiction, what we learn is to accommodate ourselves G64 116 to the exigencies of the moment, to laugh at something that in G64 117 another circumstance, at a different time, might have moved us to G64 118 tears.

G64 119 Smollett's surrogate spokesmen in this novel, like Smollett G64 120 himself, are all masters of the tendentious art of caricature. G64 121 Hatchway, Peregrine, and Cadwallader Crabtree forge stability from G64 122 the momentary and in doing so bring a temporary (or, we might say, G64 123 a temporal) order to a chaotic (or, we might again say, temporal) G64 124 world. Hatchway and Crabtree are mentors to Peregrine, whom G64 125 Smollett describes in an early chapter as having "a certain G64 126 oddity of disposition for which he had been remarkable even from G64 127 his cradle" (51-52), a satirical impulse that vents itself G64 128 primarily against his uncle and his aunt, the commodore and the G64 129 former Mrs. Grizzle, his wife. Interestingly, although Trunnion is G64 130 usually Peregrine's preferred target, the old sailor maintains for G64 131 his nephew an affection that increases as the boy begins to G64 132 manifest his peculiar talents. With Hatchway as tutor, Peregrine G64 133 performs such satirical exploits as stepping on his uncle's gouty G64 134 toe, picking his pocket, calling him names, tweaking his nose, and G64 135 emptying a snuff box into his ale - all of which Trunnion G64 136 tolerates, and most of which he enjoys. The society of the garrison G64 137 is cemented by a recognition - indeed, a celebration - of G64 138 individual foibles, which are pointed out, not for the purpose of G64 139 correction, but for the purpose of connection. While Hatchway and G64 140 Peregrine do undermine Trunnion's dignity, they also yield to his G64 141 authority. In fact, their art of satirical caricature, aimed as it G64 142 is at the authoritative presence of Trunnion, anatomizes even as it G64 143 establishes the community of values by which the initial chapters G64 144 of the novel are defined.

G64 145 In the beginning, through the tutelage of Hatchway, we and G64 146 Peregrine learn to laugh at superstition (the captain's fear of G64 147 lawyers and ghosts), at personal eccentricity (the captain's house G64 148 built and maintained as a ship), at bodily functions or G64 149 misfunctions (the captain's gout, his wife's false pregnancy), and G64 150 at secret vices (Mrs. Trunnion's fondness for brandy); but through G64 151 it all we are encouraged to maintain a kind of sympathy for the G64 152 satiric victim. The community is small, intimate, and bound G64 153 together by recognition of individual limitations and by mutual G64 154 respect for one another in spite of these limitations. In a sense, G64 155 the moment of caricature, the narrative moment, is again revealed G64 156 to be the eternal present, repeated and ritualistic, cyclical and G64 157 perennial. But as Peregrine moves from the intimate community of G64 158 family into the impersonal world, we find caricature and narrative G64 159 called upon to play a different role in a skeptical and disjunctive G64 160 society.

G64 161 It is Cadwallader Crabtree, not Hatchway, who is Peregrine's G64 162 chosen mentor. Both caricaturists are important to Peregrine and, G64 163 like all satirists, they share certain techniques of exposure and G64 164 exaggeration. When they finally meet, however, there is conflict, G64 165 and Peregrine must choose between them. Their differences arise G64 166 from the context in which the caricaturists function. Hatchway G64 167 works in a closed, personal environment: his targets are those whom G64 168 he knows well, and his satire is directed upward, designed to G64 169 celebrate the infirmity of those with authority over him, an act G64 170 that is completely creditable in psychological terms. Crabtree, on G64 171 the other hand, works in an impersonal environment peopled with G64 172 such recognizable types as the would-be wit, the fickle coquet, and G64 173 the cowardly braggart: he targets acquaintances whom he does not G64 174 know well, and his caricature exposes the reality beneath the G64 175 appearance, not in a celebratory fashion, but in an accusatory one. G64 176 He adopts a mask to strip others of their disguises in protection G64 177 of himself and (later) Peregrine. For Crabtree, caricature is an G64 178 act of alienation that confirms the inimical nature of the world in G64 179 which he lives. It does support communal standards, but they are G64 180 standards that must be articulated because constant violation is G64 181 wearing them away. The caricaturist again usurps authority, but it G64 182 is not an authority of 'position' in a well-structured, stable G64 183 social system; rather, it is an urban authority born of the G64 184 confusion and corruption of social relationship in the modern G64 185 world.

G64 186 Crabtree's satire belongs to the destabilized modern world, G64 187 which must reestablish the terms of its authoritative structures G64 188 and which cannot depend upon the bonds of affection to hold society G64 189 together. This kind of world is ephemeral, with success today being G64 190 followed by failure tomorrow - reality exists only in the current G64 191 moment. In this context, caricature exposes the lack of stability, G64 192 the threat of extinction by insignificance, the possibility, even G64 193 probability, of change so drastic as to change identity G64 194 altogether.

G64 195 What fuses in the figure of Crabtree is the cultural expression G64 196 of this destabilization, and his significant features include his G64 197 participation in all kinds of underground identities, his G64 198 antisocial, misanthropic personality, and his status as 'keeper of G64 199 the narrative.' In the chapter in which we meet him, all of these G64 200 qualities are emphasized. G64 201 G64 202 G64 203 G65 1 <#FROWN:G65\>She follows the plot of heterosexual romance, the only G65 2 plot in which culture allows her a leading role. Her very G65 3 helplessness becomes the means through which she achieves G65 4 acknowledgment, whether loving or punitive. As Karen Horney argues G65 5 in 'The Overvaluation of Love: A Study of a Common Present-Day G65 6 Feminine Type,' "The function of this masochistic attitude G65 7 is therefore a neurotically distorted means of attaining a G65 8 heterosexual goal, which these patients believe they cannot reach G65 9 in any other way" (Feminine Psychology 211). G65 10 Furthermore, the apparently abject masochist seeks vicarious G65 11 gratification of the active drives through her idealized other. Her G65 12 self-sacrificing ethics are potentially her entr<*_>e-acute<*/>e to G65 13 a larger world. Benjamin's comment on masochistic women's goals is G65 14 to the point here: "in ideal love, as in other forms of G65 15 masochism, acts of self-abnegation are in fact meant to secure G65 16 access to the glory and power of the other" (117).

G65 17 In Sigmund Freud's discussion of how women and men exalt the G65 18 other, strangely different mechanisms seem to be at work. According G65 19 to his reasoning, women introject prized qualities of men - G65 20 attributes that can be theirs no more than can the penis. When men G65 21 overvalue women, however, they project their own strengths. In both G65 22 instances, then, the construct of the male ego assumes plenitude G65 23 and power, while that of the female marks inadequacy. In his G65 24 lecture 'The Dissection of the Psychical Personality,' for example, G65 25 Freud notes, via common opinion, that women are particularly G65 26 influenced by their object choices, who represent the capacities G65 27 they themselves have lost or never had. "It is said that G65 28 the influencing of the ego by the sexual object occurs particularly G65 29 often with women and is characteristic of femininity ....If one has G65 30 lost an object or has been obliged to give it up, one often G65 31 compensates oneself by identifying oneself with it and by setting G65 32 it up once more in one's ego, so that here object-choice regresses, G65 33 as it were, to identification" (63). Although libido is G65 34 diverted from the ego to the object, it is restored to the woman G65 35 through the narcissistic mirror, Freud argues. In presenting this G65 36 process as "characteristic of femininity," Freud G65 37 again naturalizes psychic processes to buttress gender G65 38 differentiation. The process he describes basically leaves women in G65 39 a permanently melancholic position, but it is themselves they G65 40 mourn.

G65 41 According to Freud, though, overvaluation occurs mostly in men; G65 42 one can only assume as a corollary that the value women attach to G65 43 male objects or subjects is true currency. For example, in the G65 44 early Studies on Hysteria, Freud is startled by his own G65 45 "blindness." "I was afflicted by that blindness of G65 46 the seeing eye which is so astonishing in the attitude of mothers G65 47 to their daughters, husbands to their wives and rulers to their G65 48 favourites" (117n). Here, and in fact throughout much G65 49 of Freud's work, overvaluation is a mistake the dominant make about G65 50 the subordinated. The reverse possibility - that the subordinated G65 51 may ascribe strengths to the dominant that the latter don't have, G65 52 or may even define the dominant through their fealty - is hardly G65 53 considered as a possibility, particularly within a heterosexual G65 54 frame.

G65 55 To a feminist reader, Freud's definition of overvaluation in G65 56 'Sexual Aberrations' seems to describe culture's inscription of G65 57 masculine authority if the passage is read using 'she' as universal G65 58 pronoun. "The subject becomes, as it were, intellectually G65 59 infatuated (that is, his powers of judgement are weakened) by the G65 60 mental achievements and perfections of the sexual object and he G65 61 submits to the latter's judgement with credulity. Thus the G65 62 credulity of love becomes an important, if not the most G65 63 fundamental, source of authority" (150). The pattern G65 64 of behavior Freud outlines is precisely that found in every naive G65 65 Gothic protagonist who suspends her own judgments in deference to G65 66 her beloved's authority. Astonishingly, the overvaluation Freud G65 67 describes is the man's of the woman - a fatuous adoration most G65 68 extensively set forth through the famous whore/madonna splitting of G65 69 'Contributions to the Psychology of Love.'

G65 70 The asymmetrical valuation of the other sex that Freud posits G65 71 is crucial to how society and Gothic fiction represent and regulate G65 72 'normal' adult heterosexual relationships. A woman must 'look up G65 73 to' her man: unless she is carefully trained to do so, patriarchy G65 74 falters. Every girl, and every Gothic heroine, learns that it is G65 75 only in the mirror of his regard that she exists, only in the G65 76 plenitude of his subjectivity that she is whole. Her assignment of G65 77 subjectivity to and overvaluation of the other is, however, an G65 78 analytic and cultural con game in which she's asked to believe that G65 79 she's a winner. An economic metaphor best describes the G65 80 transaction. A worker is told her labor has wage-value, the amount G65 81 she is paid. The labor also generates the surplus value we call G65 82 profit, which is reaped by others. The woman in conservative G65 83 analytic and Gothic fictions is such a laborer emotionally. Love is G65 84 her wage; the surplus value of her nurturing and self-abnegation G65 85 funds the autonomy of the idealized other. She, like the G65 86 wage-laborer, does not recognize the product as her own and remains G65 87 alienated from the power so 'naturally' appropriated by others. In G65 88 order to maintain this system of subordination, it is imperative G65 89 that girls learn proper passivity. My argument, then, is that G65 90 women's devaluation enables and maintains men's overvaluation, a G65 91 transaction shielded behind Freud's emphasis upon the overvalued G65 92 woman.

G65 93 Freud's analysis of object choice for girls and boys highlights G65 94 the key significance of active and passive choice. Like a docile G65 95 job applicant, the girl must be ready to accept any offer without G65 96 pointing to her own qualifications; her getting a job is luck, not G65 97 merit. All power resides in the employer/lover, and unions, which G65 98 suggest another locus of power, are an abomination. She must choose G65 99 to identify with that which is not like herself.

G65 100 The small boy, according to Freud, has two choices: to love his G65 101 mother (anaclitic object choice) or himself. Although choosing the G65 102 former primes the boy for adult heterosexuality, it also leads him G65 103 to overvalue his adult mate, as he once did the woman who cared for G65 104 him. The small girl also has two choices: to love her mother (or G65 105 the person who cares for her) or to love herself. Both sexes can G65 106 have elements of both choices in love (and an individual of either G65 107 sex can make predominantly anaclitic or narcissistic object G65 108 choices).

G65 109 The girl clearly has a problem or, to put it more accurately, G65 110 Western culture has a major problem whose symptom is the girl. Her G65 111 narcissism, so often discussed pejoratively, is nonetheless the G65 112 adolescent girl's consolation prize for passivity. "This is G65 113 unfavourable to the development of a true object-choice with its G65 114 accompanying overvaluation. Women, especially if they grow up with G65 115 good looks, develop a certain self-contentment which compensates G65 116 them for the social restrictions that are imposed upon them in G65 117 their choice of object" ('On Narcissism' 88-89). The G65 118 passage's struggle with logic, seen in the unreconciled conjunction G65 119 of "unfavourable' and compensatory narcissism, points G65 120 to the impasse in which culture places the girl. If, however, she G65 121 aspires to "true object-choice" rather than G65 122 narcissism and makes a fully anaclitic choice, she will choose G65 123 another woman or a man who has her mother's attributes. Ergo, as a G65 124 woman seeking a woman's qualities, she will have made a G65 125 narcissistic object choice. Furthermore, if she thinks she can G65 126 choose and somehow evade "social restrictions," she G65 127 strays too far into activity.

G65 128 Thus, the eighteen year old in 'The Psychogenesis of a Case of G65 129 Homosexuality in a Woman' is masculine in her assumption of the G65 130 role of courtly lover to older women. Her "acuteness of G65 131 comprehension and her lucid objectivity" (154) are the G65 132 first tip-offs, followed by clues indicating "that she must G65 133 formerly have had strong exhibitionist and scopophilic G65 134 tendencies" (169). Of "greater importance," G65 135 however, is her behavior toward the beloved. "She displayed G65 136 the humility and the sublime overvaluation of the sexual object so G65 137 characteristic of the male lover, the renunciation of all G65 138 narcissistic satisfaction, and the preference for being the lover G65 139 rather than the beloved" (154). She is the exception that G65 140 proves the rule: 'real' heterosexual women love narcissistically G65 141 and so in "feminine" ways. Freud is careful to distinguish G65 142 the sex of one's object choice from one's own attitude of G65 143 masculinity or femininity; finally, though, the least plausible G65 144 combination is for a woman to love a man in the "sublime" G65 145 masculine mode ('Psychogenesis' 170).

G65 146 For Freud, overvaluation is, in the end, an almost exclusively G65 147 male phenomenon in love, a sentimental overestimation of the mother G65 148 by the boy that carries over to his eventual mate. "The G65 149 significance of the factor of sexual overvaluation can be best G65 150 studied in men, for their erotic life alone has become accessible G65 151 to research. That of women - partly owing to the stunting effect of G65 152 civilized conditions and partly owing to their conventional G65 153 secretiveness and insincerity - is still veiled in an impenetrable G65 154 obscurity" ('Sexual Aberrations' 151). Freud's own wishful G65 155 suppositions create some of that obscurity. Adult women, secretive G65 156 and insincere, never quite love men enough - certainly not as much G65 157 as the idealized, adoring mother of his own narcissistic stage, the G65 158 mother who, at least in the son's nostalgic reconstruction, finds G65 159 her own apotheosis in his perfection. "In typical cases G65 160 women fail to exhibit any sexual overvaluation towards men; but G65 161 they scarcely ever fail to do so towards their own G65 162 children" ('Sexual Aberrations' 151n [added 1920]). G65 163 The value women attach to men is left in the realm of the real: it G65 164 is what men are actually worth. And women's worth, devalued so G65 165 ruinously and early, can only be measured as collateral to men's. G65 166 Women's worth is generated through the men to whom they are G65 167 attached, just as we are to understand that poor governesses G65 168 "become somebody" through the love of wealthy G65 169 men.

G65 170 The overvaluation of men that Freud implicitly accepts as real G65 171 value and, finally, a "natural" determinant of the order of G65 172 things is itself a cultural construct, as Horney so cogently argues G65 173 in 'The Overvaluation of Love.' Here, as elsewhere, my interest is G65 174 not in the analysis of male motives or of the often self-evident G65 175 benefits that accrue to the male through this structuration. G65 176 Instead, my concern is what it means to be a woman who must define G65 177 herself through such a system. The boy's possession of great wealth G65 178 during the anal stage becomes rarefied into his great value as an G65 179 adult. The girl, reduced to a beggar during the first major G65 180 commodities exchange, must find her own adult value through what an G65 181 other is willing to dower her with.

G65 182 By signing over subjectivity to another (whether or not the G65 183 endorsement is coerced), she achieves some vicarious satisfaction G65 184 of her own active drives, which are directed both to the outside G65 185 world and herself. Forbidden from exercising the 'mastery' of G65 186 sadism and the will to knowledge that epistemophilia and G65 187 scopophilia provide, she ekes out what pleasures she can from the G65 188 reversal of these instincts. She lives out the catch-22 Foucault G65 189 calls the "cycle of prohibition": "Renounce yourself or G65 190 suffer the penalty of being suppressed; do not appear if you do not G65 191 want to disappear. Your existence will be maintained only at the G65 192 cost of your nullification" (History 84). She values G65 193 the knowledge and power she cannot hold and invests them in an G65 194 other. Like the nameless protagonist of du Maurier's Rebecca G65 195 and numerous others, she enviously watches the idealized other, G65 196 whose unfettered existence is so unlike her own, and forlornly G65 197 hopes that a magical look or word from him will make her G65 198 'somebody.'

G65 199 Repression and Sublimation

G65 200 The masochistic woman's active drives, inhibited and channeled G65 201 in an exclusive course early on, continue to express the raw, G65 202 unreformed aggression of the anal stage, augmented by her own rage. G65 203 Repressed, these drives remain gargantuan, according to G65 204 "Repression." "This deceptive strength of instinct G65 205 is the result of an uninhibited development in phantasy and of the G65 206 damming-up consequent on frustrated satisfaction" (149). G65 207 She defends against this formidable instinctual energy. Sadly and G65 208 inevitably, she abets the system that forbade instinctual G65 209 expression in the first place: the energy she must expend just to G65 210 maintain repression is not free for use elsewhere, she uses it to G65 211 monitor herself (thus freeing others for alternate forms of G65 212 surveillance), and she employs it actively only in preparing G65 213 another generation of girls for divesture. G65 214 G65 215 G66 1 <#FROWN:G66\>Just as Error ceases to overwhelm Redcross as soon as G66 2 he grasps and sees it, so Spenser manifests the covert logic of the G66 3 episode -pastoral -only when that logic has been relegated to a G66 4 comparison with the scene it originally constituted, when pastoral, G66 5 that is, can be visualized in and as a single stanza. Yet, if the G66 6 stanza does in some sense retrospectively clarify the episode, the G66 7 battle it depicts between a gentle shepherd and some gnats G66 8 nevertheless disrupts our sense not only of the other fight's G66 9 ferocity but of its stakes -now the human seems the offender. For G66 10 the sweet eventide, the sunset, the hasty supper, and the marred G66 11 soft song all evoke an elegiac spirit to which the shepherd stands G66 12 opposed: he is high on a hill, his star is ascendant, he takes G66 13 Phoebus's place. When we discover that John Dixon glosses the G66 14 stanza by referring it to Matthew 4.8, a stage in Christ's G66 15 temptation -"The devil showeth him all the delights of the G66 16 world to entice," Dixon says, "but can not G66 17 deceive" (First Commentary, 3) -the tonality of G66 18 this truly Spenserian stanza comes to seem so mixed and peculiar as G66 19 to warrant longer inspection.

G66 20 Though it is difficult to see how the details of the stanza G66 21 might coalesce into the allusion Dixon finds there, the temptation G66 22 on the mount, the culmination (in Matthew) of Christ's own G66 23 wandering, has a certain dramatic propriety in relation to the G66 24 Error allegory. A passage from More's translation of the Life G66 25 of Pico (1510) automatically connects the two struggles: G66 26 "Remember how cursed our old enemy is: which offereth us G66 27 the kingdoms of this world, that he might bereave us the kingdom of G66 28 heaven, how false the fleshly pleasures: which therefore embrace G66 29 us, that they might strangle us" (Works 1:17). To such G66 30 temptation Christ responded, "Avoid Satan" (Matthew G66 31 4.10); Petrarch atop Mont Ventoux found himself remonstrated by G66 32 Augustine's lament that men go abroad to wonder at nature and yet G66 33 leave themselves behind; but what in the shepherd's action recalls G66 34 either Christ's repudiation or Petrarch's turning inward? Only, G66 35 perhaps, his brushing gnats away, whose foremost iconographic G66 36 association, ephemerality, does fit the contemptus theme: in G66 37 the part of his contemptus litany immediately before the G66 38 passage I quoted, Pico reminds his nephew that "the death G66 39 lieth at hand. Remember that all the time of our life is but a G66 40 moment, and yet less than a moment." The gnats also G66 41 iconographically embody, and therefore distance and reduce, G66 42 similarly worldly attributes of Error such as heresy, lechery, and G66 43 even wandering, and so suggest the possibility of at least a kind G66 44 of Cynic contemptus in the stanza, the philosophy of Erasmus's G66 45 Folly:

G66 46 If one (as Menippus did) looking out of the moon, G66 47 beheld from thence the innumerable tumults, and businesses of G66 48 mortal men, he should think verily he saw a many of flies, or G66 49 gnats, brawling, fighting, beguiling, robbing, playing, living G66 50 wantonly, born, bred up, decaying, and dying: So that it is G66 51 scant believable, what commotions, and what Tragedies, are G66 52 stirred up, by so little, and so short lived a vermin as this man G66 53 is. (Praise, K3V)

G66 54 Yet, while such pagan contemptus may find its counterpart G66 55 in the bathetic side of the shepherd's battle, the G66 56 "noyance" from which "he no where can G66 57 rest," the same features of the scene that weaken the G66 58 suggestive connection between it and Christian virtue baffle this G66 59 allegory also. Though high on a hill, the shepherd views neither G66 60 gnatlike men nor worldly kingdoms but his flock; the gnats G66 61 themselves, if comically miniaturized glories of the world below, G66 62 are nevertheless atop the hill also; and their tender wings and G66 63 murmurings generate a pathos that counters any repudiation of them. G66 64 In sum, what blocks these allegorical readings, what keeps the G66 65 stanza, for all its contemptus yearnings, earthbound, is the G66 66 'lowly' character and setting Spenser and Redcross set out to leave G66 67 behind them -the pastoral.

G66 68 It looks misguided for a poet who announced his turn from G66 69 pastoral and then proceeded to figure pre-epical modes as G66 70 potentially deadly now to regret the loss of pastoral worldliness; G66 71 but this final reduction, dislocation, and clarification of G66 72 pastoral into a simile, the facing off of pastoral with its G66 73 erroneous image, seems for Spenser to justify such nostalgia. The G66 74 stanza's elegiac tone bespeaks more than the coming end of the G66 75 episode itself. In the previous simile the characterization of G66 76 father Nilus as old anticipated a turning back of the clock here G66 77 also, the introduction of another old character: the gentle G66 78 shepherd with his clownish hands recalls the clownish young men G66 79 both Redcross and Spenser had been until only recently. Surrounding G66 80 the shepherd, circumscribing this old identity, the gnats refigure G66 81 the collapse of Redcross into Error and therefore also the G66 82 spectatorial distance granted Una and then Redcross himself. G66 83 Indeed, they turn the discarded pastoral in upon itself, for their G66 84 "tender wings" invoke E. K.'s company of pastoral G66 85 poets, whose prior flights on "tender wings" G66 86 Spenser in The Shepheardes Calender set out G66 87 "every where" to emulate. The bizarre Circean G66 88 reduction of these poets to insects looks less surprising in the G66 89 context of Virgilian poetics, which takes for granted that a poet G66 90 should proportion his choice of subject to himself: if he is a G66 91 fledgling, then his subject should be diminutive also, like the G66 92 Culex Spenser translated as Virgils Gnat. In G66 93 representing pastoral poets as one of these small subjects -as G66 94 gnats - the simile literally collapses an already metaphorically G66 95 collapsible relation, and so substitutes the shepherd surrounded by G66 96 gnats, and the gnats themselves, as a diffracted image of the G66 97 strangulation Redcross just suffered. What the pathos of the stanza G66 98 would seem to register, then, is Spenser's desire to hang onto a G66 99 scene that he believes liberates both Redcross and himself by G66 100 staging their erroneous past and so differentiating them from its G66 101 constraint.

G66 102 The thwarted contemptus of the stanza indicates how G66 103 pastoral can go so far as to be divided against itself, as in G66 104 The Shepheardes Calender, and yet fall short of G66 105 transcendence. The simile begins hopefully. The Error episode G66 106 introduced a pastoral-like grove, we recall, as a shelter from G66 107 heavenly wrath, from the hideous storm; pastoral's far more typical G66 108 reason for shelter is only the heat of the sun, and, in the simile, G66 109 with the sun sinking in the west, the shepherd escapes even that G66 110 slight inconvenience. Yet, though free now to leave the shade for a G66 111 lofty hilltop vision of his world, the shepherd still labors under G66 112 the pressure of a temporal "tempest" (FQ 1.1.7, 8), G66 113 even when, or rather because, heavenly power seems to absent itself G66 114 from the world. The vision comes only at this "hasty" G66 115 moment, only when day is nearly done; the shepherd can contemn his G66 116 world only, that is, when it is being eclipsed. And in favor of G66 117 what would he despise it? The only other world to desire, heaven, G66 118 the sun, is what's becoming absent; and if the shepherd's flock G66 119 represents the paltry, fleeting vanities he might despise, G66 120 appropriately metamorphosed into gnats, they, like a new grove, G66 121 still encumber him, because until the death all shepherds ought to G66 122 long for ('November,' 182-92), he has no other place but his G66 123 diminished world in which to live.

G66 124 Redcross and Spenser, on the other hand, have only to discard G66 125 pastoral in order to enact their own little apocalypse, sacrificing G66 126 one kind of worldliness in order to save another. When Redcross G66 127 severs Error's human head from her animal body, he explodes G66 128 pastoral's strangling proportionment of human to natural, of self G66 129 to place; with Error's head the trees of her grove (metonymically) G66 130 fall as well, no longer required for shade but for the kind of use G66 131 to which, say, the first tree mentioned, "the sayling G66 132 Pine" (FQ 1.1.8), should he put. The death of Error G66 133 even provides a final "sight" (26) of collapse: combining G66 134 in themselves the shepherd's two cares, both the hungry sheep and G66 135 the gnats "striving to infixe," Error's G66 136 "scattred brood" have "flocked" (25) about G66 137 their unhumanized mother and now "devoure" (26) her. As G66 138 Error's blood and then her children's overstuffed bowels gush forth G66 139 (24, 26), a constraint or implosion once more turns outside, to the G66 140 spectatorial freedom of Redcross simply watching his foes defeat G66 141 themselves, or of "his Ladie seeing all" now G66 142 approaching "from farre" (27). The microcosm that G66 143 dies enemy to God -"cursed" Error and her "unkindly G66 144 Impes of heaven accurst" (16, 26) -opens a worldly space, G66 145 the "long way" Redcross travels, in which he can G66 146 have "God to frend" (28) as well, as roominess G66 147 subject only to the "happy starre" Redcross was G66 148 "borne under" (27), distant in both space and G66 149 time.

G66 150 ERROR AS TRIFLING

G66 151 Error appears to represent a mistake, however, that not just G66 152 Spenser but England as a whole had recently escaped, a delusive G66 153 ideal more clearly embodied in the second monster Redcross meets, G66 154 though Archimago at first protests himself only a "silly G66 155 old man," who, because he "lives in hidden cell, / G66 156 Bidding his beades all day for his trespas," knows nothing G66 157 of "worldly trouble" (FQ 1.1.30). In his youth G66 158 Erasmus, of all people, spoke of monastic life in De Contemptu G66 159 Mundi (1521, trans. 1532?) as a pastoral retreat, a covert to G66 160 fend off the hideous storms of worldly existence: "Who (but G66 161 he that is stark blind) seeth not that it is far more surer, more G66 162 pleasant, and more commodious to journey through the pleasant green G66 163 meadows without dread, than among so many images of death to be G66 164 turned and went with perpetual vexation and trouble" G66 165 (13r-v). Adapting passages from Virgil's Eclogues, Erasmus G66 166 celebrates the monastery "like to Paradise of G66 167 pleasure," where, among "orchards and G66 168 greaves," "within these dens," G66 169 "groweth the pople tree, to shadow us from showers" G66 170 (13v-14r). In Renaissance English versions of the Old Testament, G66 171 however, "groves" figure as the idolatrous shrines that God G66 172 repeatedly commands the Jews to cut down" (e.g., G66 173 Exodus 34.13); and Greene lauds the day England's "woodman" G66 174 Henry VIII wounded the "Monster" Antichrist by demolishing G66 175 its monastic hiding places: "flying to the text, whatsoever G66 176 my father hath not planted, shall be rooted up by the roots, he G66 177 suppressed their Abbeys, pulled down their sumptuous buildings, & G66 178 scarce left one stone upon another" (Works 5:251). The G66 179 shattering of such pleasances "seeldom inward G66 180 sound" (FQ 1.1.9) produced what many Protestants must G66 181 have considered liberating catalogues of the rottenness and G66 182 insubstantiality, the "pelting trash" (e.g., G66 183 Derricke, Image of Irelande, 22), at their core: G66 184 supposedly "holy relics" disgorged into the light G66 185 as "stinking boots, mucky combs, ragged rochets, rotten G66 186 girdles, pilled purses, great bullocks' horns, locks of hair, and G66 187 filthy rags, gobbets of wood, under the name of parcels of the holy G66 188 cross, and such pelfry beyond estimation."

G66 189 Spenser establishes the relation between the Catholic G66 190 worldliness and the pastoral ideal of proportion, and then reduces G66 191 this subverted ideal to a literal trifle, first of all in The G66 192 Shepheardes Calender's tale of the fox and the kid. According G66 193 to E. K.'s commentary on "Maye," the eclogue in which the G66 194 tale appears, the interlocutors Piers and Palinode represent G66 195 "two forms of pastors or Ministers, or the protestant and G66 196 the Catholic." Piers wants to explain to the papist G66 197 Palinode, "a worldes childe" (73), why Protestants G66 198 would be foolish to make friends with papists, and so tells him a G66 199 fable. The kid's mother leaves him at home for a while, warning him G66 200 to keep his door locked. The "false Foxe" then G66 201 comes to the kid's door disguised "as a poor pedler ... / G66 202 Bearing a trusse of tryfles at hys backe, / As Bells, and babes G66 203 [i.e., dolls], and glasses in hys packe" (236, 238-40); G66 204 "by such trifles," says E. K., "are noted, G66 205 the relics and rags of popish superstition, which put no small G66 206 religion in Bells: and Babies .s. Idols: and glasses .s. Paxes, and G66 207 such like trumperies." Pretending to be sick and lame, the G66 208 fox lures the kid to unlock his door by presenting him a glass -the G66 209 kid "was so enamored with the newell, / That nought he G66 210 deemed deare for the jewell" (276-77). G66 211 G66 212 G67 1 <#FROWN:G67\>Then the following year, Collier had included McNickle G67 2 in the delegation to the Inter-American Indian Institute in G67 3 P<*_>a-acute<*/>tzcuaro, Mexico. By 1942, when the Heads suggested G67 4 his transfer to Sells, Collier was relying heavily on McNickle's G67 5 presence in the Washington office as McCaskill's assistant. But G67 6 McNickle had, on occasion, expressed an interest in field work, and G67 7 he could be useful in Arizona, as well. Collier apparently gave him G67 8 the choice.

G67 9 The seminar in Santa Fe that McNickle attended after leaving G67 10 Sells was primarily a training session for those BIA teachers, G67 11 nurses, soil conservation experts, clerks, and administrators who G67 12 had volunteered as researchers for the personality study. Many of G67 13 them were initially skeptical about the value of what they would be G67 14 doing. Laura Thompson and the project's advisors, however, had G67 15 worked through the pilot study on the Papago Reservation and were G67 16 able to define the goals and techniques to be applied in the field. G67 17 The volunteers learned the theories behind the various tests they G67 18 would be using, which were the most sophisticated yet developed for G67 19 analyzing personality development, and they had a chance to perfect G67 20 their interviewing techniques by practicing on each other. G67 21 Incredible as it seems, many of the volunteers had had little G67 22 personal interaction with the people whose affairs they G67 23 administered. They had never been inside an Indian home, where much G67 24 of the testing was to be done, or attended an Indian ceremony. The G67 25 initial prospect of having the intimate contact required by the G67 26 testing procedures was frightening to many, but as the volunteers G67 27 familiarized themselves with the techniques to be used, they became G67 28 increasingly enthusiastic about the possibility of genuine G67 29 community involvement.

G67 30 W. Lloyd Warner, who read the evaluations submitted by G67 31 participants when the seminar was over, reported to Collier that G67 32 all the volunteers were enthusiastic, and some were G67 33 "positively lyrical." "It became clear that G67 34 what had happened was that a lot of these people had been stirred G67 35 emotionally by gaining insight into their own lives and feeling G67 36 somehow or other they had got a new grip on the kind of life they G67 37 wanted.

G67 38 McNickle, too, was caught up in the excitement of the seminar, G67 39 and he returned to Washington to write an article entitled 'Toward G67 40 Understanding' for Indians at Work about what had G67 41 happened in Santa Fe. "There is always the chance," G67 42 he began apologetically, "that one will speak or write with G67 43 a naive enthusiasm about what one has felt and seen and lived G67 44 through.... Nevertheless, there are occasions when one must make G67 45 the effort to speak deeply and truly. The Seminar held at Santa Fe G67 46 from May 17 to June 5 ...has been such an occasion, a time of G67 47 profound experiences." Then he explained the purpose of the G67 48 personality study itself. It was an attempt first, he said, to G67 49 learn how human personality was formed, and then to gather data G67 50 that would make Indian administration more effective.

G67 51 Even that data, however, would be a by-product. In his summary G67 52 he reflected some of Collier's mystical perception of human G67 53 potential. "The research, in actuality, is projected on the G67 54 assumption that there are in human personality certain primal, G67 55 earth-old powers which, if understood and developed and used, can G67 56 make for that mastery of the soul which men have longed for but G67 57 have lacked the skill to achieve." He wrote as if he were G67 58 talking about a religious experience, one not unlike Myron Begay's G67 59 "passion in the desert" that he had described in G67 60 his review of La Farge's Enemy Gods. He was obviously one G67 61 of those who had been moved by the seminar experience. If he stayed G67 62 in the nation's capital, he would have an opportunity to observe G67 63 the full spectrum of the research and help evaluate its results. He G67 64 decided to stay in Washington.

G67 65 From his Chicago vantage point, Collier was able to maintain G67 66 even closer contact with the University of Chicago and the G67 67 personality study. The field work for the project was completed G67 68 within the year, as expected. The University of Chicago then G67 69 sponsored two seminars, in March and June, to begin the preliminary G67 70 analysis of the data that was to be incorporated into the various G67 71 tribal monographs. McNickle attended both sessions, then once again G67 72 in Indians at Work he described the next phase of the G67 73 project. He explained how the tribal monographs, written on each of G67 74 the five tribes included in the study, were to be followed by a G67 75 major publication dealing with the application of the research to G67 76 problems of Indian education and administration. Such application, G67 77 he reminded his readers, was the ultimate goal of the project.

G67 78 The contract between the BIA and the University of Chicago for G67 79 the first phase of the study expired in late 1944 and for a variety G67 80 of reasons it was not renewed. Instead, the BIA negotiated a new G67 81 contract with the Society for Applied Anthropology to complete the G67 82 second phase of the study. The SAA appointed a Committee on G67 83 Administrative Research, which included John Provinse as chairman; G67 84 Paul Fejos, director of the Viking Fund (later the Wenner-Gren G67 85 Foundation for Anthropological Research); Alexander Leighton; G67 86 Edward Spicer; and D'Arcy McNickle, to complete the work. Laura G67 87 Thompson stayed on as project coordinator. At D'Arcy's suggestion, G67 88 his wife Roma served as publications editor and was also a member G67 89 of the committee. The Viking Fund agreed to contribute six thousand G67 90 dollars toward the completion of the project.

G67 91 At that point the first of the tribal monographs, The Hopi G67 92 Way by Laura Thompson and Alice Joseph, was ready for G67 93 publication, while the others were in various stages of G67 94 preparation. Collier, who by then was thinking seriously of G67 95 resigning, became increasingly impatient with the inevitable delays G67 96 in making the other studies available. Since the project was his G67 97 legacy, he wanted the final analysis and policy recommendations G67 98 printed and in the hands of Bureau personnel before he left G67 99 office.

G67 100 Despite the committee's impressive roster, however, the impetus G67 101 for completing the project spent itself with Collier's resignation. G67 102 John Provinse, in writing to Laura Thompson about the committee's G67 103 final report in 1947, admitted that the research had not been G67 104 implemented anywhere "except in the attitudes of a few G67 105 individuals who have taken time to read the reports." G67 106 Nevertheless, as the historian Lawrence Kelly has since pointed G67 107 out, Collier's insistence on using the insights of the social G67 108 sciences to develop administrative policies was catching on, and G67 109 other government activities became the beneficiaries of his G67 110 foresight during the war.

G67 111 Although McNickle's specific contribution to the personality G67 112 study remains difficult to assess, his unique position probably G67 113 made him the most knowledgeable person in Washington on all aspects G67 114 of the project. He and Roma spent much of 1944 and 1945 preparing G67 115 the various manuscripts, and despite cutbacks in funding that G67 116 followed the end of the war, all of the tribal monographs were G67 117 eventually published. Only one volume of the second phase of the G67 118 study was completed, however. That was Laura Thompson's G67 119 Culture in Crisis, which was published in 1950. G67 120 Meanwhile, the Committee on Administrative Research had disbanded. G67 121 Although D'Arcy's and Roma's names appear in the acknowledgments, G67 122 McNickle's labor on behalf of another publication perhaps provides G67 123 a better indication of the nature of his involvement.

G67 124 Before their involvement with the Indian Bureau projects, G67 125 Dorothea and Alexander Leighton had prepared a manuscript, based on G67 126 their pre-war studies of Navajo healing practices, that G67 127 described the problem of crossing cultural barriers in health G67 128 education. They had shown the text to Edna Gerkin, a health G67 129 education supervisor for the Bureau in Colorado, and Gerkin in turn G67 130 had recommended it to Collier. She was obviously impressed with the G67 131 Leightons' work, much of which was concerned with how to make G67 132 modern information concerning health and hygiene relevant to the G67 133 still-isolated and uneducated Navajos. A book such as the Leightons G67 134 had written, she told Collier, would provide invaluable assistance G67 135 for all Indian service workers in the health field, not just those G67 136 on the Navajo Reservation, and she urged him to assist in its G67 137 publication.

G67 138 After reading the manuscript Collier agreed with Gerkin's G67 139 assessment. As he would write in the book's foreword, the authors' G67 140 study was the product of people who had, without being inhibited by G67 141 cultural preconceptions, "moved into the center of the G67 142 Navajo's world view." As a result, their discoveries and G67 143 generalizations about the problems of cross-cultural health G67 144 education had far-reaching implications not only for the Indian G67 145 service but for colonial administrations wherever they happened to G67 146 be. He wanted the book published, and he assigned to McNickle the G67 147 task of preparing the manuscript.

G67 148 McNickle was involved with the Leightons' book for over a year, G67 149 and without his assistance it probably would not have been G67 150 published. His editorial skill helped him identify and correct some G67 151 of the problems of its internal organization, and he offered to G67 152 rewrite the chapter on administration. The Leightons were more than G67 153 happy to have him do so. His attention extended even to the end G67 154 papers, which replicated a map prepared by the Bureau's Navajo G67 155 Human Dependency Survey of the 1930s. He edited Collier's foreword G67 156 as well. Unfortunately, commercial publishers who examined the G67 157 manuscript thought that it lacked general interest and were G67 158 reluctant to publish it. McNickle therefore decided to try various G67 159 university presses, and when Duman Malone at Harvard expressed G67 160 interest, he was delighted. He forwarded Malone's letter to G67 161 Alexander Leighton, who was still at Poston, with a brief comment: G67 162 "Attached is a copy of a letter from Dumas Malone which G67 163 should be cheering, in case everything else at the moment is going G67 164 to pot."

G67 165 The letter from Malone was indeed cheering, but it was far from G67 166 a contract. Harvard Press wanted a definite commitment from the G67 167 Bureau as to how many copies it would buy, and McNickle patiently G67 168 acted as go-between while Collier tried to avoid giving a G67 169 specific answer. The negotiations with Harvard took months, but G67 170 McNickle's efforts finally paid off. When The Navajo Door: An G67 171 Introduction to Navajo Life was published, Collier was pleased G67 172 with every aspect of the book, from its content to its cover. He G67 173 wrote to the publishers, "The 'Door' is a most beautiful G67 174 piece of book-making throughout. The cover is perfect. I believe G67 175 that this book ought to have a really good market if it can be G67 176 brought to people's attention, and I shall do what I can to G67 177 help." McNickle's work on The Navajo Door was G67 178 patient, detailed, and effective, but, typically, he received G67 179 little credit except for a line in the author's acknowledgments.

G67 180 Despite the lack of specific information about McNickle's G67 181 contribution to the personality study, there is little doubt that G67 182 his work on that project, as well as on The Navajo Door, G67 183 played a major role in his education as an applied anthropologist. G67 184 Although he never studied the subject formally, research on the G67 185 project and subsequent work with the Committee on Administrative G67 186 Research provided a unique opportunity for him to learn from those G67 187 scholars who were most committed to work among American Indians. G67 188 Parallel to those efforts, his various activities with the Indian G67 189 Bureau had required intimate contact with individuals and tribes G67 190 who were trying to make new adjustments to the modern world. His G67 191 job offered a superb opportunity for his own field work. Although G67 192 he never lost his self-consciousness about not having earned a G67 193 college degree, those who were familiar with his background knew G67 194 that a piece of paper could add nothing to his already profound and G67 195 growing knowledge of social and cultural anthropology.

G67 196 The war years, especially from April 1942 through December G67 197 1943, were inevitably hectic, and were made more so by the Bureau's G67 198 involvement with the War Relocation Authority. Milton Eisenhower, G67 199 who had worked out the initial cooperative agreements with Ickes G67 200 and Collier, had soon found that he had no stomach for the G67 201 heart-wrenching job of dispossessing and relocating more than a G67 202 hundred thousand people. By June 1942, just three months after his G67 203 appointment, he became ill from the stress and he asked President G67 204 Roosevelt to reassign him. As his successor he suggested Dillon G67 205 Myer, a self-assured midwesterner who had been employed by the Soil G67 206 Conservation Service since 1933. G67 207 G67 208 G68 1 <#FROWN:G68\>Mitterrand also prepared his audience for future G68 2 change by insisting that his government would pursue just social, G68 3 economic, and fiscal reforms and would combat what he called G68 4 "the wall of money" that had prevented reform in G68 5 the past. The president also asked the French to mobilize G68 6 themselves against unemployment and inflation. Yet Mitterrand did G68 7 have something to say to private employers. He told them that as a G68 8 result of the nationalizations, the economy would simply be a G68 9 "little more mixed" than before and that a large G68 10 majority of production would still remain in private hands. G68 11 Mitterrand even told the business community that the government G68 12 would exempt industrial profits from the wealth tax if employers G68 13 spent the saved amount on investments to create jobs. The G68 14 president's Gaullist-like image at this first press conference and G68 15 his strong emphasis on future reforms served him well as a G68 16 politician seeking some links with the past and at the same time G68 17 trying to legitimize the reforms that the Socialist government G68 18 intended to carry out. All in all, his initial meeting with the G68 19 press attempted to ensure that the state of grace would G68 20 continue.

G68 21 Also attempting to maintain support for his government as G68 22 economic indicators revealed the pitiful state of the economy, G68 23 Mitterrand traveled to Gascony and Aquitaine where he gave a speech G68 24 at Figeac that surprised many. In this small town in the G68 25 southwestern part of France, after the press office at the G68 26 Elys<*_>e-acute<*/>e announced that the president would be making G68 27 an important speech there, Mitterrand declared, "What I G68 28 have called socialism is not my Bible." He tried to give G68 29 the impression that he was not simply a Socialist president but the G68 30 president of the entire nation. "It is my duty to express G68 31 the wishes of the entire nation," he said. "How G68 32 firmly I hold to that pluralism! And how I want France to remain G68 33 profoundly diverse and different, without being divided." G68 34 In this speech Mitterrand also indicated that his government would G68 35 be more sympathetic to the demands of French business. From this G68 36 time forward, the word 'socialism' all but disappeared from the G68 37 president's public discourse.

G68 38 A few days after the Figeac speech, the Council of Ministers, G68 39 with Mitterrand presiding, adopted a nationalization plan. The G68 40 government divided the targeted companies into four groups. First, G68 41 the Dassault aircraft company, maker of the Mirage fighter-bomber, G68 42 and the arms production division of Matra, a large diversified G68 43 electronics firm, were scheduled to fall under state control. The G68 44 Socialist government agreed that the production and sale of weapons G68 45 should not be controlled by private industry. The second group G68 46 included two large steel producers, Usinor and Sacilor, which were G68 47 already heavily indebted to the state. The third group included G68 48 five large industrial concerns - CGE (electrical equipment), G68 49 P<*_>e-acute<*/>chiney-Ugine-Kuhlmann (an important chemical G68 50 company), Rhone-Poulenc (a textile-chemical firm), Saint-Gobain (a G68 51 diversified industrial group), and Thomson (a huge electronics G68 52 company). The fourth group comprised Honeywell Bull (a French-U.S. G68 53 computer company), ITT's French interests, and Roussel-Uclaf (a G68 54 chemical and pharmaceutical firm). In addition to these industries, G68 55 the government planned to nationalize a number of banks and holding G68 56 institutions to maximize the state's control over credit and G68 57 investment.

G68 58 The nationalization plan divided the government. The G68 59 nationalized industries were theoretically to be used as 'motors' G68 60 for reindustrialization, research, and development, but this motor G68 61 would be controlled by state technocrats. What provoked G68 62 disagreement in government circles was not the 'motor' role of the G68 63 nationalized sector, but the extent of the takeover within each G68 64 industrial group. Finance Minister Delors and Minister of Planning G68 65 Rocard, for instance, argued that the government only needed to G68 66 take over 51 percent of the targeted industries to gain control; G68 67 this would save the government billions of francs that could be G68 68 spent elsewhere. Other ministers, such as G68 69 Chev<*_>e-grave<*/>nement, argued that the government had a mandate G68 70 to fully nationalize the targeted industries and that problems G68 71 would emerge within the ranks of the industries if they were not G68 72 completely nationalized. The nationalization plan set off the first G68 73 real debate between two Socialist factions that the president would G68 74 have to listen to: the 'minimalists' like Delors, Rocard, Minister G68 75 of Foreign Trade Michel Jobert, and Minister of Industry Pierre G68 76 Dreyfus, and the 'maximalists' comprising some Mitterrandists, G68 77 Chev<*_>e-grave<*/>nement and his supporters, and the four G68 78 Communist ministers. Mitterrand himself arbitrated this debate and G68 79 decided that the targeted industries would be nationalized 100 G68 80 percent. After a passionate session in the National Assembly where G68 81 numerous amendments were offered, the deputies approved G68 82 Mitterrand's version of the nationalization plan. The president's G68 83 desire to nationalize 100 percent of the nine industrial groups was G68 84 based mainly on his attempt to keep the pledge made in the Common G68 85 Program and ensure left-wing unity within his government, G68 86 especially from the Communist side. With this decision, which would G68 87 cost at least 44 billion francs, the maximalists won a key battle G68 88 with their adversaries, but they eventually lost the war over G68 89 control of French economic policy.

G68 90 In late September the government approved a spending program G68 91 that reflected the maximalist position. Drawn up by Fabius, who was G68 92 in charge of the budget, and negotiated with the G68 93 Elys<*_>e-acute<*/>e staff, the new budget included a 23 percent G68 94 increase in public spending, now set at 135 billion francs. The G68 95 projected deficit for the 1982 budget was expected to be about G68 96 $16.7 billion, a postwar record for a French government. The G68 97 government hoped partially to offset the deficit with a new wealth G68 98 tax under consideration and the abolition of special tax G68 99 privileges. Although Delors initially refused to countersign the G68 100 1982 budget as minister of the economy, the expansionist budget of G68 101 Fabius was adopted, a budget that reflected many of the dreams and G68 102 illusions of the Socialists at the outset of their experiment with G68 103 power.

G68 104 With pressure still heavy on the franc, Mitterrand decided it G68 105 was now time to devalue. While he flatly rejected devaluation G68 106 immediately after taking office because of the political damage G68 107 that might be incurred, in early October he had little choice. On G68 108 October 4, after Delors had consulted with the Germans, the G68 109 government announced that the members of the European Monetary G68 110 System (EMS) had agreed that the franc would be devalued 3 percent G68 111 while the mark would be raised in value by 5.5 percent. This meant G68 112 that the franc fell in value 8.5 percent vis-<*_>a-grave<*/>-vis G68 113 France's major trading partner. The day after the devaluation, G68 114 Delors announced a price freeze on basic products and said he would G68 115 discuss with the unions the necessity to moderate pay increases. G68 116 The 14 percent inflation and a higher rate projected for 1982 G68 117 worried the minister of the economy. The devaluation and Delors's G68 118 October 5 actions were too little and too late.

G68 119 On October 12 and 13 Mitterrand visited an area in eastern G68 120 France hard hit by unemployment, Lorraine. Between May 1979 and May G68 121 1981 this region alone had lost 30,000 jobs in the steel industry. G68 122 Mitterrand hoped that this official visit would allow him to G68 123 explain the government's economic and social policy as outlined in G68 124 his September press conference and to stymie any opposition effort G68 125 to capture a foothold in this area. In the May 10 presidential G68 126 elections 51.6 percent of the voters in Lorraine had voted for G68 127 Mitterrand, but only one of the four departments in Lorraine had G68 128 given Mitterrand a majority of votes. In the June legislative G68 129 elections the Left had captured thirteen of twenty-five seats in G68 130 this region. In terms of political calculus, Mitterrand knew that G68 131 Lorraine was a key area of concern for the Socialist government.

G68 132 During his visit to Lorraine the president was accompanied by G68 133 several members of his government: Delors, Defferre, G68 134 B<*_>e-acute<*/>r<*_>e-acute<*/>govoy, Andr<*_>e-acute<*/> Henry G68 135 (minister of leisure), and Jean Auroux (minister of labor). The G68 136 president and his entourage visited all four departments in G68 137 Lorraine where they talked with mayors, heads of companies, union G68 138 leaders, and workers. Among other themes, Mitterrand told the G68 139 citizens of Lorraine that a powerful popular movement was G68 140 galvanizing national unity around his government and that the G68 141 nationalization program would permit the "structural G68 142 reforms necessary to reverse the decline in Lorraine." He G68 143 also said that he hoped Lorraine would become a symbol of G68 144 "hope" and not a "symbol of political G68 145 setback." This tour was followed in the coming months by a G68 146 solo trip by Prime Minister Mauroy to various areas of France to G68 147 explain further the government's economic and social policies. Like G68 148 Mitterrand, Mauroy wanted to sensitize French citizens to the G68 149 difficult problems of unemployment, the "priority of G68 150 priorities" for the new government, at least during its G68 151 first year.

G68 152 The dreams and illusions of the new Socialist government were G68 153 clearly revealed in the October 14 meeting of the Council of G68 154 Ministers where this body adopted what it termed an 'Intermediate G68 155 Plan' for 1982-83. According to this plan, the government's first G68 156 objective was to stabilize unemployment and then to reduce it by G68 157 creating 400,000 to 500,000 new jobs a year beginning in 1983. It G68 158 also said that the government wanted to create conditions for G68 159 economic growth (3 percent projected for 1982-83) and investment, G68 160 to improve productive capacity, restore social solidarity, and G68 161 establish an effective dialogue with various social groups. Like G68 162 other leftist governments in the past, such as Blum's Popular Front G68 163 in 1936 or Harold Wilson's government in Britain after 1964, G68 164 Mitterrand and the Socialists forgot how quickly inflation erodes G68 165 confidence in a newly elected progressive government.

G68 166 These campaigns in the provinces by the president and his prime G68 167 minister were followed by the Socialist congress at Valence between G68 168 October 23 and 25, a meeting dominated by radical rhetoric echoing G68 169 1789. After the 1981 victory, Mitterrand's strength within the PS G68 170 jumped from about 47 percent of the party's membership to G68 171 approximately 51.1 percent, while Rocard's support fell from 21 G68 172 percent to 15 percent. Fearing a further reduction of his strength G68 173 in the euphoria of 1981, Rocard did not present a countermotion at G68 174 the Valence congress, despite Jospin's effort to encourage Rocard G68 175 to draw up a set of counteraims for the party. The motion presented G68 176 at Valence called on the government to work toward "a G68 177 complete break with capitalism." With debate in the G68 178 government brewing over a new wealth tax and with some bankers, G68 179 notably at Paribas (Banque de Paris et des Pays-Bas), resisting a G68 180 government takeover, some PS members sensed a clash with the 'wall G68 181 of money' that Mitterrand had referred to earlier. One PS delegate G68 182 at Valence, Paul Quil<*_>e-grave<*/>s, even resorted to quoting G68 183 Robespierre by declaring, "It is not only necessary to say G68 184 that heads are going to fall, but it is necessary to say which G68 185 ones." Another delegate said now that the banks had been G68 186 nationalized, it was "necessary to nationalize the G68 187 bankers." The prime minister himself, referring G68 188 specifically to the resistance of some banks, stated, "The G68 189 government will not yield to any intimidation."

G68 190 In essence, the Valence congress was a victory celebration for G68 191 the PS, especially for the more radical representatives. In a G68 192 message to the delegates, Mitterrand attempted to moderate the G68 193 rhetoric by telling his confreres, "We have a long period G68 194 ahead of us [and] it is necessary to know how to manage G68 195 it." One right-wing Parisian newspaper dubbed the Valence G68 196 meeting 'La terreur tranquille' (the calm G68 197 terror). Valence may have been a victory celebration for the G68 198 Socialists, but the extreme rhetoric contributed to mobilizing G68 199 right-wing opinion.

G68 200 In November, Mitterrand's economic dreams and illusions began G68 201 to confront a harsh reality, not from the right wing, but from his G68 202 own finance minister. In a TV broadcast on November 29 Delors G68 203 called for a "pause in the reforms." Just as G68 204 startling to Mitterrand and others in government, Delors stated: G68 205 "The responsibility of the Socialist government is to G68 206 create a climate more favorable to business." Delors also G68 207 said that he did not believe that there was a 'conspiracy' on the G68 208 part of big business to subvert Socialist reforms. Delors's G68 209 pronouncement attracted considerable attention in the French and G68 210 international press and got the attention of Prime Minister Mauroy, G68 211 who proceeded to discount it, because Delors's statements G68 212 contradicted official government policy. Traveling in the provinces G68 213 at the time, Mauroy told the press that the government would G68 214 continue its reforms "without accelerating or slowing G68 215 down." G68 216 G69 1 <#FROWN:G69\>The struggle for the bottom rung

G69 2 BLACKS VS. BROWNS

G69 3 BY JACK MILES

G69 4 Behind the Los Angeles riot lay a grim economic G69 5 competition between Latinos and African-Americans, which is G69 6 intensifying and which poses a stern challenge to U.S. domestic and G69 7 foreign policy, as well as to sentimental cultural attitudes about G69 8 immigration

G69 9 DURING THE 1980S, ACCORDING TO CENSUS figures released last May G69 10 11, the United States admitted 8.6 million immigrants. In the G69 11 context of U.S. immigration history this is a staggering number - G69 12 more than in any decade since 1900-1910. Worldwide, half the G69 13 decade's emigrants had made the United States their destination. Of G69 14 them, 11 percent - more than three quarters of a million - further G69 15 specified their choice as Los Angeles. By the end of the decade 40 G69 16 percent of all Angelenos were foreign-born; 49.9 percent spoke a G69 17 language other than English at home; 35.3 percent spoke Spanish. G69 18 This is the city where, two weeks before those figures were G69 19 released, the most violent urban riot in American history broke G69 20 out: fifty-one people were killed, and property worth $750 million G69 21 or more was lost.

G69 22 Though the occasion for the riot was the acquittal of four G69 23 white policemen on charges of assaulting a black traffic offender, G69 24 Latinos as well as African-Americans rioted. Why? What was Rodney G69 25 King to Latinos? Did a race riot, once begun, degenerate - or G69 26 progress - into a bread riot? Was it a vast crime spree, as devoid G69 27 of political content as the looting that followed the 1977 blackout G69 28 in New York City? Of those arrested afterward - of whom more than G69 29 half were Latino - 40 percent already had criminal records. Was the G69 30 riot a defeat of the police? If it was a hybrid of all these, was G69 31 it, finally, an aberration from which, by hard work, America's G69 32 second-largest city could recover? Or was it the annunciation of a G69 33 new and permanent state of affairs?

G69 34 I work at the Los Angeles Times, writing a column for G69 35 that newspaper's book supplement and unsigned editorials three or G69 36 four times a week for its editorial page. On the day after the G69 37 first night of the riot, one of my colleagues said to me, as we G69 38 left to hunt for a still-open restaurant, "When the G69 39 barbarians sacked Rome in 410, the Romans thought it was the end of G69 40 civilization. You smile - but what followed was the Dark G69 41 Ages." Think of what follows here as the voice of a worried G69 42 Roman - in front of a television set, watching the Goths at their G69 43 sack.

G69 44 Meeting Latino Los Angeles

G69 45 I CAME TO LOS ANGELES IN 1978, TO WORK AS AN editor in the G69 46 branch office of the University of California Press at UCLA. The G69 47 first home I owned here was a house trailer in Malibu. In 1981 a G69 48 Santa Ana - one of the notorious local windstorms - ripped off the G69 49 carport attached to the trailer and did some further damage to the G69 50 roof. My wife and I had some insurance, but not enough. To help me G69 51 complete my do-it-yourself repairs, I hired two Mexican boys from G69 52 the pool of laborers who gathered daily near a shopping center just G69 53 off the Pacific Coast Highway. One of the two, Ricky G69 54 Rodr<*_>i-acute<*/>guez (not his real name), just fifteen years old G69 55 when we met him, would become almost literally a member of our G69 56 family.

G69 57 One Sunday afternoon, after Ricky had been working with me G69 58 part-time for several weeks, a Coast Highway landslide cut Malibu G69 59 in half, and we invited Ricky to stay overnight. The buses weren't G69 60 running. His alternatives, both illegal, were sleeping on the beach G69 61 and sleeping in some neglected patch of brush along the road. He G69 62 accepted the invitation and on the morrow brought my wife and me a G69 63 breakfast in bed consisting of fried eggs and peanut butter G69 64 sandwiches. In the sudden, unforeseen intimacy of the moment, a G69 65 kind of conversation began different from any we had yet had. We G69 66 began to learn something about his family.

G69 67 Ricky, his mother, two sisters, and a brother were living in G69 68 City Terrace Park, a neighborhood in East Los Angeles, as the G69 69 permanent houseguests of another sister, her husband, and their two G69 70 small children: nine people in a two-bedroom cottage. Ricky's G69 71 brother-in-law, at the time the only American citizen in the G69 72 family, was a cook whose generous employer had bought him this G69 73 cottage. (Later, Juan Jos<*_>e-acute<*/> - called Juanjo for short G69 74 - would open his own burrito shop.) Ricky invited me to visit his G69 75 family, and I did so. I had never been in the barrio before.

G69 76 Ricky continued working for us over several months. Relations G69 77 remained friendly, and he eventually asked if we would adopt him, G69 78 purely for legal reasons: to make him a citizen. His mother and I G69 79 visited a sympathetic Chicano immigration lawyer, but Mexico's laws G69 80 protecting its children made the move legally complicated. I did G69 81 agree, however, to tutor Ricky through his remaining two years of G69 82 high school - and here we return to the riot as an event in a mecca G69 83 for immigrants.

G69 84 As a taxpayer, I was surprised - not that I wasn't happy for G69 85 our young friend - to discover that his status as an illegal G69 86 immigrant was no bar to his attending high school at state expense. G69 87 He did have to show a birth certificate; but, interestingly, his G69 88 mother, a short, stout, indomitably cheerful woman who had crossed G69 89 the border as a single mother with four children, of whom the G69 90 youngest was a toddler at the time, had brought birth certificates G69 91 with her. She had had education on her mind from the start, and a G69 92 Guadalajara certificate was certificate enough for Wilson High G69 93 School, which received money from the state on a per capita basis G69 94 and would have lost money had illegal immigrants been denied G69 95 admission.

G69 96 Another surprise came in Ricky's senior year, when he asked if G69 97 I would accompany him to the Department of Motor Vehicles and G69 98 permit him to take a driving test in my car. (My presence and G69 99 signature may have been required in some other capacity as well; I G69 100 can no longer quite remember.) I knew by then that illegal G69 101 immigrants commonly drove the streets and freeways of Los Angeles G69 102 without any kind of driver's license. Ricky wanted a license mainly G69 103 because it provided an identification card and a degree of cover G69 104 for someone seeking work. He took and passed the test in the G69 105 Lincoln Heights DMV office not far from downtown Los Angeles.

G69 106 But here again I was surprised that no proof of legal residency G69 107 was requested for the receipt of a California driver's license. On G69 108 the Coast Highway, I had witnessed hair-raising 'sweeps' by G69 109 Immigration and Naturalization Service agents on the very corner G69 110 where I had hired Ricky. Such cases farther south, at an INS G69 111 checkpoint on Interstate 5, north of San Diego, led with grim G69 112 frequency to traffic deaths. Why did the INS not simply come to the G69 113 DMV office in Lincoln Heights and arrest applicants? As we waited G69 114 in line to deliver Ricky's completed written test, we overheard the G69 115 clerk administering the same test orally - in Spanish - to a short G69 116 older man with a coppery Amerindian face. He would have fallen one G69 117 answer short of the passing grade had she not given him a broad G69 118 hint.

G69 119 The DMV office had as foreign a feel to it as the G69 120 correo in Mexico City. One heard almost no English at G69 121 all. Ricky took his test not long after Election Day that year. The G69 122 contrast between the two populations - the one in the polling G69 123 station, the other at the DMV - was overwhelming. The DMV office G69 124 seemed to be a part of the American administration of some foreign G69 125 - or indigenous but subject - population.

G69 126 A Latino Riot?

G69 127 BACK TO THE RIOT: WAS THERE A POLITICAL motive for the Latino G69 128 rioting? There is a radical fringe of Chicano activists with a G69 129 political agenda for the land they call Aztl<*_>a-acute<*/>n: G69 130 northwest Mexico and the southwest United States. They claim, not G69 131 without reason, that Chicano farm workers now sweat on land stolen G69 132 from their ancestors. But Ricky and his family take a different G69 133 view. I learned in passing that as an eighth-grader Ricky G69 134 had donned a feather headdress and a loincloth and danced in a G69 135 'folkloric' group organized by one of his teachers, but the Aztecs G69 136 meant no more to him than the Illinois did to me as a Boy Scout in G69 137 Chicago. Ricky's older brother, Victor, once asked me in puzzlement G69 138 why Americans gave Spanish names to their houses and boats. Why not G69 139 English names? A rich and interesting question, perhaps, but not G69 140 one that betrayed a political agenda.

G69 141 We learned later that in fact many if not most of the Latino G69 142 rioters were either Central Americans or very recent Mexican G69 143 immigrants, and that what the riot might have been to us Anglos, it G69 144 was also, to some considerable extent, to the established G69 145 Mexican-American political leadership. They, too, were wondering G69 146 about a huge, strange, possibly angry, Spanish-speaking population G69 147 in their midst. Who were these people, and what did they want? If G69 148 they had no political agenda, if they were common criminals, well, G69 149 that, too - given their growing numbers and the demonstrated G69 150 inadequacy of the police - was news, wasn't it? The population of G69 151 South Central Los Angeles had doubled since 1965. For every black G69 152 in the area there was now at least one Latino. That had to make a G69 153 difference. But what kind of difference?

G69 154 In the weeks following the riot, Latino leaders from East Los G69 155 Angeles were concerned that the sudden spot-light on South G69 156 Central Los Angeles would rob them of scarce government funds. They G69 157 were on guard against the possibility that South Central Los G69 158 Angeles would be rewarded for its violence and East Los Angeles G69 159 punished for its good behavior. "Just because we didn't G69 160 erupt in East L.A., does that translate into us being ignored or G69 161 missing out on the funds that are funneling into the G69 162 communities?" asked Geraldine Zapata, the executive G69 163 director of the Plaza Community Center. But the more immediate G69 164 challenge to Mexican East Los Angeles was coming to terms with G69 165 Central American South Central Los Angeles.

G69 166 The Watts II Paradigm: Blacks vs. Whites

G69 167 THE MAINSTREAM INTERPRETATION HAD little to say about either G69 168 Mexicans or Central Americans. It took the riot to be Watts II, a G69 169 repetition of the 1965 black riot, touched off by the verdict in G69 170 the King case but growing out of the deeper frustrations of the G69 171 black population over rising unemployment, institutionalized police G69 172 brutality, and eroded public assistance. That interpretation was G69 173 surely right as far as it went. Those who mentally bracketed the G69 174 riot between the videotaped beatings of King by a gang of white G69 175 policemen and of Reginald Denny, a white trucker, by a gang of G69 176 black rioters were not altogether wrong to do so.

G69 177 And this interpretation was reinforced during the weeks G69 178 following the riot by the competing rhetoric of black rappers on G69 179 the one hand and the police on the other. On June 26, Police Chief G69 180 Daryl F. Gates's last day on the job, Amnesty International G69 181 released a report, 'Police Brutality in Los Angeles,' claiming that G69 182 the department used its Taser guns and turned loose its dogs on G69 183 suspects who were not resisting arrest or had already been taken G69 184 into custody. LAPD brutality, the report claimed, "has even G69 185 amounted to torture." Gates replied by denouncing the G69 186 organization as "a bunch of knucklehead liberals" G69 187 who "attack everything that is good in the country ... and G69 188 good in the world."

G69 189 Earlier, Sergeant Stacey C. Koon, the commanding officer in the G69 190 King beating, had discussed his unpublished memoir, 'The Ides of G69 191 March,' with reporters, apparently in an attempt to sell it. The G69 192 manuscript includes the following description of Koon's treatment G69 193 of a Latino said to be under the influence of the drug PCP (the G69 194 same was said, wrongly, of Rodney King):

G69 195 My boot came from the area of lower California and G69 196 connected with the suspect's scrotum about lower Missouri. My boot G69 197 stopped about Ohio, but the suspect's testicles continued into G69 198 upper Maine. The suspect was literally lifted off the ground. G69 199 G69 200 G70 1 <#FROWN:G70\>The Trouble with

G70 2 Adam Smith

G70 3 THOMAS K. McCRAW

G70 4 THE BATTLE between Adam Smith and Karl Marx is over. By a G70 5 late-round technical knockout, Smith and capitalism have won. But G70 6 now a second championship fight is under way, a contest between G70 7 different kinds of capitalism. In one corner stands a relatively G70 8 laissez-faire consumer variety represented by the United States. In G70 9 the other corner is a more nationalistic, producer-oriented G70 10 capitalism epitomized by Germany, Japan, and the 'Little Dragons' G70 11 of East Asia (Korea and Taiwan).

G70 12 The theoretical split that underlies this competition is best G70 13 exemplified by Adam Smith on the one hand, and on the other by the G70 14 two great prophets of activist national developmental policy. These G70 15 are the American Alexander Hamilton (1757-1804) and the German G70 16 Friedrich List (1789-1846). So far, in the realms of ideology and G70 17 academic theory, Smith is ahead on points. But there is reason to G70 18 believe he will fade in the middle and late rounds, and in this G70 19 essay I want to explain why. I will do this not through an extended G70 20 comparison of Smith with Hamilton and List, but by looking mostly G70 21 at Smith alone - at his intellectual strengths and weaknesses, his G70 22 preferred units of analysis, and especially his hostile attitude G70 23 towards organizations.

G70 24 I G70 25 Ever since its publication in 1776, The Wealth of G70 26 Nations has been regarded as the most influential book on G70 27 economics ever written. Ronald Coase, the 1991 Nobel laureate in G70 28 economics, called it "a work that one contemplates with G70 29 awe. In keenness of analysis and in its range it surpasses any G70 30 other book on economics. Its preeminence is, however, disturbing. G70 31 What have we been doing in the last 200? years?" Joseph G70 32 Schumpeter, though no particular admirer of Adam Smith, described G70 33 it as "the most successful not only of all books on G70 34 economics but, with the possible exception of Darwin's Origin G70 35 of Species, of all scientific books that have appeared to this G70 36 day."

G70 37 The influence of The Wealth of Nations has always G70 38 been high, but of course higher at some moments than others. When G70 39 it was first published, it received a fair amount of attention but G70 40 did not have a sensational success. In the first two or three G70 41 decades after publication, its powerful messages about free trade G70 42 and minimal government seeped slowly into the consciousness and G70 43 everyday vocabularies of British and American citizens. Soon its G70 44 translation into French, German, Spanish, and other languages G70 45 spread Smith's influence to Europe and Latin America. In the late G70 46 nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, its message penetrated G70 47 Japanese, Chinese, and other Asian circles.

G70 48 Every fifty years since 1776, as the economist R. D. Collison G70 49 Black has noted, The Wealth of Nations has been G70 50 memorialized in formal ceremony. In 1826, the author had been dead G70 51 for only thirty-six years and had not yet attained the status of G70 52 sainthood. Accordingly, David Ricardo and others of that generation G70 53 threw reverence to the winds and criticized some of Smith's G70 54 technical errors. On the other hand, both they and numerous G70 55 politicians had long since embraced Smith's system of G70 56 "natural liberty" and its free-trade implications. G70 57 By 1846, the Corn Laws had been repealed and the era of free trade G70 58 and international British economic hegemony had begun.

G70 59 Thirty years later, in the centennial celebrations of 1876, the G70 60 policy side of Adam Smith, as distinct from the analytical, G70 61 received even greater emphasis in both Britain and America. Having G70 62 witnessed Britain's rise to unmatched prosperity under its G70 63 free-trade regime, celebrants were ready to proclaim Smith the G70 64 prophet of political economy. Economic theory, however, was now in G70 65 turmoil. The classical system was being challenged by Marx and the G70 66 socialists and also by L<*_>e-acute<*/>on Walras and the G70 67 marginalists. By the late nineteenth century it had come under G70 68 relentless attack by popular critics of industrialism - writers G70 69 such as Carlyle and Dickens in Britain, Victor Hugo in France, G70 70 Henry George and Henry Demarest Lloyd in America. Adam Smith's G70 71 laissez-faire system seemed linked to an ominous polarization of G70 72 wealth and to the horrifying industrial squalor that plagued G70 73 European cities.

G70 74 By the 150th anniversary of The Wealth of Nations in G70 75 1926, enlightened capitalism and the emerging welfare state had G70 76 eliminated some of the squalor, though little of the G70 77 maldistribution of wealth. On the theory side, the neoclassical G70 78 reconstruction was nearly complete, and the economies of Alfred G70 79 Marshall ruled the academy alongside marginalism, to which it was G70 80 tied. Yet doubts about Adam Smith had again become rife. For a G70 81 world trying to recover from the Great War, the merits of free G70 82 trade and laissez-faire were far from self-evident. Perhaps in G70 83 consequence, 1926 was the least joyous, though most intellectually G70 84 interesting, of all the anniversaries.

G70 85 Fifty years later, in 1976, conditions had become uniquely G70 86 propitious for celebration of Smithian policy as well as theory. G70 87 With the triumph of capitalism over its rivals finally in sight, G70 88 with deregulation and privatization on the lips of economists and G70 89 politicians all over the world, and with American bicentennial G70 90 hoopla at full throttle, Adam Smith had reached the highest G70 91 pedestal. The Chicago economist Milton Friedman had just won the G70 92 Nobel Prize. His colleague George J. Stigler, an equally ardent G70 93 Smithian, was about to win one of his own. The Wealth of G70 94 Nations had become more fashionable than at any other time in G70 95 its history. Inexpensive paperback editions proliferated. A huge G70 96 project to edit and republish all of Smith's works was under way, G70 97 sponsored by the University of Glasgow and Oxford University Press. G70 98 By 1981, the young Washington commandos of the Reagan Revolution G70 99 were sporting neckties decorated with Smith's profile. (Their G70 100 identification of The Wealth of Nations with Reaganite G70 101 principles had a certain logic, but they should also have known G70 102 that Smith despised conspicuous consumption and favoritism toward G70 103 the wealthy.) By 1989, with the collapse of socialist regimes in G70 104 the Soviet Union and eastern Europe, Smith reigned as intellectual G70 105 king of the economic hill.

G70 106 II G70 107 In person, Adam Smith seemed the unlikeliest of guides to the G70 108 practical world. He was, hands down, the most absentminded G70 109 economist in the history of the discipline. Once he put bread and G70 110 butter into boiling water and complained that he had never tasted a G70 111 worse cup of tea. Bumbling and ungainly, he was forever talking to G70 112 himself, sometimes in a loud voice. "His absence of mind G70 113 was amazing," wrote Walter Bagehot. "On one G70 114 occasion, having to sign his own name to an official document, he G70 115 produced not his own signature, but an elaborate imitation of the G70 116 signature of the person who signed before him; on another, a G70 117 sentinel on duty having saluted him in military fashion" G70 118 [doing the 'Present Arms' movement with his rifle], Smith G70 119 "astounded and offended the man by acknowledging it with a G70 120 copy - a very clumsy copy no doubt - of the same G70 121 gestures."

G70 122 Altogether, he represented an easy target for future critics. G70 123 Schumpeter liked to ridicule Smith's "sheltered and G70 124 uneventful life" as "a professor born and G70 125 bred." He noted with relish that Smith's understanding of G70 126 human nature was circumscribed by the fact "that no woman, G70 127 excepting his mother, ever played a role in his existence: in this G70 128 as in other respects the glamours and passions of life were just G70 129 literature to him." This comment reveals less about Smith G70 130 than about Schumpeter, the self-styled world's leading economist G70 131 and greatest lover; and it is not quite accurate. Smith did lead G70 132 the quiet life of a scholar, but his cousin Jane Douglas kept house G70 133 for him over many years, and during a sojourn to France in the G70 134 1760s he made lasting friendships with several women who presided G70 135 over Paris salons.

G70 136 Smith (1723-1790) was born and raised in Kirkcaldy, a town of G70 137 about fifteen hundred on the North Sea side of Scotland, just G70 138 across the Firth of Forth from Edinburgh. His father, several other G70 139 relatives, and eventually he himself were employed by the Scottish G70 140 civil service, an ironic circumstance given his future reputation G70 141 as an anti-government man. As a child, he was delicate and dreamy, G70 142 subject, as his biographer John Rae puts it, to "those fits G70 143 of absence and that habit of speaking to himself which he carried G70 144 all through his life." Kidnapped by gypsies at the age of G70 145 three, he was returned to his mother in short order. "He G70 146 would have made, I fear, a poor gipsy," Rae avers. As an G70 147 adult, Smith once went out for a nocturnal stroll wearing his G70 148 dressing gown and, deep in thought, walked all the way to G70 149 Dunfermline, fifteen miles west of Kirkcaldy.

G70 150 After a local elementary education, Smith entered the G70 151 University of Glasgow at the age of fourteen. In his three years G70 152 there, he earned an M.A. and became excited by the philosophic G70 153 teachings of Francis Hutcheson, the likely source of Smith's G70 154 powerful economic ideas about the division of labor. He then spent G70 155 six years at Oxford on a scholarship, one of a tiny number of Scots G70 156 among the total of one hundred students enrolled at Balliol G70 157 college. Little is known of his years at Oxford except that, G70 158 judging from the evidence of his later writings, he detested it. He G70 159 found no new Hutchesons to inspire him, and he came to regard the G70 160 English university system as generally corrupt and inferior to that G70 161 of Scotland.

G70 162 Smith returned to his mother's home in Kirkcaldy in 1746. Now G70 163 twenty-three years old, still studious and unprepossessing, he felt G70 164 no attraction to either the ministry or the law. For a couple of G70 165 years he did nothing, at least nothing that was recorded. Then came G70 166 a sudden opportunity. He was invited by some prominent men of G70 167 Edinburgh to give a series of public lectures on rhetoric, belles G70 168 lettres, and jurisprudence. In his presentations that followed, he G70 169 proved such an able scholar and speaker that in 1751 he was elected G70 170 to the chair of logic at the University of Glasgow. Later in that G70 171 same year he moved up to the more prestigious chair of moral G70 172 philosophy, once held by his own teacher, the 'never to be G70 173 forgotten' Hutcheson.

G70 174 Smith remained at Glasgow for twelve years, lecturing and G70 175 writing. In 1759, at the age of thirty-six, he brought out the G70 176 first of his two great books. This was The Theory of Moral G70 177 Sentiments, which soon made him moderately famous in Britain G70 178 and throughout Europe. Six English editions were published during G70 179 his lifetime. Three French and two German translations appeared G70 180 before the end of the eighteenth century.

G70 181 The Theory of Moral Sentiments is a long, engaging G70 182 treatise on human nature and ethical systems. Written in the 'plain G70 183 style' Smith cultivated, it flows so easily that one suspects it G70 184 originated as a series of oral presentations to undergraduates. G70 185 "It is rather painting than writing," waxed Edmund G70 186 Burke in his review. The book combines in approximately equal parts G70 187 what today would be taught in departments of ethics, psychology, G70 188 and sociology. The unit of analysis is the individual. The theme is G70 189 the evolution of moral structures and the mixture of motivations G70 190 that govern human behavior. There is much criticism of the pursuit G70 191 of wealth and of undue admiration for "the rich and G70 192 powerful," which Smith finds "the great and most G70 193 universal cause of the corruption of our moral sentiments." G70 194 The analytical emphasis is on "sympathy" (what we would G70 195 call empathy), "self-love" (self-interest), and the G70 196 "impartial spectator" (one's conscience, reinforced G70 197 by a desire to be well regarded by others and to deserve their high G70 198 regard). The opening sentence of the book suggests both its G70 199 concentration on human nature and its appealing tone: "How G70 200 selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some G70 201 principles in his nature, which interest him in the fortune of G70 202 others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though he G70 203 derives nothing from it except the pleasure of seeing it." G70 204 The book is much less preoccupied with "the invisible G70 205 hand" of beneficent market forces than is The Wealth G70 206 of Nations, which appeared seventeen years later.

G70 207 Among contemporary admirers of The Theory of Moral G70 208 Sentiments was the English statesman Charles Townshend, G70 209 stepfather of the young Duke of Buccleuch. Townshend had visited G70 210 Glasgow not long after reading the book. (The ever-distracted G70 211 Smith, conducting him on a visit to a local tannery, fell into a G70 212 vat of evil-smelling liquid and had to excuse himself.) G70 213 G70 214 G70 215 G71 1 <#FROWN:G71\>JOSEPH EPSTEIN

G71 2 First Person Singular

G71 3 The best time to write one's autobiography, surely, is on one's G71 4 deathbed. Leaving aside the technical problem of getting the job G71 5 done - all those interruptions from medicos, clergymen, florists, G71 6 relatives - just before death, assuming one isn't squirming in G71 7 pain, is likely to provide one's best shot at understanding one's G71 8 own life, if not, granted, life itself. Writing one's autobiography G71 9 at the very close of one's life would also give the story a nice G71 10 rounded-off quality - a sense, as Dr. Kermode has it, of an ending. G71 11 Before the end, after all, one is likely to have too much to defend G71 12 and too much to hide, likely to be too worried about tact and about G71 13 the tactics of one's own little career. But there, on one's G71 14 deathbed, one can at last say - the hope is, with easeful breath - G71 15 oh, screw it, let 'er rip, I shall tell the truth at last.

G71 16 Until that time, though, truth about one's self and one's G71 17 relationships with the people close to one is not usually freely G71 18 expressed. Freud said that biographical truth was unavailable. G71 19 Henry James thought that biography tended to flatten out life and G71 20 make it thinner than in reality it is. And this, recall, is G71 21 biography they were talking about. As for autobiography, Orwell, G71 22 whose specialty was never that of putting things gently, said that G71 23 "autobiography is only to be trusted when it reveals G71 24 something disgraceful. A man who gives a good account of himself is G71 25 probably lying, since any life when viewed from inside is simply a G71 26 series of defeats."

G71 27 Yet, theoretically, writing autobiography ought not to be so G71 28 horrendously difficult. The autobiographer, as Leslie Stephen long G71 29 ago pointed out, has "ex officiotwo G71 30 qualifications of supreme importance in all literary work. He is G71 31 writing about a topic in which he is keenly interested, and about a G71 32 topic upon which he is the highest authority." G71 33 Autobiography, according to Stephen, also allows one to give way to G71 34 "an irresistible longing for confidential G71 35 expansion," which was that very superior late Victorian's G71 36 elegantly euphemistic way of referring to the pleasure of spilling G71 37 the beans. True, not everyone has the same quantity of beans to G71 38 spill, and then, too, not all beans are equally delectable. Yet the G71 39 urge at some point to spill them doubtless resides in most of us. G71 40 All this being so, one would think there would be a great deal of G71 41 first-class autobiography around.

G71 42 There isn't. Nor has there ever been. The problem of lying by G71 43 way of moral self-aggrandizement that Orwell alluded to plays a G71 44 role here. The knowledge that one has been a miserable failure, and G71 45 probably a creep into the bargain, is not easily made public and G71 46 this is part of the problem. (All autobiographies, it has been G71 47 noted, tend to grow dull at exactly the point where the G71 48 autobiographer has achieved success.) Withholding evidence is a G71 49 more serious part of the problem. But even this might be G71 50 surmounted, or so one might think, if one didn't often withhold G71 51 evidence even from oneself. Dostoyevsky, that perpetual drag on G71 52 optimism, put the matter with damnable perfection when he wrote:

G71 53 Every man has reminiscences which he would not tell to G71 54 everyone, but only to his friends. He has other matters in his mind G71 55 which he would not reveal even to his friends, but only to himself, G71 56 and that in secret. But there are other things which a man is G71 57 afraid to tell even himself, and every man has a number of such G71 58 things in his mind.

G71 59 As if this weren't troublesome enough, one recognizes that the G71 60 cards dealt one in life present further obstacles on the Damascene G71 61 road to truth. The cards I have in mind are called parents (face G71 62 cards, those), one's sex (low clubs), social class (diamonds), G71 63 religion, nationality, toss in geography within one's nationality G71 64 (hearts all). Add to this the distinct prospect of getting one's G71 65 own story confused with other people's stories, a prospect perhaps G71 66 greater than at any other time in the past, since there appears to G71 67 be a vast quantity of such stories afloat just now. By other G71 68 people's stories I mean the competing stories put forth by G71 69 psychoanalysis, Marxism, feminism, you name it, many of which are G71 70 there to be adopted by the pliant-minded as their very own. Every G71 71 psychoanalysand is, after all, merely a prone autobiographer, with G71 72 the main themes of his story having already been foretold by that G71 73 dogmatic, cigar-smoking gentleman from Vienna. Fresh stories of G71 74 this generic kind are put into play with fair regularity. A G71 75 psychiatrist of my acquaintance tells me that nowadays, owing to G71 76 the publicity that child-abuse stories have received on television G71 77 and in the press, a large number of patients under psychiatric care G71 78 are combing their pasts searching for child abuse in their own G71 79 lives. Surprise, surprise, with only a little stretch of the G71 80 imagination, a little twist of personal history, not a few find G71 81 it.

G71 82 The cards one is dealt in life have a way of occluding, G71 83 channelling, shaping the facts of one's life to the point where it G71 84 is not always certain they can any longer be called facts. The G71 85 potential motives for writing autobiography - ranging from the need G71 86 for vengeance, to setting down for the record what a winsome fellow G71 87 one is, to being a writer with nothing else in mind to write at the G71 88 present time - are as great as those for going on with life itself. G71 89 Alas, despite one's belief in objective truth, one has to allow the G71 90 distinct possibility that there may be no autobiographical truth G71 91 but only a handful of splendid autobiographies.

G71 92 Odd, but very few of these really splendid autobiographies have G71 93 been written by novelists, poets, and playwrights. Saint Augustine, G71 94 Cellini, Rousseau, Gibbon, Franklin, Mill, Alexander Herzen, Henry G71 95 Adams, the men - and there have thus far been almost no women - who G71 96 wrote the monumental autobiographical works were none of them G71 97 primarily imaginative literary artists. Henry James, that G71 98 consummate artist, botched his two volumes of autobiography, A G71 99 Small Boy and Others and Notes of A Son and Brother G71 100 - botched them insofar as they have no real standing as discrete G71 101 works of art, but are of interest chiefly as Jamesian curiosities. G71 102 How strange that Henry James, surely the greatest master of G71 103 introspection the world has known, should fail at autobiography, G71 104 which, at its best, is primarily the art of introspection.

G71 105 Perhaps there is something about autobiography that discomfits G71 106 literary artists. Literary artists, it has been said, use up their G71 107 autobiographical experience, in more or less transmuted form, in G71 108 their poems and plays, stories and novels. But the truth is that, G71 109 in the use of experience, artists have been great recyclers long G71 110 before the term recycling was invented. Why not run the same G71 111 material through once more this time non-fictionally or G71 112 non-poetically, in one's autobiography? Many a literary artist has G71 113 tried, but not generally with impressive results. Vladimir G71 114 Nabokov's lovely autobiography, Speak, Memory, seems to G71 115 me a notable exception, though it is a work driven by a deep G71 116 nostalgic yearning for a lost country. But so overwhelmingly is G71 117 this the case that one is inclined to think that perhaps G71 118 autobiography and pure art are if not antithetical then less than G71 119 compatible, and the better the artist the poorer the autobiographer G71 120 he is likely to prove. To cite only two fairly recent examples, G71 121 Anthony Powell, whose novels can be so greatly pleasing, wrote four G71 122 volumes of autobiography that, for dullness, could bring sleep to G71 123 an insomnia ward. Evelyn Waugh, who hadn't an uninteresting G71 124 sentence in him, wrote, in A Little Learning, a single, G71 125 most disappointing volume of autobiography.

G71 126 My own two-cent theory holds that artists don't finally believe G71 127 in autobiography; deep down they don't hold with it, as an earlier G71 128 generation used to say, as a sufficiently worthy vessel of G71 129 truth-telling. They don't hold with it principally because they G71 130 sense, if they do not absolutely know, that there is a higher truth G71 131 than that offered by the pedestrian but necessary factuality G71 132 demanded by autobiography. Or, as Goethe wrote in Fiction and G71 133 Truth: "A fact of our experience is of value not G71 134 insofar as it is true, but insofar as it has something to G71 135 signify." Only in arts do all facts signify.

G71 136 Not all but a fair part of the pleasure of reading G71 137 autobiography is in catching the autobiographer out in suspicious G71 138 reticences, self-serving misperceptions, cover-ups, and, of course, G71 139 delightfully clever deceptions. What's he hiding, what's he G71 140 withholding, why doesn't he talk about his first wife, who's he G71 141 kidding leaving out his children, odd he never mentions money - G71 142 such are the questions that roam randomly through the mind of your G71 143 normally licentious reader of autobiography. An intelligent person G71 144 reads autobiography for two things: for the facts and for the lies, G71 145 knowing that the lies are often more interesting than the facts. G71 146 From the other side, that of the writer, if you make yourself look G71 147 good in your autobiography, you seem a hypocrite; own up to being a G71 148 swine, you will have no difficulty finding people who will readily G71 149 enough believe you. Not a game at which it is easy to win, G71 150 autobiography.

G71 151 This is not to say that the appetite for reading autobiography G71 152 isn't very strong. Certainly it is with me, so much so that G71 153 autobiography is the only kind of book I should rather read than G71 154 write. (I have myself long ago decided never to write an G71 155 autobiography, preferring to spend my own autobiography, in nickels G71 156 and dimes, in essays, memoirs, and anecdotes.) The appetite for G71 157 autobiography reaches quite across the brows, from high to G71 158 appallingly low. Hence the vast sums laid out by publishers for the G71 159 life stories - "self-biographies," Isaac D'Israeli called G71 160 them - of such men and women far on the other side of the literary G71 161 divide as Norman Schwartzkopf and Magic Johnson, Katharine Hepburn G71 162 and the Mayflower Madame. Which reminds me that a friend of mine, G71 163 who works on celebrity autobiographies, was simultaneously writing G71 164 the autobiographies of Tip O'Neill, former Speaker of the House, G71 165 and the Mayflower Madame, speaker of a house of another kind. I G71 166 worried for him throughout these projects, fearful that he might G71 167 mix up his galleys.

G71 168 I have just read six autobiographies - one of these of two G71 169 volumes, together running to more than 850 pages. Three of these G71 170 are by Englishmen, three by very different sorts of Americans. One G71 171 of the latter is a woman and two among them are Southerners and set G71 172 in the South, which, one sometimes feels, is another country unto G71 173 itself. I have the feeling that none of my six autobiographers G71 174 would at all wish to spend much time in the company of any of the G71 175 others. As a reader, I can say that all have stepped into my little G71 176 confessional, and, having now heard them out, I don't know what G71 177 penance ought to be assigned to them. A wise guy might say that it G71 178 was I who served the penance, having to read all these pages filled G71 179 with disdain, chagrin, outrage, and petty vengeance. Still, reading G71 180 autobiography, while it does not increase one's hope for the race, G71 181 does lend vast amusement in watching it all pass in review from the G71 182 rail.

G71 183 What also emerges - though perhaps my selection of G71 184 autobiographies has an oddly skewed bias in this direction - is G71 185 that one is never too old to express resentment against one's G71 186 parents. Not many kind words for parents here; very few parents in G71 187 these books come off at all handsomely; grandparents, too, take a G71 188 few good shots. It's almost as if their authors all subscribed to G71 189 Philip Larkin's view in 'This Be The Verse,' a version of which G71 190 perrhaps needs to be rewritten for parents: G71 191 You tick them off, your son and daughter.

G71 192 You may not mean to, but you do.

G71 193 In old age and even death, except from them no quarter,

G71 194 Nothing but resentment, and all aimed just at you.

G71 195 National differences might be the best place to begin. Auberon G71 196 Waugh offers an interesting throw-away sentence in his G71 197 autobiography, Will This Do?, which seems to me nicely to G71 198 distinguish the differences between English and American G71 199 autobiography in our day. G71 200 G71 201 G71 202 G72 1 <#FROWN:G72\>Michael Mandelbaum

G72 2 COUP DE GRACE:

G72 3 THE END OF THE SOVIET UNION

G72 4 On August 24, 1991, three days after the collapse of an G72 5 attempted coup by a group of high Soviet officials in Moscow, G72 6 Marshal Sergei Akhromeyev killed himself in his Kremlin office. G72 7 Mikhail Gorbachev's special adviser on military affairs left a G72 8 suicide note: "Everything I have worked for is being G72 9 destroyed."

G72 10 Akhromeyev had devoted his life to three institutions: the G72 11 Soviet army, in whose service he had been wounded at Leningrad in G72 12 1941 and through whose ranks he had risen to the position of chief G72 13 of the General Staff (1984-88); the Communist Party, which he had G72 14 joined at 20 and on whose Central Committee he had served since G72 15 1983; and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics itself, G72 16 officially founded a year before his birth in 1923. In the wake of G72 17 the failed coup all three were disintegrating.

G72 18 The armed forces were divided and disgraced. Entire units had G72 19 refused to take part in the coup. A number of the troops sent to G72 20 besiege the Russian parliament building - where a crowd that G72 21 ultimately numbered 100,000 had gathered to defend the Russian G72 22 president, Boris Yeltsin, and his government - defected to G72 23 Yeltsin's side. After the coup had failed Defense Minister Dimitri G72 24 Yazov and his deputy, Valentin Varennikov, were arrested. Yevgeny G72 25 I. Shaposhnikov, the newly appointed minister, announced that 80 G72 26 percent of the army's officers would be replaced because they were G72 27 politically suspect.

G72 28 The Communist Party was shattered. As jubilant crowds cheered, G72 29 statues of communist heroes were pulled down all over Moscow. G72 30 Gorbachev, shortly after his return from his ordeal in the Crimea, G72 31 resigned as leader of the party, dissolved the Central Committee, G72 32 ordered an end to party activity in the military, the security G72 33 apparatus and the government, and told local party organizations G72 34 that they would have to fend for themselves.

G72 35 The union of 15 republics was itself dissolving. In Moscow G72 36 people began to wave the blue, white and red flag of G72 37 prerevolutionary Russia. The republics scrambled to declare their G72 38 independence, the Ukrainian parliament voting for full independence G72 39 by 321 to 1. For 75 years the vast stretch of Eurasia that was the G72 40 Soviet Union had been tightly, often brutally controlled from G72 41 Moscow, which had come to be known as "the G72 42 center."The president of Armenia, Levon Ter-Petrossian, G72 43 declared that "the center has committed G72 44 suicide."

G72 45 II G72 46 The coup might have been expected to succeed. The ranks of the G72 47 eight-man junta that on August 19 announced it was assuming power, G72 48 proclaiming a state of emergency, banning demonstrations, closing G72 49 newspapers and outlawing political parties, included the leaders of G72 50 the most powerful institutions of the Soviet Union: the government, G72 51 the security apparatus and the military-industrial complex. Yet G72 52 they failed completely. Two minor episodes during the three G72 53 dramatic days of August 19-21 exemplify the reasons for their G72 54 failure.

G72 55 On August 20 Yelsin dispatched his foreign minister, Andrei G72 56 Kozyrev, to Paris to prepare a government-in-exile should that G72 57 become necessary. The junta learned of the trip and sent word to G72 58 Moscow's Sheremetyevo Airport to detain Kozyrev. He succeeded in G72 59 leaving, however, because the order to stop him went to the G72 60 airport's VIP lounge while Kozyrev simply stood in the departure G72 61 lines with ordinary passengers. It apparently did not occur to the G72 62 plotters that a high official would fail to take advantage to the G72 63 privileges available to him.

G72 64 In short, the men who launched the coup were incompetent. They G72 65 did not send troops and tanks in to the streets of Moscow until a G72 66 full six hours after declaring the state of emergency. They G72 67 neglected to seize Yeltsin immediately, thus making it possible for G72 68 him to become the focal point of resistance. They failed to cut the G72 69 Russian parliament's communications with the rest of the world.

G72 70 It was, to use a phrase familiar under the old regime, G72 71 "no accident" that the coup-plotters bungled so G72 72 badly. The people at the top of the communist system were not the G72 73 best and the brightest of the society they governed. That system G72 74 did not encourage or reward initiative, imagination or G72 75 decisiveness. It valued, instead, dull conformity and slavish G72 76 obedience to authority. Several members of the junta were later G72 77 reported to have spent most of the 72 hours of the coup drunk.

G72 78 The other exemplary episode took place on Monday afternoon, G72 79 August 19, the first day of the coup. The junta called a press G72 80 conference. Gennadi Yanaev, the vice president who had assumed G72 81 Gorbachev's duties because, he said, the president was G72 82 "ill," made a statement and fielded questions. One G72 83 journalist asked whether he had sought "any suggestion or G72 84 any advice through General Pinochet." The question evoked G72 85 laughter. It was meant to be sarcastic and belittling by G72 86 associating the coup-plotters with the conservative Chilean G72 87 dictator who had overthrown Marxist President Salvador Allende in G72 88 1974 and had thus been routinely reviled by Soviet propaganda.

G72 89 The event, the question and the response were all telling. When G72 90 Lenin seized power in Petrograd in November 1917 he did not feel it G72 91 necessary to call a press conference to explain and justify what he G72 92 had done. Nor were his successors in the habit of entertaining G72 93 questions from the press. And when they did offer their thoughts in G72 94 public, no one had ever dared to mock them. In Stalin's day failing G72 95 to applaud the leader vigorously enough was cause for being sent to G72 96 prison - or worse.

G72 97 Since Stalin's day, however, things had changed. The Soviet G72 98 Union in which Yanaev was attempting to seize power was a very G72 99 different country from the one that Lenin and Stalin, indeed that G72 100 Khrushchev and even Brezhnev had ruled. So different was it, in G72 101 fact, that each of the three great institutions to which Marshal G72 102 Akhromeyev had devoted his life was already in an advanced state of G72 103 decay by August 19.

G72 104 Well before it balked at the junta's orders the army had been G72 105 severely battered. In 1988 it had withdrawn from Afghanistan after G72 106 nine years and 15,000 deaths without having pacified the country. G72 107 The next year the revolutions in Poland, Hungary, East Germany and G72 108 Czechoslovakia ended the Cold War, depriving the Soviet armed G72 109 forces of what had been, for four decades, their central mission. G72 110 Troops stationed in those countries had to leave; many had no homes G72 111 to which to return.

G72 112 Draft evasion became rampant, especially outside Russia. The G72 113 army was divided politically by rank, age, region, and ethnic G72 114 group. Junior officers began criticizing their superiors; several G72 115 were elected to all-union and republican parliaments, where they G72 116 expressed dissenting views on military questions. The political G72 117 leadership committed itself to substantial reductions in military G72 118 spending, and proposals were floated to abolish conscription and G72 119 rely instead on volunteers to fill the army's ranks.

G72 120 In all, the military suffered from a severe loss of status. In G72 121 the Brezhnev era, in particular, official propaganda had glorified G72 122 the mighty Soviet army as the stalwart defender of socialism. By G72 123 1991 it was despised outside Russia as an agent of imperial G72 124 oppression and had come to be seen in the Russian heartland as a G72 125 self-serving bureaucracy whose endless appetite for resources was G72 126 bankrupting the country.

G72 127 The Communist Party was similarly reeling from blows to its G72 128 privileged standing before Gorbachev effectively closed it down. It G72 129 was subject for the first time in six decades to open criticism, G72 130 which turned into an avalanche of denunciation. Far from being the G72 131 champion of the toiling masses and the vanguard of the just G72 132 society, as it had always portrayed itself, the party came to be G72 133 seen as a criminal conspiracy dedicated to preserving its own G72 134 position. The elections of 1989 and 1990 to the national and G72 135 republican supreme soviets humiliated the party, as people voted in G72 136 droves against communist officeholders even when there was no G72 137 opposing candidate.

G72 138 Members deserted the party in enormous numbers. By one estimate G72 139 four million people, fully 20 percent of the membership, had quit G72 140 the party in the year immediately preceding the coup. In some G72 141 places the local party apparatus simply disintegrated. Gorbachev G72 142 renounced the long-standing and fundamental communist claim to a G72 143 monopoly of power, and the month before the coup he pushed through G72 144 a party charter that virtually abandoned the formerly sacred G72 145 precepts of Marxism-Leninism. After his election as Russian G72 146 president, Yeltsin ordered party cells in workplaces throughout G72 147 Russia dissolved, challenging the basis of the communist grip on G72 148 the everyday lives of the people of the Soviet Union.

G72 149 As for the union itself, it was well on the way to becoming a G72 150 hollow shell even before the republics began to declare G72 151 independence in the coup's wake. The republican elections had G72 152 brought to power governments determined not simply to take orders G72 153 from Moscow, as had been the rule in Soviet politics for decades. G72 154 Each of the 15 republics had proclaimed itself "sovereign," G72 155 meaning that its own laws took precedence over those of the center. G72 156 Ukraine, the second most important of them after Russia, was moving G72 157 to recruit its own armed forces and issue its own currency.

G72 158 On the eve of the coup nine republics were preparing to sign a G72 159 new union treaty, which would have deprived Moscow of virtually all G72 160 economic power and left the republics with the right both to G72 161 challenge any powers the center retained and to secede if they were G72 162 dissatisfied with the new arrangements. The prospect of this new G72 163 union treaty probably triggered the coup attempt, for it would have G72 164 eliminated most of the functions of precisely those organizations G72 165 that the plotters headed. The coup was a last-ditch attempt to G72 166 preserve their own power. But that power had already been severely G72 167 eroded. As the political scientist William Taubman put it at the G72 168 time: "The coup occurred because of all the changes that G72 169 have taken place, and it failed because of all the changes that G72 170 have taken place." The coup-plotters struck to restore the G72 171 old order; the result of their failure was to put it out of its G72 172 misery. What began as a coup d'<*_>e-acute<*/>tat to preserve it G72 173 turned out to be the coup de grace for the Soviet Union.

G72 174 III G72 175 How did all this come about? How did it happen that a mighty G72 176 imperial state, troubled but stable only a few years before, had G72 177 come to the brink of collapse in 1991? Who and what were G72 178 responsible?

G72 179 The chief architect of the Soviet collapse was Mikhail G72 180 Gorbachev himself. During the coup, as a prisoner of the junta in G72 181 his Crimean villa, he was the object of a struggle between the G72 182 partisans of the old order and the champions of liberal values. But G72 183 it was Gorbachev who had, in the period between his coming to power G72 184 in 1985 and the fateful days of August 1991, created the conditions G72 185 that had touched off this struggle.

G72 186 The Soviet leader had created them unintentionally. His aim had G72 187 been to strengthen the political and economic systems that he G72 188 inherited, to strip away their Stalinist accretions and make the G72 189 Soviet Union a modern dynamic state. Instead he had fatally G72 190 weakened it. Intending to reform Soviet communism he had, rather, G72 191 destroyed it. The three major policies that he had launched to G72 192 fashion a more efficient and humane form of socialism - glasnost, G72 193 democratization and perestroika - had in the end subverted, G72 194 discredited and all but done away with the network of political and G72 195 economic institutions that his Communist Party had constructed in G72 196 Russia and surrounding countries since 1917.

G72 197 The policy of glasnost relaxed bureaucratic controls on G72 198 information, broadened the parameters of permitted discussion and G72 199 thereby enabled the people of the Soviet Union to say more, hear G72 200 more and learn more about their past and present. Gorbachev's G72 201 purpose had been to enlist the intelligentsia in his campaign to G72 202 revitalize the country and to generate popular pressure on the G72 203 party apparatus, which had resisted the changes he was trying to G72 204 make. He plainly wanted to encourage criticism of his predecessor, G72 205 Leonid Brezhnev, and to resume the campaign against Stalin that G72 206 Khrushchev had launched but that Brezhnev had ended.

G72 207 Glasnost, however, did not stop there. The sainted Lenin, and G72 208 even Gorbachev himself, came in for critical attention. Gorbachev G72 209 wanted to foster a reassessment of some selected features of Soviet G72 210 life. G72 211 G72 212 G73 1 <#FROWN:G73\>Schlegel's sense of the poetic voice or presence G73 2 of the poet, as that which "hover[s] at midpoint G73 3 between" the portrayer and the portrayed, positions this G73 4 voice on a vertical axis, running down between poet and poem, both G73 5 between these two terms, and also hovering above them; between G73 6 and above. For Olson, however, between the 'I' of the phrase, G73 7 'I have this sense,' and the 'I' who is one with his 'skin,' there G73 8 is not, or for him ought not be, any difference: there is only a G73 9 singular, compact identity. If there is transcendence for Olson, it G73 10 would not be a mere disembodied voice hovering above and/or between G73 11 bodies, as for Schlegel, but the entire embodied individual, G73 12 hovering in space. Such a theme, as R.W.B. Lewis shows in The G73 13 American Adam, is hardly foreign to American writers.

G73 14 Olson's line is of course susceptible to a reading in which the G73 15 voice of the poet hovers just at that midpoint between the 'I' (the G73 16 portrayer) and the 'I am one/ with my skin' (the portrayed). That G73 17 midpoint, not above or below, but somehow right between, is a G73 18 non-transcendent place. This reading would put the poetic voice in G73 19 the place of that difference which ought to make no difference, G73 20 that space which is not supposed to be a space, and must be denied G73 21 as a significant space if identity is to be achieved. Olson might G73 22 endorse a transcendent voice which presides from above as it yokes G73 23 the portrayer and portrayed together, but he would no doubt resist G73 24 the notion of a voice 'between,' for it would threaten to undo the G73 25 identity which that same voice nonetheless seems to desire.

G73 26 Olson is one of the great readers of Melville. He seems to have G73 27 had an uncanny relation with the author: at times, in reading G73 28 Call Me Ishmael, one is not sure whose voice is being G73 29 heard. Olson's sense of being at one with his skin has many echoes G73 30 in Melville's works, which begins to complicate the very G73 31 self-identity being asserted. The Melville who wrote of G73 32 self-identity in terms of being at one with one's skin was a young G73 33 Melville; not the Melville who wrote Pierre, or anything G73 34 after. Even before Pierre, when Melville was writing his fifth G73 35 novel, White-Jacket (1849-50), the possibility of being at one G73 36 with one's skin was being both posed and explicitly put into G73 37 question. The narrator-protagonist of this novel is named White G73 38 Jacket because of a white jacket he so continuously wore that it G73 39 seemed to become his second skin. Towards the end of the novel he G73 40 finally divests himself of this jacket, saying I "ripped my G73 41 jacket straight up and down [with a knife], as if I were ripping G73 42 open myself. With a violent struggle I then burst out of it, and G73 43 was free" (404).

G73 44 White Jacket does not, however, liberate himself from a mere G73 45 jacket, for a strong analogy holds between clothing and language as G73 46 exterior forms of material signifiers. Melville apparently had not G73 47 read Carlyle's Sartor Resartus when he wrote G73 48 White-Jacket, but he didn't need to have read it; the analogy G73 49 Carlyle suggested between language and clothing, in his philosophy G73 50 of clothes, had currency then as now (see Barthes's The G73 51 Fashion System). Melville clearly thought of language by G73 52 drawing on an analogy between language and clothing. In G73 53 White-Jacket, such an analogy is quite explicitly thematized. G73 54 How, then, are we to read that moment when White Jacket strips G73 55 himself of his white jacket? Does he strip himself from language G73 56 itself, or does he remove a level of false signifiers which then G73 57 allows the true signifier, the true voice, now unencumbered by a G73 58 material signifier, to be revealed?

G73 59 On the one hand, Melville had, as did his age, a G73 60 na<*_>i-umlaut<*/>ve sense of the relation he felt ought to exist G73 61 between language and being. He believed and desired that language G73 62 ought, somehow, to be co-extensive with self. As Emerson said, G73 63 expression or language is the other half of man, and the link G73 64 between those halves is unproblematic. Those links became G73 65 problematic for Melville, however, and the strategies he developed G73 66 to deal with the problems arising from this na<*_>i-umlaut<*/>ve G73 67 sense of language are themselves far from na<*_>i-umlaut<*/>ve. To G73 68 examine Melville's sense of the identity which he felt ought to G73 69 have held between language and self is to examine Melville's G73 70 struggle with his flesh - his materiality - and his desire to be at G73 71 one with, identical to, his skin.

G73 72 I G73 73 Some nine years after Melville's death, Peter Toft, an G73 74 otherwise little-known American artist, published an G73 75 account of his friendship with Melville which developed during the G73 76 author's later years. Of particular interest is what Toft tells us G73 77 of Melville's attitude towards his writings, an attitude no doubt G73 78 determined by Toft's apparently insistent questioning. Toft writes G73 79 that Melville "seemed to hold his work in small esteem, and G73 80 discouraged my attempts to discuss them. 'You know,' he would say, G73 81 'more about them than I do. I have forgotten them.' He would give G73 82 me no information about the old whaling tradition of the fiendish G73 83 White-Whale ('Moby Dick') ... and [he] was almost offended when I G73 84 inquired so curiously about his falling from the maintopgallant G73 85 yard of the frigate - ('White Jacket') ... " (Leyda G73 86 799).

G73 87 For Toft, the value of literature lay in its relation to truth. G73 88 He doesn't hesitate to identify the 'true' identity of a character G73 89 like White Jacket: he was obviously Melville himself. If one G73 90 assumes that Melville's struggle with language turned precisely on G73 91 questions of and the desire for identity, then Melville's G73 92 irritation with Toft's questions becomes understandable. If G73 93 Melville defers, perhaps ironically, perhaps bitterly, to such a G73 94 reader, suggesting that that reader must always already know G73 95 more than the author, it is because the problem of the very G73 96 possibility of knowing remained for Melville a complex issue.

G73 97 Toft's explanation of why Melville was "almost G73 98 offended" when he "so curiously" asked him G73 99 about his fall from the yardarm, as told in White-Jacket, was G73 100 that Melville "was abnormal, as most geniuses are, and had G73 101 to be handled with care" (Leyda 799). That answer is hardly G73 102 satisfactory, as Howard Vincent shows in his book, The G73 103 Tailoring of Melville's 'White-Jacket.' According to Vincent, G73 104 who retells Toft's story, Melville's irritation in this instance G73 105 was due to the fact that Melville had lied, and Toft's inquiries G73 106 had touched precisely upon those lies he had told. Not only had G73 107 Melville not fallen from any maintopgallant mast, but he had not G73 108 even made it up; rather, he had stolen the entire episode of the G73 109 fall from someone else's text, that of the sailor Nathaniel Ames, G73 110 as given in his personal narrative entitled A Mariner's G73 111 Sketches (1831) (Vincent 202). An apparently shocked Vincent G73 112 writes:

G73 113 So open, so barefaced is the character of Melville's G73 114 theft that one must wonder whether he did not feel a twinge of G73 115 guilt. Perhaps he did, but it can be argued that he erased that G73 116 guilt by strategic placement of his borrowed passages, so giving G73 117 each a new and different significance. (Vincent 219)

G73 118 One wonders whether Vincent himself felt a "twinge of G73 119 guilt" about his delight in having discovered the father G73 120 naked, although he mainly succeeds in exposing himself. It is not G73 121 surprising that Vincent's attempt to cover for the Melville whom he G73 122 exposed does little credit to Melville's abilities as a writer: G73 123 "[Melville] erased that guilt by the strategic placement of G73 124 his borrowed passages" (219). Moreover, Vincent's efforts G73 125 to salvage Melville from his devious theft are misplaced. According G73 126 to the passage above, Melville redeems his literary theft through a G73 127 "strategic placement of ... [the] borrowed G73 128 passages" from Ames's text, which gives "each a new G73 129 and different significance." Yet Vincent's own painstaking G73 130 labor - setting side by side passages from Ames's text and G73 131 Melville's - shows Melville's relation to Ames's text never G73 132 was one of "strategic placement of ... borrowed G73 133 passages," to give "each" borrowed passage, each G73 134 stolen piece, a new significance. Vincent implies that Melville G73 135 lifted intact entire pieces, chunks, or chains of signifiers from G73 136 Ames's text, placed them in his own, and simply arranged their G73 137 order. This is not the case. One cannot find any evidence of what G73 138 we could call plagiarism. At the level of the signifier, there is G73 139 no immediate similarity between Melville's text and that of Ames. G73 140 Without a repetition at the level of the signifier, one can no G73 141 longer talk in any strict sense of borrowing, nor of Melville's G73 142 mode of writing as "strategic placement" of G73 143 "borrowed" passages.

G73 144 If we assume for the moment that there was a case of literary G73 145 theft, even if not word-for-word, and if we likewise assume that G73 146 the theft was as obvious, open, and barefaced as Vincent claims, G73 147 the question that forces itself upon us is that if the theft is so G73 148 apparent and so easy to trace, in what sense was it really a theft? G73 149 Vincent doesn't refer to Benito Cereno which repeats, G73 150 almost entirely, the text of another author, Amasa Delano, who G73 151 is never explicitly acknowledged as author, yet whose name, along G73 152 with others from the original text, Melville retains in his text. G73 153 Much rides on this 'almost.' What becomes significant in such a G73 154 case are the differences that are introduced in the near-repetition G73 155 - differences which, because they are and can be marked as G73 156 different only on the surface, as signifiers, come to be ignored in G73 157 the haste to identify an essence, beyond the mere surface. G73 158 Vincent reads at the level of content, finding the only slightly G73 159 differing surface signifiers of each text. This mode of reading G73 160 finally rewrites that surface level, for mere surface differences G73 161 of the signifier are differences which make no difference. A G73 162 difference remains, however, which can potentially disturb not only G73 163 the notion of theft, but likewise the ideas that make the claim of G73 164 theft possible: the belief in and protection of private property. G73 165 The proper, truth as interior essence, 'original' artistic creation G73 166 - these beliefs stand behind and make possible Toft's curious G73 167 questions and Vincent's exposures, both of which depend on the G73 168 structure of and desire for identity. Ultimately the question of a G73 169 theft from Ames's work is itself irrelevant, while the questions G73 170 inadvertently raised by the accusation - those of repetition, the G73 171 problem of ownership given repetition, or the very possibility of G73 172 identity - remain at the heart of the matter.

G73 173 2 G73 174 Critics generally agree that the description of the fall of the G73 175 sailor White Jacket from the topmost spar of the mast is, as Alfred G73 176 Kazin writes "the most famous single scene" in the G73 177 book (ix). Its fame has persisted in spite of the claims that the G73 178 scene was lifted. This single scene, however, is divided into two G73 179 moments: a kind of prelude which describes the complications which G73 180 lead up to and set the scene for - but do not cause White G73 181 Jacket's fall, and then a description of White Jacket's plummet G73 182 into the ocean and his subsequent rise to the surface. Kazin, G73 183 Vincent, and other critics make no explicit reference to this first G73 184 moment, which I have called the prelude; they focus exclusively on G73 185 the second moment, that of the actual fall, when they refer to this G73 186 scene. As a result, this prelude seems to have a curious history of G73 187 going unread. This passage goes as follows:

G73 188 Having reeved the line through all the inferior blocks, G73 189 I went out with it to the end of weather-top-gallant-yard-arm, and G73 190 was in the act of leaning over and passing it through the suspended G73 191 jewel-block there, when the ship gave a plunge in the sudden swells G73 192 of the calm sea, and pitching me still further over the yard, threw G73 193 the heavy skirts of my jacket right over my head, completely G73 194 muffling me. Somehow I thought it was the sail that had flapped, G73 195 and, under that impression, threw up my hands to drag it from my G73 196 head, relying upon the sail itself to support me meanwhile. Just G73 197 then the ship gave another sudden jerk, and, head foremost, I G73 198 pitched from the yard. (402)

G73 199 Vincent's claim of plagiarism is irrelevant to this passage G73 200 since Ames's text contains nothing resembling this description of G73 201 what makes the fall possible, either at the level of the signified G73 202 or signifier. G73 203 G73 204 G74 1 <#FROWN:G74\>MALCOLM LITTLE UNDERSTOOD hunger. In many ways it G74 2 defined his childhood. Certainly it taught him lessons he would G74 3 never forget, and years later Malcolm X would be lecturing his G74 4 assistant minister Benjamin Karim on hunger as the most basic of G74 5 human drives.

G74 6 Not only did Malcolm in his boyhood suffer the pangs of G74 7 physical hunger for want of food; he also sharply experienced G74 8 hunger for affection, acceptance, guidance, encouragement. The G74 9 Littles lived meagerly, and more and more the economic hardships of G74 10 the Depression drained Louise Little's emotional and spiritual G74 11 reserves. She became despondent, withdrew from harsh realities. By G74 12 1937 the Little family was rapidly deteriorating. Malcolm had begun G74 13 stealing. He was twelve when he found himself in the first of what G74 14 would be numerous foster homes. In January 1939, following a severe G74 15 nervous breakdown, Malcolm's mother was declared legally insane and G74 16 committed to the state mental hospital at Kalamazoo. Still, Malcolm G74 17 himself clung to his diminished pride and his ambitions, G74 18 continually battered though they were. As he relates in the G74 19 Autobiography, one day he confided to his favorite eighth G74 20 grade teacher that he wanted to be a lawyer, only to be told that G74 21 "that's no realistic goal for a nigger" - even G74 22 though Malcolm at the time was ranked near the top of his otherwise G74 23 white class. That day marked a turning point for Malcolm, then G74 24 thirteen. Within months he would be exploring the street life of G74 25 Boston.

G74 26 More than miles separated the childhood experience of Malcolm G74 27 Little in the bleak northern suburbs of Lansing from that of G74 28 Benjamin Karim in rural Suffolk, Virginia. Suffolk lies about G74 29 eighty miles south of Richmond, and when Benjamin Karim was growing G74 30 up in the 1930s, it was that small you could see from one end of G74 31 the town to the other in an easy glance. By then Suffolk was G74 32 feeling the economic pinch of the Great Depression, but still trade G74 33 continued at the general store where townswomen bartered fresh eggs G74 34 or homegrown poultry for provisions. In the barbershop men gathered G74 35 for easy gossip or talked idly of the weather, crops, hard times. G74 36 Kids kicked up the dust in quiet streets or played in the shade of G74 37 fruit-bearing trees, or they helped to weed the vegetable patches G74 38 planted in the backyards of small clapboard houses.

G74 39 In one of those houses, on July 14, 1932, a midwife delivered G74 40 the first, and only, child of young Mary Goodman in her mother G74 41 Sarah's bed. The child was baptized Benjamin and given his mother's G74 42 family name. (Not until 1978 did he take the Muslim name Karim.) In G74 43 private Mary called him Dickie-boy, a term of affection that would G74 44 survive nearly twenty years, as would the inviolable bond forged by G74 45 Mary with her son in his early childhood. It was a "good G74 46 childhood," as Benjamin Karim remembers it, and he G74 47 describes the small-town boy who grew up in the meager thirties as G74 48 being "absolutely content." He recalls the G74 49 simplicity of daily life then, and the sense of community that G74 50 prompted people to help their neighbors and enabled them to rely on G74 51 friends. And no matter how much his family may have wanted for G74 52 material goods or a dollar's pleasures, they never wanted for G74 53 food.

G74 54 Everybody had gardens, Benjamin Karim remembers. We G74 55 would grow corn and beans and onions and radishes, whatever, and in G74 56 the summer the fruit trees would bury us in pears and apples. We'd G74 57 pick wild berries, too. Then the women would put the fruit up in G74 58 jars. They'd have big pots bubbling on the stove, all the fruit G74 59 smelling as sweet as the season, and while they were cooking, we G74 60 boys would be out back chopping wood to feed the stove. For days G74 61 we'd keep the fire going, until we'd have hundreds of jars of fruit G74 62 preserves and other home-canned goods - vegetables and sauces and G74 63 relishes - stored out in the pantry. So in the wintertime nobody G74 64 would have to worry about going hungry. We also had pigs, three of G74 65 four of them, and we raised chickens, so we always had fresh G74 66 eggs.

G74 67 We didn't really need a lot of money. If we ran out of flour or G74 68 sugar, say, we would gather up a few eggs and take them to Mr. G74 69 Nichols's general store. Two or three eggs might bring us enough G74 70 pennies to buy a pound of flour or as much of sugar, and that's a G74 71 nice taste of sugar. One of our chickens, dressed, would get us G74 72 both the flour and the sugar and maybe some rice or potatoes as G74 73 well as a nickel soda for me. We bartered like that quite a bit. Or G74 74 we borrowed. Neighbors helped each other out with a scoop of flour G74 75 or cup of milk; what we had we shared. We've lost communal values G74 76 like that, like we've lost our fruit trees and farming land to G74 77 real-estate developers. You'd have to search hard to find G74 78 the Suffolk I knew as a child.

G74 79 Suffolk was divided by railroad tracks. White people lived on G74 80 one side of the tracks and on the other lived the blacks. For a G74 81 time we lived right by the railroad tracks. Day and night the G74 82 trains would be running past my grandmother's house, where we G74 83 lived, but they really didn't bother us; they just told us what G74 84 time it was. On either side of the railroad tracks lay a drainage G74 85 ditch, and sometimes some of us black kids would cross the near G74 86 ditch and the railroad tracks and then the ditch opposite, or else G74 87 the white kids would cross from their side - they'd be the poor G74 88 white kids, the ones who lived near the tracks - and we'd play G74 89 together. We'd play childhood street games or run wild in the G74 90 woods. We had fun, and I don't remember a single fight ever between G74 91 us, not when we were little kids.

G74 92 My grandmother worked for a family in the poor white G74 93 neighborhood. In fact she ran their house. She told everybody what G74 94 to do and what not to, including the man of the house - he owned a G74 95 service station that was losing more money than it was making - and G74 96 everybody in that household listened. She commanded a ton of G74 97 respect, so much so that when she died in 1952, not a member of G74 98 that family missed the funeral. Often I would visit the house with G74 99 my grandmother. The service station owner had a son about my age G74 100 and sometimes we would play together the whole day. If we'd get G74 101 ourselves into any sort of trouble, my grandmother would give both G74 102 of us alike her what-for. Also, if she'd give the two of us some G74 103 chore, like it or not, he'd do it, although he might first look to G74 104 his father for some signal that he could disobey - same way that I G74 105 would do to mine - but his father would just look away. I enjoyed G74 106 those days we spent together in his house. Then we reached the age G74 107 when black kids and white kids no longer associated with each G74 108 other. Society, it seemed, forbade it; it was something that G74 109 happened before you actually realized it, something you felt. Only G74 110 when you got older did you know why.

G74 111 Of course, once we started school we never saw white kids day G74 112 to day. That our schools were segregated never entered our minds. G74 113 Nor did it bother us. It seemed natural, normal; the white kids G74 114 went to their school and we went to ours. They were corn and we G74 115 were rutabagas. I first went to school at Easter Graded in the G74 116 black community of Saratoga. The large, white frame building housed G74 117 four classrooms, two on either side of the principal's office, and G74 118 it was heated by a big potbelly stove. When the weather turned G74 119 cold, each morning two or three of the older kids - the school went G74 120 up to the fifth grade - would get up early and trudge off to Easter G74 121 Graded to build a fire in that big potbelly stove; it was their G74 122 chore. To have the heat jumping in that big iron belly by nine, G74 123 you'd have to get up as early as five o'clock in the cold and dark, G74 124 but you took your turn, you shared the chore. Lessons like that G74 125 never caused me any harm.

G74 126 When the school term ended, I would sometimes spend the whole G74 127 summer, often into harvest time, out in Windsor, Virginia, with my G74 128 Aunt Martha and her sixteen children. They worked as sharecroppers G74 129 on a white man's farm. Like many freed plantation slaves before G74 130 them, they had no choice but to hire themselves out as tenant G74 131 farmers to white landowners in order to survive after the federal G74 132 government reneged on its promise to provide each black family with G74 133 forty acres and a mule. For what did the freed blacks know but G74 134 working the land? For their white masters they had seeded the earth G74 135 and tended the crops and harvested the peanuts, tobacco, and corn, G74 136 the indigo, hemp, alfalfa, and cotton. So sharecropping had become G74 137 the norm in the South. When I was seven, though, I wasn't so much G74 138 seeing injustices as I was enjoying the company of my cousins. We G74 139 had our fun, of course, but I liked working with them, too, out in G74 140 the open fields under a summer's sky. I especially remember the G74 141 sky. In rural Virginia in the thirties and forties the only light G74 142 we had at night came from the moon and the stars and out on the G74 143 farm the night sky seemed to lie so close to the earth that I'd G74 144 think you could just reach right up and with your fingers rake the G74 145 firmament.

G74 146 In town I lived with my mother and grandmother. My father lived G74 147 just down the street. Although he and my mother deeply respected G74 148 each other always, they never actually married, as my mother felt G74 149 he was too old for her. He was maybe twenty-six when I was born; my G74 150 mother was sixteen. All her life she lived with my grandmother, G74 151 Sarah, except for one year, when I was eight or nine, that she G74 152 spent in New York. She stayed with a cousin there - in the early G74 153 forties, the war years, it seemed that everybody down in Suffolk G74 154 had a cousin or some relative in New York - but after one year she G74 155 came back. She had worked in a factory packing gefilte fish. Cooped G74 156 up for long hours in a stifling gefilte fish factory where the G74 157 workers were not even allowed to speak to one another, my mother, a G74 158 young woman with a free spirit from a small southern town of G74 159 friendly, outgoing people who'd think nothing of hollering their G74 160 greetings from one side of the street to the other, found the G74 161 conditions unbearable. One thing she said I'll never forget. She G74 162 was talking to my grandmother, and she told her that for so long as G74 163 she lived she would never ever again work for a white man.

G74 164 And she never again did. My mother was strong; she inspired me. G74 165 She went to Apex Beauty School to learn how to treat and style G74 166 black woman's hair. She bought chemistry books, which she studied G74 167 diligently, and she began making her own hair creams and beauty G74 168 aids. I used to watch her at her work in the kitchen with oils and G74 169 powders and scents and gelatin. I'd watch her as she'd combine her G74 170 mysterious ingredients, worry them, and it seemed to me magic the G74 171 way they would begin to congeal, become viscous and then thick, G74 172 like Vaseline. Her beauty treatments made her famous among black G74 173 women in the county. Even today you could go to the south of G74 174 Virginia and ask any of the older women there about Mary Goodman, G74 175 and they would tell you that woman could do some hair.

G74 176 Like my mother, I, too, went to New York for a year. In 1947. I G74 177 was fourteen then, and I had started feeling that I'd outgrown G74 178 Suffolk. Night and day I dreamed of living in New York with my G74 179 uncle. G74 180 G75 1 <#FROWN:G75\>ALICIA OSTRIKER

G75 2 THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS

G75 3 And they said one to another, Behold, this dreamer G75 4 cometh. Come now therefore, and let us slay him, and cast him into G75 5 some pit, and we will say, Some evil beast has devoured him; and we G75 6 shall see what will become of his dreams.

G75 7 Genesis 37.19-20

G75 8 All dreams are dependent on the interpretation given to G75 9 them.

G75 10 Midrash Rabbah

G75 11 Take me, take me, I am coming down to you. Yes, all our arms G75 12 are outstretched, we almost have you, just a little farther. Come G75 13 on, our brother. A trail of bubbles above me, I pull myself hand G75 14 over hand - weeds thicker than a father's arms, rooted somewhere in G75 15 the invisible silted floor, offer themselves swaying. I gather G75 16 strength and kick straight downward. Am I there yet. Are you G75 17 enclosing me. Yes, it is so enjoyable here, heated, bowel-like, G75 18 golden, shimmering, green.

G75 19 When you arrive and join us we will begin our journey, we are G75 20 all going to be rich, we are only waiting for you.

G75 21 Our first fathers are alive in dream-time. There they are G75 22 naked. There they are, naked. We can almost touch them. We G75 23 ourselves can feel our identity with their bodies, which are their G75 24 real selves. They are most fundamentally biological beings, family G75 25 men, those who produce the next generation, the next link. They G75 26 bless, but they have to beget before they can bless: their G75 27 paternity is their deepest existence.

G75 28 God creates. The patriarchs beget. (Although Toledot, G75 29 begetting, in Genesis 4.2, obliquely almost suggests that God G75 30 generates the cosmos through a sexual act.)

G75 31 We can feel this. We remember their movements and gestures, G75 32 their journeyings, the fine comedy of their family relations, G75 33 living each other's lives, dying each other's deaths, as G75 34 performances we ourselves have performed. Almost no separation yet. G75 35 I practically was or am all these men and women, who are or were G75 36 me. The presence of El Shaddai, the Breasted One, the Mountain, G75 37 brings them forward, makes them large, making the borders between G75 38 them, and between them and me, traversible, and preventing the G75 39 intellectual distinction between life/dream, or myth/reality, or G75 40 here/there, or conscious/subconscious, or yes/no from G75 41 crystallizing. They fill up all the space, like the large, G75 42 eyes-breathing classical drawings of Picasso.

G75 43 Among the dream patriarchs nothing is yet repressed, everything G75 44 is deep yet transparent, like a sea in motion, its tides and G75 45 currents, and the way it rises up against the cliffs at its G75 46 shoreline, reaches over boulders, rushes into caves, embraces the G75 47 rock's least indentations. These patriarchs in their rising-up are G75 48 always already falling and yet heaving forward again. Theirs are G75 49 the ceaseless human rhythms, which we recognize as such only when G75 50 we have already lost them.

G75 51 With Joseph and his brothers, reality has imperceptibly G75 52 changed. Without a break in the narrative, something has been G75 53 broken. The sign of this is the "coat of many G75 54 colors" to which a mysteriously romantic quality is G75 55 attached. Why has this "coat of many colors" G75 56 reiterated itself through a thousand puzzle interpretations yet G75 57 remained a puzzle, like a bright square of embroidery appearing at G75 58 a congress of international bankers? It is the dream-garment, G75 59 materializing in consciousness at the very moment when 'reality' G75 60 and 'dream' part company. Like all such signs it faces two ways. A G75 61 sign of loss - parallel to the garments God makes for Adam and Eve, G75 62 or the covering with which his two cautious sons cover the drunken G75 63 Noah, or the hairy glove Jacob wears to defraud his father - yet at G75 64 the same time a sign of love and a sign of luxury, "so G75 65 light and delicate," say the rabbis, "it could be G75 66 crushed and concealed in the closed palm of one hand." Rich G75 67 colors for a spoiled son, his father's favorite.

G75 68 We are approaching civilization as we know it. That is to say, G75 69 recognizable family life as we know it. Joseph is the penultimate G75 70 son born to a formerly barren wife in the book of Genesis. God has G75 71 removed (asuf) my reproach, says beautiful Rachel, and G75 72 may God add (yosef) another son to me. Joseph is the G75 73 darling, a pretty boy, "fair of form and fair to look G75 74 at." Those same words having been used to describe Rachel. G75 75 Joseph is Rachel, somehow, his father's pet: the rabbis say he G75 76 painted his eyes and walked with mincing step. Showing off the coat G75 77 of many colors which old Jacob made him. Twirling, hugging himself. G75 78 A young Hebrew Narcissus. No wonder his brothers hate him. No G75 79 wonder they catch him in the field, strip him of his little coat G75 80 and throw him into the pit, and sell him into Egypt, and rip the G75 81 coat and dip it in goat's blood: exhibit A to show the father - do G75 82 you recognize this coat, Dad? A torn veil, a bloody show, a lost G75 83 innocence.

G75 84 Joseph dreams - what? Ten sheaves will bow down to one sheaf. G75 85 The sun and moon and eleven stars also bow to him. He runs to tell G75 86 the brothers; no wonder they want to get rid of him, the G75 87 intolerable brat, the A student - nobody has a problem interpreting G75 88 dreams like this. Later when Potiphar's wife tries to seduce him he G75 89 is the exemplary servant of his master, purer than the pure, so G75 90 that she is enraged and rips his garment off. Claims he tried to G75 91 rape her, that familiar tale of the insulted woman who fails to G75 92 understand the purity of the pretty young man. Another veil gone, G75 93 another false deflowering.

G75 94 Now Joseph the tease goes to prison. But he comes out again. G75 95 Potiphar likes him and puts him in charge, the jailor likes him and G75 96 puts him in charge. Pretty young man makes good, pleases the G75 97 bosses, gets the job, God makes his hand prosper in all things and G75 98 he is also unfailingly respectful to his superiors .... No doubt G75 99 with all sincerity, unlike the tale of the rabbi who insisted on G75 100 saying the Sabbath prayer for the ruler with great ardor, G75 101 explaining that one should always wish long life to the czar, since G75 102 the next one was sure to be worse ...

G75 103 Finally Pharaoh likes him very well and puts him in charge of G75 104 the kingdom.

G75 105 So the outsider/insider Joseph becomes Prime Minister, and not G75 106 for the last time. He obtains this position of power and influence G75 107 despite his background, and over the protests of certain G75 108 well-placed gentlemen who argue that if you let one of them in G75 109 you'll be drowned in a sea of them before you turn around. An G75 110 accurate assessment, as it eventuates; but the truth is that Joseph G75 111 has efficiency and integrity in his favor. Nobody catches him with G75 112 his hand in the till. Moreover, consider his impressive capacity G75 113 for assimilation: he has excellent manners, dresses well if a bit G75 114 austerely, marries his old employer's daughter (Potiphar's G75 115 daughter! so much for Potiphar's wife, that old she-bear). You G75 116 would never take him for one of ... well, you know what I'm talking G75 117 about ... if it were not for the slight accent, which many of the G75 118 ladies in any case consider superlatively charming. Above all is G75 119 his brilliance in an area people really care about. Dreams. What G75 120 does my dream mean? What does my life mean? What will happen next? G75 121 Oh, you'll be promoted. Oh, you'll be hanged. Oh, your kingdom will G75 122 have seven fat years followed by seven years of famine so it would G75 123 be a good idea for you to put someone competent in charge of the G75 124 granaries. Who do you suppose that should be. No, don't thank me, G75 125 thank the Holy One who lets me know these things, explains Joseph G75 126 modestly.

G75 127 Finally the day arrives for which we have all been waiting. G75 128 Joseph's brothers come down to Egypt during the famine. They are G75 129 here to buy grain. Everyone at home is on the verge of starvation. G75 130 The officials send them with all the other petitioners to make G75 131 their request of the Prime Minister, sitting in all his magisterial G75 132 robes. Do they recognize this Prime Minister? No. Does he recognize G75 133 them? What do you think. Does he tease them? What do you think. G75 134 Torment them? What do you think. Heap grain on them, feast them, G75 135 refuse to take their money, accuse them of theft, refuse to release G75 136 them unless they bring their youngest brother Benjamin to court - G75 137 while the old father at home laments that if he loses Benjamin, G75 138 Rachel's only other son, it will bring down his gray hairs with G75 139 sorrow to the grave - and when Joseph sees the boy Benjamin does he G75 140 hide himself in an antechamber to weep? What do you think. In the G75 141 end he reveals himself, and joyously restores the family unity. And G75 142 morally as well as materially generous? The brothers are feeling G75 143 guilty, and understandably anxious about Joseph's possible future G75 144 behavior. So Joseph reassures them: you thought you were doing me G75 145 harm, but you see it was all God's plan. By this time the family is G75 146 greatly expanded, so full of begats that "all the souls G75 147 that came out of the loins of Jacob were seventy souls," G75 148 not to mention wives and servants, all of whom will now live G75 149 happily ever after.

G75 150 I have a family, you have a family. Some of our G75 151 brothers are princes, some not so princely. And the children? G75 152 They're well, they're in good health, they graduated college G75 153 already, they're getting married? To have children is a blessing, G75 154 sometimes not such a blessing. Vey iz mir, God G75 155 willing, we should all be so lucky as Jacob, such a good son he G75 156 had, such a smart boychik.

G75 157 Nonetheless the coat of many colors materializes at the moment G75 158 of loss. A symbol of something else. A symbol of symbolism. G75 159 The material object evoking the maternal subject: matter for pride G75 160 and arrogance on the part of the innocent showoff child, matter for G75 161 the mutter on the part of his jealous brothers, patchwork of G75 162 Israel's sensuous love for Rachel-Joseph, fabric for another kind G75 163 of story, a new velvet moment.

G75 164 Good-bye, good-bye to the family; when one adaptable brother G75 165 can leave the backwoods - but we do not know they are the backwoods G75 166 until he leaves, we thought 'home' was the world - for the big G75 167 city, where he will become rich and powerful. Where his family will G75 168 become his pathetic dependents and he their magnanimous protector. G75 169 Does the mysterious bond of the family fail? No, but we see now G75 170 that it might fail, it is susceptible to failure, the advent of the G75 171 individual such as Joseph destroys the powerful biological balance G75 172 of the mythic family. In the successions of brothers, Cain and Abel G75 173 are bonded forever, Abraham and Lot are balanced, Isaac and Ishmael G75 174 are balanced, Jacob and Esau are balanced - although one in each G75 175 pair is the chosen link in God's chain, the brothers remain G75 176 inhabitants of a shared world. But in the generation of Joseph and G75 177 his brothers the filial bond becomes a matter of human choice. The G75 178 brothers choose to reject it. Joseph chooses to restore it.

G75 179 (Please feel free to use my limousine, boys. I'll send my G75 180 tailor over in the morning. Charge it on my card. Listen, here's G75 181 the key to the liquor cabinet. Just don't worry about a thing - G75 182 you'll be looked after, your children also. What can be more G75 183 precious to a man than his family. He unbends, he chokes back the G75 184 tears, he embraces them. At the moment of intimacy he weeps G75 185 unreservedly.)

G75 186 The biological family belongs to dream-time and myth-space. The G75 187 brothers, acting on personal resentment, break the magic circle. G75 188 Joseph is ejected out of dream-time into the practical world of a G75 189 complex society. A class structure. A wealthy household, keeping G75 190 the books and overseeing the estate, sexual novelty surrounding him G75 191 (which he rejects, but it must be educational), jail, the pharaonic G75 192 court, political maneuvering, imperial economic policy. Clean as a G75 193 whistle, pure as a lily, smelling like a desert rose, Joseph rises G75 194 like a cork - from foreign slave to headman in three easy lessons. G75 195 Nothing succeeds like success. But the secret of his success is G75 196 that Joseph brings with him a piece of dream-time. G75 197